ar^^ 
 
 by 
 
 WiD 
 
 ^LPHONSO -A -Hopkins, Ph. Q
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 YMER'SOLD BOOKSTORE 
 
 n CIDCT AUCklllC 
 
 OCMTTI r iiiaiMi
 
 WEALTH AND WASTE 
 
 THE PRINCIPLES OF 
 
 Political Economy 
 
 IN THEIR APPLICATION TO THE 
 
 PRESENT PROBLEMS OF LABOR, LAW, 
 AND THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC 
 
 BY 
 
 ALPHONSO A. HOPKINS, Ph.D. 
 
 Professor of Political Economy in the American 
 Temperance University 
 
 Of all wastes, the greatest waste that you can commit is the waste of 
 labor. . . . 
 
 The first necessity of social life is the clearness of national conscience in 
 enforcing the law that he should keep who has justly earned.— JOHN Ruskin 
 
 [Printed in ike United States. "] 
 
 FUNK & WAGNALLS COMPANY 
 
 London and Toronto 
 
 189s
 
 Copyright, 1895, by 
 FUNK AND WAGNALLS COMPANY. 
 
 Registered at Stationer's Hall, London, England,
 
 KB 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 Introductory, x 
 
 I.— Political Economy Defined and Applied, . . . i 
 Dictionary Definitions — As Defined by Economists — 
 Whether Abstract or Applied— Source and Object— Nat- 
 ural and Divine Law — Final Definition Analyzed— Der- 
 ivation and Reference — Ethics and Economy— Economy 
 and Prohibition — Economy and the State — Alcoholics 
 and the State — Our Limitations — Divisions of the Sub- 
 ject, 
 
 n.— Want and Production, 9 
 
 Natural and Unnatural Want — Want and Natural Law- 
 Power of False Wants — Want and Labor — A Cause of 
 Hard Times — Prime Natural Wants— Development of 
 Natural Wants — Varied Forms of Production— Effects of 
 Civilization — Increased Wants of Civilization — Want and 
 Work— Labor Classified— Labor and Wealth— Labor and 
 the Liquor Traffic. 
 
 III.— Character of Labor and Production, . . .18 
 Labor's Purpose and Product— Unreproductive Quality 
 —The Perfume-Bottle— The Brandy-Bottle— Immediate 
 and Ultimate Production— The True Productive Quality 
 — Unproductive and Reproductive Labor — Consuming 
 Classes— Non- Productive Classes— Unproductive Classes 
 Contrasted — Self -Supporting Non-Productive Labor— 
 The Player and the Composer— Manual Labor and Mind 
 Labor. 
 
 IV. — Labor and the Laborer 27 
 
 Definition of Labor— Labor and Sales— Painter and Por- 
 trait—Labor Further Defined— Player and Instrument— 
 
 15;<i'1848
 
 iv CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 Productive Labor — Inspirations to Labor — Creation of 
 Utilities — Utilities and Wealth — Requisites of Production 
 — Environment of Labor — Sobriety and Intelligence — 
 Fundamental Economic Qualities — The Laborer's Char- 
 acter and Conditions— The Laborer's Foe. 
 
 V. — The Creation of Wealth, 38 
 
 Definitions of Wealth — Personal Wealth — Material 
 Wealth — Natural Agents — Required for a Coat — The 
 Poet to the Artisans— Natural Wealth — Wealth in the 
 Mine — Partnership of Labor and Capital — Machinery and 
 Production— The Machine and the Man — Intelligence 
 and Wealth. 
 
 VI. — National and Individual Wealth 46 
 
 Individual Wealth — National Wealth — How it Comes — 
 Millionaire and Mortgage — Division by the Astors — How 
 Industry is Affected — The Relation of Industries — Natu- 
 ral Industries — An Unnatural Industry — Its Unhappy 
 Effects — Four Years of Famine — An Industrial Parasite — 
 A Threefold Law — Mutualities in Commerce — A Fungus 
 upon Industry. 
 
 VII. — The Distribution of Wealth 54 
 
 Problem of Distribution — The Distributing Agent — Labor 
 and Capital — How Capital Comes — Law of Capital and 
 Labor — The Mercury of Manufacture — Standard of Com- 
 fort — Employment of Capital — Proceeds to Labor — 
 Labor's Pay from Liquor — Labor's Loss from Liquor — 
 The Foe of Labor and Economy — Better Distribution 
 Through Capital — Larger Demand for Labor — Greater 
 Home Comforts. 
 
 VIII. — Wage-Earners and Wasters 62 
 
 Wages and Waste — Cost of the Family — The Massachu- 
 setts Margin — Where the Margin Goes — The Drinker's 
 Yearly Average — Two Workingmen's Wages — Cost of 
 Beer and Tobacco — The Gross Amount — Industry and 
 Economy — Capital and Wages.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 IX. — Character and Effects of Consumption, . . . 71 
 Consumption Imperative — Reproductive Consumption — 
 Unproductive Consumption — The Reproductive Line — 
 Where the Line Breaks — Song of the Beer-Barrel — No 
 Nutriment in Beer — A Pint of Ale Analyzed — Results of 
 Beer-Drinking— Effects on Human Life — Commerce a 
 Mutual Benefit — Attitude of Economy. 
 
 X. — Reproductive Consumption and "Wealth, . . .81 
 
 Consumption and Capital — Congress on Economy — 
 Wages and the Wage-Earner — An English Artisan's 
 Demands — Labor Sober or Sodden — Wages and Wants — 
 National Consumption — Capital and Wages — Liquor and 
 its Laborers — Other Servants of Capital — Consumption 
 of Raw Materials — Additional Laborers Possible. 
 
 XL — Waste of Labor and Product 90 
 
 Waste in Production — Fixed Capital and Waste — Fixed 
 Charges and Profits — Sobriety and Production — Capital's 
 Productive Power — Saloons and Capital — Capital's De- 
 creasing Margins — Capital and Skill — Waste of Produc- 
 tion — Waste of Products — Waste by Burning — Waste by 
 Drinking — Waste of Labor — Waste of Wages— Produc- 
 tion's Total Waste. 
 
 XII. — Waste of Time and Life 98 
 
 Wider Field of Waste — Waste of Productive Time — 
 Time of Producing Laborers — Time of Drunkards and 
 Paupers — Time of the Defectives — Time of Liquor 
 Laborers — Productive Life Wasted— Standard of Pro- 
 ductive Life — Years of Life Discounted — Annual Aggre- 
 gate of Loss — Through Premature Deaths — Cost of a Boy 
 — Lost Capital in Manhood — Cash Value of a Man — Los- 
 ing Human Investments. 
 
 XIII. — Waste in Care and Support, 106 
 
 Still a Wider Field — Care of Paupers — Cost of Almshouses 
 — Cost of Incapables and Asylums — Cost of Criminals — 
 Courts and Constabulary — Consumers of Wealth — The
 
 vi CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 Cause of Crime — Official Testimony — Municipal Statistics 
 — Percentage from the Saloons — Net Charge to the 
 Liquor Traffic — Recapitulation of Loss. 
 
 XIV. — Relation of Authority and the Individual, , .115 
 A Selfish Relation— The Motive of Production— The Sov- 
 ereign Element — Authority the State — Life and Revenue 
 — Political Economy's Ideal — General-Betterment Law — 
 Mill on the Roman Empire — Decadence under Turkish 
 Rule — The Citizen Unit of Government — Human Soli- 
 darity — Advantages and Price of Citizenship — Man in the 
 Mass — The Other Man — Moral Rights and Legal Limita- 
 tions. 
 
 XV. — Sovereign Relation of Authority, .... 124 
 
 Governmental Mastership — Society and Trade — Legiti- 
 mate Liberty — Government and the Individual — Mill and 
 the Liquor Traffic— Need of the State— The State the 
 Sovereign — The State's Attitude — Genesis of License — 
 Power of Restraint — Prohibition in History — Scotch 
 Women Brewers — Early Features of Regulation — Regu- 
 lation for Revenue — Early High License — The Logic of 
 License — The Function of Government. 
 
 XVI. — The Nature of License 133 
 
 The Sovereign Relation Essential — Submission by the 
 Liquor Traffic — Authority to Restrain — Source of Au- 
 thority — License Defined — The Grant of Authority — We 
 the People — Permission and Restraint — Prohibition An- 
 terior to License — No Right in the Citizen — No Legisla- 
 tive Right — The Court on the Traffic — Judiciary on Pro- 
 hibition — The Prohibition Principle — Prohibition versus 
 License — License Unconstitutional — Groundwork of 
 Government — Constitutional Declarations — Aim and Ob- 
 ject of Government — License Properly Entitled. 
 
 XVII. — Duty of Authority, 143 
 
 The Interests Involved — Financial — The Income Side — 
 Support for the State — Taxation Defined— Return for the
 
 CONTENTS. vii 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 Tribute— i\Iill on Taxation— Immoral Sources of Taxa- 
 tion — The Regulation Claim — License Considered as a 
 Tax— The Revenue Magnified— Who Pays the Tax— The 
 Liquor Traffic Differentiated — License versus Tax — Tax- 
 ing or Licensing Crime — The Ultimate Logic — Revenue 
 from the Traffic — Direct and Indirect Taxation — Tax- 
 Paying Liquor- Dealers — Annual Receipts from the 
 Traffic. 
 
 XVIII. — Authority's Duty Further Considered, . . 153 
 Authority and Regulation— The Claims for High License 
 — From the Revenue Side — Regulative Claims Consid- 
 ered — High License in Iowa — High License in Missouri 
 — The Volume of Drink— Effects Under High License — 
 Facts in Comparison — Assessed Valuation of Property 
 —Further Facts Compared — High License in Illinois — 
 High License in Other States— Character of the Traffic 
 — Comparison of Arrests — Authority and High License — 
 Recovering the Bonus — Philosophy, Human Nature, and 
 Fact— Breeding Contempt for Law— A Wisconsin Illus- 
 tration. 
 
 XIX.— Harmony of Moral and Political Forces, . . 164 
 Moral Interests Involved— Society and its Forces — Organ- 
 ized Moral Forces— The Home— The School— The Church 
 — Supreme Function of Citizenship— Organized Political 
 Forces— Test of a Law or Policy— The Saloon and Moral 
 Forces— Contrasted Homes— Drink in Home and Neigh- 
 borhood—What the Drinker Buys— Drink and Childhood 
 — Saloon and School— Compulsory Temperance Educa- 
 tion—The Saloon and the Church— Church Testimonies 
 — A Cloud of Witnesses. 
 
 XX. — Local Option Analyzed, I75 
 
 An Old Economic Law— Early Local Suppression— Land- 
 lord Suppression — Logic of Local Option — Wrong in the 
 Sale— A Moral Standard for the State— The Unit of Sov- 
 ereignty — Right of Majorities — Centers of Immoral Sen- 
 timent — What Local Option Does — Effects of Local 
 Option— Men and Methods Contrasted— The New Squat-
 
 viii CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 ter Sovereignty — Lincoln and Douglas — Supply and De- 
 mand — Hothouse Liquor Sentiment — Song of the De- 
 canter. 
 
 XXL — Demoralization by the Saloon, .... i86 
 
 Political Interests Involved — Existing Governmental 
 Conditions — Effects of the License System — Demoraliza- 
 tion of Conscience — Productive Citizenship — Harmoniza- 
 tion of Forces — Inside the Saloon — Outside the Saloon — 
 The Man Outside — In Michigan — In Texas — A Senator 
 on the Saloon — Tennessee Convicts' Petition — Demorali- 
 zation of the Press — General Palmer's Testimony — An- 
 other Witness — Demoralization of Manhood — The Trib- 
 une Testifies — Regulation versus Perpetuation — A Logi- 
 cal Indictment. 
 
 XXII. — Disloyalty of the Liquor Traffic, . . . 196 
 
 A Loyal Duty — Loyalty Defined — Defiance of Law — 
 Proof of Disloyalty — As to the Sunday Law — Rebellion 
 Against Law — Drink and Strikes — Former Effects of 
 Strikes — The New Unionism — Inspiration of Strikes — Co- 
 operation and Strikes — Beer at Buffalo — Wages and 
 Drink at Homestead — Tramps on Communism — Anarch- 
 ism and Beer — Saloons and Anarchists — The Cost of 
 Strikes — Political Power in our Cities — Lawlessness — 
 Phillips on City Rule — Danger to the Republic — City Re- 
 form Club's Testimony. 
 
 XXIII. — Need and Effects of Prohibition, . , . 207 
 
 Moral and Political Forces — City Control of the State- 
 Uniformity of Law — Some Governing Principle — Morals 
 and Law — Law a Moral Agent — Law and Popular 
 Morality — Educational Power of Law— The Law Our 
 Schoolmaster— Prohibition's Effects Limited— The Vari- 
 able Policy — Permanent Policy Essential — Permanent 
 Prohibition of Slavery — Constitutional Prohibition — 
 Its Effects in Kansas — Iowa's Testimony — Prohibition 
 in England— Town-Building on the Basis of Prohibition.
 
 CONTENTS. ix 
 
 CHAPTER PAGE 
 
 XXIV. — Political Ways and Means, 217 
 
 Moral Reforms and Political Forces — How Reform is 
 Made a Fact — Relation of Politics — Politics and Moral 
 Questions — Political Party Defined— Basis and Purpose 
 of a Party — What are Political Issues — Kinds of Issues — 
 Principle and Its Application — How Issues are Presented 
 — The Issue of Polygamy — National Policy Needed — 
 The Issue of Prohibition — Policy and Platform — Su- 
 preme Issue and Compromise — The Tariff and Compro- 
 mise — Blaine on the Tariff — Principle and Expediency — 
 Progress of the World — Applied Political Economy. 
 
 XXV. — Citizenship and Its Duties, 227 
 
 The Sole Harmonizing Agent — The One Place to Har- 
 monize — Focal Point of Political Power — The Ballot's 
 Character — Ballots of Conscience — Garfield on the Suf- 
 frage — Defrauding the Suffrage — Saloon Sources of Fraud 
 — Market-Place of Suffrage — The Poor Voter on Election 
 Day — Whittier Revised — Loyalty of the Ballot — Party 
 and the Ballot — Equatorial Party Lines — Contributions 
 to the Commonwealth — Tribute to God and Government.
 
 Civilization is the economy of Power. — Baron Liebig. 
 
 All Anarchy is the forerunner of Poverty, and all Prosperity 
 begins in Obedience.— y<?//!« Ruskin.
 
 INTRODUCTORY. 
 
 After many years of business and platform activities, 
 during which I studied with special care those questions 
 treated of in the following pages, I consented to serve the 
 American Temperance University in the Chair of Political 
 Economy and National Prohibition. I so consented, be- 
 cause of my profound belief that no more important branch 
 of study is open to American youth; because I hold that 
 Political Economy is related to Prohibition in the closest 
 and most vital degree, and that the vital relation of both 
 to government, and the perpetuity of government, should 
 be carefully studied and thoroughly understood by those 
 who go out from the higher schools of learning to take 
 place and wield power in the work and progress of the 
 world. 
 
 This book is the result of my direct preparation for the 
 educational task which I thus attempted. My aim has 
 been to present the subject-matter of it in such form as 
 might both adapt it to popular perusal and make it of 
 service, if desired, as a text-book for school use. The 
 typographical style and sub-topical arrangement have been 
 adopted with a twofold intention of directing the general 
 reader's thought to, and fastening it upon, special defini- 
 tions, propositions, and terms, and of similarly assisting 
 both student and teacher, in and outside of the class-room, 
 to their mutual profit and advantage. 
 
 It is the purpose of this book to carry on to their logical
 
 xii IN TROD UCTOR Y. 
 
 application the accepted utterances of standard econo- 
 mists, rather than to formulate any new theories of econ- 
 omy or of civics. Its treatment of politics, where touched 
 upon, is intended to be philosophical and patriotic, in- 
 stead of partizan. 
 
 The Temperance Reform is more than a matter of senti- 
 ment, or a question of partizanship; it is rooted in some 
 of the deepest and most abiding principles of natural, 
 physical, moral, political, and economic law. With a 
 sincere wish clearly and fairly to demonstrate what these 
 principles are, how they relate to the individual, and 
 how government may and must be affected by them, I 
 now invite your thoughtful consideration, with me, of the 
 comprehensive and intensely practical subject before us.
 
 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY DEFINED AND APPLIED. 
 
 Searching for definitions, let us turn first to the dic- 
 tionary, and in Webster's we shall find: 
 
 dictionary ''''Political Economy — that branch of phil- 
 
 DEFiNiTiONS. osophy which discusses the sources and meth- 
 ods of material wealth and prosperity in a nation." 
 
 This definition, aiming at breadth and brevity, lacks 
 explicitness. If sufficiently inclusive, it is too general. 
 
 The new Standard Dictionary thus defines the term: 
 
 " Political Economy— \}cv& branch of civics that treats of the nature of 
 wealth and the laws of its production and distribution, including all 
 the causes of prosperity and the reverse. It discusses labor, wages, 
 population, capital, money, rent, value, trade, and the relation of gov- 
 ernment to industry and economic conditions." 
 
 This definition, while broader and stronger than the 
 other, is also more specific. 
 
 Dr. John M. Gregory, in his work on " Political Econ- 
 omy," gives one of the best and broadest definitions offered 
 by economists, in these words: 
 
 " Political Economy is the science of the industries. Its aim is to 
 investigate and explain the nature, relations, and laws of these three 
 constant factors and elements of the industries — human wants, work, 
 and wealth." 
 I
 
 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Professor Arthur Latham Perry, of Williams College, 
 one of our most authoritative political economists, with 
 more brevity and less breadth has declared: 
 
 " It is the science of exchanges" ; and has gone on 
 to assert that " Political Economy has to do with men as 
 buyers and sellers only"; still further declaring, on an- 
 other page, that — 
 
 " Political Economy has to do with processes simply as 
 these are related to sales." 
 AS DEFINED BY Grant that Perry's limitations are proper, 
 
 ECONOMISTS. 3nd we might as well accept in its narrowness 
 a definition which once fell under my notice in a news- 
 paper: 
 
 "Political Economy, the science of selfish interest." 
 
 Dr. Hargreaves has given us a better rendering than 
 Professor Perry, in his " Wasted Resources" : 
 
 " Political Economy, as a science, may be said to embrace the proper 
 administration of the revenue of a nation, the management and regula- 
 tion of its resources, labor, productions, and property, and the means 
 by which the labor and the property of its citizens are protected and 
 directed, as well as the best means of securing the success of each indi- 
 vidual's industry and enterprise, and general national prosperity." 
 
 As a definer, I like Hargreaves better than Perry; he is 
 broader, and more patriotic. You should fix his definition 
 in your memory; we may have occasion to refer to or 
 amplify certain parts of it farther on. 
 
 A multitude of definitions have been given by writers 
 
 on philosophy and science; and it becomes rather difficult 
 
 WHETHER ^° select the most accurate and satisfactory, 
 
 ABSTRACT OR or to Settle in one's own mind, after long pon- 
 APPLiED. (jering them all, what are the precise limits 
 of the science which they define, or whether indeed it be a 
 science.
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY DEFINED AND APPLIED. 3 
 
 Conceding it to be essentially an abstract science, as 
 John Stuart Mill declares it, the question arises: 
 
 " How shall it be applied ?" or, " How widely may we 
 apply it?" 
 
 If it has only become a science by becoming " a science 
 of observation," as M. J. B. Say asserts, by what rules of 
 observation are we to approach and master it ? 
 
 If it has to do principally with laws laid down by the 
 legislator, and not of nature, as De Laveleye affirms, is it 
 not quite the opposite of abstract, and has it not the most 
 concrete political application ? 
 
 "Political Economy," says Droz, "is a science whose 
 object is to make comfort as general as possible." 
 
 Being such, I am sure it must be founded on certain 
 natural laws which condition comfort and make that pos- 
 sible. 
 
 The law of the legislator is for society — the State. As 
 
 I see it. Political Economy has its tap-root in the 
 
 SOURCE foundation of society, in the unit of the 
 
 AND OBJECT. State— in the individual life ; and that 
 rests, first and finally, on natural law. 
 
 Bossuet, speaking of politics, says "its true end is to 
 make life easy and nations happy"; and De Laveleye 
 supplements the remark by adding that " such is also the 
 aim of Political Economy," But there surely are natural 
 laws and divine laws upon which national happiness and 
 well-being rest, and politics, political economy, can only 
 secure the high end sought by bringing the law of the 
 legislator into harmony therewith. 
 
 It has been well declared from the pulpit by Rev. Dr. 
 C. H. Parkhurst (New York, Nov. 4, 1894), that the 
 (Ten) " Commandments make out the biggest half of any 
 system of political economy that has vigor enough to 
 hold its own and win its way."
 
 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 The law of the legislator must rest on certain 
 divine and natural laws of human relation. 
 
 NATURAL With this thought in mind, and as reflect- 
 
 AND DIVINE LAW. j^g jf jj^ f^jr measure, I present one more 
 definition, and one which, though very simple, has in it 
 comprehensive breadth, and outreach, and force — one 
 which, together with that of Dr. Hargreaves, before 
 quoted, would form sufficient basis for a whole system 
 of politico-economic laws. This final definition says 
 that Political Economy is " the science which determines 
 what laws men ought to adopt in order that they may, 
 with the least possible exertion, procure the greatest 
 abundance of things useful for the satisfaction of their 
 wants; may distribute them justly, and consume them 
 FINAL rationally." 
 
 DEFINITION Note carefully in this definition what things 
 
 ANALYZED. • , • ■, 
 
 are nnplied, viz: 
 
 {(i) A science, that determines, fixes, something of 
 great moment in the relations of men. 
 
 (/^) Laws, determined by this science, adopted by men, 
 in harmony with laws natural and divine, to secure certain 
 important ends. 
 
 (f) Labor, a recognized necessity, to be minimized by 
 results of Law, whereby "the least possible exertion" will 
 yield the largest possible returns. 
 
 {it) Want, and the satisfaction of want with ^^ things 
 useful," as the inspiration of work. 
 
 {e) Distribution, of abundance — in other words, the 
 equitable allotment of wealth. 
 
 (/) Consumption, use, of whatever is distributed, 
 earned, obtained, produced, in a rational and beneficent 
 way. 
 
 Within the range of these things, implied by this defini- 
 tion, our study of Political Economy may fairly lie. In-
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY DEFINED AND APPLIED. 5 
 
 deed the original derivation of the term anticipates and 
 justifies this definition. It was first used by that old 
 
 DERIVATION philosopher, Aristotle, and came of three 
 AND REFERENCE. Greek words : Oikos, house ; 7io7nos, law ; and 
 polis, city or State. 
 
 It has direct reference, therefore, to individual property, 
 in its natural and lawful relation to society and the State; 
 to the methods and conditions under which property must 
 be acquired, and maintained, and used ; to the wise use 
 and administration of property, in its relation to the gen- 
 eral good. 
 
 And as all property is the product of individual life, 
 conditioned by society and the State, I repeat that Polit- 
 ical Economy has the closest possible relation to 
 individual life and natural law. 
 
 Moreover, if it be a fact, as De Laveleye affirms, that 
 "in ethics you find the true root of economic laws," and 
 that " the end of ethics, the good, and the end of Political 
 Economy, the useful, are inseparable," then the relation 
 
 ETHICS AND of Political Economy to individual life is 
 ECONOMY. plainly as intimate as is the relation of either 
 to the State. For as De Laveleye well says: 
 
 " Ethics enjoins moderation in our needs, energy and 
 conscientiousness incur work, fidelity to our engagements, 
 thrift and prudence in the use of our income, and regard 
 for justice in our relations with one another. 
 
 "There is not one of these laws," he continues, "that 
 is not an essential rule in economy. Energy in labor in- 
 sures abundant production; respect for justice, a fair dis- 
 tribution; respect for engagements, abundant credit; the 
 spirit of thrift leads to the creation of capital, and the 
 moderation of desires to a good use of time and property." 
 
 By such legitimate and logical steps we come to our 
 study of Political Economy, from a distinctively and
 
 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 radically temperance standpoint; we deliberately link to- 
 gether, for closely related inquiry, two topics which have 
 ECONOMY AND been studied in common far too little, and 
 
 PROHIBITION, ill Quj. higher halls of learning scarcely at 
 all — Political Economy, and National Prohibition of 
 the Liquor Traffic. 
 
 What the one is, we have seen in this introductory out- 
 line, as you may gaze upon a distant mountain chain, catch- 
 ing far glimpses of its important peaks; why the other 
 should be, we may see, by and by, more clearly than is 
 possible until Political Economy has been further revealed 
 to us. Not much need be said about Prohibition, in this 
 outline, definitive lesson, which barely brings us to the 
 threshold of our subject, or the foothills of our mountain- 
 chain. 
 
 It has been a source of growing wonder to me, for sev- 
 eral years, that economists give little or no heed, in all 
 their text-books and elaborate treatises, to the drinking 
 habits of the people, as relating to production and con- 
 sumption, and to the laws which concern the Drink 
 Traffic. Scan the literature of Political Economy with 
 watchful care, and rarely will you find an allusion to the 
 drink habit as an important factor in the problems of 
 natural and political law. Yet if, as the greatest French 
 writer on economic science has said, " Political Economy 
 and law underlie one another," it follows, beyond question, 
 that whenenever any element or influence enters life 
 and the State to paralyze energy, to decrease pro- 
 duction, to render distribution unfair, to impair 
 ECONOMY credit, to pervert desire, to banish the 
 AND THE STATE, gpij-it of thrift, and to destroy capital, 
 Political Economy should find some law to elimi- 
 nate that element or influence, and to protect life 
 and the State from its baleful effects.
 
 POLITICAL ECONOMY DEFIXED AXD APPLIED. 7 
 
 No one, it seems to me, will deny this proposition, un- 
 less he have more interest in or regard for such paralyzing, 
 damaging, destroying element, or agency, than he has 
 concern for the State, regard for humanity, and respect 
 for himself. 
 
 We hold alcoholics, the liquor traffic, to be precisely 
 such an element or influence as indicated, — paralyzing, 
 
 ALCOHOLICS damaging, destroying; and we claim that 
 AND THE STATE. Political Economy, to insure the well-being 
 of man and the prosperity of the commonwealth, must 
 urge its abolition by and through and because of some 
 underlying law. We hold National Prohibition to be 
 that law, — the only law that logically meets the case, — 
 the only law that is closely in correlation with the 
 natural laws of human life and social relation, — the only 
 law, concerning the liquor traffic, that can stand the 
 tests of applied Political Economy. 
 
 Boil down all the definitions that have been quoted, or 
 that can be found, and admit, assert, that Political Econ- 
 omy is the Science of Selfishness, and still that science 
 will demand the total Prohibition of the liquor traffic. 
 Rid that science of every moral consideration, strip it of 
 all sentiment, and make it as cold as a proposition in 
 calculus, and still it will ban the liquor traffic from any 
 status of deserved recognition by law. Under the law, 
 that traffic must be banished, or Political Economy- 
 is not a science, but a sham: its principles are false 
 and their pretended application a fraud. 
 
 We shall not be able, in our study, to take up the de- 
 tails of this science as minutely as these are presented in 
 OUR some of the college text-books. We may 
 
 LIMITATIONS, largely skip the consideration of values, and 
 money, and credit, and tariff, and taxation, as these are 
 generally discussed by the economists. We must con-
 
 8 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 sider much that these men have largely missed, or mis- 
 takenly omitted. We must apply, in a deeper and wider 
 way, some of the principles they have restricted: we may 
 search for some which they have never found or have 
 seldom confessed. 
 
 Let us go slowly, patiently, seeking step by step to see 
 our way clear, finding illustrations that may throw light 
 upon it, and so analyzing our subject, if possible, as to 
 render it both easy and interesting. 
 
 DIVISIONS It separates naturally into four distinct 
 
 OFTHE SUBJECT, ^nd important groups or grand divisions : 
 
 1. Production and Wealth. 
 
 2. Consumption and Waste. 
 
 3. The relations to these, and to the Liquor 
 
 Traffic, of Authority and Human Life. 
 
 4. The Duty of Authority toward the Liquor 
 
 Traffic, in view of these relations and 
 the momentous interests they involve. 
 Minor subdivisions will as naturally shape themselves, 
 and need not arbitrarily be made. 
 
 Production, the first part of the first grand division, 
 separates readily into — 
 {a) Want. 
 \b) Work. 
 Wealth, the second part, as readily is resolved into — 
 (r) Creation. 
 {d) Distribution. 
 In the order of such analysis, and with such further 
 analyses as may offer, we will proceed with our second 
 chapter. 
 
 It will treat particularly of Want.
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 WANT AND PRODUCTION. 
 
 "The science of economy," says one writer, "is based 
 on the notion of want." 
 
 Production is based on and inspired by the want itself. 
 
 Want is of two kinds; it is either 
 
 (a) Natural or normal, real and actual; or 
 
 {/>) Unnatural and abnormal, false or fictitious. 
 
 As production is essential to wealth, and as human life 
 and effort are essential to production, Political Economy 
 
 NATURAL demands that these shall be given the best 
 AND UNNATURAL possible advantage, and that, to yield a 
 ^^^'^- margin above Want's necessity, for the ac- 
 
 cumulation of wealth, want shall be normal and natural. 
 
 The gratification of a natural want, in a natural 
 way, ministers to life, and insures advantageous 
 production. 
 
 The development of unnatural wants may impair life, 
 disturb natural functions, and put production always 
 at a disadvantage. 
 
 WANT AND The gratification of a natural want must 
 
 NATURAL LAW. comc easily within the scope of natural law. 
 
 Any want which, when gratified, renders the per- 
 son less fit and able to work for the satisfaction of 
 other wants must be unnatural and false. 
 
 The desire, the craving, for food indicates a natural 
 want. Gratify, satisfy, that want, and strength is given 
 wherewith to earn more food, and to satisfy other wants. 
 To gratify that natural want of food, then, lies clearly 
 within the scope of natural law.
 
 10 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Real wants are the voice of nature, making her require- 
 ments known. False wants are the demand of habit or 
 the clamor of abnormal appetite. 
 
 The want of a man for his breakfast is a real want, and 
 the provision of breakfast meets one requirement of natural 
 law. The want of a man for his morning dram before 
 breakfast is a false and fictitious want, the satisfaction of 
 which violates natural law. 
 
 The hunger for bread is a natural hunger, and to satisfy 
 it meets a natural law. The hunger for opium is unnat- 
 ural, and to satisfy it must be dangerous, may be fatal. 
 
 Any want may be set down as unnatural when the de- 
 sire which it compels will not find full satisfaction short of 
 peril to life or health. 
 
 Every want is false that discounts health or im- 
 perils life to insure its gratification. 
 
 Yet false wants have the most real power over men. I 
 have known a man to go hungry for bread, and starve his 
 
 POWER OF family, that he might buy opium. I have 
 
 FALSE WANTS, known another man to shut himself in his 
 
 room of a Saturday night and drink two quarts of raw 
 
 whisky between that time and Monday morning, taking 
 
 no food whatever meanwhile. 
 
 Of what benefit to production could such men be, with 
 such wants gratified in such manner, through the indul- 
 gence of such habits? How could their wealth, or the 
 wealth of those about them, be increased by them in any 
 degree? 
 
 Between real want, the natural demand, and pro- 
 duction, the necessary supply, stands Labor, an im- 
 WANT perative necessity ; and every false want, 
 
 AND LABOR, -which detrimentally affects labor, in its 
 quality or its quantity, decreases production and checks 
 the accumulation of real wealth.
 
 WANT AND PRODUCTION. IT 
 
 Every want which, gratified, renders labor more or less 
 impossible, more or less paralyzes production, and annuls 
 a universal law. For labor is a prime natural condition — 
 the necessity for it rests, primarily, upon all. 
 
 "Whoso will not work, neither shall he eat, " said St. 
 Paul; and in that saying is a law no man can repeal. 
 
 "If one of my subjects does not labor," said once an 
 emperor of China, " there is some one in my country who 
 suffers from hunger and cold." 
 
 Hunger and cold come every year when hard times 
 come. What brings the hard times? Lack of labor; the 
 inability of men to produce; the multiplication of wants, 
 natural or unnatural, without a corresponding increase of 
 supply, or the continuance of wants when the supply is for 
 some reason greatly decreased. 
 
 Gratify and multiply those wants among men which 
 discount production by discounting their power to produce, 
 A CAUSE and the natural wants will go unsatisfied, 
 OF HARD TIMES, hard times will follow. Fifty thousand men 
 out of employment in Chicago means a curtailment of 
 production, the logical and inevitable result of which is 
 hunger and cold. And the natural, real wants of these 
 50,000 men will only be aggravated and increased by the 
 1 0,000 saloons of Chicago, which exist to create and stimu- 
 late unnatural wants and unfit men for production. 
 
 "Our children cry for bread!" was a conspicuous motto 
 on one of the banners borne one day through the streets 
 of Chicago by a procession of laboring men, another of 
 whose mottoes was: 
 
 "Bread or blood! 
 
 Yet on the same day the same men paid for beer over 
 $1,400! Enough to buy 28,000 loaves of bread: sufficient 
 to feed 30,000 children one day at least. 
 
 "If one of my subjects does not labor," said that old
 
 12 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 heathen Chinee, " there is some one in my country who 
 suffers from hunger and cold!" and there wasn't a saloon 
 then in his entire dominion! What would he say were he 
 living and ruling in this country to-day? 
 
 The great, prime, natural wants are for food, clothing, 
 and shelter. These can be magnified, exaggerated, de- 
 PRiME NATURAL vcloped, if you please, until in a sense they 
 WANTS. become unnatural, or at least abnormal ; yet 
 even then they need not necessarily, and will not inevit- 
 ably, work harm or interfere with production. They may 
 and they do stimulate production. They may and they 
 do lead to the accumulation of wealth. They become in 
 common esteem the indexes of wealth. 
 
 The natural hunger of man may be satisfied with the 
 coarsest food; but with the development of appetite, and 
 the refinement of taste, the finest may become almost a 
 necessity. The peasant may thrive on his oatmeal por- 
 ridge, and may covet nothing better, while the merchant 
 prince may crowd his table with delicacies unstinted: and 
 one might say that the educated, magnified wants of the 
 rich man are but abnormal developments of the poor man's 
 needs; but is not production stimulated by the multiplica- 
 tion, the development, of want in this way? 
 
 Suppose that all the people were peasants, and satisfied 
 with porridge ? How the labor of the agriculturist would 
 DEVELOPMENT OF be lessened! How the number of tradesmen 
 NATURAL WANTS, ^ould be reduced! How "the butcher, the 
 baker, the candlestick-maker" would find their occupa- 
 tions limited! How hard it would be to obtain supporting 
 employment for the growing millions of men! 
 
 The coarsest and cheapest clothing may furnish protec- 
 tion and even comfort for the body; and the peasant, the 
 poor man, may be satisfied with it, may find his natural 
 want amply met by it. He may insist that the desire of
 
 WANT AND PRODUCTION. 13 
 
 the rich man, and the rich man's family, for fine raiment, 
 like their desire for fine food, is exaggerated and unnat- 
 ural ; but what a wide range of productive labor is kept 
 in operation thereby! From the sheep-ranch and the silk- 
 worm's cocoon, to the tailor-shop and the modiste, that 
 labor can be seen, actively engaged, as the direct result 
 of the development into discriminative taste of a natural 
 want or necessity. 
 
 The peasant, the poor man, may find comfort in his 
 cabin, and his natural want or necessity may be met by 
 VARIED FORMS the shelter it affords. He may not envy the 
 OF PRODUCTION, rich man his palace; he may even condemn 
 it as a sign of extravagance, or complain of it as a 
 proof that wealth is distributed unequally; but how 
 varied are the forms of productive labor which the pal- 
 ace represents, as compared with the hut of the Hot- 
 tentot, or the " dugout" of the pioneer, — how manifold 
 the kinds of work that have entered into it, — what a rec- 
 ord it is, in wood, and brick, and stone, of the architect's 
 thought, the artisan's handicraft, the workingman's wages 
 — the genuine productiveness of labor — from cellar to 
 chimney-cap ! 
 
 From the forest to the carpenter's bench and the fur- 
 niture factory; from the bed of clay to the mortar-bed 
 and the bricklayer's trowel; from the quarry to the stone- 
 cutter's yard and the final, finished wall — that record is 
 written, and some proof of it you can find, if you search 
 for it, in many a humbler home made more comfortable 
 on account of the labor which went into the beauty of that 
 palace and its cost. 
 
 Civilization multiplies wants. Wealth inspires 
 EFFECTS OF wants. But so long as the wants multiplied 
 
 CIVILIZATION, and inspired do not impair, discount or 
 paralyze the work or the capacity for work necessary to
 
 14 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 meet these wants, they may be counted a blessing and 
 not a curse. 
 
 Franklin's quaint philosophy was not final. He phrased 
 it in verse more prosaic than poetical, on one page of 
 "Poor Richard's Almanac," in 1746, as follows: 
 
 " Man's rich with little, were his Judgment true, 
 Nature is frugal, and her Wants are few ; 
 Those few Wants answer'd, bring sincere Delights, 
 But Fools create themselves new Appetites. 
 Fancy and pride seek Things at vast Expense, 
 W'hich relish not to Reason nor to Sense. 
 Like Cats in Airpumps, to subsist we strive 
 On Joys too thin to keep the Soul alive." 
 
 As populations multiply, the means of support must in- 
 crease. As labor-saving implements are invented, newly 
 inspired wants become welcome. In other words, labor 
 in some form must keep even pace with the needs of 
 labor to maintain general thrift. 
 
 There is no danger that legitimate want will pauperize 
 the world. Of such want comes wealth. But it must 
 come according to natural laws. It must come of want 
 that breeds work. All other want is against nature, a hu- 
 man violation of the divine plan. 
 
 Wants cannot be too numerous, if they be healthy 
 and inspire healthy work. 
 
 " Man wants but little here below," sang the poet, gen- 
 erations gone by ; and some philosophers have insisted that 
 what the poet sang philosophy should teach. No political 
 economist believes this who properly studies the possibili- 
 
 INCREASED tiesof man and has faith in the world's prog- 
 
 WANTs OF ress. A Hottentot poet might sing it now, 
 CIVILIZATION. ^^^ j.j^g p^g^g ^f civilization have come to 
 
 see more widely and wisely. 
 
 In the Cave Age, the Stone Age, every man's wants
 
 WANT AND PRODUCTION. 15 
 
 were few and easily supplied. But then men were few, 
 and of small account. With our teeming millions to-day, 
 the whole situation is different. The fundamentals of 
 Political Economy were as much a fact in the Cave Age 
 of man as they are now, but the science had then little 
 need of application. There were buyers and sellers then, 
 perhaps, in their crude way, and exchanges of a sort were 
 no doubt recognized; and this being so. Professor Perry's 
 "science of exchanges" might well enough then have been 
 in a kind of preexistent state, and his present definitions 
 may have a certain ex post facto foundation. 
 
 We have come to the Age of Wants, and of wants that 
 are necessities — civilized wants, that call for civilized 
 work, and the skill, the genius, the capacity, of civiliza- 
 tion. 
 
 It is the Age of Work, as well as of want; the age, 
 
 let us confess it, when thousands want work who cannot 
 
 WANT obtain it, and are in bitter want because of 
 
 AND WORK, ^iiis; when other thousands do not want 
 work because unnatural wants have unfitted them for 
 work, and through their idleness have made heavier and 
 more burdensome the burdens of willing and capable 
 workers. 
 
 That old Chinese was right. If one man does not labor, 
 some other man must suffer from hunger and cold. Was 
 it because of this that he, or another in place of him, 
 3,000 years ago, by royal mandate, uprooted every vine- 
 yard in all China and punished the sale of intoxicating 
 liquor with beheading, by royal decree? Had he come to 
 see, so many centuries before the existence of a saloon, 
 that the fruit of the vine was the enemy of labor and in- 
 terfered with production's natural law? 
 
 Under that natural law each must produce for 
 each. Rousseau, the famous Frenchman, declared that
 
 I6 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 human " laws should be so framed that labor should be 
 always necessary and never useless." 
 
 Genuinely reproductive labor — which in China is made 
 a religious duty, if not indeed an act of devotion — is 
 everywhere a virtue; and, as De Laveleye puts it, " there 
 is not a virtue which does not lead to true wealth, nor a 
 vice which is not an obstacle to well-being." 
 
 Nearly all writers on economy classify labor merely as 
 
 productive and unproductive. A better classification, 
 
 LABOR it seems to me, would include also the 
 
 CLASSIFIED, word just used, and its opposite, and would 
 make Labor — 
 
 Productive, 
 Unproductive, 
 Reproductive, and 
 Unreproductive. 
 
 All labor must be counted worthless that is unproduc- 
 tive, or that does not care for or protect the processes or 
 fruits of production. But that which equally tells against 
 national thrift is labor not reproductive. 
 
 In other words, if the product of labor be not capable 
 
 of transformation, through further labor or actual use, 
 
 LABOR into some other product essentially valuable 
 
 AND WEALTH, ^ud nccessary, the labor employed on it was 
 not conducive to true wealth. Says Amasa Walker, in 
 his " Science of Wealth" : 
 
 "If labor expends itself on objects that do not stimulate 
 to further efforts, or serve as instruments to further pro- 
 duction, but rather debauch the energies and corrupt the 
 faculties, it is evident that reproduction will be lessened 
 and debased, and the whole course of labor will be down- 
 ward." 
 
 To nothing else can this language and the profound 
 truth of it apply so forcibly as to the liquor traffic.
 
 WANT AND PRODUCTION. 17 
 
 There is labor in this traffic, and an immense product 
 flows from it; but what of its reproductive capacity? It 
 LABOR AND THE has none. The greater the product the 
 LIQUOR TRAFFIC, more it does " debauch the energies and cor- 
 rupt the faculties," the more "reproduction is lessened 
 and debased," and the less likely are men to make labor 
 profitable and accumulate wealth. 
 
 Multiply this product as many fold as you will, and 
 you do not correspondingly multiply wealth; for, as De 
 Laveleye says, " things whose destruction improves the 
 condition of mankind cannot be true wealth." 
 
 "Commodities consumed by false wants," he further 
 asserts, " are false wealth. They are rightly called wealth, 
 for they are bought and sold for large sums. But they 
 are false wealth, for they are of no real good or use. 
 Often they are worse than useless — they are injurious; 
 worse than this, they are fatal." 
 
 A false want calls for alcoholic beverage; labor that is 
 not legitimately reproductive supplies it; it is consumed; 
 the consumer's energies are debauched, his faculties are 
 corrupted ; through him the course of labor sinks down- 
 ward; and for him, for his fellow men, and for society, 
 the production of which he shared was not in any sense a 
 means of wealth, but a minister of curses. 
 2
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 CHARACTER OF LABOR AND PRODUCTION. 
 
 Labor which produces what meets a real want must be 
 accepted as Productive Labor. Labor which does not 
 thus produce we must class as Unproductive, or Vnre- 
 productive. 
 
 Much labor is expended for the purpose of meeting 
 LABOR'S PURPOSE wants that are developed, abnormal, but 
 AND PRODUCT, evcn this labor may be productive. 
 
 Into the perfume that you bought the other day at the 
 drug-store went a considerable labor and a certain per- 
 centage of alcohol. The alcohol was a product of pre- 
 vious labor before it came under the perfumer's art. As 
 perfume, it is now another product and the fruit of pro- 
 ductive labor; but what is there about it reproductive? 
 Nothing. From time to time you sprinkle the perfume 
 on your handkerchief, and presently it has vanished. 
 There was in it no power for, no quality of, reproduction. 
 Its purpose served in one form, it cannot serve a further 
 purpose in the same or another form. If its production 
 meant any addition to wealth, so much wealth has been 
 wasted or dissipated. 
 
 Yet into the alcohol ; into the distillation of that perfume 
 which the alcohol absorbed and in turn breathed out for 
 you; into the stuff from which the alcohol was made; and 
 UNREPRODUCTivE into the growing of the roses or the violets 
 
 QUALITY. that furnished the precious drops of odor you 
 so freely and completely expended — into all these went la- 
 bor, and from it came a product — and forever disappeared. 
 
 You wanted the perfume. It was a real want, of the
 
 CHARACTER OF LABOR AND PRODUCTION. 19 
 
 developed, educated, refined sort. You did not want it 
 to quench thirst. You would not have used it for that 
 purpose. No false want of the appetite of that kind has 
 been created in you. But it was not a natural want 
 nevertheless. No harm came of gratifying that want 
 however, to you, or any one else. Some labor found em- 
 ployment because of it. It was productive labor, of the 
 unreproductive kind which brings no ill. 
 
 Remember that we are speaking now of the perfume 
 contained within that dainty cut-glass bottle you admired 
 THE PERFUME SO much and that you still possess. What 
 BOTTLE. about the bottle itself? 
 
 A product of labor, surely; of skilled labor. It was 
 made in a factory which labor built; it grew from a pile of 
 sand that labor transmuted. Out of the fiercest fires it 
 came, fed by coal which miners dug by the grimmest work 
 far underground. Its crystal pattern was cut by skilful 
 hands upon a grindstone which other hands labored to 
 procure and shape in quarries far away. Though the per- 
 fume has fled from it, there is the pretty bottle still, for 
 any future use you may see fit. It could be again melted 
 and remade into a sauce-dish, if the glassblower should 
 please. There is long use and possible reproduction in 
 that fruit of productive labor. 
 
 Suppose into that bottle, or another less elaborate, had 
 gone an alcoholic product of another sort — say, brandy. 
 
 THE BRANDY There would have been as much labor back 
 BOTTLE. of it as back of the perfume, perhaps. Then 
 suppose a young man had bought it, and had driAik it to 
 satisfy an abnormal thirst, to meet a false want. Suppose 
 the drinking had made him crazy drunk, and while in that 
 condition he had committed a crime. Back of his deed 
 would have been that productive labor — unreproductive as 
 to final good, but awfully productive of ill.
 
 20 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Thinking of labor in this way, and the products of it, 
 we may properly fix in mind two terms that will be of 
 service — 
 
 Immediate Production, 
 Ultimate Production. 
 Immediate production meets an immediate want. Its 
 ,«M^.T^,A^^r• product is dlrcct, visible. It comes of labor 
 
 IMMEDIATE ^ ' 
 
 AND ULTIMATE which directly produces something of im- 
 
 PRODUCTION. j^g^i^^g ^gg 
 
 Put two jackknives into the hands of two boys. One 
 uses his by the hour in aimless whittling, that yields only 
 shavings and litter — unproductive labor, you properly say; 
 the other makes a neat package of toothpicks in the same 
 time, or fashions bracket on which to place his books. 
 
 Set a man carrying brick all day back and forth across 
 the street. It is labor; and if you pay him well enough 
 for it there is a sense (later explained) in which he is not 
 an unproductive laborer, yet his labor is unproductive. 
 Set him at paving the street with the same brick, and his 
 labor becomes productive; it has in it, as had the brick- 
 maker's, ultimate, as well as immediate, production, and 
 of a useful sort. 
 
 Productive labor built Bunker Hill Monument, and if 
 reasonably well paid the laborers were not unproductive; 
 but there was no ultimate production, beyond some pos- 
 sible patriotic sentiment. Productive labor built the great 
 factory's tall chimney, and through that comes ultimate 
 production in whatever form of product the factory may 
 turn out. 
 
 Where the product of labor is not immediate, to 
 meet an immediate and legitimate want, the true 
 productive quality of labor must be determined by 
 ultimate production and what comes of that. 
 
 The alcohol which formed substantially all your per-
 
 CHARACTER OF LABOR AND PRODUCTION. 21 
 
 fume, in that handsome cut-glass bottle, came of labor 
 
 immediately productive; and the ultimate production, as 
 
 THE TRUE ^ perfume, wrought no ill. From the same 
 
 PRODUCTIVE alcohol, under different treatment, could 
 have been made the brandy I suggested, 
 from which, as the ultimate, might have come murder. 
 
 Productive labor reared the large and fine laboratory of 
 my friend, Alfred Wright, in Rochester, N. Y., whose per- 
 fumes have been so long and so widely known; productive 
 labor reared the great Bartholomay Brewery in the same 
 city, whose products are not less widely known. That is 
 to say, labor in one case produced a laboratory, and in 
 the other case a brewery — two buildings or sets of build- 
 ings for further productive purposes, in both of which 
 further labor should be employed, the ultimate production 
 of both to satisfy taste or appetite; the fruits of one to 
 yield delight or pleasure only, the fruits of the other to 
 harm all who partake of them, to breed want, inspire 
 wickedness, and consume wealth. 
 
 It has been said that all labor is ////productive which is 
 
 not in its product reproductive. In the ultimate that is 
 
 true. There is a very vital sense in which, 
 
 UNPRODUCTIVE ^ 
 
 AND however, unproductive labor may be pro- 
 
 REPRODucTiVE ductivc, and productive labor may be un- 
 
 LABOR, 
 
 productive. To understand clearly what 
 seems a paradox, you must think of labor in two lights — 
 Labor as of the individual; 
 Labor in the aggregate. 
 You must also regard the fruits of labor in a twofold 
 aspect — 
 
 As to the individual ; 
 As to the community. 
 T-abor as of the individual determines whether the in- 
 dividual man is productive or non-productive; whether
 
 22 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 he be a producer or a consumer. Labor in the aggre- 
 gate must show whether a class, a community, or an en- 
 tire people produce and care for more than they consume. 
 
 There are whole classes of men who rank as consumers 
 only. They labor, but they do not produce. It depends 
 
 CONSUMING on the fruit of their labor whether they be 
 CLASSES. 01- be not of the unproductive class. 
 
 Bear in mind two facts, viz., that, whether of the in- 
 dividual or in the aggregate, to be productive — 
 Labor must produce, or 
 Labor must care for production; 
 and that, whether labor produces or cares for production, 
 to be productive — 
 
 The laborer must produce, or must earn, more 
 than he consumes. 
 
 The man whose keeping costs society more than, through 
 productive work or wages, he contributes to society, is a 
 non-producer, whatever quality or character may pertain 
 to the fruit of his work. 
 
 No labor is, in its ultimate, of productive value to 
 society, the fruit of which begets a non-productive 
 class, a class of consumers whom society must support. 
 
 The laborer upon the farm who receives less in wages 
 as his share of the farm's production than he and his 
 family cost the community for their keeping, is non-pro- 
 ductive; he and they consume more than they contribute. 
 The laborer in the brewery who receives less in wages 
 than he and his family cost for their support is non-pro- 
 ductive in a far greater degree, for the fruit of his work 
 tends to build up a non-producing class. 
 NON-PRODUCTIVE Two distinctively non-producing classes, 
 CLASSES. in fact, are the direct result of productive or 
 non-productive labor in the brewery, the distillery, and 
 the saloon, — the drinking class, who through drink are
 
 CHARACTER OF LABOR AND PRODUCTION. 23 
 
 rendered unable to earn or to produce as much as they 
 consume; and the constabulary class, made necessary 
 to care for and control these, who are non-producers en- 
 tirely, and a burden to all the rest. 
 
 There are other non-producing classes — teachers, 
 preachers, doctors, lawyers, actors, etc. All of these 
 labor; none of them produce; all are consumers. With-, 
 out the producers all of them would starve. Yet some of 
 them care for production and are essential to it. 
 
 Teachers and preachers are a necessary aid to the 
 mental and moral development of mankind. Such de- 
 velopment is required for profitable production. Wealth 
 cannot be extensively created without it. Says Mr. 
 McDonell in his " Survey of Political Economy": 
 
 " Wherever there is a great store of wealth, there must be a people 
 living under moral restraint." 
 
 Says De Laveleye: 
 
 " Order, security, liberty, justice, above all that organization of re- 
 sponsibility which assures to the industrious the fruits of their labors,— 
 these are necessary conditions of the development of wealth." 
 
 To these the teachers, the preachers and the lawyers 
 
 largely contribute. Moral restraint among men is 
 
 UNPRODUCTIVE directly due to the inculcations of preachers 
 
 CLASSES and teachers; thrift is born of well-directed 
 
 CONTRASTED, intelligence, and is dependent on order, 
 
 security, liberty, justice. These non-producing classes 
 
 appear necessary to moral progress; and some one has 
 
 well said that — 
 
 " Moral progress always brings with it an increase of prosperity; but 
 material progress, unless accompanied by an equivalent progress in 
 morality, is always the forerunner of decline." 
 
 The progress of immorality, the existence of disorder, 
 the feeling and fact of insecurity, create, or make im-
 
 24 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 perative, the constabulary class of non-producers, the ne- 
 cessity for which makes more difficult the work of those 
 other non-producing classes. 
 
 How much a given community shall produce, and how 
 rapidly it shall accumulate wealth, must depend on the 
 ratio of producers to non-producers. Its moral status 
 will have much to do in determining that ratio. 
 
 Better for the moral status of a community, all will 
 admit, that ten per cent, of the population be teachers and 
 preachers than that ten per cent, be saloonkeepers and 
 gamblers; and as much better for the material progress, 
 also, as all experience and statistics prove. 
 SELF-SUPPORTING "^'^ nou-productivc labor is not a burden 
 NON-PRODUCTIVE to the productive classes, though none but 
 
 LABOR 
 
 productive labor can create wealth. 
 
 I heard Paderewski play the piano, not long since, be- 
 fore 3,000 people who had paid an average of a dollar 
 apiece to hear him play. His hour of play, for me, was 
 an hour of work for him, which represented years of severe, 
 patient toil preceding. It was not productive labor, be- 
 cause nothing was produced save melody, harmony — as 
 elusive and fleeting as the perfume you bought and which 
 vanished. It was not productive labor, yet the laborer, 
 the artist, is not unproductive or non-supporting; his 
 fingers win him, from his fellows, more than he costs the 
 community for support. 
 
 But suppose nobody would pay Paderewski to play for 
 them. Suppose, in consequence, that he had to be main- 
 tained at a poorhouse as a charge on the public. He 
 might play every day to his fellow paupers; he might work 
 as hard at the piano, and as long, as he does now; and 
 yet he would then be an unproductive laborer, belonging 
 then, as now, to an unproductive class. He does not 
 now create wealth, but he shares in the distribution of it,
 
 CHARACTER OF LABOR AND PRODUCTION. 25 
 
 as a pauper could not. And he works as hard, as many 
 hours of every day, as does the most untiring productive 
 laborer whose labor produces wealth. 
 
 When he plays a piece of music, for the public's enter- 
 tainment, his labor is unproductive; when he composes a 
 THE PLAYER AND piccc of music, for publication and sale, his 
 THE COMPOSER, labor is productive. He thus exemplifies in 
 his one person the two kinds of labor of which we have 
 chiefly spoken. 
 
 As a player he is unproductive. As a composer he is 
 productive — he creates wealth. He supplies a want of an 
 educated, refined taste. He adds to the store of accumu- 
 lated musical publications, for which there is a demand 
 and for which men and women will pay. He makes work 
 for other men, who become fellow producers with him — 
 the paper-maker, the engraver, the printer, the publisher. 
 As a composer he is more than the marvelous artist whom 
 I heard play; just as the Mendelssohn, Mozart, Handel, 
 and Bach, of whom we know to-day, were more than the 
 grand organists who played for the generations gone by, 
 and who were known by those names. 
 
 The player and the composer, whether in two persons 
 or in one person, represent both Manual Labor and 
 Mind Labor. As a rule Mind Labor reaches beyond the 
 immediate thing produced, and comprehends the later 
 MANUAL LABOR mental or manual employment of others; the 
 AND MIND LABOR, fruit of manual labor may be consumed in 
 a day, or be but the idle surplus of years to follow, neither 
 affording further occupation of labor nor furnishing the 
 means of further production in any form. 
 
 The author dictates a book. The stenographer takes 
 down the author's dictation in "shorthand," and tran- 
 scribes it in a neat style into readable pages, on a type- 
 writing machine. It was mind labor with the author; it
 
 26 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 was manual labor with the copyist. The latter's task 
 ended when the copy was complete; but the author's pro- 
 duction, the fruit of mind labor, will furnish employment 
 for compositors, and paper-makers, and printing-presses, 
 and binders, and booksellers, for weeks or months to 
 come. 
 
 Edison in his workshop labors with hand and brain. 
 Manual skill as an artisan is matched by patience as an 
 inventor. He produces the telephone and the electric- 
 light. Now a thousand men in a single shop are at work 
 multiplying telephones and making incandescent appa- 
 ratus; but the labor of each is manual, not mind, while 
 Edison's labor, back of all theirs, made all theirs possible, 
 and opened the door of a mammoth new industry, which 
 to-day is building dynamos by the thousands, stretching 
 electric-wires by the millions of miles, weaving street-cars 
 like shuttles across all our cities, and supplying occupa- 
 tion for a whole army of laborers all over the world.
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 LABOR AND THE LABORER. 
 
 Some of the references in our last chapter suggested 
 some questions and comments which may well be con- 
 sidered before we pass on to the consideration of wealth. 
 What is Labor ? 
 
 The different kinds of it have been stated; some of the 
 relations of it have been referred to; the fruits of it have 
 been emphasized; but no exact definition has been at- 
 tempted. Should not one be given ? 
 
 One answer might be that in defining and explaining the 
 several kinds of Labor, we have sufficiently shown the 
 meaning of the general term. Political Economists have, 
 as a rule, acted on this assumption. You will scarce find 
 a definition of labor, as an inclusive word, in all their 
 
 DEFINITION pages. Mill, the most extensive writer on 
 
 OF LABOR, Political Economy since Adam Smith, who 
 founded the science, does not give one ; neither does Mar- 
 shall, the most compact writer, in some respects, who has 
 covered this field. 
 
 The only exact definitions of Labor by economists 
 which I can now recall and care to quote are by Professor 
 Perry, whose definitions do not always satisfy, and by Mr. 
 W. H. Mallock. Distinguishing between " Labor" and 
 "Ability," in his little book on " Labor and the Popular 
 Welfare," Mr. Mallock makes all production the result 
 of human exertion, and this he divides into the two terms 
 thus given. In effect he declares that Labor is manual 
 exertion, and that all other exertion is Ability ; which 
 thought he amplifies in this definition:
 
 28 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 " Labor is a kind of exertion on the part of the individual which be- 
 gins and ends with each separate tasi< it is employed upon ; while ability 
 is a kind of exertion on the part of the individual which is capable of af- 
 fecting the labor of an indefinite number of individuals." 
 
 Speaking of Labor as " the second requisite of Produc- 
 tion, " Perry says: 
 
 ' ' Labor is any human exertion that demands something for itself in 
 exchange." 
 
 He puts this in itaUcs, as if it were to stand, unmodified, 
 the positive, final statement of what Labor is. As a 
 negative statement, not italicized, he adds this: 
 
 " Every person puts forth more or less of muscular and mental effort 
 without any expectation of a return for it. This is not labor. Nothing 
 is labor that does not look to a sale." 
 
 Further on Professor Perry says : 
 
 " All labor is offered over against some desires of other 
 men ;" still further carrying out his market-and-sale theory. 
 
 But, in my opinion, a large per cent, of the wealth of the 
 world has been created by Labor that in its production 
 had no thought of sale. 
 
 Take the settlers of the West. Each man who went 
 
 pioneering far out upon the prairies or the plains built 
 
 LABOR himself a home. He did it with the toil of 
 
 AND SALES. }^js own hands, and with no regard for the 
 "desires of other men." It was to shelter his own family, 
 and not "for sale." He turned the prairie sod, primarily, 
 to secure food wherewith to feed his own; neighbors and 
 a market were out of reach, and " sales" were out of ques- 
 tion. By so much as the value of the home he built, and 
 the land improvements he made, he added wealth to the 
 nation. And who shall say he did not labor, though dur- 
 ing those first pioneer years he scarcely sold a thing?
 
 LABOR AND THE LABORER. 29 
 
 Barring the dollar a day to which the Irishman referred, 
 Perry's idea of labor would in some sense fit the Irish- 
 man's when he wrote to his friend in the old country: 
 
 "Pat," he said, "come to Ameriky! It's here I am 
 gettin' a dollar a day for jist carryin' a boxful of brick 
 to the top of a tall buildin', and the man up there does 
 all the work!" 
 
 "Nothing is labor that does not look to a sale," says 
 
 Perry; and if that be true, hodcarrying would not be work 
 
 if the hodcarrier were not paid for it. But I surmise that 
 
 Professor Perry would find it laborious if he were forced 
 
 to engage in it, even without compensation. 
 
 ' A thousand cases could be cited of production coming 
 
 PAINTER from Labor that does not look to a sale. 
 
 AND PORTRAIT. Take one : 
 
 An artist paints a picture of the wife of his friend. His 
 friend wants it; has ordered it; will buy it and pay for it 
 when finished. Perry would admit this to be labor on the 
 part of the artist— it looks to a sale. But suppose the 
 artist wants a picture of his own wife, to hang upon the 
 walls of his own home. He paints it, even more painsta- 
 kingly than he painted the portrait of the other woman. 
 Shall we say he does not labor, now, because he would 
 not sell this latest canvas, — because he did not paint it 
 for sale? 
 
 If we had not already classified Labor as Productive 
 LABOR FURTHER ^^'^ Unproductive, and if we were seeking 
 DEFINED. a definition in the fewest possible words, 
 we might say: 
 
 Labor is any effort to produce; or 
 Labor is an agent of production. 
 In the light of the classification stated, and of the best 
 reasoning of all economists, we must accept the declara- 
 tion of John Stuart Mill, that —
 
 30 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 " Labor is indispensable to production, but has not always produc- 
 tion for its effect. There is much labor, and of a high order of useful- 
 ness, of which production is not the object." 
 
 Suppose, then, we say: 
 
 Labor is any effort to produce, or to care for the 
 fruits of Production, or to assist in making Produc- 
 tion possible under the best possible auspices, or 
 to secure for the Laborer wherewith from the 
 effort of others to satisfy desire or want. 
 
 "Production," says Perry, "is always effort, but it is 
 not every kind of effort that is Production." And then he 
 speaks of his boy at the piano as making irksome effort to 
 play, but "unproductive effort," because the boy does not 
 intend to sell the skill he may acquire, while the boy's 
 teacher makes " productive effort" in teaching him because 
 of the compensation involved. 
 
 According to Perry, if Paderewski were to play an hour 
 or more to a great audience without pay, his playing 
 would not be labor; if he had practised all his long years 
 before coming to America, for the purpose of giving free 
 concerts, his practise would not have been labor; the 
 quality of what a man does must depend on what he gets 
 or expects to get for doing it. 
 
 "But," says one, "you declared Paderewski's labor 
 
 PLAYER AND productive as a composer, and unproductive 
 
 INSTRUMENT, j^g ^ player. Did he not produce by his 
 playing the greatest sensations of delight ? Was it not, 
 then, productive ?" 
 
 John Stuart Mill has answered this question. He says: 
 
 "All labor is, in the language of political economy, unproductive 
 which ends in immediate enjoyment, without any increase of the accumu- 
 lated stock or permanent means of enjoyment." 
 
 The sensations produced by the player's performance
 
 LABOR AND THE LABORER. 31 
 
 upon the instrument ended with his performance. With- 
 out the instrument he could not have produced them. 
 The piano was made to gratify a refined taste for music, 
 not to meet a natural want or necessity; but the maker of 
 the piano, in producing the instrument, produced real 
 wealth; it can be bought and sold; it is a commercial 
 commodity, an " increase of the accumulated stock or per- 
 manent means of enjoyment." 
 
 The sensations produced by the playing of Paderewski 
 ended in immediate enjoyment; but when, as a composer, 
 he produces a musical composition, he adds to the "per- 
 manent means of enjoyment," he supplies a merchantable 
 commodity. The sensations of his audience, when he 
 
 PRODUCTIVE plays, could not be sold or bought; they 
 
 LABOR. ^j-g j^Qf ^vealth, according to any definition 
 
 of what wealth is; and Mill has declared, and with him 
 
 all economists agree, that — 
 
 "Productive labor is labor productive of wealth." 
 
 I think it possible for music to produce sensations that 
 would help or hinder productive labor, yet this fact 
 would but indirectly alter the player's unproductive 
 status. 
 
 I have read of a musician who played hour after hour, 
 day after day, a droning, die-away set of pieces, which 
 were heard plainly in a large room adjoining, where a 
 large number of tailors were plying their needles, before 
 sewing-machines came generally into shop use. The boss 
 of that shop saw that his workmen were keeping slow time 
 to the slow tunes, and were accomplishing less than they 
 should accomplish. He went to the musician and paid 
 
 INSPIRATIONS him to play all the liveliest airs he could, 
 
 TO LABOR. and the workmen kept pace with these, to 
 their employer's great gain. 
 
 A farmer in haying-time fed his men meagerly, butter-
 
 32 
 
 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 milk and whey being their chief diet at the start. Going 
 out in the field he found them slowly singing — 
 
 " Buttermilk and whey, 
 Faint all day" — 
 
 and swinging their scythes in slow time to their own 
 music. He changed his supplies for them, and going to 
 the field again he found them briskly moving through the 
 grass, each man's scythe swinging to the brisker measure — 
 
 " Ham and eggs, 
 
 Take care of your legs." 
 
 The effect of stirring band music upon an army of 
 men during a toilsome march or just before entering bat- 
 tle has often been cited, and of its inspiring benefits in 
 the way of courage and cheer there can be no doubt. 
 Yet who would call the members of a band productive 
 laborers? Even the army cheered on by them could be 
 counted in the productive class but indirectly, and so far as 
 directly engaged in the protection or defense of productive 
 labor's results. 
 
 De Laveleye says that " labor is man's action on nature 
 to the end to satisfy his wants." 
 
 Mill holds that " we should regard all labor as produc- 
 tive which is employed in creating permanent utilities." 
 
 Again he says: " Labor is not creative of objects, but of 
 
 utilities." And borrowing from M. Say, he declares that 
 
 CREATION " what we produce is always an utility." In 
 
 OF UTILITIES, his Opinion, and according to his limitation, 
 Utilities are of three kinds: 
 
 1. Those fixed and embodied in outward objects. 
 
 2. Those fixed and embodied in human beings. 
 
 3. Those not fixed or cn-ihodied in any object, but con- 
 sisting of a mere service rendered.
 
 LABOR AND THE LABORER. 33 
 
 The first kind, he holds, come of " labor employed in 
 investing external material things with properties which 
 render them serviceable to human beings." 
 
 The second kind come of labor " employed in confer- 
 ring on human beings qualities which render them ser- 
 viceable to themselves and others"; and in this class 
 he includes all concerned in education of every sort, in 
 caring for the sick " as far as instrumental in preserving 
 life and physical or mental efficiency," and " governments, 
 so far as they aim successfully at the improvement of the 
 people." 
 
 The third kind come of labor expended " without leav- 
 ing a permanent acquisition in the improved qualities of 
 any person or thing"; and in this class of utilities he 
 enumerates the service rendered by musical performers, 
 actors, showmen, the army and navy, and all agents of 
 government " in their ordinary functions, apart from any 
 influence they may exert on the improvement of the 
 national mind." 
 
 Utilities of this third class. Mill insists, "cannot be 
 UTILITIES spoken of as wealth," concerning which he 
 
 AND WEALTH, further declares: 
 
 " It is essential to the idea of wealth to be susceptible of accurau- 
 lation." 
 
 Yet utilities of the second class — viz., those fixed and 
 embodied in human beings: the skill, the intelligence, the 
 energy, the character, of the producers of a country — may 
 be and are properly "reckoned part of its wealth," in the 
 opinion of Mr. Mill. 
 
 What are the essential requisites to production of 
 wealth ? 
 
 Natural Agents, 
 Labor, and 
 Capital. 
 3
 
 34 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 The first and the last of these we will consider when we 
 
 REQUISITES come to the second part of this first great 
 OF PRODUCTION, division of our study— Wealth. Labor we 
 have been and still are considering-. 
 
 Now what are the requisites of productive labor? I 
 answer First, as to the laborer: 
 
 (a) Adequate preparation and fitness for the labor to be 
 done. 
 
 {d) Intelligence ample to insure this, with opportunity 
 given. 
 
 (c) The spirit of industry joined with skill and character. 
 
 (d) Ambition to produce, for the satisfaction of want or 
 the accumulation of wealth. 
 
 (e) Effort where the necessary natural agents are at con- 
 venient command. 
 
 Place the best laborer in the world upon a desert island 
 and his labor will not be productive. 
 
 Put an idle, unambitious savage in a garden of the 
 
 richest natural fertility, and he will be no more productive, 
 
 ENVIRONMENT Place amid the best opportunities, and in 
 
 OF LABOR. command of the finest natural forces, a man 
 
 who is little more than an idiot, and he may be willing to 
 
 work but almost unable to produce. 
 
 Select a man of fair intellect, but put him at effort for 
 which there has been no preparation, and the productive- 
 ness of his labor will be discounted greatly. 
 
 Intellig-ence and sobriety must unite with am- 
 bition and opportunity to insure productive labor. 
 SOBRIETY AND AH ecouomists recognize this. Character is 
 INTELLIGENCE, widely declared an economic quality. 
 Mill has more to say in regard to this than most of the 
 economists. Listen to him: 
 
 " The moral qualities of the laborers are fully as important to the 
 efficiency and worth of their labor as the intellectual. Independently of
 
 LABOR A. YD THE LABORER. 35 
 
 the effects of intemperance upon their bodily and mental faculties, and 
 of flighty, unsteady habits upon the energy and continuity of their work, 
 it is well worthy of meditation how much of the aggregate effect of their 
 labor depends on their trustworthiness." 
 
 Going out still farther upon this line Mr. Mill says: 
 
 "The advantage to mankind of being able to trust one another 
 penetrates into every crevice and cranny of human life: the economical 
 FUNDAMENTAL is perhaps the smallest part of it, yet even this is in- 
 ECONOMIC calculable. To consider only the most obvious part of 
 QUALITIES. the waste of wealth occasioned to society by human 
 improbity, there is in all rich communities a predatory population, who 
 live by pillaging or overreaching other people; their numbers cannot be 
 authentically ascertained, but on the lowest estimate, in a country like 
 England, it is very large. The support of these persons is a direct 
 burden on the national industry. The police, and the whole apparatus 
 of punishment and of criminal and partly of civil justice, are a second 
 burden, rendered necessary by the first. The exorbitantly paid pro- 
 fession of lawyers, so far as their work is not created by defects in the 
 law of their own contriving, are required and supported principally by 
 the dishonesty of mankind. As the standard of integrity in a com- 
 munity rises higher all these expenses become less." 
 
 And thus we might quote from Mill a page or two more 
 as to the needs and benefits of character, of trust- 
 worthiness, in productive labor and the production of 
 wealth. 
 
 Professor Laughlin, of Harvard, says: 
 
 " The amount of wealth produced in a country will depend on the 
 following causes: First, not merely on the number of the laborers, but 
 on their physique, their intelligence and skill, and their moral 
 character." 
 
 Marshall, stating the function of Political Economy, 
 says: 
 
 "Last, but not least, it traces the connection that there is between 
 the character of the workman and the character of his work; as the work 
 is, so is the worker; as the worker is, so is the work."
 
 36 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 With special reference to the laborer's personal habits 
 Marshall declares: 
 
 " The prevalence of intemperate habits in a country diminishes both 
 
 the number of days in the week and the number of 
 THE LABORER'S 
 
 _„,„,„__-, years in his life during which the breadwinner is 
 
 AND CONDITIONS, ^^^ning full wages. Temperance increases a man's 
 power, and generally increases his will to save." 
 
 Second, as to the Laborer's Environment: 
 
 (a) A demand for the fruits of labor that shall induce 
 it, for support of himself or others. 
 
 (d) Custom or law that shall insure to him the benefits 
 of his labor in fair proportion. 
 
 (<:) Security for himself and his own, while he labors, 
 against unjust interference. 
 
 ((/) Helps to his intellectual and moral progress, so that 
 he may come to the best of his capacity. 
 
 (e) Safeguards from whatever would hinder such prog- 
 ress, would weaken his physical and mental powers, 
 would rob him of his working-time or his well-earned 
 wages, or would in any way unfit him for the best effort 
 as a producing agent. 
 
 (/) ^ government guaranteeing him such law, and 
 security, and helps, and safeguards, with that liberty to 
 which he may be entitled as a citizen without imperiling 
 these for any other, and thus insuring to him, by equally 
 providing for all, the demand for his labor or the fruits of 
 it, upon which he as a productive laborer must depend. 
 
 In view of these conditions, which are vital to the 
 laborer and essential in his environment, the liquor 
 THE traffic is a direct foe to the productive 
 LABORER'S FOE. laborcr, a constant enemy to his production 
 of wealth ; and the government which cares for him and 
 his future, which must support him if he is unproductive 
 and on which to so great an extent he must depend for
 
 LABOR AND THE LABORER. 37 
 
 productive opportunity, owes it to him, and to itself, to 
 deny that traffic rights and recognition as a legitimate 
 business, whether licensed or otherwise. 
 
 The positive prohibition of that trafSc is demanded of 
 government in behalf of labor and wealth. More of 
 the reasons why, will be shown as we study the Creation 
 and the Distribution of Wealth. Our next chapter will 
 treat of its Creation.
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 THE CREATION OF WEALTH. 
 
 What is Wealth ? 
 
 We might answer: 
 
 The gain of production over consumption. 
 
 The proof of productive labor. 
 
 The surplus after supplying Want's necessities. 
 
 The accumulation of means wherewith to supply Want. 
 
 But not one or all of these answers will cover all the 
 meaning of wealth, as the word is used by economists 
 
 DEFINITIONS Uniformly. Each of them would be good in 
 
 OF WEALTH, their sight as far as it goes, though I have 
 never seen either given, in just the form !• have used, by 
 any economist; but neither goes far enough. 
 
 De Laveleye comes near to the last one when he says: 
 
 ** Wealth may be defined as everything which an- 
 swers to men's rational wants"; but even this falls 
 rather short of meeting the broadest idea of wealth. 
 
 Perry prefers the two words, Value and Property, to 
 what he calls "the old and poor word 'Wealth'"; but 
 other economists do not abandon it. 
 
 Marshall subdivides it, or what it includes, into 
 Material Wealth, and 
 Personal Wealth; 
 and the former he speaks of as — 
 
 " The material sources of enjoyment which are capable 
 of being appropriated, and therefore of being exchanged"; 
 while speaking of the latter he says:
 
 THE CREATION OF WEALTH. 39 
 
 "' Personal' or noti-mafcrial wealth consists of those human ener- 
 PERSONAL gies, faculties, and habits — physical, mental and moral — • 
 WEALTH. which directly contribute to making men industrially 
 efficient, and which therefore increase their power of producing mate- 
 rial wealth." 
 
 "In goods or wealth," says De Laveleye, giving elas- 
 ticity to his own definition, " must be included all that 
 is good for the advancement of the individual and 
 of the human race." And he goes on to add: 
 
 " From this idea of wealth it follows that besides material riches 
 there is also immaterial riches, such as knowledge, manual skill, or the 
 taste for work. The growth of riches is not an unmixed benefit, unless it 
 be accompanied by the growth of justice and morality. " 
 
 Grant that there are two kinds of wealth, in the lan- 
 guage of Political Economy, it follows that the creation 
 of one must depend upon the existence and preservation 
 of the other. 
 
 Material wealth, while it may come from natural 
 sources, under natural law must come through labor alone — 
 MATERIAL through the productive effort^ of "those 
 WEALTH. human energies, faculties, and habits — physi- 
 cal^ mental., and moral" — which constitute personal or imma- 
 terial wealth, the result of temperance and sobriety, 
 and form the basis of all profitable production. 
 
 We have already seen that there are three requisites to 
 production — Natural Agents, Labor, and Capital. 
 
 Between the first and the last stands Labor, the inter- 
 mediary, striving to make from one yet more of the other. 
 
 The four great natural agents are — • 
 Land, Water, 
 Electricity, Climate. 
 
 As Professor Laughlin says: "No single article of 
 wealth is produced for which something is not taken 
 from nature, either in the form of materials or of forces."
 
 40 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 The taking of it is labor; and the production of any 
 
 single article which may meet any person's want or add 
 
 NATURAL to any person's wealth, may employ the 
 
 AGENTS. labor of many persons and the natural agents 
 
 in many parts of the world. 
 
 Newcomb, in his "Principles of Political Economy," 
 illustrates this in this way with regard to a coat: 
 
 " In the first place, sheep had to be reared, pastured, and sheared, 
 in order that the wool necessary for the coat should be obtained. The 
 breeding of the sheep required a considerable expanse of land on some 
 Western prairie or in the interior of Australia. It is obvious that with- 
 out land there could be no grass, and therefore no wool. Now, land in 
 its original state is a gift of nature, which men cannot make at all. 
 
 " In the further process of manufacture a factory had to be erected 
 and machinery of brass and iron employed. A particular kind of eartk 
 
 REQUIRED was necessary to make the bricks out of which the 
 FOR A COAT, factory was built, and the iron had to be extracted 
 from iron ore. Both these materials had to be taken out of the earth, 
 and their ownership is associated with that of land. If the machinery 
 was run by water-power, a river was necessary; if by steam-power, coal 
 had to be dug from the earth to make the fires which produce the steam." 
 
 You will observe that this illustration covers two great 
 natural agents — Land and Water — by direct reference. 
 The other two are sufficiently implied ; for proper Climate 
 is essential to the raising of sheep — in the Arctic zone 
 they would freeze to death in spite of their wool — and the 
 great woolen factory would be lighted now with Electricity, 
 of course. 
 
 A more poetical illustration, which covers even a wider 
 THE POET TO range of work and natural supply, has been 
 THE ARTISANS, given US by Whittier, who sang thus on one 
 occasion to the shoemakers: 
 
 " For you, along the Spanish main 
 A hundred keels are plowing; 
 For you, the Indian on the plaia 
 His lasso-coil is throwing;
 
 THE CREATION OF WEALTH. ^\ 
 
 For you, deep glens with hemlock dark 
 
 The woodman's fire is lighting; 
 For you upon the oak's gray bark 
 
 The woodman's ax is smiting. 
 
 " For you, from Carolina's pine 
 
 The rosin-gum is stealing; 
 For you the dark-eyed Florentine 
 
 His silken skein is reeling; 
 For you the dizzy goat-herd roams 
 
 His rugged Alpine ledges; 
 For you, round all her shepherd homes 
 
 Bloom England's thorny hedges." 
 
 Ah, how many things, and persons, and countries, and 
 climates, and conditions, and kinds of work, may enter 
 into the making of a single pair of shoes! But only a 
 poet or a political economist (who would ever have sup- 
 posed these two so much allied?) could take such account 
 of them. No doubt there may be poetry in the produc- 
 tion of wealth, even though there be little or no wealth in 
 the production of poetry. 
 
 Natural agents may in a sense be considered 
 natural wealth, and are indispensable to the creation of 
 NATURAL wealth. Of the four mentioned, land and 
 WEALTH. water are commonly reckoned as wealth, 
 and are commercially conveyed or exchanged. It might 
 be accurate enough to define land as private wealth and 
 water as public wealth, but each definition would require 
 a modifying clause in some cases. 
 
 Each of these two natural agents has close relation to 
 the other. In a well-watered region the land will be 
 worth more, whether as private or public wealth, than in a 
 dry and barren region — worth more because it will pro- 
 duce more. A direct addition to the value of land is made 
 and fixed, in Colorado and some other parts of the West, 
 by water-rights, which great irrigating companies convey.
 
 42 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Apart from land — from which, however, the separation 
 
 can be but nominal — the gold or the diamond in the mine 
 
 WEALTH is as near to being natural wealth as any- 
 
 IN THE MINE, thing which you can name. Close akin are 
 silver, iron, and coal. 
 
 But of what actual value is the gold-mine unworked ? 
 To be sure, it can be sold. For it, if you own it and sell 
 it, you may obtain a large sum of money. In this way it 
 may add \.o yotir wealth, to your surplus or accumulation, 
 wherewith to meet jw//r increasing wants. 
 
 Yet it has not so far added one dollar to the world's 
 wealth. No part of the money paid you, or value received 
 in exchange by you, has come from the mine you sold. 
 You merely transferred to another man your opportunity 
 for increasing the general surplus. Until he fulfils the op- 
 portunity and becomes an actual producer, there is no 
 productive value in that mine. 
 
 The gold-mine, the silver-mine, the iron-mine, the coal- 
 mine, furnish a few of Labor's opportunities for part- 
 
 PARTNERSHiP ocrship v/ith Capital in the production of 
 OF LABOR wealth. Outside that partnership no wealth 
 
 AND CAPITAL. , i t -^ r ... ^ ..• • i- 
 
 IS produced. Inside of it production is lim- 
 ited by or dependent upon certain conditions of labor that 
 grow out of certain conditions of want. Large capital, 
 controlling unskilled labor, may in some cases fail to pro- 
 duce wealth. Skilled labor, rendered incompetent by, or 
 heavily discounted on account of, bad habits, the result of 
 false wants, may waste capital and wreck the creation of 
 wealth. 
 
 It may be superficially assumed, in these days of multi- 
 tudinous mechanical devices and the constant increase of 
 machinery for production, that Labor's share in the part- 
 nership. Labor's part in the creation of wealth, is much 
 less than formerly, and is likely to disappear.
 
 THE CREATION OF WEALTH. 43 
 
 It is true that machinery has in great measure supple- 
 mented, or been substituted for, the work of human hands. 
 But take the most marked instance of which I have ever 
 heard, where machinery, unaided, carries on the work of 
 production to meet the wants of men, 
 
 I read of it a few years ago. It is or was found in a 
 small factory, in a little English manufacturing town 
 
 MACHINERY somcwhat remote from productive centers, 
 AND PRODUCTION, the name of which I do not recall. The 
 machines in that factory make or made only one sort of 
 thing — such cord as is used for window curtains, or was 
 used in connection with them before spring appliances 
 came into vogue, and is yet used for picture-hanging, etc. 
 — a cord of peculiar weave. These machines are so com- 
 plete in themselves that they require practically no at- 
 tendance; and it was said that the whole factory could be 
 set in operation Monday morning, and run day and night 
 until the week's end without any supervision whatever, 
 each machine caring for itself and mending its own 
 breaks. The report which I saw of it said that regularly 
 at night the doors of the factory were closed, but the 
 work of the factory went on until morning unattended. 
 
 A marvel of mechanics indeed! A triumph of the in- 
 ventor's art! A far step, and the ultimate perhaps, 
 toward thought by a machine — the embodiment of brain 
 in brass and steel ! 
 
 Yet back of the machine was man, the inventor of it; 
 man, the maker of it. And back of it were other facto- 
 
 THE MACHINE rics whcre the maker and the inventor la- 
 
 AND THE MAN. borcd, and other machines which colabored 
 
 with them; and back of all, those natural agents from 
 
 which all production must come, and the creation of all 
 
 material wealth. 
 
 I have seen silk and carpet-weaving machines that came
 
 44 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 as near to thinking as anything in metal could come; but 
 back of each were human hands, a diversity of hand labor; 
 back of each were laborers of many kinds, from the coal- 
 miner, the iron-miner, to the most skilful machinist money 
 could hire to cooperate with the inventor's brain. 
 
 Bear in mind, also, that much of the work done by 
 machinery could not be done so well by hand labor, and is 
 done to meet a want that handicraft, in the direct applica- 
 tion of it, could not supply — a want in one sense widely 
 created by the machinery devised wherewith to meet it. 
 
 Until the cheapness of window-cord was made possible 
 by the machines to produce it, the want of window-cord 
 was not universal or was not extensively recognized. 
 Until carpet-machines rendered fine carpets cheap, the 
 want of fine carpets was not commonly felt, and coarse 
 rag carpets, or no carpets at all, fairly well sufficed. 
 
 The better the machine the better the man. 
 
 By which I mean that the higher the grade of mechani- 
 cal devices, the higher the order of human wants; the 
 more finely developed " those human energies and facul- 
 ties," the more wisely regulated those "habits" upon 
 which depend the supply of those wants and the creation 
 of wealth. A Hottentot could not have constructed a 
 sewing-machine; a Russian serf could not have invented a 
 McCormick reaper and binder. 
 
 The greater the immaterial wealth of the people, 
 the greater will be their aggregate of material 
 wealth. 
 
 In other words, the more perfect the development of 
 
 intelligence in a people, the more universal their skill, the 
 
 INTELLIGENCE more Completely at command their physical 
 
 AND WEALTH, ^nd mental powers, the more industrious 
 
 their habits, the more generally and successfully they will 
 
 appropriate natural agents to meet their natural and
 
 THE CREATION OF WEALTH. 45 
 
 cultivated wants, the more widely they will accumulate 
 surplus over the demands of all wants, the more pros- 
 perous and wealthy they will become. 
 
 Ignorance and indolence go hand-in-hand with poverty 
 all over the world. Poverty is want but ill supplied. 
 Wealth is everywhere recognized as more than the im- 
 mediate supply of want.
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 NATIONAL AND INDIVIDUAL WEALTH. 
 
 Wealth has been subdivided into material and imma- 
 terial, or personal; and we have made incidental refer- 
 ence to certain kinds of it as public and private. A 
 further and final classification should be considered, — 
 National Wealth, and 
 Individual Wealth. 
 
 The latter term is quite distinct and different from the 
 term personal^ previously employed. The word personal 
 
 INDIVIDUAL was uscd as really synonymous with imma- 
 WEALTH. terial^ to differentiate personal wealth from 
 material wealth. But individual wealth may be either 
 personal or material. In economic language, as gener- 
 ally accepted, it may consist of personal skill, intelligence, 
 character, habits; or it may consist of houses, lands, 
 bonds, or any evidence of ownership in any form of 
 material wealth whatsoever. 
 
 Save in so far as natural agents constitute natural 
 wealth, and as they have not been appropriated to indi- 
 NATioNAL vidual use, national wealth is the aggre- 
 WEALTH. gate of individual accumulation; and 
 one might plausibly assume that Economy should consider 
 the individual alone, letting the aggregate of individual- 
 ities take logical care of itself. 
 
 But Political Economy, though its tap-root be in the 
 individual life, deals with man in the plural; and man in 
 the plural must be regarded very differently from the 
 single and isolated man. If there were but one man in
 
 NATIONAL AND INDIVIDUAL WEALTH. 47 
 
 every county, every state, and he were fenced off on all 
 sides from his fellow-man, the functions of Political Econ- 
 omy would cease in large measure, to say the least. As 
 it is, the science of economics must deal with men in the 
 mass. 
 
 Individual wealth may come of both production 
 and trade; National wealth can come of produc- 
 tion alone. 
 
 The Nation — the aggregate of individuals — does not 
 buy and sell. It may be said, also, that the Nation — the 
 HOW aggregate — does not produce. But what is 
 
 IT COMES. produced in the Nation — what has been pro- 
 duced and still exists — is the national surplus, the national 
 store of individual accumulation; while it may frequently 
 change hands, by way of trade, and the man whose por- 
 tion of it is large to-day may find it small to-morrow. 
 
 However much the conditions of international commerce 
 may influence the growth of national wealth, such wealth 
 results only from production, and not from trade. The 
 multi-millionaire, however, may have come into possession 
 of vast individual wealth without producing a dollar of it. 
 It may not be the product of his mills, his factories, his 
 lands; it was produced, and it does exist, in the nation, of 
 which he is a unit; it forms a part of the national 
 wealth. Production gave it to the nation ; trade insured 
 it to him. 
 
 Suppose the millionaire holds a mortgage upon the poor 
 man's farm. 
 
 It represents a thousand dollars, if you please, that the 
 rich man loaned the poor man wherewith to buy that land. 
 
 MILLIONAIRE It is that much, or little, of the rich man's 
 AND MORTGAGE, individual or personal wealth. Now sup- 
 pose, further, that in a fire which attacks the office of the 
 rich man that mortgage is burned; and, as it has not
 
 48 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 been recorded or witnessed, no proof is at his command 
 of the loan he made. Unless the mortgagor be honest 
 and admits the debt, the mortgagee must lose that par- 
 ticular thousand dollars of his wealth; but has anything 
 been lost to the national aggregate ? Certainly not. The 
 land remains. It is worth no more, no less, as a natural 
 agent, than before the mortgage burned. If its owner 
 now consider himself worth one thousand dollars more 
 than previously, this does not affect the aggregate of in- 
 dividual accumulations. 
 
 Burn the mortgages upon a thousand or ten thousand 
 farms to-day; wipe out in this or any other way all evi- 
 dences of indebtedness upon them and all claims against 
 them, and the national wealth would not be depleted one 
 penny. The distribution of it would be changed, that is 
 all. 
 
 Compel the great Astor estate in New York to be sub- 
 divided, if you had the power; parcel out its many thou- 
 DivisiON sands of houses among its many thousands of 
 BYTHEASTORS. tenants, and give each a good title to the 
 place where he now resides — would you have altered the 
 aggregate of national wealth ? Certainly not. You would 
 merely have transferred the possession of certain millions 
 of property in the nation. One family might be made 
 poor by the change; thousands of other families would be 
 made well-to-do. 
 
 " National wealth," says Marshall, "includes the wealth 
 of the individual members of the nation; but in estimating 
 HOW INDUSTRY, it, any debts due from one member of the 
 
 5 AFFECTED, nation to another may be omitted altogether. 
 On the other hand," he goes on to remark, "account 
 must be taken of the internal and external political 
 organization of the nation in so far as this affects the 
 freedom and security of its industry."
 
 NATIONAL AND INDIVIDUAL WEALTH. 49 
 
 "//y industry,'" as here used by Marshall, means all 
 forms of industry, or, as the more common terminology puts 
 it, industries of all kinds. Division of labor into various 
 lines has come about naturally, as insuring the most 
 profitable production and the largest possible creation of 
 wealth; and under such division great industries have 
 grown up, each more or less distinct and separate from 
 the other, though all closely related and more or less 
 interdependent, while the creation of national wealth 
 is determined by the relation which every industry 
 bears to all other industries. 
 
 If there be any industry which detrimentally affects the 
 
 security and well-being of any other industry, the national 
 
 THE RELATION Wealth suffers from it; and injury to national 
 
 OF INDUSTRIES, wealth, in what it is or fairly should be, is a 
 
 direct wrong to every individual who should share in that 
 
 wealth. 
 
 We have heretofore stated (in Chapter III.) that how 
 much a given community shall produce, and how rapidly 
 it shall accumulate wealth, must depend on the ratio of 
 producers to non-producers. We may now go a step 
 farther on this line, and say that how rapidly a nation 
 shall accumulate wealth must depend on the mu- 
 tual helpfulness of its industries. 
 
 According to Perry, in one of his italicized summaries, 
 
 "History affirms that all industries are equally natural; 
 
 NATURAL and hence no one has the right to subsist 
 
 INDUSTRIES, at the expense of the others." 
 
 If there be any industry, then, which does subsist at the 
 expense of the others, it must be unnatural. Being un- 
 natural, it directly antagonizes natural law. Being in 
 antagonism to natural law, the law of the legislator should 
 be against it, should forbid it, should prohibit it. 
 
 The liquor traffic sins against legitimate industry of 
 4
 
 50 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 every sort. Legitimate industries should and do 
 favorably affect each other, while the liquor trafific un- 
 AN UNNATURAL favorably affects them all. The more it 
 INDUSTRY, flourishes, the more they must decline. It 
 stands alone, the monumental robber of every other in- 
 dustry upon earth. 
 
 Its profits are taken from the merchant, and the manu- 
 facturers behind him ; from the butcher, and the cattle- 
 raisers behind him; from the farmer, the miller, the baker, 
 the builder, the shoemaker, the printer, the teacher, and 
 the preacher. Every honest producer suffers from the 
 liquor product. The country suffers from it in its indi- 
 vidual production, in the well-being of its producers, in 
 the aggregate of its wealth, in its imports and exports. 
 More than low tariff, or high tariff, or no tariff at 
 all, it depreciates American industry, interferes with 
 American commerce, and discounts the fruit of American 
 labor. And yet the great leaders in our great political 
 parties have not learned this fact, or are not statesmanlike 
 enough to confess it. 
 
 The scholars, or some of them, are finding it out and 
 asserting it. In a notable article which he published in 
 The Foru7n for September, 1892, further referred to in this 
 volume. Prof. J. J. McCook, of Hartford, Conn., thus 
 testified: 
 
 "Now, I am not a total abstainer, either theoretically or practically, 
 and I have always voted in favor of license. It is needless to say that I 
 do not belong to the Prohibition Party, But anybody who can see must 
 know that, considered merely as a question of social economy, of dollars 
 and cents, of tax-bills and public convenience generally, the drink ques- 
 tion is the question of the day. The tariff wrangle is a mere baby to it. 
 If intelligent, steady-going people could be induced to spend upon the 
 drink question a fraction of the time and money they employ upon the 
 other, we might hope for some real improvement in its treatment." 
 
 In hard times the injustice done legitimate industries
 
 NATIONAL AND INDIVIDUAL WEALTH. 51 
 
 by the presence of the liquor traffic is more marked even 
 than when times are easy. The years of 1809-10 and 
 
 ITS UNHAPPY 1813-14 saw great scarcity in Ireland. By 
 EFFECTS. .y^igg forecast, and as wise authority, the dis- 
 tilleries were stopped, and note the result: 
 
 In the better years of 1811-12 and 1815-16 — better but 
 for distillation and unchecked drinking — the average con- 
 sumption of spirits was 7^ millions of gallons; in those 
 years of want, and the prohibition of distilleries, the con- 
 sumption fell below 4^^ millions. 
 
 But, it may be said, the people had no money wherewith 
 to buy, and of course other industries suffered in like 
 proportion. 
 
 Not so. In those four years of famine, free from drink 
 in fair degree because the distilleries were closed, the 
 FOUR YEARS OF Irish people bought and paid for haber- 
 FAMiNE. dashery, iron, hardware, and cotton goods, 
 to the amount of ;!^253,657, or about $1,268,285, ^'^^^^ 
 than in the four years of plenty named; of tea and sugar 
 773,911 pounds more were bought by them than in those 
 good years. They used 1,356,070 more yards of drapery, 
 and they slept under 33,401 more woolen blankets. 
 
 So for the shopkeeper, the ironmonger, the cotton- 
 maker, the merchant, and the woolen manufacturer, those 
 years of want became years of prosperity, because an 
 illegitimate industry was in part prohibited, and could not 
 feed as a parasite on the legitimate industries. The dis- 
 tiller, no doubt, uttered loud complaint of hard times, and 
 the barkeeper, it is probable, cursed Prohibition as loudly 
 as does his lineal descendant in America to-day. 
 AN INDUSTRIAL Any parasite industry, magnifying the 
 PARASITE. false wants of mankind and maintaining 
 itself at the expense of other industries, is a foe to the 
 creation of individual and national wealth. Whatever of
 
 52 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 so-called wealth such an industry may create is but false 
 wealth — as false as the want it meets and magnifies — and 
 can not really enrich the world. 
 
 Let us quote again De Laveleye's declaration, that — 
 
 " Things whose destruction improves the con- 
 dition of mankind cannot be true wealth." 
 
 Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes once declared — 
 
 " If all the drugs in the world were thrown into the sea, 
 it would be vastly better for mankind, but might be bad 
 for the fishes." 
 
 Paraphrasing the genial Autocrat's remark, we may as 
 truly declare: " If all the liquor in the world were thrown 
 into the sea, it would be vastly better for mankind, but 
 very bad for the denizens of the great deep." 
 
 All being true which previously in our study has been 
 asserted, there follows a law of Political Economy, logi- 
 A THREE-FOLD cal and fundamental, which I have never 
 ECONOMIC LAW. found set forth by any economist, as I re- 
 member, but which in my opinion no man can set aside, 
 viz : 
 
 Every industry must produce its equitable share 
 of the State's wealth, must receive its equitable 
 share of the distribution thereof, and must bear its 
 equitable share of the State's burdens. 
 
 Only as this law is observed can the creation of individ- 
 ual wealth go forward in a natural fashion to equitable 
 results. -Legitimate industries hold commerce with each 
 other, just as the workers in each industry maintain trade 
 relations with their fellow men. 
 
 As between individuals, so between classes and indus- 
 tries — each party to an exchange of products should re- 
 ceive an honest quid p7-o quo. 
 
 vVhat Perry says in an entirely different connection ap- 
 plies here:
 
 NATIONAL AND INDIVIDUAL WEALTH. 53 
 
 "Commerce is an exchange of goods for the 
 mutual BENEFIT of the respective Owners." 
 
 The emphasis is Perry's own, and upon that word 
 benefit all recognized principles of Political Economy 
 
 MUTUALITIES would lay especial stress. All the products 
 IN COMMERCE, of labor should be for the immediate or 
 ultimate benefit or well-being of all persons into whose pos- 
 session they may come or whose wants they may supply. 
 By the exchange of these products no man should be 
 made poorer in person or in purse. 
 
 The creation of wealth should be for the common weal. 
 The very term "commonwealth," applied so often to an 
 A. FUNGUS organized State or body politic, is proof of 
 UPON INDUSTRY, this fact. The creation of wealth should not 
 \>e for a class, either of consumers or producers. Any 
 class of consumers not actually required in reproductive 
 effort, or in caring for the fruits of production, or in the 
 diffusion of intelligence and morals, is a fungus upon in- 
 dustry, a hindrance to industrial progress, a curse to 
 organized society. 
 
 The existence of such a class violates the fundamental 
 law of Political Economy to which we have just referred. 
 Such a class comes directly of the Liquor Traffic; which 
 is, indeed, the progenitor of more than one such class. 
 That traffic does not, never did, never can, produce its 
 equitable share of the world's wealth. While that traffic 
 remains, an equitable division of the world's wealth is im- 
 possible. Until that traffic is terminated, or exterminated, 
 the burdens of the State cannot be equitably borne. 
 
 As to the latter statements, we will present further con- 
 sideration and illustration later on, taking up as next in 
 order the Distribution of Wealth.
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 THE DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 
 
 While the proper Distribution of Wealth is a require- 
 ment of Political Economy, it is also a great social and 
 
 PROBLEM OF financial problem, growing more difficult 
 
 DISTRIBUTION, every day. While such distribution is more 
 
 general now in America than in any other civilized 
 
 country, it is not here an equitable fact — it never can be 
 
 until conditions are changed. 
 
 Monster individual fortunes are piling up among our 
 
 people in a way which excites the alarm of economists 
 
 and patriots; the great needy class grows larger and 
 
 needier. And where is the remedy ? Statesmen will seek 
 
 ^^^ it, by and by, in the halls of legislation. 
 
 DISTRIBUTING They must find it, first, in the principles of 
 
 AGENT. Political Economy— in the natural laws 
 
 underlying this Science of Economics. 
 
 What must be the natural Distributing Agent of 
 Wealth? 
 
 Wages. 
 
 What is it that cotnmands wages? 
 
 Labor. 
 
 What is it that/a>'^ wages? 
 
 Capital. 
 
 What is Capital ? 
 
 The third requisite of Production, as we have seen; but 
 this fact is not a definition. 
 
 Perry defines it as "any valuable thing reserved for 
 future use in Production."
 
 THE DISTRIBUTION OF WE A IT II. 55 
 
 Marshall says: "Capital is that part of wealth which 
 is devoted to obtaining further wealth." 
 
 From what does Capital come ? Frovi Labor. 
 
 While it is true, as Mr. Mill says, that "Industry is 
 
 LABOR AND limited by Capital," it is equally true that 
 CAPITAL. Industry creates Capital. Idleness must 
 feed upon it. The more idleness, the less capital. 
 
 The more idleness, the more unevenly will that wealth 
 be distributed which remains. 
 
 "Capital," says Mill, "is the result of saving." 
 
 Saving what ? The earnings received from Capital for 
 services rendered, or the direct products of Labor. 
 
 "The growth of Capital," says Marshall, "depends 
 upon \.\\^ power and the will to save." 
 
 The power depends upon the ability to earn, the oppor- 
 tunity for earning; the 7vill depends upon the habits of the 
 
 HOW CAPITAL laborer, upon his self-control, and upon his 
 COMES. surroundings. 
 
 Many a man has the power to save, is given the oppor- 
 tunity, feels the desire, but is mastered by his environ- 
 ment, and acquires no capital when otherwise he could 
 and would. For thousands on thousands of such men, 
 wao-es do not fulfil their natural function as the distribu- 
 ting agent of wealth. 
 
 Grant that the laborer has both ability to earn and will 
 to save, and that his environments do not interfere with 
 his will and wish, how shall he be sure of his opportunity? 
 
 Through the Law of Demand and Supply, which 
 Perry says " is the most comprehensive and beautiful law 
 in Political Economy." 
 
 It is the law under which Capital operates; the law upon 
 which Labor depends. It is the law which establishes 
 honest partnership between Labor and Capital, according 
 to the terms of which must follow all distribution of profits.
 
 56 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Whatever to-day checks Demand, will to-morrow affect 
 Supply. It may be insisted, as Mr. Mill does insist, that 
 LAW OF CAPITAL " what supports and employs productive 
 
 AND LABOR, labor is the capital expended in setting it to 
 work, and not the demand of purchasers for the produce 
 of the labor when completed." 
 
 But Capital will not long set Labor at work, or keep it at 
 work, when demand for its production has ceased. In 
 spite of Mr. Mill's theorem, Capital will not long demand 
 Labor, when Capital's patrons do not demand the fruits of 
 Labor. Stop the wearing of silks, and the silk-mills will 
 soon cease the manufacture of silkstuffs. Stop the build- 
 ing of railway cars, and the plush-mills will soon stop the 
 making of car-plush. Stop all demand for cotton goods, 
 and the cotton-mills will soon close, the cotton-fields will 
 become cornfields. 
 
 Demand is the sensitive business atmosphere, 
 according to which rises and falls the mercury 
 THE MERCURY of mauufacture and trade — of supply, as 
 OF MANUFACTURE. Capital affords it. 
 
 Demand, as to the standard articles of production, must 
 depend upon what Marshall calls the Standard of Com- 
 fort, what is by other economists called the Standard of 
 Living, and that will chiefly depend upon the distribution 
 of wealth — upon the wages which Labor is allowed. 
 
 Skilled labor will always receive more than unskilled. 
 The higher the grade of intelligence the more reliable the 
 habits and character, the greater the skill. 
 
 An expert stonemason will command three times the 
 per diem pay of a hodcarrier. But if the stonemason, 
 
 STANDARD getting three dollars a day, is drunk four 
 OF COMFORT, (j^ys in the week, and the hodcarrier, re- 
 ceiving but one dollar a day, soberly works the whole six 
 working days, the skilled laborer is no better off than the
 
 THE DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 57 
 
 unskilled. In such case the standard of comfort in the 
 home of the mason and of his attendant will be the same. 
 
 A million such homes would make only one third the 
 demand for home comforts that should result from the 
 labor of a million sober men with skill to earn as wages 
 three dollars a day each. 
 
 Since, under natural law, all men should labor, that 
 capital is best employed, and best serves the cre- 
 
 EMPLOYMENT ation and the distribution of wealth, in 
 
 OF CAPITAL, whose reproduction the largest possi- 
 ble amount of labor is engaged, and in the returns for 
 which labor has the largest share. This fact alone would 
 militate against employment of capital in the manufacture 
 of spirituous and malt liquors, even were there no ill 
 effects to follow their use. An English authority, Fred- 
 erick Powell, says: 
 
 " It has been computed that in the manufacture of a pound's worth 
 of intoxicating liquor, sixpence only falls to the share of the laborer, 
 while the amount paid for labor in the manufacture of articles of 
 utility reaches on the average to about 8s. 6d. to the pound." 
 
 This statement is explained by another, which tells how 
 one gallon of gin (a favorite English drink) containing 
 
 PROCEEDS TO over 50 per cent, alcohol, after being reduced 
 LABOR. ijy the seller to 37 per cent. , is retailed to the 
 drinker so as to yield 22s., of which latter sum govern- 
 ment claims los. for revenue; the manufacturer pockets 
 2S. 6d. for raw material, expenses and profits; the retailer 
 keeps 9s. for his profit, and the laborer gets that single 
 paltry sixpence remaining! 
 
 In America the laborer's proportion of proceeds is 
 greater, but in striking contrast to the proportion he de- 
 rives in other industries. 
 
 Dr. Hargreaves has shown (in "Wasted Resources,"
 
 58 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 page 86) that, in 1870, the 2,110 laborers then engaged in 
 manufacturing liquor in Pennsylvania were paid $993,354 
 
 LABOR'S PAY 'H wages, while their product was valued in 
 
 FROMLiauoR. first hands at $11,692,528— giving labor 
 about one twelfth of the manufacturer's income. 
 
 By another table (W. R., p. loi) he shows that cotton 
 and woolen and shoe products, valued at $295,039,452, 
 employed 323,206 persons (though such products are 
 largely made by machinery), and paid $78, 249,052 in wages, 
 or about one third the valuation. 
 
 By still another table (W. R., p. 109), Dr. Hargreaves 
 demonstrates that of every $100 which we pay for boots 
 and shoes $22.85 goes for labor; for furniture, house fix- 
 tures etc., $22.76; for hardware, $20.99; for cotton goods, 
 $15.94; while of $100 spent for liquors, labor receives but 
 $1.94. 
 
 Accepting one sixth of a product's valuation as the 
 average share of labor in all reproductive industries — 
 
 LABOR'S LOSS ^'^^ this is not a high figure — and estimating 
 
 FROM LioooR. that the annual drink bill of this nation is 
 but $700,000,000 (which is concededly a low estimate — 
 too low by at least $300,000,000), to render the manufac- 
 ture of liquor as directly profitable to labor as other lines 
 of production, to insure the average equitable distribution 
 of returns from such manufacture, it should pay to work- 
 ingmen annually $116,666,666.66, whereas they receive 
 on the basis of that drink bill less than $14,000,000 — a 
 clear, direct loss to labor in the distribution of wealth of 
 over $100,000,000 every year. 
 
 Admitting these estimates to be true, and saying no 
 word about the loss to laborers involved in drinking the 
 product whose production loses them so much — conce- 
 ding, just now, that they could drink it all without any 
 damage to their earning capacity or without discounting
 
 THE DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 59 
 
 their power and will to save — it must be admitted, in turn, 
 that liquor production antagonizes the best inter- 
 ests of labor, is ever at war with the welfare of 
 workingmen, and is hostile to the true teachings 
 of Political Economy. 
 
 Put only $700,000,000 of the amount yearly paid to the 
 Liquor Traffic into genuinely productive industries, and 
 
 THE FOE OF ^^^ $100,000,000 additional that it would 
 LABOR annually pay Labor would support 200,000 
 
 AND ECONOMY. , , ,r _•,• 1 •,,• r 
 
 laborers families, or a round million of men, 
 women, and children. Save the whole $700,000,000 only 
 out of the round billion which our people annually pay for 
 alcoholics, and it would fairly support 1,400,000 families, 
 or quite 7,000,000 souls. 
 
 And this only as the direct effect of supplying that 
 amount of money to that number of people every year. 
 Suppose that one year the $700,000,000 be invested as 
 capital for productive and reproductive purposes, to re- 
 main thus invested, while subsequent years devote a like 
 sum annually to the purchase of what such capital pro- 
 duces, how many millions more would be supported by 
 the wages paid? How many more families would find a 
 higher standard of comfort because of this happier dis- 
 tribution of wealth ? 
 
 Who will figure this out? 
 
 Dr. Hargreaves, in his "Worse than Wasted" (p. dd), 
 
 has made estimate of a fair division among other indus- 
 
 BETTER tries of $800,000,000 annually expended for 
 
 DISTRIBUTION ,• tu k • f *u r 00 
 
 THROUGH bquor, on the basis of the census of 18S0, 
 CAPITAL. and he apportions $471,000,000 of this for 
 food and food preparations, giving to — 
 
 Flour and grist mills $252,592,856 
 
 Bread and bakery 32,912,448 
 
 Slaughtering and packing meat 151,781,206
 
 6o WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Cheese and butter $12,871,255 
 
 Coffee and spices 11,462,447 
 
 Food preparations (so called) 1,246,612 
 
 Canned fruits, vegetables, etc 8,799,788 
 
 What an army of men and women the production of 
 these things would require and maintain! 
 To them he adds: 
 
 Boots and shoes $84,025, 177 
 
 Carpets 15,896,401 
 
 Cotton goods 96,045,055 
 
 Mixed textiles 33,110,851 
 
 Woolen goods 80,303,360 
 
 Worsted goods 16,774,971 
 
 — making a total of less than $800,000,000, while the 
 liquor bill last year reached about $1,100,000,000. 
 
 The mind can not grasp what all these figures mean, in 
 their wonderful outreach through the distribution of wealth, 
 
 PROBLEM OF by the payment of wages for work, and the 
 DISTRIBUTION, purchase of what work brings into being. 
 No man can imagine the benefits resulting from the expen- 
 diture of such a vast amount in this better and wiser way. 
 
 Take an item or two, and see what analysis reveals. 
 Select the item of Boots and Shoes. You cannot 
 realize what those figures represent — $84,025,177. 
 
 At lowest prices over the retail counter, they would call 
 for nearly or quite 10,000,000 pairs of boots, and 30,000,- 
 LARGER DEMAND ooo pairs of shoes — enough to keep 5,000,- 
 
 FOR LABOR. qqq of men and boys and 15,000,000 women 
 and girls comfortably shod every year — enough to keep 
 half the shoe factories in America running about all the 
 time, and most of the tanneries. 
 
 Take the woolen goods item, of over $80,000,000. 
 Inspect that. What does it show? 
 
 Over T, 000,000 pairs of blankets; over half a million
 
 THE DISTRIBUTION OF WEALTH. 6l 
 
 woolen coverlets; 48,000,000 yards of cloth, for men's 
 clothing mostly; 12,000,000 yards of various dress goods, 
 and more than a half-million shawls. 
 
 Add to these the round billion of yards of cotton 
 goods covered by that $96,000,000 item for such, and 
 can you conceive what this expenditure would mean for 
 the woolen mills and cotton factories, for the sheep- 
 growers of the North, and the cotton-planters of the South ? 
 
 Some important items were not included by Dr. Har- 
 greaves in either list, noticeably Coal and Furniture. 
 A full hundred millions might fairly be appropriated for 
 these in equal division, leaving still another hundred mil- 
 lions out of the billion-dollar drink bill. 
 
 Fifty millions worth of furniture, stoves included, would 
 
 call for immense supplies of lumber and iron, and an equal 
 
 GREATER HOME figure for coal would mean marvels of com- 
 
 COMFORTS. fQi-t in the homes of drinking men and of 
 miners, where comfort now is little known. 
 
 There are 150,000 saloons in this country, with an aver- 
 age of at least 40 patrons for each. 
 
 This would give 6,000,000 of drinkers, representing at 
 least 5,000,000 of homes. In every one of these homes 
 the standard of comfort is detrimentally affected by the 
 habit of drink, because the earning capacity is dis- 
 counted, or the earnings are misappropriated, or both. 
 
 There can be little serious question that the larger de- 
 mand, in these five millions of homes, for the necessities 
 and comforts that fair work and fair wages would supply 
 and the power and will to save would insure, would match 
 the greater production, give to Labor its own, guarantee 
 to Capital its proper returns, and so establish the common 
 weal in every commonwealth; for labor would be in de- 
 mand, the wages of labor would be certain, the distribu- 
 tion of wealth would everywhere be more equitable.
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 WAGE-EARNERS AND WASTERS. 
 
 Into the great problem of the proper Distribution of 
 Wealth enter, as finally determining factors, Consumption 
 and Waste. 
 
 While Wages form the distributing agent, they do not 
 
 alone solve the problem of distribution. If to-day I give 
 
 WAGES or pay you one hundred dollars, and you to- 
 
 AND WASTE, morrow throw it in the flames or otherwise 
 destroy it, the proper distribution of wealth, as between 
 you and me, has not been consummated. I am poorer 
 than I was, if I gave you the money without adequate re- 
 turn; you are no richer. 
 
 It is not what a man can earn, but ivhat he can save^ that 
 determines his individual wealth. If he earn little, but 
 deny himself much that he may save a little, he will in 
 time acquire more or less of wealth; and yet for him there 
 may not have been a fair distribution because of the un- 
 thrift all round him, and the unfairness resulting from 
 unwise production, and from unequal partnership between 
 capital and labor. 
 
 As to national wealth, everything depends upon the 
 ratio of consumption to production. All Consumption 
 is not Waste, but a vast proportion of it is. Much pro- 
 ductive labor is wasteful, as to national wealth ; it produces 
 less than it consumes. 
 
 Statistics have shown in Massachusetts, where these 
 matters have been more carefully studied than perhaps in 
 any other State, that the average annual cost of main- 
 taining one laborer's family is $488.96. If this one la-
 
 WAGE-EARNERS AND WASTERS. 63 
 
 borer earn more money than this every year, he is pro- 
 ductive in the sense and to the extent of increasing 
 COST OF national wealth. If he and his consume 
 
 THE FAMILY, niore than they earn, they count as non- 
 producers, or among the wasters of wealth. 
 
 The farmer's products may and will reproduce muscle, 
 bone, tissue, and the varied means of life; but if he and 
 his annually eat up and wear out more value than he 
 brings forth, they are non-producers, and do not increase 
 wealth. 
 
 The artisan may produce articles of lasting beauty or 
 utility; but if, through idleness or insufficient skill, he 
 does not or cannot earn self- support, and therefore lives 
 partly on credit or charity, he is unproductive. 
 
 Neither of these men adds to the world's wealth; both 
 subtract from it. Without either, in a material sense, the 
 world would be better off. 
 
 Massachusetts has told us what the average laborer's 
 family costs the State, and also what are the average 
 yearly earnings of such family. If the cost, as cited, be 
 larger than in some other portions of the country, so are 
 the earnings, for in Massachusetts more members of the 
 family are wage-earners than in many other States — the 
 number of cotton factories and other mills employing 
 young hands assures this. 
 
 Yet even in Massachusetts the average yearly earnings 
 
 of a laborer's family are but $534.99 — only $46.03 more 
 
 _„_ than the cost of that family's support. So 
 
 THe. 
 
 MASSACHUSETTS that the question of whether the average 
 
 MARGIN. laborer shall remain a producer and 
 
 add to the State's wealth, or a consumer and a 
 
 waster of it, turns on a dangerously narrow margin. 
 
 Whatever in any degree diverts him from labor or de- 
 tracts from his skill, whatever discounts confidence in his
 
 64 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 trustworthiness and makes uncertain his employment, 
 whatever impairs his strength and renders doubtful his 
 health, may wipe out the small surplus of $46.03 that 
 places him in the producing class, among the creators of 
 wealth, and may put him over in the non-producing class, 
 among the wasters, where he does not belong. 
 
 It has been demonstrated beyond all question that the 
 Liquor Traffic does this. 
 
 Father Mathew, the great Irish temperance reformer, 
 visited England, after a wonderful work in his own coun- 
 
 WHERE THE try, and in the great manufacturing town of 
 MARGIN GOES. Waterford he induced 60,000 persons to sign 
 the pledge. Just previous, the corporation of Waterford 
 had made examination of the homes of the poor and 
 working classes, and had estimated the value of all their 
 household and other property at ;^ioo,ooo. 
 
 Two years later the same authorities made a similar 
 examination among the same people, and a like estimate 
 showed them the possessors of household and other prop- 
 erty to the amount of ^200,000. 
 
 The power and the will to save had come with absti- 
 nence from drink; and though no doubt thousands, in 
 those two years, had gone back to their cups, the differ- 
 ence, in favor of those who had not, reached a clear half- 
 million of dollars in that short time. 
 
 The margin in Massachusetts of the earnings of an 
 average laboring man and his family over the yearly cost 
 of their support was shown to be but $46.03. 
 
 Dr. Dorchester, in his comprehensive book, " The Liquor 
 Problem," has estimated that the annual cost for Hquor 
 THE DRINKER'S to the average laboring man who drinks is 
 YEARLY AVERAGE. ^4(j 34_a figure just a little in excess, you 
 see, of the margin given. But to get even this low aver- 
 age of annual cost, Dr. Dorchester not only places the
 
 WAGE-EARNERS AND WASTERS. 65 
 
 total yearly cost of liquor drank in this country at but 
 $700,000,000 — he estimates the number of drinkers at 
 15,000,000 — two and a half times my conservative esti- 
 mate, allowing forty drinkers to a saloon. 
 
 The more drinkers, the less the cost to each. While 
 the total number of drinkers estimated by Dr. Dorchester, 
 I have no doubt, is too high, the average cost as he com- 
 putes it is surely too low. I have no doubt that 50 per 
 cent, should be added, at the least. 
 
 Even if we leave the average annual cost of drink at 
 the figure which Dr. Dorchester gives for each individual 
 laboring man, when we consider that man and his earn- 
 ings alone, leaving out the earnings of his family, there 
 appears a decided balance against him. In Massachu- 
 setts the average earnings per individual, without regard 
 to age or sex, during the year 1893, in a total of seventy- 
 five industries affording employment, were but $434.17 — • 
 less by $54.79 than the average annual cost of a laboring 
 man's family to the State. Clearly, then, the average 
 laboring man, as the head of the home, does not entirely 
 support it, but must be assisted by other members of the 
 family; and while he requires of them (and they are gen- 
 erally his young children, who should be in school) the 
 average annual contribution of $54.79 toward their main- 
 tenance and his, he taxes their earnings in addition for all 
 the cost of the liquor which he annually drinks. As the 
 head of the home, there should be no deficit between 
 what he individually earns and what the home collectively 
 costs. 
 
 My friend, Mr. P. A. Burdick, one of the most efficient 
 workers in the temperance reform which this country has 
 developed, and whose death while in his prime was a great 
 loss to humanity, used to tell a little incident that well 
 illustrated the loss to one laboring man through bad 
 5
 
 66 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 habits and the gain to another through habits of saving 
 and thrift. 
 
 Both men earned fair wages. They were skilled work- 
 men, employed in a wagon-shop. Burdick was introduced 
 to one of them by another workman who had signed the 
 pledge. 
 
 "Tell me how it is," said this man to Burdick, "that 
 
 Mr. D. has paid for a home worth $1,200, has sent his 
 
 .j^Q three children to school for four years, and 
 
 WORKINGMEN'S has a $1,000 bond laid by for a rainy day. 
 
 We have worked here together in this shop 
 
 for fifteen years, and I have been paid the most wages. 
 
 He has received only $2 a day, and I $2.50. I can't 
 
 understand how he has a home and $1,000 at interest, and 
 
 I have neither." 
 
 "Don't you save anything of your wages?" asked 
 Burdick. 
 
 " No. Sometimes at the year's end I am $35 ahead, and 
 sometimes that much in debt." 
 
 " Have you any children ?" 
 
 "No." 
 
 " Do you drink ?" 
 
 " Not much ; only beer, and I buy that by the quart, so 
 I get it cheaper than by the glass." 
 
 " How much do you use a day?" 
 
 " You see that pail ? Well, I get that full twice each 
 day, and it costs me twenty-five cents a pail. It don't 
 amount to much." 
 
 " Do you get your pail filled on Sunday?" 
 
 "Yes, just the same as on week-days." 
 
 " Now if you will multiply 365, the number of days in a 
 year," said Mr. Burdick, "by fifty cents, you will see that 
 it does amount to something. It amounts to $182.50." 
 
 Burdick figured it out on a piece of pine board.
 
 WAGE-EARXERS AND WASTERS. 67 
 
 "Well," said the man, "that is so. I never reckoned 
 it up before." 
 
 "Do you use tobacco?" further inquired my friend. 
 *' Yes, smoke and chew both. Get my box filled every 
 morning, which costs five cents, and smoke three five-cent 
 cigars a day. I wonder how much that amounts to?" 
 Burdick put the figures before him — 365 multiplied by 
 COST OF BEER 20, the amouut spent each day, amounts to 
 AND TOBACCO. $73 a year. 
 
 "Then both beer and tobacco cost me S255 a year, 
 do they?" asked the man, mentally summing up these 
 items. 
 
 "They do. Is there any other habit you indulge?" 
 
 "I don't know whether you'd call it a habit," and the 
 man hesitated, " but I never work on Saturday. I take 
 that as a holiday." 
 
 " How do you celebrate your holiday?" 
 
 "Well," he answered, shamefacedly, "I might just as 
 well make a clean breast of the whole matter. I generally 
 sit in the bar-rooms, and now and then play a game of 
 pedro for the beer, to amuse the boys." 
 
 " How much do you think amusing the boys costs you 
 every Saturday?" 
 
 "Oh, half a dollar, I guess, would cover it." 
 
 "Don't you know it costs you three dollars every Sat- 
 urday instead of fifty cents?" 
 
 " No, I can't see it so." 
 
 "Let me show you, "said Burdick, and he figured away 
 on the pine board. " If you should work every Saturday, 
 you would earn $2.50; if you don't, you are short $2.50 
 and the fifty cents you spend, which comes out of Friday's 
 wages. Don't you see ?" 
 
 "And now," the temperance lecturer went on to say, 
 " let us sum up the whole business:
 
 68 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 For beer one year $i 82. 50 
 
 For tobacco one year 73-Oo 
 
 For lost time one year 130.00 
 
 For amusing the boys 26.00 
 
 Total $411.50 
 
 " If you had saved this sum every year and put it in a 
 savings bank at 6 per cent, interest, how much would you 
 have now, do you suppose ?" 
 
 "I have no idea," answered the man; "but I can see 
 
 now how Mr. D. has laid up money, for he neither drinks, 
 
 THE uses tobacco, nor plays cards, and he works 
 
 GROSS AMOUNT, all the week. Figure it out, Burdick, in 
 
 full: I want to know just how big a fool I have been." 
 
 And soon the pine board showed the total, "$9,676.07" 
 — an astonishing sum, surely. 
 
 "Bring out your pledge," said the man, as he stood 
 looking over my friend's shoulder and saw the result, 
 "and put it all in — liquor, tobacco, and cards! I'll quit 
 the whole or none. Almost $10,000 I have squandered, 
 and never dreamed I was the only one to blame." 
 
 He took the pledge, and took the pine board — and kept 
 both. The board he framed, and hung it up over his 
 work-bench, in daily reminder of what he had done. 
 
 Now these two laboring men fairly exemplified Produc- 
 tion and Wealth, Consumption and Waste. 
 
 Both were skilled workmen, but the wages of neither 
 were large. The one having the larger pay was no better 
 off now than fifteen years before: in all that time he had 
 barely kept even with the world. The one getting the 
 smaller wages had become a capitalist — he had money at 
 interest. The better man, as to work and wages, was 
 worse off as to personal wealth — skill, and character, and 
 habits — because of his indulgences. He was fifteen years
 
 WAGE-EARNERS AND WASTERS. 69 
 
 nearer the point inevitably before him when his earning 
 capacity would in part or altogether cease. 
 
 Industry is the father of capital, but Economy is 
 
 its mother. Industry creates it; Economy nourishes it. 
 
 INDUSTRY Capital can be preserved and can profitably 
 
 AND ECONOMY, reproducc itself only through the constant 
 
 care of Economy. 
 
 Both to the employer and the employed, to the capital- 
 ist and the laborer seeking to create capital, Political 
 Economy comes with a lesson growing more eloquent 
 every year, and illustrations becoming every year more 
 abundant. True Capital is not the millions in bonds, re- 
 posing in the safe of the railroad king, which turn no 
 mill-wheels and feed no looms; it is the surplus of a pro- 
 duction which can and does continue reproducing itself, at 
 the hands of labor fairly sharing in such surplus, and fairly 
 entitled thus to share by reason of intelligence, sobriety^ 
 steady application, and honest interest. 
 
 What I have said before, let me repeat: That capital is 
 best employed, and best serves the State, in whose pro- 
 
 CAPiTAL AND duction the largest possible amount of labor 
 WAGES. js engaged, and in the returns for which 
 labor has the largest share. So employed. Capital fulfils 
 the highest requirement, Labor serves the supreme law, 
 and Wages perform the divine mission of Political Econ- 
 omy by insuring a proper distribution of Wealth. For 
 there can be no other system of distribution so just and 
 so complete as this. Wages must form the final basis of 
 equalization; but wages will not equalize wealth 
 when hand in hand with wages goes waste. 
 
 That all men shall earn wages is the primal law. That 
 the wages of some shall become capital, and in turn pay 
 wages to others, is a law secondary and essential. That 
 wages form a legitimate share in all legitimate industries,
 
 70 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 nobody doubts; and that the prosperity of the State de- 
 pends upon the most perfect distribution of wealth, 
 through the wisest employment of capital, the most equi- 
 table apportionment of Labor's proceeds and the most 
 provident use of Wages, is too plain a fact for further 
 need of elucidation.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 CHARACTER AND EFFECTS OF CONSUMPTION. 
 
 Want, and Production to satisfy it, imply Consump- 
 tion. Were there no consumption, there would be no 
 CONSUMPTION want. Were there no want, there could be 
 
 IMPERATIVE, no Wealth. As De Laveleye says: 
 
 " All production is in obedience to the demand of 
 Consumption." 
 
 But, as has been said, all Consumption is not Waste. 
 
 Consumption is of different kinds. It may be broadly 
 classified as — 
 
 1. Unproductive; and 
 
 2. Reproductive. 
 Or we might say — 
 
 1. Consumption for enjoyment; and 
 
 2. Industrial Consumption. 
 
 All that Labor secures through Production is wealth; 
 and Xenophon's aphorism is as true now as when he ut- 
 tered it: " No wealth is useful save to him who can put it 
 to a good use." 
 
 Putting it to use means its consumption, since to 
 use wealth is necessarily to consume it. Consumption 
 may be swift or slow; but slowly or swiftly, consumption 
 consumes. Whether the consumer shall lose his wealth 
 or retain it depends upon whether his consumption is 
 REPRODOCTivE Unproductive or reproductive. One or the 
 CONSUMPTION, other it cannot escape being. Says the great 
 French economist: "Consumption is bound to be repro- 
 ductive, under penalty of destitution or death."
 
 72 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 "When everything goes into the mouth," also says De 
 Laveleye, "the result is destitution." 
 
 Which means that unproductive consumption pauperizes 
 the individual, burdens the State, and impairs national 
 wealth. Let us see what reproductive and unproductive 
 consumption are. 
 
 I own a cotton factory. I invest capital in the raw 
 cotton, and my factory consumes it. But that factory 
 turns out a product, in cloth, more valuable than the crude 
 stuff carried into it. It was reproductive consumption. 
 
 Or I am a boot and shoe manufacturer, and my capital 
 purchases a large quantity of leather. As leather it is 
 cut up and consumed, but there comes a more valuable 
 product in boots and shoes. It was ;>'^productive con- 
 sumption. 
 
 Or I am a baker, and buy many barrels of flour. It is 
 consumed as flour, and from my ovens as flour it can 
 never reappear. But the product is thousands of loaves 
 of bread — Reproductive Consumption. 
 
 Or I am a farmer, and in my fall seeding I consume 
 scores of bushels of grain. But my labor and nature's 
 bounty return me hundreds of bushels instead — again, 
 Reproductive Consumption. 
 
 All consumption is reproductive which appropriates 
 substance in one form to bring forth equally or more valu- 
 able substance in another form, or to insure a still larger 
 supply of substance in the original form. 
 
 All consumption is ?/;/productive which appropriates 
 substance in one form and reproduces it in a form less 
 UNPRODUCTIVE valuable, or in a form which, if nominally 
 CONSUMPTION. Qf niore value, has in itself no powers or qual- 
 ities of reproduction. 
 
 And all consumption which thus reproduces a less valu- 
 able form of wealth, or reproduces a more valuable form
 
 CHARACTER AND EFFECTS OF CONSUMPTION. 73 
 
 without the powers or qualities of further reproduction, is 
 ultimately and absolutely waste. 
 
 It must be remembered that our English verb to cojisume 
 takes from its Latin derivative, consumere, a double mean- 
 ing — to use, to employ, and to waste, to destroy. 
 
 The question naturally comes up, How far do reproduc- 
 tive uses extend, or what constitutes actual destruction ? 
 
 As a baker, my flour is reproductively employed in 
 making bread. You buy my bread and eat it. Have you 
 destroyed it? 
 
 The cotton which I bought for my cotton-mill passed 
 through reproductive processes, and the cloth which came 
 of it you bought and consumed. Is it destroyed ? You 
 bought the boots and shoes that were reproduced in my 
 boot and shoe factory from the leather consumed there: 
 you have worn them out and cast them aside. Was the 
 leather wastefully destroyed in such consumption and 
 use? 
 
 Your thoughtful answer to these questions is in the 
 negative. 
 
 My flour, you say, is reproduced in the tissues of your 
 
 body; and the body itself is a reproductive agent. But, 
 
 ^jjg that it may employ itself reproductively, it 
 
 REPRODUCTIVE must be clothed, and the cloth used to cover 
 
 it was not destructively consumed, since of 
 
 such use came the means to buy other clothing; and the 
 
 boots or shoes worn out were not wasted, since they 
 
 made possible more service and the purchase of more 
 
 shoes. 
 
 And you thus establish a reproductive line from the 
 farmer's wheat in his bin to his growing crop, from his 
 harvest-field to the baker's, and from the baker's to your 
 own reproductive labor in the shop or in the field. Con- 
 sumption has kept even parallel with the whole line, but
 
 74 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 it has been reproductive or industrial consumption. There 
 has been no waste. 
 
 Now, I ask you to go with me, a farmer, while I sow 
 my grain. Yonder ripples the wheat-field, and from it 
 runs just such a reproductive line as mentioned. But 
 barley is a sure crop, and always commands a good price, 
 and this spring my usual area of barley shall be sown. 
 
 I consume ten bushels of seed — my capital— that I may 
 by and by reap 300 bushels of product. Thus far it is re- 
 productive consumption, surely. I sell my product, and get 
 my pay, and for me the reproductive processes go on. 
 
 But my barley reaches the brewer, with a halt at the 
 maltster's between. It is malt when it finds the brewer's 
 
 WHERE THE vats — another product, commercially more 
 
 LINE BREAKS, valuable; and soon it flows out in still an- 
 other form, valued commercially yet higher, perhaps, and 
 doctored with vile drugs to give it "body," and "bead," 
 and " age," and that nameless Oliver-Twistish quality call- 
 ing for more. 
 
 But here the reproductive line suddenly breaks. 
 This latest product has in it no powers or qualities of 
 reproduction. Productively, it is the ultimate. Used, 
 employed, it is so much substance wasted and destroyed, 
 in swift, absolute, unproductive consumption at the last. 
 
 If I drink it myself, it gives me no renewal of strength 
 for my productive labor; if my neighbor drink it, it is no 
 more helpful to him. If you drink it, you cannot say of 
 it what you said of the flour, of the cotton, of the boots 
 and shoes. It restores no wasted tissue; it brings no 
 means to buy other clothing; its use was absolutely and 
 finally a waste — and worse than waste. 
 
 AT THE Thinking once of the barley-field and the 
 
 BEER BARREL, results of it, thesc verses came to me, as if 
 they were sung by
 
 CHARACTER AND EFFECTS OF CONSUMPTION. 75 
 
 A BARREL OF BEER. 
 
 I'm a barrel of beer ! I'm a barrel of beer? 
 Growing prouder and mightier year by year ! 
 My beginnings were back in the barley-field. 
 By the sun and the rain from the soil revealed ; 
 I was innocent then as a babe unborn, 
 While I rippled and waved in the breeze of morn ; 
 Now I'm altered, and old, but a ruler here, — 
 I'm a barrel of beer! 
 
 I'm a barrel of beer, just a barrel of beer, 
 But of me and my power some men have fear! 
 From the grain-field fair, by the breezes kissed, 
 I was borne to the vats where the serpents hissed — 
 Through the doors of a malthouse wide I went, 
 Where I gave up my soul in a sad lament ; 
 Now I'm altered, and old, and my end is near 
 As a barrel of beer. 
 
 I'm a barrel of beer, I'm a barrel cf beer! 
 I am coveted, now, for my gay good cheer! 
 I am scepter and throne for the thirst of men ; 
 I am mightier, now, than the sword or pen, 
 For I bow men's brains, and I bend their will, 
 And I would not scruple to starve or kill, — 
 I compel my bidding, through love or fear 
 Of a barrel of beer! 
 
 I'm a barrel of beer, but a barrel of beer! 
 You may fancy it strange, and may call it queer. 
 That a royal man should before me bow, 
 And should do my bidding, as men do now. 
 Some are sitting to-day in the Chair of State, 
 And you praise them much, and you call them great, 
 But they bend to me as I laugh and leer, — 
 Me — a barrel of beer! 
 
 I'm a barrel of beer, but a barrel of beer. 
 Yet the law of the State, and the speech of seer, 
 And the words of God, are as weak things, all, 
 To the Christian cowards who fawn and fall
 
 76 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 At my strong behest, when their aid I claim 
 And require it swift in their party's name, 
 While I sit in my place of power, and jeer, — 
 I, a barrel of beer! 
 
 I'm a barrel of beer, but a barrel of beer! 
 When the day shall come that I disappear, 
 When out through the faucet I glide and flow, 
 With the devils all dancing to see me go, 
 And into the stomachs of men I glide 
 Bearing curses and imps on my foaming tide. 
 Will the end of the reign and the power be near 
 Of a barrel of beer ? 
 
 I'm barrel of beer, but a barrel of beer! 
 And there are some men with a hope sincere 
 And a purpose plain to dethrone me yet ; 
 There are mourning mothers who can't forget 
 How their sons went down to the depths of sin, 
 Where the mocking tortures of hell begin, 
 And greater with God may be one woman's tear 
 Than a barrel of beer. 
 
 I'm a barrel of beer, I'm a barrel of beer! 
 My beginnings were back in the sunshine clear, — 
 In the soft, brown beauty of waving grain. 
 And the rippling streamlet that sought the main, 
 And I would I were innocent now as then 
 To the vision of God and the taste of men, 
 For then I could never be lingering here 
 As a barrel of beer. 
 
 Liebig, the great German chemist, is on record as testi- 
 fying that in two gallons of the best Bavarian beer there 
 NO NUTRIMENT 'S not SO much nutriment as could be taken 
 IN BEER. up on the point of a knife-blade; and that 
 the man who should drink two gallons of such beer (the 
 most nutritious known) every day for an entire year would 
 obtain no more nutriment than is contained in a five-pound 
 loaf of bread, or in three pounds of meat.
 
 CHARACTER AND EFFECT OF CONSUMPTION. 77 
 
 Figuring forty gallons to the barrel of beer, the drinker 
 would get out of every barrel about the same nutritive 
 constituents as he would derive from four ounces of bread, 
 or between two and three ounces of meat. 
 
 Some years ago the Rev. Dr. Dunn, of Boston, in a 
 pamphlet on " The Evils of Beer Legislation," thus de- 
 clared: 
 
 " Much has been said of waste and extravagance, but we know of 
 no instance or example that will bear any parallel with the prodigality 
 that is practised in converting barley into malt, and malt into beer." 
 
 After asking what there is to support and strengthen a 
 man in a pint of ale or beer, Dr. Dunn answered in these 
 words: 
 
 " Its contents are fourteen ounces of water, part of an ounce of the 
 
 extract of barley, and nearly an ounce of alcohol. The water and 
 
 alcohol immediately go into the veins, and while the alcohol poisons, 
 
 the water, if not needed, unnecessarily dilutes the 
 
 blood, overcharges the vessels, and loads the kidneys 
 
 and bladder, while there remains less than an ounce 
 
 of indigestible extract of malt, which has been 'grown, ' scalded, 
 
 boiled, embittered, fermented, and drenched with water and alcohol, 
 
 till it seems unfit for the brute, far less the human stomach. Vet this 
 
 is all that is left in the stomach to be digested. No wonder that all 
 
 beer-drinkers feel a constant pain and sinking in their stomach, and 
 
 that they are always craving for more drink!" 
 
 If mere unproductive consumption were all, or the 
 worst, that is chargeable against the manufacture of beer, 
 while Political Economy would condemn it, from the purely 
 material side, the severest condemnation might be spared. 
 But the evils and waste that result from beer-drinking 
 exceed many fold any loss in the manufacture. Proof 
 by the volume could be brought forward in evidence. 
 
 In 1830 the Parliament of Great Britain passed a Beer 
 Act, now famous, or infamous, in the history of liquor
 
 78 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 legislation. It was to do great things for the working- 
 classes of England ; and it did, but not in the way ex- 
 
 REsuLTS OF pcctcd. Only two weeks after its passage 
 BEER-DRINKING. Sidney Smith wrote of it: "The new Beer 
 Bill has begun its operations. Everybody is drunk.'" 
 
 Not long afterward the London Globe printed this edi- 
 torial testimony: 
 
 " The injury done by the Beer Kzt to the peace and order of the 
 rural neighborhoods, not to mention domestic happiness, industry, 
 and economy, has been proved by witnesses from every class of society 
 to have exceeded the evils of any single act of internal administration 
 passed within the memory of man." 
 
 One American instance, as illustrating in this country 
 this reference to peace and domestic happiness in rural 
 neighborhoods abroad, will be pardonably sufficient. 
 
 Almost under the shadow of a great brewery, in a rural 
 neighborhood of western New York, adjoining a pretty 
 village, lived not many years ago a German laborer and 
 his wife, in a neat cottage, well kept. When perfectly 
 sober he was a kind husband and a good citizen. He 
 never drank anything stronger than beer, as was finally 
 proved, but always after taking that he was bad-tempered, 
 surly, unkind. 
 
 On a summer Sunday morning the entire community 
 was appalled by the discovery made at this man's home. 
 Upon one end of the pretty piazza, in front, lay the 
 murdered wife; at the other end lay the dead husband. 
 He had killed her, and then killed himself; and the cause 
 of it all, as was amply shown by the coroner's inquest, 
 was the small empty beer-keg found close by his side — or 
 the contents of that keg before he emptied it. 
 
 A thousand cases of like nature could be cited to show 
 that the waste of grain and of effort in producing beer is 
 not nearly so bad as the waste of human life that fol-
 
 CHARACTER AND EFFECT OF CONSUMPTION. 79 
 
 lows consumption of it. As to the utter uselessness of 
 beer for sustenance; as to its damaging effect upon tem- 
 
 EFFECTS ON pe^, and character, and the physical system; 
 
 HUMAN LIFE, ^s to its baleful influence upon domestic 
 peace, and social order, and morality — chemistry, and 
 human experience, and common observation, testify as 
 with one voice and in perfect accord. And what, then, . 
 should Political Economy declare? 
 
 " Nothing," Professor Perry would answer, in the logical 
 line of his narrow definition: " Political Economy has to 
 do with nothing on earth but sales." 
 
 And so, as I sold my barley for a good price, and the 
 brewer bought his malt at a price he could afford to pay, 
 and somebody bought his beer, to the brewer's and the bar- 
 keeper's profit, according to Perry, Political Economy has 
 no more interest in the matter. 
 
 But remember what Perry afterward said, with all the 
 emphasis of italics and small capitals, that " Commerce is 
 COMMERCE A ^« exchange of goods for the mutual Benefit of 
 MUTUAL BENEFIT. //^^ respective owners:' 
 
 And recall that statement of De Laveleye when he said: 
 "In 'goods'' must be included all that \'i good iox the ad- 
 vancement of the individual and of the human race." 
 
 Now, if Political Economy be but the Science of Sales, 
 and if sale be but an exchange of goods for mutual benefit, 
 how, then, would Professor Perry treat the sale of that 
 which is not good, or which does not inure to mutual benefit? 
 Plow shall we have a Science of Sales that relates only to 
 sales of a certain kind ? 
 
 How shall we divorce Political Economy, as a mere 
 ATTITUDE Science of Sales, from the sales that do not 
 
 OF ECONOMY, confer mutual benefit, unless by the laws of 
 Political Economy and of the legislator we declare that 
 such sales shall not be ?
 
 8o WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 " It goes almost without saying," says Perry in another 
 place, "that persons are more important in Political 
 Economy than things; that the buyer is of more conse- 
 quence economically as well as morally than that which 
 he buys, and the seller than that which he sells." 
 
 Surely a Science of Sales must consider those objects 
 most important economically. Surely our Science of 
 Economics must insist that Production and the sale of 
 things produced shall not lead to sure waste of persons 
 and of things, the absolute destruction of individual and 
 of national wealth.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 REPRODUCTIVE CONSUMPTION AND WEALTH. 
 
 As Wages are, and must be, the distributing agent of 
 Wealth ; as Wages must be paid to Labor, the second re- 
 
 CONSUMPTION quisite of Production, which begets Wealth ; 
 
 AND CAPITAL, g^^d as Labor creates Capital, by which 
 Wages must be paid and more wealth created; Political 
 Economy requires that in the use of Capital, in the 
 employment of Labor, for the payment of Wages, 
 there shall be the largest possible amount of Re- 
 productive Consumption. 
 
 Through such consumption alone can a fair standard of 
 Wages be sustained, the employment of Labor be general, 
 and Wealth's distribution be fair. 
 
 Over this question of Wages, considered indirectly and 
 directly, our statesmen have wasted an immense amount 
 of time. A great tariff debate continued several months 
 in both houses of the Fifty-third Congress, and the central 
 topic was" Industrial interest. National prosperity. " The 
 core of the whole question was the conservation of Capi- 
 tal, or the guardianship of Labor, the protection of 
 Wages. On the last day of that debate, in the lower 
 house, when so-called Protectionists (Republicans) and 
 so-called Free-Traders (Democrats) put forth their recog- 
 nized ablest leaders to speak for them and to rally their 
 voting ranks (February i, 1894), the Hon. Thomas B. 
 CONGRESS Reed stood as Protection's final champion 
 
 ON ECONOMY, among the Representatives, and made a 
 speech that was printed in full by his party press the next 
 day. In that speech, evidently prepared with care, and
 
 82 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 intended to be the master effort of that debate, Mr. Reed 
 sneered at Political Economy and economists, as now and 
 then a politician does, but gave half-conscious recognition, 
 nevertheless, to politico-economic laws. 
 
 In the course of that speech Mr. Reed said: 
 
 "I confess to you that this question of wages is to me the vital 
 question. To insure our growth in civilization and wealth, we must 
 not only have wages as they are now, but constantly and steadily in- 
 creasing. This desire of mine for constantly increasing wages does not 
 have its origin in love for the individual, but in love for the whole 
 nation." 
 
 A few minutes before this confession Mr. Reed had thus 
 declared : 
 
 " The increase of wages which the service-seller ought to have, and 
 the only useful increase he can ever get, will be by the operation of 
 natural laws, working upon the opportunities which legislation may aid 
 in furnishing. The increase will never come from the outside, will 
 never be the gift of any employer. // must come from the improvement 
 in the matt himself." 
 
 Partially explaining how, through such improvement in 
 the man, increase of the man's wages may come, Mr. Reed 
 went on to say : 
 
 " Man is not a mere muscular agent, to be fed with meat and give 
 forth effort. Man is a social being. He must have whatever his 
 neighbor has. He cannot grow unless he does. Every growth im- 
 plies a larger consumption of consumable wealth, — I 
 
 WAGES AND THE j^g^u vvhatever is made by man and contributes to his 
 WAGE-EARNER. 
 
 enjoyment, whether it be a loaf of bread, a novel, or a 
 
 concert. The more a man wants of consumable wealth the more his 
 
 wages are likely to be. But by wants I do not mean any wild longings 
 
 for what is beyond his reach, but such wants as are in sight, and to 
 
 supply which he has such longings as will make him work." 
 
 You see that in part, at least, the great speech of Mr. 
 Reed sounds as if he had read our preceding pages. Let 
 us follow him a little further:
 
 REPRODUCTIVE CONSUMPTION AND WEALTH. 83 
 
 " This question of wages is all-important as bearing upon the ques- 
 tion of consumption. All production depends upon consumption. 
 Who are the consumers ? 
 
 " In the old days, when the products of manufactures were luxuries, 
 the lord and his retainers, the lady and her maids, were the consumers, 
 a class apart by themselves, but to-day the consumers are the pro- 
 ducers. Long ago the laborer consumed only what would keep him 
 alive. To-day he and his wife and their children are so immeasurably 
 the most valuable customers that if the shop had to give up the wealthy 
 or those whom it is the custom to call poor, there would not be a 
 moment's hesitation or a moment's doubt." 
 
 Now, in this last utterance Mr. Reed fairly recognized 
 two facts: 
 
 The enormous proportionate increase of "those 
 whom it is the custom to call poor." 
 
 The higher standard of living among that class 
 so greatly increased. 
 
 This elevation of the standard of living in the home 
 of the average laboring man has "come from the improve- 
 ment in the man himself." What it means in relation to 
 the law of supply and demand has been referred to in 
 former chapters. How widely this law is put to the test, 
 in the home of this man, nobody realizes until some one 
 calls to it our specific attention. 
 
 In a recent address at Birmingham, England, Sir Edwin 
 Arnold, speaking of the average English artisan's domes- 
 
 AN ENGLISH ^^^ Condition and comforts, swept the wide 
 
 ARTISAN'S range of supply and demand, and hinted 
 
 at the multiform varieties of labor involved, 
 
 the extent of capital employed, and the like, in these words: 
 
 "Observe his dinner-board: Without being luxurious, the whole 
 globe has played him serving-man to spread it. Russia gave the hemp, 
 or India or South Carolina the cotton, for that cloth which his wife lays 
 upon it. The Eastern Islands placed there those condiments and 
 spices which were once the secret relishes of the wealthy. Australian 
 downs sent him frozen mutton or canned beef ; the prairies of America,
 
 84 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 meal for his biscuit and pudding ; and if he will eat fruit, the or- 
 chards of Tasmania and the pahn woods of the West Indies proffer 
 delicious gifts ; while the orange groves of Florida and of the 
 Hesperides cheapen for his use those 'golden apples' which dragons 
 used to guard. 
 
 " His coffee comes from where jeweled humming-birds hang in the 
 bowers of Brazil, or purple butterflies flutter amid the Javan mangroves. 
 Great clipper ships, racing by night and day under clouds of canvas, 
 convey for him his tea from China or Assam, or from the green Sin- 
 ghalese hills. The sugar which sweetens it was crushed from canes 
 that waved by the Nile or the Orinoco ; and the plating of the spoon 
 with which bestirs it was dug for him from Mexican or Nevadan mines. 
 
 " The currants in his dumpling are a tribute from classic Greece, 
 and his tinned salmon or kippered herring are a token from the seas and 
 rivers of Canada or Norway. He may partake, if he will, of rice that 
 ripened under the hot skies of Patna or Rangoon; of cocoa, that food 
 of the gods plucked under the burning blue of the equator. 
 
 " For his rasher of bacon, the hog express runs daily, with 10,000 
 grunting victims, into Chicago; Dutch or Brittany hens have laid him 
 his eggs, and Danish cows grazed the daisies of Elsinore to produce 
 his cheese and butter." 
 
 In such poetic prose an English poet and a world-wide 
 traveler has told us of the broad field which is drawn upon 
 by an English artisan's demands. 
 
 But Sir Edwin does not say that these demands are the 
 result of sobriety; of the steady labor of a sober man; 
 
 LABOR, SOBER of the fair wages paid that man for skilled 
 
 OR SODDEN, work ; of productive consumption, by thou- 
 sands of other men, for the behoof of this man and thou- 
 sands of others besides. He need not say it; it is all im- 
 plied. 
 
 Suppose, now, instead of the sober artisan at his dinner- 
 board laden with the fruit and other products of so many 
 lands and representing the toil of so many hands, you have 
 the besoddeii laborer, with but his brown loaf and his mug 
 of beer. And suppose you multiply this man by a million, 
 what do the man and the multiplication mean?
 
 REPRODUCTIVE CONSUMPTION AND WEALTH. 85 
 
 "All production depends upon consumption," says Mr. 
 Reed. 
 
 Curtail by 75 per cent, the normal consumption in one 
 million of homes, and how must Production be affected? 
 
 If " the more a man wants of consumable wealth the 
 
 more his wages are likely to be," as Mr. Reed affirms, is 
 
 WAGES there not the closest relation between his 
 
 AND WANTS, wages and his wants? And must it not, 
 then, be true that the less he wants of consumable wealth 
 the less will his wages be ? If the brown loaf a7id the mug 
 of beer satisfy his wants, will they fiot measure his 7c>ages ? 
 
 Let one more quotation from Mr. Reed suffice: 
 
 *• We are nominally 70,000,000 people. That is what we are in mere 
 numbers. But as a market for manufactures and choice foods we are 
 potentially 200,000,000, as compared with the next best nation on the 
 globe. Nor is this difficult to prove. 
 
 " Whenever an Englishman earns one dollar, an American earns 
 one dollar and sixty cents. I speak within bounds. Both can get the 
 food that keeps the body and soul together, and the shelter which the 
 body must have, for 60 cents. Take 60 cents from a dollar, and you 
 have 40 cents left. Take that same 60 cents from the dollar and si.xty 
 and you have a dollar left, just two and a half times as much. That 
 surplus can be spent in choice foods, in housefurnishings, in fine 
 clothes, and all the comforts of life— in a word, in the products of our 
 manufactures. That makes our population as consumers of products, 
 as compared with the English population, 200,000,000. Their popula- 
 tion is 37,000,000 as consumers of products which one century ago 
 were pure luxuries, while our population is equivalent to 200,000,000." 
 
 Why are we equivalent, comparatively, to 200,000,000? 
 Why are we, as consumers, potentially so strong ? 
 
 Because of our standard of living; because of our de- 
 mands, as consumers of consumable wealth. 
 
 NATIONAL But are we potentiallv so strong as INIr. 
 
 CONSUMPTION. Reed's figures affirm ? He considers all our 
 
 70,000,000 people as consumers in the larger proportion
 
 86 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 which his comparison indicates. He takes no account of 
 the half or wholly idle class, multiplying with dangerous 
 rapidity, who consume but a small per cent, of what they 
 should, yet who are consumers in the sense that they 
 produce nothing, and are a growing waste of the public 
 wealth. 
 
 Mr. Reed argued eloquently for Consumption ; he 
 gave no heed to Waste. Into the great economic prob- 
 lem, which he and his fellow Congressmen were trying to 
 solve in that great debate, the great factor of Waste did 
 not enter, to their recognition. Day after day, hour after 
 hour, their oratory flowed forth, giving reasons for the 
 widespread want, and the growth of our great needy 
 class, and not a man of them saw or dared assert the 
 greatest reason of all. 
 
 That reason lies in the violation of economic law. The 
 largest possible amount of Reproductive Consumption has 
 not been secured. The conditions that would secure it 
 have not been provided for and insisted upon; they were 
 not even mentioned, in that great debate, by the states- 
 men who took part in it. Was it because these conditions 
 would seriously affect a great political power on which 
 these statesmen depend ? 
 
 Capital and Wages are essential to Reproductive Con- 
 sumption. Without Capital, Wages cannot be paid. 
 
 CAPITAL AND Without Wages, Reproductive Consumption 
 WAGES. is impossible. With a constant and enormous 
 increase of laborers, and a growing increase in the propor- 
 tion of unskilled labor, the tendency of Wages is down- 
 ward; there is a growing momentum of waste. In- 
 crease in the unskilled class means an increase in the 
 saloon class. Increase of that class makes of less and 
 less account the difference between an Englishman's wages 
 and an American's. Whether the surplus of a man's earn-
 
 REPRODUCTIVE CONSUMPTION AND WEALTH. 87 
 
 ings, over the bare support of the man, be sixty cents a 
 day or a dollar and sixty cents, cuts little figure in his 
 case, when all that surplus, whatever it is, goes into the 
 till of a saloon. 
 
 Multiply the man by six millions, and say that he spends 
 but the sixty cents of surplus on each working day of the 
 year, and the saloon takes from him and his class, allow- 
 ing that its doors are closed and that its patronage ceases 
 every Sunday, the enormous sum of over $1,126,000,- 
 000 that should be spent in the lines of Reproduc- 
 tive Consumption. 
 
 Labor must earn Wages. Capital must pay Wages. 
 Wages must distribute Wealth. The more wage- 
 earners, then, the better will be the distribution of 
 Wealth. 
 
 Apply this more than $1,126,000,000 which are annually 
 spent for liquors in this country to the purchase of articles 
 consumed in Reproductive Consumption, and how many 
 more wage-earners would be supported by providing this 
 new supply for this new demand? 
 
 According to a table in The Voice oi January 25, 1894, 
 the number of men employed for one year in the manu- 
 
 LiauoR AND facture of liquors consumed to the amount 
 
 ITS LABORERS, ^f $1,014,592,500 WaS 37,033. 
 
 This figure was reached by learning the total number 
 employed in making malt liquors in 39 cities, and distilled 
 liquors in 2 cities, counting the establishments, and finding 
 the average employed by each, then multiplying this aver- 
 age by the total number of establishments. 
 
 This table further shows that in the manufacture of 
 OTHER SERVANTS malt liquors but yV^ of a man is employed 
 
 OF CAPITAL. for every $10,000 in retail value of the same, 
 and but -^-^ in the manufacture of distilled liquors, while 
 for every $10,000 in retail value of useful articles produced
 
 88 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 by seven other industries the average number of men em- 
 ployed is as follows: 
 
 Bread and bakery products 3.36 
 
 Boots and shoes 5-03 
 
 Cotton goods 6.89 
 
 Silk goods. 4- S6 
 
 Woolen goods 5-40 
 
 Lumber and mill products 4-o8 
 
 Iron and steel products 3.52 
 
 It is further shown by this table that in the manufacture 
 of $10,000 retail value of liquor, the raw material de- 
 manded is, for malt liquors $1,213, ^"d for distilled 
 liquors $647, or an average of $930; making a total, at 
 CONSUMPTION OF this average, of raw material consumed in 
 RAW MATERIALS, producing the liquor drank for one year of 
 but $94,357,103, while the average value of raw ma- 
 terial demanded by the seven legitimate industries men- 
 tioned for the manufacture of goods to the retail value 
 of $10,000 is $4,774; and at this rate, if these other 
 and useful goods took the place of the liquors, the raw 
 material demanded would aggregate $484,366,460 — an 
 increase in the demand for such raw materials of over 
 Sspo, 000, 000 every year. 
 
 The average of men employed for the manufacture of 
 useful goods to the retail value of $10,000, in the seven 
 legitimate industries, is 4 -^f^ — nearly thirteen times 
 greater than the average employed in the manufacture of 
 liquor; and according to these figures, if the money spent 
 for drink were spent instead for such goods, their increased 
 manufacture alone would call for 44^,2"/^ inore me?i. 
 
 For producing the greater amount of raw material 
 required by this increase of such manufacture, it is con- 
 servatively estimated that our country would require still 
 more men to the number of 650,016, So that, if the more
 
 REPRODUCTIVE CONSUMPTION AND WEALTH. 89 
 
 than $1,126,000,000 wasted yearly by our people in the 
 unproductive consumption of liquor were spent for useful 
 
 ADDITIONAL articles of food, clothing, and shelter, it 
 LABORERS would require 443,275 more men in the fac- 
 tories to meet the demand for manufactured 
 goods, and 650,016 more men outside the factories to 
 produce the raw materials for their manufacture — // woicld 
 pay wages to and distribute wealth among a grand additional 
 total of I, ogs, 2gi men ! 
 
 And this, it must be borne in mind, is taking no account 
 of the handling and transportation and sale of the goods 
 additionally produced; of the increased number of rail- 
 road men, teamsters, boatmen, merchants, clerks, etc., 
 who would be called for in putting these goods through 
 the channels of trade into the consumers' hands. 
 
 When Ireland closed her distilleries, in the hard years 
 we have told about, she demonstrated that such figures 
 and statements are not the idle estimate of theorists and 
 of dreamers, but are the actual, the logical, outcome of 
 applied Political Economy.
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 WASTE OF LABOR AND PRODUCT. 
 
 In the further study of Consumption and Waste we may 
 group our thought, figures, and facts around the following 
 five subdivisions: 
 
 1. Waste in Production, 
 
 2. Waste of Production. 
 
 3. Waste of Productive Time. 
 
 4. Waste of Productive Life, 
 
 5. Waste in the Care and Support of Pro- 
 ductive Life Wasted. 
 
 Waste in Production can come variously. The more 
 you employ Capital in manufacture without profit, and 
 with loss, the more waste will result. 
 
 Wealth, as employed in Production, is denominated 
 
 Fixed Capital and Circulating Capital; and more and 
 
 FIXED CAPITAL uiorc, as mechanical devices multiply and 
 
 AND WASTE, manufacturing is concentrated into great 
 establishments, the proportion of Fixed Capital increases. 
 The greater such increase, the more care is required to 
 prevent Waste. 
 
 Capital must earn profit on Capital, or Waste is certain. 
 Large manufacturing concerns regularly " charge off" 
 every year, from any profits they have made, a certain per 
 cent, to cover wear of machinery and other depreciation. 
 Unless their gains be in excess of this, there are no net 
 profits. Without net profits there are pretty certain to be 
 net losses. Net losses mean Waste. 
 
 A large amount of Fixed Capital invested in any busi-
 
 WASTE OF LABOR AND PRODUCT. 91 
 
 ness must mean a large amount of Fixed Charges in 
 the conduct of that business. The larger these fixed 
 charges, in proportion to output, the smaller the margin 
 of profits. The smaller this margin, the more will Capital 
 be affected by the character and habits of the wage-earn- 
 ers employed by Capital. 
 
 The fi.xed charges of that wagon -shop went on every 
 
 Saturday when that laborer was idle of whom Mr. Burdick 
 
 FIXED CHARGES ^o\d — rent of the shop, interest on the 
 
 AND PROFITS, rnoney invested in its equipment, cost of fuel 
 for heat or steam-power, pay of a superintendent, and in- 
 surance. And the profit of the shop was decreased by 
 whatever net sum should result from the labor of one 
 man fifty-two days in one year. 
 
 If there were only twelve men employed in that shop, 
 and if each one of them lost one working-day each week, 
 the time lost would equal 624 days in one year, or just 
 about the full number of working-days for two men in 
 twelve months. By so much, then, as the business of that 
 shop should profit from two men's work in one year must 
 it lose, at least, from the partial idleness of the whole 
 twelve men. If to run the business and meet the fixed 
 charges required all the profits or proceeds of the work 
 of ten men, then the idleness of two men one day out of 
 six meant the loss to the proprietor of his entire normal 
 net returns. 
 
 In 1867, the Messrs. Ames, of North Easton, Mass., 
 
 great manufacturers of shovels, etc., produced in the 
 
 SOBRIETY AND months of May and June, with 375 men em- 
 
 PRODUCTiON. ployed, S per cent, more than in the same 
 months of the year after with 400 men working the same 
 hours, under the same conditions as to the manufacture 
 itself. 
 
 Why did this great factory of the Messrs. Ames thus
 
 92 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 show such a percentage (about 14 per cent.) one year in 
 favor of the smaller number of men that year employed ? 
 
 The inside conditions were different only as affected by 
 the conditions outside. In 1867 Massachusetts had a pro- 
 hibitory law; the town of North Easton had no license 
 and no saloons; the 375 men were all the time at their 
 sober best. Saloons came, with repeal of Prohibition, 
 the year after, and the 400 men were the victims of saloon 
 influence. 
 
 " We attribute this large falling off entirely to the repeal 
 of the prohibitory law," said the Messrs. Ames, "and the 
 great increase in the use of intoxicating liquor among our 
 men in consequence." 
 
 If they were paid for piecework, the loss to their em- 
 ployers was less than otherwise it would have been; but 
 even then, it was easy to be computed. The fixed charges 
 of that plant were constant. As much money was required 
 for machinery, the interest upon it and the cost for super- 
 intendence were as great, the wear and tear upon the 
 whole " plant" were as considerable, for the output 14 per 
 cent, less than the year previous, in proportion to the num- 
 ber of men, as for the larger output possible. In the larger 
 output might have been the laj-gest part of a year's possible 
 profits. 
 
 Economy nourishes Capital ; and Capital can pre- 
 serve itself, and profitably reproduce itself, only through 
 the constant exercise of economy. 
 
 The employment of drinking men in large concerns 
 where system largely prevails, and where machinery is 
 
 CAPITAL'S largely operated, may and does impair the 
 
 PRODUCTIVE producing power of Capital by curtailing 
 
 POWER 
 
 the capacity of large lots of machinery; and 
 in these days, when machine products form so large a pro- 
 portion of manufacture, and when great business " plants"
 
 WASTE OF LABOR A AW PRODUCT. 93 
 
 require so vast outlays of fixed capital in machinery, the 
 necessity for sober heads and steady hands exists as it 
 never before existed, and inability to secure these must 
 mean loss to capital, waste of wealth, and comparative 
 decrease of production as never before it could. 
 
 The larger the " plant" the greater will be the loss from 
 intemperate workmen in it, not alone because of the 
 greater number employed, but because the fixed capital, 
 in machinery, etc., will, as a rule, exceed in proportion to 
 laborers that of smaller "plants," where thorough system 
 cannot so take the place of service; and because the 
 greater the ratio of Capital to service the more com- 
 petent must Labor be to make Capital productive. 
 
 These facts have been plainly recognized by manufac- 
 turers. Some years ago one large corporation in Pennsyl- 
 SALOONS AND vania, having its works located in a license 
 CAPITAL. town, actually contracted with the saloon- 
 keepers to close their saloons for an entire year, and paid 
 them a good bonus to do it, considering this wise business 
 policy to prevent waste where 4,000 men were at work. 
 
 The narrow margin in manufacture of almost every kind, 
 which has come about because of such active home and 
 foreign competition, has compelled the most rigorous care 
 in conservation of raw materials, in spite of which the 
 margin decreases and the profits for capital diminish year 
 by year. 
 
 In every branch of industry it is the same. Time was 
 when they separated the cotton-seed from the cotton all 
 through the Cotton States, at great expense, and then 
 threw the seed away as worthless. Now they save the 
 seed and make oil of it, or soap from it, and pay the 
 cost of taking out the seed by such saving; but cotton 
 production is even now of so little profit that cotton is no 
 longer king.
 
 94 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Once the butcher business in this country was conducted 
 
 altogether by a multitude of men, each operating in a 
 
 CAPITAL'S small way, without care for the saving of 
 
 DECREASING odds and ends, and with comparatively large 
 MARGINS. profit for each; now a few men, conducting 
 vast killing and packing establishments, furnish beef and 
 pork for half the people on our continent, and their gains 
 come from the careful saving of every part of every 
 animal killed, from pig's feet to snout, from ox-hoof to 
 horns. 
 
 Everywhere Capital seems on a tinwersal bent to save itself 
 from waste — except as waste comes from the human appe- 
 tite for alcoholic liquor. 
 
 Division of Labor, as to which economists in general 
 have much to say, is but one method for conserving Capi- 
 
 CAPiTAL AND tal and saving time. The most effective 
 SKILL. employment of time, while men are actually 
 engaged in Labor, has been and everywhere is now the 
 problem of Capital; but more and more "piece-work" is 
 made the law of manufacture, piece-wages become the 
 law of distribution ; and the constant, effective use of 
 machinery, by the constant application of the most effect- 
 ive skill, is Capital's only safeguard. Skill comes by 
 Division of Labor — the daily repetition of a day's task by 
 men who make their work perfect through practise. But 
 what is gained for Capital, in Production, through the 
 greater skill that such Division of Labor insures, may be 
 lost to Capital by the demoralization of skill through 
 Drink. 
 
 Waste of Production may be direct, through the 
 destructive use of raw materials, or primary products; 
 or indirect, through the unproductive use or consumption 
 of secondary products. 
 
 If the farmer in the far West, after raising his year's
 
 WASTE OF LABOR AND PRODUCT. 95 
 
 crop of corn, having given to it his year's labor, heaps it 
 in his field and then deliberately burns every bushel, it is 
 WASTE wanton, deliberate Waste of all the work 
 OF PRODUCTS, and all the primary product. If, when he 
 has heaped it in his field, he fails to gather it into bins 
 and it rots there, it is equal Waste. If, when he has gath- 
 ered it into bins, there be no near market, and the rail- 
 roads charge him for transportation more than the remote 
 market will yield, and he can find for his corn no other 
 use than as fuel, and so burns it up at last, it is finally 
 Waste. Raw material, primary product, has gone to com- 
 plete destruction in this way, and a season's work is also 
 wasted. 
 
 But suppose his corn is raised, and binned, and presently 
 sent away. In the distillery, as raw material, it finds use; 
 from the distillery, as a secondary product, it comes forth 
 again; and as such secondary product, called whisky, it 
 is totally consumed. Is not the waste as complete? Is 
 it not a greater waste, because of the additional work 
 wasted? Is it not better to waste raw material only, if 
 any waste there must be — even if we take no account of 
 the effects of waste ? 
 
 Some years ago, in Minneapolis, a great flouring-mill 
 
 exploded, from spontaneous combustion, and thousands of 
 
 WASTE barrels of flour were destroyed. Was this 
 
 BY BURNING, not indeed a greater waste than would have 
 come had the Dakota wheat-field caught fire a few weeks 
 earlier and had the wheat from which this flour was made 
 been burned then in that field? 
 
 In the twelve years from 1870 to 1882 there were drank 
 in this country (not counting drugged and "expanded" 
 liquors) the enormous amount of 5,086,263,323 gallons of 
 alcoholic liquor. Deduct foreign and American wines 
 and foreign distilled spirits (into which went no American
 
 96 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 grain), and we have an aggregate of 4,849,975,961 gal- 
 lons manufactured from the raw material or primary prod- 
 uct of American fields. Divide this by twelve, and it 
 shows 404,164,663 gallons as the annual average of liquid 
 consumption during those dozen years — a positive annual 
 waste of secondary product to that amount. 
 
 The Brewers' Journal says that one bushel of grain 
 will make three gallons of liquor. Dividing this annual 
 WASTE average amount by three, we get 134,721,554 
 BY DRINKING, bushels of grain as the annual average 
 waste of primary (farm) product resulting from the 
 business of the brewer and the distiller. Multiplying this 
 by twelve, we have the total waste of grain for twelve 
 years, in the enormous aggregate of 1,616,658,648 bushels. 
 
 Vast as was this direct loss by waste of the raw material 
 alone, this was not all, nor the worst. Into the raw 
 
 WASTE OF material went the sum of labor to produce 
 LABOR. it — so much additional waste. If we esti- 
 mate the grain at one dollar a bushel, and reckon one 
 man to every $600 of raw material, or every 600 bushels 
 of grain, we shall find that into this waste of labor every 
 year went the work of 224,536 men; and if you estimate 
 the yearly wages at only $300 for each man, the aggregate 
 for the twelve years will be $808,329,600. Had not the 
 work of these men gone into this waste, it would have 
 added that much more to the wealth of the world. 
 
 Add the waste of work to the waste of work's 
 product, and you have a total waste of Production, during 
 the period of twelve years, amounting to $2,424,988,248. 
 
 Nor is this all, nor the most. For the aggregate of 
 WASTE grain above shown, in its liquid form, the 
 
 OF WAGES. drinkers of America paid an annual aver- 
 age of $718,795,894, or in twelve years $8,625,550,728. 
 (In this is included the grain consumed in 21,214,032
 
 WASTE OF LABOR AND PRODUCT. 97 
 
 gallons of foreign distilled liquors, which cannot easily be 
 separated.) Here the secondary products were wasted to 
 this appalling amount, plus the labor to produce these 
 from the raw materials before estimated. Allowing that 
 it took but 30,000 hands annually to turn these raw mate- 
 rials into secondary products, and estimating that each 
 hand could earn on an average but $300 a year, the total 
 of wages thus additionally wasted will reach in the twelve 
 years the considerable sum of $108,000,000. 
 
 So the waste of Production on account of the Liquor 
 Traffic along these lines alone foots up: 
 
 Raw materials $1,616,658,648 
 
 Wages for these 808,329,600 
 
 Secondary products (liquor) 8,625,550,728 
 
 Labor on these 108,000,000 
 
 Making a huge total for only one dozen years of $11,158,538,976 
 
 As absolutely beyond realization as these figures are, 
 PRODUCTION'S they would be immensely increased should 
 TOTAL WASTE, q^j. twelve years' term begin with 1893 and 
 end with the year of grace or of drinking disgrace 1894. 
 7
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 WASTE OF TIME AND LIFE. 
 
 Waste of Productive Time was alluded to in the 
 last chapter but incidentally, and with reference only to 
 
 WIDER FIELD time spent in producing what is wasted. 
 
 OF WASTE, This consideration barely crosses the border- 
 line of this extensive field of Waste. A hint of what may 
 be found, if we fully traverse this field, was given in that 
 testimony by the Messrs. Ames. Four hundred men, ac- 
 cording to their testimony, produced 8 percent, less in one 
 year than 375 men produced the year previous — a de- 
 crease in the average annual production per man of about 
 14 per cent. Loss of capacity must no doubt be credited 
 with a part of this decrease; loss of time with the rest, 
 and by far the most. If we count an even 10 per cent, 
 for such loss of time, how stupendous must be the total of 
 this waste! 
 
 Allow, if you please, that there are only six million of 
 drinkers in this country, and that of these there are only 
 ^,^g one million of male moderate drinkers 
 OF PRODUCING who class as producing laborers in lines of 
 work likely to be affected, as in the Ames 
 establishment. Ten per cent, of their time would equal 
 the full time and pay of 100,000 men. Count their earn- 
 ings at but $600 per man each year, and the time-waste 
 in cash computation foots up $60,000,000 yearly. 
 
 At least 10 per cent, of the 6,000,000 drinkers are 
 habitual drunkards, wasting practically their whole 
 time because of drink. Assume that they waste but half
 
 WASTE OF TIME AND LIFE. 
 
 99 
 
 of it, and that the time of each man should be worth $600, 
 and the annual time-waste figures at $18,000,000. 
 
 For the year 1880, 67,000 paupers were reported to 
 the Census Office as inhabiting the almshouses, and the 
 
 TIME OF number of inmates of the prisons and 
 
 DRUNKARDS AND reformatories that year was returned at 
 PAUPERS. ^ ,, 
 
 70,000. Here, then, are 137,000 more men 
 
 whose time is wasted ; and on the same basis of time-value, 
 
 the time-waste annually for these is $82,200,000. 
 
 By the Census of 1880 the total inmates of charitable 
 institutions in this country reached 400,000. Deducting 
 
 TIME OF THE 137,00° paupers and prisoners already ac- 
 
 DEFECTiVEs. counted for, we have 263,000 insane, idiotic, 
 or otherwise " defective" persons, whose time is a waste, 
 and whose defectiveness and incompetency are due in 
 more or less degree to the Drink Habit, in themselves or 
 their progenitors. Credit but one half of their defective- 
 ness to this cause, and the time-waste of this class on this 
 account reaches the yearly sum of $78,900,000. Cut 
 this in half, to allow for the idiotic and other incompetents 
 who are not of and who never reach mature years, and 
 the figure still stands at $39,450,000. 
 
 But the largest item of Waste of Productive Time is yet 
 
 to be shown. There are in round numbers not less than 
 
 TIME OF LIQUOR 500,000 persons engaged in the manu- 
 
 LABORERs. facture, handhng, and sale of intoxica- 
 ting liquors in this country. The careful estimate of 
 these by Dr. Hargreaves in 1874 made the number 545,624 
 — it has not been reduced since then. Call it 500,000, still, 
 for easy computation, and multiply it by $600, the time- 
 value of each man, and the time-waste will sum up $300,- 
 000,000; for the business of these men is not finally repro- 
 ductive: their labor adds nothing to the public wealth; 
 they 7nust be counted as unproductive, and their time as
 
 100 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 wasted. They are consumers, supported by the pro- 
 ducers, much of whose time and product they waste like- 
 wise. 
 
 But what shall we say when we come now to consider 
 the Waste of Productive Life ? 
 
 Human life, as the basis of all Production, and as the 
 central, starting point of Political Economy, must figure 
 in the estimate. 
 
 Born into the world a helpless non-producer, and grown 
 to manhood a consumer chiefly, at the world's expense, 
 
 PRODUCTIVE every ?nan, as brought to his producing capacity, 
 LIFE WASTED. /^ ^;^/ ^-fi investment of the world's wealth for 
 possible returns. 
 
 Kill him off before his dividend-paying life naturally 
 ends, and you must consider the investment more or less 
 a loss. How great the loss depends upon how early you 
 kill him. But the loss can be computed. There is a 
 Standard of productive existence among men, and 
 there is a known failure of men to reach that standard by 
 reason of Drink. 
 
 Scientific men and men of business have labored along 
 different lines to determine what this standard is and 
 STANDARD OF should be, and have reached quite the same 
 PRODUCTIVE LIFE. i-esuitg_ The men of business chiefly inter- 
 ested in this matter are insurance men, who have ob- 
 tained, by the most careful compilation of statistics, a re- 
 liable set of facts. They show that the actual " expecta- 
 tion of life'" on the part of a drinking man is less by 
 some years than the "expectation of life" on the part 
 of a total abstainer — in other words, that the drinker 
 will die sooner, after a certain age, than the non-drinker. 
 Based on this showing, some of the most carefully 
 managed insurance companies in the world regularly 
 charge a higher premium to the moderate drinker than to
 
 WASTE OF TIME AND LIFE. loi 
 
 the total abstainer, while the hard drinker is refused in- 
 surance altogether. 
 
 The British Medical Association, a purely scientific 
 
 body, has made investigations that are very interesting and 
 
 YEARS OF LIFE Valuable. Upon the basis of these investi- 
 
 DiscouNTED. gations, Mr. E. J. Wheeler, in his admirable 
 book on Prohibition, says: "We may assert broadly 
 that those who become intemperate after the age of 
 twenty-five lose, on an average, ten years out of the 
 thirty-five that they otherwise have to live, and that the 
 free drinkers lose five years out of the thirty-five." 
 
 The thirty-five years after such given age constitute the 
 normal "expectation of life. " How much of life, thus 
 normally expected, is cut off, wasted, in this country ? 
 
 Comparing the per capita consumption of liquors in 
 Great Britain and in the United States, and estimating 
 from this comparison and from the number of such drink- 
 ers in Great Britain, Mr. Wheeler declares that out of a 
 population in the United States, January i, 1889, of 
 65,000,000, there were 2,480,000 hard drinkers, 120,000 
 of whom die every year. Multiply the latter figure by 
 ten, the number of years by which each intemperate life 
 is curtailed, as Mr. Wheeler concludes from the British 
 Medical Association reports, and the result is 1,200,000 
 years of productive life annually wasted because 
 of drink. 
 
 Dr. Hitchcock, long president of the Michigan State 
 
 Board of Health, a few years since made some interesting 
 
 ANNUAL figures which bear directly upon this point. 
 
 AGGREGATE OF According to /lis estimates, the annual loss 
 
 LOSS 
 
 of productive life in this country by reason 
 of ih.& premature deaths caused by alcohol reaches 1,127,- 
 000 years; and accepting these figures, because they are 
 smaller than those we take from Mr. Wheeler's estimates,
 
 102 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 and reckoning the productive power of an able-bodied 
 person at only $500 instead of $600, as previously com- 
 puted, we have here a loss or waste annually of $563,- 
 500,000. 
 
 Through premature deaths of the insane and the idiotic, 
 
 made so by reason of alcohol, Dr. Hitchcock estimates a 
 
 THROUGH total further loss in effective producing life 
 
 PREMATURE annually of 418,167 years, which, on the 
 
 DEATHS • 
 
 same low basis of productive power, he puts 
 at $209,083,500. 
 
 Let us pursue this line of thought a little further. We 
 have said that every man, as brought to his producing 
 capacity, is but an investment for possible returns. How 
 much does the investment represent as an average, and 
 when do the returns begin ? We must needs answer these 
 questions before we can determine whether the returns 
 are sufficient to make the investment pay. 
 
 One estimate brings the average young man to the age 
 of twenty-seven years before his care and keeping cease to 
 be a cost to the community, and he, ceasing to be a con- 
 sumer, becomes a producer. There are no statistics which 
 absolutely prove this, to my knowledge; but approximate 
 estimates can be made as to the cost of a young man 
 before he may reasonably be expected to pay his own way. 
 I asked a friend yesterday, who has very good judgment 
 of things in general: 
 
 " What would you figure as the cost of a boy for the 
 first five years of his life?" 
 
 COST He considered a moment, and then said: 
 
 OF A BOY. " Fifty dollars a year. " 
 
 "And what for the next ten years?" I asked further. 
 
 " About twice as much." 
 
 Then I remembered a subheading in " Economics of 
 Prohibition," by Mr. J. C. Fernald, entitled "Cash Value
 
 WASTE OF TIME AND LIFE. 103 
 
 of a Man," and referring to that I found the same estimate 
 precisely — fifty dollars a year the first five years, one hun- 
 dred a year for the next ten years; cost of the fifteen- 
 year-old boy, $1,250. To this the book mentioned adds 
 $200 a year for the next six years, bringing the total 
 cost of a young man at twenty-one up to the considerable 
 sum of $2,450. 
 
 Lop off the odd $450, as possibly the young man may 
 earn that much before he is "of age," and leave his cost 
 
 LOST CAPITAL at the round figure of $2,000. He will do 
 
 IN MANHOOD, exceeding well if he actually maintains him- 
 self during the next four years. Kill him before he is 
 twenty-five, and what is the result? Positive, total loss 
 of the cash investment which he represents. Kill him 
 after he is twenty-five and before he is thirty-five, and he 
 has at his average best returned but a portion of the 
 money invested in him — he may have done little more than 
 return the interest upon it. If, after he reaches his pro- 
 ducing capacity, he never does more than barely maintain 
 himself without further cost to the community, the total 
 cash investment which he stands for is a total and absolute 
 loss and waste. 
 
 Every young man, then, killed by the saloon before he 
 is twenty-five, or so affected by saloon influences before 
 that age as to be incapable afterward of producing or 
 earning a surplus beyond his support, represents not only 
 a waste of productive life, but a direct loss and waste 
 of cash capital in manhood. 
 
 It may fairly be assumed, I think, that one half of those 
 120,000 hard drinkers who die annually have never re- 
 turned to society, by their surplus production over their 
 cost of keeping, one dollar of the cash capital invested in 
 them. We may, then, estimate on the death of 60,000 men 
 every year who were a non-paying investment, whose
 
 104 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 original cost is a dead and unredeemable loss. Multiply 
 60,000 by $2,000, and what is the cash aggregate? 
 $120,000,000! 
 
 Do you think that in thus estimating the cash value 
 of a man, Political Economy oversteps its boundaries 
 and enters the field of curious speculation merely? Let 
 me remind you that such value once and for generations 
 had its full recognition in this country, and that the rela- 
 tions of Drink and the Liquor Traffic to such value, and 
 the effect of both upon it, were clearly understood, and 
 were plainly asserted in social and statute law. 
 
 In the days of slavery, an able-bodied slave found ready 
 sale at from $1,500 to $2,000. For what did the owner 
 
 CASH VALUE P^Y who bought him and who paid that 
 
 OF A MAN. sum ? For what he had cost and for 
 what he could produce. The older he grew, after mid- 
 manhood, the less he would bring. To protect him in 
 health and value, and to guard his habits of industry, to 
 insure his productive power for the normal .period of a 
 human life, it was made a penal offense for another man 
 to give or sell him intoxicating liquor. 
 
 For him, the slave, was Prohibition, upon the selfish 
 basis of Political Economy, which recognized and protected 
 his productive life. 
 
 Now, if it be fair to estimate as a total loss of the origi- 
 nal investment in manhood those hard drinkers who die 
 annually — and who doubts it? — must we not add to such 
 loss all, or at least a part, of the idiotic and otherwise 
 "defective" who die? We have reckoned in their loss of 
 Productive Time: we cannot ignore the loss through them 
 of what should have been Productive Cash Investment. 
 
 Take their total, already given, of 263,000, and still 
 assume that only one half the number became " incapables" 
 directly or indirectly through Drink — 131,500. Then as-
 
 WASTE OF TIME AND LIFE. 105 
 
 sume that only one half of this number — 65,750 — should 
 
 be counted in this item at the full cash-investment figure 
 
 LOSING HUMAN before accepted ($2,000), and the total is 
 
 INVESTMENTS. $131^500,000 cus/i investtiunt loss on their 
 
 unfortunate and expensive account. 
 
 Allowing that 10 per cent, of these " incapables" die 
 every year, the annual distribution of this total loss would 
 increase the annual aggregate of Waste by $13, 150,000. 
 
 I know of no way in which we can compute the waste 
 of Productive Life directly and remotely due to the Liquor 
 Traffic, through murder, and crime, and sickness; through 
 the poverty which Drink begets, and the mortality, among 
 children especially, that comes of bad living conditions 
 and insufficient food and brutal parentage. 
 
 Inside the jails, and penitentiaries, and poorhouses, and 
 asylums, the representatives of cash loss in Manhood In- 
 vestment and of Time and Cash Waste in Productive Life 
 are appallingly numerous, and the aggregate of all their 
 loss and waste is immense; but out sidethose institutions, 
 where it is little considered and impossible of even ap- 
 proximate estimation, such loss and waste are enormous, 
 and must be in general terms included, though otherwise 
 it cannot be set down.
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 WASTE IN CARE AND SUPPORT. 
 
 We come now to consider: 
 
 Waste in the care and support of Productive Life 
 Wasted. 
 
 This classification must be treated as having more elas- 
 ticity than a strict limitation of its language would allow. 
 
 The phrase " care and support of Productive Life 
 
 Wasted" is meant to cover a somewhat wider field of 
 
 STILL Waste than the prisons, asylums, and alms- 
 
 A WIDER FIELD, houscs afford. Inside this field, however, 
 
 the waste and loss are very serious. 
 
 Let us begin with the almshouses, and accept 67,000, 
 
 the number already stated, as the aggregate of paupers 
 
 CARE therein maintained. To figure the annual 
 
 OF PAUPERS. cQst of maintaining each one at $100 would 
 be a moderate estimate. The net cost to the State each 
 year for each pauper cannot be less; and the amount spent 
 upon each, economically considered, is a total waste, how- 
 ever it may be regarded from the humanitarian point of 
 view. The figures representing this waste stand at 
 $6,700,000 each year. 
 
 The cost of the almshouses themselves must be taken 
 
 into account. All this cost is dead capital. Dead capital, 
 
 COST OF forever remaining such, is dead waste. I 
 
 ALMSHOUSES, cannot readily ascertain how many alms- 
 houses there are in this country. Many States possess one 
 for each county; in some States there are but a few, of 
 the larger sort, each costing, of course, a much larger
 
 WASTE IN CARE AND SUPPORT. 107 
 
 sum. Reckon but twenty, on an average, to each State, 
 and the average cost of each at but $20,000, and the total 
 is $17,600,000. Exact figures would no doubt greatly in- 
 crease these. 
 
 Consider next the 263,000 other "incapables" — 
 idiotic, insane, etc. — whose care costs double, at least, 
 
 COST OF ^^^ ^'^^^ °^ paupers, and the estimate of 
 iNCAPABLEs AND whose carc every year can not fall below 
 ^ " ^' $52,600,000. Put the building cost of asy- 
 lums to accommodate these at only $500 for each person 
 accommodated, and the total of unproductive or dead 
 capital, representing so much actual waste, is $131,500,000. 
 
 But again we have held the largest item for the last, 
 inside this narrow field. There are the prisoners — and 
 the prisons. 
 
 Of the former, 70,000 prisoners, at an annual cost of 
 $200 each for care and support, mean an annual waste of 
 $14,000,000, 
 
 Of the latter, there are some fifty large penitentiaries, 
 at least 2,200 jails, and an indefinite number of police pris- 
 ons, the total cost of which has been set down, in a work 
 by J. P. Altgeld, of Chicago, on " Our Penal Machinery 
 and its Victims," at $400,000,000! 
 
 And it is with regard to these penal institutions, erected 
 at such enormous outlay, and the prisoners maintained 
 COST within them at such great annual expense, 
 
 OF CRIMINALS, that our term " care and support of Produc- 
 tive Life wasted" must be given elasticity. In the "care 
 and support" of prisoners, of criminals, must be included 
 the care exercised by society, in self-defense, that makes 
 prisoners of those who violate law, and that relegates 
 them to the criminal class, to be punished and supported 
 as such. 
 
 It is through this kind of "care," outside those institu-
 
 io8 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 tions where the later " care and support" find exercise, 
 that appalling waste is incurred. The authority last 
 quoted (" Our Penal Machinery") estimates that there are 
 2,500,000 arrests in this country every year, and that the 
 cost of police is on an average $24 to each arrest. Accept 
 this estimate, and we must place over in the Waste Aggre- 
 gate another annual item of $60,000,000, for there is 
 nothing productive in police effort; a constabulary is 
 made up of non-producers. 
 
 Walk along the streets of any town you please, and in 
 the uniform of every policeman you meet is a consumer, 
 who adds nothing to the wealth of the town, but steadily 
 subtracts from it. Policemen are unproductive members 
 of society. 
 
 You may say that they make other members of society 
 secure in their avocations, that they guarantee safety to 
 
 COURTS AND industrial pursuits, and are thus productive 
 
 CONSTABULARY, factors. 
 
 Suppose we grant this. We may still insist that to the 
 extent which these men are made more necessary by causes 
 which need not exist, and in the degree to which with such 
 causes removed they could and would be spared, their 
 unproductive service is a loss and a waste. 
 
 With them, upon the same plane of unproductive ser- 
 vice, in close relation to them and largely existing because 
 CONSUMERS OF they exist, are the courts of justice, the 
 WEALTH. officers of the law who do not perform police 
 duty, — judges, and constables, and sheriffs, with all the 
 paraphernalia of justice connected therewith — an army 
 of men outside the jails, apart from the prisons, wearing 
 no uniforms; unrecognized upon the street as consumers 
 of the public wealth, but never producers of it; whose 
 time is all wasted, so far as real production goes; in the 
 " care and support" of whose productive life wasted the
 
 WASTE IN CARE AND SUPPORT. 109 
 
 waste of public wealth goes unremittingly on, and who, 
 in just the proportion that they are necessitated by causes 
 that should not exist, represent only so much loss 
 and waste on such unproductive and pauperizing 
 account. 
 
 What is this proportion, for which the Liquor Traffic 
 must answer to Political Economy ? In how great a degree 
 is that traffic responsible for the prisons and the prisoners? 
 for the cost of both? for the "care and support" required 
 by crime and on account of crime inside and outside prison 
 walls? 
 
 The answers given by different authorities differ, and 
 yet within the limits of their variation there is surprising 
 unanimity. 
 
 Whose testimony shall we take first ? Judges ought to 
 be good witnesses; their observation should have been 
 THE CAUSE OF ample, and their judicial habit of mind 
 CRIME. should insure conservative statement. As 
 long ago as 1670, Sir Matthew Hale, the great chief-jus- 
 tice of England, thus recorded himself with reference to a 
 term of twenty years: 
 
 " I have found that if the murders and manslaughters, the burglaries 
 and robberies, the riots and tumults, the adulteries, fornications, rapes, 
 and other enormities that have happened in that time, were divided 
 \nio Jive parts, four of them have been the issues and product of ex- 
 cessive drinking." 
 
 Just 202 years later, Judge Allison, in a speech delivered 
 in Philadelphia, thus declared: 
 
 " In our criminal courts we can trace four fifths of the crimes that 
 are committed to the influence of rum. There is not one case in twenty 
 where a man is tried for his life in which rum is not the direct or in- 
 direct cause of the murder." 
 
 Thus two nien of high judicial positions in two coun- 
 tries, two full centuries apart, give in almost the same
 
 no WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 identical testimony. Between them, and since the evi- 
 dence of Judge Allison in 1872, scores of other jurists 
 have gone upon record in similar terms. 
 
 State boards of charities, police boards, and other 
 organizations of such kind may well be trusted in evi- 
 dence. In the annual report for 1874 of the Board of 
 Police Justices of New York City, that Board referred to 
 intoxication and said: 
 
 " We are fully satisfied that it is the one great leading cause which 
 renders the existence of our police courts necessary." 
 
 The Massachusetts State Board of Charities has in like 
 manner recorded its findings in successive annual reports. 
 OFFICIAL In that for 1S67, speaking of the aggregate 
 TESTIMONY, retums of convicts, it said: 
 
 " About two thirds are set down as intemperate, but this number is 
 known to be too small. Probably more than 80 per cent, come within 
 this class, intemperance being the chief occasion of crime, as it is of 
 pauperism, and (in a less degree) of insanity." 
 
 In 1869 the same Board, referring to the same evil, 
 again declared: 
 
 " The proportion of crime traceable to this great vice must be set 
 down, as heretofore, at not less than four fifths." 
 
 Prison Inspectors should be competent witnesses. 
 Frederick Hill, long inspector of prisons in England, and 
 a recognized high authority in all matters of penal science, 
 has written thus: 
 
 " I am within the truth when I state, as the result of extensive and 
 minute inquiry, that in four cases out of five, when an offense has been 
 committed, intoxicating drink has been one of the causes." 
 
 The inspectors of the Massachusetts State Prison, in 
 their report for 1868, agreed in saying of the convicts 
 there maintained:
 
 WASTE IN CAKE AND SUPPORT. iii 
 
 " About four fifths of the number committed the crimes for which 
 they were sentenced either directly or indirectly by the use of intoxica- 
 ting drinks." 
 
 Thus, with surprising, or at least striking, unanimity, tes- 
 tify those whose daily observation and official duty qualify 
 them to know the facts. When other men, seeking the 
 facts only, and willing to publish them, however they run, 
 collate evidence and tabulate the same, these experts are 
 amply fortified. 
 
 We have room but for one citation of tabulated evi- 
 dence thus furnished. " The Political Prohibitionist" for 
 
 MUNICIPAL 18S7 gave a table, compiled with great care 
 
 STATISTICS, from the police statistics of fifty-eight cities 
 in the United States, showing the total number of arrests 
 in those cities for 18S6, and the proportion of arrests for 
 drunkenness, disorderly conduct, etc. Of course the fig- 
 ures were official, and were not supplied in the special in- 
 terest of Political Economy or of Reform, by the police 
 authorities. These 58 cities represented 17 States, and 
 their total population was upwards of 6,000,000, or full 
 one tenth the entire population of all the States. 
 
 The total of arrests was 304,279, and the percentage of 
 arrests due to Drink averaged about 66I per cent. The 
 lowest percentage was 30, and the highest an even 100. 
 The largest number of population to one saloon was in 
 Waltham, Mass., 1,824; the smallest number in Lafay- 
 ette, Ind., 89. The largest population to one arrest for 
 drunkenness, etc., was in Poughkeepsie, 615, with a $95 
 license fee; the smallest in New Haven, 22, with a $200 
 license fee. 
 
 Accepting this percentage from police statistics, rather 
 than the four fifths estimated and declared by other 
 authorities, we should materially reduce the waste charge- 
 able to the Liquor Traffic on the ground covered by this
 
 112 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 chapter. We are fairly justified, we may assume, in fixing 
 
 the percentage at 75, and holding the Liquor Traffic 
 
 PERCENTAGE accountablc for three fourths of the 
 
 FROM expense incurred by the State on ac- 
 
 THE SALOONS. j^Qy^t of crime, and the arrest and punish- 
 ment of those who violate law. We may as fairly charge 
 the Liquor Traffic with a like proportion, at least, of the 
 cost of pauperism, idiocy, and insanity. 
 
 Agreeing, then, upon this percentage, we are ready 
 now in summing up the awful waste for which the Liquor 
 Traffic must answer every year, to group the figures 
 already shown, or to make from these such other figures 
 as this proportion should yield. But we must first estab- 
 lish the net loss and waste that are chargeable to 
 the Liquor Traffic on the percentage basis fixed above. 
 
 We found that the annual cost for maintenance of 67,000 
 paupers is $6,700,000. Three fourths of that, or 75 per 
 cent., will be $5,025,000. 
 
 We estimated the total cost of almshouses at $17,600,- 
 000. It is fair, certainly, to charge the annual interest at 
 6 per cent, upon three-fourths of this as annual waste or 
 loss — $792,000. 
 
 Three fourths of the cost of the care and support of 
 
 other "incapables" will be $39,450,000 each year; and 
 
 NET CHARGE ^^^ annual interest upon three fourths of 
 
 TO THE the building cost of asylums, etc., is $5,941, - 
 
 LIQUOR TRAFFIC. ^ 
 
 500. 
 
 Three fourths of the annual cost of maintaining prison- 
 ers is $10,500,000, and three fourths of the estimated 
 costs of prisons, reformatories, etc., would be $300,000,- 
 000, interest upon which latter sum, at 6 per cent., is 
 $18,000,000 every year. 
 
 Taking $60,000,000 as the annual cost of arrests, 
 three fourths of this is $45,000,000.
 
 WASTE IN CARE AND SUPPORT. 
 
 XI3 
 
 Thus upon this three fourths basis we have obtained 
 these net figures, but we have not included all that might 
 fairly be grouped under the head of "Care and Support." 
 In outdoor relief, of those rendered needy by Drink, we 
 could sum up a large item additional; and in the extra 
 cost of courts, etc., for the trial of murder cases and other 
 fruits of the Liquor Traffic, we might find still another 
 item. But we pass these, and conclude our chapters on 
 Consumption and Waste with the following 
 
 RECAPITULATION OF LOSS 
 Annually Due to the Liquor Traffic. 
 
 IN production. 
 
 Primary products $134,721,554 
 
 Wages in producing these 67,360,500 
 
 Secondary products (liquor) 718,795,894 
 
 Wages in producing these 9,000,000 
 
 OF productive time. 
 
 Ten per cent, of the 6,000,000 drinkers 60,000,000 
 
 One half time 60,000 drunkards 18,000,000 
 
 Three fourths time of 137,000 paupers and prisoners. . . 61,650,000 
 
 One fourth time of 263,000 other " incapables " 39,450,000 
 
 Full time of 500,000 handlers and sellers of liquor 300,000,000 
 
 OF productive life. 
 
 By premature deaths 563, 500,000 
 
 By premature deaths of insane and idiotic 209,083,500 
 
 By manhood investment unrealized upon 120,000,000 
 
 By such investment wasted in such way among the " in- 
 capables " 13, 150,000 
 
 IN CARE AND SUPPORT. 
 
 Of paupers, three fourths 5,025,000 
 
 Interest on three quarters cost almshouses 792,000 
 
 Of other " incapables " 39,450,000 
 
 Interest on three quarters cost asylums 5,941,500 
 
 Of prisoners 10, 500,000 
 
 Interest on three quarters cost of prisons, reformatories, 
 
 etc 18,000,000 
 
 Cost of arrests, three quarters 45,000,000 
 
 $2,439,419,948 
 
 8
 
 114 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Now if, as Ruskin says, Political Economy regulates the 
 acts and habits of a society or State, " with reference to 
 the means of its maintenance," precisely as domestic 
 economy regulates the acts and habits of a household, 
 with this awful waste an awful, indisputable, appalling 
 national fact, what shall Political Economy do? 
 
 If Politics be the Science of Government — as nobody 
 denies — Political Economy seeks, and must seek, the 
 prudence, the well-being, the economic administration and 
 conduct of the Government, through the proper and equi- 
 table conduct of the governed, — through true production, 
 legitimate consumption, prohibition of Waste and the 
 provident care of Wealth. 
 
 We will next consider the relation to these, and to the 
 Liquor Traffic, of Authority and Human Life.
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 RELATION OF AUTHORITY AND THE INDIVIDUAL. 
 
 What is the relation of Authority and of human 
 life to Production and Wealth, to Consumption 
 and Waste ? 
 
 Essentially — 
 
 A SELFISH RELATION, yet purely a philosophic 
 relation, that should be also philanthropic, humanitarian. 
 
 Life produces, that it may live. It seeks wealth, that 
 it may live more comfortably, more luxuriously. It re- 
 THE MOTIVE quircs protection, defense, development, 
 OF PRODUCTION, th-^t comfort and luxury may be safely en- 
 joyed, and that the measure of their enjoyment may reach 
 its maximum. 
 
 Authority is my name for the State. It is organized 
 society. It is human life in the logical relations growing 
 THE SOVEREIGN out of human life. It is the concrete power 
 ELEMENT. ncccssary, whether in crude forms of semi- 
 civilization, or the more elaborate forms of social exalta- 
 tion, wherever men group together for common good or a 
 common purpose. It is the sovereign element in man, 
 everywhere recognized as needful in some manifestation, 
 everywhere exercised in some degree, and as intimately 
 related to all that a man does, for the welfare or the harm 
 of society, of the State, as to the man himself. 
 
 The State must live. Authority must be perpetuated. 
 
 AUTHORITY How, and upon what? By and upon Pro- 
 is THE STATE, ductiou and Wealth. On Want it would 
 die, in the horrors of anarchy. On unproductive Labor 
 it could not thrive or be long maintained. So Authority
 
 Ii6 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 makes rules — legislates — declares what may, must, and 
 must not be — with regard to Labor and for the conserva- 
 tion of Capital. It has a vital interest in their product. 
 It has a selfish relation to all production and all consump- 
 tion. Its own perpetuity depends upon both. 
 
 When Adam Smith, the founder of Political Economy, 
 first defined it, he recognized this, for he said the science 
 proposed two objects — "to put the people in the way of 
 procuring for themselves an ample subsistence, and to 
 furnish the State with a revenue sufficient for the public 
 service." 
 
 Two things are necessary, then, to the State — Human 
 Life, and Financial Revenue. The second can come 
 LIFE only from the first. It can come in best 
 
 AND REVENUE, measure only from the best conditions of the 
 first. Authority, therefore — the State — is directly, and 
 selfishly, and always, interested in preserving life and in 
 improving the conditions of labor, in bringing Produc- 
 tion to its best. Consumption to its minimum consistent 
 with the best development of the producer, Waste to its 
 minimum absolute, and Wealth to the highest level of 
 human good. 
 
 Please observe with care how closely this function of 
 Authority tallies with that definition of Political Economy 
 which we accepted at the outset, and on which we based 
 our first analysis, declaring it to be "the science which 
 determines what laws men ought to adopt in order that 
 they may, with the least possible exertion, procure the 
 greatest abundance of things useful for the satisfaction of 
 their wants; may distribute them justly, and consume 
 them rationally." 
 
 Remember also the further statement of De Laveleye 
 that "Political Economy and law underlie one another"; 
 and recall our early conclusion, even more irresistible now
 
 AUTHORITY AND THE INDIVIDUAL. 117 
 
 as the logic of all this, "that whenever any element or 
 influence enters life and the State to paralyze energy, to 
 decrease production, to render distribution unfair, to im- 
 pair credit, to pervert desire, to banish the spirit of thrift, 
 and to destroy capital. Political Economy should find 
 some law to eliminate that element or influence, and to 
 protect life and the State from its baleful effects." 
 
 So Political Economy has to do with legislation, be- 
 cause legislation is only the adoption of rules, by Author- 
 
 POLiTiCAL ity, for the better possibilities of life; and 
 ECONOMY'S IDEAL, bccausc PoHtical Economy, as De Lavel- 
 eye says, " seeks an ideal, the same as moral science, 
 law, or politics." 
 
 Its ideal can come only through ideal life; it can be 
 reasonably sought only through honest effort to improve 
 life and exalt the State. 
 
 Again says De Laveleye: 
 
 "Political Economy should never forget that material wealth is a 
 means and not an end; the condition of moral and intellectual progress, 
 not the end of life." 
 
 And so, while the relation of which we are now treating 
 is a selfish one, on the part of Authority there is widerlying 
 the selfishness an idealizing necessity. Man shall be 
 made better that the State may be made surer. The best 
 laws that can contribute to his betterment are demanded 
 by the State. The best surroundings that can be insured 
 for his productive comfort are essential to the State. The 
 source of all revenue, the cause of all wealth, the prime 
 factor in all relations determining value, he is the final end 
 and aim of all Political Economy, he is its subject and 
 object in one. 
 
 "We are, in fact," says Judge Pitman (in "Alcohol and 
 the State"), " all under a sort of betterment law, and
 
 ii8 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 whenever society determines that any poUcy improves the 
 value of property and the comfort of Hfe, the individual, 
 GENERAL evcn though he dissents, must contribute 
 BETTERMENT LAW. hjg share. It is one of the necessary con- 
 ditions of government, and one on which, in the long run, 
 the happiness of every one depends." 
 
 There are political economists who oppose this better- 
 ment idea; who will acknowledge no relation between 
 Authority and the moral and material progress of man ; 
 who will even say, with Herbert Spencer, that " Govern- 
 ment is essentially immoral" ; who will oppose all State 
 provision for the poor and all sanitary regulation by the 
 State; who will even insist that the State has no right to 
 educate — that education at public expense is a public 
 wrong. But these economists are few, and on a rigid 
 analysis of their views and utterances they would nearly 
 dwindle down to Spencer himself — with a residuum of 
 doubt about Spencer! The best, and the best known, 
 writers on Economy, as a rule, while they may variously 
 refer to it, admit the Betterment Law, and some of them 
 really cite proof of its existence or necessity. 
 
 Even John Stuart Mill, who would limit the powers of 
 Authority not less than Spencer, in some respects has 
 MILL ON THE recognized the general bad results flowing 
 ROMAN EMPIRE, from the failure to recognize or enforce this 
 general Betterment Idea, and has thus recorded his testi- 
 mony: 
 
 "When inequality of wealth once commences in a community not 
 constantly engaged in repairing by industry the injuries of fortune, its 
 advances are gigantic; the great masses of wealth swallow up the smaller. 
 The Roman Empire ultimately became covered with the vast landed 
 possessions of a comparatively few families, for whose luxury, and still 
 more for whose ostentation, the most costly products were raised, 
 while the cultivators of the soil were slaves, or small tenants in a nearly 
 servile condition. From this time the wealth of the Empire progressively
 
 AUTHORITY AND THE INDIVIDUAL. 1T9 
 
 declined. In the beginning, the public revenues and the resources of 
 rich individuals sufficed at least to cover Italy with splendid edifices, 
 public and private, but at length so dwindled under the enervating in- 
 fluences of misgovernment that what remained was not sufficient to 
 keep those edifices from decay." 
 
 The Roman revenues failed of maintaining the power 
 of the Roman Empire, and the Empire gave way because the 
 average development and betterment of human life was 
 made impossible. Authority, in its relation to human life, 
 to Production and Wealth, to the perpetuity of the State, 
 did not realize the idealizing necessity. 
 
 Writing of those Turkish provinces, once the richest 
 DECADENCE which the Roman Empire knew, Dr. Lennep, 
 UNDER a reputable traveler, used language that 
 TURKISH RULE. ^^ Laveleye quotes as follows: 
 
 "The populations of these provinces, capable in themselves of great 
 progress, are stifled in a general atmosphere of malversation and decay. 
 Beggars are everywhere; from top to bottom of the social scale there 
 is mendicity, theft, and extortion. Little work is done at present, and 
 there will be less in the future. Commerce is degenerating into peddling, 
 banking into mere usury; every undertaking is a fraud; politics are an 
 intrigue, and the system of police sheer brigandage. The fields are de- 
 serted, the forests devastated, mineral riches neglected, and the roads, 
 bridges, and all public works falling into ruin." 
 
 Authority, in Turkish robes and fez, saw no idealizing 
 necessity, and scorned the General Betterment idea. 
 
 Now, if such results could come from such cause, under 
 
 imperialism, how much more should the cause be dreaded 
 
 THE CITIZEN ^"^ guarded against under a republican 
 
 UNIT form of government, where the sovereign 
 
 OFGovERNMENT. ^-^j^^^ -^ ^j^^ ^^j^ ^^ Authority! By 
 
 him, as the average unit, must the concrete character 
 of Authority be judged, must the fruits of government 
 be determined. Through him, if at all, must the perpe- 
 tuity of government be guaranteed.
 
 120 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 What he is, the State must be. What Authority be- 
 comes in his own person, government will develop in its 
 organic form. It is idle for Spencer to say that " as 
 civilization advances does government decay." In a 
 republic this would be impossible. In a republic, 
 civilization advances only by and through the indi- 
 vidual. It is the uplift of the unit that elevates the 
 whole aggregation. 
 
 In his "Thoughts on Government," Mr. Arthur Helps 
 thus declares: 
 
 " It is the opinion of some people, but, as I contend, a wrong and 
 delusive opinion, that as civilization advances there will be less and 
 less need of government. I maintain that, on the contrary, there will 
 be more and more need. " 
 
 Judge Pitman quotes Mr. Helps and agrees with him, 
 HUMAN ai^d after saying that " the causes for this 
 SOLIDARITY, ^j-g ^q^ difficult to Understand " records 
 himself in these words: 
 
 " In the first place, as one of the results of modern civilization, men 
 are brought closer together in every way, and their relations multiplied 
 in number and complexity, so that, as Professor Huxley observes, 
 the action of one man has more influence over another, and it becomes 
 ' less possible for one to do a wrong thing without interfering more or 
 less with the freedom of his fellows.' 
 
 "Then, again, a closer study of the laws of human solidarity has 
 shown how the well-being of all depends on the well-being and well- 
 doing of each; while a better acquaintance with the moral and physical 
 laws of the universe has revealed kinds of injury and damage unnoticed 
 by former generations. . . . 
 
 " Simultaneously with this, there has grown up under the educating 
 influence of Christianity a tenderer sympathy for the weak, a stronger 
 sense of human brotherhood. And when to these causes we add the 
 historic fact that in all civilized countries the. people have been steadily, 
 if slowly, ' coming to power,' it is not strange that legislation has 
 been growing more philanthropic, and government more paternal. "
 
 JUTIIORITY AND THE INDIVIDUAL. 121 
 
 Government is a fact. There is no land where Labor 
 has its chance, and where Civilization fruits itself, where 
 this fact is not found. As Judge Pitman tersely puts it; 
 
 "Men are born under government as they are born into society. 
 They have the power of withdrawal from either; but if they remain 
 and accept the advantages, they must pay the price." 
 
 What are the advantages in this Republic of ours? 
 Production in peace, amid conditions generally favor- 
 able; consumption adequate to call for a reasonable sur- 
 ADVANTAGEs P^*^^ from the producers; and possibilities, 
 AND PRICE OF under the General Betterment Law, of legiti- 
 
 CITIZENSHIP 
 
 ■ mate demand equal to every possible supply, 
 if Waste be wisely guarded against, and legitimate con- 
 sumption be insured. 
 
 What is the price ? 
 
 Honest obedience to law; a cheerful acquiescence in 
 that desire for human betterment which, however selfishly 
 founded, rises to and is inspired by a genuine ideal; a 
 ready recognition of concrete Authority as having natural 
 jurisdiction over everything within the State which can or 
 may work it good or ill. 
 
 In the body social, every man yields a measure of 
 his liberty to other men. Bring two men together, 
 and you divide by two the personal liberty of each. Mul- 
 tiply these by twenty, and you bring about the necessity 
 for politics — you make possible and needful Political 
 Economy. 
 
 And in the body politic every man yields a measure of 
 his liberty to that Authority which is the body politic in- 
 MAN carnate — the sovereign element in man 
 
 IN THE MASS. crystallized. He is no more a law unto him- 
 self alone. He no longer legislates — makes rules — merely 
 for himself. Every conclusion of his own will, if allowed
 
 122 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 to Stand, becomes an enactment for his fellow. If it 
 injure the other man, that man has equal right to enact 
 some conclusion to his injury. 
 
 So in self-defense, it follows, he must consider the other 
 
 man. In self-defense he must legislate for his fellow. In 
 
 THE self-defense he must permit his fellow to 
 
 OTHER MAN. legislate for him. In self-defense, out of a 
 wise and worthy selfishness, he must, and he does, yield 
 up a portion of that personal liberty for which he now and 
 then so heroically contends. 
 
 In its final analysis, and carried to its legitimate end, 
 all law is but crystallized, organic self-defense for the 
 individual man, wherein, for his own protection, he sets 
 over himself certain metes and bounds. 
 
 Whenever and wherever and however he organizes 
 Authority, then and there and thus he establishes the re- 
 lation of that Authority and of human life under it 
 through which, or for which, or by which, it is exercised 
 — a relation of mutual self-surrender, selfishly inspired it 
 may be, patriotically maintained it should be, for the good 
 of all. 
 
 And yet it is as true, in another sense, that law is not 
 for the individual man, but for Society. Alone he never 
 organizes Authority. It is the product of contact. 
 
 For himself alone it is never needed. Its necessity comes 
 in with the other man. 
 
 Moral rights they both retain when they enter the same 
 
 neighborhood; but these must be fenced about with legal 
 
 MORAL RIGHTS li^nitations. Self-defense requires it, as we 
 
 AND LEGAL havc Said ; but Authority — the State — has a 
 
 LIMITATIONS, j^jgi^gj. ^j^j-y ^j^^^^ jq jiefend units, to protect 
 
 the property of units. 
 
 Says the Bill of Rights in the Constitution of Massachu- 
 setts:
 
 AUTHORITY AND THE INDIVIDUAL. 123 
 
 "Government is instituted for the common good; for the protection, 
 safety, prosperity, and happiness of the people; and not for the profit, 
 honor, or private interest of any one man, family, or class of men. 
 
 • Instituted for the common good, drawing a revenue for its 
 support from the common goods, Political Economy demands 
 that Government, Authority, in all its legislation, shall 
 recognize and foster the best interests of all the peo- 
 ple — shall encourage no vices or ills for the sake of a 
 revenue, but in every fnanner possible shall exalt and purify 
 the State. 
 
 This means moral betterment — the uplift of the nation 
 through individual character, the upward steady trend of 
 national life through individual elevation. Lecky empha- 
 sizes this, in "A History of European Morals," when, 
 speaking of a nation and its enduring quality, he says: 
 
 " Its foundation is laid in pure domestic life; in commercial integrity; 
 in a high standard of moral worth and of public spirit; in simple 
 habits; in courage, uprightness, and a certain soundness and modera- 
 tion of judgment which spring quite as much from character as from 
 intellect. If you would form a wise judgment of the future of a 
 nation, observe carefully whether these forces are increasing or decaying."
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 SOVEREIGN RELATION OF AUTHORITY. 
 
 What is the relation of Authority to the Liquor Traffic? 
 
 Historically and confessedly, a Sovereign Relation. 
 
 By which we mean that Government, whether embodied 
 in some imperial Caesar or in some personification of popu- 
 
 GovERNMENT lar will, is the recognized master of the 
 
 MASTERSHIP. Liquor Trafific; that this Traffic is a con- 
 fessedly fit subject of governmental mastership; that 
 through the natural self-assertion of politico-economic 
 law, even before Political Economy was formulated into a 
 science, this mastery was in some form or to some degree 
 maintained; that the Traffic has always in some form or 
 degree admitted such mastery; and that any mastery, any 
 right of control, means absolute and unreserved sover- 
 eignty, the right of absolute rulership. 
 
 Some theorists oppose any sovereignty of this kind. 
 Mill stands at the head of these, and is the most quoted 
 SOCIETY AND Writer among them. In his famous essay on 
 TRADE. «' Liberty" he defines what he considers the 
 true functions of Government, and the principle that 
 should determine legislation; and while analysis of his 
 principle yields "self-protection," and while he concedes 
 the exercise of power "over any member of a civilized 
 community" "to prevent harm to others," he does not 
 admit the sovereignty we claim. He denies it, but only 
 after certain other admissions that are marked, and that, 
 together with these concessions made, put him in serious 
 logical straits. In one of these he says:
 
 SOVEREIGN RELATION OF AUTHORITY. 125 
 
 " Trade is a social act. Whoever undertakes to sell any description 
 of goods to the public does what affects the interest of other persons, 
 and of society in general; and thus his conduct, in principle, comes 
 within the jurisdiction of society." 
 
 And speaking with more particularity of reference, on 
 another page he says: 
 
 " The interest, however, of these dealers in promoting intemperance 
 is a real evil, and justifies the State in imposing restrictions and re- 
 quiring guarantees, which but for that justification would be infringe- 
 ments of legitimate liberty." 
 
 And in another chapter, on the " Limits to the Authority 
 of Society over the Individual," there seems a concession 
 LEGITIMATE "ot Icss damaging to his logic or helpful to 
 LIBERTY. QQj-s in these words: 
 
 "Whenever, in short, there is a definite damage, or a definite risk 
 of damage, either to an individual or to the public, the case is taken out 
 of this province of liberty and placed in that of morality or law." 
 
 As to what Mill can mean by the word "definite," in 
 this connection. Judge Pitman, with true judicial care- 
 fulness, thus remarks: 
 
 " Surely it is the evident quantum, and not the exactness with which 
 the estimate of damage can be made, that gives society occasion to in- 
 terfere. ... It is a truism to say that no business or pursuit known to 
 civilized life inflicts greater damage or exposes society to greater risks 
 than the traffic in question. It is not ' definite ' simply because it is 
 too great to be calculable; it is fearfully indefinite, but it is a fixed 
 fact in the past and morally certain in the future." 
 
 The most friendly analysis of Mr. Mill's position, and 
 of the whole argument in behalf of Personal Liberty, can 
 
 GOVERNMENT ^^°^ ^^'Y ^^^^ Govemment has no right 
 AND THE to interfere with an individual's acts 
 
 INDIVIDUAL. i.-i i.1. • r • , . • 
 
 until they infringe on some other in- 
 dividual's rights, and this infringement of rights is pre- 
 cisely what the Liquor Traffic stands charged with before
 
 126 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 the bar of Patriotic Public Opinion, by the advocate of 
 Applied Political Economy; and in evidence against it can 
 be arrayed an endless procession of witnesses from fac- 
 tory, jail, poorhouse, courthouse, work-bench, and store. 
 
 The logic of Mr. Mill makes directly against the liquor- 
 dealer, and as directly, irrefutably, in favor of that sover- 
 MiLL AND THE cignty which we have claimed for the State. 
 LiauoR TRAFFIC. Lgt one more quotation from his essay on 
 "Liberty" sufifice to prove this: 
 
 " For such actions as are prejudicial to the interests of others the 
 individual is accountable, and may be subjected to either social or legal 
 punishments, if society is of opinion that the one or the other is re- 
 quisite for its protection." 
 
 To " be subjected" means a possible state of subjec- 
 tivity, and that were impossible except for the existence 
 of an actual sovereignty which might assert itself. 
 
 " Punishments" imply power and right to punish. So- 
 cial organization means law and penalties. And 
 such organization must be. As President Woolsey 
 says in his "Political Science": 
 
 " The individual could make nothing of himself or of his rights, ex- 
 cept in society; society unorganized could make no progress, could 
 have no security, no recognized rights, no order, no settled industry, no 
 motive for forethought, no hope for the future. 
 
 " The need of such an institution as the State, the physical provision 
 
 for its existence, the fact that it has appeared everywhere in the world, 
 
 unless in a few most degraded tribes, shows that it is in 
 NEED ^^ 
 
 OF THE STATE ^ manner necessary ; and if necessary, natural ; and if 
 
 natural, divine. It is as natural as rights are, and as 
 society is, and is the bond of both. It is the means for all the high- 
 est ends of man and society." 
 
 Then the State is, must be, and ought to be, truly and 
 wisely sovereign. The individual rights of man must 
 yield to the political and economic sovereignty of
 
 SOVEREIGN RELATION OF AUTHORITY. 127 
 
 the State. Prof. Lindley M. Keasbey thus amplifies and 
 enforces this thought: 
 
 " In economic as in political liberty the sovereign power sets the final 
 bounds. So long as the supreme authority lay in the hands of despots, 
 of feudal lords, or even of the absohite monarchs, this domain of eco- 
 nomic freedom was, it is true, unnecessarily contracted, and its boun- 
 daries arbitrary. Nowadays, however, since the people themselves have 
 become the State, the case is different. Under the constitutional sys- 
 tem the people as an organic unit allot to themselves in severalty a defi- 
 nite sphere of industrial action, and place their government over the 
 same to guard its boundaries. If one individual should then entrench 
 THE STATE "''°" ''^^ economic rights of another, these same gov- 
 THE SOVEREIGN, ^rnmental authorities will interfere. If, on the other 
 hand, any organ itself should endeavor to overstep the 
 power delegated to it by the sovereign State and encroach upon the 
 field of individual autonomy, the system of checks and balances in the 
 modern constitution will operate to redress the wrong. Or, finally, if 
 it become the prevailing opinion among the people that the domain of 
 individual economic liberty thus laid down by them has in the course 
 of time become too narrow or too extended to serve the best interests of 
 their organic life, they may in their capacity as sovereign State, by 
 amendment of their Constitution, reconstruct the boundaries of indus- 
 trial freedom to suit these changed conditions. In any case, it is the 
 State which remains supreme : individuals, as such, simply carry on their 
 several economic activities under its control and at its pleasure." 
 
 Professor Keasbey also asserts 
 
 " That from beginning to end, in inception as well as development, the 
 sovereign State has always been, is now, and in all probability will ever 
 remain economic as well as political in character ; . . . that the final 
 source of political and economic power must in the very nature of things 
 be one and the same ; that our modern national States, in other words, 
 are the economic sovereigns of the age, and that no individual indus- 
 trial transaction can be begun, carried on, or completed without the ex- 
 press or implied consent of one of these supreme authorities." 
 
 The sovereign relationship of the State to the Liquor 
 Traffic clearly follows this line of reasoning, and is logi- 
 cally demonstrated by the attitude of the one toward the
 
 128 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Other for lo! these many centuries. That attitude has 
 been either of Prohibition, Partial Restraint, Tax, or Reg- 
 
 THE STATE'S ulation, whatever the form of Government, 
 
 ATTITUDE. whatever the condition of the governed, 
 whatever the age of the world. That attitude came of 
 Authority, and of Authority absolute. Deferring until 
 another lesson such analysis as we may be able to make of 
 the nature of License, the more modern and popular form 
 of regulation, we will now merely repeat that its genesis 
 was Authority, and will show who exercised it and why. 
 
 "Render unto Caesar the things that are Ccesar's. " 
 
 Caesar was king. The king must have his tribute-money. 
 
 GENESIS So License at the beginning was not 
 
 OF LICENSE, the License of to-day. It was neither 
 permission nor restraint; it was an assessment, a levy, a 
 tax, a demand for tribute. 
 
 But though not even partial restraint, it had its origin 
 and source in a power which might restrain altogether — 
 POWER the power of Government, put in exercise 
 OF RESTRAINT. fQj- t^g good of the govcmed; a power which 
 had again and again prohibited the Liquor Traffic abso- 
 lutely; which had made India a Prohibition country 3,000 
 years before Prohibition was heard of in America; which 
 had caused the total destruction of the vineyards in China, 
 root and branch, 1,100 years before Christ; which had 
 crushed out liquor-sellers in Scotland with the extremest 
 rigor of imperial law before our second century ended; 
 which had been manifest in Scotland and England, many 
 times and in many ways, before the beginnings of License. 
 
 There were some curious things about those beginnings. 
 
 PROHIBITION IN As has been said, the first license was a tax. 
 
 HISTORY. gQ f^j. as we can learn, Scotland — home 
 
 of cakes and ale — began the modern system of regulating 
 
 Intemperance by laws controlling the sale of Liquor.
 
 SOVEREIGN RELATION OF AUTHORITY. 129 
 
 Nearly all previous attempts at regulation (and they can 
 scarcely be numbered) had been aimed at the drinker^ not 
 the seller. A Chinese edict had ordered that the people 
 who drank should be put to death. One of Rome's early 
 enactments had forbidden women to drink even the juice 
 of the grape; and early annals do say that those old 
 Romans kissed their wives with more than affectionate 
 frequency, to find out whether they had been violating 
 this law! 
 
 In Burmah, at one time, intoxication had been visited 
 with the death penalty. A monastic law of St. Gildas 
 had said that " if any monk, through drinking too freely," 
 got "thick of speech," so that he could not "join in the 
 psalmody," he was to be "deprived of his supper." And 
 another canonical law, in the Irish Church, had said: " If 
 a priest gets drunk t/vough inadvertence, he must do pen- 
 ance seven days; if through carelessness, fifteen; if through 
 conte7npt, forty." A deacon or a monk had been obliged 
 to do penance four weeks for the like offense, but a poor 
 subdeacon could get inadvertently, carelessly, or con- 
 temptuously drunk any time and atone for it in three days! 
 
 It is not easy to tell just when began the new regulation 
 system, with reference to the seller rather than to the 
 drinker; it was back of the twelfth century. But we know 
 who paid most of the early taxes or license fees. As be- 
 fore, at the beginning of a great evil, " the woman" did 
 it! Scotch matrons brewed the Scotch ale and paid the 
 SCOTCH WOMEN Scotch license fee of four-pence annually, 
 BREWERS. which authorized them to brew. Any could 
 brew who chose; any could sell who brewed for sale; but 
 all who brewed must pay. None was then forbidden or 
 restrained. 
 
 Government did not then require a certificate of good 
 character, signed by several freeholders, — doubtless all 
 9
 
 I30 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 the Scotch women had good characters, — although gov- 
 ernmental authority fenced the license round with curious 
 limitations. None could carry her brews into another 
 town and sell them; none could sell who had not brewed 
 especially for sale, and every brew must have been previ- 
 ously "tasted" by a public " taster," sworn to impartiality. 
 All public officials were forbidden to brew and 
 sell; and all who received license were compelled to brew 
 from year's end to year's end, for said the law: 
 
 " What woman that will brew ale to sell, shall brew all the year 
 thro', after the custom of the town. And if she does not, she shall be 
 suspended of her office by the space of a year and a day." 
 
 So it appears that license at the outset did more than 
 demand a tribute ; it conferred some privilege, and carried 
 EARLY FEATURES with it an " office" (and it is generally fa- 
 OF REGULATION, vored now by those who want office) ; and as 
 the insignia of that office, it was further decreed that " each 
 brewer shall put her ale wand outside her house at her 
 window or above her door, that it may be visible to all 
 men." Failing to do this, she must pay a fine of four- 
 pence. And in selling, moreover, she must fill her meas- 
 ure brim full of ale, and a public visitor was appointed 
 by law to see that she so filled it and did not cheat with 
 froth! It may be, after all, that those good Scotch 
 women had some tricks about them. 
 
 This Regulation System cannot easily be traced 
 through its early centuries, but barring a bit of the tenth 
 
 REGULATION ccntury, — when King Edgar made it more 
 FOR REVENUE, prohibitive than regulative by putting down 
 all alehouses except one in each borough or small town, — 
 it seems clear that the system existed rather to insure rev- 
 enue than to check intemperance, that royalty was anxious 
 to promote drinking rather than to stop it, for the price
 
 SOVEREIGN RELATION OF AUTHORITY. 131 
 
 of ale was regulated by royal decree, and made, as now it 
 strikes us, ridiculously low. By statute, in 1272, English 
 brewers were ordered to sell two gallons for one penny 
 in cities, and about twice as much for the same sum in 
 the country. 
 
 Three hundred years later there are spasmodic efforts to 
 make the system more restrictive, but regulation goes on, 
 with the natural results, until by and by Shakespeare 
 makes lago say: "In England they are most potent for 
 potting. Your Dane, your German, and your swag-bellied 
 Hollander, are nothing to your English"; and another 
 writer declares: "We seem to be steeped in liquors. We 
 drink as if we were nothing but sponges, or had tunnels in 
 our mouths." 
 
 And still the Regulation continues, varying in restrict- 
 iveness through two more centuries, growing more and 
 more specific, on the whole, and less and less efficient, as 
 distillation becomes more common and the public appetite 
 for ale grows into general thirst for gin, until a common 
 sign among ginsellers in London is " Drunk for a penny, 
 dead drunk for two-pence, clean straw for nothing." 
 
 Then comes High-License Regulation, to stay the 
 awful flood, in the form of a Parliamentary measure car- 
 EARLY I'ied in 1736, imposing twenty shillings a gal- 
 
 HiGH LICENSE. \q^ (juj-y q^ all spirituous liquors (ale not 
 being then regarded as spirituous), and making the retail 
 license fee ^50 a year; but riots follow, and smuggling, 
 and an immense clandestine trade; the traffic will not 
 regulate; the revenue must be increased; the duties are 
 lowered, the license fees reduced, consumption multiplies, 
 and the national habit of gin-drinking becomes, according 
 to Lecky, the master-curse of English life, to which 
 most of the crime and an immense proportion of the misery 
 of the nation may be ascribed.
 
 132 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 In this running historical review of License, we have 
 seen its evolution under the rulership of Authority, through 
 
 THE LOGIC OF centuries of submission to that Authority. 
 LICENSE. And to-day the logic of License declares 
 that the smallest right of License can be conferred 
 only by Authority which has the largest possible 
 right to withhold. To confer a little means the right, 
 the power, to withhold much, to withhold all. 
 
 It is the good of the governed which all Authority must 
 keep in mind. There exists no Authority, to permit or to 
 THE FUNCTION forbid, which is not based upon this princi- 
 OF GOVERNMENT. p]g Representative or autocratic, the power 
 of Government has but one legitimate function — to con- 
 serve the common weal ; to insure the greatest good to 
 the greatest number; to bring Production under the 
 healthiest conditions; and to insure the smallest possible 
 minimum of waste. Brought to bear in behalf of any in- 
 dustry, or system, which is inimical to the many, however 
 profitable to a few — which multiplies non-producers, and 
 increases waste, and burdens productive labor — it is a 
 power misapplied, a function misdirected, perverted, and 
 abused.
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 THE NATURE OF LICENSE. 
 
 The sovereign relation of Authority to the 
 Liquor Traffic is imperatively and fundamentally 
 essential to the broad and beneficent application of 
 Political Economy. 
 
 Historically, a relation of actual rulership has been 
 
 shown. Submission to that rulership, through many cen- 
 
 suBMissiON '^"'■ies, ought long since to have established 
 
 BY THE the fact of it, and to have been its world- 
 
 LIOUOR TRAFFIC. • , ..• , r • u .u 
 
 Wide recognition and confession by the 
 Liquor Traffic. Through logic, through law, through 
 historic fact, the kind, the character, the degree, of that 
 rulership should be to-day beyond question, in any Gov- 
 ernment of any form. 
 
 And yet to-day the Liquor Traffic looks Authority 
 boldly in the face and says: 
 
 "You may control me — a little; you may limit me — a 
 little; you are my nominal sovereign, and I am your nom- 
 inal subject, but I have rights which you can not overstep, 
 I have powers which you can not coerce: respect them 
 and I obey (if I please), deny them and I rebel." 
 
 It behooves us, then, to meet such declaration with 
 further study of the relationship we have been considering, 
 
 AUTHORITY and in the light of what Authority must seek 
 TO RESTRAIN. _the good of the governed. In seek- 
 ing that good. Authority must seek and determine what is 
 injurious or ill. Admit, once, that Authority cannot re- 
 strain or coerce the injurious thing which it has found, 
 and you recognize a greater than Government, you ac-
 
 134 WEALTH AjVD WASTE. 
 
 knowledge a power superior to the State. Your Authority 
 becomes a king in cap and bells, a clown swaying the 
 scepter. 
 
 Now, since License has been so many centuries sub- 
 mitted to by the Liquor Traffic, let us examine the nature 
 of License, having seen its origin. That origin was in 
 Authority, — this no man will dispute. From whence does 
 it now derive existence, and by what is it perpetuated ? 
 Authority. By whom is this Authority exercised, and What 
 is its nature ? 
 
 These are questions of importance, deserving thought- 
 ful answer. 
 
 You have a Board of Excise in your town, or a Court in 
 
 your county. It grants or refuses license. Does the 
 
 SOURCE authority referred to rest in that Court or 
 
 OF AUTHORITY, jh^t Board ? A Legislature enacted the law 
 
 under which Board and Court were chosen. Did this 
 
 authority inhere in that Legislature? 
 
 No! Back of the Court, back of excisemen, back of 
 legislators, this authority is found. It sits upon no 
 throne. It wears no royal or courtly robes. " We the 
 People" wield it. "We the People" are responsible for 
 it. "We the People" should know thoroughly its nature, 
 and intelligently bear ourselves in its use. Now, as to its 
 nature, let us see. 
 
 License is defined by the Standard Dictionary as: " i. 
 
 Authority or liberty given to do or forbear an act; an ex- 
 
 LiCENSE pression of consent. 2. A written or printed 
 
 DEFINED. certificate of a legal permit or license to do 
 
 anything that would be otherwise unlawful or forbidden." 
 
 "To license," Webster affirms, is "to permit by grant 
 of authority; to remove from legal restraint by a grant of 
 permission; to authorize to act in a particular character." 
 
 Which definitions clearly imply : Restraint — Authority;
 
 THE NATURE OE LICENSE. 135 
 
 authority to restrain ; authority to permit, by grant 
 or certificate, which may also be refused; authorization to 
 act, by authority which might forbid ; permission for, 
 authorization of, that which, by the authority granting it, 
 was before forbidden and restrained. 
 
 "To permit l>y grant j" "to remove from legal restraint 
 by a grant." 
 
 Grants were once kingly concessions. A grant, in 
 name and in fact, implied sovereign authority. So far as 
 t/ie nature oi authority is concerned, "We the People" are 
 all kings. We delegate, we distribute, our authority, but 
 its essence, its quality, remains unchanged. So far as 
 it applies, in any degree, it is absolute. For its proper 
 application Ave are responsible; its character we did not 
 create and we cannot change. It must be sovereign, or 
 it must cease to be. 
 
 The license certificate which hangs on the wall of any 
 saloon is a grant. It confers an actual, indefeasible right, 
 
 THE GRANT as actually and indefeasibly as if signed 
 OF AUTHORITY. 5y ^ king. The authority which gave it, or 
 authorized the giving of it, was as actual and absolute as 
 a king's. It would be worth nothing to the holder were 
 not this true. The holder has paid for it a fixed price, and 
 unless the value rests on authority final, full and compe- 
 tent to fix that price, and to protect the payer of it in the 
 right for which he pays — unless the grant is indefeasible 
 and kingly in its nature — the holder has been swindled. 
 
 Either authority is absolute to confer the grant, or it 
 
 takes money under false pretenses. " We the People" 
 
 WE have a right to withhold the grant altogether, 
 
 THE PEOPLE. Qj. ^yg have no right to demand its price. 
 That price is paid for a concession ours to make, or we 
 are but footpads on the highway of trade, practising rob. 
 bery under plea of the law.
 
 136 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 There are many advocates of License who concede its 
 origin in Authority, but who deny its essentially permissive 
 character, asserting that the purpose of a License law is 
 restraint, although denying the right of Prohibition. 
 They even claim for the word License two meanings — to 
 permit, and to restrain ; and they plant themselves on 
 the second of these, with utter disregard of the logic in 
 the case. 
 
 If there be any difference between permission and re- 
 straint, surely the broader this difference the narrower is 
 
 PERMISSION the margin between restraint and prohibition. 
 AND RESTRAINT, jf jq restrain and to permit are essentially 
 different, to prohibit and to restrain must be essentially 
 identical. To prohibit, therefore, cannot be wrong while 
 to restrain is right. 
 
 But while two things are implied in the word License 
 or by its accepted definitions, only one thing is designated 
 by the word itself — pennission. For when you "permit," 
 by grant of authority which might refuse, do you forbid? 
 When you "authorize," do yon xojidc?nn? When you "re- 
 move from legal restraint," do you legally restrain? 
 
 There is a sense in which License may and must have 
 two meanings — one meaning for the man who gets the 
 license, and by it is authorized to act; and another meaning 
 for the man who doesnt get it, and \s forbidden to act. But 
 he may and should insist, this man without a license, that 
 the same sovereign power which denies him had equal 
 right to deny the other man. 
 
 The law of License does not establish the partial pro- 
 
 PROHiBiTiON Iiibition implied by it and possible under it. 
 ANTERIOR That partial prohibition was, before, com- 
 
 TO LICENSE. pjgj.g ^^j absolute Prohibition. License, 
 
 in the law, merely advertises and proves that such entire 
 Prohibition did previously exist. License merely says
 
 THE NATURE OF LICENSE. 137 
 
 that before, in the law or in the very constitution of things, 
 Prohibition was. 
 
 These logical deductions from the law and the nature of 
 License, though formulated by this writer some years ago, 
 have recently been reenforced by the highest possible judi- 
 cial decisions. In 1890 the Supreme Court of the United 
 States made this very positive deliverance: 
 
 " There is no inherent right in a citizen to sell intoxicating liquors 
 NO RIGHT IN by retail; it is not a privilege of a citizen of a State or 
 THE CITIZEN, a citizen of the United States." 
 
 And a profound general principle was laid down by 
 that Court, in close connection with this, limiting the 
 powers of authority, in these words: 
 
 " No legislature can bargain away the public health or the public 
 morals. The people themselves cannot do it, much less their servants. 
 Government is organized with a view to their preservation, and cannot 
 divest itself of the power to provide for them." 
 
 So that "We the People," composing this republican 
 form of Government, cannot shift responsibility for public 
 NO LEGISLATIVE morals and the public health; we cannot 
 RIGHT. delegate even that our legislative representa- 
 tives may bargain them away. 
 
 Three years earlier than this indeed supreme utter- 
 ance of our highest judicial body, the Supreme Court, in 
 1887, thus declared of the Liquor Traffic: 
 
 " Nor can we ignore the fact, established by statistics accessible to 
 every one, that the disorder, pauperism, and crime prevalent in the 
 
 Tur /"rtiioT country are, in large measure, directly traceable to this 
 THE COURT . . , . , , . - . , 
 
 ON THE TRAFFIC ^^' • "°'' ^^"^ '^ "^ ^^''^ V!\2.\. government mterieres with 
 or impairs any one's constitutional rights of liberty 
 or property when it determines that the manufacture and sale of intoxi- 
 cating drinks for general use as a beverage are or may become hurtful 
 to society and to every member of it, and is therefore a business in 
 which no one may lawfully engage."
 
 133 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Long before this Chief-Justice Taney had said: 
 
 " I see nothing in the Constitution of the United States to prevent it 
 from regulating or restraining tlie traffic, or from prohibiting it alto- 
 gether." 
 
 Associate Justice McLean, of the same Supreme Court, 
 had said: 
 
 " The necessity of license presupposes a prohibition of the right 
 to sell, as to those who have no license. ... If the foreign article be 
 injurious to the health or morals of the community, a State may, in the 
 exercise of that great and conservative police power which lies at the 
 foundation of its prosperity, proliibit the sale of it. . . . By preserving, 
 as far as possible, the health, the safety, and the moral energies of 
 society, its prosperity is advanced." 
 
 Justice Catron had said: 
 
 " I admit as inevitable that if the State has the power of restraint by 
 JUDICIARY ON licenses to any extent, she has the discretionary 
 PROHIBITION, power to judge of its limit, and may go to the lengtli 
 oi prohibiti)ig sales altogether." 
 
 After admitting the " misery, pauperism, and crime which 
 have their origin in the use and abuse of ardent spirits," 
 and the right and power of "that Authority," the State, 
 to correct the evils thereof. Justice Grier had said: 
 
 " If a loss of revenue should accrue to the United States from a 
 diminished consumption of ardent spirits, she will be a gainer a 
 thousand-fold in the health, wealth, and happiness of the people." 
 
 We have space for but one further citation, and this is 
 from Judge Harrington, Chief-Justice of Delaware: 
 
 " We have seen no adjudged case which denies the power of a State 
 in the exercise of its sovereignty to regulate the traffic in liquor for re- 
 straint as well as for revenue, and, as a police measure, to restrict or 
 prohibit the sale of liquor as injurious to public morals or dangerous 
 to public peace. The subjection of private property, in the mode of 
 its enjoyment, to the public good, and its subordination to general 
 rights liable to be injured by its unrestricted use, is a principle lying at
 
 THE NATURE OF LICENSE. 139 
 
 the foundations of government. It is a condition of the social state, 
 the price of its enjoyment entering into the very structure of organized 
 society, existing by necessity for its preservation." 
 
 Thus judicial interpretation as a unit, and the very 
 logic of License itself, lead us inevitably to accept the sov- 
 ereignty of the State over the Liquor Traffic. Thus 
 License declares, with positive and unflinching emphasis, 
 that Prohibition is right, legitimate, and just. 
 
 For what is it in the License system that any temperance 
 man, any Political Economist, approves? The Prohi- 
 THE PROHIBITION bition principle. What makes License any- 
 
 PRiNCiPLE. where, even in theory, restrictive ? The Pro- 
 hibition principle. On what is License founded ? The 
 Prohibition principle. What can make the License system 
 of any benefit to the State, beyond free trade and legiti- 
 mate taxation thereon ? 
 
 Only the Prohibition principle as applied therein, 
 though always and everywhere antagonized 
 thereby. 
 
 Yet Prohibition has been opposed on the plea that it 
 would violate organic law. Whereas, if Prohibition does 
 PROHIBITION infract that organic law, count the round 
 VERSUS LICENSE, week a unit, and every Sunday-closing statute 
 infracts the law in proportion as one day is to seven, or 
 one-seventh is to one; or count 100 men a unit, license 
 one and prohibit 99, and you infract the organic law in 
 the same proportion as 99 to i. 
 
 Based on the Prohibition principle — based on full and 
 absolute authority to restrain — if Prohibition be unconsti- 
 tutional. License cannot successfully claim constitu- 
 tionality; and if it be not legitimately based on that 
 principle, and if it be not legitimately the grant of author- 
 ity on which that principle rests, though so antagonistic to 
 both, then License is essentially and commercially a fraud.
 
 I40 WEALTH AND JTASTE. 
 
 But is License constitutional? If anything more than a 
 
 fraud, it is based on the previous /.air/ of Prohibition, and 
 
 LICENSE ^^^^^ ^^^^ rested on the principle of Prohi- 
 
 UNCONSTiTU- bition. If tJiis principle of Prohibition is 
 TiONAL. constitutional, then is not the fact of 
 License unconstitutional ? Does it not follow that 
 License is either a legal fraud or an illegal unconstitu- 
 tionality? 
 
 It directly antagonizes the only principle on which it 
 can be directly sustained. Apart from that principle, it 
 cannot stand. Declare Prohibition unconstitutional, and 
 you sweep License from the statute-books. Admit Pro- 
 hibition to be in harmony with organic law, and you must 
 impeach License for infracting that law. You can never 
 license what was never prohibited. You can never consti- 
 tutionally prohibit what is right. You can never con- 
 stitutionally license what is constitutionally wrong. 
 
 What is a Constitution ? 
 
 The embodied spirit of a Nation or State; the ground- 
 work of government, to be less metaphysical in definition ; 
 GROUNDWORK i^ the language of another, "the agreement 
 OFGOVEKNMENT. ^nd arrangement of the people in the State, 
 as to mutual rights and obligations." It is the supreme 
 expression of popular authority. What the Constitution 
 may say depends only on what the true purposes of popu- 
 lar government may be — "a government of the people, 
 by the people, and for the people." These purposes are 
 thus set forth with comprehensive clearness in our National 
 Constitution: 
 
 "To establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, provide for the 
 common defense, promote the general ivclfare, and secure the blessings 
 of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." 
 
 Says the Constitution of Pennsylvania: 
 
 "All power is inherent in the people, and all free governments are
 
 THE NATURE OF LICENSE. 141 
 
 founded on their authority and instituted for their peace, safety, and 
 happiness." 
 
 Says the Constitution of New York : 
 
 "We the people of the State of New York, grateful to God for 
 CONSTITUTIONAL our freedom, in order to enjoy its blessings do ordain," 
 DECLARATIONS, etc. 
 
 And back of these constitutional utterances we find the 
 Declaration of Independence, our one ultimate expres- 
 sion of human liberty, with its deliberate and solemn 
 enunciations "that all men are created equal; that they are 
 endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; 
 that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of 
 happiness." 
 
 The safety, the peace, the morality, the welfare and 
 
 happiness of a people, of a State, should and do form the 
 
 AIM AND OBJECT true aim and objcct of Government ; should 
 
 OF GOVERNMENT, and do underlie the Constitution of every 
 
 State and of the entire Union of States. 
 
 Because and only because this is true, the Liquor Traffic 
 may be and has been prohibited; the sovereign power of 
 the State has been put forth against it. And the reasons 
 which have made Prohibition right and constitutional 
 ever, anywhere, are the very reasons which make License 
 wrong and unconstitutional now and everywhere, if the 
 spirit of organic law is properly considered and under- 
 stood. 
 
 An important decision by the Kentucky Court of Ap- 
 peals (Commonwealth vs. Douglas) runs along this line, 
 asserts the true functions of government, declares what 
 are the supports of the State, and sets forth the logical 
 limitations of Authority. It says: 
 
 " When we consider that honesty, morality, religion, and education 
 are the main pillars of the State, and for the protection and promotion 
 of which government was instituted among men, it at once strikes the
 
 142 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 mind that the Government, through its agents, cannot throw off these 
 trust duties by selling, bartering, or giving them away. The preserva- 
 tion of the trust is essential to the happiness and welfare of the bene- 
 ficiaries, which the trustees have no power to sell or give away. If it 
 be conceded that the State can give, sell, and barter any one of them, 
 it follows that it can thus surrender its control of all, and convert the 
 State into dens of bawdy-houses, gambling-shops, and other places of 
 vice and demoralization, provided the grantees pay for the privileges 
 and thus deprive the State of its power to repeal the grants and all 
 control of the subjects as far as the grantees are concerned; and the 
 trust duty of protecting and fostering the honesty, health, and morals 
 and good order of the State would be cast to the winds, and vice and 
 crime would triumph in their stead. Now, it seems to us that the 
 essential principles of self-preservation forbid that the Commonwealth 
 should possess a power so revolting because destructive of the main 
 pillars of government." 
 
 Against the principle of Prohibition, as applied to the 
 Liquor Traffic, no court of last resort has ever yet de- 
 LicENSE PROP- Glared. Under a Constitution to pro- 
 ERLY ENTITLED, motc populaf safcty, to insure domestic 
 peace, to enhance the general happiness, and to conserve 
 the common welfare, no statute for the peril of the people, 
 for the disturbance of peace, for the promotion of misery 
 and the bane of a vast multitude, can be legitimate. 
 Every License Law should begin with these words: 
 
 " An Act entitled 'An Act to promote misery among men, to disturb 
 the peace of the State, to injure the general welfare, to increase ta.\- 
 ation, and to imperil our common interests.' " 
 
 Thus rightly entitled, the highest court would promptly 
 declare against it. Against such an open avowal of an- 
 tagonism to the Constitution, the Constitution's most 
 eminent defenders would rise in righteous indignation, and 
 wipe it out.
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 DUTY OF AUTHORITY. 
 
 We come now to consider the fourth and final Grand 
 Division of our theme: 
 
 The Duty of Authority toward the Liquor 
 Traffic, in view of these relations and of the mo- 
 mentous interests they involve. 
 
 What are these momentous, these enormous, interests? 
 
 In a general and broad way, and to a considerable ex- 
 THE INTERESTS tent, they have been referred to and dis- 
 
 iNVOLVED. cussed. In further analysis and final sum- 
 mary, they may be broadly classified as 
 Financial, 
 Moral, and 
 Political. 
 
 It seems necessary that we devote some further space 
 to the 
 
 Financial Interests Involved. 
 
 We have already considered these, at length, from the 
 Cost Side of the Liquor Traffic; they require candid 
 consideration from the Income Side of that Traffic. 
 
 The duty of Authority toward the Liquor Traffic has 
 
 been long and widely measured from this Income side. 
 
 THE License of that Traffic has been long and 
 
 INCOME SIDE, unceasingly urged because of the revenue it 
 should and does yield. No other pleas have been any- 
 where so potent in its behalf. 
 
 "The State must live!" has been a long, far cry. It 
 has been heard and repeated by statesmen, by politicians,
 
 144 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 by taxpayers, by Christian citizens, who saw only the 
 revenue side of the Liquor Traffic, and who did not con- 
 sider the cost side. They have looked at the income as 
 with a microscope; their search for the cost has been 
 telescopic. 
 
 As an organized body, the State must live by Tax- 
 ation. The machinery of the State must be kept in 
 
 SUPPORT motion by the power of Revenue. Revenue 
 FOR THE STATE, must come from the public domain, or from 
 private property, from individual effort. When drawn 
 from private resources, it is the result of Taxation. And 
 then, as De Laveleye has declared, " it is the price paid by 
 the citizens for the blessings of social order." 
 
 In the language of Montesquieu: 
 
 " The revenue of the State is a portion of his wealth sacrificed by 
 TAXATION each citizen in order to gain security for the rest, 
 DEFINED. or the means of enjoying it more agreeably." 
 
 De Laveleye further says that — 
 
 " When in exchange for the tax a government gives neither security 
 nor comfort, the tax is mere robbery." 
 
 Does it not follow that, when the security is incomplete, 
 and the comfort inadequate, the tax is robbery to a certain 
 RETURN FOR extent ? Do not partial comfort and security 
 THE TRIBUTE, alone prove partial robbery ? If I, a citizen, 
 pay for security not afforded me. has not my money been 
 taken upon a false pretense? Has Authority any right 
 thus to take my tax, my payment for security and 
 comfort, and then accept a payment, a tax, from any 
 other man for any business that discounts the security 
 and comfort for which I pay ? When he pays for that func- 
 tion of government which insures to him protection in the 
 calling he selects, and profit in pursuit of it, and such 
 comfort as may satisfy his taste, have I not equal right to
 
 DUTY OF AUTHORITY. 145 
 
 equal protection in the calling of my choice, in the com- 
 fort which my taste approves? 
 
 If he pay a special tax on a special business, is it not 
 for the special purpose that in such business he may have 
 a special privilege? Has Authority any right to grant 
 any man any special privilege, to the cost of my security 
 and my comfort ? 
 
 In his chapter on the General Principles of Taxation, 
 John Stuart Mill declares: 
 
 ** The ends of government are as comprehensive as those of the social 
 MILL union. They consist of all the good, and all the 
 
 ON TAXATION, immunity from evil, which the existence of government 
 can be made, either directly or indirectly, to bestow." 
 
 When I pay, then, for the support of government, I 
 give tribute, I sacrifice of my possessions, that the best 
 ends of government may be mine; I contribute to the 
 maintenance of government that I may receive from it 
 the greatest possible good, and may be insured by it the 
 largest possible immunity from ill. Has Authority any 
 right to recognize, to foster, to protect, upon any terms 
 of payment, as of license or tax, any bad business or 
 industry, any evil or wrong, from which I cannot be guar- 
 anteed that immunity for which I pay ? 
 
 Says De Laveleye: " Taxes ought never to be raised 
 IMMORAL SOURCES from immoral sources, such as lotteries 
 OF TAXATION, and gambling-houses." 
 
 Why ? Because they are evils from which the moral, 
 
 tax-paying citizen pays to be defended. But does 
 
 he need, or desire, greater immunity from these than from 
 
 the average saloon ? Does not the latter provoke more 
 
 public disorder, more public crime, and more private and 
 
 public waste, than the gambling-house? Is not the saloon 
 
 a worse corrupter of morals than the lottery? Does not 
 
 the greater always include the less? and does not the 
 10
 
 146 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 average saloon to-day include the lottery or gambling 
 feature in some form? is it not the gambler's home or 
 headquarters? 
 
 Taxation of the Liquor Traffic, in discharge of Author- 
 ity's duty, is argued for, or based upon, or excused on 
 account of, two claims alone — 
 Revenue, 
 Regulation. 
 
 These claims are seldom divorced in fact, though often 
 separated in appearance. And the pleas for them, the 
 THE REGULATION arguments in their behalf, are so intermixed 
 CLAIM. and involved with the pleas for License 
 
 itself, which forms the real basis of all Regulation, and 
 under which all Revenue is derived, that the three terms 
 are nearly synonymous, and can scarcely be considered 
 apart. 
 
 It is urged by some that a License law treats the Liquor 
 Traffic as if it had not previously existed, and had never 
 been prohibited; as if it had never before been considered 
 by Authority; as if it were a legitimate kind of business, 
 proper in community, and a proper source of revenue. 
 
 But if so, we may fairly ask, why license it? And then 
 the answer comes: 
 
 " We do not license it. The word is a misnomer, or 
 misapplied. The license law, so-called, is but a law of 
 regulation. Its effect is partly prohibitive; but all men 
 have equal opportunities under it, if they will meet the 
 conditions equally imposed on all." 
 
 If we ask what these conditions are, we are answered: 
 
 " They must pay into the public treasury a fee, or a tax. 
 LICENSE CONSID- Having paid this (and being duly vouched 
 ERED AS A TAX. for as of good moral character), any man 
 may sell liquor." 
 
 Those who urge loudest this pa3'ment of a tax, and
 
 DUTY OF AUTHORITY. 147 
 
 who make least of the License feature, or deny it entirely, 
 quote Mill to us and say: 
 
 " Among luxuries of general consumption, taxation should by prefer- 
 ence attach itself to stimulants, because these, though in themselves as 
 legitimate indulgences as any others, are more liable than most others 
 to be used in excess, so that the check to consumption naturally arising 
 from taxation is, on the whole, better applied to them than to other 
 things." 
 
 In return, we may quote Wayland, one of the earliest 
 and best writers on Economy in this country, who says: 
 
 " In most countries it is now adopted as a rule of indirect taxation 
 that those commodities, such as intoxicating liquors, the consumption 
 of which is regarded as injurious, shall be most heavily taxed. 
 
 " Experience has shown," he continues, "that the consumption of 
 such articles is not materially diminished by the tax. As a check on 
 immorality, the measure is therefore of little avail; but as a source of 
 revenue, it is found to yield large results." 
 
 The results, as will be shown, are large only in the pos- 
 itive, and not in the comparative, sense. But they are 
 THE REVENUE large cnough to make the Income side of 
 
 MAGNIFIED, ^^jg question appear far larger than it com- 
 paratively is, because near enough to be magnified unduly 
 out of proportion. You can hold a silver dollar so close 
 to the eye that it will eclipse the full moon in the heavens, 
 or the church across the street. Men look in such mag- 
 nifying fashion at the Revenue from the manufacture 
 and sale of liquor. 
 
 Government must be supported, they remind us, and 
 the burdens of government must be borne. And in the 
 language of an eminent statesman (James G. Blaine), they 
 assert: "It is better to tax whisky than farms, and home- 
 steads, and shops." 
 
 But when we tax whisky, by whom is the tax paid ? 
 
 The farms, and homesteads, and shops.
 
 143 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 When we charge the whisky-seller a license fee, of any 
 amount, by whom is the fee paid? 
 
 The farms, and homesteads, and shops. 
 
 Who pays to Government the ninety cents or one dollar a 
 WHO gallon Government tax imposed on all the 
 
 PAYS THE TAX? vvhisky legitimately produced and sold? 
 
 The drinker, not the seller. 
 
 It is true that the seller must pay before he can sell, 
 and that in paying the national tax he does not nominally 
 pay for a license, but buys a revenue permit ; but he merely 
 advances the money which the drinker pays back to him, with 
 usury- and calling the National License fee only a tax 
 does not change its nature. 
 
 Mr. David A. Wells, an economist whose words carr)' 
 much weight with American thinkers, in an article in The 
 Forum, has thus forcibly declared : 
 
 "If the prosecution of any trade or occupation, or the manufacture 
 and use of any product, constitutes an evil of suiificient magnitude to 
 call for adverse legislation, let the State proceed against it directly, 
 courageously, and with determination. To impose taxes upon an evil 
 in any degree short of its prohibition is in effect to recognize and license 
 it. To demand a portion of the gains of a person practising fraud 
 may be an effectual method for putting an end to his knavery by 
 making his practise unprofitable, but it would be, all the same, a very 
 poor way for a State to adopt as a means for suppressing fraud." 
 
 When they were trying once in Ohio to get rid of the 
 THE LIQUOR License odium attaching to a liquor law in 
 TRAFFIC that State, and proclaimed it a High-Tax 
 DIFFERENTIATED, ^^w, Senator Sherman very truly said: 
 
 " I cannot see how you can have a tax law without its operating as 
 a license law. A license is a legal grant. A tax on a trade or occupa- 
 tion implies a permission to follow that trade or occupation. We do 
 not tax a crime. We prohibit and punish it. We do not share in the 
 profits of a larceny, but by a tax we do share in the profit of liquor- 
 selling, and therefore allow or license it."
 
 DUTY OF AUTHORITY. 149 
 
 "We do not tax a crime," says Mr. Sherman. And 
 
 Bouvier, a distinguished French definer, declares license 
 
 LICENSE " permission to do that which without such 
 
 VERSUS TAX. permission would be a crime.'' 
 
 What would make it so? 
 
 The original Prohibition implied, which every license 
 law presupposes and admits. 
 
 By what right could Prohibition so apply to any occupa- 
 tion or industry as to make it, under any circumstances, 
 criminal ? 
 
 Only by the right of Authority's discrimination against 
 it, because in its character and effects it differs from all 
 classes of legitimate industry or occupation. 
 
 If we do not admit that the Liquor Traffic differs en- 
 tirely from all other kinds of traffic in its nature and con- 
 sequences, we must claim that it has been and is now 
 grossly ill-treated and wronged. If it does not differ 
 sufficiently to justify Prohibition, it is unjustly the sub- 
 ject of License or of disproportionate tax. It is either a 
 victim of governmental tyranny, or it is by nature a crimi- 
 nal thing in government. 
 
 What is a crime? 
 
 A violation of law. And the Liquor Traffic, licensed 
 or unlicensed, taxed or untaxed, violates the un- 
 written laws of trade, of commercial reciprocity, of the 
 general welfare, and the written statutes of the State. 
 // cannot be hnvfuly according to the spirit aiid picrpose of law 
 and the nature and character of the Traffic itself. 
 
 TAXING '-^^ license it, therefore, is to license a 
 
 OR LICENSING crime; to tax it, according to Senator Sher- 
 man, is both to tax afid to license a crime. 
 
 The Liquor Traffic is a crime against morality and good 
 Government, for it violates every written and unwritten 
 law of both. To tax it in support of Government is to
 
 150 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 license the crime by which good Government is made 
 impossible. 
 
 To license a crime is criminal. It follows, there- 
 fore, that they by whose authority crime is licensed 
 are themselves criminal, and the tax they receive 
 for the crime they license does not condone the 
 crime they commit. 
 
 This seems in farthest analysis the logic of the License 
 question; and it may appear to otheis unduly severe. But 
 THE ULTIMATE if it be logic, we are not responsible for the 
 LOGIC. severity of its application. 
 Is the revenue from this Traffic sufficient to mollify the 
 wound which logic makes? Political Economy is not sup- 
 posed to deal with conscience, but with figures and facts; 
 and so it asks, after learning what the Liquor Traffic costs, 
 what does the Traffic pay ? 
 REVENUE FROM For the year ending June 30, 1893, the 
 THE TRAFFIC, revenues collected by our General Govern- 
 ment from the Liquor Traffic were : 
 
 From distilled liquors $94,712,938. 16 
 
 From malt liquors 32,527,423.84 
 
 Total $127,240,362.00 
 
 This total was in excess of the total for the year prece- 
 ding by $5,892,925.58. 
 
 It sounds like a large sum to realize from one source, 
 and that through Indirect Taxation, which the people 
 are not supposed to feel. But the people pay it, through 
 the special tax collectors whom they appoint by License 
 to gather it in, otherwise known as liquor-sellers; and they 
 pay, along with it, many times as much more of Indirect 
 Taxes directly caused by this Indirect Taxation, that is, 
 after all, so direct.
 
 DUTY or AUTHORITY. 151 
 
 Direct Taxation is favored by Economists. Ly this 
 
 term tiiey mean the raising of a revenue directly from the 
 
 DIRECT business, trade, occupation or industry, 
 
 AND INDIRECT rather than from any product thereof; in 
 
 TAXATION. Q^j^gj. ^yj-^g^ j-j^gy prefer that the man shall 
 
 pay who produces or sells, rather than the product pro- 
 duced or sold. So License is upheld as one form of 
 Direct Taxation ; and the Income Tax is urged as an- 
 other form. And from License of the Liquor Traffic 
 comes a large revenue, no doubt, that must be added to 
 the sum already shown in determining what that Traffic 
 pays. How much does this direct tax upon that Traffic 
 yield? 
 
 The same figures which gave us the revenue from the 
 per-gallon taxation on liquors produced in this country for 
 
 TAX-PAYING the year ending June 30, 1S93, — the Report 
 LiauoR-DEALERS. of the Commissioner of Internal Revenue 
 for that year — gave the total number of dealers in all 
 liquors as 243,609. This report does not show the local 
 tax, being city or State License fee imposed on or derived 
 from each of these. Many of them were druggists and 
 State agents, legally engaged in dispensing liquors in Pro- 
 hibition States and counties for medicinal and mechanical 
 purposes, and they paid small fees — $30 being the smallest. 
 
 Many others, as in Omaha and elsewhere throughout 
 Nebraska, paid large fees — ranging from $500 to $1,000 
 each. It is impossible to determine the exact average, but 
 we may fairly accept the estimate of a Liquor authority. 
 
 Mr. Gallus Thomann, manager of the Literary Bureau 
 ««»,.,«! of the United States Liquor-Dealers' Asso- 
 
 ANNUAL ^ 
 
 RECEIPTS FROM ciation, who is quite widely accepted by the 
 ■ liquor men as a statistician on their side, in a 
 pamphlet entitled "The Nation's Drink-Bill Economically 
 Considered," estimates the average license fee at $200.
 
 152 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Accepting this estimate, and multiplying the number of 
 dealers by the amount of license revenue derived from 
 each, we have — 
 
 Direct revenue from liquor-dealers $48,721,800 
 
 Add to this the per-gallon revenue from all liq- 
 uors 127,240,362 
 
 And the total is $175,962,162 
 
 which the liquor traffic pays per year. 
 
 We found its yearly cost to be $2,453,969,948 
 
 Deduct its yearly revenue 175,962,162 
 
 And the balance of its cost against revenue 
 
 stands at $2,278,007,786 
 
 From its Income side, then, and considering the finan- 
 cial interests involved, it is clear enough that Authority's 
 duty toward the Liquor Traffic does not demand its per- 
 petuation for sake of the revenue it may yield.
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 authority's duty further considered. 
 
 From advocating License as a measure of Taxation, 
 
 pure and simple (assuming that it can possibly be consid- 
 AUTHORiTY AND crcd simple or pure), the friends of License 
 
 REGULATION, shift readily to urging its claims as a Meas- 
 ure of Regulation, and insist upon the Duty of Au- 
 thority to Regulate what they assert it has not the right 
 or the power to suppress. 
 
 That Regulation may be more effective, they have come, 
 with much unanimity and plausibility, to plead for High 
 License, reenforcing their claims for it, as a measure of 
 Regulation, with further claim as to its revenue-producing 
 power. 
 
 Upon the Regulation side four claims are made for 
 
 CLAIMS FOR High License in determining Authority's 
 HIGH LICENSE, (juty toward the Liquor Traffic: 
 
 1 . It will reduce the niwiber of saloons. 
 
 2. By this reduction, it will wipe out the low dives. 
 
 3. In this way it will make more respectable the saloons 
 that remain a.nd insure a more respectable and law-abiding 
 class of saloon-keepers. 
 
 4. // 7i'ill reduce the amount of liquor drank, and the 
 waste and crime resulting therefrom. 
 
 Upon the Revenue side one claim is urged, viz. : 
 
 Jt will compel the Traffic to pay its way. 
 
 Considering the last claim first, only a few figures are 
 
 FROM THE needed to show that it is untrue. There 
 
 REVENUE SIDE, ^gj-g \^ jg^^ 243,609 liquor-dealcrs of all 
 
 kinds in this country, counting in druggists, and State
 
 154 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 agents in Prohibition States; and many men in tliose States 
 who took out United States permits, but could not secure 
 local or State license, were promptly arrested by State 
 authorities, and did not continue business. A liberal esti- 
 mate of those who were then and would now be actual 
 dealers, and who might be expected to pay any license, 
 would be 200,000. If the first claim on the Regulative 
 side be true, this number would greatly diminish under 
 general High License. 
 
 But suppose the number continues at 200,000, and sup- 
 pose the extremely high fee of $1,000 be exacted of each, 
 the result is a revenue of but $200,000,000 a year, — not 
 one fifth the direct cost of the Liquor Traffic yearly — not 
 one twelfth its total cost. So, under High License, the 
 Traffic could not pay its way. 
 
 As to the Regulative claims, they stand analysis little, if 
 any, better. 
 
 Are the number of saloons reduced by it? No doubt in 
 some places and cases; not in all; not in most. 
 
 By a sworn statement of Mr. W. D. Christy, city clerk 
 of Des Moines, Iowa, it appears that in 187 1 the license 
 
 REGULATIVE ^^^ '"^ ^'^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ $^5° ^ Y^ar, and under 
 CLAIMS it there were twelve saloons; that next year 
 NsiDERED. ^j^gy increased the fee one third, making it 
 $200, and the saloons doubled, reaching 25 ; that until iSSo 
 the fee remained at $200, and the saloons ran up to 39; 
 that the fee was then raised to $250, and ten more saloons 
 were added that year; and that in 1882, as low High Li- 
 cense had not checked the increase of saloons, they lifted 
 the fee to $1,000, and that sixty saloons took out license 
 the first quarter! 
 
 There was no proportionate increase in population. 
 
 The leading daily paper in Des Moines, The Iowa State 
 Register^ had this to say in testimony:
 
 AUTHORITY' S DUTY FURTHER CONSIDERED. 155 
 
 " High License, we have been unceasingly told by the anti-Prohibi- 
 tion people and press, will decrease the number of saloons and kill 
 off the low doggeries. In Des Moines the license has just been ad- 
 vanced from $250 to $1,000, and eleven more saloons 
 HIGH LICENSE , , u u- u .' .u . 1 . .u 
 
 IN IOWA ^^^^ taken out the high license than took out the 
 
 low. Will some of the evangelists of High License 
 as the only practical temperance measure kindly explain this? Espe- 
 cially how can it be explained by the river cities in Iowa, where $250 
 is called a high license ? These river papers said if Des Moines 
 would adopt High License it would show good sense and actual tem- 
 perance, and that such High License would reduce the number of 
 saloons here to ten or twelve ' respectable concerns,' in which drunk- 
 ards would be made in a polite and genteel way. Des Moines has 
 followed this advice, and tried the experiment of High License for the 
 State, which they would not try for themselves, and made the license 
 $1,000, or four times as high as they recommended — to the result of what ? 
 To the result of adding eleven licensed saloons to its previous number, 
 and therefore to the result of proving that as a temperance method High 
 License is a snare, a delusion, and a cheat." 
 
 So spake a political organ, with no radical sympathies 
 in favor of Prohibition, but in a State of known Temper- 
 ance character, where the High-License experiment 
 could find as favorable conditions asanywhere would exist. 
 HIGH LICENSE St. Louis tried High License, and the 
 IN MISSOURI. Rev. Dr. William G. Eliot, Chancellor of 
 Washington University, there located, thus declared: 
 
 "The highest license exacted, and the strictest vigilance of police 
 philanthropists, have not succeeded in reducing the number of dram- 
 shops, the amount of liquor consumed, the number of unlicensed 
 liquor-sellers, or the fearful results in poverty, misery, and crime." 
 
 Other cities and towns could be cited to prove that High 
 License does not always decrease the number of saloons, 
 but instances could be given where it has actually or ap- 
 parently done this — Chicago at one time, Minneapolis at 
 another, and Philadelphia, under the Brooks Law, more 
 recently.
 
 156 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 But if we concede that as a rule the number of saloons 
 be reduced, will that make the Duty of Authoritj' more 
 plain in behalf of Regulation ? Remember that Authority 
 is the State, and the State must act according to the 
 laws and principles of Political Economy. 
 
 Political Economy must consider the Traffic, its vol- 
 ume, its character, its Financial, Moral, and Political 
 
 THE VOLUME effects, not merely or chiefly the number of 
 
 OF DRINK. places where it is carried on. A more im- 
 portant question than the numerical effect of High License 
 upon Saloons is this — 
 
 Has it lessened the volume of the Liquor Traffic, or benefi- 
 cially altered its character, or appreciably improved its effects ? 
 
 The effects of a stream should fairly measure its volume. 
 High License was inaugurated, in so far as this country 
 and recent centuries go, in Nebraska, where sincere tem- 
 perance men secured its adoption as a Restrictive law. 
 John B. Finch drafted it, or labored to obtain its enact- 
 ment by the Legislature, and bitterly repented his work 
 before he died. It demonstrated the unwisdom of it, the 
 untruth of all material claims in behalf of it. 
 
 The inmates of the Nebraska Penitentiary, under High 
 EFFECTS UNDER License, increased from 128 in 1879 to 345 
 HIGH LICENSE, i^ 1889 — a gain of 167 per cent, in ten years. 
 
 If any two or three of the claims made for High License 
 are well-founded, the effects must have been clearly shown 
 in Nebraska outside the penitentiary, and they could be 
 determined only by comparison. While Nebraska has had 
 High License, or during the latter portion of the time, 
 Kansas has had Prohibition; and High License, it may be 
 FACTS IN granted, has been the better enforced. The 
 
 COMPARISON, two States lie side by side in the fertile West, 
 with Nebraska, as a whole, the more fertile and there- 
 fore possibly somewhat superior. They offer the fairest
 
 A U THORI TV'S DUTY FUR THER CONSIDERED. 1 5 7 
 
 comparison possible of two systems, as in force in two 
 States. 
 
 By the brewers' reports for the several States for a 
 period of several years, it appears that in 1887 there were 
 108,756 barrels of beer sold in Nebraska, and 16,488 sold 
 in Kansas; and that in 1892 there were 138,035 barrels 
 sold in Nebraska and only 1,643 i" Kansas. 
 
 The assessed valuation of taxable wealth in Nebraska in 
 
 1880 was $90,000,000; in 1889 it was $182,000,000. 
 
 .conco,-r^ Kansas in 1880 had an assessed valuation of 
 
 ASSESSED 
 
 VALUATION OF $i6o, 000,000, and in 1889 of $360,000,000. 
 
 PROPERTY, rpj^g increase in Nebraska was $92,000,000, 
 sunder High License; in Kansas, under Prohibition not so 
 well enforced, $200,000,000. 
 
 In 1880 the per capita wealth in Nebraska was in round 
 numbers $200; in Kansas it was $161. In 1890 it had de- 
 creased to $174 in Nebraska, and increased to $203 in Kansas. 
 
 In 1891 there were 3,780 miles of railway operated in 
 
 Nebraska, and 9,759 in Kansas. The average attend- 
 
 FURTHER FACTS ancc at the public schools that year was in 
 
 COMPARED. Nebraska 146,315, and in Kansas, 246,102. 
 There were paid to the teachers that year in Nebraska 
 $2,194,288, and in Kansas, $3,033,761. 
 
 Thus it will be seen that individual wealth decreased 
 under High License and increased under Prohibition, 
 and that public education, the safeguard of republican 
 institutions, was better cared for where the License policy 
 did not prevail. 
 
 Illinois adopted High License. The claims for it were 
 there as elsewhere: it was to check intemperance, to di- 
 minish crime, to decrease pauperism. After two years 
 of its trial, questions were sent out to each of the 102 
 county jails and almshouses of the State, to find the pre- 
 cise number of prisoners in jail and of paupers in the
 
 158 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 almshouses during the last six months of 1882 under low 
 license, and of 1884 under high. 
 
 According to reports that followed, from but forty-two 
 jails, the increase in criminals, in as many counties, 
 
 HIGH LICENSE was from 975 in 1882 to 1,032 in 1884; while 
 
 IN ILLINOIS, the inmates of the State's northern peniten- 
 tiary increased from 304 to 377 — or nearly 25 per cent. 
 A like increase was reported from the southern. 
 
 In the almshouses of these 42 counties there were but 
 1,574 inmates in 1882, against 2,257 in 1884 — a gain of 
 over 40 per cent, in two years; while Cook County 
 (Chicago) increased its 860 paupers to 1,398 — a gain of 
 over 60 per cent. 
 
 Edwards County, without a saloon for 30 years, reported 
 no occasion for its almshouse, even, until 1884, when High 
 License gave it 35 inmates within six months. 
 
 Seven States have maintained a High-License policy 
 since 1887, and some of these inaugurated such policy 
 HIGH LICENSE IN prior to that time. Four of these are very 
 OTHER STATES, populous commonwcalths — Illinois, Massa- 
 chusetts, Michigan, and Pennsylvania; and if High Li- 
 cense did largely decrease the volume of liquor consumed 
 in those States, there would be a sensible diminution of 
 the total consumed in all the States. 
 
 As a matter of fact, the increase of liquor consump- 
 tion in this country for the year 1893 over the year 1892, 
 counting only the liquors here produced and on which 
 revenue was paid, was 88,937,182 gallons. It appears in- 
 disputable, therefore, judging alike from figures and effects, 
 that the volume of the Liquor Traffic has not at all de- 
 creased as a result of High License. 
 
 Has the increase of tariff on the Liquor, or of tax on 
 the seller, improved the character of either, or made the 
 Traffic more respectable, its influence less demoralizing?
 
 AUTHORITY'S DUTY FURTHER CONSIDERED. 159 
 
 In another form we have put this question before, and 
 have partially answered it. Further answer, briefly, 
 
 CHARACTER may not be amiss; and again we must judge 
 OF THE TRAFFIC. ^ cause and its character by its effects, and 
 again we must go for the effects of liquor to those who 
 keep the records of crime and arrests. Again com- 
 parison is necessary. 
 
 And in a comparison of the police reports for 1888 
 of 41 High-License cities of the United States, with 38 
 COMPARISON OF representative low-license cities, it is shown 
 ARRESTS. that the arrests for drunkenness and dis- 
 orderly conduct in the 41 High-License cities were one for 
 every 39 of the population, while similar arrests in the 38 
 low-license cities numbered one for every 39.7 of popula- 
 tion — a slight balance in favor of the low-license side. 
 
 In the High-License cities, with an average license 
 fee of $665 for each saloon, it appears that of the total 
 arrests for that year (1888) 56.4 were for drunkenness and 
 disorderly conduct; and that in the 38 low-license cities, 
 with an average license fee of $122 for each saloon, but 
 52.9 per cent, of the total arrests were for such cause. 
 
 Here are some comparative figures with reference to 
 particular towns, as reported in the New York Voice : 
 
 In 1878 Rockford, 111., had 23 saloons paying an annual license fee of 
 $250 each, with 150 arrests for drunkenness and disorderly conduct. 
 In 1886 the same city had 26 saloons paying an annual license fee of 
 $600 each, with 305 arrests for drunkenness and disorderly conduct. 
 
 In 18S5 Los Angeles, Cal., saloons paid an annual license of $120 
 each, and there were 702 arrests for drunkenness. In 1S88 the license 
 fee was $600, with 1,428 arrests for drunkenness. 
 
 In 1S83 Joliet, 111., saloons paid $50 license, and there were 271 
 arrests for drunkenness. In 18S8 the license was $1,000, and there 
 were 965 arrests for drunkenness. 
 
 In 1885 Lowell, Mass., saloons paid $50 to $300 for license, and 
 arrests for drunkenness numbered 1,683. In 18S8 the license fee was 
 $150 to $0oo, and arrests for drunkenness numbered 3,041.
 
 i6o WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 In 1885 Salem, Mass., was under $150 license, and arrests for 
 drunkenness were 796. In 1888 Salem was under $750 license, and 
 arrests for drunkenness were 1,162. 
 
 In 1885 Detroit, Mich., was under $300 license, and had 3,593 arrests 
 for drunkenness. In 1888 Detroit was under $500 license, and had 
 3,815 arrests for drunkenness. 
 
 In 1885 Grand Rapids, Mich., saloons paid $300 license, and arrests 
 for drunkenness were 510. In 1888 the saloons paid $510 license, and 
 arrests for drunkenness had increased to 722. 
 
 In 1886 Minneapolis saloons paid $500 license, and there were 350 
 of them, with 1,839 arrests for drunkenness. In 1889 the license fee 
 was $1,000, with 244 saloons and 2,558 arrests for drunkenness. 
 
 In 1887 St. Paul, Minn., saloons paid a license fee of $100 each; 
 there were 700 saloons in the city, and 2,494 arrests for drunkenness. 
 In 1889 the license fee was $1,000, with 386 saloons and 2,394 arrests 
 for drunkenness. 
 
 It is evident from these figures, and from many more 
 which could be cited, that the High-License saloon, if not 
 quite so numerous in some places as was its predecessor, 
 produces the same results in even a greater degree. Its 
 character cannot have improved. 
 
 Clearly, then, we must conclude that neither upon its 
 Regulative, nor Restrictive, nor its Revenue side, is the 
 AUTHORITY AND High - License saloon deserving of more 
 HIGH LICENSE, considerate treatment from Authority than 
 its predecessor received or was worf/iy to receive. It shows 
 Authority no more deference, no more respect, than did 
 its predecessor. It does not make more law-abiding and 
 respectable the man who sells. 
 
 Why should it? How could it? He has paid tribute to 
 Authority, in a large amount, for a special purpose — to 
 make money. The larger the tribute, or bonus, 
 which Authority demands from him, the larger the 
 premium which Authority in effect offers him to 
 violate morality and break law. 
 
 He must and he will get that bonus back, in defiance
 
 AUTHORITY'S DUTY FURTHER CONSIDERED. i6i 
 
 of Authority. He does get it back. He does break the 
 law. He sells to minors. He sells to drunkards. He 
 RECOVERING THE scIls on Sunday, He sells to whomsoever 
 BONUS. y^\\\ buy^ whenever the buyer wills. And 
 however fine and respectable in appearance his place may 
 be, it cannot be respectable in fact, for no place can be 
 respectable which does not respect law and conserve 
 morality. 
 
 In it young manhood is invited to htcovne particeps crim- 
 inis in the violation of law, and the common regard of cit- 
 izenship for law and order is weakened, neutralized, de- 
 based. In it, more than in the low dive or doggery so 
 much condemned, the body social, the body politic, is sat- 
 urated with contempt for law's enforcement, for the funda- 
 mental forces of the State. 
 
 And the low dive openly violates law, and continues 
 
 existence, because the place of High License must secretly 
 
 BREEDING violate law to live. The theory was that the 
 
 CONTEMPT FOR man who should pay a large bonus for the 
 
 privilege of liquor-selling would himself 
 
 make sure that no man should sell who did not pay. The 
 
 fact is that he dare not thus attempt to defend himself in 
 
 his special privilege, because himself so open to attack as 
 
 a violator of law. 
 
 Fact, philosophy, and human nature are all against 
 this theory. Exact of any man a large bonus for any 
 
 PHILOSOPHY privilege, and he will strive to get his bonus 
 
 HUMAN NATURE, back, — ihdiV s p/ulosop/iy. After he has paid 
 
 for his privilege, if the business covered by 
 
 it be of a doubtful character, he will even do doubtful 
 
 things to insure the bonus, — thdiV s human nature. Paying 
 
 $500 or $1,000 for a chance to make money selling liquor, 
 
 he will break every law that stands between him and 
 
 profit, — that's /at/. 
 
 zz
 
 1 62 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Mr. P. A. Burdick once told me, in illustration of this 
 fact, a little story about a town of some 3,000 people up 
 in Wisconsin. A kinsman of his was mayor of the town, 
 and told the story to him. 
 
 The State had adopted limited High License, and in 
 the little town referred to the fee was raised from $50 to 
 $250. There were five saloons in the town when the 
 change was made, and the people believed it would wipe 
 them all out. 
 
 " I didn't believe one of the five saloon-keepers could or 
 would put up the larger fee," said the mayor, in telling of 
 
 A WISCONSIN it. " But to my great surprise all the five 
 ILLUSTRATION, men came up and laid down their $250 a- 
 piece, and demanded License; and with them came two 
 more. So we had seven applications in place of five; 
 but one of the new men was of such notoriously bad char- 
 acter that we refused him, and licensed only six. 
 
 "After a while," he continued, "one of the six men 
 licensed, in a casual conversation with me, incidentally 
 remarked that the seventh man was regularly selling with- 
 out a license. I asked him why he did not make com- 
 plaint against him and have him shut up." 
 
 What answer do you think the mayor received? 
 
 " I can't afford it," frankly answered this man. 
 
 "You can't afford it?" asked the mayor, in surprise, 
 "why not?" 
 
 "Why, don't you know," asked the man in turn, "that 
 not one of us six men who paid for license is obeying the 
 law? The man who didn't pay knows it. Suppose I 
 complain against him, and you shut him up this week on 
 my complaint? Next week you may shut me up on his com- 
 plaint. He has paid nothing and can afford to take some 
 risk. I have paid in hard money, and I can't afford to 
 lose it; I must get my money back."
 
 AUTHORITY'S DUTY FURTHER CONSIDERED. 163 
 
 "And that opened my eyes," declared the mayor, "on 
 the High-License business." 
 
 It follows, as inevitably as fate, that any Regulative 
 system as to the Liquor Traffic weakens and 
 finally paralyzes every power to regulate. 
 
 The more legal the Liquor Traffic is in form, the less 
 legal it is apt, if not certain, to become in fact. The more 
 illegal it is permitted to remain, the more its illegality 
 dominates public sentiment and common respect for law.
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 HARMONY OF MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES, 
 
 The duty of Authority toward the Liquor Traffic should 
 not and cannot be determined by consideration alone of 
 the financial interests involved. There must also be care- 
 ful and sufficient consideration of the moral interests 
 involved. 
 
 Recall what has been said of an Idealizing Necessity. 
 Remember that Man must be made better, that the State 
 
 SOCIETY AND ^1^7 be made surer. Consider what Man is 
 
 ITS FORCES, to the State, and what Morality is to Man. 
 
 The State is but organized Society, And these four 
 things are true: 
 
 1. Society is composed of three factors — its Organized 
 
 Moral Forces, its Organized Political Forces, and the 
 Individual Man. 
 
 2. The maintenance of Society, in any safe and enduring 
 
 form, demands absolute harmony between its Organ- 
 ized Moral and Organized Political Forces. 
 
 3. This absolutely essential harmony between Society's 
 
 Organized Moral and Organized Political Forces 
 must come through Society's third factor, the Indi- 
 vidual Man. 
 
 4. This absolutely essential harmony becomes absolutely 
 
 impossible when the Organized Political Forces of 
 Society create, maintain, and foster any system of 
 law, or business, or politics, the ultimate of which 
 is the demoralization of Man, the sole harmonizing 
 agent.
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES. 165 
 
 What are the Organized Moral Forces of Society ? 
 Primarily they are three: 
 
 First — The Home. It is the unit of social organism 
 
 ORGANIZED — the Smallest organization known to Soci- 
 MORAL FORCES, gty In it moral impulses have their earliest 
 beginnings. From it go forth the influences that deter- 
 mine civilization, mold communities, and shape the State. 
 The State can rise no higher, in its culture and its charac- 
 ter, than its average Home. 
 
 The Home is and must be a moral organization. De- 
 moralize the Home, and you distintegrate the foundations 
 MORAL of the State. It is because of this accepted 
 FOUNDATIONS, fact that marriage laws exist, and that po- 
 lygamy is made a crime. Through all the centuries Au- 
 thority has guarded and shielded the sanctity and purity 
 of the Home. The faithful devotion of one man to one 
 woman, and their mutual care, as husband and wife, of 
 the children committed to their love and keeping, form the 
 moral foundation of the State — the strong pillars upon which 
 must rest the superstructure of social and political se- 
 curity. 
 
 Second — The School. It supplements the Home. It 
 is the higher or larger form of social organization, wherein 
 and whereby the work of the Home is developed, the 
 teachings of the Home are taken up and carried forward, 
 in mental growth and moral progress, to the upbuilding 
 of character in Manhood and Womanhood, the refinement 
 of Citizenship, and the beneficent advantage of the State. 
 
 And the school must be a moral organization ; it must 
 remain a moral force. Such it would and must remain, 
 MORAL even could and should you eliminate from 
 AGENCIES. every course of study in every school every 
 text-book with a distinctively moral intent. Public edu- 
 cation must and will be a moral agency while the civilized
 
 i66 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 State endures. It is a moral and political necessity in a 
 government like our own. 
 
 Third — The Church, the highest form of moral or- 
 ganization known to men. In it the best impulses and 
 teachings of the Home, and the noblest and purest unfold- 
 ings of the School, find their sweetest and ripest fruitage, 
 their development nearest approaching the divine. In it 
 MORAL are focalized the strongest moral incentives, 
 
 FRUITAGE. the noblest social sympathies and ambitions, 
 the truest aspirations of the Citizen, the supreme devotion 
 and loyalty of the Christian Patriot. 
 
 From it resounds throughout the State a call and a com- 
 mand which the School must hear and the Home must 
 heed — the loftiest utterance which can summon Christian 
 citizenship to social and political duty — 
 
 "Render, therefore, unto Caesar the things that 
 are Caesar's, and unto God the things that are 
 God's." 
 
 And thus are taught and commanded, in close and in- 
 separable connection, the supreme function of Citizenship 
 SUPREME '"^ ^^^ State, the supreme requirement of 
 
 FUNCTION OF Morality in the Citizen. Thus the Church 
 
 CITIZENSHIP. gj^JQJi^s upon cvcry Citizen his duty to God 
 and Government. To fit him for the complete discharge 
 of that duty these three organized moral forces of society 
 are a necessity, and for his best benefit they should be 
 always at their best and under the best possible conditions. 
 
 There are secondary moral forces — organizations of 
 many kinds; but these we have named are the primary 
 and important. There they stand — universal, distinct, 
 positive, all-important — the Home, and the School, and 
 the Church. 
 
 The Organized Political Forces are many, but they are 
 uniformly included in or controlled by the form of or-
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES. 167 
 
 ganization known as a Political Party, and their ulti- 
 mate expression is and inevitably must be Law. 
 
 ORGANIZED How shall we determine whether a Politi- 
 
 POLITICAL cal Force is in harmony with Moral Forces? 
 FORCES. gy. j.j^g Law it enacts and adminis- 
 
 ters the policy of administration it proposes and 
 proclaims. 
 
 How shall we judge of a Law or a Policy? 
 TEST OF A By its effect upon the Home, and the 
 LAW OR POLICY. School, and the Church. 
 
 How shall the Duty of Authority toward the Liquor 
 Traffic be determined, in view of the Moral Interests in- 
 volved, as between Suppression and Regulation ? 
 
 By the effect upon the Home, and the School, 
 and the Church, of the Licensed or Unlicensed 
 Saloon, 
 
 Does the Saloon — the Liquor Traffic — make more com- 
 fortable, and secure, and happy, and helpful, and blessed, 
 and beneficent, the Home? Is the Home's atmosphere 
 made sweeter and more inspiring in which to grow up a 
 new generation for the perpetuity of the State ? 
 
 Does the Saloon make easier and surer the work of 
 the School ? Is education more general the more numer- 
 THE SALOON AND ous are the Licensed Saloons, the more ex- 
 MORAL FORCES, teusive the Liquor Traffic? 
 
 Is the Saloon an ally of the Church, a helper in its 
 effort for the redemption of man from sin, for his full and 
 free development in Christian citizenship? 
 
 If so, then there is harmony between these moral forces 
 and those political forces which maintain the Saloon sys- 
 tem, the Liquor Traffic, through a policy of License or Tax- 
 ation. But what say the careful observers, the Christian 
 patriots, and the students of Sociology? Judging from 
 their evidence, what are the facts?
 
 I68 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Listen first to Judge Pitman, as he touches upon this 
 topic in "Alcohol and the State": 
 
 " Let us look into contrasted homes, where the only variable element 
 
 is the drinking habit of the head. The full wages of the temperate man 
 
 bring from year to year better food, better clothing, and better shelter. 
 
 Improved sanitary arrangements tell on the health of 
 CONTRASTED ^ \ ., , ,.,j t-u u u 
 
 HOMES father, wife, and children. The house becomes more 
 
 and more a home. The passer-by notices the vines 
 
 that cluster about the doorway, and the little flowers that peep through 
 
 the windows. Upon the inside walls the picture speaks of a dawning 
 
 taste, and the piano or some simpler musical instrument shows that the 
 
 daughter is adding a charm and refinement to the family circle. Books 
 
 and periodicals show the surplus dollar. Every influence is elevating. 
 
 " Introduce the element of drinking and you reverse the picture. Year 
 by year the physical comforts of the house lessen. The tenement must 
 narrow to the means, and locate itself in noisome surroundings. The 
 wife first pinches herself in food and clothing, but the time soon comes 
 when the children, too, must suff^er. The scanty clothing becomes 
 ragged. The Church and the school know the children no longer. No 
 flowers of beauty adorn, no sound of music cheers, such a dwelling. 
 The fire goes out upon the hearth, and the light of hope fades from the 
 heart. Soon the very form of a family is broken up, and public charity 
 cares for the scattered fragments. An American home has been blotted 
 out. 
 
 " Now, it is not with the private misery that we are here concerned, 
 but with the effect upon the State. If the chief interest of the State is 
 in the character of its citizens, then no agency is more destructive to its 
 interests than the dramshop, because the dramshop is the great enemy 
 of the home; and it is the character of the home which is not only the 
 test, but the efficient factor in an advancing or a falling civilization." 
 
 "The tenement must narrow to the means," declares 
 
 Judge Pitman. We may add that comfort and charac- 
 
 DRiNK ^^^ ^^^^ conform to the tenement, in a 
 
 IN HOME AND large measure; and all will be determined 
 
 NEIGHBORHOOD. ^^^^ largely by the surroundings. There 
 
 cannot be physical health in a habitation set where all the 
 
 atmosphere is pestilential; there cannot be moral health 
 
 where prevails a pestilence of immorality.
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES. 169 
 
 Speaking of beershops and their effect upon their sur- 
 roundings, an English Archdeacon (Garbitt) some years 
 ago declared : 
 
 " A large experience tells me that when a neighborhood is visited by 
 this scourge no organization, no zeal, no piety, however devoted, no 
 personal labors, however apostolic, will avail to effect any solid amelio- 
 ration." 
 
 Surround the Home with saloons, and the Home at- 
 mosphere will smell of beer and whisky. What the 
 children breathe into their childhood the men and 
 the women will by and by maintain or become. 
 
 In their fifth annual report the Board of State Charities 
 of Massachusetts said this: 
 
 " Poverty and vice are what the poor man buys with his poisoned 
 liquor; sickness, beastliness, laziness, and pollution are what the State 
 gives in exchange for the license money which the dramseller filches 
 from the lean purse of the day laborer and the half-grown lad and hands 
 over, sullied with shame, to the high-salaried official who receives it." 
 
 What the poor man buys, and what from the State he 
 receives, directly in themselves or indirectly in their 
 
 WHAT THE effects, are brought into his Home and curse 
 DRINKER BUYS, jf^ " Beastliness, laziness, and pollution" 
 can come of nothing that benefits and blesses the Home. 
 
 Says Dr. Sumner Stebbins, in an essay on " The Fruits 
 of the Liquor Trafific": 
 
 " We have laws to shield children from abuse, but a license law nulli- 
 fies them all. The State should be their guardian, but it scourges them 
 with fathers made heartless and cruel in Government dramshops." 
 
 Abuse of the children, pollution of their )'-oung lives, 
 
 DRINK beastliness that endangers their moral and 
 
 AND CHILDHOOD, physical Welfare, can come of nothing 
 
 friendly to the Home, and do come universally from the 
 
 Liquor Traffic.
 
 lyo WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 The report of a committee appointed to inquire in re- 
 gard to the Idiots of Massachusetts showed that eleven 
 twelfths of this pitiable class were born of intemper- 
 ate parents. There can be no sadder visible testimony 
 to the unfriendly effect of Liquor in the Home than im- 
 becility in the childhood that should bless and brighten it. 
 And as one writer says: 
 
 "Back of all the visible ravages of Intemperance, and deeper than 
 all these, there lies a field of devastation which has never been fully 
 explored, and can never be more than partially reported. It is the 
 wasted realm of the social affections, the violated sanctuary of domestic 
 peace." 
 
 There should be sufficient proof of the direct and imme- 
 diate harmful effect of the Saloon upon the School, in the 
 one limitation imposed upon the Saloon by almost every 
 License Law, viz., that no Saloon shall be within a given 
 distance of any School. Surely if the Saloon were a ben- 
 efit to Education, it could not be too near the school-house. 
 Has a law ever been heard of which decreed how many hun- 
 dred feet apart should be the Church and the Home, or 
 the Home and the School ? 
 
 If the Saloon be bad for the School 200 feet from a 
 
 school-house door, how much better can it be one mile 
 
 SALOON away? Any hindrance to Public Edu- 
 
 AND SCHOOL, cation is a curse to the Republic. Pov- 
 erty is a hindrance. The Saloon causes poverty. The 
 Saloon keeps children out of school, that they may assist 
 in the support of .poverty-smitten drinking parents and 
 themselves. 
 
 In the Sixth Annual Report (for 1875) of the Massa- 
 chusetts Bureau of Statistics of Labor it was declared, 
 among other conclusions: 
 
 "That fathers rely, or are forced to depend, upon their children for 
 from one quarter to one third of the family earnings;"
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES. 171 
 
 and the same high and reliable authority said 
 
 '• That children under fifteen years of age supply, by heir labor, 
 from one eighth to one sixth of the total family earnings." 
 
 If the children are in the factory, they cannot be at 
 the school. 
 
 Mr. Philbrick, long Superintendent of Schools in Bos- 
 ton, emphatically afhrmed: 
 
 " The liquor-shops and the schools are, in all respects, antagonistic to 
 each other." 
 
 It is this often-declared, this widely-confessed, this 
 patent, this potent antagonism, which inspired the enact- 
 
 COMPULSORY ^^^'^t *^f compulsory temperance education 
 
 TEMPERANCE laws in 37 States of our Union prior to 1894. 
 
 EDUCATION, ^j^g passage of these laws was everywhere 
 opposed by saloon men, who have nowhere been con- 
 spicuous as friends of the Public School system. 
 
 Are they the friends of the Church? 
 
 Says Judge Pitman: 
 
 " The Liquor Traffic and the Sabbath are in natural enmity. It is no 
 chance association which leads to the cry, ' Down with Sunday Laws and 
 the Liquor Laws,' in so many parts of our country. The Traffic wants 
 the day." 
 
 The foe of the Sabbath cannot be the friend of the 
 church. 
 
 In 1888 the Maine Conference of the M. E. Church, 
 
 among other strong utterances, said this: 
 
 " It needs no argument of ours to show that the liquor traffic and its 
 
 inevitable conduit, the drinking saloon, are the most gigantic and 
 
 formidable foes of our Christian civilization ; the 
 
 THE SALOON AND ^ . ^ . r t. r- 1 r 
 
 THE CHURCH sworn, bitter, and persistent enemy 01 the uospel 01 
 
 Christ ; * * * the personification of almost all evil, 
 
 paralyzing the right arm of the church." 
 
 In the same year the North Nebraska Conference 
 adopted radical resolutions —
 
 172 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 "recognizing the liquor traffic as the greatest foe of the church, the 
 home, and the government." 
 
 The General Conference of Seventh-Day Baptists, held 
 in 1 89 1, thus declared: 
 
 "The liquor traffic is the unrelenting enemy of righteousness and 
 purity, of Christ, the Church, and Humanity." 
 
 The Universalists, in Biennial Session at Worcester the 
 same year, said: 
 
 " The Home, the State, and the Church are confronted by no foe to 
 their peace and prosperity so great as is the drink habit." 
 
 The American Baptist Home Mission Society, in session 
 at Chicago in 1890, adopted striking resolutions declaring 
 of the liquor traffic — 
 
 " that it has no defensible right to exist, that it can never be reformed, 
 and that it stands condemned by its unrighteous fruits as a thing un- 
 christian, un-American and perilous utterly to every interest of life;" 
 
 Preceding this utterance by a preamble which declared 
 that traffic — '■ 
 
 " An enemy of satanic and appalling force, menacing the purity of the 
 Christian Church, the virtue of society, and the safety of government." 
 
 The Congregationalists, in Triennial Council at Minne- 
 apolis in 1892, thus affirmed: 
 
 "The ultimate aim of all Christian effort should be the entire sup- 
 pression of the open saloon or tippling-house." 
 
 The General Synod of the Reformed Church, in its 
 Eighty-eighth Annual Meeting, at Asbury Park, thus 
 
 " Resolved, That we hold the saloon to be an institution responsible 
 for a large part of the wrecked bodies, diseased minds, and lost souls 
 of our fellow men. We lay to its account ruined and 
 TESTIMONIES dissevered families, neglected children, broken fortunes, 
 and blighted hopes. We charge to the saloon enor- 
 mous burdens of taxation, the absorption of the wages of the wage- 
 earners, and the transfering of the burden of their support to the self- 
 supporting members of the conmiunity."
 
 MORAL AND POLITICAL FORCES. 173 
 
 The General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church, in 
 its 104th Annual Meeting, in a long series of Resolutions 
 declared — 
 
 " That this Assembly regards the Saloon, licensed or unlicensed, as 
 a curse to the land, inimical to our free institutions, and a constant 
 jeopardy to the present and lasting peace and happiness of all members 
 of the home, and, furthermore, loyalty to Christ and His Church should 
 constrain every Christian citizen to be earnestly zealous in securing the 
 removal of the traffic." 
 
 In 1892, the General Conference of the Methodist Epis- 
 copal Church, in session at Omaha, reiterated the utter- 
 ance of its Episcopal Address in 1888, as follows: 
 
 " The liquor traffic is so pernicious in all its bearings, so inimical to 
 the interests of honest trade, so repugnant to the moral sense, so in- 
 jurious to the peace and order of society, so hurtful to the home, to the 
 church, and to the body politic, and so utterly antagonistic to all that is 
 precious in life, that the only proper attitude toward it, for Christians, 
 is that of relentless hostility. It can never be legalized without sin." 
 
 The same year, at its annual gathering in Philadelphia, 
 
 the Baptist Young People's Union of North America 
 
 A CLOUD declared : 
 
 OF WITNESSES. "The liquor traffic is the prolific source of crime, 
 
 poverty and woe, the foe of humanity, a menace to our civilization, and 
 
 a great obstacle to the progress of Christianity." 
 
 The 62d General Assembly of the Cumberland Presby- 
 terian Church, in session at Memphis, thus affirmed : 
 
 " Positive prohibition of the sale or manufacture of intoxicants is the 
 oiilv consistent position for the church to take upon this question, and 
 to that end our prayers and our votes shall concur." 
 
 The 33d General Assembly of the United Presbyterian 
 Church, after re-affirming an utterance of that body in 
 1889, 
 
 "that any form of license-taxation of the liquor traffic is unscriptural in 
 principle and contrary to good government,"
 
 174 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 went on with most emphatic plainness to assert that 
 
 " partizan friendship for the saloon must be accepted as hostility to the 
 Church, the home, and all that is valuable to society; that no party is 
 worthy the support of Christian men that fails to antagonize the saloon." 
 
 The Annual Meeting of the Christian Endeavor Societies, 
 in Minneapolis, with some 12,000 delegates in attendance, 
 representing one million membership, adopted the follow- 
 ing: 
 
 " Since the liquor traffic is the implacable enemy of righteousness and 
 purity, of Christ and the Church — 
 
 "Resolved, That we condemn intemperance in every form: that we 
 stand for total abstinence, for the suppression of the saloon, and the 
 annihilation of the power of the whisky ring in the politics of this 
 nation." 
 
 And thus are our questions answered as to the effects 
 of the saloon, the Liquor Traffic, upon the Home, 
 the School, and the Church. A large volume of simi- 
 lar answers could be cited. The unanimity with which all 
 bodies of Christian citizens testify in this regard is most 
 significant. Millions of God-loving men and women can- 
 not be mistaken in this their public testimony.
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 LOCAL OPTION ANALYZED. 
 
 In such further consideration as appears necessary of 
 the Moral Interests Involved in determining Authority's 
 Duty toward the Liquor Traffic, we must analyze one atti- 
 tude which has been widely and ably urged on Authority, 
 under the term Local Option. 
 
 It came as a new Regulative phrase or fact, to fit the 
 old Economic thought or law of Supply and Demand. It 
 AN OLD came in recognition of mere local authority, 
 ECONOMIC LAW. ^s of the county or town, under general State 
 legislation: it has been broadened to meet the boundaries 
 of a Commonwealth, under special legislative acts for 
 Constitutional Amendment. 
 
 Within its narrower limitations it has had the longer 
 test, and has, on the whole, been the more successful. In 
 this narrower way it seems to have been first applied in 
 Great Britain, through the influence if not the dominating 
 power, in certain small areas, of large land-owners; and it 
 was there applied as the fact for which here the name has 
 come to stand synonymous — Local Suppression. 
 
 As far back as 1760 John Wesley found one of these 
 areas in Ireland; and several of them have existed there 
 
 EARLY LOCAL during the present century — are a beneficent 
 
 SUPPRESSION, fact iiQ^v Bessbrook is one, with its indus- 
 trial town of Saltaire. Tyrone County is another, with 61 
 square miles, and 10,000 people, but no public-houses, as 
 the local term is, and no policeman. 
 
 According to The Edinburgh Review for January, 1873, 
 there were at that time in England and Scotland 89 estates
 
 176 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 upon which the liquor traffic was suppressed; the option 
 
 to suppress being exercised by their owners. Since that 
 
 LANDLORD vcar, near Newcastle-on-Tyne, and along 
 
 SUPPRESSION, ti^g Mersey near Liverpool, the option to 
 exclude the dramshop has been exercised with extensive 
 effect by landlords and people. 
 
 In this country Local Option fairly began, by counties, 
 in Georgia, in 1833; spread over New England from 1835 
 
 LOCAL OPTION to 1840; and has made extensive progress 
 
 BY COUNTIES, territorially since the War in many States — 
 notably Pennsylvania, Indiana, Kentucky, North Carolina, 
 Georgia, Mississippi, Alabama, and Maryland. In the 
 broader application of it, by States, through popular 
 votes upon a Prohibitory Constitutional Amendment, it 
 began in Kansas in 1880, where such Amendment contin- 
 ues; has been successfully tried since in Maine and Rhode 
 Island and the Dakotas; was declared unconstitutionally 
 attempted in Iowa ; and has failed of carrying State Pro- 
 hibition in Massachusetts, Connecticut, New Hampshire, 
 Michigan, Tennessee, Pennsylvania, West Virginia, AVash- 
 ington, Ohio, and Texas. 
 
 Upon the face of it. Local Option seems a fair and 
 proper thing: it allows the will and wish of The People 
 to rule as to the Liquor Traffic. 
 
 As to the fact of it, great good may have been accom- 
 plished — has been, beyond all question — in many cases, 
 LOGIC OF by the choice which has resulted over more 
 LOCAL OPTION, qj- jggg extended areas. Local Suppression, 
 through Local Option or the exercise of it, has been for 
 longer or shorter periods a great local benefit. 
 
 As to the principle of it — what will analysis reveal ? 
 What conclusions appear inevitable, in the light of 
 analysis ? 
 
 These;
 
 LOCAL OPTION ANALYZED. 1 77 
 
 ist. That to concede men anywhere the right to say that 
 License may be, is to concede that somewhere 
 License may be right, or that somewhere men may of 
 right permit a wrong. 
 2d, That to concede the right anywhere to permit a 
 wrong is everywhere to imperil the right itself, and 
 make the wrong everywhere more powerful. 
 3d. That to concede the right of License anywhere is to 
 
 admit that nowhere can it be wrong; and 
 4th. That to admit the right of License everywhere is 
 to surrender everywhere our final and supreme argu- 
 ment against it. 
 " There is no inherent right in a citizen to sell intoxi- 
 cating liquor," says the Supreme Court. 
 
 If there is no inherent right in the citizen to sell, is 
 there not inherent wrong in the sale ? Would not the 
 WRONG IN citizen have such inherent right, if there 
 THE SALE. were not such inherent wrong? If there be 
 such inherent wrong in the sale, what right have any num- 
 ber of men to say that anywhere the citizen may sell ? 
 
 It has been urged that there is a majority right in this 
 
 i^iatter, and that what a majority of the people want, in 
 
 A MORAL ^"y locality, the majority must have and the 
 
 STANDARD FOR minority cannot refuse. The claim is dan- 
 
 THF ^TATE 
 
 gerous; the logic of it would imperil society, 
 mi^ht ruin the State. There must be for the State a 
 moral standard, upon which Law may rest, and 
 against which the will even of a majority may not 
 array itself. 
 
 Never should it be conceded that a minority of the 
 whole State, though it be a majority in some narrow area 
 thereof, may reject this moral standard at will. 
 
 In his calm, judicial fashion Judge Pitman puts the case 
 as follows: 
 12
 
 178 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 " The State is the nominal unit of sovereignty, and it is opposite to 
 sound theories of government to transfer to local fractions the decision 
 of a question of such general and far-reaching importance as the policy 
 to be pursued toward the liquor traffic. * * * if the drink traffic is in- 
 deed the destroyer of national wealth, the clog that 
 
 THE UNIT OF ^j^ags down labor, the poisoner of the public health. 
 SOVEREIGNTY. ,^ <-,\.,.rj r 
 
 the enemy of the home, the feeder of pauperism, the 
 
 stimulant of crime, the foe of Christian civilization, and degenerator of 
 the race, then the State clearly owes to each community of its citizens 
 its best wisdom and its most persistent energy in the repression of such 
 a traffic, and it may not rightfully or even prudently abandon the vir- 
 tuous, or for that matter the vicious, citizen anywhere to the rule of a 
 debased locality." 
 
 Suppose it were decided to set loose, in a given county 
 of some Commonwealth, a thousand thieves and murderers 
 
 RIGHTS OF from some great prison or penitentiary. 
 
 MAJORITIES. They might then form a majority of the 
 voting population there. Would it be right and wise to 
 let them formulate their own code of criminal law? Yet 
 that is the theory of Local Option. 
 
 In the settlement of Moral Right vs. Wrong, 
 majorities never have counted ; the majority wish of 
 localities, or sections, has never been a final arbiter. 
 
 Abraham Lincoln, in one of his early speeches concern- 
 ing another great question, thus declared: 
 
 "Whoever desires the prevention of the spread of slavery and the 
 nationalization of that institution yields all when he yields to any 
 policy that either recognizes slavery as being right or as being an indif- 
 ferent thing. Nothing will make you successful but setting up a policy 
 which shall treat the thing as being wrong." 
 
 When Slavery was a fact, every slaveholder was a Local 
 
 Optionist. He stood for the will and wish of a majority 
 
 FORMER LOCAL i" every slave State. But great masses of 
 
 OPTIONISTS. jfign who now favor Local Option as to the 
 
 Liquor Traffic did not stand with him then, and would not 
 
 accept a local or sectional settlement of that question.
 
 LOCAL OPTION ANALYZED. 179 
 
 Why ? Because of the moral issues involved, and 
 
 the moral, political, and economic interests of the whole 
 nation, which were at stake. Interests far greater and 
 more momentous are dependent on the proper discharge of 
 Authority's duty toward the Liquor Traffic. If a majority- 
 right in a whole State did not remove the moral and politi- 
 cal wrong of slavery, how can a majority-right in a single 
 county or town of a State remove the wrong of License? 
 
 A good minister once remarked that Local Option 
 meant: "God save the country; the devil may take the 
 towns!" 
 
 It is in the towns — the cities — that immoral sentiment 
 focalizes and festers and breeds. From the social cancers 
 
 CENTERS OF which these must remain while infected and 
 IMMORAL afflicted with License, flows out the virus 
 
 SENTIMENT. ^^ Hquor-poisoncd social and political 
 life, to infest the country at large. As well might we ex- 
 pect pure blood and perfect health in a person with gan- 
 grene eating away at his vitals, as to expect a healthy 
 social and political condition in the State that permits the 
 Saloon cancer to thrive at the centers of population be- 
 cause a majority there elect that it may. 
 
 Local Option has done much good, let us admit this; 
 it has wrought great evil, let us not deny that. Its im- 
 mediate effects have been more marked in many cases 
 than its lasting benefits. Under it, where Prohibition has 
 been a narrow, local fact, the popular voice has often gone 
 against Prohibition as a broad State policy. 
 
 It is said that every Local-Option county in Texas went 
 for liquor when Texas voted upon a Constitutional 
 
 WHAT LOCAL Amendment for Prohibition. The broader 
 
 OPTION DOES, option to suppress the Liquor Traffic has 
 been voted down, because the narrower attempt at sup- 
 pression failed, largely through its narrowness and the in-
 
 i8o WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 fluences closely surrounding and neutralizing its effects. 
 No State which had experimented with narrow Local- 
 Option methods has carried State Prohibition by Consti- 
 tutional Amendment. 
 Local Option does at least six things: 
 
 1. It draws an imaginary line, difficult of continued recogni- 
 
 tion, between local policies, while it effaces the posi- 
 tive line of a broad principle. 
 
 2. It appropriates to fractional parts of a State the power 
 
 of decision as to a matter directly and vitally and in- 
 evitably affecting the whole. 
 
 3. It breaks the educational force and influence of law, 
 
 and wastes the moral significance of popular choice 
 between Right and Wrong. 
 
 4. It blunts the popular conscience, makes more difficult 
 
 the administration of justice, and weakens public 
 sentiment in Law's behalf. 
 
 5. It concedes to popular will the right to provide for 
 
 satisfaction of a popular want, to the general waste 
 and loss, and without regard for the general welfare. 
 
 6. It permits and invites independence and antagonism 
 
 of moral and political standards between closely re- 
 lated parts of a moral and political whole. 
 As to the moral and financial effect of Local 
 Option, some very plain words are said in the " Cyclo- 
 pedia of Temperance and Prohibition," by Prof. H. A. 
 Scomp, of Oxford, Ga. , whose residence in a State where 
 Local Option has produced its best results must have 
 qualified him to speak as well of it as any one can or 
 should. Among other things he remarks: 
 
 " Local Option, like license, makes revenues local, but expenses 
 general. County or Town A votes ' For the Sale,' levies its license fees, 
 collects its police fines, and monopolizes its private chain-gang; of rock- 
 pile labor; while its heavy criminal docket, pauperage, almshouses,
 
 LOCAL OPTION ANALYZED. i8i 
 
 and the fearful residuum of increased depravity and immorality, which 
 
 always follow the traffic, are thrown like an incubus upon the State 
 
 and county at large. 
 
 " As license naturally shifts to the crowded communities, its revenues 
 
 flow to the towns. To purchase popular indulgence, these fees arecom- 
 
 monlv decreed to schools and benevolent purposes. 
 
 EFFECTS OF ^„ . ^ . . ' • n ■ »u c .1 .u » 
 
 LOCAL OPTION ^ ^us it has happened, especially in the South, that 
 
 nearly all the well-supported public schools are in 
 
 license towns, and depend chiefly upon the liquor revenue for sustenance. 
 
 As a consequence, thousands of families of our most substantial rural 
 
 population are annually drawn into these towns to enjoy the benefits of 
 
 the schools, and the children are brought face to face with the saloons, 
 
 and grow up under their baleful influence. Thus the system operates 
 
 to degenerate the people, to crowd the towns, and to depopulate and 
 
 pauperize the country. 
 
 " Local selfishness is therefore engendered and fostered. What cares 
 
 Town A for the sword and fire it sends through the adjacent territory 
 
 while it revels in its revenues?" 
 
 Two facts appear significant: 
 
 1. The friends of Prohibition prefer Local Option to the 
 
 ordinary methods of license, as a rule, and uniformly 
 work for the best fruits of it, as opportunity is pre- 
 sented. 
 
 2. The friends of Liquor prefer Local Option to Prohibi- 
 
 tion, and favor the first in all cases when the second 
 
 is a probable alternative. 
 
 To forbid all possibility of such an alternative, liquor 
 
 men have widely advocated Local Option as a method, 
 
 while they have opposed Local Prohibition as a result. 
 
 More and more as a method Temperance 
 
 MEN AND . 
 
 METHODS advocates are opposing Local Option, while 
 CONTRASTED, ^j^^^ steadily labor, when the method offers, 
 to secure Local Prohibition as a result. 
 
 That both classes of men favor the method, under cer- 
 tain conditions, is evidence that it counts more or less as 
 a compromise. To borrow a live term from a dead issue,
 
 i82 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Local Option is the " Squatter Sovereignty" of the Saloon. 
 
 And as a minister once remarked of the " Missouri Com- 
 THE NEW promise," when Slavery was the living issue, 
 SQUATTER " in a compromise the devil always gets the 
 SOVEREIGNTY, best of the bargain. " 
 
 Said Stephen A. Douglas in 1857: 
 
 " If Kansas wants a Slave-State constitution, she has a right to it; if 
 she wants a Free-State constitution, she has a right to it. It is none of 
 my business which way the slave clause is decided." 
 
 But Abraham Lincoln answered: 
 
 " He (Douglas) contends that whatever community wants slaves has 
 a right to have them. So they have if it is not a wrong. But if it ir 
 a wrong, he cannot say a people have a right to do a wrong." 
 
 Douglas was a Local Optionist; Lincoln was not. 
 Lincoln did not believe slaveholding could be right in 
 LINCOLN Kentucky and wrong in Kansas. He fore- 
 AND DOUGLAS, gaw how, by immigration and the subtle 
 extension of slaveholding influence across the Missouri 
 border, the popular sentiment from a Slave State should 
 cover and dominate free territory. 
 
 What he foresaw then as to Slavery, in its permeating 
 and infecting power, every small and large Prohibition 
 area realizes to-day as to the Saloon. There was no 
 effort made to capture free territory before i860 that is 
 not matched now to extend Saloon power over no-saloon 
 towns, and counties, and States. 
 
 The law of Supply and Demand is not left normal and 
 healthy, as a genuine economic law. The Supply is 
 SUPPLY carried in, smuggled in, forced in, that the 
 AND DEMAND. Demand may follow. Liquor-dealers' asso- 
 ciations establish saloons where there is no immediate 
 call for them, and run them by hired agents, at a loss, for 
 months at a time, that they may create a Demand. It
 
 LOCAL OPTION ANALYZED. 183 
 
 is a common way of propagating liquor sentiment, of 
 
 securing License privilege indefinitely, of winning what the 
 
 Trafific wants and for what it is eager to pay. To this 
 
 end, the finest locations are selected, and the most elegant 
 
 HOTHOUSE appointments are procured. It is like grow- 
 
 LIQUOR ing liquor sentiment in a luxurious hothouse, 
 
 where flowers of pleasure bloom, and the 
 
 perfumes of delight are seductively sweet, and those who 
 
 pass the place, or who may venture in, hear delicious music, 
 
 and also, if they listen carefully, may hear this egotistic, 
 
 aristocratic 
 
 SONG OF THE DECANTER. 
 
 I am proud of the place where I glisten to-day ! 
 Here it is that men come who have money to pay — 
 Not the low, the degraded, the wretched and vile, 
 But the rich who their leisure would swiftly beguile. 
 I invite the young men, who have homes that are pure, 
 To leave mothers and sisters whose love would allure. 
 And I offer to each a delight and a boon, — 
 In the joys of a gilded High-License Saloon. 
 
 I would never be seen in a lowlier place, 
 For I come of a haughty aristocrat race; 
 I was born in a castle, 'mid silver and gold; 
 I have glittered for princes and kings that were bold; 
 I have poured out my treasure for daintiest lips, 
 And am always at hand when the queenliest sips; 
 In my presence are beauty, from midnight till noon, 
 And the pleasure that fills a High-License Saloon. 
 
 I can fool the wise preachers with glitter and pride, 
 Till the Scripture they preach they have often denied; 
 " Look not on the wine!" is the Bible command, 
 But they look upon me, and with dalliance bland 
 I beguile them to sip till its praise they declare, 
 And its curse by their Scripture they piously share; 
 And their name and their fame, I am sure, very soon 
 Will be mine to maintain the High-License Saloon.
 
 i84 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Look around me and say, Are the men who come here 
 Of the class whom society rightly should fear ? 
 By their manners refined, and their elegant dress, 
 You must know that position and purse they possess. 
 For the drunkards and thieves you must go to the slum, 
 "Where they swill and they guzzle their beer and their rum; 
 He is crazy, indeed, as the craziest loon. 
 Who compares the low slum with the gilded Saloon. 
 
 Let the dive be condemned, while around me I bring 
 Politicians and preachers the praises to sing 
 Of High License, to-day ! Does it matter to me 
 That so long as this is, the low places must be? 
 Men go down, I admit, in the scale of desire, 
 Who their appetites feed, not lift steadily higher; 
 To the slums let them go, if they must and they will, 
 While around me are pride and hypocrisy still ! 
 
 I would never young men by my radiance win 
 
 To the ruin of love and the riot of sin; 
 
 Let me tempt them alone to the pleasures that lie 
 
 Where the streams of delight flow in melody by; 
 
 If they farther must go, being tempted so far, 
 
 It is they who both foolish and criminal are, 
 
 And if down, by and by, to the dive they must go. 
 
 Let them bear all the blame while they suffer the woe ! 
 
 Do you say that I win to whatever is won. 
 Be it chill of the darkness or cheer of the sun ? 
 Do you say that the dive is the Finis of Drink 
 That the drinker must find, tho' he shiver and shrink 
 From it now ? A decanter knows better than you 
 What is good for the many tho' bad for a few, 
 And in every decanter there's only a boon 
 If it stands in a gilded High-License Saloon. 
 
 I've a brother who bides in the home of a priest 
 Whose own praises of wine have not faltered or ceased. 
 Do you think he would cherish a child of my race, 
 Give it welcome and care, and maintain it a place.
 
 LOCAL OPTION ANALYZED. 185 
 
 If but ruin and woe from our family came, 
 If we brought only sorrow and trouble and shame ? 
 No, indeed ! he would banish my kind very soon. 
 And as well he would ban the High-License Saloon. 
 
 Do you hint that his conscience he surely must keep 
 Where the lotos of liquor can lull it to sleep ? 
 Maybe so, maybe so ! but at conscience I laugh 
 When the preacher comes piously to me to quaff; 
 I have sent many like him to ruin and death 
 By the bane of my presence, the blight of my breath ; 
 I will spare him, I think, thro' his life's afternoon. 
 For the help that he gives the High-License Saloon. 
 
 I'm a wily decanter, whatever you think, 
 I have won many lips to the praises of drink ; 
 There are demons that lurk in my bosom and hiss, 
 But I make men believe they are angels of bliss ; 
 There are fiends all about me no mortal can see 
 Till around his lost soul they are grinning in glee; 
 Yet they think me a blessed, beneficent boon. 
 The wise fools who uphold the High -License Saloon.
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 DEMORALIZATION BY THE SALOON. 
 
 We come, finally, to consider the Political Interests 
 
 EXISTING Involved. 
 GOVERNMENTAL We comc to Consideration of these face to 
 CONDITIONS. £^^g ^jj.j^ certain conditions: 
 
 1. A form of government in which the citizen is the unit 
 
 of authority. 
 
 2. The existence of organized moral and political forces, 
 
 which must work in harmony to perpetuate govern- 
 ment. 
 
 3. An inherent necessity that the citizen shall be the har- 
 
 monizing factor between these forces. 
 
 4. The impossibility of his being such a factor when 
 
 political forces maintain any system which demoral- 
 izes him as a harmonizing agent. 
 
 5. Failure to harmonize moral and political forces because 
 
 the latter maintain the demoralizing system of 
 License. 
 
 6. Absolute hostility between these forces, as a result of 
 
 this system, because of its demoralizing effect upon 
 the individual man. 
 EFFECT OF THE Demoralization of the citizen goes on 
 LICENSE SYSTEM, through the License System in two distinct 
 realms of activity: 
 
 Inside the place of I-icense; 
 Outside the licensed place. 
 
 In the former realm the demoralization is threefold: 
 Physical,
 
 DEMORALIZATION BY THE SALOON. 187 
 
 Moral, and 
 Political. 
 
 In the latter realm it is or may be only twofold, Moral 
 and Political, but its effects may be quite as bad upon our 
 political interests. If a man be demoralized as to his 
 moral instincts and his political conscience, so that he but 
 DEMORALIZATION dimly discerns his moral and political duty, 
 OF CONSCIENCE, ^j^^j comcs to put policy in place of a moral 
 standard, as to things both moral and political, it might 
 not be greatly worse for the State were he become indeed 
 also a physical wreck. 
 
 No man can morally and politically perform all the 
 functions of citizenship, and properly assist in perpetua- 
 ting the Government, whose body is diseased by Drink, 
 whose brain is fired by it, whose whole manhood is cursed 
 by it. Government must live, Society must continue, the 
 State must remain a fact, on the fruit of man's labor. 
 Every political interest demands that he be a producer, 
 not a consumer; and to this end his hands must be steady, 
 
 PRODUCTIVE his brain cool, his judgment clear. Every 
 
 CITIZENSHIP, moral interest demands that he be a good 
 citizen, with ambition high and pure to assist in uplifting 
 and preserving the moral and political character of the 
 State; and to this end he must have a moral and political 
 conscience, which will forever set principle above policy, 
 and refuse any policy which antagonizes principle. 
 HARMONIZATION No man can be a good citizen who does 
 
 OF FORCES. nQt see}j always and consistently to harmonize 
 Moral and Political Forces. 
 
 No man can harmonize these forces inside the saloon. 
 
 No man, by whose act the saloon exists, can harmonize 
 these forces outside the saloon. 
 
 And the saloon demoralizes more men from with- 
 out than from within.
 
 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 The demoralizing influences operate chiefly from within, 
 through appetite and avarice; from without, through avarice 
 and ambition. 
 
 Inside the saloon, the man behind the bar has the 
 
 avarice, and the man before the bar has the appetite. 
 
 INSIDE The joint exercise of both demoralizes both 
 
 THE SALOON, xn^xi. The man behind the bar may seldom 
 drink (it is said that some barkeepers are total abstainers) ; 
 but though he be always sober, he is a demoralized citizen: 
 he cannot be a harmonizing factor between moral and political 
 forces. 
 
 Outside the saloon, the man who favors it has avarice 
 or ambition, and is actuated by one or the other — or both. 
 The saloon's revenue appeals to his avarice — through its 
 rental, which is a part of his income, or through its con- 
 tribution to the revenues of the State. It appeals to his 
 ambition — through the political influences which focalize 
 in it and ramify from it, by which he wishes to profit, or 
 to benefit the party which may some day profit or honor 
 OUTSIDE him- He cannot harmonize moral and 
 
 THE SALOON, political forces, even though he never sets 
 foot in a saloon, and rarely or never puts its cup of poison 
 to his lips. 
 
 It is to the man outside of the saloon that the man in- 
 side, and behind the bar of it, owes his place and his profits. 
 The man outside is vastly more numerous, has a much 
 higher average of respectability, wields a greater influence 
 in the average community. Upon his respectability and 
 influence, plus his avarice and ambition, the man inside 
 depends for his business future. 
 
 Every Local-Option contest, whether of the narrow 
 
 THE town or county sort, or of the broad State 
 
 MAN OUTSIDE. Amendment order, has been determined by 
 
 the man outside the saloon, who rarely or never steps
 
 DEMORALIZATION BY THE SALOON. 189 
 
 within it, but who has or has not been demoraHzed by it. 
 If he has not been, he gave success to No-License, or Pro- 
 hibition by Amendment. If he has been, he gave to the 
 same its defeat. 
 
 The greater his influence and respectability, the more 
 widely he has been recognized for his moral character 
 and eminence of professional standing, the more weight 
 has been given by his demoralized manhood to the saloon 
 side. 
 
 In Michigan he was very eminent; his character ap- 
 peared without blemish; he spoke from a high place, and 
 his voice was heard throughout the State in the Amend- 
 ment campaign there in 1887. He spoke from a platform 
 in Detroit, and his speech was sown broadcast through- 
 out every Michigan county. 
 
 " Carry the Amendment," was the burden of it, " and we 
 IN shall lose $250,000 revenue every year from 
 
 MICHIGAN. the saloons of Detroit alone." 
 
 And by this revenue cry the Amendment was killed. As 
 Miss Frances E. Willard afterward remarked, the Amend- 
 ment "died of High License." By the Tax Law of 
 Michigan, this man outside the saloon had been demoral- 
 ized. In other States and contests a similar demoralizing 
 influence has produced similar results. 
 
 In Texas, the same year, when the Amendment cam- 
 paign came on, the liquor champions called a State meet- 
 iN ing and solicited the attendance, as the call 
 
 TEXAS. 5^j(]^ Qf « -^11 ^yj^Q have not yet lost faith in 
 
 the Church, the home, and the school ; patriots who revere 
 the grandeur of our great State; all who believe the peo- 
 ple of Texas are a religious people; all Christian people." 
 They counted, surely enough, upon the demoralization of 
 the man outside the saloon, — even inside the Church. 
 With his aid the Amendment was beaten there, — with
 
 igo WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 his aid, supplemented by the alliance of political leaders, 
 the saloon support of the press, and large money con- 
 tributions from the liquor organizations outside the State. 
 One political leader refused his alliance with others against 
 the Amendment in these words: 
 
 " In every community," wrote United States Senator Reagan, "we find 
 
 men once honored and respected reduced to poverty, wretchedness, and 
 
 dishonor, spending their money and time in drinking-saloons, wives 
 
 weighed down in grief and sorrow and want, and heart- 
 A SENATOR 
 ON THE SALOON t)''ol^en and helpless children growing up in ignorance, 
 
 beggary, and vice, because husbands and fathers have 
 been made drunkards and vagabonds by patronizing the drinking-saloons. 
 Millions of dollars are invested in this business of making men 
 drunkards and in producing the desolation and ruin of women and 
 children, which, if employed in agricultural, manufacturing, or com- 
 mercial pursuits, and directed by the talents and time wasted in 
 these drinking-houses, would add untold millions to the aggregate wealth 
 of the State, and make as many thousands of happy families as are now 
 made miserable because this money and time are given to the selling and 
 drinking of intoxicating liquors. In view of these facts, with all respect 
 to the meeting at Austin and its committee, I must express my regret 
 that any effort has been made to make a party question of it, and espe- 
 cially do I regret that Democrats should seek to identify that great and 
 grand historic party with the fortunes and fate of whisky-shops, drunk- 
 ards, and criminals." 
 
 Local Option and political combination killed the 
 Amendment in Texas by over 90,000 majority. 
 
 In Tennessee the same year, during the Amendment 
 campaign there, the man outside the saloon was appealed 
 to in very unusual fashion by men inside the prison. Four 
 hundred convicts in the State penitentiary signed this 
 petition; 
 
 To the voters of the State of Tennessee : — 
 
 In all ages in the history of mankind crises, reformations, and revolu- 
 tions have been the direct result of practical experiences by the human 
 family.
 
 DEMORALIZATION- BY THE SALOON. 191 
 
 One of these experiences has taught the people of the State of Ten- 
 nessee that their prisons are tilled, their poorhouses occupied, and their 
 
 paupers created by the direct influences of that soul- 
 TENNESSEECON- , ^ . , ,. , ,,. .u • . r .u 
 
 VICTS' PETITION <Jestroying demon, whisky. We, the inmates 01 the 
 
 State penitentiary, knowing by observation and con- 
 vinced by undeniable facts that liquor is the cause of all the misery 
 we endure, of all the hardships and privations we subject those to 
 dependent upon us, do hereby most earnestly ask that the voters of 
 this great State may seriously consider the question before them and give 
 their aid in word and deed to the cause of Prohibition. 
 
 We do not say that every prisoner in the State is a habitual drunk- 
 ard. We do not claim that every criminal act was perpetrated under 
 the influence of whisky ; but we fearlessly assert that three fourths within 
 these walls can trace their downfall directly or indirectly to that cause. 
 
 Wearing the garb of disgrace, being dishonored and counted unworthy 
 to mingle with the people of our State, we yet have the same devotion 
 to our mothers, the same affection for our sisters; and for their sake and 
 for the sake of our children, we appeal to you to unite as one man and 
 free the State from a curse created by the hands of men, discountenanced 
 by the law of God. 
 
 But the majority in Tennessee against the Amendment 
 was 27,693. Under a Four-Mile Law, the Liquor 
 Traffic had concentrated its cancerous poison in the cities 
 and towns, and had thence injected that poison through 
 all the moral, commercial, and political circulation of the 
 State. 
 
 Pennsylvania gave a majority against a Prohibition 
 Amendment in 1889 of 188,027. The Brooks High- 
 DEMORALizATiON Liccnse law, with its large revenues to 
 OF THE PRESS. Philadelphia, Pittsburg, and Allegheny, had 
 been for two years demoralizing the citizenship in those 
 cities and infecting citizenship throughout the State. In 
 Pennsylvania the man outside the saloon whose demoraliza- 
 tion by it was the most marked, and the most immorally 
 fruitful, was the newspaper editor and publisher. 
 
 General H. W. Palmer, chairman of the Amendment 
 Committee, who had been Attorney-General of the State
 
 192 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 by Republican election, declared that " the defeat of the 
 Prohibition Amendment in Pennsylvania was occasioned 
 by the combined villainy of the Republican and Democratic 
 machines, using every practise known to corrupt politics" ; 
 and after asserting that the newspapers prostituted them- 
 selves in the most shameless fashion, he went on to say: 
 
 " I do not complain because they have opposed Prohibition, but be- 
 cause they have permitted the saloons to use their columns for the most 
 shameful purposes — for systematically deceiving the people. They have 
 rcviTDAi DAtMuo^c Panted bogus despatches.and unhesitatingly used what 
 TESTIMONY * ^ knew was bogus matter m a way to mislead 
 even newspaper men. If their editors deny this 
 charge, they deliberately write themselves down liars. They have printed 
 articles manufactured right here in Philadelphia under the guise of 
 honest despatches from Des Moines, Topeka, Atchison, and other places 
 in Prohibition States, giving what pretended to be facts and figures, 
 and asserting the failure of prohibitory laws and the havoc wrought by 
 them. 
 
 " These despatches have been printed in the ordinary way in the 
 news columns, without any marks to distinguish them as paid matter; 
 yet they have been paid for from the rum funds at so much per line; and 
 this disgraceful work has been going on all over the State right along 
 from the beginning of the campaign. 
 
 " We have sent to the Prohibition cities and obtained from the highest 
 authorities the most conclusive denials of the statements made in the 
 bogus 'despatches.' These denials we have carried to the newspapers 
 that printed the false assertions, hoping that motives of decency and 
 fairness would persuade the editors to make corrections. But their 
 charge for doing justice was 50 cents a line, with the condition that each 
 correction should appear with an advertising-mark — ****. 
 
 " Money, money, was what the newspapers greedily clamored for. I 
 know of one daily paper in this city that stood ready to sell itself to the 
 Prohibitionists for $ro,ooo. ' Pay us $10,000 and we are yours; other- 
 wise we go in for rum and all it is worth in dollars and cents.' " 
 
 The newspapers in turn demoralized the reading masses. 
 One H. P. Crowell, manager of the liquor funds and 
 forces in that Pennsylvania campaign, afterward made
 
 DEMORALIZATION BY THE SALOON. 193 
 
 a free statement of how the demoralizing work was done. 
 Asked how the newspapers were handled, he said: 
 
 "We bought them by paying down so much cash, I visited the 
 editors in person, or had some good man do so, and arranged to pay 
 each paper for its support a certain amount of money. Throughout the 
 State we paid weekly papers from $50 to $500 to pub- 
 WITNESS. '^^^ svlq\\. matter as we might furnish, either news or 
 editorial, but the city daily papers we had to pay from 
 $1,000 to $4,000. , , . It was understood with most all of the 
 papers that we would furnish the matter, and so we employed a man 
 to write for us and prepare articles for publication, which would be 
 furnished to the papers to be printed as news or editorial matter, as 
 we might direct. The most effective matter we could get up in the in- 
 fluencing of votes was that Prohibition did not prohibit, and the revenue, 
 taxation, and how Prohibition would hurt the farmers. We would have 
 these articles printed in different papers, and then buy thousands of 
 copies of the paper and send them to the farmers. If you work the 
 farmers on the tax question, you can catch them every time." 
 
 In other words, you can demoralize the farmer with 
 a false claim that the Liquor Traffic makes a market for 
 the products of his farm, and yields a revenue which de- 
 creases his taxes. He is outside the saloon, but he per- 
 petuates it for supposed financial reasons. 
 
 A whole volume of equally emphatic testimony could be 
 given to show how by bribery, by deceit, by lying, by 
 DEMORALIZATION Open and outrageous fraud, by sickening 
 OF MANHOOD, corruption, the demoralization of manhood 
 is carried on whenever danger seems imminent to the 
 saloon, and indeed all the time, to insure its perpetuity. 
 What we have cited refers alone to special effort, periodi- 
 cally put forth, and the fruit of that. It were easy to 
 furnish witnesses in large number showing how our political 
 interests are involved in the every-day course of affairs 
 by the demoralizing power of drink. 
 
 Inside and outside the saloon, its constant effects are 
 seen, demonstrated through the drinker and the non- 
 13
 
 194 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 drinking saloon ally. How far these effects reach out, 
 how widespread may be and are their baneful influences, 
 few people realize and understand. 
 
 A competent witness in regard to this may be called 
 now, in one newspaper that surely was not in the pay of 
 any demoralizing agent when these words were uttered by 
 it: 
 
 "Who can fail to see," said the New York Tribune, " that the strenu- 
 ous efforts of all the better elements of the nation after higher things in re- 
 ligion, in education, in politics, in social and domestic life, are continually 
 
 checked and aborted by the debasing influence of drink 
 THE TRIBUNE . , ., . . 
 
 TESTIFIES '° ''•^ myriad manifestations. An ignorant suffrage is 
 
 bad enough, but it may be mended. But ignorance 
 steeped in whisky is a diabolical prescription for poisoning free govern- 
 ment, and education does not defend us against the drink evil. When 
 we have done our best for our boys, and they set out to take a part in 
 the government of their country, they find that the entrance to politics is 
 through the door of the saloon, and that the men who in our great 
 cities wield the largest political influence are those whose connection 
 with the bottle is the closest." 
 
 "For it is at the bar of the saloon," continued The 
 Tribime, speaking more boldly than the party organ as a 
 rule is willing to speak — 
 
 " that the voters meet to consider their course, to receive instructions 
 from their leaders, and to drink away the intelligence that should have 
 showed them the humiliation of their position; and throughout our 
 politics this malign and brutalizing influence is felt. From the caucus 
 to the convention, from the State Legislature to Congress, the power 
 and presence of drink are manifest. The reform measures which wis- 
 dom and patriotism demand must be submitted to the allies and stipen- 
 diaries of those whose whole existence is pledged against every civilizing 
 agency, and for whom national purification means extinction and death." 
 
 If, then, national purification "means extinction and 
 REGULATION IS death" for the saloon, Authority's plain 
 PERPETUATION, (ju^y jg to declare always for more than the 
 saloon's regulation.
 
 DEMORALIZATION BY THE SALOON. 195 
 
 These five propositions are indisputable: 
 
 1. We cannot regulate that which we do not 
 
 perpetuate. 
 
 2. We should not perpetuate that which renders national 
 
 purification impossible. 
 
 3. We cannot regulate in any wholesome or helpful 
 
 fashion an interest that regulates the manner and 
 the degree of our regulation. 
 
 4. We cannot regulate by mere moral forces that which 
 
 thrives by political potuer . 
 
 5. We cannot rob the Liquor Traffic of political power 
 
 by political perpetuation. 
 
 The friend of the saloon is the enemy of society. The 
 
 supporter of the saloon system is the foe of true morals, 
 
 A LOGICAL of pure politics, of economic government. 
 
 INDICTMENT. Whoever indorses the saloon system, by sup- 
 porting license and regulation, which tend logically to 
 protect and perpetuate it — publican, priest, or party — is 
 hostile to Home, the foe of material welfare, unfriendly 
 to Production and Wealth, an ally of Consumption and 
 Waste, and wantonly betrays the best form of government 
 known to man.
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 DI-SLOYALTV OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 
 
 In the light of all that has gone before, these conclu- 
 sions appear to be inevitable and irresistible: 
 
 1. That it is the Duty of Authority to prohibit and ab- 
 
 solutely to suppress the Liquor Traffic (meaning the 
 A LOYAL manufacture and sale of intoxicating liquors 
 DUTY. for beverage use). 
 
 2. That such traffic is disloyal to Government, the organ- 
 
 ized enemy of law, and a growing menace to Authority. 
 
 3. That self-preservation demands of Authority the full 
 
 discharge of its Duty in regard thereto. 
 
 4. That such discharge of Duty can be only by and through 
 
 the establishment and enforcement of a policy of Pro- 
 hibition as broad as Authority's bounds. 
 The highest loyalty to Government is impossible 
 with men who in business and political alliance are 
 out of harmony with moral forces. 
 LOYALTY What is Loyalty ? 
 
 DEFINED. According to the Standard Dictionary: "The 
 quality or state of being loyal. Devoted allegiance to a 
 government or chief." 
 
 "The state or quality of being loyal," says Webster; 
 with quoted explanation that Loyalty, " being derived 
 from the French word Loi^ properly expresses that fidelity 
 which one owes according to law." 
 
 Loyal is defined by the Standard as " bearing true 
 allegiance to constituted authority." 
 
 To be loyal, says Webster, is "to be devoted to the
 
 DISLOYALTY OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 197 
 
 maintenance of law; to be disposed to uphold the 
 lawful authority." 
 
 The Liquor Traffic is defiant of law, and in open or 
 secret rebellion against authority. It has been a law- 
 breaker since first it came to know the real restraint of law. 
 From the beginning of License and Regulation it has been 
 the same. 
 
 "Thou shalt not sell to a minor," says the State to the 
 saloon; and regularly a large percentage of the liquor 
 sold is bought by young men under legal age. 
 
 "Thou shalt not sell to an habitual drunkard," says the 
 State to the saloon; and regularly the habitual drunkards 
 DEFIANCE reel up before the bar and obtain the liquor 
 OF LAW. illegally dealt out to them. 
 
 "Thou shalt not sell upon the Sabbath day," sa}'s the 
 State to the saloon; and regularly the saloon's back door 
 is ajar, if the front door be not squarely open, and the 
 Sunday profits of the saloon are not less, and are often 
 more, than those upon the other six days of the week. 
 
 Loud and frequent outcry has been made against Pro- 
 hibition, in the claim that " Prohibition does not prohibit" ; 
 PROOF arid so far as the claim be true, it is in 
 
 OF DISLOYALTY, direct evidence that the Liquor Traffic is 
 «i?/ " devoted to the maintenance of law." As the claim 
 is urged more loudly by the liquor-sellers than by any 
 other class, it must be accepted as their own confession 
 or boast of disloyalty. 
 
 So far as Prohibition is or has been anywhere a failure, 
 such failure is due directly to the lawbreaking spirit of 
 the Liquor Traffic, and to its open or secret organization 
 to defy law, to dominate the State. 
 
 The President of the New York State Liquor-Dealers' 
 Association testified with boastfulness, in 1894, before a 
 senatorial investigating committee, that there is " hardly a
 
 igS WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 liquor-dealer in the State of New York, from Buffalo to 
 
 Montauk Point," who does not habitually violate the law 
 
 AS TO THE against selling liquor on Sunday ; that he is 
 
 SUNDAY LAW. himself such an habitual lawbreaker. Who- 
 ever will violate law as to one feature of it will hold the 
 whole law in contempt. Whoever considers and demon- 
 strates himself above and superior to any law has weak- 
 ened the force and effect of all law. 
 
 Any business that dare and does assert its inde- 
 pendence of or superiority to any law is a detri- 
 ment, a danger, to the State. 
 
 Such a business the Liquor Traffic long has been in this 
 
 country. Its independence of law has grown more and 
 
 REBELLION more marked and emphatic year by year; its 
 
 AGAINST LAW. open and organized rebellion against law 
 
 has become more and more defiant. 
 
 To this rebellion every Law and Order League instituted 
 has been a witness; of such rebellion the courts furnish 
 endless record; and in startling further testimony are the 
 numerous murders of good men, in different places, by the 
 Liquor Traffic's assassins, because of loyal efforts to 
 secure the enforcement of law. 
 
 But the disloyal spirit of the Liquor Traffic is not shown 
 merely in its own direct assertion of lawlessness, it is 
 farther evinced by the effects of drink upon others than 
 liquor-sellers — upon those who but for the Liquor Traffic 
 would not be lawbreakers. 
 
 Law suffers, through organized sentiment and effort 
 against it, from three other sources: 
 The Striker, 
 The Communist, 
 The Anarchist. 
 
 Each of these finds inspiration in or about the saloon. 
 
 When they had Prohibition in Atlanta, the Atlanta Con-
 
 DISLOYAT.TV OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 199 
 
 siilution^ speaking of the results of it as compared with 
 DRINK Hquor-selling days prior thereto, among 
 AND STRIKES, other significant testimony remarked: 
 
 " Contractors say their men do better work, and on Saturday eve- 
 nings, when they receive their week's wages, spend the same for flour, 
 hams, dry-goods, or other necessary things for their families. Thus 
 they are in better spirits, have more hope, and are not inclined to strike 
 and growl about higher wages." 
 
 " Not inclined to strike ! " 
 
 What is a strike ? 
 
 It may be, it sometimes is, a needed and proper protest 
 of Labor against the injustice of Capital. In a " History 
 FORMER OBJECT of Strikes in America," by Arthur A. Free- 
 OF STRIKES. man, published in The Engineering Magazine, 
 it is declared that "of late nearly every great strike may 
 justly be said to have been an attack on the whole system 
 of private property and competitive industry"; and Mr. 
 Freeman declares that " for this radical change of attitude 
 on the part of the laboring masses legislation is chiefly 
 responsible." 
 
 He blames the Government for its method of legal in- 
 terference with strikes; he seems not to consider their 
 chief cause and inspiration, the saloon. He thinks 
 they have changed character and purpose, and seeks to 
 show how, but not altogether why, as he goes on to 
 say: 
 
 "While it is true, on the one hand, that since 18S6 the labor organ- 
 izations have lost considerable ground, and that today even the most 
 powerful unions find it impossible to enforce their demands by means of 
 great strikes and 'tie-ups,' it is also true that the dangers and evils of 
 collisions between employers and workmen are greater now than they 
 ever were. The old trade-unionist had no sympathy whatever with 
 state socialistic notions and was careful to disavow his responsibility for 
 revolutionary attacks on the fundamental principles of industrial society. 
 He merely insisted on what seemed to him ' a fair day's wage for a fair
 
 200 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 day's work,' and repudiated the radical program of expropriation and 
 abolition of private enterprise. He had no quarrel with free competi- 
 
 tion, property, profits, or the right of the employer to 
 UNIONISM ^^ ^^^ ^^'^ master. He claimed the right to strike, to 
 
 boycott, and to act in concert with his fellows; but he 
 did not theoretically go any greater length. He occasionally resorted to 
 violence, but this was done in the heat and excitement of struggle, and 
 no justification was ever attempted of any destruction of property or in- 
 terference with liberty. To-day, however, a totally different spirit per- 
 vades and controls the world of organized labor. The ' new unionism ' 
 has virtually espoused the state socialistic doctrine that free competition 
 and private enterprise are incompatible with the interests of labor, and 
 strikes are regarded as the preliminary encounters which hasten the in- 
 evitable final conflict between capital and labor. The attitude of the 
 Homestead strikers and their socialist sympathizers in and out of Con- 
 gress is still fresh in the public mind. Every failure, defeat, and disap- 
 pointment necessarily tends to drive the workmen into more and more 
 extreme positions. The more desperate the situation the greater the 
 danger of violence and reckless disregard of bounds set by law." 
 
 Whatever legitimate necessity may once have existed 
 for strikes, and however their character may have changed 
 
 INSPIRATION since, the fact stands that now, in seven 
 
 OF STRIKES, cases out of ten, a strike is but the half- 
 drunken, largely brutish, thoroughly lawless and reckless 
 offspring of a beer-barrel. The new sympathy of " the 
 old trade-unionist" with foreign "socialistic notions" and 
 "revolutionary attacks on the fundamental principles of 
 industrial society," was born before or behind the bar of 
 a beer saloon. Its father was a beer-selling communist or 
 anarchist. It is the illegitimate child of our foreignized 
 American Liquor Traffic. 
 
 Cooperation has been urged as a cure for strikes, and 
 in settlement of all difference between Labor and Capital. 
 
 COOPERATION There is much to recommend it, and its 
 
 AND STRIKES, benefits have been great. But it seldom has 
 
 a fair chance; it never can have, in any broad fashion, 
 
 while the saloon system exists. Leave the saloons, main-
 
 DISLOYALTY OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 201 
 
 tain any law that permits them, and " cooperation" is 
 but a child's cry in a tempest. There can be no true co- 
 operation, with the best fruits of it, where Labor supports 
 the saloons. Any attempt at cooperation while they 
 continue partners in social privilege is like the colored 
 man's partnership: "When we began business togedder," 
 he said, " I put in all de capital, and de udder man all de 
 experience. Now I has de experience, and he's done got 
 all de capital." 
 
 The saloons are getting the capital, and sober society 
 has the experience. When the laborer's surplus goes over 
 a bar, cooperation for him is a failure. His most costly 
 tribute to the barkeeper inspires the strike and leads to 
 bloodshed. 
 
 When the great Buffalo railroad strike was on, in 
 1893, and the militia was ordered and kept there in large 
 force, one daily telegraphic report said: 
 
 " All day the strikers have been pouring down beer 
 BEER . 
 
 AT BUFFALO ^"'^ whisky in the saloons around the Lehigh yards, 
 
 and bloody times are expected before to-morrow." 
 
 And they were bloody, with burning cars and consu- 
 ming freight to make the night more terrible. A friend of 
 mine, the daughter of Gen. Clinton B. Fisk, was en route 
 to bury her husband by her father's side in Michigan, and 
 spent that night in such terror as she will never forget, 
 with the demons of carnage and outlawry on every hand, 
 herself in doubt through long and awful hours whether she 
 would ever get away from the Buffalo freight yards, with 
 her coffined companion in the baggage car ahead. 
 
 " Not inclined to strike ! " 
 
 WAGES AND ^°' ^obcr men are not, as a rule. The 
 DRINK AT testimony at Homestead, Pa., during the 
 
 HOMESTEAD, fg^^-f^i gt^jj^g ^j^gj-e in 1892, was that the men 
 
 who had been receiving highest wages had really saved
 
 202 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 the least money. Why? Tlie more pay the more money spent 
 in saloons. 
 
 The man who saves money, though his wages be small, 
 is rarely a striker and seldom a communist. 
 
 Said Tramp No. i, in a reputed conversation between 
 two of the tramp class: 
 
 "I say, Bill, what is communism!" 
 
 Said Tramp No. 2: 
 
 " I'll explain it to you. I've got an empty bottle, and 
 
 TRAMPS ON you've got a dime. I let you have the bot- 
 
 COMMUNISM. tie. You buy a dime's worth of whisky 
 and put it in the bottle, and I drink it out, and then pound 
 you on the head with the empty bottle." 
 
 It is the empty bottle, or the empty purse, that makes 
 the communist, the anarchist. 
 
 One of the latter sort made a confession at Pittsburg, 
 while the Homestead troubles were at their worst, just after 
 one anarchist had shot Mr. Frick, and the papers were teem- 
 ing with the talk of his kind. This one was very honest, 
 for he had been converted to better ways. He said : 
 
 ' ' I was an anarchist because I loved beer. I loved beer because I 
 was an anarchist. . . . My wife loved me and ours, but I loved my 
 anarchy and my beer. She went to work. She washed clothes to support 
 
 me and my anarchy. I abused the capitalist for ma- 
 *ANI? beer' '''"S ^^ P°°'' ^"^ making my wife work. I drank beer 
 
 and abused men of money. Finally, when I was un- 
 able to make an impression upon the capitalist, I transferred my abuse 
 to my wife. The impression made upon her was worth considering. 
 One day I did consider it. I became a Salvationist and stopped abu- 
 sing my wife. I also stopped abusing capitalists, who didn't care for 
 my abuse, and stopped drinking beer." 
 
 Whenever and wherever the anarchist and his crimes are 
 traced back to their common source and his, there is 
 found a saloon. The connection of saloons in Chicago 
 with the Haymarket murde^-s there committed by a gang
 
 DISLOYALTY OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. 203 
 
 of anarchists is well known to all who read the current 
 reports of that lurid time. Said one paper: 
 
 ' ' The saloon played a very disreputable role in the Chicago riots. 
 
 Reports say that the men who had money spent it in getting drinks for 
 
 themselves and friends, and soon they were fighting drunk. The an- 
 
 arcliists went forth from saloons to make their incendi- 
 SALOONS , J , , , • , 
 
 AND ANARCHISTS ^""^ harangues, and they slunk away into saloons when 
 
 charged on by the police. August Spies and Michael 
 
 Schwab were arrested in a room over a saloon, where they printed their 
 
 anarchist paper, and in the same room were found the forms of type 
 
 from which incendiary handbills were printed. 
 
 " The Milwaukee riots were also fomented by anarchists, who were 
 
 aided in no slight degree by the saloons. Large numbers of the rioters 
 
 were striking employees of breweries, and the objective point of the mob 
 
 at each of its wild demonstrations was either a brewery or one of the 
 
 immense beer-gardens of the city. " 
 
 In six years, from 1881 to 1886, inclusive, according to 
 "The History of Strikes," by Mr. Freeman, 22,304 estab- 
 
 THE COST OF Hshmcnts were involved in strikes, while 
 STRIKES. 2,214 had lockouts, and the total number 
 of employees involved was 1,323,203. The loss to the 
 strikers was $51,814,732; and to the workmen locked out 
 $8, 157,717 ; while the loss to employers through strikes was 
 $30,701,553, and through lockouts $3,462,261, making 
 a total loss to labor and capital on this account of $94,- 
 136,263. And for this loss the saloon system was mainly 
 responsible, as also for the indirect losses attendant 
 through resulting crime and its cost. 
 
 With the saloon closed in the neighborhood of great 
 industries, great strikes would be the exception, and great 
 outrages, wanton destruction of property, would not char- 
 acterize any strike. Lawlessness is the natural fruit 
 of the open saloon. Open defiance of law stalks brazenly 
 abroad through the saloon's open door, while conspiracies 
 against law and order brood and breed within.
 
 204 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Not content with its open defiance of law outside, and 
 
 its secret conspiracies against law within, the saloon 
 
 boldly organizes for the legislative dethrone- 
 
 powER ment of every law that antagonizes it, and 
 
 IN OUR CITIES. ^]^j.Qugi^ bribery in caucus and convention and 
 
 bulldozing at the polls, forces its way into Legislature and 
 
 Congress, sits by proxy in the seat of executive power, 
 
 and rules in its own behalf. 
 
 New York, Chicago, Cincinnati, Philadelphia, Boston, 
 and St. Louis — our six great cities — dominate the politics 
 of this country, and are themselves dominated by the 
 saloon. 
 
 In 1884 Mr. Robert Graham, secretary of the (Episcopal) 
 Church Temperance Society, found that of 1,002 political 
 conventions and primaries held in New York City alone, 
 that year, 633 were held in saloons and 96 in places but 
 one door removed from saloons. 
 
 Earlier than this by six years Wendell Phillips had thus 
 forcibly declared : 
 
 " New York ruled by drunkards is proof of the despotism of the dram- 
 shop — men whom murderers serve that they may escape, and because 
 they have escaped, the gallows, rule that city. The ri- 
 bald crew which holds them up could neither stifle its 
 ON CITY RULE. 
 
 own conscience nor rally its retinue but for the help of 
 
 the grogshop. A like testimony comes from the history of our other 
 great cities. State laws are defied in their streets; and by means of the 
 dramshop and the gilded saloons of fashionable hotels, their ballot-box is 
 in the hands of the criminal classes — of men who avowedly and system- 
 atically defy the laws. Indeed, this is the case in Boston." 
 
 Mr. Joseph Cook, New England's greatest oracle since 
 Mr. Phillips died, more recently, speaking of the Liquor 
 DANGER TO traffic, saidthis: 
 
 THE REPUBLIC. ,.^, , , . ,. , • j , • 
 
 There IS now no doubt m candid mmds that its 
 
 influence is the greatest political danger to the Republic, not only in 
 
 municipal but also in State and national politics. The severe but sim-
 
 DISLOYALTY OF THE LIQUOR TRAFFIC. lot^ 
 
 pie truth is that the most urgent question in American politics for some 
 time to come will be, Shall our chief robbers become our chief rulers ? " 
 
 Even our national humorists appear to have compre- 
 hended the political situation, and the Traffic as a chief 
 factor therein. "Bill Nye," in a burlesque '* History of 
 the United States," speaking of the hour when Columbus 
 discovered America, thus ironically remarks: 
 
 "A saloon was at once started, and the first step thus taken toward 
 the foundation of a republic. From that one little timid saloon, with 
 its family entrance, has sprung the magnificent and majestic machine 
 which, lubricated with spoils and driven by wind, gives to every Amer- 
 ican to-day the right to live under a Government selected for him by men 
 who make that their business." 
 
 The New York City Reform Club is a non-partizan 
 body of business and professional men, organized to watch 
 legislative and municipal affairs and to work for the ref- 
 ormation thereof. In 1891 it made this deliberate utter- 
 ance: 
 
 " The City Reform Club is not interested for or against the liquor 
 traffic as such. It is not concerned with the effect of the traffic upon the 
 individual, but only with the influence of the liquor-dealer upon the pol- 
 itics and the government of this city directly and through his influence 
 in State politics. The club observes that that influence is constantly 
 exerted against the interests of the people and on the side of corruption, 
 and it now sees in the liquor- dealers' bill of this year 
 
 CITY REFORM ^.j^^ amazing spectacle of an organized business seeking 
 TESTIMONY *° subvert for private gain the fundamental principles 
 of our law. The club sees, further, that this business 
 has acquired by constant vigilance, unremitting effort, and large expend- 
 itures enormous power in the politics of this State. In tlieir efforts the 
 liquor-dealers are united without regard to party. They care nothing 
 for political principles. Their united strength is used only for private 
 gain. The evil has reached a stage at which it can be considered with- 
 out reference to the question of the natural right of a man to engage in 
 the liquor trade, or of the right of the State to restrict that trade, and of 
 the amount of injury or benefit resulting from it. The most beneficent
 
 2o6 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 business, organized as the liquor trade is organized in this State, exerting 
 the same power with voters, politicians, and legislators, and showing the 
 same determination to attain its private ends by any means and at any 
 cost to the people, would be such an enemy to the State as to excite the 
 open hostility of all patriotic citizens. It would show itself to be such 
 an enemy as must be put down, and it would force upon the people the 
 question whether it ought not to be suppressed before it could further 
 usurp the executive and legislative functions of government." 
 
 All that was thus said of the Trafific in New York per- 
 tains to it elsewhere. But the Liquor Traffic is the law- 
 less child of law. The law by which it is begotten comes 
 of a License Policy, for which the citizen is or is not re- 
 sponsible. That License Policy, formulated in law, leads 
 directly and inevitably to law-breaking and the defiance 
 of law; it breeds and broods law-breakers; it is the hot- 
 house of political disloyalty. Sincere and absolute de- 
 votion to law, on the part of the citizen, should lead him 
 to refuse any support to a policy which ultimates in open 
 rebellion or in secret conspiracy against law.
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 NEED AND EFFECTS OF PROHIBITION. 
 
 The perpetuation of the Republic demands ab- 
 solute harmony between its organized Moral and 
 MORAL Political Forces. Such harmony is ab- 
 AND POLITICAL solutely impossible when any influence ex- 
 ists and seeks to dominate the politics and 
 government of city and State, which, in the language of 
 the New York City Reform Club, " is constantly exerted 
 against the interests of the people and on the side of cor- 
 ruption." 
 
 The political power of the Liquor Traffic centers in our 
 cities. There it consorts with every other influence that 
 is corrupt. There it gives to political methods their char- 
 acter, and determines political leadership. And it has 
 been estimated that in a.u. 1900 the cities of this country, 
 above a population of 8,000 each, will comprise the 
 dominant voting majority of the United States. 
 
 Remember that harmony between Moral and Political 
 Forces must and can come only through the unit of the 
 CITY CONTROL State — the citizen, the individual man. Re- 
 OF THE STATE, member that he is more or less the creature 
 of his environment; that his nature, his tendencies, his 
 attributes, will be determined by the air he breathes, the 
 law he obeys, the mental and moral life of which he forms 
 a part. Remember that in our cities congregate the worst 
 elements of our own nationality, and to them are flocking 
 the worst elements from nationalities over the sea. 
 
 Upon the city standards of morality and law, as 
 fixed securely within the next half-century, will depend the
 
 2o8 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 problem of popular government. Within the cities, as 
 outside, the standard of law must not be lower than the 
 standard of morals; and that both may be maintained at 
 the same high and imperative level, both must rest upon 
 a solid foundation of principle. 
 
 What is a principle? 
 
 A fixed, unchanging and unalterable, moral, physical, 
 mathematical, political, or economic law. 
 
 According to the Standard Dictionary: 
 
 *• A source or cause from which a thing proceeds ; a power that acts 
 continuously or uniformly ; a permanent or fundamental cause that 
 naturally or necessarily produces certain results." 
 
 Accepting these definitions of principle, admitting that 
 the law of the legislator must be based upon principle, it 
 
 UNIFORMITY follows that the attitude of authority toward 
 OF LAW. the Liquor Traffic must be uniform wherever 
 authority extends; must be uniform, and fixed, and re- 
 liable; must be the same to-day as last year, not vari- 
 able and changing with the seasons or with shifting public 
 sentiment; must be the same in Mississippi as in Massa- 
 chusetts, in New York as in Nebraska, in California as in 
 Connecticut — the same all over our broad nation, from 
 year's end to year's end, whatever party controls govern- 
 ment and administers political affairs. 
 
 There is no reason, that can stand the test of logic and 
 
 philosophy or of sound politics, why one State should deal 
 
 gQ^g differently with the Liquor Traffic from any 
 
 GOVERNING other State; why one town or one county 
 
 PRINCIPLE. should be more or less lenient with it than 
 
 the neighboring county or town. Morally, industrially, 
 
 and politically, from one border-line of our great nation to 
 
 its opposite boundary, "we be brethren." What hurts 
 
 one, harms all.
 
 NEED AND EFFECTS OF PROHIBITION. 209 
 
 No State, no county, no town, can be a law 
 merely unto itself. Some governing principle carries, 
 as to every great question of government, from Maine to 
 Mexico. Deny that principle thus should govern, and 
 you deny the possibility, even the need, of government. 
 Admit mere individual sentiment, or will, or habit, or 
 necessity, to be sovereign, and government is a sham, 
 anarchy is a fact. 
 
 In Frei/ieit, the organ of anarchistic teachings in New 
 York, appeared not long since a summary of the creed 
 and aspiration of the anarchist, in which were the 
 following words: 
 
 " To be an anarchist means to be a man who acts in accordance with 
 
 his own personal rights and duties. We do not wish to be any one's 
 
 „ slave, any one's master. We wish to be free from the 
 
 MORALS , r , r. 
 
 AND LAW control of the State ; we will have no masters. To make 
 the existence of a government needless, we deny the 
 need of moral laws. There is no immorality where there is no teaching 
 of morals." 
 
 There must be teaching of morals where there are moral 
 laws. There will be immorality where the laws are im- 
 moral. Laws are sure to be immoral where based on mere 
 public sentiment or private appetite instead of fixed and 
 enduring principle. 
 
 Truly and wisely declares Dr. John Bascom, former 
 president of Wisconsin State University, writing in the 
 " Cyclopedia of Temperance and Prohibition": 
 
 "Civil law is itself a moral agent, and a most primary and efficient 
 one. We are using it in all the relations of life to secure the conditions 
 and give the motives of morality: to express the moral 
 MORAL AGENT, temper of the community. A moral conflict is all- 
 embracing. We enter it from every side. We bring to 
 it the sweet words of affection and the strong hands of resistance. 
 
 " Let law be immoral, and the society it encloses will be immoral. 
 Nothing alone — indeed, not even law — can make men moral. We need 
 14
 
 2IO WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 all influences, individual and collective, persuasive and mandatory, to 
 compass this great end. Give us moral forces, in their integrity and 
 entirety, as they flowr through each mind singly, and ail minds in their 
 conjoint civic action." 
 
 Said Judge Sprague, a generation gone by, before a 
 committee of the Massachusetts Legislature: 
 
 " It is a profound observation that the morality of no people can be 
 
 maintained above the morality of their laws. Their institutions are an 
 
 index of their sentiments. Reason, observation, and 
 
 . „_ „„„ . . « history all teach this. While gambling-houses were 
 AND POPULAR ,. , . ^ . , ^, ^ , , . 
 
 MORALITY licensed m Pans and New Orleans, that vice could not 
 
 there be made disgraceful. . . . Where polygamy is 
 
 lawful, a plurality of wives is reputable. . . . The la^vs of a country 
 
 f/iay reconcile public sentiment to crimes, even the most abhorrent to our 
 
 nature, to murder itself." 
 
 Murder once, among a then civihzed people, as I have 
 read, was legally but a vice, and the murderer merely 
 vicious. At length the Government recognized it as some- 
 thing that should be somehow restricted or regulated, and 
 a fee was charged the murderer, of which the State de- 
 manded a share. And it was not until the State had thus 
 indorsed the vice, by recognizing it and sharing in its 
 awful revenue, that murder legally became a crime. Vice 
 has its evolution always, but always under civil and moral 
 law, and through the educative influences which moral and 
 civil law afford. 
 
 " You do not make enough of the educating power 
 of law," said a former slaveholder to me once, in Mis- 
 sissippi. And then he went on to explain. 
 
 "You Northern men, I mean," he added. "We know 
 all about it down here. You came down here, you men 
 
 EDUCATIONAL did, a few years ago, and you said to me, 
 POWERS OF LAW. yQy gaid to my neighbors, 'You shan't hold 
 any more slaves.' We didn't like it; we didn't think 
 you iiud any right to say it. There was absolutely no
 
 NEED AND EFFECTS OF PROHIBITION. 211 
 
 public sentiment in the State to uphold you in saying it. 
 But the power of the Government was behind you, 
 and we obeyed. The law has had its effect. It has been 
 our schoolmaster. It has educated public sentiment, 
 until to-day you can't find three men in a thousand in all 
 the State of Mississippi who would take their slaves back 
 again if they could do so by a turn of the hand." 
 
 The educating power of Prohibition, as applied to the 
 holding of slaves, had a fair chance, a thorough test. It 
 THE LAW OUR was backed by the moral and political power 
 SCHOOLMASTER, of Government. Its breadth of application 
 was ample to make the test complete. Had it applied 
 only to a county here and there, in here and there a State, 
 the education of public sentiment under it would have 
 been slow, and the benefits of such education would not 
 have been soon apparent. 
 
 Is it not reasonable to suppose that the educating power 
 of Prohibition as to the Liquor Traffic would be manifestly 
 as great, if it were given a test equally fair and complete? 
 It has nowhere had such a test in this country. The moral 
 and political power of government has not been behind it, 
 over any wide area, for any long period, with any positive 
 understanding of permanence. Town, county, and State 
 PROHIBITION'S ^i"6s, at the widest, have bounded its geo- 
 EFFECTs graphical limits. It has been local Prohibi- 
 
 I IMITFn 
 
 tion mainly, where Prohibition at all, and 
 subject to those largely nullifying influences just over 
 boundary lines that nobody could see and many did not 
 respect. A year, or little more, has comprised its possible 
 term, into which, in order to overcome it at the term's 
 end, have been crowded all possible contempt for it, and 
 defiance of it, and litigation on its account, that so public 
 sentiment might fail of its educational effect. 
 
 What the People did yesterday, it has been argued, or
 
 212 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 last year, they can undo to-morrow, or five years hence, 
 without recognition or assertion that what they did in 
 Prohibition of the Liquor Traffic was founded on an un- 
 changing principle and must abide — a principle that 
 must everywhere apply, and must everywhere and for all 
 the future be maintained. 
 
 And so, under Local Option, the everywhere immoral 
 system of License has alternated, every year or two, as 
 THE VARIABLE ^ rule, in the towns of New England and the 
 POLICY. counties of the South, with the spasmodic 
 trials of local Prohibition; and the disloyal Liquor Traffic, 
 refusing obedience to lawful Authority, has opposed 
 public sentiment by repeated claim of Prohibition's failure, 
 and by all the demonstration of such claim that lawless- 
 ness and political power could achieve. 
 
 Even in areas State-wide, the temporary character of Pro- 
 hibition, by constitutional amendment, has been insisted 
 upon by its enemies, and more or less admitted by its 
 friends, and the possibility of Resubmission, and a nullify- 
 ing amendment, has been held up in threatening or per- 
 suasive appeal before the people of State and nation, with 
 steady discount of the educational result on public senti- 
 ment, within and without the State, as a natural and in- 
 evitable consequence. 
 
 If in any county, or any State, the local policy of Pro- 
 hibition had been superimposed by some power from 
 
 PERMANENT without, peculiar and superior, and recog- 
 POLICY ESSENTIAL, nized as Authority supreme, from which 
 there was no appeal, would not the permanence of that 
 policy, even within such narrow limits, have yielded broad 
 and beneficent educational fruits? 
 
 There was no appeal from the power that prohibited 
 forevermore the holding of slaves in Mississippi. It was 
 a power from without. Its mandate was final and fixed.
 
 NEED AND EFFECTS OF PROHIBITION. 213 
 
 Changing local sentiment did not affect it. Constitutional 
 
 Prohibition of slaves had been written over every foot of 
 
 PERMANENT Mississippi soil, with the iron pen of moral, 
 
 PROHIBITION OF social, and political sentiment outside — sen- 
 
 SLAVERY. 4. „ r J 1 • 1 , • • 
 
 timent founded on right and justice, and 
 which had been slowly and surely and irresistibly crystal- 
 lizing into moral edicts and national law. 
 
 This one fact is significant, and should stand as the 
 prophecy and proof of what a widespread and uniform 
 policy concerning the Liquor Traffic would do were it 
 formulated into law supreme, based upon principle un- 
 changing: 
 
 Wherever, even in areas limited, Prohibition has 
 been made a fixed and final fact, by power within 
 or without which was absolute, there public senti- 
 ment has gradually and surely and permanently 
 risen to the high level of the law. 
 
 *' The benefits of the law have changed from foes into warmest friends, 
 men of the highest position: governors, senators, mayors, and leading 
 citizens of every class, who were intensely hostile or profoundly dis- 
 trustful, have been constrained to testify in unequivocal and even 
 enthusiastic language to the great good done by Prohibition." 
 
 Volumes of testimony could be produced in proof of 
 this. In Kansas Gov. John A. Martin, who had been an 
 CONSTITUTIONAL opposer of the Prohibitory Amendment, when 
 PROHIBITION, first agitated, and a friend of the liquor- 
 dealers when later they defied the law, in his farewell 
 message to the State Legislature, January, 1889, made a 
 noteworthy series of statements as to the effects of Pro- 
 hibition throughout the State at large, and in the towns 
 especially, and added: 
 
 "These suggestive and convincing facts appeal to the reason and the 
 conscience of the people. They have reconciled those who doubted the 
 success and silenced those who opposed the policy of prohibiting the 
 liquor traffic."
 
 214 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 J. W. Hamilton, State treasurer of Kansas in 1889, 
 thus testified: 
 
 " It is well known to my friends that when the Prohibition question 
 was first agitated, I was an anti-Prohibitionist. I did all in my power to 
 defeat the Amendment. I was what they called a Click Resubmissionist. 
 [This being a later stage of opposition when, under Governor Glick, an 
 effort was made to resubmit.] 
 
 " But I was mistaken then. The Prohibitory law has my indorse- 
 ,_. _ __„ „ ,„ ment, not alone because it is the doctrine of my party 
 KANSAS ^^^ because I believe it is right. I do not see how any 
 
 fair-minded man who has lived in Kansas for the past 
 five years can be otherwise than in favor of the law." 
 
 In the year 1889 there was not a criminal case on the 
 docket in Topeka, the capital city, with 60,000 population. 
 So Governor Martin declared. And the same year the 
 prosecuting attorney for the county in which Topeka is 
 situated made the following statement : 
 
 "At one time there were 140 saloons open in Topeka ; their average 
 sales per day were not less than $30 each, which would make $4,200 
 spent daily for liquor. This amount came largely from the working- 
 people ; to-day there is not one dollar of that amount spent for whisky. 
 Where does it go? It goes for food and clothing, children and wife. I 
 know of scores of instances where families were suffering for food be- 
 cause their father gave his wages to the saloon-keeper. Now they are 
 living in a cozy home of their own ; they have all the necessities of life, 
 and indeed a few luxuries; the children, who were once poverty-stricken, 
 and living in rags, are now attending public schools, and the father will 
 tell you he was saved by Prohibition." 
 
 In Iowa, in 1889, Gov. William Larrabee, who had been 
 IOWA'S a vigorous opposer of Prohibition earlier, 
 TESTIMONY, g^ye positive testimony as to its effects in 
 that State, and said : 
 
 " The wives and mothers of the State, and especially those of small 
 means, are almost unanimously in favor of the law. The families of 
 laboring men now receive the benefits of the earnings that formerly went 
 to the saloons. There is no question in my mind but what the law is 
 doing good for the people."
 
 NEED AND EFFECTS OF PROHIBITION. 215 
 
 These brief citations must sufifice as to the educating 
 effect of Prohibition upon the public mind, through 
 its visible benefits, in the wider areas where Prohibition 
 has come about by Authority from within — a majority of 
 the voting class. 
 
 As to more limited areas, and the results which have fol- 
 lowed the prohibitory exercise of power from without, only 
 a few brief references are here permitted. Such power 
 from without has come through corporate control of land- 
 ed estates, or governmental authority superior to local. 
 
 There is in England the Artisans, Laborers, and General 
 Dwellings' Company, which operates great estates, upon 
 
 PROHIBITION which are many thousands of people, but no 
 
 IN ENGLAND, dramshops. Upon one of these, known as 
 " Shaftesbury Park," the Earl of Shaftesbury presided at 
 its opening in 1874, and the prime minister, Lord Beacons- 
 field, said this: 
 
 " The experiment which you have made has succeeded, and therefore 
 can hardly be called an experiment; but in its success is involved the 
 triumph of the social virtues, and the character of the great body of the 
 people." 
 
 Bessbrook and Saltaire have been cited, in Great Britain, 
 as towns of the manufacturing sort which have shown the 
 beneficent effects of actual Prohibition; and from such ex- 
 amples, even in a land of beer, have spread the influences 
 which have freed more than 1,000 parishes in the Province 
 of Canterbury from public houses and dramshops. 
 
 Pullman, a manufacturing suburb of Chicago, and Colo- 
 rado Springs and Greeley, in Colorado, have demonstrated 
 TOWN-BUILDING "^^^ ^^'^ power from without, by corporate 
 ON THE BASIS action, has effectively banished the saloon 
 
 OF PROHIBITION. • j t, u u^ <.i r. j 11 
 
 Vice, and has brought thrift and moral eleva- 
 tion to those classes of community from which the saloon 
 commonly draws its recruits and support. Pullman owes
 
 2i6 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 its existence and no-saloon policy to the Pullman Car Co., 
 which founded both. Colorado Springs was founded by a 
 corporation tributary to the Denver and Rio Grande Rail- 
 way Co. The one is a wage-earners' town ; the other a town 
 of tourist visitation and health-seeking by the rich. From 
 both the saloon has been debarred hy power from without ; 
 and in both, and reaching far away from both, has been 
 created and has gone out an educated Prohibition senti- 
 ment that has been widespread in its leavening effects. 
 
 One of the natural results of such influence and example 
 is Harriman, Tenn., where a corporate power from with- 
 out spelled Prohibition on every foot of the town site, and 
 engraved on the city seal those descriptive, prophetic 
 words: ^^ Prohibition^ Peace^ and Prosperity.'' It was a 
 natural and proper thing that there, amid beautiful scenery 
 and morally salubrious surroundings, the friends of edu- 
 cation, morality, and good government should seek to 
 establish the American Temperance University, at whose 
 bidding the task was begun which led to the preparation 
 of this book.
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 POLITICAL WAYS AND MEANS. 
 
 After all that has gone before, these propositions may 
 be accepted as logical : 
 
 1. A mere moral reform cannot reestablish harmony be- 
 
 tween Moral and Political Forces. 
 
 2. No moral reform can become a fact in government 
 
 through Moral Forces alone. 
 
 3. Every moral reform which broadly affects the State 
 
 must be made a fact in government to be effective. 
 
 4. A moral fact can be asserted and can dominate in 
 
 government only through a political reform. 
 
 5. Every moral question must become political which de- 
 
 pends for final settlement on legislation, on law, and 
 the administration of law. 
 These premises being granted, certain other propositions 
 logically follow: 
 
 1. A political reform can become a fact in government 
 
 only through a political party which administers gov- 
 ernment. 
 
 2. No political party can thus establish a political reform 
 
 when inside the party there is an element opposing 
 such reform which is larger than the party's domina- 
 ting majority. 
 What is Politics ? 
 
 According to Webster, it is "the science of Govern- 
 ment; that part of ethics which has to do with the regula- 
 tion and government of a nation or State, the preserva- 
 tion of its safety, peace, and prosperity ; the defense of
 
 21 8 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 its existence and rights against foreign control or conquest, 
 the augmentation of its strength and resources, and the 
 protection of its citizens, in their rights, with the preser- 
 vation and improvement of their morals." 
 
 The Standard Dictionary thus defines it: 
 
 ''Politics^ the branch of civics that treats of the prin- 
 ciples of civil government and the conduct of State affairs; 
 the administration of public affairs in the interest of the 
 peace, prosperity, and safety of the State; statecraft; 
 political science ; in a wide sense, embracing the science of 
 goDernment and civil polity. " 
 
 Politics, then, relates to the Governing Authority and 
 RELATION to those who are governed by it; to the 
 
 OF POLITICS. State and to the unit of the State, the in- 
 dividual citizen. 
 
 With Politics every citizen has to do, and Politics has 
 to do with all citizens individually. 
 
 As was declared once by Chief-Justice Story: 
 
 " The American Republic above all others demands from every citizen 
 increasing vigilance and exertion, since we have deliberately dispensed 
 with every guard against danger and ruin except the intelligence and vir- 
 tue of the people themselves." 
 
 It follows that Politics, in our Republic, has particularly 
 
 to do with private and public morals, and must always 
 
 deal with moral questions affecting citizen- 
 
 POLITICS AND 
 
 MORAL ship and the State. Within the purview 
 QUESTIONS. Qf Politics must come every moral 
 question which affects man in his relation to Gov- 
 ernment. The intelligence and virtue of the people 
 themselves, on which our Government rests, will forever 
 demand this while our form of Government remains. 
 
 To this fact are due all Sunday laws, all marriage laws, 
 and all other laws establishing by legal statute a moral 
 standard among men. Politics and morals, moral ques-
 
 POLITICAL WA YS AND MEANS. 219 
 
 tions and political reforms, can be divorced only to the 
 peril and ruin of the State. 
 
 What is a Political Party ? 
 
 According to Webster: 
 
 " One of the parts into which a people is divided on 
 questions of public concern." 
 
 According to the Standard Dictionary: 
 
 " Any one of two or more bodies of people contending 
 for antagonistic or rival opinions or policies in a com- 
 munity or society ; especially one of the opposing political 
 organizations striving for supremacy in a State." 
 
 POLITICAL According to Gladstone: 
 PARTY DEFINED. " ^n instrument for attaining great ends." 
 
 According to Edmund Burke: 
 
 "A body of men joined together for the purpose of pro- 
 moting, by their joint endeavors, the national interest upon 
 some particular principle in which they are all agreed." 
 
 Of these definitions that of Burke is the best, or most 
 widely accepted by writers on Politics. It very closely 
 tallies with, and may have inspired, what Lieber says in 
 "Political Ethics," viz. : 
 
 " By a Political Party we understand a number of citi- 
 zens who, for some period and not momentarily, act in 
 unison respecting some principle, interest, or measure, by 
 lawful means, keeping therefore within the bounds of the 
 fundamental law, and for the real or sincerely supposed 
 good of the commonwealth." 
 
 Both Lieber and Burke would ground a Political 
 Party on principle ; and both dictionary definitions 
 
 BASIS AND imply the same. We can scarcely conceive 
 PURPOSE a real question of public concern which does 
 
 OF A PARTY 
 
 not embody or is not based upon some posi- 
 tive principle; and surely no political organization should 
 strive for supremacy in government upon any other basis.
 
 220 WEALTH AND WASTE, 
 
 One of the most famous utterances of one Political Party, 
 in its national platform, thus declared: 
 
 "The first concern of good government is the virtue and 
 sobriety of the people and the purity of the home." 
 
 If, then, any party upholds any policy that makes 
 against virtue, sobriety and purity, some party may take 
 issue with it, formulate a policy of opposition, and seek to 
 array the major part of all the people in this policy's favor. 
 Surely " the first concern of good government " may be the 
 chief aim, the dominating purpose, of a Political Party 
 loyal to good government. 
 
 A people can divide into parties only upon questions of 
 public concern that have become moral or political issues. 
 
 What is an Issue ? 
 
 According to the Standard Dictionary: 
 
 " That which has come into prominent interest or dis- 
 cussion. " 
 
 According to Webster: 
 
 " The presentation of alternatives between which one 
 must choose or decide." 
 
 Issues may be narrow and local, or broad and national. 
 
 Under Local Option the alternatives may be saloons or no 
 
 saloons, within the boundaries of a small 
 
 WHAT ' , . . , . 
 
 ARE POLITICAL county ; but the issue is plain and explicit. 
 ISSUES? Between those alternatives every man must 
 choose or decide. So as to a State, of many counties, 
 the issue may be equally plain, of saloons or no saloons; 
 and all the citizens of that State may be compelled to take 
 sides. 
 
 Political Issues are of three kinds: they are either 
 Issues of Principle, 
 Issues of Policy, or 
 Personal Issues. 
 If Personal Issues only, they must be narrow, and they
 
 POLITICAL WAYS AND MEANS. 221 
 
 are likely to embody neither Principle nor Policy. An 
 
 issue of Policy alone is not likely to be clean-cut, sharply 
 
 KINDS OF defined, and territorially broad. An issue 
 
 ISSUES. q{ Policy based upon Principle will be sharp, 
 
 assertive, and as wide as the Government's bounds. 
 
 Principle is the quality or factor in any issue 
 which determines its breadth of recognition, appli- 
 cation, and assertiveness. 
 
 A Principle may have narrow application, which may yet 
 
 secure wide recognition and assertiveness for the issue it 
 
 T>n.«/-.n,p embodies. Thus the maintenance of saloons 
 
 AND ITS in the District of Columbia, or the suppres- 
 
 APPLiCATiON. gj^j^ ^£ polygamy in Utah, may become a 
 
 national issue; and either may have recognition and as- 
 sertion, as one has had, in the poHtical platform of a 
 great national political party. 
 
 Any one party may present and assert an issue. 
 It does not require that other parties recognize and admit 
 
 HOW ISSUES the alternatives by open declaration. If one 
 ARE PRESENTED, party dcclarcs against polygamy in one sec- 
 tion and all other parties are silent about it, the Issue of 
 Polygamy has been raised. The silence of other parties 
 has in effect presented the alternative. It is as true in 
 politics as in divine teachings, " He that is not for Me is 
 against Me." 
 
 When it required the assertion of a national policy to 
 
 suppress the local vice mentioned (polygamy), and when 
 
 THE ISSUE one party declared for such policy, the failure 
 
 OF POLYGAMY. Qf ^^y other party to declare against it did 
 
 not delay the Issue. It was presented, it was asserted, 
 
 and the national policy was established. 
 
 A national policy becomes necessary as to any 
 matter which requires national legislation with 
 regard to any part of the national domain.
 
 222 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 A National Policy must be uniform to give national 
 satisfaction; it must apply alike to all parts of the people. 
 
 NATIONAL I'o be Uniform, it must be based on a prin- 
 POLICY NEEDED, ciple which can be broadly applied. 
 
 So long as any considerable portion of our national 
 domain is under national control through territorial gov- 
 ernment, or so long as a national revenue is derived or 
 contended for from the Liquor Tafific, so long will a Na- 
 tional Policy be demanded as to that Traffic, so long will 
 the question remain a political issue as to what that 
 policy shall be. 
 
 Let one party declare against Prohibition, as hostile to 
 personal liberty, and the Prohibition Issue is presented, 
 
 THE ISSUE even though all other parties are dumb with 
 OF PROHIBITION, regard to it. Let one party declare for a 
 revenue from license, and the License Issue is raised. 
 
 The Issue of Prohibition, or of License, is more squarely 
 and emphatically presented when one party declares 
 against Prohibition and another stands for License, and 
 still another demands and proclaims that " the manufacture, 
 importation, exportation, transportation, and sale of alco- 
 holic beverages shall be made public crimes and prohibited 
 as such." 
 
 It is impossible for any party to establish a reform of 
 any magnitude which it has not previously recognized and 
 asserted as an issue. It is impossible for any man to 
 support any party and consistently oppose or in- 
 fluentially disclaim its policy. 
 
 The policy of a party is usually and properly enunciated 
 in the party's platform. While platforms are often con- 
 
 POLICY structed to carry votes, they should always 
 
 AND PLATFORM, be built upon principle. Every plank should 
 logically match or fairly harmonize with every other. 
 Several issues may be presented in one platform; but if a
 
 POLITICAL WA YS AND MEANS. 223 
 
 great and vital issue has been asserted — if one broad and 
 beneficent reform be proposed, outclassing and over- 
 shadowing every other — all the planks in a platform may 
 properly and logically refer to that issue, proclaim the 
 need, the purpose, the philosophy, of that reform. 
 
 On the 28th of June, 1888, 1,082 delegates, represent- 
 ing one party of a single State, assembled at Syracuse, 
 N. Y., with uncommon singleness of vision and spirit, 
 adopted the following declarations: 
 
 First — The traffic in alcoholic beverages produces misery, pauperism, 
 want, wretchedness, taxation, ruin, crime, and death; it neither begets 
 wealth nor conserves human welfare; it is a foe to the home, a menace 
 to the Church, and a growing peril to the State; and its total prohibition 
 is demanded by every interest of political economy, of moral relationship, 
 and of social life. 
 
 Second — The total prohibition of this traffic can be secured only through 
 a policy which outlaws the traffic and refuses it all legal recognition; 
 never by a policy of license in any form for any price. 
 
 Third — The policy of Prohibition can be applied to this traffic only 
 through some political agency or force, and can be applied with success 
 only through such force or agency in favor of the policy ; therefore, 
 a Prohibition Party is imperative, that the principle may have embodi- 
 ment, and that the policy may be sustained through the administration of 
 law. 
 
 Fourth — While there is and must be a national policy of some kind 
 concerning the liquor traffic, a national party is and must be necessary 
 to establish and maintain a national policy of Prohibition; and we re- 
 affirm our allegiance to the National Prohibition Party; we ratify, with 
 hearty enthusiasm, the nominations of that party for President and Vice- 
 President of the United States, and we call upon all patriots to indorse 
 these nominations at the polls. 
 
 Fifth — The organization of liquor men for the avowed purpose of 
 defying law, and their repeated assertion that Prohibition laws cannot be 
 enforced, demonstrate that the Liquor Traffic is disloyal of character, rev- 
 olutionary in its methods, and of treasonable intent; and any political 
 party that allies itself with, or does not condemn, said traffic, becomes 
 either an active participant in, or a silent indorser of, the disloyalty and 
 treason by it shown.
 
 224 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 These declarations were preceded by a recognition of 
 " God as the Supreme E.uler of men and the source of all 
 just authority in government," and were followed by a 
 recognition of this as " the supreme issue which this party 
 was organized to meet and which it exists to decide," and 
 an assertion of this as " the dominant question on which 
 good citizens should now agree." In them appears to be 
 embodied the essential and indisputable logic of this moral 
 and political reform. 
 
 It is only the Supreme Issue which a party was or- 
 ganized to meet that can have its entirely loyal and most 
 efficient service. 
 
 Any party will treat from the standpoint of ex- 
 pediency any question or issue regarded of second- 
 soPREME ISSUE ^ry importance by a considerable por- 
 AND tion of the party's membership, or as 
 COMPROMISE, concerning which all members of the party 
 are not agreed. 
 
 Any question or issue thus treated by a party will be the 
 victim of compromise, the football of party emergencies. 
 
 Every party will compromise upon every question ex- 
 cept the supreme one which called it into being. 
 
 The whole history of tariff legislation is in proof of 
 this. No party has been created, or has existed primarily 
 THE TARIFF AND and finally, to settle the tariff question. All 
 COMPROMISE, parties have compromised concerning it 
 since tariff legislation began. Every tariff bill passed 
 by Congress has been an aggregation of compromises. In 
 the first volume of his work entitled "Twenty Years in 
 Congress," Mr. James G. Blaine said: 
 
 " The issues growing out of the subject of the tariff were, however, 
 in many respects entirely distinct from the slavery question. The one 
 (slavery) involved the highest moral considerations, the other (tariff) 
 was governed solely by expediency."
 
 POLITICAL WA YS AND MEANS. 225 
 
 In explaining the fact that Daniel Webster, John C. Cal- 
 BLAiNE ON THE houn, and other eminent statesmen radically 
 TARIFF. changed front on the tariff issue to suit their 
 constituents, Mr, Blaine added: 
 
 " As a whole, the record of tariff legislation, from the very origin of 
 the Government, is a record of enlightened selfishness." 
 
 Expediency and enlightened selfishness have never yet 
 adopted a policy, as to the tariff or the Liquor Traffic, 
 based on a principle unyielding, of broad and beneficent 
 application, and superior to compromise. 
 
 Two principles have been involved in all the talk about 
 
 tariff all these years— Free Trade and Protection; 
 
 PRINCIPLE AND but by neither one of these principles has 
 
 EXPEDIENCY, ^ny party been willing or able to stand with- 
 out concession to the other. Expediency and selfishness 
 have compelled parties and politicians to shift ground as 
 to both. 
 
 Professor Perry, in his " Introduction to Political Econ- 
 omy," upon the information of men who have served on 
 the Ways and Means Committee at Washington, complains 
 "that the individuals and delegations who come before 
 that committee in behalf of new or higher protective 
 duties, come in the basest selfishness, without a thought or care 
 of ajiybody's interests but their own." And he asks, with 
 pathetic concern now for the moral element in even his 
 Political Economy: 
 
 " Can a system like this, so shortsighted and greedy, so obstructive to 
 natural and wholesome tendencies, building so little on permanent ele- 
 ments in man and nature, claim to be a part of the progress of the 
 world ?" 
 
 So the narrowest and most restrictive economist we 
 
 PROGRESS have opposes Protection because it will not 
 
 OF THE WORLD, j^ ^jg judgment conduce to the Progress of 
 
 the world. And summarizing his arguments for Free 
 
 15
 
 226 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 Trade, he declares in italics that it "maximizes Prod- 
 ucts, harmonizes with Providence, means abun- 
 dance, recognizes rights, is the friend of the labor- 
 ing classes, defends from attack the worthiest 
 interests." 
 
 If Political Economy can thus declare itself for Free 
 Trade as between nations, or for any other policy what- 
 ever, for reasons of this sort, to be a consistent science, 
 APPLIED '^ ^^ ^ science at all, founded on principles 
 POLITICAL that are unchanging and that can be uniformly 
 ECONOMY. applied, it must declare for Prohibition with- 
 in the State, and throughout our own nation, of all 
 trade in alcoholic beverages, because they "are obstructive 
 to natural and wholesome tendencies"; it must favor Pro- 
 hibition because it " maximizes products, hartnonizes with 
 Providence, means abundance, recognizes rights, is the friend 
 of the laboring classes, and defends from attack the worthiest 
 interests." 
 
 And because every Political Reform must come 
 through a Political Party, agreed upon it, and loyal 
 to it and responsible for it. Political Economy may 
 and does demand that some political party shall establish 
 the Policy of Prohibition, as a fact in government, for the 
 greatest good of the greatest number, for the permanent 
 welfare of all, and for the upward progress of the world.
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 CITIZENSHIP AND ITS DUTIES. 
 
 Harmony between Moral and Political Forces, let it be 
 THE SOLE ^^^^ again, must come, can come only, 
 
 HARMONIZING through the individual man, the citizen, the 
 sole harmonizing factor in the State. 
 
 One final and important question awaits answer in this 
 concluding chapter: 
 
 How, and where, and when shall the citizen 
 harmonize Moral and Political Forces ? 
 
 In the Home, at the School, in the Church? 
 
 These are themselves the primary Moral Forces, with 
 which Political Forces must be harmonized. 
 
 In the Reform Club, the Lodge-Room, the Law and 
 Order League, or at the Jail, the Reformatory ? 
 
 These are the secondary Moral Forces, or some of them, 
 made necessary in large part because the primary Moral 
 Forces have not been harmonized with by Political Forces, 
 and have failed of doing all their natural and proper work. 
 
 In the Home, the School, or the Church, as merely a 
 parent, a teacher, a preacher, or church member, the 
 Citizen should exert all possible influence on behalf of 
 morality in politics and pure government; and thus, in- 
 fiuentially, he may and should be there a harmonizing 
 factor, in a sense and to a degree. But — 
 
 The Citizen, as a positive harmonizing agent 
 
 THE ONE PLACE between Moral and Political Forces, 
 
 TO HARMONIZE, j^^^^^ ^ct outsidc Moral Forces, but at 
 
 a point so related to these and to Political Forces 
 
 that his act will affect both.
 
 228 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 There is but one point in a Republic where the citizen's 
 act can do this — 
 
 The Ballot-Box. 
 
 There and there only can the moral quality of citizen- 
 ship so assert itself as to defend and insure the moral 
 foundations of the State. Only through the assertion of 
 this moral quality in citizenship, through a political act, 
 can the citizen harmonize Moral and Political Forces. 
 
 All organized Political Forces are covered by and in- 
 cluded in the Political Party ; and Law, the execution of 
 
 FOCAL POINT Law, is the ultimate of all Political Force; 
 
 OF POLITICAL but the Ballot-Box is the focal point of all 
 POWER. Political Power, and only at the Ballot- 
 Box can Moral and Political Forces be harmonized. 
 There must every issue between parties be settled; there 
 must every policy of the Government be determined or 
 established. It is at the Ballot-Box that the citizen finds 
 his supreme privilege, and meets or fails to meet his 
 supreme responsibility. 
 
 What is his Ballot, at its best ? His witness; the wit- 
 ness to his Citizenship. It testifies of his purpose, his 
 
 THE BALLOT'S principle, his character, his noblest aspira- 
 
 CHARACTER. tions for the State. It should testify to his 
 profoundest political belief, his highest moral standard. 
 To him it should be sacred; by him it should be sacredly 
 used. To every other man it should be sacred none the 
 less. By no man should it be bought or sold. By no 
 combination of men should the intent or effect of it be 
 frustrated. By all men and all parties the purity of it 
 should be jealously guarded, the sanctity of it should be 
 faithfully defended. 
 
 No patriotic citizen will dispute this, but the ballot's 
 treatment by political managers is in alarming contrast. 
 In The Century Magazine for October, 1S92, appeared an
 
 CITIZENSHIP AND ITS DUTIES. 229 
 
 article by Prof. J. W. Jenks, of Cornell University, on 
 "Money in Practical Politics," which embodied many 
 painful facts as to corruption among voters. We need 
 quote but one paragraph : 
 
 " The proportion of voters who are subject to money influence is very 
 great. I have had estimates given me many times by men whose knowl- 
 edge is based upon experience, and I find that the localities are not very 
 uncommon where from 10 to 35 per cent, of the voters are purchasable. 
 In one county of New York, in which, perhaps, the Mugwump vote is 
 larger in proportion to the total vote than in any county in the State, and 
 in which the largest city has some 12,000 inhabitants, about 20 per cent, 
 of the voters were purchased in 1S8S. . . . The evil is not confined to 
 the cities nor to any one State. The probability is that, all things con- 
 sidered, in such a State as New York the farmers are as corrupt as the 
 residents of the cities." 
 
 The same number of The Ce?itury gave editorial com- 
 ment on this article by Professor Jenks, in which com- 
 ment occurred the following illustration: 
 
 ' ' In Rhode Island, for example, where money has been used corruptly 
 in every election since the war, and in some before and during the war, 
 there are known to be about 5,000 purchasable voters in a total of 57,000, 
 or nearly 10 per cent, of the whole number. These are distributed over 
 the State, ranging from 10 in the smaller towns to 1,000 in the cities, 
 but in every case their names and individual prices are matters of record. 
 . . . Prices range from $2 to $5 a head, according to demand." 
 
 Prof. J. J. McCook, of Trinity College, Hartford, 
 Conn., conducted a remarkable investigation as to the 
 franchise and the abuses of it, and published a noteworthy 
 paper about this in The Forum for September, 1892. From 
 private lists, furnished him by politicians, he gave tabu- 
 lated statements covering twenty towns and one city in 
 Connecticut, showing that nearly 16 per cent, of the total 
 number of votes is venal — known by the party managers 
 to be for sale. And referring to the testimony of those 
 men, Professor McCook said: " It was constantly affirmed
 
 230 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 that intemperance figures very largely in the annals of 
 vote-buying." 
 
 The Ballot must be sobriety, intelligence, char- 
 acter, and conscience incarnate, to give guarantee of 
 stability and character to the State. 
 
 Conscientious and intelligent ballots are the final safe- 
 guard of republican institutions. They will be cast, as a 
 BALLOTS rule, for the candidates of some regularly 
 OF CONSCIENCE, organized party, and upon one side or the 
 other of some recognized and well-defined issue. That 
 they may indeed be ballots of conscience, they must be 
 cast in a party that bases its issue on principle, and that 
 stands for the highest ideals in government. That 
 they may serve conscientious and patriotic purpose, they 
 must be cast freely, without fear, and be registered with- 
 GARFiELD ON out interference. 
 THE SUFFRAGE. Said Garfield in his inaugural address: 
 
 "We have no standard by which to measure the evil that maybe 
 brought upon us by ignorance and vice in the citizen when joined to 
 corruption and fraud in the suffrage." 
 
 For ignorance and vice in the citizen, and for corruption 
 and fraud in the suffrage, the saloon, more than any other 
 agency, is responsible. Wholesome and effective Ballot 
 Reform can not be had while the worst corrupter of the 
 suffrage is perpetuated. 
 
 Suffrage frauds are manifold, but their agency, their 
 inspiration, is uniform. More than for any other purpose 
 they are perpetrated in order to perpetuate the 
 agency of their perpetration. 
 
 To count in a candidate whom the electors have not 
 
 DEFRAUDING choscn, is fraudulent; to suppress ballots 
 
 THE SUFFRAGE. ^^^^^ havc been cast, is fraudulent; in any 
 
 way to thwart the will of the people as expressed at the 
 
 ballot-box, is fraudulent; but to cheat a negro of his vote.
 
 CITIZENSHIP AND ITS DC TIES. 231 
 
 or of his vote's intent, in Georgia or in Mississippi, is no 
 more a fraud, no more an outrage, than to cheat a white 
 citizen in like manner in Michigan or Ohio. The color 
 of the voter does not give color to the offense. 
 That men of one party are guilty of the offense in one 
 State, and men of another party are guilty of it in another 
 State, changes nothing. That hundreds of colored votes 
 are cast and not counted in some parish of Louisiana, is 
 no worse than that hundreds of votes are counted though 
 never cast in some county of Michigan. Yet "a free 
 ballot and a fair count" has become a partizan watch-cry 
 in the North, where Saloon frauds on the Suffrage 
 have been heinous and shameless and past count- 
 ing, with effects beyond computation and plethoric of 
 mischief. 
 
 When the Prohibition Amendment was declared voted 
 down in Ohio (in 1883), its friends obtained evidence that 
 SALOON SOURCES J" over 800 polling-precincts the vote in favor 
 
 OF FRAUD. Qf j|- ^^5 ^j^^ counted in part, or but partly 
 reported, or not reported at all ; and the frauds thus proven 
 were believed sufficient to have given the Amendment a 
 majority. Men of high standing in the dominant party of 
 that State assisted in obtaining the proof, and urged ac- 
 tion upon it by the Legislature, but without avail. For a 
 cause which the saloon influence had counted out at the 
 polls, that influence allowed no redress in the halls of legis- 
 lation. 
 
 When the Prohibition Amendment met a like fate in 
 Michigan (in 1886), by only a few thousands reported as a 
 majority against it, similar proof of frauds and outrage 
 abounded there, the county of Gogebic alone returning, as 
 has been stated, 700 more votes against the Amendment 
 than there were men, women, and children in the entire 
 county.
 
 232 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 It is in the logic of things that a saloon system should 
 breed corruption of the suffrage. It is inevitable that a 
 MARKET-PLACE saloon system shall seek to perpetuate itself 
 OF SUFFRAGE, by fraud at the ballot-box. It is a natural 
 sequence that the saloon shall be for the ballot a market- 
 place — a place of commerce in citizenship — the one 
 foul spot in all the State where suffrages are bought and 
 sold, where the birthright of citizenship is parted with for 
 ignominious price. 
 
 If evidence were needed in proof of this, it could be put 
 on record here to a painful extent. One sufificient witness 
 will be the New York City Reform Club, referred to and 
 quoted from before in these pages. That Club lists and 
 publishes each year the representatives in the State Legis- 
 lature elected from the city of New York. In its 
 "Record" for 1889 was described the corrupting power of 
 the saloon in city politics, as follows: 
 
 " There is about one saloon for every 35 voters. Each of these places 
 represents a certain number of votes, the votes of hangers-on, who, for 
 the privilege of frequenting the saloon and an occasional free drink, are 
 at the command of the proprietor; and as each saloon serves as a center 
 of political activity as well on election day as for weeks preceding it, the 
 number of votes thus influenced is so increased as to be practically all 
 powerful. The result appears in the character of the men who are sent 
 to the Legislature. They are naturally the tools of the saloon because 
 they are chosen by the saloon. . . . 
 
 " The further fact that there are 35,000 saloon-keepers in this State 
 avowedly organized for the purpose of securing legislation favorable to 
 themselves, and of preventing legislation which they deem to be unfavor- 
 able to their business interests, is too significant to be overlooked or 
 misunderstood ; and when it is remembered that each of these saloon- 
 keepers probably controls ten votes, at the very lowest possible estimate, 
 it is not difficult to perceive the danger which threatens the State." 
 
 It should be earnest, honest, eloquent truth, which 
 Whittier sings, about
 
 CITIZENSHIP AND ITS DUTIES. 233 
 
 THE POOR VOTER ON ELECTION DAY. 
 
 The proudest now is but my peer, 
 
 The highest not more high; 
 To-day, of all the weary year, 
 
 A king of men am I ! 
 Alike to-day are great and small, 
 
 The nameless and the known; 
 My palace is the People's Hall, 
 
 The Ballot-Box my throne ! 
 
 Who serves to-day upon the list 
 
 Beside the served shall stand; 
 Alike the brown and wrinkled fist. 
 
 The gloved and dainty hand ; 
 The rich is level with the poor. 
 
 The weak is strong to-day ; 
 And sleekest broadcloth counts no more 
 
 Than homespun frock of gray. 
 
 To-day let pomp and vain pretense 
 
 My stubborn right abide ; 
 I put a plain man's common-sense 
 
 Beside the pedant's pride ; 
 To-day shall simple Manhood try 
 
 The strength of gold and land ; 
 The wide world has not wealth to buy 
 
 The power in my right hand ! 
 
 While there's a grief to seek redress, 
 
 Or balance to adjust, 
 Where weighs our living Manhood less 
 
 Than Mammon's vilest dust : 
 While there's a Right to need ray vote, 
 
 A wrong to sweep away, 
 Up, clouted knee and ragged coat, 
 
 A man's a man to-day ! 
 
 Yes, it ought to be truth, always, but it is not; and 
 while the saloon system remains, perpetuated by a saloon
 
 234 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 policy in government, it never will be. It were easy to 
 take one half of Whittier's lines and make them tell more 
 WHiTTiER truth, with some unpoetical additions, than 
 REVISED. they all do now under the conditions that 
 exist. Shades of the good Quaker poet, forgive us, while 
 we practise economy with his verse in repeated quotation: 
 
 " The proudest now is but my peer, 
 The highest not more high;" 
 In theory the thing is clear. 
 As no one will deny. 
 " Alike to-day are great and small. 
 The nameless and the known ; " 
 They want our votes, these fellows all, 
 They've condescending grown. 
 
 " Who serves to-day upon the list 
 Beside the served shall stand," 
 And shake each brown and brawny fist 
 With greenbacks in his hand. 
 " The rich is level with the poor, 
 The weak is strong to-day ; " 
 Unless your candidate pays more 
 For votes, he'll lose, I say. 
 
 "To-day let pomp and vain pretense 
 My stubborn right abide ; " 
 I'm not quite on the party fence, 
 Nor very far one side. 
 " To-day shall simple manhood try 
 The strength of gold and land ; " 
 Strong arguments are those, say I, 
 You hold within your hand. 
 
 " While there's a grief to seek redress, 
 Or balance to adjust," 
 I love my party none the less 
 That dear is Mammon's dust. 
 "While there's a right to need my vote, 
 A wrong to sweep away," 
 I'll pull my oar in party's boat 
 So long as it will pay !
 
 CITIZENSHIP AND ITS DUTIES. 235 
 
 But, let us hasten to say, not every poor voter sells his 
 vote; and the men who do sell their votes are not always 
 poor. A great body of men cannot be bought — for money, 
 have no price — in dollars and cents, when they will forego 
 advocacy of certain principles, if not abandon those prin- 
 ciples, to secure election to a paltry ofifice: will gladly 
 yield up individual expression, if not forswear individual 
 belie/, to please the crowd. And of this crowd a great 
 number are bought and sold by their party prejudices, if 
 in no baser manner; they are bought and sold by party 
 leaders, who rely upon the strength of party ties for con- 
 summation of the sale. 
 
 The ballot must be loyal to, as it is the incarnation 
 of. Citizenship, Intelligence, and Conscience. It 
 LOYALTY cannot be loyal to either and be forever 
 OF THE BALLOT, joyaj to party. By the very law of growth 
 parties grow corrupt. Bad men acquire control of a vic- 
 torious party, and use their power to propagate their bad- 
 ness. The worst elements that exist in communities are 
 shrewdly combined by these men to operate against the 
 good. It is the logic of politics. 
 
 But rascality seldom wins, except as it misuses principle ; 
 when principle rebels, and organizes rebellion in its own 
 behalf, rascality is defeated. " When bad men conspire, 
 good men must combine." 
 
 It has been urged that men should keep religion out of 
 politics, and this question does not require discussion 
 here; but there is one doctrine of religion which deserves 
 to be taught wherever political science is studied, viz., the 
 free agency of man. We should learn to realize that 
 the party is not a secret order, held in compact by bind- 
 ing oaths; it is not a standing army, which must be main- 
 tained as by patriotic allegiance. 
 
 It is the veriest unreason to claim that, because parties
 
 236 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 must be, we must jealously, religiously, under all circum- 
 stances, help to sustain our party's life, and for that pur- 
 PARTY AND THE pose usc our ballot only as a party tool. 
 BALLOT. Upon such claim as this — upon the feeling, 
 the habit, resulting from it — political corruption waxes 
 and grows fat. 
 
 In a lecture before the Society for Ethical Culture, on 
 "Conscience in Politics" (New York, Nov. ii, 1894), 
 Prof. Felix Adler said: 
 
 " The formation at times of a third party is the safety-valve in poli- 
 tics. A real political party must have the welfare of the whole people 
 at heart, and it must hold certain principles by which it thinks to pro- 
 mote this welfare. Wrong partizan spirit engenders a false ethical code. 
 
 " It is right to assist in the formation of a third party, first, when the 
 issues are unreal, vague, or obsolete ; second, when the issues are real 
 but insignificant in comparison with greater issues ; third, when the is- 
 sue is real, but the leader is one in whose fidelity you don't trust. 
 
 " To vote for a third-party candidate who has no chance of election is 
 not to throw a vote away. It plants a seed for righteousness." 
 
 The Ballot's highest loyalty is to Conscience, not 
 
 to party. Conscience is not a party attribute. No party 
 has either a conscience or a soul. There is no infinitesi- 
 mal part of a party to be eternally damned even when a 
 wicked party dies. 
 
 What constitutes a party? An aggregation of men. If 
 every party should die to-night, its component parts would 
 be here to-morrow; there would be new parties next week. 
 A party as such is but an intangible something which may 
 bear tangible fruits, but the boundaries of which may be 
 hard to find. 
 
 Somebody once damned with pointed impatience the 
 north pole, and the polar enthusiast who provoked such 
 
 EQUATORIAL profane reference complained about it bit- 
 
 PARTY LINES, tgrly to Sydney Smith. 
 
 "Oh, that is nothing," comfortingly said the wit; "I
 
 CITIZENSHIP AND ITS DUTIES. 237 
 
 have even heard him speak disrespectfully of the 
 equator!" 
 
 Sail the tropic seas, and you shall cross and recross the 
 meridian without heeding it. In that broad expanse of 
 blue no mark of division will you behold. As imaginary 
 as lines geographical are many party lines to-day; upon 
 the tropic seas of Politics you shall sail and seek long for 
 an equatorial boundary between parties, which can be 
 found- without the searchlight of Prejudice and in the 
 simple sunlight of Truth. 
 
 The Ballot of Conscience means the best Man- 
 hood. The best manhood means the best Citizenship. 
 CONTRIBUTIONS "^^hen the State confers citizenship, it gives 
 TO THE certain rights, privileges and guarantees. 
 
 COMMONWEALTH, g^^. ^^^^, ^^^ ^^^ given without certain actual 
 
 or implied return. They are not a free gift, which lays 
 upon the recipient no lasting obligation. The price paid 
 and to be paid is comprised in certain contributions to the 
 commonwealth, in faithful care for its interests, in zealous 
 concern for its integrity and perpetuity. 
 
 " Render, therefore, unto Caesar the things that are 
 Caesar's." Every man owes tribute to God and govern- 
 
 TRiBUTE TO "^^"t- ^^ ^^^ "*^^ P^y honcst tribute to 
 GOD AND God, and deny to government his highest 
 GOVERNMENT. iQy^lty. Such highest loyalty is personified 
 in the best manhood, approximating the noblest ideals, op- 
 posing all that degrades, assisting all that uplifts, refusing 
 alliance with everything that corrupts, standing for Prin- 
 ciple at all times and in all places, but supremely and 
 always, whenever privilege and responsibility call him 
 there, at the Altar of the Republic, the Ballot-Box. 
 
 There, doing his full duty, paying his full tribute of 
 citizenship, h6 must guard the fruits of Production, must 
 conserve the welfare of Labor and Capital, must assert
 
 238 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 the true attitude of Authority toward every element or 
 agency that menaces the general good. There and always 
 he must be loyal to the sovereignty that is within him. 
 There and always he must " render unto Caesar the things 
 that are Csesar's," so that elsewhere and always he may 
 render " unto God the things that are God's."
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGATORIES. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 1. How is Political Economy defined by the Dictionaries ? By the 
 
 Economists ? 
 
 2. With what has it principally to do ? To what does it relate ? 
 
 Where is its tap-root ? What is its aim ? 
 
 3. On what rests the law of the legislator ? 
 
 4. What is the final definition of Political Economy adopted by this 
 
 book ? What are implied in this definition ? 
 
 5. What was the original derivation of the term Political Economy ? 
 
 Who first used it ? 
 
 6. Of what is all property the product ? 
 
 7. To what has Political Economy the closest relation ? How are 
 
 Ethics and Political Economy related ? 
 
 8. From what standpoint are we to study this science ? What is an 
 
 important factor in the problems of natural and political law ? 
 
 9. What says De Laveleye about Political Economy and Law ? What 
 
 follows, if this be true ? Who will dispute this ? 
 
 10. Is there such an element or influence in the State ? What should 
 
 Political Economy do about it ? What law meets the test ? 
 
 11. How does our subject group itself ? What are its grand divisions ? 
 
 12. What are the minor subdivisions ?
 
 240 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 
 1. On what is Production based ? How many kinds of Want ? 
 
 2. What is the demand of Political Economy as to Production and 
 
 human life ? 
 
 3. How does the gratification of a natural want affect life ? How will 
 
 you determine if want be unnatural ? 
 
 4. What are real wants ? What are false ? 
 
 5. What stands between Want and Production ? What said the 
 
 Emperor of China ? 
 
 6. What is a cause of hard times ? 
 
 7. What are the prime natural wants ? How are natural wants 
 
 developed ? What follows their development ? 
 
 8. What multiplies wants? Will legitimate wants pauperize the 
 
 world ? Can they be too numerous ? 
 
 9. How shall we denominate the present age ? What of Want and 
 
 Work? 
 
 10. What is Production's natural law ? 
 
 11. What are the classifications of Labor ? 
 
 12. How does Amasa Walker characterize Labor ? 
 
 13. To what does this language directly apply ? 
 
 14. What says De Laveleye about true wealth ? What is false wealth ? 
 
 15. What calls for alcoholic beverage ?
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGATORIES. 241 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 1. What is Productive Labor ? And what is Unproductive ? 
 
 2. What about the perfume, and the bottle containing it ? What of 
 
 the brandy bottle ? 
 
 3. How is Production classified ? How is Labor illustrated i 
 
 4. What determines the true productive quality of Labor ? How is 
 
 this illustrated ? 
 
 5. How should we think of labor ? 
 
 6. What is the individual man ? What does aggregate labor deter- 
 
 mine ? 
 
 7. What facts must be borne in mind as to labor and the laborer ? 
 
 8. What of labor in its ultimate ? Of the laborer on the farm ? In the 
 
 brewery ? 
 
 9. Whence come two non-producing classes ? What are they ? 
 
 10. Are there non-producing classes that benefit society ? What are 
 
 they? 
 
 11. On what does the accumulation of wealth by a commtmity depend ? 
 
 Is all non-productive labor a burden ? 
 
 12. What about the player and composer ? Does Paderewski rank with 
 
 producers ? 
 
 13. How are Manual Labor and Mind Labor compared ? What of the 
 
 author and the stenographer ? 
 
 14. What does the inventor's mind labor make possible ? 
 
 16
 
 242 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 1. How is Labor defined ? How are Labor and Ability distinguished ? 
 
 What is Perry's definition ? 
 
 2. What exception is taken to this ? How is the artist's work cited ? 
 
 3. What further definitions of labor ? Which is accepted as the 
 
 standard ? 
 
 4. How does Mill distinguish Unproductive Labor? What of the 
 
 piano and the pianist ? 
 
 5. Can music be used as an aid to production ? What have been 
 
 some of its effects ? 
 
 6. Of what is Labor creative ? 
 
 7. How many kinds of Utilities are there ? What is the first ? What 
 
 the second ? What the third ? 
 
 8. Are Utilities any part of wealth ? 
 
 g. In the production of wealth, what are essential requisites ? 
 
 10. What are the requisites of Productive Labor? What are de- 
 
 manded of the Laborer ? 
 
 11. Wnat must unite to insure Productive Labor? How are moral 
 
 qualities considered ? How does character weigh ? 
 
 12. What of the laborer's environment ? How are its conditions stated? 
 
 13. Is the Liquor Traffic friend or foe of Productive Labor ? 
 
 14. What does Government owe to the laborer concerning it ?
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGATORIES. 243 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 1. How is Wealth defined ? What words are preferred by some 
 
 economists ? 
 
 2. How is Wealth subdivided ? What is Material Wealth ? What 
 
 Personal ? 
 
 3. Whence comes Material Wealth ? What are the four great natu- 
 
 ral agents ? 
 
 t 
 
 4. How are the appropriations from Nature illustrated? What are 
 
 required in the making of a coat ? 
 
 5. What sang Whittier to the shoemakers ? 
 
 6. Are natural agents natural wealth ? Which are commonly counted 
 
 so? 
 
 7. What does mineral wealth furnish ? What partnership is required 
 
 in production ? 
 
 8. How does machinery affect labor ? What was back of the machine ? 
 g. Do mechanical devices multiply wants ? 
 
 10. How does the machine affect the man ? 
 
 11. What is the ratio of material and immaterial wealth ? 
 
 12. How are Ignorance and Indolence related to Poverty ? 
 
 13. What is Poverty ? 
 
 14. What is Wealth ?
 
 244 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 
 1. How is Wealth further classified? Wherein does Individual 
 
 Wealth differ from Personal Wealth ? 
 
 2. What is National Wealth ? How does it come ? 
 
 3. What about the millionaire and his mortgage ? 
 
 4. Would subdivision of a great estate increase the national wealth ? 
 
 5. Of what must we take account in considering National Wealth ? 
 
 What does Marshall mean by the term Industry ? 
 
 6. How is the creation of national wealth determined ? 
 
 7. On what does the rapid accumulation of that wealth depend ? 
 
 8. How must industries rank and be related > Has any one industry 
 
 a right to subsist upon other industries ? 
 
 9. How should legitimate industries affect each other? How does 
 
 the liquor industry affect other industries? 
 
 10. What most depreciates American labor ? How do politicians and 
 
 scholars regard this ? 
 
 11. When is the injustice done legitimate industries most marked ? 
 
 12. What about the famine years in Ireland ? How did suppression of 
 
 the distilleries affect the people ? 
 
 13. What said Oliver Wendell Holmes ? 
 
 14. What is the Industrial Law of PoHtical Economy ?
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGATORIES. 245 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 1. What does Political Economy require concerning Wealth ? Is 
 
 there this proper Distribution ? 
 
 2. What must be the distributing agent ? By what commanded ? 
 
 By what paid ? 
 
 3. What is Capital ? What creates it ? 
 
 4. On what does the growth of capital depend ? By what are these 
 
 mastered ? 
 
 5. How comes the opportunity to save ? What does this law establish ? 
 
 6. How is supply affected ? When will capital cease to demand labor? 
 
 7. What is Demand ? On what does it depend ? 
 
 8. On what depends the Standard of Living ? How are two laborers 
 
 compared ? 
 
 9. How is Capital best employed ? How would this fact affect its 
 
 employment in the manufacture of liquor ? 
 
 10. What proportion does Labor receive in that manufacture ? How 
 
 does it compare with labor's proportion in other industries ? 
 
 11. What is the annual loss to Labor from the capital employed in 
 
 liquor making ? 
 
 12. How many persons and families would this support ? 
 
 13. What other products could be annually bought with the money 
 
 paid for liquor ? 
 
 14. What greater home comforts would it command ?
 
 246 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER Vin. 
 
 1. What are the determining factors in Distribution ? Do wages solve 
 
 the problem ? 
 
 2. What is the average family cost ? And where ? What the family 
 
 earnings ? 
 
 3. What of the farmer and artisan ? What of the laborer's margin ? 
 
 4. By what is this margin wiped out ? How has this been demon- 
 
 strated ? 
 
 5. What is the annual cost of liquor to the average laboring man ? 
 
 Whom does he tax to pay it ? 
 
 6. How did two workingmen illustrate loss and gain ? 
 
 7. What did beer cost one of them each year ? 
 
 8. How much was paid for tobacco and cigars ? 
 
 9. How much did the lost time figure up ? 
 
 10. What was the total ? 
 
 11. What is the parentage of capital ? 
 
 12. Under what conditions will Wages fail to equalize Wealth ? 
 
 13. On what does the Prosperity of the State depend ?
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGATORIES. 24- 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 1. What do Want and Production imply ? What demand does 
 
 Production meet ? 
 
 2. How many kinds of Consumption ? And what ? 
 
 3. How is wealth useful ? 
 
 4. If consumption be not reproductive, what is the penalty ? 
 
 5. How is reproductive consumption illustrated ? What is reproduc- 
 
 tive consumption ? 
 
 6. What consumption is unproductive ? What is the ultimate ? 
 
 7. From what is the word Consumption derived ? 
 
 8. How far do reproductive uses extend ? How illustrated ? 
 
 9. Where with the farmer's product does the reproductive line finally 
 
 break ? 
 
 10. Is there nutriment in beer ? How much ? 
 
 11. What is the analysis of a pint of beer ? 
 
 12. What has been the effect of Beer Legislation ? 
 
 13. What is the effect of Beer Drinking ? Its worst result ? 
 
 14. How does chemistry testify ? 
 
 15. What is Commerce ? What are goods ? 
 
 16. What attitude should Political Economy occupy toward sales that 
 
 work harm ?
 
 248 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 1. What is Political Economy's requirement as to Reproductive Con- 
 
 sumption ? Is such Consumption demanded to sustain a fair 
 standard of wages ? 
 
 2. What question have statesmen largely considered ? And where ? 
 
 3. Who was a conspicuous advocate of Protection in the Fifty-third 
 
 Congress ? 
 
 4. What did he say of wages ? How did he say that increase of wages 
 
 must come? 
 
 5. What was his testimony as to Wants and Wages ? Of Consumption 
 
 and Wages ? 
 
 6. What two facts did he recognize ? 
 
 7. How is the law of Supply and Demand illustrated in an English 
 
 artisan's home ? 
 
 8. Wovild this be true of a besodden drinker's home ? 
 
 9. What will measure wages ? 
 
 10. What potentiality is claimed for our people ? And why ? 
 
 11. Are we potentially what we should be ? And why not ? 
 
 12. What element in our economic problem do the statesmen ignore ? 
 
 13. What is the relation of Capital and Wages ? The tendency of wages ? 
 
 And why ? 
 
 14. What means the increase in our unskilled class ? 
 
 15. Why should wage-earners be multiplied ? 
 
 16. How many more wage-earners could be employed if the Capital 
 
 now employed in the manufacture of liquor were employed in 
 producing useful articles ? 
 
 17. How much increase would result in the Consumption of raw 
 
 materials ?
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGATORIES. 249 
 
 CHAPTER XI. 
 
 1. What subdivisions open this chapter 
 
 2. How comes Waste in Production ? 
 
 3. How is wealth denominated, as employed in Production ? 
 
 4. What is the law of Capital and Waste ? 
 
 5. What results from a large amount of Fixed Capital ? What of 
 
 Fixed Charges in relation to output ? 
 
 6. How does the idleness of some hands affect profits ? What was the 
 
 testimony of the Messrs. Ames ? 
 
 7. What of plant, output, and profit ? What of Drink as affecting 
 
 plants, machinery, etc. ? 
 
 8. What is the proportion of Fixed Capital to Labor in large plants, as 
 
 compared with smaller ones ? 
 
 9. As the ratio of Capital to service increases, what of Labor ? 
 
 10. How do saloons affect Labor ? 
 
 11. What seems the bent of Capital ? 
 
 12. What signifies Division of Labor ? How is skill attained ? 
 
 13. What about Waste of Production ? Primary Products^? Secondary 
 
 Products ? 
 
 14. How may these be destroyed? How are they most extensively 
 
 wasted ? 
 
 15. What has been the aggregate waste of Secondary Product for a 
 
 given period ? 
 
 16. What the annual waste of Primary Product ? 
 
 17. What should be added to the product-waste ? 
 
 iS. What is the waste aggregate for twelve years, and of what items 
 composed ?
 
 250 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 1. Of what does this treat ? How large [is the percentage of Lost 
 
 Time? 
 
 2. To what does this percentage amount in the full time of drinking 
 
 laborers ? To what yearly sum ? 
 
 3. What percentage of drinkers are habitual drunkards ? 
 
 4. What is the total of paupers and prisoners whose full time is lost ? 
 
 Of insane, idiotic, and otherwise defective ? The total sum an- 
 nually lost through them ? 
 
 5. How many are engaged in liquor manufacture and sale? The 
 
 sum of their time-waste annually ? 
 
 6. What is every man, brought to his producing capacity ? Is there 
 
 a standard of productive existence ? 
 
 7. Is the expectation of life affected by Drink ? How much ? 
 
 8. What is the loss annually of productive life ? How much is Dr. 
 
 Hitchcock's estimate ? 
 
 9. At what age does a young man begin to return his cost ? What 
 
 is the cost of a boy till 21 ? 
 
 10. Is there a waste of Cash Capital in Manhood ? How does it come ? 
 
 11. What is the cash value of a man ? What gave a value to the slave ? 
 
 12. What total loss is shown in Manhood investment ? How is it 
 
 incurred ?
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGATORIES. 251 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 \ 1. How shall we treat Waste in care and support » 
 ^ 2. What is the annual average cost of paupers ? How is the cost of 
 almshouses denominated ? How much does it sum up ? 
 
 3. What do the other incapables cost ? And the buildings to accom- 
 
 modate them ? 
 
 4. How much do the prisoners each cost? What do the prisons 
 
 represent of dead capital ? 
 
 5. What must be further included in the care and support of crime ? 
 
 How many annual arrests ? The cost of each ? 
 
 6. Is there anything productive in police effort ? What are police- 
 
 men ? What of the courts ? 
 
 7. In what proportion is the Liquor Traffic responsible for all this 
 
 cost of crime ? What say the Judges ? 
 
 8. How do the Charity Boards testify ? And the Prison Inspectors ? 
 
 9. How do the percentages average of these witnesses? And of the 
 
 Tabulated Evidence? 
 
 10. What is the proportion of arrests in cities chargeable to drink ? 
 
 The largest ? 
 
 11. On what percentage of accountability by the Liquor Traffic do 
 
 we fix? 
 
 12. Upon this basis what is the net cost of paupers on account of 
 
 Drink ? Of other incapables ? 
 
 13. What the cost of prisoners and arrests ? And should anything be 
 
 added ? 
 
 14. What is the sum total of all this Loss and Waste ? 
 
 15. What, then, should Political Economy seek?
 
 252 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 1. With what question does this Chapter open ? What is the answer ? 
 
 2. Are other elements involved ? What is the true motive of Pro- 
 
 duction ? 
 
 3. What term do we apply to the State ? What is Authority ? 
 
 4. How must the State live ? On what would it die ? 
 
 5. Why does Authority make laws ? What said Adam Smith ? 
 
 6. What two things are necessary in the State? In what, then, is 
 
 Authority interested chiefly ? 
 
 7. To what definitions do we return ? What do they teach ? 
 
 8. Why does Political Economy have to do with Legislation ? What 
 
 does it seek ? How can its ideal come ? 
 
 9. What underlies this relation of Authority ? And what is demanded 
 
 by the State ? How does Judge Pitman declare it ? 
 
 10. Is the Betterment idea conceded by all ? What says Mill ? 
 
 11. What illustrations are furnished ? 
 
 12. What is the Unit of Authority? How must the character of 
 
 Authority be judged ? 
 
 13. How does Civilization advance in a republic? What of Human 
 
 Solidarity ? 
 
 14. What are the advantages of Citizenship ? What is its price ? 
 
 15. What is the social law of Personal Liberty ? The law in politics? 
 
 16. In Legislation, what must be considered ? 
 
 17. In final analysis, what is Law ? 
 
 18. What of moral rights and legal limitations ? 
 
 19. What does Political Economy demand of Government ?
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGATORIES. 253 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 1. What is the relation of Authority to the Liquor Traffic ? What 
 
 does this relation mean ? Is this generally acknowledged ? 
 
 2. What of Mill's theory as to the true functions of Government? 
 
 What admissions does he make ? 
 
 3. How is he answered by Judge Pitman ? What does Mill's argument 
 
 show? 
 
 4. How does the logic of his position relate to the Liquor Dealer? 
 ' What do punishments imply ? 
 
 5. What is the meaning of social organization ? What must the State 
 
 be? 
 
 6. How does Prof. Keasbey treat the Sovereignty of the State ? What 
 
 deductions follow ? 
 
 7. What has been the attitude of the State toward the Liquor Traffic 
 
 for centuries ? 
 
 8. What was the Genesis of License ? Where did the sales-regulation 
 
 of the traffic begin ? 
 
 9. Had there been any previous regulation of any kind ? And what ? 
 
 10. When did regulation of sales commence ? Who paid the first license 
 
 fees ? What of public officials ? 
 
 11. How did the Regulation System progress ? What came to be said 
 
 in England ? 
 
 12. When did High License appear? How high? 
 
 13. What is the logic of license ? 
 
 14. What is the true function of Authority ?
 
 254 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 1. For the beneficent application of Political Economy, what is fun- 
 
 damentally essential ? 
 
 2. What has been historically shown ? Yet what does the Liquor 
 
 Traffic say ? 
 
 3. What must Authority seek? If Authority cannot restrain the 
 
 injurious thing found, what is the conclusion ? 
 
 4. Who exercises Authority ? What is its source ? 
 
 5. What is the nature of License ? How defined ? 
 
 6. What do these definitions imply ? What were grants ? 
 
 7. What is the license certificate ? What does it confer ? 
 
 8. Of what nature must have been the Authority back of it ? What 
 
 logical conclusion follows ? 
 
 9. Can License have two meanings ? How and what ? 
 
 10. Must there have been Prohibition before License ? Does License 
 
 say this ? 
 
 11. What says the Supreme Court ? What principle is laid down by it ? 
 
 12. What is the Supreme utterance of that Court ? 
 
 13. What have the Supreme Justices said ? 
 
 14. What said the Chief Justice of Delaware ? 
 
 15. What is the logical declaration of License ? On what is it founded ? 
 
 16. What can make the License System of any benefit ? 
 
 17. How does License affect that Principle ? 
 
 18. Can License be Constitutional, if Prohibition is not ? 
 
 19. If Prohibition be Constitutional, can License be ? 
 
 20. What is a Constitution ? What are some Constitutional utterances ? 
 
 21. Can License be Constitutional according to these ? 
 
 22. How should every License Law be entitled ?
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGATORIES. 255 
 
 CHAPTER XVII. 
 
 1. What consideration comes next ? What are the interests involved? 
 
 2. What side of the Liquor Traffic must now be considered ? What 
 
 claim must be met ? 
 
 3. How must the State live ? From whence must Revenue come ? 
 
 4. Of what is Revenue the result ? What is Taxation ? 
 
 5. What is the logic of Taxation ? For what does the citizen pay ? 
 
 What should he receive ? 
 
 6. Should Taxation come from immoral sources ? Why not ? 
 
 7. On what ground is Taxation of the Liquor Traffic urged ? What 
 
 is said for Regulation ? 
 
 8. What of License, considered as a Tax? What say Mill and 
 
 Wayland ? 
 
 9. How is Blaine's proposition answered ? Who pays the tax ? 
 
 10. What said Senator Sherman in Ohio ? 
 
 11. Is the Liquor Traffic essentially criminal ? What is it to license a 
 
 crime ? What of those who license ? 
 
 12. What does the Traffic pay ? How does Taxation of it meet public 
 
 burdens ? 
 
 13. What of Direct and Indirect Taxation ? 
 
 14. How much does the Traffic yield ? What is the average yield for 
 
 each license ? 
 
 15. What are the total yearly receipts from the manufacture and sale ?
 
 2s6 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER XVIII. 
 
 1. What is urged as the most effective Regulation ? What claims are 
 
 made for High License ? 
 
 2. How many liquor-dealers are there ? Under High License, how 
 
 many would probably remain ? 
 
 3. At $1,000 each what would the Revenue be from these? What 
 
 proportion would this bear to the Traffic's annual cost ? 
 
 4. Does High License reduce the saloons? What was found in Iowa ? 
 
 5. Is the volume of Drink reduced by High License ? How must the 
 
 State act ? 
 
 6. Has High License altered the character of the Traffic? When 
 
 shall we find its effects ? 
 
 7. What are the facts in Nebraska and Kansas, comparatively shown ? 
 
 8. How stood the taxable wealth in those two States, in 1880 ? In 1889? 
 g. Did individual wealth increase or decrease tmder High License ? 
 
 And under Prohibition ? 
 
 10. What followed High License in Illinois ? What were the prison 
 
 reports ? 
 
 11. Has the volume of liquor consumption decreased in the seven 
 
 High License States ? 
 
 12. How do the records of arrests for crime and disorder compare in 
 
 High License and Low License cities ? 
 
 13. What means the payment of a large bonus to Authority ? What 
 
 say Philosophy, Human Nature, and Fact ? 
 
 14. Does the low dive obey the High Law ? What Wisconsin illustra- 
 
 tion is given ? 
 
 15. What follows as to any Regulative System ?
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGATORIES. 257 
 
 CHAPTER XIX. 
 
 1. What further interests must be considered, in determining Au- 
 
 thority's duty toward the Liquor Traffic ? What shall we recall ? 
 
 2. Of what is Society composed ? 
 
 3. On what does its maintenance depend ? 
 
 4. How must this harmony come ? 
 
 5. When and how is it made impossible ? 
 
 6. What are the organized Moral Forces of Society ? 
 
 7. What is the Home ? What is the School ? What the Church? 
 
 8. How does the Home measure the State ? What are its influences 
 
 upon the State ? What form the State's foundations ? 
 
 9. What must the School be and remain ? What of Public Education ? 
 ID. How does the Church supplement the Home and the School ? 
 
 What command resounds from it ? What does this teach ? 
 
 11. Are there other Moral Forces ? What? 
 
 12. What are the Organized Political Forces, or what includes them? 
 
 What is its expression ? 
 
 13. How shall we determine whether a Political Force is in harmony 
 
 with Moral Forces ? How shall we judge of a Law or Policy ? 
 
 14. How shall we determine the duty of Authority as between Sup- 
 
 pression and Regulation ? 
 
 15. What questions follow, as to the Saloon's effect on the Home, the 
 
 School, and the Church ? 
 
 16. What are the contrasted pictures of a Home ? How are character 
 
 and comfort affected ? 
 
 17. What are the influences upon childhood ? What does the poor 
 
 man buy ? What are the statistics of idiocy ? 
 
 18. What proves the effect of the saloon upon the school ? 
 
 19. What is a curse to the Republic ? What hinders Public Education ? 
 
 How are the children affected ? 
 
 20. What the attitude of Saloon men tow^ard Temperance Education ? 
 
 21. What are the relations of the Liquor Traffic to the Sabbath ? How 
 
 do the church organizations testify ? 
 
 22. What utterance of them all do you consider the strongest ? 
 
 17
 
 2 58 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER XX. 
 
 1. What one attitude of Authority toward the Liquor Traffic has 
 
 been urged ? 
 
 2. How did Local Option come ? How has it been broadened ? 
 
 3. How has it been tested longest ? Where was it thus first applied ? 
 
 And when ? 
 
 4. How did it begin in this country ? Since when has it widely ex- 
 
 tended, and over what territory ? 
 
 5. How does it seem on the face of it ? In fact ? As to principle ? 
 
 6. What conclusions follow analysis ? 
 
 7. Is there a majority right that governs ? 
 
 8. Must there be a moral standard for the State ? 
 g. What does the State owe to each community ? 
 
 10. How would the theory of Local Option apply to thieves ? 
 
 11. Have majorities counted in settlement of moral questions ? What 
 
 of Local Option and slavery ? 
 
 12. What are the centers of immoral sentiment ? 
 
 13. How has Local Option affected State Prohibition ? 
 
 14. What six things does Local Option do ? 
 
 15. What are its Moral and Financial Effects ? Where do its revenues 
 
 flow ? What follows ? 
 
 16. What significant facts appear ? 
 
 17. What course do Temperance advocates adopt ? 
 
 iS. What is Local Option ? Where did Lincoln and Douglas stand ? 
 19. Does the Saloon seek territorial extension ? How does it operate 
 to secure this ?
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGATORIES. 259 
 
 CHAPTER XXI. 
 
 1. What interests are next considered ? 
 
 2. What conditions confront us in their consideration ? 
 
 3. How does demoralization of the Citizen go on ? 
 
 4. Inside the saloon, what of it ? And outside ? 
 
 5. What do political and moral interests demand of the citizen ? 
 
 6. What is required of the good citizen ? How and where is it im- 
 
 possible for him to meet this requirement ? 
 
 7. Where does the Saloon most widely demoralize men ? How ? 
 
 8. To whom does the saloon-keeper owe place ? Who settles Local 
 
 Option contests ? 
 
 9. What were the facts in Michigan ? Of what did the Amendment 
 
 die? 
 
 10. How was the Amendment beaten in Texas ? What was Senator 
 
 Reagan's testimony ? 
 
 11. Who petitioned the voters in Tennessee ? What was the result ? 
 
 12. What determined the result in Pennsylvania ? How was the Press 
 
 demoralized ? Who testified about it ? 
 
 13. How is the farmer demoralized? How is manhood in general 
 
 demoralized ? 
 
 14. What competent witness is cited ? What did the Tribune say ? 
 
 15. What five propositions logically follow ? 
 
 16. What is the friend of the saloon ? Of the saloon system ?
 
 26o WEALTH A AW WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER XXII. 
 
 1. What are the conclusions that open this chapter ? 
 
 2. What of the highest loyalty to Government ? 
 
 3. What is Loyalty ? Is the Liquor Traffic law-abiding ? 
 
 4. What does it answer to the State ? What proof of its disloyalty 
 
 abounds ? 
 
 5. Why has Prohibition failed anywhere ? What says a Liquor As- 
 
 sociation's President ? 
 
 6. What of a business that defies law ? Is the Liquor Traffic in 
 
 rebellion ? 
 
 7. What effect has the Traffic on law and order ? From what does 
 
 Law suffer ? 
 
 8. How does Prohibition affect laborers ? What is a Strike ? 
 
 9. What is the chief course of Strikes ? Of what is a strike generally 
 
 born ? 
 
 10. What of Cooperation and strikes ? Who gets the Capital ? 
 
 11. How was the great railroad strike fed ? What followed ? 
 
 12. What of Wages and Drink at Homestead ? Where did the wages go? 
 
 13. How did the tramp define Commvmism ? 
 
 14. What made the anarchist ? Where have his crimes originated ? 
 
 15. What loss to labor did strikes involve in six years? 
 
 16. What is the fruit of saloons ? What rules our great cities ? Who 
 
 testify ? 
 
 17. What is the greatest danger to our Republic ? Who says so ? 
 
 18. What said the New York City Reform Club ? 
 ig. Did it witness to the truth?
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGATORIES. 261 
 
 CHAPTER XXIII. 
 
 1. The perpetuity of the Republic demands what ? When is this 
 
 impossible ? 
 
 2. Where does political power focus ? How is manhood affected ? 
 
 3. On what does the problem of Popular Government depend ? 
 
 4. On what must rest the standard of Law and Morals? What is 
 
 principle ? 
 
 5. What follows as to the attitude of authority ? Should the State 
 
 deal uniformly ? 
 
 6. Are we a national unit ? WTiat carries, the nation over ? 
 
 7. What is the anarchist's creed ? Must morals be taught ? 
 
 8. What says Dr. John Bascom of Civil Law? What said Judge 
 
 Sprague ? 
 
 9. What was murder once ? 
 
 10. Is there educating power in Law ? What historic illustration is 
 
 cited ? 
 
 11. What must be behind the law? Why has Prohibition's effect 
 
 been limited ? 
 
 12. Has the policy been fixed ? What has been the effect of its 
 
 variableness ? 
 
 13. What of a power from without ? What established Prohibition of 
 
 Slavery ? 
 
 14. Where has Liquor Prohibition succeeded ? What testimony is 
 
 offered ? 
 
 15. Who testified for Kansas ? What facts are given as to Topeka ? 
 
 16. What Iowa witness is quoted ? What does he say ? 
 
 17. Where has power from without established Prohibition ? What 
 
 towns are in proof of its great success ?
 
 262 WEALTH AND WASTE. 
 
 CHAPTER XXIV. 
 
 1. What are the propositions here laid down ? To what do they relate ? 
 
 2. How can Moral reform be made effective ? What moral questions 
 
 must become political ? 
 
 3. What other propositions follow? How can a political reform 
 
 become a fact in government ? 
 
 4. What are the definitions of Politics ? Towhat does Politics relate ? 
 
 5. What must come within the purview of Politics ? To what are 
 
 due the Sunday and Marriage laws ? 
 
 6. What is a political party ? Which definition is the best ? 
 
 7. On what do Burke and Lieber ground a party ? 
 
 8. How may issue be taken ? What is an issue ? Issues are of what 
 
 kinds ? 
 
 9. What of Principle in an issue ? How may such principle have 
 
 application ? 
 
 10. How may an issue be asserted ? What of Polygamy ? 
 
 11. When does a National Party become necessary? How must it 
 
 apply ? 
 
 12. How long will a national Policy be needed as to the Liquor Traffic ? 
 
 13. When and how is the issue of Prohibition presented ? 
 
 14. Can a party establish a reform not previously recognized as an 
 
 Issue ? Where is a party's policy asserted ? 
 
 15. How may a platform be built ? 
 
 16. How will a party treat secondary issues ? What legislation affords 
 
 proof? What witnesses testify ? 
 
 17. What principles are involved in the Tariff ? How have they been 
 
 treated ? 
 
 18. Why does Perry favor Free Trade ? How does his language apply 
 
 to Prohibition ?
 
 CHAPTER INTERROGArORlES. 2G3 
 
 CHAPTER XXV. 
 
 1. How only can harmony come between Moral and Political forces ? 
 
 How, when, and where must the citizen act ? 
 
 2. What is the one place where he can act ? Should there be a moral 
 
 quality in political action ? 
 
 3. What is the citizen's ballot ? How should it be treated ? By whom ? 
 
 4. What are the facts as to Ballot corruption ? Who record them ? 
 
 What States are referred to ? Do other States probably differ ? 
 
 5. What must the Ballot be ? How must it be cast ? 
 
 6. What said President Garfield of the Citizen and the Suffrage ? 
 
 7. What is chiefly responsible for this ignorance and corruption ? 
 
 What is the agency of suffrage frauds ? 
 
 8. Does fraud on the Suffrage differ, in its quality, territorially ? 
 
 Does the voter's color change the crime ? 
 
 9. Where have Saloon frauds on the Suffrage been perpetrated ? 
 
 Under what circumstances ? 
 
 10. What were the facts in Ohio ? In Michigan ? 
 
 11. Where is it natural, inevitable, that Commerce in Citizenship shall 
 
 be carried on ? What testimony is recorded ? 
 
 12. What should be earnest, eloquent truth ? 
 
 13. How can Whittier's lines be employed ? 
 
 14. Who sell their votes ? How are they sold ? 
 
 15. To what must the Ballot be loyal ? What is the logic of Politics ? 
 
 16. What religious doctrine applies ? What said Prof. Adler as to 
 
 party formation ? 
 
 17. What is the Ballot's highest loyalty ? 
 
 18. What constitutes a party ? What if parties die ? What of party 
 
 lines ? 
 
 19. What means the Ballot of Conscience ? The best Manhood ? 
 
 20. What does the State confer? What does it demand ? 
 
 21. To whom does the Citizen owe tribute ? How can it be paid ? 
 
 22. Where must the Citizen stand finally for Principle ?
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Ability, 27 
 
 Additional Laborers possible, 89 
 Adier, Felix, 236 
 Ale, analyzed, 77 
 Allison, Judge, 109 
 Almshouses, cost of, 106 
 Altgeld, J. P., 108 
 Ames, the Messrs., 91 
 Anarchism and Beer, 202 
 Anarchists, Saloons and, 203 
 Arrests, Comparison of, 159 
 Artisans, the poet to the, 40 
 Astors, Division by the, 48 
 Asylums, cost of, 107 
 Atlanta Constitution, 198 
 Authority and the Individual, 115 
 
 and High License, 160 
 
 is the State, 115 
 
 Relation of, 115 
 
 Source of, 134 
 
 Sovereign relation of, 133 
 
 the Duty of, 143 
 
 the grant of, 135 
 
 to restrain, 133 
 Average, the Drinkers, 64 
 A Wisconsin Illustration, 162 
 
 Ballot-box, the, 228 
 
 loyalty of the, 235 
 Ballot's character, the, 228 
 
 of Conscience, 230 
 Bascom, Dr. John, 209 
 Beer, a Barrel of, 75 
 
 Act of Great Britain, 77 
 
 Anarchism and, 202 
 
 and Tobacco, cost of, 67 
 
 Beer, drinking, 77 
 
 no nutriment in, 76 
 Beer-drinking, results of, 78 
 
 at Buffalo, 201 
 Betterment Law, General, 1 18 
 Blaine, James G., 147, 224 
 Boots and shoes, 60 
 Bossuet, M., 3 
 Bottle, the Perfume, 19 
 
 the Brandy, 19 
 Boy, cost of a, 102 
 Brewers, English, 129 
 
 Scotchwomen, 131 
 Brewery, Bartholomay, 21 
 British Medical Association, loi 
 Brooks High License, 191 
 Buffalo Railroad Strike, 201 
 Bunker Hill Monument, 20 
 Burdens of Government, 147 
 Burdick, P. A., 65, 162 
 Burke, Edmund, 219 
 
 Capacity, loss of, 98 
 
 Capital, 33, 54 
 
 and Labor, law of, 56 
 and skill, 94 
 and Wages, 69, 86 
 as defined by Mill, 55 
 as defined by Perry, 54 
 Comes, How, 55 
 employment of, 57, 84 
 Fixed and circulating, 90 
 growth of, 55 
 how best employed, 57 
 in manhood, lost, 103 
 Labor and, 55
 
 266 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Capital, other servants of, 
 
 87 
 
 Comfort and Character, 168 
 
 Partnership of Labor 
 
 and, 42 
 
 Standard of, 56 
 
 Saloons and, 93 
 
 
 Commerce, 53 
 
 the bent of, 94 
 
 
 a mutual benefit, 79 
 
 the father of, 69 
 
 
 mutualities in, 53 
 
 the ratio to service, 93 
 
 
 Commonwealth, Contributions to, 
 
 True, 69 
 
 
 237 
 
 Capital's decreasing margins, 94 
 
 Communism, Tramps on, 202 
 
 Productive poorer, 92 
 
 
 Composer and player, 24 
 
 Catron, Associate Justice, 
 
 138 
 
 Compromise, Supreme Issue and. 
 
 Character, needs and benefits of, 
 
 224 
 
 35 
 
 
 the Tariff and, 224 
 
 the Laborer's, 36 
 
 
 Congress on Economy, 81 
 
 Charities, State Boards of, 
 
 no 
 
 the Fifty-third, 81 
 
 Chicago Riots, 203 
 
 
 Tvs^enty Years in, 224 
 
 China, an Emperor of, 1 1 
 
 
 Conscience in Politics, 236 
 
 labor in, 16 
 
 
 the ballot of, 237 
 
 Vineyards in, 15 
 
 
 Constitution defined, 140 
 
 Christian Endeavor Societies, 174 
 
 of New York, 141 
 
 Christy, W. D., 154 
 
 
 of Pennsylvania, 140 
 
 Church Temperance Society, 204 
 
 Consumers of Wealth, 108 
 
 Testimonies, 172 
 
 
 Consumption and Waste, 62, 86 
 
 Citizenship, advantages ar 
 
 id price 
 
 and capital, 81 
 
 of, 121 
 
 
 character and effects of, 71 
 
 and its duties, 227 
 
 
 for Enjoyment, 71 
 
 Commerce in, 232 
 
 
 increase of Liquor, 158 
 
 Productive, 187 
 
 
 Industrial, 71 
 
 Supreme Function of, 
 
 166 
 
 National, 85 
 
 Citizen, the, 227 
 
 
 of Raw Materials, 88 
 
 unit of Government, i 
 
 '9 
 
 Unproductive, 72 
 
 City Control of the State, 
 
 207 
 
 Unproductive and Reproduc- 
 
 Rule, Phillips on, 204 
 
 
 tive, 71 
 
 Standards of Morality, 
 
 207 
 
 Cook, Joseph, 204 
 
 Civilization, advances by, 
 
 1 20 
 
 Cost of the family, 63 
 
 effects of, 13 
 
 
 Cotton Goods, 61 
 
 Classes, Consuming, 22 
 
 
 of a Boy, 102 
 
 contrasted, 23 
 
 
 of Beer and Tobacco, 67 
 
 Non-productive, 22 
 
 
 Court of Appeals, Kentucky, 141 
 
 Class, the Constabulary, 23 
 
 Courts and Constabulary, 108 
 
 the Drinking, 23 
 
 
 Crime, Taxing or Licensing, 149 
 
 Climate, 39 
 
 
 the cause of, 109 
 
 Clothing, 12 
 
 
 Criminals, cost of, 107 
 
 Coal, 61 
 
 
 increase of, 158 
 
 Coat, required for, 40 
 
 
 Crowell, H. P., 192 
 
 Colorado Springs, Colo., 216 
 
 Cyclopedia of Temperance, 180
 
 INDEX. 
 
 267 
 
 Decanter, Song of the, 183 
 
 Defectives, time of, 99 
 
 De Laveleye, M., 3, 4, 38, 39, 52, 
 
 118, 119, 145 
 Demand, 56 
 
 and supply. Law of, 55 
 Demoralization by the saloon, 186 
 
 of Conscience, 187 
 
 of manhood, 193 
 
 of the Press, 191 
 Disloyalty of the Liquor Traffic, 196 
 
 Proof of, 197 
 Distributing agent, 54 
 Distribution, better through capi- 
 tal, 59 
 
 of Wealth, 62, 87 
 
 Problem of, 54, 60 
 Douglas, Stephen A., 1S2 
 Drink and Childhood, 169 
 
 and Strikes, 199 
 
 arrests on account of, 1 1 1 
 
 at Homestead, 201 
 
 Habit, 99 
 
 in Home and Neighborhood, 
 168 
 
 the Volume of, 156 
 Dorchester, Dr., 64, 65 
 Drinkers, moderate, 98 
 Drunkards and Paupers, 99 
 
 habitual, 98 
 Dunn, Rev. Dr., 77 
 
 Economy, Political, and ethics, 5 
 and ethics, 5 
 
 and National Prohibition, 6 
 and the State, 6 
 attitude of, 79 
 Congress on, 84 
 Defined by Economists, 2 
 derivation and reference, 5 
 Dictionary definitions, i 
 Divisions of the subject, 8 
 final definition analyzed, 4 
 its tap-root, 3 
 Principles of, 40 
 
 Economy, source and object, 3 
 
 Survey of, 23 
 
 Whether abstract or applied, 2 
 Economic Qualities, fundamental, 
 
 35 
 Edison, Thomas, 26 
 Education, Public, 170 
 
 compulsory Temperance, 171 
 Electricity, 39 
 
 English Artisan's Demands, 83 
 Evidence, Tabulated, m 
 Exchanges, the science of, 2 
 Expectation of life, normal, loi 
 Expediency and Party, 224 
 
 principle and, 225 
 
 Family, cost of, 63 
 
 Famine, Four years of, 51 
 
 Farmer, the, how demoralized, 193 
 
 Fernald, J. C, 102 
 
 Financial Interests involved, 143 
 
 Fisk, Gen. Clinton B., 201 
 
 Fixed Capital and Waste, 90 
 Capital and Profits, 91 
 Charges, 91 
 
 Food, 12 
 
 Four-mile Law, 191 
 
 Free agency of Man, 235 
 
 Freeman, Arthur A, 199, 203 
 
 Free Trade and Protection, 225 
 
 "Freiheit" on anarchistic creed, 
 209 
 
 Furniture, 61 
 
 Garfield, James A., 230 
 
 Gladstone, Wm. E., 219 
 
 God and Government, 237 
 
 Goods, 53 
 
 Government, aim and object of, 141 
 and the individual, 125 
 groundwork of, 140 
 man in his relation to, 218 
 the burdens of, 147 
 the Citizen Unit of, 119 
 the power of, 211 
 the true functions of, 124
 
 263 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Government, Thoughts on, 120 
 Governmental conditions, 186 
 
 mastership, 124 
 Graham, Robert, 204 
 Gregory, Dr. John M., i 
 
 Hale, Sir Matthew, 109 
 Hamilton, J. W., 214 
 Hard Times, cause of, 11 
 Hargreaves, Dr., 2, 28, 57, 59, 99 
 Harmonization of Forces, 187 
 Harmonize, the one place to, 227 
 Harmonizing agent, the sole, 227 
 Harmony of Moral and Political 
 
 Forces, 164 
 Harriman, Tenn., 216 
 Harrington, Chief-Justice of Dela- 
 ware, 138 
 Helps, Arthur, 120 
 High License, Authority and, 160 
 
 a Wisconsin illustration, 162 
 
 Cities, 159 
 
 claims for, 153 
 
 effects under, 156 
 
 Facts in Comparison, 156 
 
 in Des Moines, 154 
 
 in Illinois, 158 
 
 in Iowa, 155 
 
 in Missouri, 155 
 
 in Nebraska, 156 
 
 in other States, 158 
 Hill, Frederick, no 
 Hitchcock, Dr., loi. 
 History of Strikes in America, 199, 
 
 203 
 Holmes, Dr. Oliver Wendell, 52 
 Home Comforts, greater, 61 
 Homes contrasted, 168 
 
 of the poor, 64 
 Human Investments, losing, 105 
 
 Life, 116 
 
 Life, effects on, 79 
 
 Solidarity, 120 
 Ideal Political Economy, 117 
 Idiots of Massachusetts, 170 
 
 Immoral Sentiment, Centers of, 179 
 Incapables, cost of, 107 
 Independence, Declaration of, 141 
 Industries, the relation of, 49 
 
 legitimate, 50 
 
 natural, 49 
 Industry, a fungus upon, 53 
 
 and Economy, 69 
 
 an unnatural, 50 
 Intelligence and sobriety, 34 
 
 and wealth, 44 
 Intemperate Parents, 170 
 Iowa High License, 154 
 
 State Register, 154 
 Ireland, famine in, 51 
 Issue, of Principle, 220 
 
 of Policy, 220 
 
 the supreme, 224 
 
 what is an, 220 
 Issues, how presented, 221 
 
 kinds of, 221 
 
 Personal, 220 
 
 what are political, 220 
 
 Jenks, Prof. J. W., 229 
 Judges, 109 
 
 Keasbey, Prof. Lindley M., 127 
 
 Labor, an imperative necessity, 10 
 and capital, partnership of, 42 
 and capital, the foe of, 59 
 and production, character of, 
 
 18 
 and sales, 28 
 and the Laborer, 27 
 and the Liquor Traffic, 17 
 and the popular welfare, 27 
 and wealth, 16 
 as of the individual, 21 
 average share of, 58 
 classified, 16 
 defined, 27 
 division of, 94 
 employment of, 8i
 
 INDEX. 
 
 269 
 
 Labor, environment of, 34 
 
 Law of demand and supply, 55 
 
 further defined, 29 
 
 our schoolmaster, 211 
 
 inspirations to, 31 
 
 of supply and demand, 182 
 
 in the aggregate, 21 
 
 Test of a, 167 
 
 larger demand for, 60 
 
 Uniformity of, 208 
 
 INIanual and Mind, 25 
 
 Laws and penalties, 126 
 
 Perry's idea of, 29 
 
 controlling the sale, 128 
 
 proceeds to, 57 
 
 Lawlessness, fruit of the saloon, 
 
 productive, 31 
 
 203 
 
 Productive or Nonproductive, 
 
 Lecky, 123 
 
 21 
 
 Lennep, Dr., 119 
 
 requisites of productive, 34 
 
 Liberty, Legitimate, 125 
 
 self-supporting nonproduc- 
 
 Mill on, 126 
 
 tive, 24 
 
 ultimate expression of, 141 
 
 sodden and sober, 84 
 
 License, Authority and High, 160 
 
 the best interests of, 59 
 the product of, 20 
 
 Claims for High, 153 
 
 considered as a tax, 146 
 
 true productive quality of, 21 
 
 defined, 134 
 
 unreproductive and reproduc- 
 
 Early High, 131 
 
 tive, 21 
 
 Genesis of, 128 
 
 unreproductive quality of, 18 
 
 Prohibition anterior to, 135 
 
 Labor's loss from liquor, 58 
 
 properly entitled, 142 
 
 opporttmities for partnership. 
 
 Right to withhold, 132 
 
 42 
 
 system, effect of the, 186 
 
 pay from liquor, 58 
 
 the logic of, 132 
 
 purpose and products, 18 
 
 the nature of, 133 
 
 Laborer's Environment, 36 
 
 Unconstitutional, 140 
 
 Foe, the, 36 
 
 versus Tax, 149 
 
 Liquor and, 87 
 
 Lieber and Burke, 219 
 
 Time of Liquor, 98 
 
 Liebig, Baron, 76 
 
 Time of Producing, 98 
 
 Life Discounted, years of, loi 
 
 Land, 39 
 
 Limitations, Moral Rights and 
 
 Larrabee, Gov. Wm., 214 
 
 legal, 122 
 
 Laughlin, Prof. J. K., 35, 39 
 
 Our, 7 
 
 Law, a Genuine Economic, 182 
 
 Lincoln, Abraham, 178 
 
 a moral agent, 209 
 
 and Douglas, 182 
 
 an old economic, 175 
 
 Liquor and its laborers, 87 
 
 and popular morality, 210 
 
 consumption, increase of, 158 
 
 a threefold economic, 52 
 
 production antagonizes, 59 
 
 Breeding contempt for, 161 
 
 sentiment, hothouse, 183 
 
 Defiance of, 197 
 
 Wrong in the sale, 177 
 
 educational powers of, 210 
 
 Liquor Traffic, annual receipts 
 
 Lic»nse policy and, 206 
 
 from, 151 
 
 natural and divine, 4 
 
 character of the, 159 
 
 of capital and labor, 56 
 
 cost side of the, 143
 
 270 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Liquor TraflBc, Differentiated, 148 
 Disloyalty of, 196 
 Funds and Forces, 192 
 its unhappy effects, 51 
 net charge to the, 112 
 submission by the, 133 
 the, 7,17,36,531 59, 109, 112 
 
 Living, standard of, 56 
 
 Local Option analyzed, 175-177 
 and political combination, 190 
 and Slavery, 178 
 by counties, 176 
 logic of, 176 
 method and result, 181 
 moral and financial effect of, 180 
 the variable policy, 212 
 What it does, 179 
 
 Local Optionists, former, 178 
 suppression, early, 175 
 
 Loss, annual aggregate, loi 
 
 through premature deaths, 102 
 Recapitulation of, 113 
 
 Lost Capital in manhood, 103 
 
 Loyalty Defined, 196 
 
 The Ballot's highest, 236 
 
 London Globe, 78 
 
 Loyalty of the ballot, 235 
 
 Machinery and Production, 43 
 Majorities, Rights of, 178 
 Man, Cash value of a, 104 
 
 in his relation to Government, 
 218 
 
 in the mass, 121 
 
 the machine and the, 43 
 
 the other, 122 
 Manhood Investment, 105 
 Mallock, W. H., 27 
 Manufacture, the mercury of, 56 
 Margin, the Massachusetts, 63 
 Margin, where it goes, 64 
 Marshall, 27, 35, 36, 48, 55 
 Martin, Gov. John A., 213 
 Massachusetts, average earnings 
 in, 65 
 
 Massachusetts margin, 63 
 
 Prohibitory law, 92 
 Mathew, Father, 64 
 McCook, Prof. J. J., 50, 229 
 McDonnell, Mr., 23 
 McLean, Associate Justice, 138 
 Metes and Bounds, 122 
 Michigan in, 189 
 
 Tax Law of, 189 
 Mill and the Liquor Traffic, 126 
 Mill, John Stuart, 3, 30, 31, 33, 34, 
 35, 55, 118, 124, 125, 144, 145, 
 147 
 Millionaire and Mortgage, 47 
 Milwaukee Riots, 203 
 Moral Agencies, 165 
 
 and Political Forces, Harmony 
 of, 164 
 
 Forces, Organized, 165 
 Secondary, 166 
 
 Foundations, 165 
 
 Fruitage, 166 
 
 Interest, 187 
 
 Interests involved, 164 
 
 Issues involved, 178 
 
 Questions, Politics and, 218 
 Morals, A History of European, 
 123 
 
 and Law, 209 
 Mortgage, Millionaire and, 47 
 Music, effect of, 32 
 
 Natural agents, 33, 40 
 Necessity, an Idealizing, 117, 164 
 Newcomb, 40 
 
 New York City Reform Club, 205 
 Nye, "Bill," 205 
 
 Officials forbidden to brew, 130 
 Ohio, Tax Law in, 148 
 "Our Penal Machinery, " 108 
 Paderewski, 24, 30 
 Painter and portrait, 29 
 Palmer, Gen. H. W., 191 
 Parasite, an industrial, 51
 
 INDEX. 
 
 271 
 
 Parkhurst, Rev. C. H., 3 
 
 Principle and its application, 221 
 
 Party and the Ballot, 236 
 
 some governing, 208 
 
 Basis and purpose, 219 
 
 Unchanging, 212 
 
 Lines, equatorial, 236 
 
 Prison Inspectors, no 
 
 paupers, care of, 106 
 
 Prisons and Reformatories, 99 
 
 Penalties, laws and, 126 
 
 Producer or consumer, 63 
 
 Pennsylvania, Amendment Con- 
 
 Producers, ratio of, 24 
 
 test in, 192 
 
 Production, Immediate, 20 
 
 Permission and Restraint, 136 
 
 Machinery and, 43 
 
 Perpetuation of the Saloon, 194 
 
 requisites of, 34 
 
 Perry, Arthur Latham, 2, 38, 52, 
 
 the motive of, 115 
 
 54, 225 
 
 Ultimate, 20 
 
 Persons and Things, 80 
 
 varied forms of, 13 
 
 Phillips, Wendell, 204 
 
 Production's Total Waste, 97 
 
 Philosophy, Human Nature, and 
 
 Productive life, standard of, 100 
 
 Fact, 161 
 
 life wasted, 100 
 
 Pitman, Judge, 117, 121, 177 
 
 Life, years of, loi 
 
 Player and instrument, 30 
 
 Power, Capital's, 92 
 
 Policy and Platform, 222 
 
 Products, Primary, 94 
 
 essential, perinanent, 213 
 
 Secondary, 94 
 
 needed, national, 222 
 
 Waste of, 95 
 
 Political Economy, Introduction 
 
 Profits, Fixed Charges and, 91 
 
 to, 225 
 
 Prohibition, a final fact, 213 
 
 Ethics, 219 
 
 Amendment in Ohio, 231 
 
 Forces, organized, 167 
 
 in Michigan, 231 
 
 Interest, 187 
 
 anterior to license, 136 
 
 organization, internal, and ex- 
 
 at Colorado Springs, 216 
 
 ternal, 48 
 
 at Harriman, 216 
 
 Party, 167 
 
 at Pullman, 215 
 
 Party, Gladstone on, 219 
 
 constitutional, 213 
 
 Party, what is, 219 
 
 Economics of, 102 
 
 Power, focal point of, 228 
 
 educating effect of, 215 
 
 Power in our cities, 204 
 
 Effects in Kansas, 214. 
 
 Ways and Means, 217 
 
 how limited, 211 
 
 Politics and Moral Questions, 218 
 
 in Burmah, 129 
 
 Conscience in, 236 
 
 in China, 128 
 
 Money in Practical, 229 
 
 in England, 215 
 
 relation of, 218 
 
 in History, 128 
 
 saloon in city, 232 
 
 in India, 128 
 
 the purview of, 218 
 
 in Scotland, 128 
 
 what is, 217 
 
 Iowa's Testimony, 214 
 
 Polygamy, the issue of, 221 
 
 Judiciary on, 138 
 
 Popular safety. Constitution to 
 
 need and effects of, 207 
 
 promote, 142 
 
 of Slavery, permanent, 213 
 
 Powell, Frederick, 57 
 
 Platform of, 223
 
 272 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Prohibition, Principle, 139 
 
 
 Sales, science of, 79, 80 
 
 the Issue of, 222 
 
 
 Saloon and church, 171 
 
 Versus License, 139 
 
 
 and school, 170 
 
 Progress of the world, 225 
 
 
 frauds, 231 
 
 Property, assessed valuation of. 
 
 the High License, 183 
 
 157 
 
 
 Saloons and Anarchists, 203 
 
 Protection, Free Trade and. 
 
 225 
 
 and Capital, 93 
 
 Pullman, 111., 215 
 
 
 Percentage of expense from. 
 
 Raw materials. Consumption of, 88 
 Reed, Hon. Thos. B., 81, 82, 83, 
 
 84,85 
 Reform Club, New York City, 205 
 Reform, Political, 226 
 Reforms, Moral and Political, 217 
 Regulation and perpetuation, 195 
 
 Authority and, 153 
 
 early features of, 130 
 
 early High License, 131 
 
 for Revenue, 130 
 
 in perpetuation, 194 
 
 Revenue, 146 
 
 System, 130 
 Relation, A Selfish, 115 
 
 of Authority, 115 
 Regulative Claims considered, 154 
 Republic, altar of the, 238 
 Restraint and Permission, 136 
 
 Moral, 23 
 
 Power of, 128 
 Return for the Tribute, 144 
 Revenue, Financial, 116 
 
 from the Liquor Traffic, 150 
 
 Life and, 116 
 
 Magnified, 147 
 
 side, from the, 153 
 Right, no legislative, 137 
 Rights of majorities, 178 
 
 Individual, 126 
 
 Massachusetts Bill of, 122 
 
 Moral, 122 
 Roman Empire, Mill on the, ii8 
 
 Revenues, 119 
 Rousseau, 15 
 Ruskin, John, 114 
 
 Say, J. B., 3 
 
 Scomp, Prof. H. A., 180 
 
 Sherman, Senator John, 148 
 
 Smith, Adam, 116 
 
 Smith, Sidney, 78 
 
 Sobriety and Intelligence, 34 
 
 and Production, 91 
 Social Organization, 126 
 Society and its Forces, 164 
 
 and Trade, 124 
 
 limits to the Authority of, 125 
 Sovereign, the, 115 
 
 the State the, 127 
 Sovereignty, the unit of, 178 
 
 the new Squatter, 182 
 Spencer, Herbert, 117 
 Sprague, Judge, 210 
 Standard of Comfort, 56 
 
 of Living, 56 
 State, alcoholics and the, 7 
 
 alcohol and the, 117 
 
 authority is the, 115 
 
 City control of the, 207 
 
 moral standard for the, 177 
 
 need of the, 126 
 
 support for the, 144 
 
 the sovereign, 127 
 Story, Chief- Justice, 218 
 Strikes, cause and inspiration of, 
 199, 200 
 
 cooperation and, 200 
 
 drink and, 199 
 
 former object of, 199 
 
 the cost of, 203 
 Submission by the Liquor Traffic,
 
 INDEX. 
 
 273 
 
 Suffrage, Defrauding the, 230 
 
 frauds, 230 
 
 Garfield on the, 230 
 
 market-place of, 232 
 Suppression, Local, 175 
 
 Landlord, 177 
 Supreme Court, 137 
 decision, 137 
 
 Function of Citizenship, 166 
 
 Taney, Chief-Justice, 138 
 Tariff and Compromise, 224 
 
 Blaine on, 225 
 Taxation, a measure of, 153 
 defined, 144 
 
 Direct and Indirect, 151 
 Immoral Sources of, 145 
 Mill on, 14s 
 Tax, by whom paid, 148 
 License versus, 149 
 Taxing or licensing crime, 149 
 Taxpaying liquor-dealers, 151 
 Tennessee, Convicts Petition, 191 
 
 Four-mile Law of, 191 
 Testimony, Gen. Palmer's, 192 
 
 official, no 
 Texas, in, 189 
 
 Temperance Education, compul- 
 sory, 171 
 Thomann, Gallus, 151 
 Tobacco, cost of beer and, 67 
 Trade, Society and, 124 
 Tramps on Communism, 202 
 Tribute, return for the, 144 
 
 to God and Government, 237 
 Turkish Provinces, 119 
 
 Rule, Decadence under, 119 
 The Anarchist, 197 
 
 creed and aspiration of, 
 2og 
 Ballot, Party and, 236 
 
 loyalty of, 235 
 Bonus, Recovering, 161 
 Brewers' Journal, 96 
 Cave Age, 14 
 
 The Centiiry Magazine, 229 
 Church, 1 65 
 Citizen, no right in, 137 
 Communist, 197 
 Drinker, what he buys, 169 
 Edinburgh Review, 175 
 Engineering Magazine, 199 
 Forum, 50, 148, 229 
 Good of the governed, 133 
 Gross amount, 68 
 Home, 165 
 Income side, 143 
 Interests involved, 143 
 London Globe, 78 
 Nation, political organization 
 
 of, 48 
 People, 135, 137 
 
 best interests of, 123 
 Political Prohibitionist, in 
 Press, Demoralization, 191 
 Reproductive line, 73 
 Republic, Danger to, 204 
 Saloon, a Senator on, 190 
 
 and moral Forces, 167 
 
 Inside, 188 
 
 Outside, 188 
 
 Perpetuation of, 194 
 School, 165 
 
 Standard Dictionary, i, 134 
 State's Attitude, 128 
 
 moral standard for, 177 
 Striker, 197 
 
 Tenement will conform, 168 
 Tribune, New York, 194 
 Ultimate Logic, 150 
 Voice, 87, 159 
 on Liquor and Labors, 87 
 
 Unionism, the New, 200 
 Utilities and wealth, :^t, 
 Utilities, Creation of, 32 
 kinds of, 32 
 
 Valuation of property, assessed, 
 157
 
 274 
 
 INDEX. 
 
 Value of a man, cash, 104 
 Voter, color of the, 231 
 
 on election day, the poor, 233 
 
 Wage-earners and Wasters, 62 
 
 and Wealth, 87 
 
 Wages and, 82 
 Wages, 69 
 
 and Drink at Homestead, 201 
 
 and the wage-earner, 82 
 
 and waste, 62 
 
 and Wants, 85 
 
 capital and, 69 
 
 two workingmen's, 66 
 Walker, Amasa, 16 
 Want, and Labor, 10 
 
 and Natural Law, 9 
 
 and Production, 9 
 
 and Work, 15 
 
 Natural and Unnatural, 9 
 Wants, Civilization multiplies, 13 
 
 Development of Natural, 12 
 
 Franklin on, 14 
 
 of civilization, 14 
 
 Power of false, 10 
 
 Prime Natural, 12 
 Waste, annual average, 96 
 
 Fixed Capital and, 90 
 
 by burning, 95 
 
 by drinking, 96 
 
 Consumption, and, 62 
 
 in care and support, 106 
 
 in Production, 90 
 
 in the Care and support of Pro- 
 ductive, Life Wasted, 106 
 
 momentum of, 86 
 
 of human life, 78 
 
 of Labor, 96 
 
 of Labor and Product, 90 
 
 of Production, 94 
 
 of Products, 95 
 
 of Time and Life, 98 
 
 of Wages, 96 
 
 Production's total, 97 
 
 Waste, wider field of, 98 
 Wasted Resources, 58 
 Water, 39 
 Waterford, England, 64 
 
 Values in, 64 
 Wayland, Dr., 147 
 Wealth, consumers of, 108 
 
 creation of national, 49 
 
 Definitions of, 38 
 
 How it comes, 47 
 
 Immaterial, 44 
 
 Individual, 46 
 
 intelligence and, 44 
 
 in the mine, 41 
 
 Material, 38, 39 
 
 National, 46 
 
 Natural, 41 
 
 Personal, 38, 39 
 
 Reproductive Consumption 
 and, 81 
 
 requisites to production of, 33 
 
 science of, 16 
 
 the creation of, 38 
 
 wage-earners and, 87 
 
 wages will not equalize, 69 
 Webster's Dictionary, i, 134 
 Wells, David A., 148 
 Wesley, John, 175 
 Wheeler, E. J., loi 
 Where the Line Breaks, 74 
 Whittier, John G., 40, 229 
 Whittier to the shoemakers, 40 
 
 Revised, 234 
 Willard, Miss Frances E., 189 
 Witnesses, a cloud of, 173 
 Woolsey, President, 126 
 Work, the age of, 15 
 
 Healthy, 14 
 
 Want and, 15 
 
 Waste of, 96 
 Worse than Wasted, 59 
 Woolen Goods, 60 
 Wright, Alfred, 21 
 
 Xenophon, 71
 
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