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 A N 
 
 Hiftorical and Critical Account 
 
 O F T H E 
 
 L I F E 
 
 O F 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL, 
 
 Lord Protedor of the Commonwealth of 
 England, Scotland and Ireland. 
 
 After the Manner of Mr. BAYLE. 
 
 Drawn from Original Writers and State Papers. 
 To which is added. 
 
 An APPENDIX of Original Papers, 
 Now firft publifhed. 
 
 By WILLIAM HARRIS. 
 
 Ne quid falfi dicere audeat, ne quid vcri non audeat. 
 
 Cicero, 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for A. Millar in the Strand. 
 
 MDCCLXII. 
 
 116^
 
 4^6
 
 THE 
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CRomwell'j blrtb and parentage. Allied to the hejl 
 families. Trade no difgrace to a gentleman^ p. i — 2. 
 
 Of the learning of Cromwell, p. 4. Vicious in youth, 
 p. 5. Marries p. 6. Charaher of Mrs. Cromwell, 
 p. 6—8. Reports concerning the poverty of Cromwell, 
 p. 9. Reflexions on them, p. 10. Of the Religion of 
 Cromwell, p. 11. An original letter of his to Mr, 
 Storie, p. 12. Of his enthufiafmy '^. 17^ — 23. Crom- 
 well courteous and affable, and inclined to buffoonery., p. 24, 
 Though on neceffary occafions he kept flat e to the full^ 
 p. 27. Of his want of eloquence, p. 34. J<fr. Hume 
 cenfured, p. 35. Cromwell'j fpeech to the Swedifh 
 ambaffador commended, p. 36. Cromwell no bigoty 
 p. 37. Mifchief of bigottry, ibid. Cromwell the 
 great Patron of religious liberty , p. 38 — 45. Falls in 
 with the Puritans, p. 45. Short flate of the cafe be- 
 tween them and the Prelattfls, p. 46. 
 
 CharaSier of Court-Prelates in the times of James and 
 Charles I. p. 47 . Of the fevere meafures taken in the 
 times of the latter of thefe Princes, p. 50. Cromwell 
 with others prepare to leave the kingdom, p. 55. Are 
 Jiop'dby a proclamation, ibid. RefleSlions thereon, p. 56. 
 Of Cromwell'^ oppofition to the draining the Fenns^ 
 p. 56. Of the parliament in 1 64 1, p. 59. fuflly ce- 
 lebrated for their noble deed^, p. 62 — 65. High cha- 
 racters of it by Mr. Sidney and Mr. Trenchard, p. 69. 
 Account of the remonflrance of the Jlate of the kingdom, 
 p. 70 — 76. The Parliament puts itfelf in a flate of 
 
 defence Is adhered to by Cromwell, who raifes a 
 
 troop of horfe, and difciplines them in a mofl extraordi- 
 nary manner. Praife of Cromwell'^ army by Lord 
 Clarendon, p. 76 — 85. Of CromwellV firji anions 
 in the IVar, p. 85. Lord Holiest charge of cowardice 
 againfl him recited, p. 87. Hated and envied by very 
 powerful per fons. Account of a. conftdtation to accufe him 
 A 2 of 
 
 87i9-i7
 
 € O N T E N T S. 
 
 €f high ireafsn^ p. 9® — 93. Of the dijfimulation of 
 Cromwell. Proof cf it. Its reuncileah tnef with en- 
 thhfajm^ and otbr pr^'mipJes. held by him. Fcl:tlfiims 
 difpenfe with the rules of moraliiy. RefeClipr.s thcre-m^ 
 P.-94. — 106. Of the jelf-deTAing ordinance— Reajons 
 en which it was founded — Qxovd'w^' s ffeech in its fa- 
 vour — Whitlock'i againji it — Rejk^iians theresn^ 
 p. 107 — 119. Cromwet! by various votes exempted 
 from the felf-denyivg ordinance — Mijiakes of Lord 
 Clarendon, p. 120 — 126. Of the baitie efl^zkhj — • 
 Copies of original ie, ters relating to it' — Fatal to Charles I. 
 p. 127; — 133. Rewards hefiowedby the parliament on 
 Cromwell for his fervices— Complaints of rffices and 
 preferments being jhared among members ^f ParliaTne7rt— 
 RefieSfions tbereofr, p. 134 — 138. 
 Charaiicr of Yt^x^zx-^ Ambition of Cromwell — Major 
 Huntington'j account of his principles and praSiices— 
 Vindicated by Miiton, p. 139 — 155. The arm)\ by 
 the infiigaiion of Cromwell, grow mutinous — 'Rjefnfe to 
 dijband — Caufe the parliament to erafe out of their jour • 
 nals what Was difpUrrff,g trthem^ p. 156 — 166. 
 Cornet Joyce fei%es the King at Holmby — His Majefiy 
 refufes to return back — Relies on his fuppofed inter efi in 
 the army. Mijiakes of C^laremion and Perincheif, 
 p. 167 — 170. 
 Cromwell breaks off all thotights offriendjhip with Charles 
 
 —Rjeafoiis of it — RefeSiions thereon ^ p. 171 — 180. 
 Cromwell defeats the Welch and Scots wh<i appeared in 
 •■ • behalf of the King — f/is Majefiy by the army is feized at 
 ^'Newportj and carried to Hurft Caflle — i'hehiufe 9f 
 tommons purged — Petition of Colonel PrtdeV regiment to 
 Fairfax — Spirit of the Englifh royalijfs — GromweJl 
 thanked hy the parliament f p. 181 — 190. 
 ^he reafons alledged for pttrging the houfe ef ammins by 
 Goodwin, Milcon, and ethers. Reflexions thereon, 
 yfn apology for CromweU, p. 191 — 203. 
 Cromwell has a principal hcmd in the death of Charles. 
 
 Proofs of it^ p. 204 — 207. 
 
 The execution of Charles tou^ exclaimed again/}, and 
 
 CrornvfcW reproached on the account of it. Re af on s given 
 
 by Ins advocates in defence of the dted%. Hht, ^oth cf 
 
 5 January
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 January cbfervedby the Englifli merchants at Dantzick, 
 in memorial of their d, liver ance from jlavery^ p. 208—2 1 9. 
 
 1 he parliament aSi with great fpirit and vigour. Account 
 of their prccceciings — Publifh a declarati.n in vindication 
 of their aSilons — Order the g'eat tranfaiiicns of the com' 
 mcnwealth to be publijhed in hdiXiny French /ib<3^ Englifli, 
 p. 220 — 223. 
 
 Tlie war in Ireland continued by them. Cromwell aP" 
 pointed commander in chief in that kingdam. He takes 
 Drogheda and puts the garrifon to the Jxvord. RifieC' 
 tions thereon. Ireland reduced. The gallant fpirit of 
 Lieutenant General Ludlow^ p. 224- — ^^233. 
 
 The Scots oppofe the execution c/Charles. Charles II. takes 
 the covenant and is crowned in Scotland. The Scots 
 prepare to invade England. — Fairfax refigns his com" 
 miffion. Cromwell appointed general in hts room. — Sets 
 forward for Scotland — The battle o/" Dunbar — Joy of 
 the friends of Cron\fi&\\ and the commonwealth. Charles II. 
 marches to Worcefter — Is totally oruerthrown — Scotland 
 wholly fubdued» Honours paid to Cromwell , p. 234— • 
 
 .2-1. 
 
 Rfe andprogrifs of the quarrel with the Dutch — The par- 
 liament Jend ambaffadors to the States — Siibflance of their 
 embajfy — Behatie with great fpirit ~~ St, John'^ fpeech at 
 their departure — War commences between the two na- 
 tions — Declaration of the parliament hfreupon — Patrio- 
 tfm anddifinterefiednefs of Sir Henry V^ane — Pari ament 
 concerned for the honour and inter efl of the nation — Their 
 demands from the Dutch, p. 252 — 271. 
 
 P^aji dtfigns imputed to the commonwealth of England— 
 Courted by all nations. — Obtains the highefi reputation^ 
 p. 272 — 277. 
 
 An a£i of oblivim paffed by the parliament — Cromwell hw 
 mane and benevolent^ p. 278 — 280. 
 
 Of the navigation a£i. Praifed by Sir Jofias Child, 
 p. 281. 
 
 Parliament proje^s an union with Scotland, Cromwell 
 finijhes it. Superiorities, lordjhips and jurijd dtiois ,tbo- 
 
 ■ lijhed. Remarhon Mr. DalrymplQ'i cenfure of Crom- 
 wdl, p. 284 — 287. 
 
 Parliament propofes the nevj modelling the reprefentation in 
 
 par-
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 parliament. The Jiepi iaien by them in it. Their flan 
 excellent, p. 288 — 293. 
 
 Parliament attempts to reform the law, enaii all law-pro- 
 ceedings to be in the Englifh tongue, p. 294 — 296. 
 
 The beji pens fought cut and rewarded by the parliament for 
 writing in behalf of civil and religious liberty. Of 
 Milton, Nedham,//^^ Parkers and others, p. 297 — 305. 
 
 Of the provifion made for the Jl ate clergy and univcrjities — • 
 bijhops, and dean and chapters lands fold — Of eccleftafli' 
 cal Revenues — Produce of thefale of the bijhops lands in 
 the province of York. Chance/lor Oxer>ftiern admires 
 ihe great anions of the parliament, Mr. Hume cenfured, 
 P- 306—315. 
 
 Cromwell puts a period for a time to the commonwealth—' 
 Difcourfe between him and Whitlock concerning his 
 taking en him the Kingjhip. Account of bis turning the 
 members out of the houfe — Cenfured by Whitlock, and 
 Ludlow, p. 316 — 323. 
 
 fujlifications of Cromwell by himfelf and his apologijis on 
 this head — Remarks thereon — Cromwell and the com- 
 monwealth leaders charaSierfed by Dr. VVarburton, 
 
 P- 324-~329- 
 Cromwell conjiitutes a council of Jlate and calls a parlia" 
 
 vient — Account of their proceedings. Lord Clarendon'i" 
 
 reprefentation of them virulent andfalfe. — Hatred of ec- 
 - clefiaflics — Parliament reftgn back their power into the 
 
 hands of Cromwell. Remarks thereon, p. 330 — 340. 
 
 Cromwell ajfumes the title of Lord Proti^cr — Of the in- 
 
 Jlrument of government — The Prote£lor endeavours to 
 
 jujiify himfelf to the army — Reafons given for the mvix 
 
 fettlement — His government, at firfi, almofi univerfally 
 
 acquiefced in, p. 341 — 35'- 
 Cromwell rivals the greatefi of cur monarchs in glory, and 
 
 makes himfelf courted and dreaded by the nations around 
 
 him. Proofs of it, p. 3^5 2 — "? 6 r . 
 Cromwell gives peace to the Dutch — Conditions of it, 
 
 p. 362—365. 
 Of the medals Jiruck by the Dutch, and the poetical pane- 
 
 grics made on Oliver on this occafion by the: un,verf:ties 
 
 (t/" Oxford fl«^ Cambridge, p. 36^ — 369. 
 Of the negotiations between England, France and Spain — 
 
 Crom-
 
 CONTENTS, 
 
 Cromwell cenfured hy various writers for entering into 
 
 a war with Spain, and leaguing with France — Rea- 
 jons in behalf of his ccndiiSi on this occafwn — A figure 
 
 of Lewis XI V. in miniature — CromwellV irrefoluticn 
 
 and delay ju/lly blameworthy^ P« 37° — S^S* 
 JccQunt of the expedition to Hifpaniola — Reafons of the ill 
 
 fuccefs there ^ p. 386 — 389. 
 Of the taking and fettling c/" Jamaica — Cromwell'j en^ 
 
 deavdurs to fettle it — A remarkable letter written by him 
 ij Major-General Fortefcue — Importance of Jamaica 
 
 to Great Britain, p. 390—395. 
 Gallant aSiions -performed by Admiral Blake — His magnt^ 
 ficent burial — His excellent character — His body taken 
 up and buried in a pit. — Politenefs and humanity intra- 
 
 ducedby the Refloration, p. 396 — 399. 
 D\in\i\x]/i taken by theYrtnc\\^ andjmmediately put into the 
 poffefftm of the Englifli- — Remarks on an Anecdote of Dr» 
 WelwopdV — The great ufe of flat e papers^ p. 400— 
 
 403. 
 Cromwell interpofesin behalf of the Yzn^ois—Protejlantifm 
 vindicated from the ridicule and mifreprefentation of fame 
 late writers. — Cruel ufage of the Vaudois — The Protec- 
 tor orders a colle£lion through the kingdom for afupply of 
 their necejfities — Account of the negotiations carried on by 
 him abroad for the redrefs of their grievances, p. 404 — 
 
 411. 
 Mr. Moxland's panegyric on Cromwell — Other panegyrics 
 
 on him, p. 412 — 416. 
 /// charaSier given of courts — CromwellV dijlinguifhed hy 
 
 its fobriety and decency^ p. 417 — 419. 
 The benches filled with able and honefi judges — An account 
 
 cfthemj p. 420. 
 Cromwell feeks out every where for men of abilities^ and 
 
 gives them proper employment y p. 422 — 427. 
 Favours learnings and is munificent to fuch as excell in ^ 
 
 fcience, p. 428 — 430. 
 Makes ufe of the method of kindnefs and condefcenfion to his 
 
 enemies, p. 431 — 434. 
 Of the revenue of QxovrxwtW— force of (economy, p. 435^. 
 Of the faults in CrornvfeWs government — Cruel edi£i againfl 
 
 the epifcopal clergy, p. 436 — 439. 
 
 The
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 The cavaliers receive hard meafure from the Prott^or — Bx- 
 traSts from the declaration in jufiification thereof — ^^- 
 marks thereon — Proceedings »/" Cromwell deeply refented 
 by the cavalier i p. 440 — 445. 
 
 Account of Crqmwell'j Major-Generah — A commijjim ta 
 
 ^ one of them at large — Their inflruSiiom — Their tranfac- 
 tionsy p. 446 — 451. 
 
 Cromwell makes ufe of pa:k*d juries on oecafion^ and dift 
 f laces judges far Tffufing a follow his directions , p. 452. 
 
 Commits men itlfgally toprifon, and permits them not the be- 
 nefit of the laivs — Reflexions thereon^ p. 454 — 457. 
 
 Of high courts <f jujiice — Obje^ions to them — Refieiiions 
 thereon f P«458 — 460. 
 
 Cromwell violates the privileges of farliament, p. 461^ 
 
 Situation and circum/lances of the preteStor cenf.dered, p. 47 5 • 
 
 Cromwell refufes the cjfered king/hip — Reafns a Hedged t$ 
 induce him to accept it — Hindered by his nearefl relations, 
 
 ' ^—•Probcd>ie^ confequences of his ajfwning the title of King» 
 —Of his koufe of lords — ^^^f/Vr Cromwell auid have 
 maintained his government ? p. 481 — 49 3^ 
 
 'Of his behaviour in his lafi fttinefs — His prayer — Some of 
 his exprejfons. Tillotfon'i opinion of him, p. 494. 
 
 Various characters cf Qxotn\/t\\ — Lewis XIV. charaSlC' 
 rized. — Dangerous to paint out the enemies of mankind in 
 fine colours, p. ^()b. 
 
 Cromwell'i memory celebrated by the be/i pens of his age—* 
 Time the great friend to truth, p. 4^8^. 
 
 Appendix of original paper i, p. 5 O i . 
 
 ERRATA. 
 
 P. 16, \. »l,. for bttjt read bmre, 
 
 P. 67, i^j the text, a^U» ntt, add Seui:. 
 
 P. 6.1,1. 5, in the text, for Chickefy, read Cbicbdy. 
 
 P. 17S, 1. 9, from the bottom, for fU'im'Wi, read ^•tfmzu.r* 
 
 P. 220, I* 4i frbm the bottaito, for rigtur^ read •vigour, 
 
 P. 252, J. 4, in the notes, for liiua, read i!lud. 
 
 Id. 1. 5, for antea, read antt, 
 
 P. 305, for yamts I. read J«met II. 
 
 P. 513, 1, ^4, (otmd^aUf teadmfdame* 
 
 THE
 
 THE 
 
 L 
 
 F E 
 
 O F 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL, 
 
 ^,L IV E R Cromwell y fon of Robert 
 Cromwell y and Elizabeth Stuart^ 
 his wife, was born at Huntington^ 
 on the twenty fourth of Aprils 
 one thoufand five hundred ninety nine. 
 His family, which was confiderable, I (hall 
 give fome account of in the note (a). 
 
 He 
 
 (a) J Jkall give fsme account of his family. '\ We are 
 naturally inquifitive about the defcents and alliances of 
 thofe who have figured in the world. Whether they 
 fprung from new or old families ? whether their fa- 
 thers were men of renown ? or they themfelves firft 
 gave luftre to their name? are que{lions ufually afked 
 by fuch as read or hear concerning them. To gratify 
 x\\-i curiofity of the reader then, the following account 
 
 B haa
 
 T H E L I F E OF 
 
 He was educated in grammar learning in 
 the Fre^-fchool at Huntington, under Dr. 
 
 'Thomas 
 
 has beferi collected. * That his (Oliver's) extrac- 
 
 * libri by the father's fide, was from Sir Richard WiU 
 
 * Uami^ Knight, a gentleman of eminent note (fays 
 
 * Sir Willi am Dugdale) in the court of king Htnry VII J, 
 
 * and fon to Morgan ap Williams (a Welchman) by 
 ' fifter to Thomas lord Cromwell ear] of 
 ' ^EJfex^ is not to be doubted. Who being by his uncle 
 ' preferred to the fervice of king Henry, was for that 
 
 (<i) Short * caufe (and np other) czWtd Cromwell, as is apparent 
 View of thee enough from teftimonies of credit (a),' If I have 
 ^'°"j3j" '" not been mifinformed, many gentlemen of the name 
 458. Ox- of Williams, in Wales, value themfelves on this defcent 
 ford, 1681. of Oliver Cromwell. Dugdale's account has been lately 
 ' contefted by a gentleman who thinks it * moreproba- 
 
 ' ble that this family defcended by the females from 
 
 * Ralph lord C-omwell of Tattenkall in Lincolnjhire, the 
 
 * laft heir male of which was lord High Treafurer in 
 
 * the reign oi Henry VI. and one of his coheirefles mar- 
 
 * ried Sir fPilUam Williams,v/ho(t defcendents might af- 
 
 * ter wards take the name of Cromwell^ in hopes of at- 
 ** taining that title which Humphry BouMer, tl younger 
 
 ' fon^of the then earl of EJfex, who married the eldeft 
 ' of t^e coheirefles, adliualiy had, and was killed at 
 (3) Biofra- ' Barnet field, fighting on the fide of king Edward 
 pi.ia Britan- 1 jv. (h) — WhTch of thcfc accounts is moft probable 
 iii!^ 'Auricle ' "^"^ ^^ ^^^^ '° ^^ judgment of the reader. — How- 
 Cromweii, ' ever, this is certain, that Sir Richard Crcmwell above 
 note,{A). t mentioned was fheriff of Cambridgtjhire and Hun- 
 
 * tingtcnjhire in the time of Henry VIII. was a great fa- 
 
 * vourite and commander in the wars, and had grants 
 ' of abbey lands in Huniingtovjhire to the amount, as 
 ' they were then rated, ofihreethoufand pounds ayear. 
 
 * Ris fon. Sir Htnry, was four times {herifF of the 
 
 * county. Sir Oliver, uncle to the Protector, gave 
 
 * '''^1: ^ofi'cs !• tbc gteateft feaft that had been giveti 
 
 ' to
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 3 
 
 Thomas Beard, a minifter of that town ; 
 'from whence he was fent to Cambridge , en- 
 tered into Sydney-Sujex College, Ap^il 23, 
 i6i6, and placed under the tuition of Mr. 
 
 Richard Howktt (c). Defiderat' 
 
 What progrefs in learning he made in the j^j^'j^^*"^' ''°'' 
 univerlity we have no particular account of, ee. wood'» 
 but as he underflood fome Latin, and hadii^d'ss!* 
 a tafte for polite literature, probably bis 
 
 ' to a king by a fubjecf^, had a great eftate, and was a 
 
 * zealous royalifl (d),* but *• had his compofition re- grit, ibf' 
 
 * muted by the parliament for his kinfman's fake (e).' 
 
 'lis no wonder then to find a family of fuch a rank{*\yi'^' 
 allied to the //^wj!/)i^«j, the S:. jfohn^y and the i^«r- nioriais, 2d. 
 ringtons, names of fome of our moft antient and emi-edit.p. 300, 
 
 nent families. Mr. Coke tells us, * his father being 
 
 ' afked whether he knew the Prote6tor, he faid, Yes, 
 ' and his father too, when he kept his brew-houfe in 
 
 * Huntington {/).' Dugdale will explain this. * Ro- 
 
 ' bert Cromwell, fays he, though he was by the coun- [/|j ^*"' 
 
 * tenance of his elder brother, (Sir Oliver) made a juf- ii. p'. 57. 
 
 * tice of peace in Huntingtcn_ft)ire, had but a flender Lond. 16941 
 
 * eltate; much of his fupport being a brew-houfe, in 
 
 * Huntington, chiefly managed by his wife, who was 
 ' filler to Sir Robert Stewart of the city of Ely, knight, 
 
 ' and by her had iffue this our famous Oliver [g).' (^) short 
 This every reafonable and confiderate perfon will think View, p, 
 no difcredit to the family. For in England trade is not ^'^^' 
 difgraceful to a gentleman. The younger brothers of our 
 beft families engage in it, and thereby raife themfelves 
 to fortune and independency, and advance the riches 
 and power of their country. A much more honourable 
 method of procuring a maintenance than following the 
 levees of mmifters and favourites, and engaging to exe- 
 cute their mifchievous and fatal fchemes ! 
 
 B 2 time
 
 '4 THELIFEOF 
 
 time was not wholly mifemployed there 
 
 During his continuance at Cambridge^ his 
 father dying, he returned home to his mo- 
 
 (b) He underjlood fame Ij^txn, andhad a tajie for po-- 
 Ute literature.'] Here are my authorities. Burnet hys, 
 
 * he had no foreign language, but the little Latin that 
 (i>) Hfio * ftuck to him from his education, which he fpoke very 
 ofhisonn * vitioufly and fcantily (>?').' Another writerobferves that 
 times, * The ufurper loved, or afFedled to love, men of wit — 
 ?2mt^f'''* Mr. ^tf//^r frequently waited on him, being his kinf- 
 100. 1725. ' man ; and as he often declared, obferved him to be very 
 
 * well read in the Greek and Reman ftory (?').' The 
 
 Lifeprefix'd fo'^owing paflage I give at length, not doubting the 
 
 ti.hisPo- reader will be pleafed with it. * When Cromwel/took 
 
 ems, p. 30. 4 Qn him the prote6tor(hip, in the year i6c^, the very 
 Lend. 1722. , • L*^ ..i.r'j r 
 
 jamo. morning the ceremony was to be perform d, a mel- 
 
 * fenger came to Dr. Afanton, to acquaint him that he 
 
 * muft immediately come to IVhitehall: the Doctor 
 
 * afked him the occafion ; he told him he fhould know 
 
 * that when he came there. The Prote(Stor himfelf, 
 ' without any previous notice, told him what he was to 
 
 * do, ;'. e. to pray upon that occafion : the Do£i:or la- 
 
 * boured all he could to be excufed, and told him it 
 
 * was a work of that nature which required fome time 
 ' to confider and prepare for it. The Prote<5^or replied, 
 
 * That he knew he was not at a lofs to perform the 
 
 * fervice he expelled from him; and opening his ftudy- 
 
 * door, he put him in with his hand, and bid him con- 
 
 * fider there; which was not above half an hour: the 
 
 * DoiStor employed that time in looking over his books, 
 Dr. Man-" * which he faid was a noble collection {k).'' Manton 
 ton, p. 10, was a judge. 
 
 8vo. Lond. Thefe paflages do not indeed prove Olivers applica- 
 ^' tion in the univerfity ; but as a tafte for books and 
 
 learning is generally acquired in the early part of life, 
 'tis no way improbable that he form'd it there. 
 
 ther.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. ^ 
 
 ther, who after fome time fent him to L/«- , 
 coins Inn, where, inftead of applying him- 
 felf to the ftudy of the law, he learn'd the 
 follies and vices of the town (c). 
 
 This 
 
 (c) Injlead of Jiudying the law, he leaned the vices 
 and follies ofthetoiun.^ His fmall proficiency at Lincolns 
 Inn, we may, I think, fairly enough conclude from the 
 following paflage of a profefs'd panegyrift. * He came 
 ' to Lincolns Inn, where he aflbciated himfe.'f with thofe 
 ' of the beft rank and quality, and the moft ingenuous 
 
 * perfons ; for though he were of a nature not averfe 
 
 * to ftudy and contemplation ; yet he feemed rather 
 
 * addi£led to converfation and the reading of men, and 
 
 * their feveral tempers, than to a continual poring up-\(/) pour- 
 
 * on authors (/).' But this is by no means fufficlent to faitu-eof 
 give us an idea of Oliver in his younger years. We jj-^v^'^^gfj 
 are by one writer furthermore told, that ' the firft oiiver,p. 8, 
 
 * years of his manhood were fpent in a diflblute courfe Jimo. 
 
 * of life, in good fellowftiip and gaming (w).' Dugdale ^ 59* 
 
 is more large. * In his youth, fays he, he was for («) War- 
 
 * fome time bred up in Cambridge', [he omits his be- wick's Me- 
 ' ing at one of the inns of court] where he made no ^yf\^' 
 
 o _ J _ 249- oV0« 
 
 ' great proficiency in any kind of learning; but then Lond. lyoz, 
 ' and afterwards forting himfelf with drinking compa- 
 ' nions, and the ruder fort of people (being of a rough 
 ' and bluftering difpofition) he had the name of a Roy- 
 ' fter amongft moft that knew him; and by his exorbi- 
 
 * tances fo wafted his patrimony ; that, having attempt- 
 ' ed his uncle Stewart for a fupply of his wants, and 
 
 * finding that by a fmooth way of application to him 
 ' he could not prevail, he endeavoured by colour of 
 ' law to lay hold of his eftate, reprefenting him as a 
 
 * perfon not able to govern it. But therein he fail- , , „, 
 
 ^ , . , & («) Short 
 
 * ea («)• ^ View, p. 
 
 Wood obferves, * that his father dying whilft he was4S9« 
 
 * at Cambridge, he was taken home and fent to Lincolns 
 
 B 3 'Inn
 
 6 THELIFEOF 
 
 This involved him in expences which his 
 fortune would ill bear, and reduced him to 
 fome difficulties. But his vices were of no 
 long continuance. He foon recovered him- 
 felf, and at the age of twenty one years, 
 married Elizabeth (d) daughter of Sir James 
 
 Bouchiery 
 
 * Inn to ftudy the common law, but making nothing 
 ' or it, he was fent tor home by his mother, became 
 
 (o) Fafli * ^ debauchee, and a boyfterous and rude fellow [o).' 
 voJ. ii.c.88. Thus, according tothefe writers, Oliiir mifpent his 
 time, and fell into vice ; and tho' very probably his 
 faults are heightened by jthe authors here quoted, yet I 
 make no doubt but there is fome foundation for the 
 charge For in a letter to Mrs. <S/. 'Jchn^ his cozen, 
 dated Ely^ 13th (j£f. 1639, he has the following ex- 
 preflions. ' You know what my manner of life hath 
 
 * been. O, I lived in, and loved darknefs, and hated 
 
 * the light ; I was a chief, the chief of finners. This 
 
 * is true, I hated godiinefs, yet God had mercy on 
 loe's State * "*^ (/')*' Which words undoubtedly imply fome per- 
 Papers, vol. fonal vicc Of Other to which he had been addicted, 
 i. p. I. Fol. though we cannot, at this diftance, well tell what it 
 
 .i74»« ^as ^,|tfj certainty. 
 
 (d) He married ^WzdhtlYi Bouchier who Jkewed 
 
 due JubfutJJior. to him.] The Bouchier s were antient as 
 a family; irom hence probably arofe thefpirit and pride 
 of Mrs. Cromwell. Whether thefe led her into any in- 
 decencies with refped: to her neighbours, appears not 
 even from the foes of the family. With regard to her 
 hulband (he had merit, ;'. e. fhe was afFecSt'onate, obe- 
 dicrt, fubmilHve, and defirous topleafe: qu-alities vaftly 
 beyond any which refult from birth, beauty, parts or 
 wealth. What led me to confidcr her in this light, is 
 the following letter to Oliver^ which will be read I dare 
 fay w'lth pleafure, efpccially as it is the only one of 
 hers which has been handed down to pofterity, 
 
 De~
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. ^7 
 
 Bouchiery of EjfeXy knight, faid to be a wo- 
 man of fpirit and parts, and not wanting in 
 pride (^), tho' (he (hewed all due fubmif- (^) iee 
 fion to her hulband. Soon after his mar- ^"^^'^ 
 riage he fettled at Huntington, his native p- 4- 
 country j but upon the death of his uncle, 
 
 Sir 
 
 Defember the 27th, 1650. 
 My Deariji, 
 T Wonder you fliould blame me for writing nowe 
 ■*• oftnir, when I have fent thre for one : 1 cane- 
 not but thenk they ar mifcarid.. Truly if I knog my 
 one hart I fliould afe foune negledt myfeif afe to the 
 leaft thought towards you, hoe in douing of it I muft 
 doe it to myfeif; but when I doe writ, my dear, I 
 feldome have any fatisfadlore anfer, wich makfe mc 
 thenk my writing is flited, as well it mae; but { can- 
 not but thenk your love covene my weknifis and in- 
 firmetis. I fliould rejoys to hear your defire in fee- 
 ing me, but I defire to fubmit to the providens of 
 God, howping the Lord, houe hath feperated us, 
 and heth oftune brought us together agane, wii in 
 heis good time breng us agane, to the prafe of heis 
 name. Truly my lif is bu^ half a lif in your abfeinfe, 
 deid not the Lord make it up in heimfelf, which I 
 muft acknoleg to the prafe of heis grace. I would you 
 would thenk to writ fometims to your deare frend me 
 Lord Chef Juftes, of hom I have oftune put you m 
 mind : and truly, my deare, if you would thenk of 
 what I put you in mind of fume, it might be of as 
 much purpos afe others, writting fumetims a letter 
 to the Prefedent, and fometims to the Speiker. In- 
 deid, my deare, you cannot thenk the rong you doe 
 yourfelf in the whant of a letter, though it wer but^'J^^[^'^^°°'* 
 feldome. I pray think of, and foe relt yours inallpers, by 
 faithfulnife, NickoUs, p. 
 
 « Eliz. Cromwell (r).' fo/oi. 
 
 B 4 j^Lond.x743.
 
 8 THELIFEOF 
 
 Sir Robert Stewart, who left him an eftate 
 of between four and five hundred pounds a 
 year, he removed to the ifle of Ely. Here 
 again it is faid that he fell into great ftreights 
 and difficulties, through an exccfs of fuper- 
 flition; though the accounts given of it (e) 
 
 are. 
 
 In conformity to the reprefentations of others I have 
 mentioned Mrs. Crormveli's fpirit and pride : how the 
 latter appear 'd I know not. It is not faid that (he iov'd 
 flate and magnificence, that (he was delighted with 
 flattery, or fond of power. Nor do I remember to 
 have ken any addrefies made to her either bv the court 
 divines, or poets of her age, though her hufband, and 
 her foD Richard had ftore of them. So that I (hould 
 rather conclude her meeic and humble, than proud and 
 high-fpirited ; though we have no fa<5ts given us from 
 whence we may draw the one or the other conclufinn. 
 What confirms me in the opinion of her real good 
 charader is, that Du^daU and Bates, who have drawn 
 the moft ugly pidures of C'emwell, have left hers un- 
 touched, which I'm perfwaded they would not have 
 done, could they have found any thing to fatten on. 
 Bates, being phyfician to the family, muft have had op- 
 portunities fufficient for information; and after the re- 
 ftoration it was making court to abufe any part ofO/r- 
 ver's family. 
 
 I am confirmed in my opinion of Mrs. CrcmweU^ by 
 
 the following pafiage in LudLw^ which I obferv'd not 
 
 till I had written the above. * He [the Prote£lor] re- 
 
 ' moved from the Cock-pit, which houfe the parliament 
 
 ' had affign'd him, to take pofleiBon of It hitehutl, 
 
 • which he afEgn'd tohimfeif. His wife feem'd at firft 
 
 ' unwilling to remove thiiher, tho' afterwards fhe be- 
 
 (j) Me- * came better fatisfied with her grandeur (i).' 
 
 ?o*«' 03^ ( * ) /if y>// into Jir eights and dfficut'us tbrQugh an «r«- 
 
 ***^'* ■ cefs of JupfrJUtion.'} Vxt us hear what is faid on this 
 
 head
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 9 
 
 are, in my opinion, far enough from being 
 probable. 
 
 Cer- 
 
 head by writers prejudiced againft his memory. * Ado- 
 lefcens cum femina nobili confarreavit; fed brevi 
 poftea turn fua turn materna bona, (pater enim ante 
 defunctuserat) eftjjfus in luxum, funditus dilapidavit, 
 adeo ut ad redim propemodum redigeretur. Dein 
 agens refipifcentiam, concionibus facris, le(5tionibus ^ 
 piis, & mortificationis operibus totus vacat; conduflo- 
 que zyth pfario, veht rem familiar em tjuatn ante 6q- 
 coxerat reco6lurus, eiJem dat operam, fimul & agri- 
 culturae. Ah eo tempore, avunculo ilium fummopere 
 perofo, Roberto Stewara'o equiti, rewiorum quorun- 
 dam & clericorum opera conciliatus eft, hasrefque 
 tandem fcriptus. Patrimonio tamen paulo poft ad 
 aflem pefl'undato, natuit Ncvatn Aigiiam proficird, 
 omniaque in hunc finem preparat (/).' ;. e. * In his (0 Elenchl 
 youth he married a gentlewoman, but by his profufe ^°'"""™ 
 
 -' , , . ri- • • /i_ • 1 r nuperorum 
 
 and luxurious way orlivmg, in alhort time he iquan ir. Angliaab 
 dered away both his mother's and his wife's eftate, fo Georgio Ba- 
 that he was almoft reduced to beggary. Afterwards, "^^O' p^'^'^- 
 
 rr ■ > I 1 • c ?= , , . ' cunda, p. 
 
 aliuming the behaviour or a penitent, he gave him- 219, 8vo. 
 felf wholly up to the hearing of fermons, readingof Lond. 1663. 
 godly books, and works of mortification ; and hav- 
 ing got a brewhoufe, he applied himfelf to the brew- 
 ing trade, and alfo tohufbandry. Alter that his un- 
 cle Sir Robert Stewart^ who had an averfion to him, 
 being reconciled by the means of iome clergymen and 
 courtiers, left him his fortune. But fhortly after, 
 having again run out of all, he refolved to go to New 
 England, and prepares all things for that end.* 
 Dugdale, after having fpoken of ' his moft formally 
 cantmg in their [the Puritans] demure language and 
 afFe£led tone, and frequenting the fermons of the 
 fierceft Beautefeaus," tells us * he was neceflitated 
 through his low condition to quit a country farm, 
 which he held at St^ lueSi and betake himfelf to 
 
 * mean
 
 10 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 Certain 'tis, he was very regular at this 
 time in his whole behaviour, publickly ad- 
 
 diaed 
 
 (») Short ' mean lodgings in C<^m^nW^^(«).' This neceffity an- 
 View, p. other writer lays upon his overmuch religion, which 
 * °' induc'd him to have long prayers with his family in a 
 
 morning, and again in the afternoon, at which his 
 plowmen and all his country fervants always attended. 
 Mr. Humcy after his manner, has improv'd upon all 
 thefe writers. ' All of a fudden, the fpirit of refor- 
 
 * mation feized him j he married, affected a grave and 
 
 * compofed behaviour, entered into all the zeal q^d 
 ;*> ligourof the puritanical party, and offered to reftore 
 
 * to every one whatever fums he had formerly gained 
 .*■ by gamit)g. The fame vehemence of temper which 
 ■* had tranfported him into the extreams of pleafure, 
 
 * now dillinguiflied his religious habits. His houfe 
 
 * was the refort of all the zealous clergy of the party ; 
 
 * and his hofpitality as well as his liberalities to the fi- 
 
 * lenced and deprived minifltrrs, proved as chargeable 
 *, as his former debaucheries. Tho' he had acquired a 
 ' tolerable fortune by a maternal uncle, he found his 
 
 * affairs fo injurd by his expences, that he was obliged 
 
 * to take a farm at St. Ives, and apply himfelf, for 
 
 * fome years, to agriculture, as a profeffion. But this 
 
 * expedient ferved rather to involve him in further debts 
 
 * and difficulties. The long prayers which he faid fo 
 
 * his family in the morning and again in the afternoon, 
 
 * confumed his own time and that of his ploughmen ; 
 
 * and he referved no leizure for the care of his tempo- 
 (*) Hiftory c j^l affairs (r).' There is a deal of confufion in all 
 g^jj^^^^jjj thefe accounts, and I believe, at the bottom, but little 
 ii. p^45. truth. For who can think thatO//Wr, tho' certainly an 
 4to. Lond. enthufiafl:, had fo little fenfe as to run himfelf out after 
 
 ^^^' fuch a ridiculous. manner ? No man better knew than 
 
 himfelf that there was a feafon for every thing, and 
 tho' he loved to pray, and preach too on occafion, yet 
 he was never known in any other part of life to neg- 
 lect
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. ii 
 
 dided to no vice, but a profefTor of religiori 
 even to a degree of (f) enthufiafm, to which 
 
 through 
 
 Jefl his afFairs. ^Mr. Hume fliould have known too, that 
 the clergy with whom Cromwell afTociateci, were not of 
 a temper to ruin even the moft hofp itable : good cheer 
 was far enough from being their chief obje(5}. But ' 
 waving all this, I would be glad to know how thefe ac- 
 counts of his poverty are to be reconcil'd with the 
 known fad^s of his being ele^^ed a member of parlia- 
 ment in 1 628 ; and the fuccefsful oppofition he ac- 
 tually made to the earl of Bedford, and other great men, 
 in the bufinefs of draining the Fens ? 
 
 Sir Philip Wanvick, an eminent royalift, lived fome 
 time near Huntington {y), and convers'd with Dr. Sim- iy), ^^'^ 
 £oit, CromweWs phyficlan, from whom he learn'd many ^°^'' ^' 
 particulars: but he is tc tally filent on this head, and" 
 therefore very probably there is no truth in what is 
 above related. 
 
 Since writing the above, I find Cromwell fpeak- 
 ing concerning his fituation in life in the following 
 manner. * I was by birth a gentleman, livi,ng neither 
 ' in any confiderable height, nor yet in obfcurity.' 
 Words fpoken to his parliament Sept. 12, 1654, and 
 abundantly fufficient to confute the idle ftories in this 
 note recited. Milton alfo, fpeaking concerning himj 
 fays, * Is matura jam atque firmata setate, quam & pri- 
 
 * vatus traduxit, nulla re magis quam religionis cultu 
 ' purioris, & integritate vitae cognitus, donii in occulto 
 
 * crcverat' /. e. * being now arrived to a ma- 
 
 * tureand ripe age, which he fpent as a private perfon, (2:) Milton's 
 
 * noted for nothing more than the cultivation of pure ^°\ 
 
 * religion, and integrity of life, he was grown rich at voi^'^ii^* 
 
 * home;z).' — After this, I hope, we fliall hear no more p. 395. > 
 of Oliver's extreme poverty. quarto, 
 
 (f) He was a profejfor of religion even to a degree of en- gee aifo the 
 ihuf;afm.'\ The reader who has feen nothing but mo- o.uotation 
 dern manners, may wonder to hear religion made part ^'°'" ^'.^' 
 
 ' ' ° ^ - rendon m 
 
 O'note (p).
 
 iz T H E L I F E O F 
 
 through the remaining part of his life he 
 feemed greatly inclined. 
 
 This, 
 
 of a great man's chara^er. He who (houlo now even- 
 but make the leaft public pretence to it, would go near 
 to be ridicul'd for a fool or a fanatic. The Brutes, the 
 TFrongheadSf the FribbUs have figured fo long, that they 
 are become very familiar., and deera'd top chara<fier . 
 But in the laft centur}' things were otherwife: a man's 
 being religious was thought one qualification even for 
 fa\ Letters * P^^ '" ^^^ army, and mentioned as fuch by Lord 
 andDif- Strafforde {a), and we well know that the appearance 
 patches, ©f religion was kept up by gentlemen of the moft dif- 
 frf LoniK^' tinguifti'd rank. So that Uliver's religion was merito- 
 1739. rious in the eyes of thofe around him, and tended much 
 to advance his charafter. 
 
 And that he was really religious, feems to appear 
 from the following letter raoft generoufly permitted ta 
 be tranfcribed for me, by the truftees of the Briliflj Mtt-. 
 ftum. It is written to Mr. Siority and dated St. Ivesj 
 Jan. II, 1635. 
 
 * \A ^' ^*°^^^> araongft the catalogue of thofe good 
 
 * ■*• -* workes which your fellowe citycenes and our 
 
 * cuntrie men have donn, this will not be reckoned for 
 
 * the leaft that they have provided for the feedinge of 
 
 * foules : buildinge of hofpitalls provides for mens bo- 
 
 * dyes, to build material! temples is iudged a worke oi 
 *■ pietye, but they that procure fpirituall food, they that 
 
 * builde up fpirituall temples, they are the men truly cha- 
 
 * ritable, trulye pious. Such a work as this was your 
 
 * ere^tinge the Icif^ure in our cuntrie, in the which ycu 
 ' placed Dr. JVelUsy a man of goodneiTe and induftri© 
 
 * and abilitie to doe good every way : not fhort of anjp 
 
 * I knowe in England, and I am perfwaded that fi- 
 
 * thence h'ls cominge, the Lord by him hath wrought 
 
 * much good amongft us. It only remains now that 
 
 * he whoe firft moved you to this, put you for\vard 
 
 » to
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 * to the continewance thereof, it was the Lord, and 
 
 * therefore to him lift we up our harts that he would 
 
 * perfedl itt. And furely Mr. Stcrie it were a piteous 
 
 * thlnge to fee a iedlure fall in the hands of foe manie 
 
 * able and godly men as I am perfwaded the founders 
 
 * of this are, in theife times wherin wee fee they are 
 ' fupprefled with too much haft, and violence by the 
 
 * enemies of God, his truth, far be it that foe much 
 ' guilt fhould fticke to your hands, who live in a citye 
 ' fo renowned for the clere fhininge light of the gofpell. 
 
 * You knowe Mr. Storie to withdrawe the pay is to 
 
 * lett fall the Icdture, for whoe goeth to warfare at his 
 ' owne coft. I befeech you therefore in the bowells 
 ' of Chrift Jefus putt it forward and let the good man 
 
 * have his pay. The foules of God his children will 
 '■ blefs you for it : and foe fhall I, and ever reft 
 
 * Tour lovinge friend in the Lord, 
 
 • Oliver Cromwell. 
 
 * Commende my hearty love to Mr. Bujfe, Mr. 
 
 * Beadl)\ and my other good friends. I would 
 
 * have written to Mr. BuJJe^ but I was loath to 
 
 * trouble him with a longe letter, and I feared 
 
 * I Ihould not receive an anfwer from him, 
 
 * from you I expeft one foe foon as conveni- 
 
 * ently you may. Vale. To my very lovinge 
 
 * friend Mr. Storiet at the fign of the Do^g in 
 
 * i\\& Royal Exchange London, d'=. theife.' 
 
 The importance of this letter to CrcmweWs charac- 
 ter will excufe the length of it, efpecially as 'tis an ori- 
 ginal, and now firft publifhed. 
 
 But he not only pra<Stifed the external duties of re- 
 Jigion (real inward religion appears not to men, but by 
 its fruits) but he was carried away into enjhufiafm. 
 He fancied himfelf favoured and diftinguijQied by hea- 
 ven; that God in anfwer to his prayers afforded him 
 fupernatural illumination and affiftance. * I had oc- 
 
 * cafion to converfe with Mr. Crfl/72«;tf//'sphyfician,Dr. 
 
 * Simcott, 
 
 13
 
 ,4 THELIFEOF 
 
 * Simcottf who aflbred me, that for many years his pa- 
 
 < tient was a moil fplenetick man, and had phanfyes 
 
 * about the crofs in that town ; and that he had been 
 ' called up to him at midnight and fuch unfeafonable 
 ' hours very many times, upon a ftrongphancy, which 
 
 * made him believe he was then dying ; and there went 
 
 * a ftory of him, that in the day-time lying melancholy 
 
 * in his bed, he believed that a fpirit appeared to him, 
 
 * and told him he (hou'.d be the greateft man (not men- 
 
 * tioning the word King) in this kingdom. Which his 
 ' uncle Sir TJjima Steward, who left him all the little 
 
 * eftate Cremiodl had, told him was traiterous to re- 
 
 < late. The firft years of his manhood were fpent in 
 • * a difiblute courfe of life — bilt — when he was civiliz'd 
 
 _ ' ' he joined himfclf to men of his own temper, who 
 
 wkk, p. ' pretended unto tranfports and revelations {b).' ^ 
 
 H9- The following extracts from fome of Oliver's letters will, 
 
 perhaps, better than any thing elfe iiluftrate this part 
 
 of his charafler. ^ Truly noe poore creature hath 
 
 ' more caufe to putt forth himfelfe in the caufe of his 
 
 * God, then I. I have had plentiful wadges before 
 
 * hand ; and I am fure I (hall never earn the leaft mite. 
 ' The Lord accept mee in his Sonn, and give me to 
 
 * walk in the light, and give us to walk in the light, 
 ' as hee is in the light. He it is that inlighteneth our 
 
 * black neffe, our darknefle. I dare not fay, hee hi- 
 
 * deth his face from mee; heegiveth me to fee light in 
 
 * his light : one beame in a darke place hath exceed- 
 # \TL 1 ' Jnee much refrefliment in it ; blefied be his name for 
 *oJ. i. p. 1. ' Ihminge upon foe darke a hart as mme [c). I his 
 
 was written in 1638. In a letter to the lorc^/^i'^?r- 
 
 /ff», dated Sept. 2, 1648, we have the following paf- 
 fages. ' I befeech the Lord make us fenfible of this 
 ' great mercye hcere [the vidlory over the Sects under 
 
 * Duke HamUten, I fuppofc] which furelye was much 
 ' more then ***** the houfe exprefleth. I truft 
 
 * ****** the goodnefle of our God, time and op- 
 
 * portunitye to fpeak of itt with you face to face. 
 
 * VV hen we think of our God, what are wee ! oh ! 
 ' * his mercye to the whole focietye of Sainds, defpifed, 
 
 * jeered
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 15 
 
 « jeered Sainfts. Let them mocke onn. Would we 
 
 * were all Sainfts; the beft of us are (God knows) 
 
 < poore weake Saindls, yetSaindlSj if not fheepe, yet 
 
 < lambs, and muft bee fed. We have daily bread and 
 ' (hall have itt, in defpite of all enimies. There's 
 
 * enough in' our fathers houfe, and he difpenfeth itt as 
 
 * our eyes * * * * bekind, then wee can * * * * we 
 
 * for him. I thinke thorough thefe outward mcrcyes 
 
 * (as we call them) faith, patience, love, hope, all are 
 ' exercifed and perfeded, yea Chrift formed, and 
 ' growes to a perfect man within us. I knowe not 
 
 * how well to diftinguifh ; the difference is only in the 
 ' fubje(Sl: to a worldly man they are outward: to a 
 
 * Saindl:, chriftian: but I difpute not. My lord I re- 
 
 * joice in your perticular mercye. • I hope that is foe to 
 
 * you ; if foe it fhall not hurt you, nor make you plott 
 ' or ftiift for the younge baron to make him great. 
 
 * You will fay he is Gods to difpofe off, and guide for, 
 
 * and there you will leave him (</).' (^ Thor- 
 In a letter to the governor of the caftle oi Edinburgh^ p°^Qa°** ** 
 
 dated Sept. 9, 1650, he thus writes: * We have laid 
 
 * in our papers with what hearts and upon what ac- 
 
 * compt we came; [into Scotland'] and the Lord hath 
 ' heard us, though you would not, upon as folemn an 
 ' appeal as any experience can parallel. And although 
 ' they [the Scoti] feem to comfort themfelves with be- 
 
 * ing the fons of Jacob, from whom (they fay) God 
 
 * hath hid his face for a time ; yet it's no wonder, when 
 ' the Lord hath lift up his hand fo eminently againft a 
 ' family, as he hath done fo often againft this [the 
 ' Stuart] and men will not fee his hand, if the Lord 
 
 * hide his face from fuch, putting them to fhame, both 
 
 * for it and their hatred at his people, as it is this day. 
 
 * When they purely truft to thefword of the fpirit, which 
 ' is the word of God, which is powerful to bring down 
 
 * fttong holds, and every imagination that exalts itfelf, 
 
 * which alone is able to iquare and fitt the ftones for the 
 ' new Jerufalem ; then, and not before, and by that means, 
 ' and no other, fhall Jerufalem (which is to be the 
 
 * praife of the whole earth) the city of the Lord be 
 
 ' built.
 
 i6 THELIFEOF 
 
 (e)Thurloe,e built, the Siofi of the holy one of I/rael (e).' The 
 
 vol 
 
 no. ^' governor in his reply telling Cromwell the Sects mini- 
 Hers faid, < that they had not fo learned Chrift as to 
 ' hang the equity of their caufe upon events :' he 
 reaflumed his pen on Ae fame fubjedf, and writes aS 
 follows: ' In anfwer to the witneffe of God upon our 
 
 * folemn appeal; you fay, you have not fo learned 
 ' Chrift, to hang the equity of your caufe upon events. 
 
 * We could wifh blindneffe hath not been upon your 
 
 * eyes to all thofe marvellous difpenfations, which God 
 
 * hath wrought lately in England. But did not you fo- 
 
 * lemnly appeal and pray ? Did not we do fo too ? 
 
 * And ought not you and we to think with fear and 
 
 * trembling of the hand of the great God in this mighty 
 
 * and ftrange appearance of his ? But can (lightly call 
 
 * it an event. Were not both yours and our expec- 
 ' tations renewed from time to time, whilft we waited 
 
 * upon God, to fee which way he would manifeft 
 ' himfclfupon our appeals? And (hall we after all 
 
 * thefe our prayers, failings, tears, expectations, and 
 ' folemne appeals, call thefe bafe events ? The Lord 
 ' pity you. Surely we fear, becaufe it hath been a 
 
 * merciful and gracious deliverance to us. I befeech 
 
 * you in the bowels of Chrift, fearch after the mind of 
 
 * the Lord in it towards you, and we fliall help you by 
 ' our prayers, that you may find it out; for yet (if 
 ' we know our, hearts at all) our bowels do in Chrift 
 
 f/)^^' * Jefus earn after the godly in Scotland (/).' Bifliop 
 
 ^* ' Burvet tells us, * that when Cromwell was in the great- 
 
 * eft ftreights and perplexities, juft before the battle at 
 ' Dunbar^ he called his officers to a day of feeking the 
 
 * Lord. He loved to talk much of that matter all hrs 
 
 * Ife long afterwards. He faid he felt fuch an enlarge- 
 ' mentof heart in prayer, and fuch quiet upon it, that 
 
 * he bade all about him take heart, for God had cer- 
 
 * tainiy heard them, and would appear for them. Af- 
 
 * ter prayer they walked in the Earl of Roxborough^s 
 
 * gardens that lay under the hill ; and by profpedive 
 ' "piaffes they difcerned a great motion in the Scctujh 
 
 * camp. Upon which C'ff'ww^// faidi God is dcliver- 
 
 * ins
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. f^ 
 
 * Ing them into our hands, they are coming down to f^) Burnet's 
 
 * "s (g).' The event was comformabie to his expedla- ^^'^^IJ °^ 
 
 tion. times, voJ.i. 
 
 Wh'ithck, who well knew the man, writes as follows : P-Sj.iamo* 
 ' From the council of ftate C' omweH and his fon Ireton r "^'^^ "^ "' 
 
 oee Crom- 
 
 ' went home with me to fupper, where they were very well's letter 
 
 * chearful, and feemed extremely well pleafed; we 5° '-"'^'^^^ 
 
 * difcourfed together till twelve a-clock at night, and^""?^^ 
 
 * they told me wonderful obfervations of God's provi- 
 
 * dence, in the affairs of the war, and in the bufinefs 
 
 * of the army's coming to Lo'don^ and feizing the 
 
 ' members of the houfe, in all which were miraculous ry. ^^^ 
 
 * paflages {h)* morials, 
 
 Thefe paflages are, I think, abundantly fuiEcient to P- 3^4- 
 eftablifih the, enthufiafm oi Cromwell . However, that 
 the reader may determine the better, let him attend to 
 the following anecdotes which feem to indicate him aa 
 hypocrite. ' His rude cant and fpiritual fimplicity were 
 
 * downright affe6tation : than which nothing can be 
 
 * more evident from Mr. iP'aUer's obfervation, and his 
 
 * confeflion to him. Mr. Waller often took notice, 
 
 * that in the midft of their difcourfe a fervant has come 
 
 * in to tell them fuch and fuch attended 3 upon which 
 
 * Cromwell would rife, and flop them, talking at the 
 ' door, where he could over-hear them fay, 1 he Lord 
 
 * will reveal, The Lord will help, and levera! fuch ex- 
 
 * preffions ; which when he return'd to Mr. IValler he 
 
 * excus'd, faying, Cuufm Waller^ I muft talk to thefe 
 
 * men after their own way; and would then goon 
 
 * where they left off. This created in Mr. JValer an 
 
 * opinion that he fecretly defpifed thofe whom he feefti- (;) Waller's 
 
 * ed to court (/).' Life, p. 30. 
 
 And the author of the Political hijlory of the age, 
 thinks ' the enthufiafm of Cromwell entirely aflum'd 
 
 * and politic j quoting the following anecdote from O//- 
 
 * ver St. yohn, in proof of it, viz.. That being one day 
 ' at table with his friends, and looking for the cork of 
 
 * a bottle of champaign which he had opened, on be- 
 
 * ing Informed, that fome perfon attended for admit- 
 
 * tance to fee him. Tell him, fays CramweH, we are (*)Monthly 
 « in fearch of the Holy Spirit {k).' 5;;'^' J"' 
 
 C Thefe ^' '^*
 
 i3 THELIFEOF 
 
 Thefe are the paflages which feem to deftroy the en- 
 thufiafm oi Oliver i feem, I fay, to deftroy it — for allow- 
 ing their truth, in my opinion, they do not in realitv do 
 it. — For what do they prove, but that Cromwell fome- 
 times talked inconfiftently with his principles? or be- 
 ing at times Jefs under their power, he indulged him- 
 k\i in jefting and raillery, to which he was naturally 
 prone ? If two or three cafual expreffions are to de- 
 termine a man's charaQer in oppofition to his whole 
 fpeech and behaviour, woe be to thofe who think 
 themfelves virtuous and good. Whoever will confider ^ 
 the times in which Oliver liv'd ; the part he bore in the 
 t r^n factions of them ; his real principles with refpe<5i 
 to returns of prayer; and his opinion exprefs'd in his 
 laft moments, will not be long at a lofs to determine 
 about his real enthuHafm. 
 
 I. The times in which Oliver liv*d were times of re- 
 formation. Now * a reformation is feldom carried on 
 
 * without a heat and a vehemence which borders upon 
 
 * enthu£afm ; and as Cicero hath obferved that there 
 
 * never was a great tqxr. fine affiaiu divino^ fo in times 
 
 * of religious contefts, there leldom was a man very 
 
 * zealous for liberty civil and evangelical, and a de- 
 
 * dared and active enemy to infolent tyranny, blind fu- 
 ' perdition, political godlinefs, bigotry and pious frauds, 
 ' who had not a fervency of a^al which led him on 
 ' fome occafions fomewhat beyond the fober bounds of 
 
 * temperate reafon. When men are thus difpos'd, and 
 
 * have animated each other, and are inflam'd by oppo- 
 ' fition, pefecution, and ill ufage, they are ftrongly 
 
 * inclin'd to fufpe<9: a divine interpofition, and to ex- 
 
 * plain every flrange appearance that way. The im- 
 (I) jortin's * petuofity fpreads far and wide, and feizes even upon 
 
 Remarks on* children (^/ 
 
 hifi^^"^^ Another ingenious writer fpeaking concerning thefe 
 
 vol. ii'/ times obftrves, ' That in the high ferment of national 
 
 F- 370. * fpirit, not only did the animofities ufual zmidft the 
 
 ' flames of civil war, fpread violently, on bothfjdes; 
 
 * but that which was peculiar to the complexion and 
 
 * temper of the people of that ag« ; extravagant con- 
 
 * ceits
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 19 
 
 * celts of a religious kind, operated in the moft forcible 
 
 * manner imasinabfe. The crude mixture ofreligi- 
 ^ ous and political opinions which is commonly found 
 
 * among the bulk of a people, being then fhook to the 
 
 * very bottom ; it was no wonder, that, together with 
 ' the moft fhining inftances of military (kill and bravery, 
 *< of penetrating fagacity and judgment in the manage- 
 
 * ment of particular conjunctures and events, of bold- 
 
 * nefs, vigilance and addrefs in planning and execut- 
 
 * ing the moft dangerous enterprizes j there may alfo 
 ' be difcerned many evidences of a wild and enthufi- 
 
 ' aftic genius afFe£ting the manners and adions of the (m) Natlcm- 
 
 * popular leaders (w).' al spirit, 
 
 2. Not only, the times in which Oliver liv'd,' but the ^sf natural' 
 characters he bore, and the great and furprizing ac- fource of 
 tions he perform 'd, will lead us very naturally to fup- po^'^'cal H- 
 pofe that he might really think himfelf under the ^^yiri^ ^mJil'ntT 
 guidance. 1 he age o( Ciomwe/l was an age of won- 1758. zd. 
 ders. The king and his nobles were brought lowj'^'^^'^* 
 the poor and the mean were exalted; the foolifh things 
 of the world confounded the wife, and the weak things 
 of the world confounded the things which were mighty } 
 and bafe things of the world, and things which were de- 
 fpis'd, yea things that were not, comparatively, brought 
 to nought things that were. No wonder things (o 
 marvellous, were dee^i'd by him and others to be the 
 Lord's doings in a peculiar manner, fince they were 
 fo much out of the ufual courfe. And as to himfelf in 
 particular, from fmall beginnings he had rofe to fuch 
 heights of power and reputation, and done fuch very 
 extraordinary things, that it muft have been very dif- 
 ficult for a man of his conftitution, to have forborn 
 thinking that he was perfonally favour'd by heaven in his 
 undertakings. ' A magiftrate convinc'd oi the being of 
 
 * a God and a Providence, and confcious that every 
 ' purpofe of his heart intends the honour of that God 
 
 * and the good of the people he governs, cannot help 
 
 * believing himfelf under the fpecial care of the Deity, 
 I * This flows from the very reafon and nature of things, 
 
 * and can never be othervvife: God, as furely as he 
 
 C 2 * exifts.
 
 20 THE LIFE OF __ 
 
 This, however, fpoil'd not his good na- 
 ture, nor rendered him four, moroie, or fe- 
 verc. 
 
 On 
 
 * exifts, muft neceflarily favour fuch a man, and every 
 
 * fuch man muft as neceflarily be convinc'd that God 
 
 ' does fo favour him. And fuch a perfwafion will 
 
 ' always have more or lefs influence on the mind, as 
 ' it falis in with a conftitution more or lefs inclin'd to 
 
 * fuperflition or enthuflafm, which is apt to impute 
 ' every laudable thought, and every fuccefsful adtion 
 
 f«) Middle- * ^° ^^ fpecial fuggeftion and afliftance of heaven («)/ 
 
 ton'sTra^ls, 3. CrcmwiiFs real opinion concerning returns of 
 
 p. aco. 4to. prayer will clearly (hew bis enthuhafm. What follows 
 
 ■*'^**may, I believe, be depended on. * I had heard from 
 
 ' feveral (and it had been confirm'd to me by Mr, 
 
 * "Jeremy IVhite^ who liv'd at JVhitehall at the very 
 
 * fame time with Mr. Howe) that the notion of a par- 
 
 * ticular faith in prayer, prevail'd much in Cromwell^ 
 
 * court J and that it was a common opinion among 
 
 * them, that fuch as were in a fpecial manner favour'd 
 ' of God, when they offer 'd up prayers and fupplica- 
 ' tions to him for his mercies, either for themfelves or 
 
 * others, often had fuch impreflions made on their minds 
 
 * and fpirits by a divine hand, as fignify'd to them, 
 ' not only in the general, that their prayers would be 
 
 * heard, and gracioufly anfwered, but that the parti- 
 ' cular mercies that were fought for, would be cer- 
 ' tainly beftowed ; nay, and fometimes alfo intimated 
 ' to them in what way and manner they would be af- 
 
 * forded; and pointed out to them future events before 
 *' hand, which in reality is the fame as infpiration. 
 
 * Having heard of mifchief done by the prevalence of 
 
 * this notion, I took the opportunity that offered, when 
 
 * there was nothing to hinder the utmoft freedom, to 
 
 * enquire of Mr. Howe, what he had known about 
 ' this matter, and what were his apprehenfions con- 
 *• cerning it I He told me the prevalence of the no- 
 
 ' tioa
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 21 
 
 On the contrary, from moft indifputable 
 
 autho- 
 
 tlon that I mentioned at Whitehall^ at the time when 
 he lived there, was too notorious to be called in quef- 
 tion; and that not a little pains was taken to cultivate 
 and fupport it; and that he once heard a fermon 
 there, (from a perfon of note) the avow'd defign of 
 which was to maintain and defend it. He faid he 
 was fo fully convinced of the ill tendency of fuch a 
 principle, that after the hearing this fermon, he 
 thought himfelf bound in confcience, when it came 
 next to his turn to preach before Crcmwell^ to fet 
 himfelf induitrioufly to oppofe" it, and to beat down 
 that fpiritual pride and confidence, which fuch fan- 
 cied impulfes and impreflions were apt to produce 
 and cherifh. Pie told me, he cbferved that while 
 he was in the pulpit, Cromive'l hezrd him with great 
 attention, but would fometimes k; it his brows, and 
 difcover great uneafinefs. When the fermon was 
 over, he told me a perfon of diftin^tion came to him, 
 and afk'd him if he knew what he had done ? and 
 fignifyed it to him as his apprehenfion, that Cromwell 
 would be fo incens'd upon that difcourfe, that he 
 would find it very difficult evdr to make his peace 
 with him, or fecure his favour for the future. Mr. , 
 
 Hoiue replyed, that he had but dlfcharged his confci- 
 ence, and could leave the event with God. He told 
 me he afterwards obfcrved, Cromwell was cooler in 
 his carriage to him than before ; and fometimes he 
 thought he would have fpoken to him of the matter, 
 but he never did, and rather chofe to forbear f<7).' [f]^?'^'"'''* 
 4. His diicourre m his lalt iickneis to his wire, plain- p. 2,, g^^^ ^ 
 
 \y manifefts the enthufiafm of his temper. Take it as J^ond. 1724. 
 
 related by hisphyfician Bates. * Sed nee animofolum 
 
 * Kgrotat; [he had been juft fpeaking of his domeftic 
 
 * vexations] febre fiquidem brevi poft latica & lenta 
 
 * corripitur, quae tandem fpuriam in tertianam dege- 
 
 * neravit. Provedlo per fcptimanam morbo, abfque 
 
 C 3 * ullis
 
 22 THELIFEOF 
 
 authorities, we are aflured, that he was 
 
 cour- 
 
 (/>) Elenchi, 
 pars zda« 
 p. 115. 
 
 ullis periculi indiciJs, (utpote nunc iftam mail fpe- 
 ciem, nunc aliam proe fe ferente ;) ut ne prohiberet 
 fecundo die ab ambulandoforas. Pcftprandium autcm 
 accedentibus ad eum quinque quos habebat medicis, 
 quidam ex ta£tu pulfum intermififle pronunciat : quo 
 audito ille fubito confternatus ore pallet fudatiunculas 
 patitur, & fere deliquium, jubetque fe ad ledtulum 
 deportari; atque ibl cardiacis refocillatus, fupremum 
 condidit teftamentum, fed de rebus privatis & domef- 
 ticis. Mane fummo, cum unus e ca^teris vifitatum 
 veniret, percontatur, quare vultus ci adeo triftis. 
 Cumque refponderet, ita oportere, fi cui vitae ac fa- 
 lutis ejus pondus incumberet ; Vos (inquit) medici 
 me creditis intermoriturum: dcin cseteris amotis (uxo- 
 rem manu comple^lens) ita hunc afFatur, Tibi pro- 
 nuncio, non effe mihi hoc morbo moriendum; hujus 
 enim certus fum. Et quia intentiori afpe£i«intem 
 oculo ad ifta verba cerneret, Tu me (inquit) ne cre- 
 das infanire; verba veritatis eloquor, certioribus in- 
 nixus quam vobis Galenus aut Hippocrates vefter 
 -iuppeditat rationibus. Deus ipfe hoc refponfum pre- 
 cibus dcdit ron meis unius, verum & eorum quibus 
 arctius cum illo commercium & majt^r familiaritas. 
 Pergite alacres, excufla penitus a vultu triftitia, me- 
 que inftar fervuli tradlate. Pollere vobis licet pru- 
 dentia rerum ; plus tamen valet natura quam medici 
 fimul omnes ; Deus autem naturam longiori fuperat 
 intervallo (/>).'■ /. e. ' But all his diftemper was 
 
 not in his mind alone ; for (hortly after he was taken 
 with a flow fever, that at length degenerated into a 
 baftard tertian ague. For a weeks time the difeafe 
 fo continued without any dangerous fymptoms, (as 
 appearing ibmetimes one, and fometimes another 
 kind of diftemper) that every other day he walked a- 
 broad : but after dinner his five phyficians coroing to 
 vs ait upon him, one of them having felt his pulfe, 
 
 * faid
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 23 
 
 courteous and obliging, affable and conde- 
 
 fcending, 
 
 faid that it intermitted : at which fuddenly ftartled, 
 he looked pale, fell into a cold fweat, almoft fainted 
 away, and orders himfelf to be carried to bed, wiiere 
 being refrefhed with cordials, he made his will, bjt - 
 only about his private and domeflic affairs. Next 
 morning early, when one of his phyficians came to 
 viilt him, he afked him, why he look'd fo fad ?' and 
 when he made anfwer, that fo it becomes any one, 
 who had the weighty care of his life and health upon 
 him: Ye phyficians, faid he, think I fhail die. Then 
 the company being removed,, holding his wife by the 
 hand, to this purpofe he fpoke to him, I tell you I 
 fliall not die of this diforder, — I am fure of it. And 
 becaufe he obferved him to look more attentively 
 upon him at thefe words. Don't think, faid he, that 
 I am mad ; I fpeak the words of truth, upon furer 
 grounds than your Galen or Hippocrates furnilh you 
 with. God Almighty himfelf hath given that an- 
 fwer, not to my prayers alone, but alfo to the pray- 
 ers of thofe who entertain a iiridler commerce, and 
 greater intimacy with him. Go on chearfuUy, ba- 
 nifhing all fadnefs from your looks, and deal with 
 me as you would with a ferving-man. Ye may have 
 fkill in the nature of things, yet nature can do more 
 than all phyficians put together ; and God is far more 
 above nature.' 
 Burnet confirms this account of the aflurance of 
 the divines concerning Cromwell's recovery [q). 1(f) Hiftory 
 will reft the evidence of the enthufiafm of Oliver here"/^'*""^" 
 (though many more proofs can be brought of it) notp, ,jo, 
 doubting but it will appear ftrong and convincing ; 
 and account, in fome degree, for thofe ailions and ex- 
 preflions which we fhall meet with in the following 
 fheets : account in fome degree, I fay; for whoever 
 thinks him wholly under the p^wer of this principle, 
 will be greatly miftaken. Cromwell ranks in this re- 
 C 4 fpe(3:
 
 H 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 fcending, and even ftrongly, at times (g), 
 
 inclin'd 
 
 fpCiSl with Mahomet^ and Aurengxebe^ who were great 
 mafters of themfelves, though, by nature, ftrongly tinc- 
 tured with enthufiafm. 
 
 (g) He was courteous and affable, and inc'ind to btif' 
 foonery.'\ Here are the authorities. Sir Philip Wat' 
 wick does honor to this part of his charad^er in the fol- 
 lowing paragraph. * In his converfation towards me 
 ' he was ever friendly ; tho' at the latter end of the 
 
 * day finding me ever incorrigible, and having fome 
 (r)Me- t inducements to fufpecl me a tamperer, he was fuf- 
 a^y. ' * ' ficiently rigid [r).* Whithck^ even under a fenfe of 
 , . ,, an injury done him by Crm.welL owns he was * eood- 
 
 (i) Memo- •' "^j / , , TT- n: li- j j r r mi 
 
 jialt,p.6i7. * natured \s). nis atrability and condeicenlion will 
 appear alfo from the fame writer. * As they \Crom- 
 
 * well and Ireton] went home from my houfe, their 
 ' coach was (topped and they examined by the guards, 
 
 * to whom they told their names ; but the captain of 
 
 * the guards would not believe them, and threatned to 
 
 * carry thefe two great officers to the court of guard. 
 . . J, * Iretcn grew a little angry, but Cromivell was chearful 
 3S4. * * ' with the foldiers, gave them twenty fhillings, and 
 
 ' commended them and their captain for doing their 
 
 < duty (f).' In another place he writes as follows: 
 
 * The Pr- tec^or often advis'd about this [The petition 
 
 * and advice] and other great bufinefl'es with the Lord 
 
 < Brogh'll, Pierpcint, myfelf. Sir Charlei Wolfely and 
 
 * Thurlocy and would be fhut up three or four hours 
 
 * together in private difccurfe, and none were admit- 
 
 * ted to come in to him ; he would fometimes be very 
 ' chearful with us, and laying afide his greatnefs he 
 ' would be exceeding fa niliar with us, and by way 
 ^ of diverfion, would make verfes with us, and every 
 
 * one muft try his fancy j he commonly call'd for to- 
 
 * bacco, pipes, and a candle, and would now and 
 
 * then take tobacco himfelf -, then he would fall again 
 f to his ferious and great bufinefs, and advife with us 
 
 * in
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 25 
 
 inclin'd to pradife fomc little arts of buf- 
 foonery. 
 
 But 
 
 * in thofe affairs ; and this he did often with us, and 
 
 * our counfel was accepted and followed by him, in , . j^emo- 
 
 * moft of his greateft affairs (a).' Thefe paflages, rials,p.656. 
 fimply and artlcfly told, ftrongly indicate the chear- 
 
 fulnefs and pleafantry of CromweV^ and fhew how 
 well qualified he was to coi ciliate the affediion and re- 
 gard of thofe whom he thought it worth his while to ,>. ^^^ ^^^^ 
 court (a-). [it']* 
 
 Let us now proceed to the buffoonery which is men- 
 tioned in the text. * Mr. IVnUer^ lived moftly at Bea^ 
 
 * (omfidd^ where his mother dwelt in her widowhood, 
 
 * and often entertained Oliver Cromwell there, during 
 
 * his ufurpation, he being related to her. But not- 
 ' withftanding her relation to the ufurper, and Colonel 
 
 * Hampden^ fhe was a royalift in her principles; and 
 
 * when Oliver vifited her at Beaconsfield^ {he would 
 
 * frankly tell him how his pretenfions would end. 
 
 * The ufurper us'd merrily to throw a napkin at her in 
 ' return, and faid he would not enter into further dif- 
 
 * putes with his aunt; for fo he-us'd to call her, though 
 ' not quite fo nearly related iy). Mr. Cowley fpeaks ^,-^|-^^f 
 of * his flinging of cufhions, and playing at fnowballs 
 
 * with his fervants (2).' And Mr. Ludlow relates («) Dif- 
 
 * that Cromwell contriv'd a conference to be held in '^""'^•'^ *^!h* 
 
 * Kln^Jlreet^ between thofe call'd the Grandees of the government 
 
 * houfe and army, and the Commonwealths- men, in of Oliver 
 
 * which the Grandees, of whom Lieutenant-general ^'■*"""'* » 
 
 • P- 95' 
 
 * Cromwell was the head, kept themfelvcs in the clouds, 
 
 * and would not declare their judgments either for a 
 
 * monarchical, ariftocratical, or democratical govern- 
 
 * ment ; maintaining that any of them might be good 
 
 * in themfelves, or for us, according as Providence 
 ' (hould dire»5t us. The Commonwealths-men declar- 
 
 * ed that monarchy was neither good in it'elf, nor for 
 « us. Notwithftanding what was faid, Cromwell 
 
 ' — -pro- 
 
 ers 
 Life, p. 4.
 
 26 THELIFEOF 
 
 But on neceffary cccafions he kept ftate ! 
 
 to 
 
 < — profefs'd hlmfelf unrefolved, and having learn'd 
 ' what he could of the principles a;id inclinations of 
 
 * thofe prefent at the conference, took up a cufhiion 
 ' * and flung it at my head, and then ran down the 
 
 W .^"m ' ftairs ; but 1 overtook him with another, which 
 moirs vol.i. * Hiade him haften down fafter than he defired (a).' 
 p. 240. 8vo. This fa6t occurr'd to Mr. Hume., but he could not re- 
 ^*'**"" late it as it was. — Hear his words. * After debate?, 
 ' ^ " ' fays he, on this fubje<S [government] the moft impor- 
 ' tant which could fall under the difcuflion of human 
 
 * creatures, LuMow tells us, that Cronnveil^ by way of 
 
 * frolic, threw a cufhion at his head ; and when Lud- 
 ' low took up another cu(hion, in order to return the 
 
 {b) Hlftory ' compliment, the General ran down ftairs, and had 
 «f Great < almoft broke his bones in the hurry (/>).' — But to 
 £j"^'"'^° * proceed. At the figningof the warrant for the King's 
 execution, we are told ' that CrtmwJl with his pea 
 {f)Exaa « mark'd Harry Marten in tKe face ; and Marten did 
 
 !ia?a«ount ' '^ ''^^ ^^ ^'"^ ^'^ ' ^^^ ^'^° ' ^^^^ "^'^'^^ ^"^^ 
 
 cf the Trial * Peters was fhewing the lawfulnef> of the fa id execu- 
 
 of theRegi- ' tion, and, in his way, exciting them to it from the 
 
 cides, p. < puipif^ he laughed {d).' I will add but one paflage 
 Lend. 16*60. niore. * Minores dudores congiariis frequentius de- 
 
 (d) Id. p. * vincire, nonnunquam in media cibatione, fame non- 
 
 **^' - < dum pacata gregarios milites pulfatis tympanis intro- 
 
 * mittere ut femefas rapterent reliquias. Robuftos ac 
 
 * vere militares nocivis & validis exercitiis tradiare, 
 
 * veluti pruna candente nonnunquam ocreis injedli, 
 
 * vel culcitris hinc inde in capita vibratis. Semel au- 
 
 * tern praeludiis hujufmodi probe laflbs & rifu laxatos 
 
 * prsfe^os ad cordis apertionem provocavit ; eoque 
 
 * modo ab incautis clicuit arcana quaedam, quae per- 
 (0 Bates's * petuis tenebris optabant poftmodum involuta; dum 
 Elenchi, < ipfe^ fententia? omnium fcrutatus, celaret fuam (<).' 
 pars 2da, ^^ ^^ t pj^ would often make feafts for the inferiour of- 
 
 ' ficers, and whilft they were feeding, before they had 
 
 I ' ' * fa- 
 
 P- I79»
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 27 
 
 to the full (h) J appear 'd with the pomp 
 
 * and 
 
 * fatisfied their hunger, caufe the drums to beat and 
 ' let in the private foldicrs to fall on, and fnatch away 
 ' the half-eaten difties. The robufl- and fturdy foldiers 
 
 * he loved to divert with violent and hazardous exer- 
 
 * cifes ; as by making them fometimes throw a burn- 
 
 * ing coal into one anothers boots, or cufhions at one 
 ' anothers heads. When the officers had fufHciently 
 ' laugh'd, and tired themfelves with thefe preludes, 
 
 * he would wheedle them to open their hearts freely j 
 ' and by that means he drew fome fecrets'from the un- 
 
 * wary, which afterwards they wiilied might have been 
 ' wrapp'd up in everlaf^ng darknef-j whilft he, in the 
 ' mean time, pumping the opinion of all others, con- 
 ' cealed his own.' Thus even diverfions were made 
 fubfervient to his policy I 
 
 (h) He kept Jhte to the full, and appeared on proper 
 occajions with pomp and m'ignijicence.'] Cromwell was one 
 of thofe genius's who are oftimes buried in obfcurity, 
 through want of occafion of being known. Thoufands 
 fpend their lives in retirement who are capable of great- 
 er things than mod of thofe whofe names are tofs'd 
 from every tongue, and voic'd for wife, fkilful, able, 
 or valiant. In times of peace thefe men are little no- 
 tic'd or knewn ; but they are overlook'd among the 
 herd, or treated with a coolnefs or difregard which 
 damps their ambition, and eftablifhes 'their virtue. 
 But when civil commotions arife, when the ftruggle 
 is for liberty or enflavement, ' then a free and adVive 
 ' fpirit is rais'd which overfpreads the country ; every 
 ' man finds himfelf, on fuch occafions, his own maf- 
 ' ter, and that he may be, whatever he can make 
 ' himfelf: he knows not how high he may rife, and 
 ' is unaw'd by laws, which are then of no force : he 
 ' finds his own weight, tries his own flrength, and, if 
 ' there is any hidden worth, or curbed mettle in him, 
 * certainly Ihews and gives it vent. Accordingly we 
 
 ' fee.
 
 Z^ THELIFEOF 
 
 and magnificence becoming the head of a 
 
 rich 
 
 * fee, that the genius's produc'd at thefe times, give 
 (/)EnquI. « great proof of reach and capacity, efpccially in politic 
 Lf"^*'d^' * managements and civil affairs in the largeft fenfe (/).* 
 Writings of CroTmuell verified thefe obfervations. 1 will give I'/ar-^ 
 Homer. wick^s account at large as a proof of it, efpecially as it 
 
 will afford pleafure to fuch of my readers as delight in 
 anecdotes, as, I believe, mofl do. ' The firft time 
 « I ever took notice of him [Oliver] was in the very 
 ' beginning of the parliament held in AW. 1640, when 
 
 * I vainly thought myfelf a courtly young gentleman : 
 
 * (For we courtiers valued ourfelves much upon our 
 
 * good cloaths.) I came into the houfe one morning 
 
 * well clad, and perceived a gentleman fpeaking(whom 
 
 * I knew not) very ordinarily apparelled ; for it was 
 
 * a plain cloth fuit ; which fcemed to have been made 
 
 * by an ill country taylor i his linen was plain, and 
 
 * not very clean ; and 1 remember a fpeck or two of 
 
 * blood upon his little band, which was not much lar- 
 ' ger than his collar ; his hat was without a hatband : 
 
 * his ftature was of a good fize, his fword fluck clofe 
 
 * to his fide, his countenance fwoln and reddifb, his 
 ' voice Iharp and untuneable, and his eloquence full 
 
 * of fervour; for the fubjec^ matter would not bear 
 
 * much ofreafon; it being in behalf of a fervant of 
 
 * Mr. Pnnne'Sy who had difperfl libels againfl the 
 « Queen for her dancing, and fuch like innocent and 
 
 * courtly fports ; and he aggravated the imprifonment 
 
 < of this man by the council table unto that height, 
 
 * that one would have believ'd, the very government 
 ' itfelf had been in great danger by it. I fincerely pro- 
 
 * fefs it IcfTened much my reverence unto that great 
 
 * council, for he was very much hearkned unto. And 
 
 < yet I liv'd to fee this very gentleman, whom out of 
 
 * no ill will to him I thus defcribe, by multiplied good 
 ' fuccefles, and by real (but ufurpt) power ; (having 
 
 * had a better taylor, and more converfe among good 
 
 ' com-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 29 
 
 rich and powerful people, and behav'd fuita- , 
 
 bly 
 
 * company) in my own eye, when for fix weeks toge- 
 ' ther I was a prifoner in his ferjeant's hands, and daily 
 
 * waited at Whitehall., appear of a great and majeftick (^) Me- 
 
 ' deportment and comely prefence (^).' moirs, p. 
 
 Lord Clarendon, in the account lately publifhed of his *^7* 
 own life, gives us a reprefentation of Oliver^s behaviour in 
 a committee, very little to his advantage. Here are his 
 words : * Mr. Hyde was often heard to mention one pri- 
 vate committee, in which he was put accidentally into 
 the chair, upon an inclofure which had been made of 
 great waftes belonging to the Queen's manors, with- 
 out the confent of the tenant?, the benefit whereof 
 had been given by the Queen to a fervant of near 
 truft ; who forthwith fold the lands inclofed to the 
 Earl of Manch'Jler, Lord Privy Seal ; who, together 
 with his fon Mandevily were now moft concerned to 
 maintain the inclofure j againft which, as well the 
 inhabitants of other manors, who claimed common 
 in thofe waftes, as the Queen's tenants of the fame, 
 made loud complaints, as a great oppreffion, carried 
 upon them with a very high hand, and fupported by 
 power. The committee fat in the Queen's court ; 
 and Oliver Cromwell being one of them, appeared 
 much concerned to countenance the petitioners, who 
 were numerous, together with their witnefles ; the 
 Lord Mandev'il being likewife prefent as a party, 
 and by the direction of the committee, fitting co- 
 vered. Cromwell (who had never before been heard 
 to fpeak in the Houfe of Commons) ordered the wit- 
 nefles and petitioners in the method of the proceed- 
 ing; and feconded, and enlarged upon what they 
 faid with great paflionj and the witnefles, and per- 
 fons concerned, who were a \Qvy rude kind of peo- 
 ple, interrupted the council, and witnefles on the 
 other fide, with great clamour when they faid any 
 thing that did not pleafe them j fo that Mr. Hyde 
 
 ' (whofe
 
 30 r mZ LIFE OF 
 
 ably to the high rank in which he had placed 
 himfel*. 
 
 Elo- 
 
 ' (whofe office It was to oblige men of all forts to keep 
 ' order) Was compelled to ufe fome (harp reproofs, and- 
 ' fome threats, to reduce^them to fuch a temper, that- 
 
 * the bufinefs might be quietly heard. Cromwell in 
 
 * great fury reproached the chairman for being partial, 
 ' and that he difcountenanced the witnefles by threat- 
 ' ning them ; the other appealed to the committee, who 
 ' juftified him, arni declared that he behaved as he 
 ' ought to do j which more inflamed him, who was 
 ' already too much angry. When upon any mention 
 
 * of matter of fact, or the proceeding before, and at 
 
 * the inclofure, the Lord Mandevil delired to be heard,- 
 ' and with great modefty related what had been done,* 
 ' or explained what had been faid, Mr. Cromwell did 
 ' anfwer, and reply upon him, with fo much inde- 
 
 * ceiKy, and rudenefs, and in language, fo contrary, 
 
 * and oftenfive, that every man would have thought, 
 
 * that as their natures and their manners were as oppo- 
 ' fite as it is pofSble, fo their intereft could never have 
 
 * been the fame. In the end his who!e carriage was 
 
 * fo tempeftuous, and his behaviour fo infolent, that 
 
 * the chairman foun^i himfelf obliged to reprehend 
 
 * him ; and to tell him, if he proceeded in the fame 
 
 * manner, he would prefently adjourn the committee, 
 ' and the next morning complain to the houfe of him, 
 
 * which be never forgave ; and took all occafions af- 
 
 * terwards to purfue him with tlie utmoA malice and 
 I* revenge, to his death (A).' 
 
 If one were to judge by this, CrjOTW^Vs manners 
 
 Sro. Oxfcrd were as rude as his drefs uncourtly. But however, this 
 
 '759* fame writer in another place confefies the alteration 
 
 which was vifible in him after he rofe to dignity and 
 
 povlrer. * As he grew into place and authority, fays 
 
 ' he, his parts feemed to be raifed, as if he had con- 
 
 * cealed his faculties, till he had occaiion to ufe them ; 
 
 ' and 
 
 (*) Life of 
 LordCia- 
 tendon, 
 Tol. i.p, yS
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 31 
 
 * and when he was to a6l the part of a great man, he 
 
 « did it without any indecency, notwithftanding the (;) Hift. of 
 
 ' want of cuftom {/;.' - theRebel- 
 
 Whitlock has defcrib'd him two or three tifhes in his ''0"> ^°*- '»'• 
 pubh"c appearances : an account of thefe will Explain ^' ""* 
 what I mean by his keeping ftate to the full. His inau- 
 guration was magnificent. On the 26th oijune, 1657, 
 a place being prepared at the upper end of Wejlmln- 
 Jier-hall, in the midfl of it 'was a rich cloth of ftate 
 fet up, and under it a chair of ftate upon an afcent of 
 two degrees, cover'd with carpets j before it a table 
 and a chair by it for the fpeaker ; on each fide of the 
 hall were feats built one above another, and cover'd 
 for the members of the parliament; below them 
 feats on the one fide for the judges, and on the other 
 fide for the Lord Mayor and aldermen of London, 
 About two of the clock in the afternoon the Protedor 
 met the parliament, and gave his confent to fome 
 bills ; then the fpeaker and members went to their 
 places in Wejlminjier Hall, and the judges and alder- 
 men took their places : a little time after this his High- 
 nefs came attended with his own gentlemen, and 
 with the heralds ferjcants at arms : the officers, com- 
 miffioners of the feal, and of the treafury, and his 
 council : the £arl of If'^arwtck carried the fword be- 
 fore him, and the Lord Mayor of Londoii carried the 
 city fword. 
 
 * His Highnefs (landing under the cloth of ftate, the 
 fpeaker in the name of the parliament prefented to 
 him, 
 
 < I . A robe of purple velvet, lined with ermin^ which 
 the fpeaker, aflifted by me and others, put upon his 
 Highnefs; then he delivered to him the Bible richly 
 gilt and bofTed ; after that the fpeaker girt the fword' 
 about his Highnefs, and delivered into his hands the 
 fcepter of mafTy gold, and then made a fpeech to him 
 upon thofe feveral things prefented to him, wifliing 
 him all profperity in his government, and gave him 
 the oath ; ^^nd Mr. Manton (k) by prayer recommend- aotfrsl. 
 cd his Highnefs, the parliament, the council, the *" " 
 
 * forces
 
 3i 
 
 (/) Memo. 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 forces by land and fea, and the whole governmenf^ 
 and people of the three nations, to the blefling and 
 protci^ion of God. After this the people gave feve- 
 ral (bouts, and the trumpets founding : the Protec- 
 tor fat in the chair of ftate, holding the fcepter in his 
 hand ; on his right fide fat the ambaflddor of Frar.ce^ 
 on the left fide the ambaffador of the United Provin- 
 ces. Near to his Highnefs flood his fon Richard^ the 
 Lcrd Deputy Fleetwood j^doypoU, mafter of the horfe, 
 his Highnefies council and officers of ftate ; the Earl 
 of ff^arwici hc\d the fword on the right fide of the 
 chair, and the Lord Mayor of Lcnd:n held the city 
 fword on the left hand of the chair; near the Earl of 
 TVarwick flood the Lord Vifcount Lif.e, general 
 Mountague, and I, each of us having a drawn fword 
 in our hands. Then the trumpets founded, and an 
 herald proclaimed his Highnefies title; and procla- 
 mation was made, and loud acclamations of the peo- 
 ple, God fave the Lord Proteftor. The ceremonies 
 being ended, his Highnefs having his train carried by 
 the Lord Sherwood^ Mr. Richy the Earl of fVa-: wui's 
 grandchild , and by the Lord Roberts's fon, accompa- 
 nied by the ambafladorf, 2nd attended as before, went 
 in ftate to IPeJiminJier Hall gate, where he tcok his 
 rich coach. In the upper end of it himfelf fat in his 
 robes, in the other end fat tbe Earl of Warwick^ in 
 one boot fat his fon Rickcrd, and I with a drawn 
 fword in my hand; and in the other boot fat the 
 Lprd Vifcount Lijle^ and General Mountaguey with 
 fwords drawn in their hands ; Claypole led the horfe 
 of honour in rich caparifons, the life guard and other 
 guards attended the coach, the ofiicers and the reft 
 
 following in coaches to Whtehall (/).' Crcmiveh's 
 
 eception of the Su.edijb ambafiador will give us ftill a 
 learer idea of his capacity for a(9ing in the pqmpous 
 fcenes of life. Take it from the author juft cited. 
 His [the ambaflador's] people went all bare, two and 
 two before him in order, according to their qualities; 
 the beft men laft ; and next to him, tr e mafter of 
 the ceremonies next; before him, I on his right hand 
 
 « jui4
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 33 
 
 Elocution was not his talent. His public 
 
 ipeeches 
 
 * and Strickland on his left hand; they made a handfome 
 ' fhew in this equipage, and fo Went up to the council- 
 
 * chamber, where the ambafTador repos'd himfelf, about 
 
 * a quarter of an hour, and then word being brought 
 ' that the Protestor was ready in the Batiqmtting-h'oufey 
 
 * he came down into ,the court again, and in the fame 
 
 * order they went up into the Banquettingh;ufe. White- 
 
 * hall court was full of foldiers in good order, the flairs 
 
 * and doors were kept by the Protedcr's guards in their 
 
 * livery coats, with halberts, the rooms and pafl'ages in 
 
 * very handfome order; the BanqictttitiJ-houje was richly 
 
 * hung with arras, multitudes of gentlemen in it, and 
 ' of ladies in the galleries. The ambalTador's people 
 
 * were all admitted into the room, and made a lane 
 ' within the rails in the midft of the room. At the up- 
 
 * per end upon a foot-pace and carpet, flood the Pro- 
 
 * fedlor with a chair of ftate behind him, and divers of 
 
 * his council and fervants about him. The mafter of 
 
 * the ceremonies went before the ambafTador on the left 
 ' fide ; the ambaflador in the middle, betwixt me and 
 
 * Strickland, went up in the open lane of the room ; as 
 ^TWon as they came within the room, at the lower end 
 
 * of the lane, they put oft' their hats : the ambaflador a 
 
 * little while after the reft, and when he was uncover'd, 
 
 * the Protestor alfo put off his hat, and anfwer'd the 
 
 * ambaflador 's three falutations in his coming up to him, 
 ' and on tlie foot-pace they faluted each other as ufually 
 
 * friends do: and when the Protestor put on his hat, 
 
 * the ambafl^ador put on his, as foon as the other. Af- 
 
 * ter a little paufe, the ambaflador put ofF his hat, and 
 ' began to fpeak, and then put it on again ; and when- 
 
 * foever in his fpeech he named the King his mafter, or 
 ' Sweden^ or the Protector, ov England, he moved his 
 ' hat, efpecially if he mentioned any thing of God, or 
 ' the good oi ChriJlendofTi, he put off" his hat very low j 
 
 * and the Protector ftill anfwered him in the like pof- 
 
 * turcs of civility. The ambafl^ador fpoke in the Siredijh 
 
 D ' Ian-
 
 34 THELIFEOF 
 
 fpeeches in general are longwinded, obfcure, 
 flat (i) and ambiguous : but whether tWs was 
 
 not 
 
 * language, and after he had done, being but fhort, his 
 
 * fecretary did interpret it in Latin. After his inter- 
 
 * preter had done, the Protedlor llood ftill a pretty while, 
 ' and putting off his hat to the ambaflador, with a car- 
 
 * U"iage full of gravity and ftate, he anfvvered him in Eng- 
 
 ri^s^*"6S * ^'-^ ('"^•' Though the ceremonials on thefe pub- 
 
 ' lie occafions are, I apprehend, ordered and appointed by 
 the proper officers, yet the man who (having fpent forty 
 years of his life in a manner almoft wholly in obfcurity 
 and remote from courts, as Oliver had done) could aft 
 his part fo gracefully in them, muft have had a ge- 
 nius of a peculiar turn, and greatly fuperiour to the com- 
 mon clafs of^men. — Mr. Waller Teems therefore to have 
 had reafon for his complement to him in the following 
 V erfcs : 
 
 * Oft have we wonder'd, how you hid in peace 
 A mind proportion'd to fuch things as thefe ; 
 How fuch a ruling fp'rit you cou'd reftrain. 
 And praclife firft over yourfelf to. reign. 
 Your private life-did a jufi: pattern give 
 How fathers, hufbands, pious fonsfhou'd live ; 
 Born to commar>d, your princely virtues flept 
 Uke humble David's while the flock he kept.' 
 
 I cannot clofe this note without obfcrving the propriety 
 of the Stuidijh ambafTador's making ufe of his native 
 tongue in hii public audience, and the Protector's reply- 
 ing in his own language. It fhevvs the value they each 
 fet on their refpeftive countries, and their diilike of put- 
 ting fuch a flight on them as to imagine their idiom un- 
 poli.te or indeterminate. It would not have been amifs 
 if the example had been followed. 
 
 [i], EiDcutiofiwas not his taUnty &c.] Cremwell's want 
 of eloquence has been obferv'd by many writers. ' All 
 
 ' virtues^
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 35 
 
 not partly out of defign, may ht a queftion, 
 
 feeing 
 
 * virtues, fays Mr. Cozc/^;, being rightly divided into mo- 
 ' ral and intellcdlual, I know not how we cah better 
 
 * judge of the former than by mens adions, or of the 
 
 * hitter than by their writings or fpeeches. Andforthefe 
 
 * latter (which are lealt in merit, or rather which are 
 
 * only the inftruments of mifchief where the other are 
 
 * wanting) I think you can hardly pick out the name 
 ' of a man who ever was called great, befides him we 
 
 * are now fpcaking of, who never left the memory be- 
 
 * hind him of one wife or witty apothegm even among 
 
 * his domeftic fervants or greateft flatterers. That little 
 
 * in print which remains upon a fad record for him, is 
 
 * fuch, as a fatyr againft him would not have made him f„^ djc 
 
 * fay, for fear of tranfgrefiing too much the rules of pro- courfecon- 
 
 * bability(«).' «-;ns 
 Mr. Hume fays that ' he was incapable of expreffing Cromweli, 
 
 * himfelf on this occafion [the crown's being ofFer'd p. 87. Pr'm- 
 
 * him] but in a manner which a peafant of the moft or- ^^^ w^'k 
 
 * dinary capacity, would juftly be afliamed of.' And i^ i^mo. 
 after quoting a pafTage from the conference at IVhitehall Load, i63i. 
 to fupport this aflertion, he obferves that * the great 
 
 * defe6l in Oliver's fpeeches confifls not in his want of 
 ' elocution, but in his want of ideas. The fagacity of 
 
 * his actions and the abfurdity of his difcourfe, forms 
 
 * the moft prodigious contrafte that ever was known. 
 ' The coUedion of all his fpeeches, letters, fermons, 
 ' (for he alfo wrote fermons) would make a great curio- 
 
 * fity, and with a few exceptions might jultly pafs for r^) Hifi. 
 
 * one of the moft nonfenfical books in the world (<?).' vol.ii.p. 
 This gentleman's great defe6ls are want of confiftency ^^f So- 
 with hirrfelf, and regard to truth. In the palTage here 
 quoted he alRires us that * the great defed in Oliver's 
 
 * fpeeches conftfts not in his want of elocution^ but in his 
 
 * want of ideas :' a few pages after he obferves that 
 Cromwell * was not defective in any talent, except that tps jj -^ 
 
 * of elocution [p].' That h^wrote fermons is a difcovery 90, 
 of Mr. Humes own j I believe no writer worth naming 
 
 D z ever
 
 36 THELIFEOF 
 
 feeing he, could fpeak and write well en fome 
 occafions. 
 
 Bigo- 
 
 ever before faid it j it is quite unfuitable to his characler, 
 and the times. 
 
 I have faid in the text that his fpeeches, in general, 
 arelongwinded, obfcure, flat, and ambiguous : this will 
 ^ appear to any who w\\\ be at the trouble to read his 
 fpeech at the diflblution of his firft parliament, and his 
 fpeeches at the conference at JVhitehall, of vs^hich I fhall 
 have occafion hereafter to give extracts. The rcafon of 
 thefe defeats feem to be fometimes the enthufiafm of his 
 temper, which produc'd a kind of exprellion favouring 
 of cant ; other times his being neceflitated to find excufes 
 for refufing what he was defirous of j and mofl: times a 
 willingnefs to hide his real intentions. To which, pro- 
 bably, may be added his having been little ufed to fpcak 
 in public aflembHes, on public occafions, before he feiz'd 
 
 the fupreme power. But defign I'm perf waded had the 
 
 greateft fhare in producing fome of his oddeft compofi- 
 tions. I have feen, and fhall in the following fheets 
 produce copies of original letters written by him, which 
 {hew that he knew well how to exprefs himfelf j his let- 
 ters to the governor oi Edinburgh caftle before mention'd 
 are a farther proof of it ; and the following fpeecb made^; 
 ofF hand to the Swedijh ambaflador confirms if. 
 
 'My Lord Ambafiador, I have great reaion to aC- 
 
 * knowledge wi.h thankfulnefs, the refpcdls and good 
 
 * afFedion of the King your mafter towards this com- 
 
 * monwealth, and towards myfelf in particular, where- 
 ' of I fhall always retain a very grateful memory, and 
 
 * (hall be ready upon all occafions to manifeft the high 
 
 * fenfe and value I have of his majefiy's friendfhip and 
 . ' alliance. My Lord, you are very welcome into Eng-. 
 
 * land, and during your abode here, you fha!l find ail 
 
 * due regard and refpe£l to be given to yourperfon, and 
 ' to the bufinefs about which you come. I am very 
 ' willing to enter into a nearer and more ftrifl alliance 
 
 * and friendfhip with the King of Swedlar.d, as that 
 
 ' which
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 37 
 
 Bigottry (k) made no part o^ Cromwell* s 
 
 cha- 
 
 ' which in my judgment will tend much to the honor 
 ' and commodity of both nations, and to the general 
 ' advantage of the proteftant intereft ; I fhall nominate 
 ' fome perfons to meet and treat with your lordfhip upon (?) whit- 
 * fuch particulars as you ftiall communicate to them {q).' /'g '^' 
 Perhaps a better turn'd anfwer than this is rot to be Seealfonote 
 found in England in CromitJcWs age! — it ihews what he [w]. 
 could do: though he feldom equall'd it. 
 
 (k) Bigottry made no part of Qxovcwv^^Vs charaHer.^ J CC t 
 Bigottry ill becomes a great man, if a truly great man -^ f- 
 is capable cf it. In a politician it is a defect, in a fove- 13*43 
 reign a fault of the firft magnitude. Woe be to that . 
 country whofe princes and minifters are tindlur'd with it, }/^ 
 There ecclefiaftics reign — and the rule of ecclefiaftics 
 has been always fevere and tyrannical. Bigottry pro- 
 duc'd the maflacres of P^m and Ireland; repeal'd the 
 cdi6t of Namz; annuH'd the privileges of the Mori/coei 
 in Spain ; drove the nonconformifts out of England ; and 
 depriv'd Philip the fecond of the United Provinces. 
 I'hefe were the efFefts of this fiend, black as the infer- 
 nal pit where it firft was produc'd, and mifchievous as 
 Satan its parent. May all princes have it in abhorrence ! 
 may they keep its favourers and abettors far from their 
 councils ! vain elfe will be their endeavours for the pub- 
 lic, vain their hopes of perpetuating their fame. No 
 prince, 'tis well known, was ever well counfell'd by 
 priefts. They have themfelves too much in view ; their 
 
 own order too much at heart -They cannot facrifice 
 
 thefe though inconfident with the welfare of the com- 
 munity, nor can they forbear preferring them to the 
 moft ufeful members of it. But the bigot is the tool of 
 the prieft. He muft be fo — from him therefore is to be 
 expedted nothing truly generous. We know what Car- 
 dinal Granvall did in Spain; what Laud m England i 
 but they had never been in a capacity of executing their 
 mad and deftructive fchemes, had they had mafters lefs 
 bigotted. But Cromwell had a mind fuperior, he was 
 
 D 3 above
 
 38 THE LIFE OF 
 
 charader. Like an honell man, he profefs'd 
 
 his 
 
 above the fway of thefe kind of men ; there was nothing 
 in him for them to work on, they therefore either never 
 attacked him, or dtfiftcd. This will appear from his 
 judgment concerning the nature of the miniiterial func- 
 tion, and the bounds within which it ought to be con- 
 lined ; his fix'J opinion concerning liberty of confcience 
 in matters of rejigion; and his behaviour towards men 
 of the moft different and oppofite principles. 
 
 I. Crornu-eU's open and avowed judgment concerning 
 the nature and bounds of the minifterial funflion, clearly 
 leads us to conclude that he was free from bigottry. In 
 his letter to the governor of Edinburgh caflle dated Sstt. 
 9, 1650, he fays, ' The miniflers' in Ergland are fup- 
 ' ported, and have liberty to preach the Gofpel, though 
 ' not to raile, nor under pretence thereof to overtop 
 
 * the civil power, or debafe it as they pleafe. No m.an 
 ' hath been troubled in Englafid or Irclar.d for preaching 
 ' the Gofpel, nor has any minifter been molefted in 
 ' Scct!and fmce the coming of the army hither. The 
 
 * fpeaking truth becomes the minifters of Chrifl. When 
 ' minifters pretend to a glorious reformation, and lay 
 ' the foundation thereof in getting to themfelves world- 
 ' ly power, and can make' wo'rldly mixtures to accom- 
 
 * p;i(h tne fame, fuch as their late agreement with their 
 
 * King, and hopes by him to carry on their delign, may 
 [r) Thwr- * know, that the Sicn promifed and hoped for, will not 
 loc, vol. 1. ( '^£ j,uij( ^.jfjj fm-h untempered mortar (r).' 
 
 '' '^^" In reply to the Scottijh minifters faying * they had juft 
 
 * caufe to regret, that men of civil employments (hould 
 
 * ufurp the calling and employment of the miniflry / 
 he a(ks, * Are you troubled that Chrifl is preached .? Is 
 
 * preaching fo incluiive in your fundtion ? Doth it fcan- 
 ' daiize the reform.ed kirks, and 5cc//..n^ in particular ? 
 
 * Is it againfl the covenant ? Away with the covenant if 
 
 * this be fo» I thought the covenant and thefe could 
 
 * have been vi'illing, that any fliould fpeak good of the 
 name of Chrifti if not, it is no covenant of God's 
 
 ' ap-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 39 
 
 his own fentiments, and adher'd to the fec^ 
 
 he 
 
 approving, nor of the kirk's you mention, in fo much 
 the fpouCe of Chrift. Where do you find in Scripture 
 a ground to warrant fuch an aflertion, that preaching 
 is included in your fundion ? Tho' an approbation 
 from men hath order in it, and may doe well,, yet he 
 that hath not a better warrant than that, hath none 
 at all. I hope he that afcended up on high may give 
 his gifts to whom he pleafe ; and if thofe gifts he the 
 feal of milTion, be not envious, though Eidad and 
 
 Medid prophefie. Indeed you erre through the 
 
 midake of the Scriptures ; approbation is an acl of 
 convenicncy in refpe6t of order, not of necefiity to 
 give faculty to preach the Gofpel. Your pretended 
 fear, leait error ftiould ftep in, is like the man, that 
 would keep all the wine out of the country, lead men 
 fliould be drunk. It would be found an unjuft and 
 unwife jealoufie, to deny a man the liberty, he hath 
 by nature, upon a fuppofition he may abufe it: when 
 he doth abufe it, judge. If a man fpeak foolifli'y, ye 
 fufFer him gladly, bccaufe ye are wife j if erroneoufly, 
 the truth more appears by your conviction j ftop fuch 
 a man's mouth v/ith found words, that cannot hi gain- 
 faid : if blafphemoufly, or to the diflurbance of the 
 publick peace, let the civill magiftrate punilli him : 
 if truly, rejoice in the truth. And if you will call 
 our fpeakings together, fmce v/e came into Sctland, 
 to provoke one another to love and good works, to 
 faith in our Lord Jefus Chrift, and repentance from 
 dead works, to charity and love towards you, to pray 
 andm:;urne for you, and for the bitter returns to, and 
 incredulity of our profcflions of love to you, of the 
 truth of which we have made our folemne and hum- 
 ble appeals to the Lord our God, which he hath heard 
 and born witnefs to j if thefe things be fcandalous to 
 the kirk, and againft the covenant, becaufe done by 
 men of civiil callings, we rejoice in them, notwith- /,>t-! i 
 
 itaniJmg wnat you fay {s .. ■ 1 hele are lentiments vol. i. p. 
 
 which, however tinflur'd with enthufiafm, declare a i.^^* 
 D 4 mind
 
 40 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 he mod approv'd; — but he fpoke at all times 
 
 with 
 
 mind free from bigottry, and incapable of being de- 
 luded by the cant of heavenly mijfton^ itn'mterrupted fuc- 
 cejfton, indelible charaCier^ and the power of binding and 
 loafing Tnens fins ! Oliver had a fufficient prefervative in 
 his own underftanding againft the principles and prac- 
 tices of thefe men who make ufe of fuch magical terms. 
 2. CromiveWs fix'd opinion concerning liberty of con- 
 fcience in matters of religion, evinces his freedom from 
 bigottry. No bigot has had fenfe enough to fee the plain 
 and juft right which every man has to think and aft for 
 •^ himCelf ih matters purely of a religious nature; or to be 
 
 convinc'd that unlefs men freely and voluntarily choofe 
 their religion, they can have no merit in the eyes of God 
 cr reafonable men ; and confequently that they ought 
 never to be debarr'd from a6ting according to their own 
 choice. The bigot is always in the right ; every man 
 of a different belief is in the wrong; heaven is his own 
 portion, but hell and damnation attend thofe who think 
 
 and aft oppofite to him. Oliver was not of this caft. 
 
 Ke always profefs'd it to bd his belief that men had a 
 * right to think and aft for thenifelves in matters of reli- 
 
 gion, and that as long as they behav'd peaceably they 
 were free to diflcnt from the magiftrate and the prieft. 
 ,, Mr. LudliW tells us * the liberty that was to be extended 
 
 nioir, vo!. * ^^ tender confciences, was an en^iine by which C'rc/n- 
 ii- p. 509. * well did mofl: of his work {t).' And Mr. Baxter fays, 
 C«; Reliquiae t j^lbertv of confcience he pretended to be molt zealous 
 by siivcfteri * for («).' What follows will I think plainly make it 
 part Ji. p. appear that he was indeed fo. 
 
 ho'/^T'e ^'^^°^h in the following beautiful fonnet, v/bich I 
 ' believe every lover of virtue and the mufes will read here 
 with pleafure, addrcifes himfelf to him as the patron of 
 this moft glorious caufe. 
 
 Cr(7/7jzt,W/, our chief of men, who through a cloqd 
 Not of w^ar only, but detraftions r^ide, 
 Guided by faith and matchlefs fortitude. 
 To peace and truth thy glorious way haft plough'd. 
 
 And'
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 41 
 
 with honour of thofe who difter'd from him, 
 
 treated 
 
 And on the neck of crowned fortune proud 
 
 Haft rear'd God's trophies, and his work purfued. 
 While Dar-wen ftream with blood of <SV^/i imbrued. 
 And Dunbar field refounds thy praifes loud, 
 
 And IVorceJier's laureat wreath. Yet much remains 
 To conquer ftill; peace hath her vidiories 
 No lefs renown'd than waf : new foes arife 
 
 Threatning to bind our fouls wiih fecular chains : 
 Help us to fave free confcience from the paw 
 Of hireling wolves, whofe gofpel is their maw. 
 
 CromvjeWs own fentiments concerning thig matter will 
 be beft known from the following paragraphs in his fpeech 
 at the diflblution of the parliament in 1654. He is re- 
 buking them for their condudf, and among other things, 
 fays, ' When you were entered upon this government 
 ' raveling into it, if you had gone upon that foot of ac- 
 
 * count, to have made fuch good and wholfome provi- 
 
 * fions for the good of the people of thefe nations, for 
 
 * the fettling of fuch matters in things of religion as 
 
 * would have upheld and given countenance to a 
 
 * godly miniftry, and yet would have given ajuftlibeity 
 
 * to godly men of different judgments, men of the fame 
 ' faith with them, that you call the Orthodox miniftry 
 
 * in England, as it is well known the independants 
 
 * are, and many under the form of baptifm, who are 
 
 * found in the faith, only may perhaps be different in 
 
 * judgment in fome Icfler matters, yet as true chriftians 
 
 * both looking at falvation, only by faith in the blood 
 ^ of Chrift, men profefiing the fear of God, and hav- 
 
 * ing recourfe to the name of God as to a ftrong tower ; 
 
 * I fay you might have had opportunity to have fettled 
 
 * peace and quietnefs amongft all profcffing godlinefs, 
 ^ and might have been iiiftrumental, if not to have 
 ' healed the breaches, yet to have kept the godly of all 
 
 * judgments from running one upon another, and by 
 
 * keep-
 
 42 THELIFEOF 
 
 treated them with much refpedt and decency, 
 
 and 
 
 keeping them from being -overrun by a common ene- 
 my, rendered them and thefeiiations both feciire, hap- 
 py, and well fatisfied. 
 
 ' Are thefe done, or any thing towards them ? Is there 
 not yet upon the fpirits of men a ftrange itch r Nothing 
 will fatisfy them, unlefs they can put their finger upon, 
 their brethrens confciences, to pinch them there. To 
 do this was no part of the conteft v/e had with the 
 common adverfary ; for religion was not the thing at 
 the firft contefted for, but God brought it to that iffiie 
 at lafl-, and gave it to us by way of redundancy, and 
 at laft it proved to be that which was moft dear to us; 
 and wherein confiiled this, more than in obtaining 
 that liberty from the tyranny of the bifhops to all fpe- 
 cies of Proteftants, to worfhip God according to their 
 own light and confciences ? for want of which many 
 of our brethren forfooic their native countries to feek 
 their bread from flrangers, and to live in howling wil- 
 dcrnefTes; and for which alfo, many that remained 
 here were imprifoned and othcrwife abufed. Thofe 
 who were found in the faith, how proper was it for 
 them to labour for lib;-rty, for a juft liberty, that men 
 {hould not be trampled upon for their confciences ? Had 
 inot they laboured but lately under the weight of per- 
 fecutions, and was it fit for them to fit heavy upon 
 others? Is it ingenuous to afk liberty and not to 
 give it? What greater hypocrily, than for thofe who 
 were oppreffed by the bifhops, to become the greateft 
 opprefTors themfelves as foon as their yoke was re- 
 moved ! I could wifli that they who call for liberty now 
 alfo, had not too much of that fpirit if the power 
 were in their hands. As for prophanc perfons, blaf- 
 phemers, fuch as preach fedition, the contentious rail- 
 era, evil fpeakers, who feek by evil words to corrupt 
 good manners, perfons of loofe converfations, punifh- 
 ment from the civil magiflrate ought to meet with 
 
 * themj
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 43 
 
 and openly declar'd for their toleration and 
 
 eacou- 
 
 « them; becaufe if thefe pretend confcience, yet walk- 
 ' ing diforderly, and not according but contrary to the 
 
 * Gofpel, ami even to natural light, they are judged of 
 
 » all, and their fins being open, makes them fubjedts ,^ whlt- 
 ' of the magiftrate's fvvord, who ought not to bear it in lock, p. 
 
 * vain (*).' In a fpeech to the parliament, Jp. 3, ^H« 
 
 1657, fpeaklng concerning the provifion made for liber- 
 ty of confcience in the Humb'e Petition and Advice^ he 
 madeufeof the following words; ' As to the liberty of 
 
 * men profeffing godlincfs under the variety of forms 
 
 * amongil us, you have done that, which was never 
 
 * done before ; and I pray God it may not fall upon the 
 
 * people of God as a fault in them, or any fort of them, 
 
 * if they do not put fuch a value on what was done, 
 
 ' as never was put on any thing fince Chrifl's time, for {y) Thur- 
 
 * fuch a catholick intereft of the people of God 0).'— '°'' 1°'- ** 
 Thefe extra<3s fully evince CromiveWs judgment con- " '* 
 cerning liberty of confcience, and make appear how 
 zealous he indeed was to reflrain men from injuring each 
 
 other on the account of it: in a word, they fliew the 
 man, the chriflian, the politician. Imuftadd, 
 
 3. That Oliver's pracSiice was conformable to his 
 principles. Though he declar'd himfelfanindependant, 
 (I fuppofeas that fe6t avowedly appear'd for civil and re- 
 ligious liberty in its greateft latitude) yet he confin'd not 
 his refpe£l or his favours to them. He had great latitude 
 of judgment, and conceiv'd that as 'twas very poflible 
 for wife and good men to differ in their opinions about 
 many points of religion, yet being equally wife and ho- 
 neft, they ought equally to be reg rded. We find 
 Manton praying at his inauguration, Baxter preaching at 
 his court, and Calainy confulted by him on a point of 
 importance. Thefe were all Prelbyterians, little affeftcd 
 to him, but inclin'd to the royal interefl. The epifco- 
 palians, many of them, were treated wiih equal favour 
 and regard, though the party, as fuch, gave him a good 
 deal of trouble. He fent for Dr. Browmig^ biftiop of 
 
 Exeter^
 
 44 THELIFEOF- 
 
 encouragement. Indeed he conftantly was 
 a friend to religious liberty, and an op- 
 
 poler 
 
 Exeter, and treated him with great outward refpecl j 
 he faved Dr. Barnard's life at the taking Droghedah, 
 and made him his almoner ; he invited archbifhop UJher 
 to him, and us'd him with much civiHty, converfmg 
 with him about the advancement of the proteftant re- 
 ligion at home and abroad, and promifing him to make 
 him a leafe of fome parts of the lands belonging to the 
 archbifhoprick of y^r?/;fl'_3/:> for 2 1 years, and at his death, 
 order'd him to be interr'd with great pomp in IVfftm'm- 
 fz) Parr's fi^^ Abby^ where Dr. Barnard to a crowded audience 
 LitcofUfh- preach'd his funeral fermon (2). Dr. P^rr, from whom 
 f""' P 75> I have the above particulars, imputes Cromweirs order- 
 Jio ^Lond' *"S ^'^'^ ^° honourable an interment of Ujhr^s corps, not 
 i6i6. only to a defire of advancing his own honor, but like- 
 
 wife to a defign of punifhing Ufrer's relation?, by put- 
 ting them to a great expence: but as he owns the Pro- 
 tcdtor contributed tvi^o hundred pounds towards it, it is 
 no way likely he had any fuch view. He probably 
 thought, that fufficient for a very honourable buria! — 
 thofe who exceeded it were to blame themfelves, if they 
 were hurt thereby. — But 'tis very hard to pleafc thofe 
 
 who are difpos'd to find fault. Crorfitve/Ps behaviour 
 
 was alfo equally humane to fuch as profefs'd opinions 
 uncountenanc'd by the many in Britain. To jfchn Bid- 
 die who was a Unitarian, and the father of the Englijh 
 Unitarians, in his banishment into Scilly, he allowed a 
 penfion of an hundred crowns a year; he admitted Je- 
 retniah White and Peter Sterry into the number of his 
 chaplains, though few fpeculated more freely on the 
 ends and defigns of providence, or more out of the then 
 . , .,, - road ; and yohn Goodtvin^ though hated by the fafhion- 
 Mr. Thorn, able ecciefiaftics, continued conftantly in his favour [a). 
 Firmin, p. ]<or were even the Romanics that behav'd well, de- 
 iTcf °6-S ^'^"^^ ^^ 'f- ^*'' Kmelm Dighy, a man of quality, a 
 philo'bpher and a catholic, in a letter to Mr. Secretary 
 Thurkey d^icd Paris, March i^^ 1656, has the follow- 
 ing:
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 45 
 
 pofer of fpiritual tyranny. No wonder there- 
 fore that, in the firft part of Hfe, he fell (l) 
 
 in 
 
 ing pafTages. * My obligations to his Highnefs are fo 
 
 * great, that it would be a crime in me to behave my- 
 ' felf To negligently as to give caufe for any fhadow^ of 
 
 * the leaft fufpicion, or to do any thing that might re- 
 
 * quire an excufe or apology. 1 make it my bufinefs 
 
 * every where, to have all the world take notice howr 
 ' highly I efteem myfelf obliged to his Highnefs, and 
 
 * how paflionate I am for his fervice, and for his honor 
 
 * and intereft, even to the expofipg of my life for them. 
 
 * 1 fhould think my heart were not an honeft one, i 
 
 * if the blood about it were not warmed with any the 
 
 * leaft imputation upon my refpc^ls and my duty to his ,^x ^hur- 
 
 * Highnefs, to whom I owe fo much (^j.' Mr. Prynne loe, vol. iv. 
 informs us, * that Sir Kcnelme was lodged by Cromwell P- 59^' 
 
 *■ at IVhitehall-y that he fufpended penal laws againft andpe^ea^ 
 
 * Romifli priefts; and proteded feveral of them under narrative of 
 
 * his hand and feal {c).' 'Tis certain he wrote to the ^''^^ ''^^^ 
 governor of Virginia in favour of Lord Baltimore^ pro- g°"^' /„ ^ ' 
 prietor of Maryland^ who was of the Catholic perfwa- between 
 
 fionf^^). Mr.Prynne, 
 
 J will add but one thing more. 'Trs well known pfMay^'"" 
 ^r^wTff// (though a believer in the prophecies of the Old 1659. 410. ^ 
 Teftanient, equally, to fay the leaft, with our modern without 
 controvertifts) was willing to harbour the 'Jewi in -fi""^- place or 
 l(tnd\ that he appointed an aftembly of men of feveral printer. 
 profeflions to confi^ler of the expediency of it; and that \f^ "^^"'f 
 'twas not owing to him or his council that it prov'd loft „_ ^24.' 
 
 liibour. All thefe confiderations will, if I miftake 
 
 not, abundantly make appear the truth of the text, that 
 bigottry made no part oi Cromivdl's character. It may 
 be faid this was all policy — If it was — it was not the 
 policy of bigots, who break through every tie, human 
 and divine, in order to promote their implanted non- 
 lenfe and fuperftition. 
 
 (l) He fell in zcitb the puritans, greatly opprejfed.l 
 The controverfy between the prelatifts and the puritans 
 
 will
 
 46 THELIFEOF 
 
 in with the puritans, greatly opprefTed on 
 
 ac- 
 
 will appear in the eyes of moft, in this age, as very 
 trifling and infignificant, and very unworthy of the at- 
 tention vi'hich was formerly paid it. They were a ftiff 
 kind of men, many of them, of both fides; of weak 
 capacities or uninform'd underftandings; who impos'd 
 unreafonably, and refifted obftinately. But on the be- 
 half of the puritans, it muft be obferv'd that they al- 
 ways pretended confcience for their nonconformity, and, 
 probably, as they were very great fufferers, they were 
 fincere. This recommended them, as well as their re- 
 gular behaviour, to the favour of the friends of civil 
 liberty, and the lovers of virtue. Thefe gentlemen, 
 probably, faw many of their weaknefTes, but they ap- 
 prov'd their honefty and integrity, us'd their intereft to 
 bring them out of trouble, and generoufly help'd thera 
 
 in their difficulties. Another thing there was, which 
 
 added not a little to their worth in the eyes of many of 
 the moft confiderable perfons of thofe times, namely, 
 an adherence to the doctrinal articles of the church of 
 England, in the fenfe of the compilers, and a lirong 
 averfion to popery. The gentry then read and wrote 
 books cf religious controveriy, and very many of them 
 
 became converts to their party. But however, this 
 
 is certain, the puritans were fufferers ; fufferers for con- 
 fcientioufly refufing to pra6lire things which, in the opi- 
 nion of their adverfaries, were of no worth or value ; 
 fufferers from men who pretended to be rulers and gover- 
 nors in a Proteftant church, whofe doctrines they dif- 
 own'd in many points; and fufferers from men whofc 
 pride, ambition, avarice, and cruelty had render'd them 
 odious to the people in general, as well as to wife and 
 confiderate men. Thefe perfons here meant were court- 
 prelates » in the limes of James and Charles I. 
 
 Such as for their bellies fake 
 Creep, and intrude, and climb into the fold. 
 
 Of
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 47 
 
 account of their nonconformity, and appear'd 
 
 as 
 
 Of other care they little reck'nlng make. 
 
 Than how to fcramble at the {hearers feaft. 
 
 And fliove away the worthy bidden gueft. ' 
 
 Blind mouths ! that fcarce themfel ves know how to hold 
 
 A flieep-hook, or have learn'd ought elfe the lead 
 
 That to the faithful herdfman's art belongs! 
 
 What recks it them ? what need they? They are fped j 
 
 And when they lift, their lean and flalhy fongs 
 
 Grate on their fcrannel pipes of wretched ftraw ; 
 
 The hungry fheep look up, and are not fed, 
 
 But fwoln with wind, and the rank mift they draw, **' 
 
 Rot inwardly, and foul contagion fpread ; ' 
 
 Befides what the grim wolf with privy paw . ,,■ 
 
 Daily devours apace, and nothing faid. Milton* 
 
 This is not meerly a poetical exaggeration. Soon af- 
 ter thefe lines wer& written, a polite writer, who de- 
 clares himfelf no puritan, fpeaks of thefe bifhops in the 
 following terms. — ' The more our prelates enjoy, the 
 
 * more iiill they feek ; and all our three kingdoms are 
 
 * grown fo fick of their pride, injuftice, and pragma- 
 ' lical fadiion, that fcarce any remedy but blood-let- 
 
 * ting can cure them. We find in Scripture the moft 
 
 * high and holy offices of religion performed by princes, 
 
 * even amonglt and above the greateft of priefts ; but 
 
 * we fcarce find any inftance at all where priefts inter- 
 
 * medled with any ftate affairs, either above or under 
 
 * princes: and yet with us now the employing and en- 
 
 < trufting of clergymen in temporal bufinefs, is held as 
 
 < politick as it was in the times of popery: although no 
 
 * time could ever juftly boaft of that ufe. But to pafs 
 
 * over temporal bufineffes, how violently have our bi- 
 
 * fliops been in their own canons about ceremonies, and 
 
 * indifferencies? and what difturbance hath that vio- 
 
 * lence produced ? They ftrive as for the beauty and 
 ' glory of religion, to bring in the fame forms of li- 
 
 * turgy, the fame pofture of the communion-table, the 
 
 * fame gefture at the communion, i^c. in all our three 
 
 6 < do- ■
 
 48 THELIFEOF 
 
 as their advocate both in the country and the 
 
 par- 
 
 * dominions ; as if uniformity were always beautiful : 
 ' and yet we fee all men are created with feveral faces, 
 
 * voices, and complexions, without any deformity to 
 ' the univerfe.' — This is a fine thought, and has been 
 frequently made ufe of by our beft advocates for tolera- 
 tion, — 1 he fame writer, fpeaking of the fame men, af- 
 ferts that * in the high commifHon, at the council table, 
 ' in the flar chamber, and the chequer, churchmen are 
 
 * now more adlive than in their own confiftories, and 
 
 * yet their ambition further aims (as 'tis faid) to the chan- 
 ' eery, court of requefts, &€. which could not chufe 
 
 * to redound to the fcandal of religion, the obftru61ion 
 
 * of juftice, and vexation of the fubjedt. If there were 
 
 * not learned and fkilful men enough in policy and law 
 
 * to ferve the King, unlefs divinity were depriv'd of 
 
 * fome of her followers, there were fome feeming um- 
 
 * brage why the King might borrow of God; but when 
 (^)Dircourfe * God's more holy office is negleded, that the King's 
 cojicerning * meaner may be the worfe adminiftred, the world much 
 Puritans, p. e gg^gs and wonders at it (e).^ We may naturally 
 Loiid. prin- enough imagine men thus ambitious of power and wealth 
 ted for Ro- Were not overftocked with real religion ! and we may, 
 
 , ^°^: with like probability, conclude that pretences to con- 
 tock, 1641. ^ . ■ ^ , ■ ij. jjj-ji 
 
 fcience m their eyes had but an odd and ridiculous ap- 
 pearance ! and confequently that the perfons who made 
 ufe of them to juftify their oppofition to their injunc- 
 tions would fare little the better for them. I will not 
 enter here iuio the particulars of the hardfhips and op- 
 preflions which the puritans underwent from the pre- 
 lates, and the high hand v.hich was carried by thefe latter 
 over all who oppofed them. I have given a fketch of 
 (/) Hiflo- it elfewhere, and muft refer fuch as may be uninform'd 
 crltlcaTac- ^^i^^^^ (/)• However, the following fhort litany may 
 count of the HOt be unacceptable even to thofe who are beft acquaint- 
 Lifeof ed with their tranfa<Slions. It fhews their behaviour, 
 
 V iir ' ^"^ '^^ ^^^^^ ^^^ ^^^" ^^^ °^ *^'
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 49 
 
 parliament; that he cenfur'd and oppos'd 
 
 the 
 
 A Jhort L E T A N I E. 
 
 From this prelatical pride and their lordly dignities j 
 . From all their fuperflitious vanities, and Pcpifh cere- 
 monies ; 
 
 From their late innovations a ad mifchievous policies^ 
 
 From the Curfed oath ex. officio^ and high commiffion 
 crueltip; 
 
 From their Romifh clergy, and the peoples unfufFera- 
 ble miferies ; 
 
 From their greedy gainful vifitations, and the church- 
 wardens enforced perjuries ; 
 
 From thtir moft corrupt courts, and their, vexing fla- 
 verics ; 
 
 From all theif fruitlefs fliadows, and hypocritical for- 
 iralitics; 
 
 From their hatred and malice againft Chrift's appoint- 
 ed ordinances j 
 
 From their needlefly devifed and trouhlefome confor- 
 mities ; 
 
 From all their illegal proceedings, and opprcffing ty- 
 rannies ; 
 
 From their finful fynods, and all their papal hierar- 
 chy ; . • . . . 
 
 From Abaddon and Apo'ilyon^ with their priefts, je- 
 fuits, their favourites, and all their furious blal'phemersj 
 
 Good Lord, ddiver us (^). ig) Sbrft 
 
 View cf the 
 
 From this little fatyr appears how ill beloved, yea church of l/* 
 hated, thefe men were, how tyrannical and cruel they England, p. 
 were deem'd ! To oppofe thefe then muft have been 39- 4'o. 
 meritorious ; to fcrcen fuch as were oppreis'd by them, 
 humane and charitable. CrormieU did this as much as 
 lay in his power. Whtrn the puritans were like to come . 
 into trouble, he would attend on Dr. JP'illu.?^^ bifhop jjps'. Life of 
 of Lincoln.^ at Bugden^ and fpeak in their behalf [h). WiiUanis, \/ 
 What his fuccefs was appears not: probably but fma!l, P'*3°-. 8 vo. 
 for Williams being joftled out of favour by the arts of i^co. 
 E Laud,
 
 so THELIFEOF 
 
 • the court- prelates ; and even preferr'd freedom 
 in a foreign land (m) to the flavery and op- 
 
 preffion 
 
 Laud, and Buckingham, to the latter of whom he had 
 been a fervile tool, was fearful of (hewing favour, left 
 his adverfary might get a farther advantage over him. — 
 In the parliament 1628, we find Cromwell in a * com- 
 
 * mittee concerning the pardons granted by the King 
 
 * [Charles'] fince the laft feffion, to certain perfons quef- 
 
 * tioned in parliament. And we are told that he in- 
 ' form'd the houfe what countenance the bifliop oi fVin- 
 
 * chejier did give to fome perfons that preached flat po- 
 ' psf")'* ^"^ mentioned the perfons by name, and how 
 
 * by this bifhop's means, Mamvaring (who by cenfure 
 
 * the laft parliament, was difabled for ever holding any 
 «, ecclefiaftical dignity in the church, and confefled the 
 ' juftice of that cenfure) is iieverthelefs preferred to a 
 
 (i) Ruih- ' rich living. If thefe be the fteps to church-prefer- 
 worth'sCol- ' ment (faid he) what may we expect (/") ?' But ,thefe 
 leajons.vol. gg-Qrts of his, as well as of the greateft and beft men 
 folio. Lond. i" the houfe of commons, v/ere ineffectual. They were 
 1659. protected by Charles, who would rather diffolve a par- 
 
 liament, than degrade a court-prerog-ative-biftiop. 
 
 (m) He preftrr'd freedom in a /foreign land to the Jlavery 
 and opprejjion which were ccntinually ihcreajing at home.] 
 Charles I. and his minifters were bent on introducing 
 uniformity in religion, and defpotifm in the ftate. They 
 met with oppofition in parliaments — and therefore par- 
 liaments for a long courfe of years were laid afide. Pri- 
 vate perfons fpoke and wrote againfl: the meafures pur- 
 fued ; but they got noihing for their pains but fines, im- 
 prifonments, or barbarous corporal puniiiiments. The 
 courts of law indeed were open — but they were pro- 
 perly the King's courts. The prerogative was what they 
 maintain'd and enlarged to the utmoft of their power, 
 and no man had a chance to fucceed in them, who 
 would not fubmit to it. in (hort, the judges declared 
 in effect that the King's will was law, and that the pro- 
 perty of the fubjed, was indeed his. After Hampnten's 
 
 ftand
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 51 
 
 prefTion which were continually increafing 
 
 at 
 
 {land in the great cafe of {hip-money, and the infamous 
 determination of the much greater part of the bench, 
 all was profound filence ; a dead calm fucceeded ; every 
 one look'd about him for a place of refuge and retreat 
 from the iron hand of power. For it was manifeft there 
 was no redrefs, and that the men at the helm were for 
 an unrelenting fever ty. Let us hear Laud^ in his epiftle 
 dedicatory to his matter. ' God forbid I fliould ever 
 ' offer to perfwade a perfecution in any kind, or prac- 
 
 * tife it in the leaft. — : — But on the other fide, God for- 
 ' bid too, that your Majefty fhouFd let both laws and 
 
 * difcipline fleep for fear of the name of perfecution, 
 ' and in the mean time let Mr. FiJIjer and his fellows 
 ' angle in all parts of your dominions for your fubjccts. 
 
 * If in your grace and goodncfs you will fpare their 
 ' perfons : yet I humbly befeech you to fee to it, that 
 
 * they be not fuffered to lay either their weels, or bait 
 
 * their hook?, or caft their nets in every {Iream, left 
 
 * that tentation grow both too general, and too Hron^< 
 
 * Now as I would humbly befeech your Majefly 
 
 ' to keep a ferious watch upon thefe filhermen, fo 
 
 * I would not have you neglect another fort of anglers 
 ' in a (hallower water. For they have fome ill nets too. 
 
 * And if they may fpread them, when, and where they 
 
 * will, God knows what may become of it. Thefe 
 ' have not fo ftrong a back abroad, as the Romanics 
 
 * have, but that's no argument to fuft'er them to increafc. 
 
 * They may grow to equal {trength with number. And 
 ' fa6tious people, at home, of what, feci or fond opi- 
 
 * nion foever they be, are not to be negle6led. Partly 
 
 * becaufe they are fo near; and 'tis ever a dangerous 
 ' fire, that begins in the bed {Iraw ; and partly, be- 
 
 * caufe all thofe domeftick evih-, which threaten a rent 
 ' in church or ftate, are with far more fafety prevented 
 ' by wifdom, than punifhed by juftice* I'hus fpeaks 
 the great diredlor of affairs to his mafter. A liule af- 
 terwards, he fays, ' I know it is a great eafe to let every 
 
 E i ' thing
 
 52 T H^ LIFE OF 
 
 at home. Hut his intentions were fruftrated^ 
 
 and. 
 
 thing be as it will, and every man believe, and do as 
 he lift. But whether governors in ftate or church do 
 their duty therewhile, is eafily feen, fince this is an 
 efFedt of no King in Ifrael. The church of Chrift 
 upon earth may be compared to a hive of bees, and 
 that can be no where fo ftcadily plac'd in this world, 
 but it will be in fome danger. And men that care 
 neither for the hive nor the bees, have yet a great 
 mind xa the honey. And havij-.g once tafted the 
 i'weets of the churches maintenance, fwallow that for 
 honey, which one day will be more bitter than gall 
 in their bowels. Now the King and the prieft, more 
 than any other, are bound to look to the integrity of 
 the church in doftrine and manners, and that in the 
 firft place. For that's by far the beft honey in the 
 hive. Bjt in the fecond place, they muft be careful 
 of the churches maintenance too, elfe the bees fhall 
 make honey for others, and have none left for their 
 own necefl'ary fuftenance, and then all's loft. For 
 we fee it in daily and common ufe, that the honey is 
 not taken from the bees, but they are deftroyed firft. 
 Now in this great and bufy work the King and the 
 prieft muft not fear to put their hands to the hive, 
 though they be fure to be ilung. And ftung by the 
 bees, whofe hive and houfe they preferve. It was 
 King David's cafe, (God grant it be never yours) 
 They came about me (faith the rfalm ii8) like bees. 
 This was hard uDge enough, yet fome profit, fome 
 honey might thus be gotten in the end : and that's the 
 King's cale. But when it comes to the prieft, the 
 cafe is alter'd ; They come about him like wafps, or 
 like hornets rather ; all fting, and no honey there. 
 And all this many times for no oftence, nay fome- 
 
 times for fervice done ihcm, would they fee it. 
 
 Now one thing more let n.ebe bold to obferve to your 
 Majefty, in {jarticular, concerning your great charge, 
 \hc ch\Mc\i oi England. 'Tis in an hard condition. 
 
 'She
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 53 
 
 ?Lndj with the reft of the nation, he w^s 
 
 made 
 
 * She profefles the anticnt catholick faith ; and yet the 
 ' RomanKt condemns her of novelty in her doctrine. 
 
 * She pra£lifes church government, as it hath been in 
 
 * ufe in all ages, and in all places, where the church of ■ 
 
 * Chrift hath taken any rootiiig, both in, and ever fince 
 ' the Apoftles time'> ; and yet the fepcratili condemns 
 
 * her for antichriftianifm, in her difcipline. The plain 
 
 * truth is, fhe is betv^een thefe two fai^ions, as be- 
 ' tween two milftones; and unlefs your Majefty look 
 
 * to it, to whofe trufl (he is committed, (he'll be ground 
 
 * to powder, to an irreparable both dishonour, and lofs 
 
 * to this kingdoqi. And 'tis very remarkable, that 
 
 ' while both thefe prefs hard upon the church oi Eng- . 
 
 ' land^ both of them cry out upon perfecution, like ,^^ j^ ,. 
 
 * froward children, which fcratch, and kick, and bite, tjon to his 
 
 * and yet cry out all the while, as if themfelves were conference 
 
 ' killed {k): Thefe pafiages, long as they are, will be p]'',^/!'^"'' 
 deem'd curious by many. They difcover the man, and Folio. 
 his meafures, and fuew what his adverfaries had to ex- Lond. 1673. 
 pe£t. Lord Straff'^rdc^ though of a much more elevated 
 under/landing, came not a whit behind the prelate in 
 rigour. His own account of part of a fpeech at the 
 council board, \n England, written to his intimate friend. 
 Sir Chrijicpher JVandesford, mafler of the roils in Ire-' 
 landy will fully fliew this, i will give his juftification 
 
 of himfelf, en the accufation of rigour, at large.-- ' X 
 
 ' craved admiilion to juflify myi'elf in fomc particulars, 
 ' wherein I had been very undefervedly and biqodijy tra- 
 
 * duc'd. So 1 related unto them all that had part ber 
 ' twixt myfelf. Earl of .S/. Albans, Wilmot, Mountn:rrh^ 
 ' Piers, Crqfby, and the jury of Gallway, that hereupon 
 
 * touching and rubbing in the courfe of my fervice upon 
 ' their particulars, themfelves and friends have endea.- 
 
 * voured to poflefs the world, 1 was a fevere and an 
 ' auftere hard-conditioned man, rather indeed a bafha 
 
 * of Buda, than the miniller of a pious and chriflian 
 
 * King. Howbeit, if I were not much niiflaken in 
 
 E 3 * my-
 
 54 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 made to feel and fear the yoke of tyfanny. 
 
 We 
 
 myfelf, it was quite the contrary, no man could fhew 
 wherein I had exprefied it in my nature, no friend I 
 had would charge nne with it in my private converfa- 
 tion, no creature had found it in the managing of my 
 own private affairs, fo as if I ftood clear "in all thefe 
 refpe(£ts, it was to be confefled by anv equal mind 
 that it was not any thing within, but the neceflity of 
 his Majefties fervice, which enforced me into a feem- 
 ing ftrictnefs outwardly. And that was the reafon in- 
 deed, for where I found a crown, a church, and a 
 people fpoil'd, I could not imagine to redeem them 
 from under the preflure with gracious fmiles and gentle 
 loolcs, it would coft warmer water than fo. True it 
 was, that where a dominion was once gotten and fet- 
 tled, it might be flayed and kept where it was by foft 
 and moderate counfels, but where a fovereignty (be it 
 fpoken with reverence) was going down the hill, the 
 nature of men did fo eafily flide into the paths of un- 
 controul'd liberty;' as it would not be brought back 
 without ftrength, not to be forced up the hTu again 
 but by vigour and force. And true it was indeed, I 
 knew no other rule to govern by, but by reward and 
 punilhment, and I muft profefs that where I found a 
 perfon well and intirely fet for the fervice of my maf- 
 ter, I (hould lay my hand under his foot, and add to 
 his refpedt and power all I might, and that where I 
 found the contrary, I ihould not handle him^ in my 
 arms, or footh him in his untoward humour, but if he 
 came in my reach, fo far as honour and juftice would 
 warrant me, I muft knock him foundly over the 
 knuckle?, bat no fooner he become a new man, ap- 
 ply himfelf as he ought to the government, but I alfo 
 change my temper, and expnefs myfelf to him, as 
 unro that other, by all the good offices I could do him. 
 If this be fharpnefs, if this be fcverity, I defired to be 
 bettfei- inftruf^ed by his Majefty and their lorxlftips, 
 for in truth it did not feem fo to inej however, if I 
 
 * were
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 55 
 
 We know little more of CromwelPs ac- 
 tions, 
 
 * were once told, that his Majefty liked not to be thus 
 
 * ferved, I would readily conform inyfelf, follow the 
 
 * bent and current of my own difpofition, which is to 
 
 * be quiet, not to have debates and difputes with any. 
 
 * Here his Majefly interrupted me and faid, that was no 
 ' feverity, wifhed me to go on in that way j for, if I 
 
 ' ferved him otherwife, I fhould not ferve him as he ,« L^j^g^g 
 ' expelled from me (/).' Thus it was the welfare of and Dif- 
 the church, and the neceflity of his Majefty's fervice, re- patches, vol. 
 quired perfecution and oppreflion, and forc'd thefe men, "' ^' *°' 
 if you'll believe them, to a6l contrary to their own in- 
 clinations. But whatever was the occafion, the go- 
 vernment, of which they had the chief direction, was 
 very fevere. ' The fevere cenfures in the ftar- chamber, 
 ' and the greatne's of the fines, and the rigorous pro- 
 
 * ceedings to impofe ceremonies, the fufpending and 
 
 * filencing multitudes of minifters, for not reading in 
 
 * the church the book for fports to be exercis'd on the 
 
 * Lord's day, caufed manv of the nation both minifters 
 ' and others to fell their eftates and to fet fail for New 
 
 * Englond, where they held a plantation by natent from {»') Rufh- 
 ' the King (m): ' The Lord Brooke, and the Lord Sav ^y*"^^' ^'°'- 
 
 * and Seale had actually pitched upon a fpor in New 
 
 * Ertgland, whither they purpofed to tranfport them- 
 ' felves, when the excelles of the court threatned de- 
 ' ftrucStion to the freedom of their country. In 1635, 
 
 * the two lords fent over Mr. George Fenxvicke to pre- 
 
 * pare a retreat for them and their friends, in confe- („) Wal- 
 
 ' quence of which a little town was built, and called by pole's Cata- 
 
 * their joint names Saybrooke («).' Among others, thus '[^o"ji°nd 
 inclined, was the patriot Hayjipden^ and his coufm OH- Noble Au- 
 ver Cromwell [0) : but being on board they were ftop'd thors, vol. i. 
 by a proclamation, whereby * all merchants, maliers \^^\j.„ 
 
 * and owners of {hips were forbidden to fet forth any {0) Ncak-'s' 
 
 * ftiip or (hips with pafldngers, till they firft obtained Hiftory of 
 
 * fpecial licence on that behalf from fuch of the lords '^^^ p"\2. 
 ' of his Majefties privy council as were appointed for vol.'ii.gvo. 
 
 K 4 ' the Load. 1733,
 
 56 THELIFEOF 
 
 tions, (his oppofition to the draining (n) of 
 the fens, pro;e6:ed by a powerful nobieman, 
 excepted) till the parliament fummoned, 
 
 through 
 
 * the bufinefs of foreign plantations.* Nothing could 
 be more barbarous than this ! To impofe Jaws on men 
 which in confcience they thought they could not com- 
 ply with ; to punifh them for their non-complyance, and 
 continually revile them as undutiful and difobedient fub- 
 jects by reafon thereof, and yet net permit them peace- 
 ably to depart and enjoy their own opinions in a diftant 
 part of the world, yet dependant on the fovereign : to 
 do all this, was bale, barbarous and inhuman. But 
 perfecutors of all ages and nations are near the fame ; 
 they are without the feelings and without the under- 
 flandings of men. Cromiueil cr Hampden could have 
 given little oppofition to the meafures oi Charles in the 
 wilds of AV/A America, In Et gland they engag'd with 
 fpirit againft him, and he had reafon to repent his hin- 
 jdring their voyage. May fuch at ail times be the re- 
 ward of thofe who attempt to rule over their fellow men 
 with rigour: may they find that they will not be flaves 
 to Kings or priefts ! But that thiev know the rights, 
 by nature conferr'd on them, and will afTert them! This 
 Will make princes cautious how they give themfelves up 
 to arbitrary counfels, and dread the confequences of 
 ihem. And may every minifter, who forgets or tram- 
 ples on the laws of hurrtanity, have his charadler at ieafl: 
 as much branded a> are Sirnffcrde's and Laudh. 
 
 (n) He (ppofed the draining of the fen., i^c. ] The 
 fenny country reaches fixty eight miles from the borders 
 oi Suffolk J t6 ^P^ai'/Jieet in Lincoh^JhJrcj zn6 coni&ins {ome 
 millions of acres in the four counties of Ccrnhridgc^ Hun- 
 tington, Ncrihaniptcn and Uuicjn. The draining of it 
 had frequently been confidered and debated in Parliament 
 in former tim^s; but, though deem'd ufeful, was laid 
 afide, through fear that it would foon return to its old 
 ftate, like the P online vcm^^% \vi Italy,, after their drain- 
 ing-
 
 OLIVER CROMWEL^^L. $7 
 
 through neceflity, by Charles I. in November ^ 
 one thoufand fix hundred and forty j a par- 
 liament ever memorable in the Britifi an- 
 nals! 
 
 ^ng (/)). * The Earl of Bedford, and divers of theprin- , ^ q^^^^^ 
 
 * cipal gentlemen, whofe habitations confined upon den's Bri- 
 ,* the fens, and who, in the heat of fummer, fav vaft tannia 
 
 * quantities of lands, which the frelh waters overflowed J, ■ ""» 
 
 .* . . ■ . VOi. 1. c. 
 
 ^ in the winter, lie dry and green, or drainable : wbe- 4S9, 450. 
 
 * ther it was publiclc fpirif, or private advantage, which ^°^- Load, 
 
 * led them thereunto, a flranger cannot determine ; they '''*^* 
 
 * make proportions unto the King to iiTue out commif- 
 
 * fions of fewers to drain thofe lands, and offer a pro- 
 
 * portion freely to be given to the crown for its coun- 
 
 * tenance and authority therein : and as all thefe great 
 
 * and publick works muft neceflarily concern multitudes 
 ^ of perfons, who will never think they have exadl juf- 
 
 * tice done to them for that fmall pretence of right they 
 
 * have unto fome commons j fo the commiffioners, let 
 
 * them do what they can, could never fatisfy fuch a 
 
 * body of men. And now the King is declared the 
 
 * principal undertaker for the draining ; and by this 
 
 * time the vulgar are grown clamorous againft thefe 
 
 * firft popular lords and undertakers, who had joined 
 
 * with the King in the fecond undertaking, though they 
 
 * had much better provifions for them than their inte- 
 
 * reft was ever before : and the commiffioners muft by 
 
 * multitudes and clamours be withftood ; and, as a head 
 
 * of this faction, Mr. CnrnweU, in the year 1639, at 
 
 * HuntingtoJiy appears ; which made his aiflivity fo weD 
 ' known to his friend and kinfman, Mr. Hampden, that 
 
 * he, in this parliament, gave a character of CromwelL, 
 
 ' of being an aflive perfon, and one that would fit well / % ^^j._ 
 
 * at the mark (^).' Dugda'e tells us, ' his boldneii w:ck, p. 
 
 * and eloquence in this bufinefs gained him fo much ^s^. 
 
 * credit, as that, foon after, being neceffitated, through 
 
 * his low condition, to quit a country farm, which he 
 
 * held at Si. Ives, and betake himfelf to mean loJg- 
 
 * ings in Cambridge, the fchifmatical party there chofe 
 
 * him
 
 58 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 nals ! ever to be celebrated and admired by 
 the lovers of liberty, for its refolution, firm- 
 
 nefs 
 
 * him a burgef?, for their corporation, in that unhappy 
 
 * long parliament, which began at IVeflminfter the third 
 (•■) Short ( Qf Js^ovember 1640 (r).' What were Cromwell's mo- 
 Jscl' ^' **^'^^ *° oppofe the drainings of the fens is hard, at 
 
 this diftance of time, to fay. Ignorance of its uti- 
 lity, fuppos'd injury to the common people, who 
 paftured their cattle there, or a defire of ingratiating 
 himfelf with the country to whom this project was 
 odious, may fcparately or jointly have occasioned it. 
 However his fuccefsful oppofition gave his enemies an 
 occafion afterwards to dignify him with the title of 
 0) Mercu- t Lord of the Fenns (j).' The reader may perhaps be 
 Nov ?^*'"^' pleafed to hear, that, long fince the times I am now 
 1643. writing of, ' the county of Cambridge hath received 
 
 * a very confiderable improvement, by draining the 
 
 * fens in the ifle of Ely, a work that was carried on at 
 ' a vafl expence, but has at laft turned to double ac- 
 
 * count, both in gaining much ground, and mending 
 
 * the reft ; and alfo in refining and clearing the air of 
 CaiSdtn'*'* * ^^*^ country (/).' It were to be wiftied we had more 
 
 vol. i. p.* of fuch improvements. Since writing the above, 
 
 479- I find an adt of parliament, pafled in the year 1649, ^'^^ 
 
 draining the grent level of the fens. In the preamble 
 of this zQ. it is faid, ^ That whereas the faid great le- 
 ' vel, by reafon of frequent overflowings of the rivers 
 ' have been of fmall and uncertain profit, but 
 
 * (if drained) may be improved and made profitable, 
 ' and of great advantage to the commonwealth, and the 
 
 * particular owners, t^fc. And whereas Francis, late 
 
 * Earl of Bedford^ did undertake the faid work, and 
 
 * had ninety-five' thoufand acres, parcel of the faid great 
 
 * level, decreed and fet forth, in Oofoher, in the thir- 
 
 * teenth year of the reign of the late King Charles, in 
 
 * recompenfe thereof; and he and his participants, and 
 
 * their heirs and afljgns, have made a good progrefs 
 
 * therein, with expence of great and raft fums of mo- 
 
 « ney ;
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 59 
 
 nefs and public fpirit ! In this memorable 
 period Oliver joined the glorious band (o) of 
 
 pa- 
 
 « ncy; — but by reafon of fome late interruptions, the works 
 ' there made have fallen into decay : Be it therefore ena£t- 
 ' ed and ordained, that Wiiliam^ now Earl of Bedford^ 
 
 * &c. in recompence of the aforefaid charge and ad- 
 
 * venture, and for bearing the charge of draining, and 
 
 * maintaining the works from time to time, fhal! have 
 ' and enjoy the faid whole ninety-five thoufand acres.* 
 Oliver Cromwell, Lieutenant-General, is appointed one 
 of the commifiioners, to hear, determine, order, ad- 
 judge and execute all fuch things as are prefcribed by 
 
 this a6t. Another adl pafTed May 26, 1654, under / ^ Scobd'*. 
 
 the prote£lorfliip of Cromwell, for the fame purpofe («). colleaionof 
 From thefe acts of parliament it plainly appears, that, ^^^ ^^^ '^^• 
 whatever oppofuion was made to Lord Bedford^ and the MTy^iel'n 
 other undertakers, yet it hindered not their proceedings; and May 
 that the parliament of the commonwealth of England 1654- F'''- 
 was attentive to the publick utih'ty ; and that Cromwell °" ' ' ^ * 
 was wife enough to overcome his prejudices, and join 
 in promoting the common good. 
 
 (o) He pint d the gkrious band cf patriots'] 'Tis well 
 known how hateful the meafures of the court Were at 
 the meeting of this parHament. Every thing unpopu- 
 lar, unjuft and odious had been put in pratSlice, in or- 
 der to be able to do without parliaments, and to rule 
 by will and pleafure. Thofe who had fuffered for their 
 oppofition to injuftice and tyranny, were now the fa- 
 vourites of the people. They were applauded and ca- 
 refled every where j nor could any, with fafcty, open 
 their mouths againft them. In this temper were the 
 people when Charles, by dire neceffity, was compelled 
 to call this ever-memorable parliament. The people 
 rejoiced ; they hoped the time was now come when they 
 might utter their grievances with impunity, and expc£l 
 redrefs. Accordingly they, for the molt parr, took 
 great care in the choice of their reprefentatives, as 
 fefteenning it of the utmoft importance to their religion 
 and liberties. Whoever hoped for the honour of a 
 8 feat
 
 eo T H E L I F E O F 
 
 patriots, who wifhed well to their king, their 
 country, their religion and laws. Here, air 
 
 mofl 
 
 feat in parliament mufl:, at leaft, have promifed fair, 
 and appeared hearty in the caufe of his country. Men 
 pf this character were not wanting j and, though fome 
 friends to tyranny, and future apoftates, found means 
 to enter, the majority were honeft and upright, of fair 
 
 intentions and firm refoiutions. Lord Clare idtm^ 
 
 fpeaking of them, fays, * In the houfe of commons 
 ' were many perfons of wifdom and gravity, v.ho be- 
 
 * ing poflefled of great and plentiful fortunes, though 
 
 * they were undevoted enough to the court, had all ima- 
 
 * gin able duty for the King, and afFection for the go- 
 
 * vernment eftabliftied by law or antient cuftomj and, 
 
 * without doubt, the major part of that body confifted 
 
 * of men who had no mind to break the peace of the 
 
 * kingdom, or to make any conhderablc alteration in 
 
 * the government of church and itatc ; and therefore 
 ' al! inventions were fet on foot from the beginning to 
 ' work on them and corrupt them, by fuggeftions *' of the 
 
 * dangers which threatened all that was precious to the 
 
 * fubje^ in their liberty and their property, by over- 
 
 * throwing or ovcrmaftering the law, and futjetf^ing 
 
 * it to an arbicrarv power, and by countenancing pope- 
 
 * ry to the fubverfion of the proteftant religion •" and 
 
 * then, by infufing terrible apprehenfions into fome, and 
 
 * fo working upon their fears " of being called . in 
 
 * queftion for fomewhat they had done, by which 
 
 * they would ftand in need of their protection ;" and 
 ' raifing the hopes of others, "that, by concurring with 
 ' them, they fhould be fure to obtain offices, and hq- 
 
 * nours, and any kind of preferment." Though there 
 
 * were too many corrupted and milled by thele feve- 
 
 * ral temptations, and others who needed no other 
 ' temptations than from the fiercenefs of their own na- 
 
 * tures, and the malice they had contraded againfl the 
 
 * church and againft the court; yet the number was 
 
 * not great of thofe in whom the government of the 
 
 ' reft
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 6i 
 
 mofl: immediately, Cromwell was appointed of 
 a committee, withMr^HamfJe/i, Mr. Stroode, 
 
 Alder- 
 
 * reft was vefted, nor were there many who had the 
 
 * abfolute authority to lead, though there was a multitude (,v) Hiftory 
 ' difpofed to follow (x).' What their views and defigiis ^^ the Re- 
 were, the fame author tells us * There was obferved , J^^o/ 
 
 * a marvellous elated countenance in many of the mem- 
 
 * hers of parliament before they met together in the 
 ' houfe ; the fame men who, fix months before, were 
 
 * obferved to be of very moderate tempers, and to wifh 
 
 * that gentle remedies might be applied, without open- 
 
 * ing the wound too wide, and fcxpofmg it to the air, 
 
 * and rather to cure what was amifs, than too ftridtly 
 ' to make inquifition into the caules and original of ths 
 ' malady, talked now in another dialetSt both of things 
 
 * and perfons ; and faid that they muft now be of ano- 
 ' ther temper than they were the laft parliament ; that 
 
 * they muft not only fweep the houfe clean below, but 
 
 * muft pull down all the cobwebs which hung in the 
 
 * top and corners, that they might not breed duft, and 
 ' fo make a foul houfe hereafter ; that they had now an 
 ' opportunity to make their country happy, by re* 
 
 * moving all grievances, and pulling up the caufes of 
 
 * them by the roots, if all men would do their duties ; 
 
 * and ufed much other ftiarp difcourfe to, the fame {.-ur- 
 
 * pofe (j).' And what is there marvellous in this r '^' ^^* P* 
 Thefe men had, by very late and frefh experience, 
 
 found that the King was cbftinateiy bent on his old 
 courfes, cherifiied the fame tools of tyranny, hated the 
 fons of freedom, and even dared to imprifon men for 
 doing their duty in parliament: I fay, they had lately 
 had new proofs of it, and therefore were not to be 
 blamed for their fliarp difcouifc, or (harper actions. 
 
 Immediately, on the opening of this parliament, wc 
 
 find great complaints made of grievances, not only by 
 
 Mr, Pymme (alone mentioned by Claiendon^ who has 
 
 confounded the bufinefs of grievances with'Lord Straf- 
 
 fordis affiiir} but alfo by Mr. Cci}il, afterwards Lord
 
 62 THELIFEOF 
 
 Alderman Fennington^ Sir Edward Hunger- 
 fordy Mr. KirtoUy Mr. Holies, Mr. Valentine^ 
 
 Mr. 
 
 Capel, Sir Henry Bellajis, Sir y^^w /^'fljS Sir //jv^^/^ 
 Cholmely, Sir Philip Mujgrave^ Sir Francis Seymour, Sir 
 yjAn Faciinrtorty Sir 7homas Barrington, Sir ^c/m C»>- 
 pepper, and others. The grievances were threefold ; 
 I. fome againft the privilege of parliament; 2. others 
 to the prejudice of religion ; and, 3. another fort againft 
 the liberty of the fubjecl. The'e were enlarged on 
 with no unnatural warrnth ; their illegality and hardfhip 
 manifeftcd ; the inftruments of oppreflion pointed our^ 
 and their demerits difplaycd; and remedies for removing 
 the grievances were mentioned, viz. by declaring the 
 law where it was doubtful, and providing for the exe- 
 worth, vol. cution of the law where it was clear (z). And to the 
 iv. p. 21 — honour of the houie of commons it mufl be faid, that 
 *^* they went briskly to work, and accomplifiied many of 
 
 their good intentions, uninfluenced by hope, unawed 
 by fear. They impeached the King's chief miniflers, 
 Straff'jrde and Laud, and brought them defervedly to 
 the block ; they declared the judgment of the judges 
 to be falfe and illegal ; they ahoiiftied thofe vile courts 
 of the hish-commiffion and Itar-chamber, in which fo 
 many oppreflTive and cruel fenteiices had been palled ; 
 they gave liberty to thofe in captivity for their oppofi- 
 tion to the prelates j they provided for the frequency 
 of parliaments, the difufe of which had given boldnefs 
 to the courtiers ; they dipt the wings of the ecclefiaf- 
 tics, and brought them nearer to their firft inftitution j 
 and they would have done many other things, equally 
 ufeful to that age and pofterity, had they not been de- 
 (erted by fome, oppofed by others, and hindered by roy- 
 al authority. But they continued their endeavours not- 
 "withftanding, and, for the public go.d, expofed their 
 fortunes, themlelves, and their polterity, to the civil 
 war ; in v/hich, had they been overcome, they would 
 all have been treated as traytors and rebels. Mr. Ne- 
 ville had reafon then for characterizing them, at leaft 
 
 twenty
 
 OLIVERCROMWELL. 63 
 
 Mr. Peard, Lord Digby, Mr. St. John, Mr. 
 Seldejiy Mr. Rous, Mr. Pj;;/, Mr. Ba^fhaiv, 
 
 and 
 
 twenty or thirty of them, * as men of high and 
 
 * unqueftionable reputation, who having flood their 
 ' ground in feven parliaments before, which, in 
 ' the two laft kings reigns, [this was wrote in the 
 
 * time of Charles II.] had been difTolved abruptly and 
 
 * in wrath, and having refifled the fear of imprifon- 
 
 * ment and great fines for their love to England, as well 
 ' as the temptation of money and offices to betray it, 
 
 * both inferred by the wicked councellours of that age, 
 
 * tending both to the ruin of our jufl rights, and the 
 
 * detriment of their mafler's affairs ; 1 fay, having con- 
 
 * ftantly, and with great magnanimity and honour, 
 ' made proof of their integrity, they had acquired fo 
 
 * great a reputation, that not only the parliament, but 
 
 * even almofl the whole people, Ituck to them and 
 
 ' were fwayed by them without fear of being (a) Phto 
 
 * deferted, or, as we fay, left in the lurch («).'• .RcdLvivus, 
 
 Let us hear Milton rehearfing their praifes in i642.',',njo.2dej. 
 After having mentioned their birth, their education, 
 
 and their virtue unfuilied amidft great difcouragcments 
 and temptations, he adds, * Thus, in the midlt of all 
 
 * difadvantages and difrefpeifls (fome alfo at lalt not 
 ' without imprifonment and open djfgraces in the caufe 
 
 * of their country) having given proof of themfelvea 
 ' to be better made and framed by nature to the love 
 
 * and pra6fice of virtue, than others, under the holicft 
 ' precepts and beft examples, have been headffrong and 
 ' prone to vice; and having, in all the trial > of a firm 
 ' ingrafted honef^y, not oftner buckled in the confii(9: 
 
 * than given every oppofition the foil ; this, more- 
 
 * over, was added, by favour from heaven, as anorna- . 
 
 * ment and happinefs to their virtue, that it fliould be 
 ' neither obfcure, in the opinion of men, nor eclipied 
 
 * for want of matter equal to iiluflrate itfeif ; God and 
 
 * man confenting, in joint approbation, to chufe them 
 
 * out, as worthieft above others, to be both the great ' 
 
 ' re-
 
 64 T H E L I F E O F* 
 
 and Mr. Grimfiony to take into confideratidrr 
 
 tlie 
 
 reformers of the church, and the reftorers of the 
 commonwealth. Nor did they deceive thatexpe6iatioa 
 which, with the eyes and deilres of their country,, 
 was fixt upoij them ; for no fooner did the force of 
 fo much united excellence meet in one globe of bright- 
 nefs and eiEcacy, but, encountering the dazled refift- 
 ance of tyranny, they gave not over, though their 
 enemies v.'ere firong and futtle, tiH they had laid her 
 groveling upon the fatal block : with one llrolce win- 
 ning again our loft liberties and charters, which our 
 forefathers, after fo many battles, could fcarce main- 
 tain. And meeting next, as I may fo refemble, with 
 the fecond life of tyranny (for fhe was grown an am- 
 biguous monfter, and to be flain in two fhapes) guard- 
 ed with fuperftition, which hath no fmall power to 
 captivate the minds of men otherwife moft wife, they 
 neither were taken with her mitred hypocrify, nor 
 terrified with the pufli of her beftial horns, but, break- 
 ing them immediately, forced her to unbend the pon- 
 tifical brow, and recoil : which repulfe, only given to 
 the prelates (that we may imagine how happy their re- 
 moval would be) was the producement of i'uch glori- 
 ous efFecSii and confequenccs in the church, that, if I 
 fhould compare them with thofe exploits of higheft 
 fame in poems and panegyrics of old, I am certain it 
 would but diminifli and impair their worth, who are 
 now my argument ; for thofe antient worthies deli- 
 vered men from fuch tyrants as were content to in- 
 force only an outward obedience, letting the mind be 
 as free as it could j but thefe have fieed us from a 
 do^lrine of tyranny that offered violence and corrup- 
 tion even to the inward perfwafion ; they fet at liber- 
 ty nations and cities of men, good and bad mixed to- 
 gether j but thefe, opening the prifons and dungeons, 
 called out of darknefs and bonds the elcdt martyrs and 
 witnefles of their Redeemer : they reftored the body 
 to eafe and wealth j but thefe the oppreiTed confciencc 
 
 « ta
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 65 
 
 the petitions of Leighton and Lilburn *, who *>j^'j^a^5o^ 
 
 nad commons, 
 Nov. g, 
 1640. 
 
 ' to that freedom which is the chief prerogative of the 
 
 * Gofpel ; taking ofF thofe cruel burthens impofed not 
 
 * by neceffity, as other tyrants are wont for the fafe- 
 
 * guard of their Hves, but laid upon our necks by the 
 
 * flrange wilfulnefs and wantonnefs of a needlefs and 
 
 * jolly perfecutor called indifference. Laftly» Some of 
 ' thofe ancient deliverers have had immortal praifes, 
 ' for preferving their citizens from a famine of corn ; 
 ' but thefe, by this only repulfe of an unholy hierar- 
 
 * chy, almoft in a moment replenifhed with faving 
 ' knowledge their country, nigh 'famiftied for want of 
 
 « that which fhould feed their fouls (^)." This is very EfJ^f^''^""'^ 
 juff, and admirably exprefled ; however, 'tis but juf- Works, vol, 
 tice to the reader, to let him know that Milton altered i- P- »3°« 
 his opinion of thefe very men, on account that their 
 after proceedings, in his judgment, were unfuitable to 
 thefe glorious beginnings. His words are worth record- 
 ng. ' A parliament being called, to redrefs many 
 things, as 'twas thought, the people, with great cou- 
 rage, and expectation to be eafed of what difcontent- 
 ed them, chofe to their behoof in parliament, fuch 
 as they thought beft afFeiled to the public good, and 
 fome indeed men of wifdom and integrity; the reft, 
 (to be fure the greater part) whom wealth or ample 
 pofTeffions, or bold and acftive ambition (rather than 
 merit) had commended to the fame place. But when 
 once the fuperficial zeal and popular fumes, that adied 
 their new magiftracy, were cooled and fpent in them, 
 ftrait every one betook himfelf (fetting the common- 
 wealth behind, his private ends before) to do as his 
 own profit or ambition led him. Then was juftice 
 delayed, and foon after denied : fpight and favour de- 
 termined all : hence failion, thence treachery, both 
 at home and in the field : every where wrong and 
 oppreflion : foul and horrid deeds committed daily, or 
 maintained in fecret, or in open. Some who had 
 been called from (hops and warehoufes, without other 
 F ■ ' me-
 
 66 THELIFEOF 
 
 had been fo inhumanly ufed for their oppofi- 
 
 . tion 
 
 i 
 
 merit, to fit in fupreme councils and committees (as 
 their breeding was) fell to huckfter the common- 
 wealth. Others did thereafter as men could footh 
 and humour them beft j fo he who would give moft, 
 or under covert of hypocritical zeal, infmuate bafeft, 
 enjoyed unworthily the rewards of learning and fide- 
 lity ; or efcaped the punifliment of his crimes and 
 mifdeeds. Their votes and ordinances, which men 
 looked fliould have contained the repealing of bad 
 laws, and the immediate conftitution of better, re- 
 founded with nothing elfe, but new impofitions, tax- 
 es, excifes ; yearly, monthly, weekly. Not to reck- 
 on the offices, gifts and preferments, beftowed and 
 
 ihared among themfelves. And, if the ft ate were 
 
 in this plight, religion was not in much better; to 
 reform which, a certain number of divines were cal- 
 led, neither chofen by any rule or cuftom ecclefiaf- 
 tical, nor eminent for either piety or knowledge above 
 others left out, only as each member of parliament, 
 in his private fancy, thought fit, fo elected one by 
 one. The moft part of them were fuch as had preach- 
 ed and cried down, with great fhew of zeal, the ava- 
 rice and pluralities of bifliops and prelates ; that one 
 cure of fouls was a full employment for one fpiritual 
 paftor, how able foever, if not a charge rather above 
 human ftrength. Yet thefe confcientious men (ere 
 any part of the work done for which they came to- 
 gether, and that on the public falary) wanted not 
 boldnefs, to the ignominy and fcandal of their paf- 
 tor-like profefiion, and efpecially of their boafted 
 reformation, to feize into their hands, or not unwil- 
 lingly to accept (befides one, fometimes two or more 
 of the beft livings) collegiate mafterfhips in the uni- 
 verfities, rich lectures in the city, fetting fail to all 
 winds that might blow gain into their covetous bo- 
 foms J by which means thefe great rebukers of non- 
 refidence, among fo many diftant cures, were n^t 
 
 * afhamcd
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. ^j 
 
 tion to the prelates ; and we need not but 
 
 with 
 
 afliamed to be feen fo quickly pluralifts and non-refi- 
 dents themfelves, to a fearful condemnation, doubt- 
 lefs, by their own mouths. And yet the main doc- 
 trine, for which they took fuch pay, and infifted up- 
 on with more vehemence than gofpel, was but to 
 tell uSj in efFe<E^, that their doctrine w-as worth nor- 
 thing, and the fpiritual power of their miniftry lefs 
 available than bodily compulfion; perfuading the ma- 
 giftrate to ufe it, as a ftronger means to fubdue and 
 bring in confcience than evangelical perfuaiion ; dif- 
 trufting the virtue of their own fpiritual weapons, 
 which were given them, if they be rightly called, 
 with full warrant of fuffici/sncy to pull down all 
 thoughts and imaginations that exalt th^mfelves 
 againft God. But while they taught compulfion with- 
 out convincement, which, not long before, they com- 
 plained of, as executed unchriftianly againft them- 
 felves, thefe intents are clear to have been no better 
 than antichriftian ; fetting up a fpiritual tyranny, by 
 a fecular power, to the advancing of their own 
 authority above the magiftrate, whom they would have 
 made their executioner, to punifii church-delinquen- 
 cies, whereof civil laws had no cognizance. And 
 well did their difciples manifeft themfelves to bew) 
 better principled than their teachers ; trufted with 
 committeefhips, and other gainful ofrices, upon their 
 commendations for zealous, and (as they flicked not 
 to term them) godly men, but executing their places 
 like children of the devil, unfaithfully, unjuftly, un- 
 mercifully, and, where not corruptly, ftupidly. So 
 that between the(n the teachers, and thefe the difci- , 
 pies, there hath not been a more ignominious and 
 mortal wound to faith, to piety, to the work of re- 
 formation, nor more caufe of blafpheming given to .%,] 
 the enemies of God and truth, fince the firft preach- M MiltrtTs 
 
 ing of reformation (c).' -A ftronger contraft, per- ^^^\^ . 
 
 ^ 2 haps,ii/p/^47'
 
 6S THELIFEOF 
 
 with zeal he joined in it. The tyranny of 
 the bifhops had been long odious in his eyes^ 
 
 and 
 
 haps, never was than what is formed by thefe two 
 
 paffages of the fame writer. However, in this latter, 
 we may obferve it is allowed they began well, tho' 
 their after-deeds are reprefented as black, odious and 
 detcftabie. Be they what they may, I am not concerned 
 in their vindication. Thofe of them that fall in my 
 way I will reprefent fairly, cenfure candidly, and leave 
 them to the determination of the reader. That there 
 was a glorious band of patriots in the houfe of com- 
 mons, in the beginning of the long parliament, is too 
 evident to be denied. Adiltoriy by mentioning their ac- 
 tions, known fafls, has eftablifhed their charader be- 
 yond all contradidion. Elated by profperity, influenced 
 by the priefthood, enfnared by wealth and power, or_ 
 heated by oppofition, 'tis very poffible many things were* 
 done by them which can never be juftified, though al- 
 lowances be made for times of diforder and ccnfufion : 
 more efpecially the permitting their clergy to tyrannize 
 over the confciences of men, like the prelates that went 
 before them. This latter, indeed, feems to have given 
 Milton the greateft difguft, who was a mortal foe to the 
 dominion of priefts, and a zealous aflertor of the rights 
 of confcience. He could not bear that the fame kind 
 of men fliould complain of and exercife oppreffion ; that 
 thofe, in whofe caufe he had drawn his pen, (hould de- 
 feat all his hopes, and manifeft, that 'twas not liberty, 
 but power, they had been contending for. 
 
 Becaufe you have thrown ofF your prelate lord. 
 And with fliff" vows renounc'd his liturgy. 
 To feize the widow'd whore plurality. 
 From them, whofe fin ye envied, not abhorr'd ; 
 ^ Dare ye for this adjure the civil fword 
 
 To force our confciences that Chrift fet free. 
 And ride us with a claffic hierarchj. « 
 
 Man-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 69 
 
 and therefore he adhered to their enemies in 
 all their attacks on them : though he was far 
 enough from having formed a plan of a dif- 
 ferent government. * I can tell you, Sirs,' 
 faid he to Sir Thomas Chkkely and Sir Phi- 
 
 lip 
 
 Montefqu'ieu feems to account well for a behaviour 
 which appears at firft fight fo unnatural. ' It is a prin- 
 
 * ciple, fays he, that every religion which is perfecuted 
 ' becomes itfelf perfecuting ; for as foon as by fome ac- 
 ' cidental turn it arifes from perfecution, it attacks the 
 
 * religion which perfecuted it ; not as a religion, but as f*] Spirit 
 
 i ^ r * T ' of Laws, 
 
 * a tyranny [*]. vol. ii. p. 
 The parliament however re6lined their conduct, iSo. 
 
 even on this head, to the fore difpleafure of the lordly 
 Prefbyters, and kept them from mifufing and opprciling 
 their brethren. So that upon the whole, though they 
 were not free from faults, yet were they, in the eyes of 
 the knowing and unprejudiced, ' the ableft nobleft fet 
 
 * of people this nation ever produced.' But let us ap- 
 peal to fa£ls. ' When Van Tromp fet upon Blake in 
 
 ' Fole/ion-bay, the parliament had not above thirteen 
 ' fhips againft threescore, and not a man that had ever 
 
 * (ten any other fight at fea, than a merchant fhip and 
 
 * a pyrate, to oppofe the beft captain in the world, at- 
 
 * tended with many others in valour and experience 
 
 * not much inferior to him. Many other difficulties 
 
 * were obferved in the unfettled ftate : few fliips, want 
 
 * of money, feveral factions, and fome who to advance 
 ' particular interefts betrayed the publick. But fuch 
 
 * was the power of wifdom and integrity of thofe that 
 
 * fat at the helm, and their diligence in chufing men 
 ' only for their merit, was blefled with fuch fuccefs, 
 ' that in two years our fleets grew to be as famous as 
 
 * our land armies ; the reputation and power of our na- 
 ' tion rofe to a greater height, than when we pc^flefTed 
 
 * the better half of France^ and the Kings of France and 
 
 * Scotland were our piifoners. All the States, Kings and 
 
 F 3 . ' poten-
 
 •}0 
 
 • War- 
 wick's Me- 
 moirs, p. 
 
 >77. 
 
 {i) SUncy 
 of Govcrn- 
 nient, p. 
 Z2». Folio. 
 Load. 1698, 
 
 («) Short 
 Hiftory of 
 fianding Ax. 
 mies, p. 19. 
 8»o. 1739. 
 And notes 
 (rt), (ll), 
 (mm). 
 (/) Lanf. 
 cowne's 
 Works, vol. 
 ii. p. 20 -. 
 izmo. 1736. 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 lip Warwick^ * what I would not have ; 
 
 * ttough I cannot what I would * :' the 
 cafe of many others I fuppofe at that time. 
 He appeared very zealous for the remon- 
 llrance (p) of the ftate of the kingdom, 
 
 which, 
 
 * potentates of Europe^ moft refpeftfully, not to fay fub- 
 ' miffively, fought our friendfhip ; and Rome was more 
 
 * afraid oi Blake^ than they had been of the great King 
 
 * of Swedtn. when he was ready to invade Italy with a 
 ' hundred thoufand men. This was the work of thofe, 
 ' who, if our author [Fuiner'\ (ay true, thought bafely 
 ' of the publick concernments j and believing things 
 
 * might be weil enough managed by others, minded 
 ' only their private affairs. Thefe were the tfFe£is of 
 
 * the negligence and ignorance of thofe, who being fud- 
 ' denly advanced to offices, were removed before they 
 
 * underflood the duties of them (^).' Mr. Ireruhx^rd 
 
 celebrates their actions in the following manner. * The 
 
 , * parliament governed for five years, who made their 
 
 * liame famous through the whole earth, conquered 
 
 * their enemies in England, Scotlond and Ireland ; re- 
 
 * duced the kingdom of Portugal to their own terms ; 
 
 * recovered our reputation at fea ; overcame the Dutch 
 
 * in feveral famous battles ; fecured our trade, and ma- 
 
 * naged the publick expences with fo much frugality, 
 
 * that no ef^ates were gamed by private men upon the 
 
 * publ.ck miferies; and at lafl were paflin^ an aft for 
 
 * their own diflblution, and fettling the nation in a free 
 
 * and impartial commonwealth ; of which the army 
 
 * being afraid, thought it necefTar)- to difTolve them {e)J 
 The bare recital of thefe facts is an clogium fufficient : 
 and every man who knows them to be facets, will be 
 difpofed to think favourably of thofe who performed 
 them} and to contemn a wjiter who has the infolence 
 and ill breeding (though a frequenter ci courts and a lo- 
 ver of the polite arts) to call them ' a pack of knaves {/).* 
 
 (p) The remanjl ranee of :hejiate cf the kingdom.^ This 
 lemoniirance defervcs very particular notice, as it oc- 
 
 ca-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 71 
 
 which, after long and fharp debates, was 
 carried in the houfe of commons, and or- 
 dered to be printed December 15th, 1641. 
 On the fixth of this month he was appoint- 
 ed of a committee with Mr. Pymme, Mr. 
 
 Lijle, 
 
 cafioned high debates in the houfe of commons ; divi- 
 fions among the members, and perhaps haftened the re- 
 folution of the impeachment and intended feizure of the 
 Lord Khnbolton and the five members, which foon IfTued 
 into a war between -his Majefty and the two houfes. 
 
 * The houfe of commons, fays Whitlock^ prepared a 
 ' remonftrance of theftate of the kingdom ; wherein they 
 
 * mentioned all the millakes, misfortunes, illegalities, and 
 ' defaults in government, fince the King's coming to the 
 
 * crown, the evil counfels and counfellors, and a ma- 
 ' lignant party, that they have no hopes of fettling the 
 
 * diftraflions of this kingdom, for want of a concur- 
 
 * rence with the lords. This remonftrance wasfome- 
 
 * what roughly penned, both for the matter and the ex- 
 
 * preffions in it, and met with great oppofitlons in the 
 
 ' houfe ; infomuch as the debate of it lalfed from three * . 
 
 * o'clock in the afternoon, till ten o'clock the next 
 
 * morning j and the fitting up all night caufed many 
 
 * through weaknefs or wearinefs to leave the houfe, and 
 
 ' Sir B. R. [Sir Benjamin Rudyard I fiippofej to com- {g) Memo- 
 
 * pare it to the verdidl of a ftarved jury [g].' '■i^l^, p. 51. 
 
 The truth is, this remonftrance contains a conclfe hif- 
 tory of the enormities of Charles's government, the evil 
 counfellors who had, and did guide him, and the mifchiefs 
 which they had been meditating againft the houfe itfelf 
 for their oppofition to, and corre£lion of abufes. * The 
 
 * oppofitions, obftru£lions and other difficulties, fays 
 
 * the remonftrance, wherewith we have been encoun- 
 ' tred, and which ftilf lye in our way with fome ftrength 
 
 * and much obftinacy, are thefe : The malignant party 
 
 * whom we have formerly defcribed, to be the a6tors 
 ' and promoters of all our mlfcry, they have taken heart 
 
 F 4 * again i
 
 72 THELIFEOF 
 
 LiJJe^ Sir Guy Palmes, Lord Falkland, Mr. 
 Strode, Sir John Strangeways, Sir * * * Ar- 
 myn, * * * Hide-, to prefent fome fuch 
 courfe to the houfe, as may be fit to prevent 
 all abufes in the eledion of members to 
 
 ferve 
 
 * again; they have been able to prefer fome of their 
 
 * own fa£iors and agents to cegrees of honor, to places 
 
 * of truft and employment even during the parliament. 
 
 * ,They have endeavoured to woiJc in his Majelly ill im- 
 ' preflions and opinions of our proceedings, as if we had 
 
 fAt^heRe- * altogether done our own work, and not his, and had 
 
 monflrar.ce ' obtained from him many things very preiudicial to the 
 
 of the Ssate < crown, both in refpefSt of prerogative and profit {h).^ 
 
 ^^^^ ^'"I'.Again — * They have fought, by many fubtile practices, 
 
 4to/Lond. * to caufe jealoufies and divifions betwixt us and cur 
 
 1641. « brethren of Scotland, by flandering their proceedings 
 
 ' and intentions towards us; and by fecret endeavours 
 
 ' to inftigate and incenfe them and us one againft an- 
 
 ' other. They have had fuch a party of bifhops and 
 
 * popiflb lords in the houfe of peers as hath caufed much 
 ' oppofition and delay in the profecution of dehnquents, 
 
 * hindered the proceedings of divers good bills pafled in 
 
 * the commons houfe, concerning the reformation of 
 ' fundry great abufes and corruptions both in church and 
 
 * ftate. They have laboured to fed uce and corrupt fome 
 
 * of the commons houfe, to draw them into confpira- 
 
 * cles and combinations againft the liberty of the par- 
 
 * liament; and by their inftrum.ents and agents, they 
 
 * have attempted to difaffedt and difcontent his Majef- 
 
 * ties army, and to engage it for the maintenance of 
 ' their wicked and trayterous defigns, the keeping up of 
 
 * bifhops in their votes and functions, and by force to 
 
 * compel the parliament to order, limit and difpofe their 
 ' proceedings in fuch manner as might beft concur with 
 ' the intentions of this dangerous and potent faction. 
 
 * And when one mifchievous defign and attempt of 
 ' theirs to bring on the army againft the parliairerit 
 
 * and
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 73 
 
 ferve in the houfe: and in particular to take 
 into confiderafion' the information given to 
 the houfe, concerning the elediion at Arun- 
 del m Siijj'ex *: as he was appointed of many oflhelouik 
 
 others, ofwmmoa*. 
 
 ' and the city of London had been difcovered and pre- 
 ' vented, they prefently undertook another of the fame 
 ' damnable nature, with this addition to it, to endea- 
 ■ vour to make the Scottijh army neutral,, whilft the Eng- 
 ' lijh army, which they had laboured to corrupt and in- 
 
 * venome againft us by their falfe and flanderous fuggef- 
 ' tions, fhould execute their malice to the fubverfioa 
 
 * of our religion and the difTolution of our government. 
 ' Thus they have been continually pracStifing to difturb 
 ' the peace, and plotting the defl:ru6iion even of all the 
 
 * King's dominions, and have employed their emilTa- 
 
 * ries and agents in them all for the promoting of their 
 ' devilifli defigns, which the vigilancy of thofe who 
 
 * were well affedted hath ftill difcovered, and defeated 
 
 * before they were ripe for execution in England and 
 ' Scotland; only in Ireland^ which was farther off, they 
 
 * have had time and opportunity to mould and prepare 
 
 * their work, and had brought it to that perfediion, that 
 
 * they had po/Tefled themfelves of that whole kingdom — 
 ' if their main enterprife upon the city and caftle of 
 ' Dublin had not been detedled and prevented. And 
 
 * certainly, had not God, in his great mercy unto this 
 
 * land, difcovered and confounded their former defigns, 
 
 * we had been the prologue to this tragedy in Ireland, 
 
 *■ and had by this time been made the lamentable fpec- (') The Rc- 
 
 * tacle of mifery and confufion (7).' Lord Clarendcn ™''"ft^^"«» 
 
 gives a large account of the paffing this remonftrance, 
 
 and among other particulars, the following: * They 
 
 * [the leading men in the houfe of commons] promifed 
 
 * themfelvci. they fhould eafily carry it: fo that the day 
 
 * It was to be refumed, they entertain'd the houfe all 
 
 * the morning with other debates, and towards noon 
 
 * call'd for the remonftrance ; and it being urg'd by 
 
 * fome.
 
 74 THELIFEOF 
 
 others. So that what has been fald of his « I 
 being little known, or taken notice of in the 
 beginning of this parliament, muft be with- 
 out 
 
 * fome, that it was too late to enter upon it, with much 
 
 * difficulty they confented, that it fhould be enter'd 
 « upon next morning at nine of the clock ; and every 
 
 * claufe fhould be debated j for they would not have the 
 
 * houfe refolv'd into a committee, which they believ'd 
 
 * would fpend too mucn time. Oliver Cromwell (who 
 
 * at that time was little taken notice of) afk'd the Lord 
 
 * Falkland^ why he would have it put off, for that day 
 ' would quickly have determined it ? He anfwered, there 
 ' would not have been time enough, for fare it would 
 ' take fome debate. The other replied, A very forry 
 ' one : they fupp. fing, by the computation they had 
 ' made, that very few would oppofe it.* But he quickly 
 found he was miftaken. For the debates, as appears 
 from the quotation above from IVhiilockf being very 
 long, and the houfe confenting to adjourn, * As they 
 ' went out of the houfe, the Lord Falkland alked Oliver 
 
 * Cromwell whether there had been a debate ? To which 
 ' he anfwered, he would take his word another time ; 
 
 * and whifpered him in the ear, with fome affevera- 
 
 * tion, that if the remonftrance had been rejefled, he 
 ' would have fold all he had the next morning, and 
 
 * never have feen England more ; and he knew there 
 
 * were many other honeft men of the fame refolution. 
 
 * So near was the poor kingdom at that time to its dcli- 
 (*) Vol. ii. ' verance {k)* This refle6tion is added by his lordfliip 
 P* 3^** on account of the fniall majority by which the remon- 
 
 ftrance paffed, which he fays was by nine voices and no 
 more. It is but a trifle j but thofe who are very po- 
 (/) Journal fitive, (hould be exad. The numbers for pafling the 
 *5. j/* remonftrance were 159 ; againft it, J48(/}; fo it pafs'd 
 by eleven voices. Sir Ralph Hopton read and prefented 
 it to his Majefty at Hampton- Court, who received him 
 and thofe who accompanied him from the houfe well, 
 but dcfired it might not be publifhed till the houfe had 
 
 his
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 75 
 
 out foundation. — When the civil war broke 
 out, he adhered to the parliament, raifed a 
 
 troop 
 
 his anfwer. But on the 1 5th of Diff^^w^^r following it 
 was order'd to be printed by the commons, notwith- 
 ftanding. The above anecdote indicates the temper and 
 fpirit oi Cromwell, and clearly (hews that he was de- • 
 
 termined no longer to fubmit to illegal rule The 
 
 remonftrance itfelf was indeed a very bold thing, and 
 little lefs than bidding Charles defiance : nor can it much 
 be wonderd at. They who put it on foot well knew 
 they were the objefts of his Majefty's hatred and aver- 
 fion. What he had attempted againft them was appa- 
 rent ; what he intended, they conjedlured, and, per- 
 haps, more than he intended. They had no meafures 
 now to keep with him, and he us'd as little ceremony 
 with them. For foon after followed his going to the 
 houfe to feize thofe whom he deem'd heads of the op- 
 pofition ; his departure from Whitehall \ the difputes 
 about the militia ; the erefting his ftandard at Not- 
 tingham ; in a word, the civil war. I cannot omit the 
 following paflages from IVarzuick ; they fhew the tem- 
 per of the times, and ihe zeal which on both fides was 
 exerted on this memorable occafion. * Upon the King's 
 
 * return out of Scotland, the city of London's fplendid 
 ' entertainment of him, and the difcourfes that flew in 
 
 * all parts, of the ample fatisfailion the King had given 
 ' (both which they forefaw, before it was put in exe- 
 ' cution) made them prepare fo foul a remonftrance to 
 
 * give the King his firft entertainment amongft: them, 
 
 * that a blacker libel could not be framed either againft 
 ' his perfon or government ; and it pafled fo tumultu- 
 
 * oufly two or three nights before the King came to 
 
 * town, that at three of the clock in the morning, 
 ' when they voted it, I thought, we had all fat in the 
 
 * valley of the (hadow of death ; for we, like Joafs 
 
 * and Jhner's young men, had catched at each others 
 
 * locks, and fheathed our fwords in each others bowels, 
 
 * had not the fagacity and great calmnefs of Mr. Homp- 
 
 I « den.
 
 76 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 troop of horfe, whom he chofe and ( q^) 
 difciplined in fuch manner as rendered them 
 
 terrible 
 
 tm) Me- ' ^'""^ ^y ^ fljort fpeech prevented it, and led us to 
 moirs, p. ' defer our angry debate until the next morning («).' 
 *oi. This paflage does honor to Hc.mpda.''^ abilities. Mr. 
 
 (r) Hiftory Uti^^ ^a)":, * there are many grofs falfhoods in this re- 
 of Great Bri- * monftrance (») :' he ought to have pointed them out, 
 tain, vol. 1. inftead of inventing reafons, and fuggefting them to 
 have been offered for and againft it. 
 
 ( Q^) He raifed a troop of horfe ^ whom he chofe and difci- 
 plined in fuch a manner as rendered them terrible to their 
 enemies^ &c.] Crcmwell adhered to the parliament out 
 of princip'e and inclination. When therefore they 
 found themfelvcs in danger, and that a war was una- 
 voidable, they put themfelves in the beft pofture of de- 
 fence, and gave commiffionsto fuch members as well as 
 others, as feemed moft hearty in the caufe. The Earl of 
 Epx,lhe Earl oi Bedford, the Earl oi Stamford, Lord fVil- 
 iougb'>)o( Parham, the Earl of Denbigh^ Lord St. John, with 
 others of the nobility accepted commiflions, and fee them- 
 felves with zeal to levy forces to fupport their caufe. 
 Hampden and Hc'les refufed not to bear arms, but raifed 
 regiments, placed themfelves at their head, and encoun- 
 tered the enemy in the field. As did Sir Philip Stapylton 
 and many others of that brave body. To thefe joined 
 themfelves fome young gentlemen of rank and fortune, 
 from a fenfe of duty and fidelity to their country. Mr. 
 LudlcWy who was undoubtedly an honeft man, delivers 
 his own fenfe of it at that time in the following manner. 
 
 * I thought it my duty, upon confiderarion of my age 
 
 * and vigorous conftitution, as an EngUfnmany and an 
 ' invitation to that purpofe from my father, to enter 
 
 * into the fervice of my country, in the army com- 
 
 * manded by the Earl of Effex, under the authority of 
 
 * the parliament. I thought the juftice of that caufe 
 
 * I had engaged in to be fo evident, that I could not 
 
 * imagine it to be attended with much difficulty. For 
 ' though 1 fuppofed that many of the clerg}', who haJ
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 77 
 
 terrible to their enemies, and advanced his 
 own reputation. None perhaps were ever 
 
 more 
 
 been the principal authors of our miferies, together 
 with fome of the courtiers, and fuch as abfolutely de- 
 pended on the King for their fubfiftence, as alfo fome 
 foreigners would adhere to him ; yet I could not think 
 that many of the people, who had been long opprefled 
 with heavy burdens, and now with great difficulty had 
 obtained a parliament, compofed of fuch perfons as 
 were willing to run all hazards to procure a lafting 
 fettlement for the nation, would be either fuch ene- 
 m es to themfelves, or fo ungrateful to thofe they had 
 trufted, as not to ftand by them to the utmoft of their 
 power : at lead (though fome might not have fo much 
 refolution and courage as to venture all with them, 
 yet) that they would not be fo treacherous and unwor- 
 thy, to ftrengthen the hands of the enemy againft 
 thofe who had the laws of God, nature and reafon, 
 as well as thofe of the land, of their fide. Soon after 
 my engagement in this caufe, I met with Mr. Richard 
 Fiennes^ fon to the Lord Say^ and Mr. Charles Fleet- 
 wood^ fon to Sir Mlhs Fleetwood^ then a member of 
 the houfe of commons; with whom confulting, it 
 was refolved by us to afTemble as many young gentle- 
 men of the inns of court, of which we then were, 
 and others, as ftiould be found difpofed to this fervice, 
 in order to be inftruded together in the ufe of arms, 
 to render ourfelves fit and capable of ailing in cafe 
 there Ihould be occafion to make ufe of us. To this 
 end we procured a perfon experienced in military af- 
 fairs to inftruct us in the ufe of arms; and for (bme 
 time we frequently met to exercife at the Artillery' 
 Ground \n Londm. And being informed that the par- 
 liament had refolved to raife a life guard for the Earl 
 of EJpx^ to confift of an hundred gentlemen, under 
 the command of Sir Philip Stape.'ton a member of par- 
 liament, mofl: of our company entered themfelves 
 therein, and made up the greateft part of the faid 
 
 * guard i
 
 7S T H E L I F E O F 
 
 more remarkable for their courao;e, fobrietv 
 and regularity. Indeed the whole army 
 
 under 
 
 * guard ; aniongft whom were Mr. Richard Fiennes^ 
 *■ Mr, Charles FleetvD'.od^ afterwards lieutenant general, 
 ' major general Harrifon^ colonel Nathanul Rich^ co- 
 
 (0 Ludlow, t i^j^gj <fhomlinfon^ colonel Twiptm^ colonel Bcfwell, 
 
 tfeq/ major ff%itby, and myfelf, with divers others (o).' 
 
 Nor was Cromwell behind hand in zeal for this caufe, as 
 appears from the following paiTages in the journals of 
 the houfe of commons. * Whereas Mr. Cromuell hath 
 
 * fcnt down arms into the county of Cambridge^ for the 
 
 * defence of that county ; it is this day ordered that Sir 
 ' Dudley North fliall forthwith pay to Mr. Cromwell one 
 
 * hundred pounds, which he hath received from Mr. 
 
 * Crane late high-(herifF of the county of Cambridge\^ 
 ' which faid hundred pounds the faid Mr. Crane had 
 
 * remaining in his hands for coat and conduct money. 
 
 * Ordered that Mr. Cromwell do move the lord lieute- 
 
 * nant for the county of Camhridge, to grant his depu- 
 
 * tation to fome of the inhabitants of the town of Cam- 
 
 * bridge to train and exercife the inhabitants of that 
 ' town.' This was July 15, 1642. The exaft time of 
 his taking a commlffion I cannot find, though I have 
 looked into many writers for that purpofe: it muft 
 however have been in the very beginnings of the civil 
 war. For on the 15th of Jug. 1642, Sir Philip Stapel- 
 ton gave an account in the houfe,^ from the committee 
 for the defence of the kingdom, that * Mr. Crom-aell, 
 
 * in Camhridgfjhire^ had feized the magazine in the caftle 
 
 * at Cambridge ; and had hindered the carrying of the 
 ' plate from that univerfity. And on the i8th of /fu- 
 
 * gujl a committee was appointed to prepare an order for 
 • ' the indemnity of Mr. Cromwell^ and Mr. Walton^ and 
 
 (f) Jonrnals. * thofe that have or fliall affifl them in the flopping of 
 ' the plate that was going from Cambridge to York (/>).* 
 — The firft rank he held in the army it is agreed on all 
 hands was that of captain of a troop of horfe, which he 
 rofe and difciplined after fueh a manner as rendered 
 
 thein>
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 79 
 
 under his command, merited and obtained 
 the higheft charader.— The firft adion that 
 
 Cromwell 
 
 them, as well as their after companions, the obje6is of 
 wonder, admiration, and applaufe of writers of all par- 
 ties, in our divided country. Let us hear their tefti- 
 monies. * At iiis firft entrance into the wars, being 
 but captain of horfe, he had a fpecial care to get re- 
 ligious men into his troop : thefe men were of greater 
 underftanding than common foldiers, and therefore 
 were more apprehenfive of the importance and confc- 
 quenceof the war; and making not m«ney, but that 
 which they took for the publick felicity to be their 
 end, they were the more engaged to be valient ; for 
 he that maketh money his end, doth efteem his life 
 abeve his pay, and therefore is like enough to fave it 
 by flight, when danger comes, if poflibly he can : 
 but he that maketh the felicity of church and ftate 
 his end, efteemeth it above his life, and therefore wil! 
 the fooner lay down his life for it. And men of parts 
 and underftanding know how to manage their bufinefs, 
 and know that flying is the fureft way to death, and 
 that ftanding to it is the likelieft waytoefcape; there 
 being many ufually that fall in flight, for one that falls 
 in valient fight. Thefe things, it is probable, Crom- 
 well underftood; and that none would be fuch engag- 
 ed valient men as the religious. But yet I conjedture, 
 that at his firft choofing fuch men into his troop, it 
 was the very efteem and love of religious men that 
 principally moved him ; and the avoiding of thofe 
 diforders, mutinies, plunderings and grievances of the 
 country, which deboift men in armies are commonly 
 guilty of: by this means indeed he fped better than 
 he expected. Aires^ Dejhorough^ Berry, Evanfon, and 
 the reft of that troop, did prove fo valient, that as 
 far as I could learn, they never once ran away before 
 an enemy. Hereupon he got a commiflion to take 
 fome care of the affbciated counties, where he brought 
 this troop, into a double regiment, of fourteen full 
 
 ' troops J
 
 ao' 
 
 (j) Reliquiae 
 
 Baxteriana?, 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Cromwell undertook was to fecure the town 
 of Cambridge y for the. parliament. As the 
 
 King 
 
 troops; and all thefe as full of religious men as he 
 could get: thefe having more than ordinary wit and 
 
 refolution, had more than ordinary fuccefs {q).'' 
 
 Crsmzufii's own account will confirm this. * I was a 
 perfon, fays he, that from my firit employment was 
 fuddenly preferred, and lifted up from lelTer trufts to 
 greater, from my firlt being a captain of a troop of 
 horfe, and I did labour (as well as I could) to dif- 
 charge my truft, and God blefled me as it pleafed 
 him, and I did truly and plainly, and then in a way 
 of foolifh fimplicity (as it was judged by verie great 
 and wife men, and good men too) defired to make 
 ufe of my inftruments to help me in this work ; and I 
 will deal plainly with you, I had a verie worthy friend 
 then, and he was a verie noble perfon, and I know 
 his memorie was verie grateful to you all. Mr. 
 yehn Hampden^ at my firit going out into this en- 
 gagement, (I faw) their men were beaten at every 
 hand ; I did indeed, and I defired him that he would 
 make fome additions to my Lord EJJexh armie, of fome 
 regiments, and I told him I would be ferviceable to 
 him, in bringing fuch men in, as I thought had a 
 fpirir, that would do fomething in the work : this is 
 very true that I tell you, God knows that I lie not. 
 Your troops, faid I, are moft of them old decayed 
 ferving-men and tapfters, and fuch kind of fellows ; 
 and, faid I, their troops are gentlemens fons, younger 
 fons, and perfons of quality, do you think that the 
 fpirits of fuch bafe and mean fellows will be ever abie 
 to encount^r gentlemen, that have honour and cour- 
 age and refolution in them ? Truly I prefented him 
 in this manner confciencioufly, and truly 1 did tell him, 
 you muft get men of a fpirit, and take it not ill what 
 I fay, (I know you will not) of a fpirit that is likely 
 to go on as far as gentlemen will go, or elfe 1 am 
 fure you will be beaten ftill j I told him fo, I did 
 
 * truly.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 2i 
 
 King had requeued a fupply of money from 
 
 the 
 
 * truly. Me was a wife and worthy perfon, and he 
 ' did think that I talked a good notion, but an imprac- 
 
 * ticableone; truly I told him I could do fomewhat in 
 ' it, I did fo, and truly I mufl: needs fay that to you 
 ' (impart it to wbat you pleafe) I raifed fuch men as 
 
 * had the fear ofGod before them, and made fome con- 
 
 * fcieflce of what they did, and from that day forward, 
 
 ' I muft fay to vou, they were never beaten, and where- , . ,, 
 
 * ever they were engaged aganilt the enemy, they beat chy afferted 
 
 * continually (r).' — This religion of O'iver and his to be the 
 troops J whatever it was^ gave matter for raillery to the ^"'l ^°™ "'^ 
 cavaliers. * As for Noll Crcmwe//, fz\d'' Marcbamont i^^^'J^'^f^" * 
 ' Xiedham^ he is gone forth in the might of his fpirit, rence at 
 
 ' with all his train of difciples ; every one of whom is ^hit^haii 
 
 1T.I c ^ ' I- Ti between 
 
 * as Dovid, a man or war, and a prophet; gifted men ©liver and a 
 
 * all, that refolve to their work Setter than any of the committee of 
 
 ' fons oi Levi, r.nd run quite through //'^t^/^j with their P*'"''^'^^"*' .> 
 
 1 1 /• 1 L •! / \ » T P 33-Lond. \^ 
 
 * two edged fwordSi to convert the gentiies' [s). 1 gvo_ ^550^ 
 know- not what others may thinkj but in my opinion (0 Mercu- 
 thecharaaer given hy Cr.rnwell to his foldiers of reli- [.'^^^/"jg^^- 
 gious men, and fuch as had the fear of-Go'd, vi'ill be at ^o, 'i6+3. 
 leaft as much to their honour in the eyes of pofterity, 
 as that which is contained in the following pafiage is 
 to the foldicry of in much more modern times. 
 
 * It was remarkable in the late war, that when all the 
 
 * different nations which cnmpofed the confederate ar- 
 
 * mv, were performing their daily devotions, the i'^ ^•''"' 
 
 * foldiers only, feemed to have no fenfe of the being of ^gl'' ^^^,, i' 
 
 * aGod(f'.' This gentleman does not fay thefe dar- p. 73. in the 
 ing men, were never beaten, or that they continually ""■•^ 4^. ^ 
 beat I The following paflage from JVhtlock is too re- "'' ' ^^^* 
 
 markableco be ne^r^ccled. ' Qromwell had a bravfe 
 
 ' regiment of horf: of his countrymen, moft of therh 
 
 * free-ho!ders, and free- holders fons, and who upon 
 '- matter of confcience, engaged in this quarrel, and 
 ' under C'CTrnvetl. And thus being well armed within, 
 ' bv the fitisfaifiioii of their own Cijnfcience:, and with- 
 
 G * outj 
 
 ^^
 
 g2 THELIFEOF 
 
 the unlverfity, and intimated his defire of 
 
 their 
 
 ' out, by good iron arms, they would as one man, (land 
 
 [a) Memo- < firmly, and charge defperately («).' Cromivelt is 
 
 ms, p. ,z. ^gjp^^^jgj f-Qf his manner of difciplining his foldiers even 
 
 by an enemy. * Hi autem initio nee arma tradlandi 
 
 * nee equos gnari, diligentia folertiaque bellatores acer- 
 ' rimi evaferunt ; equis etenim curandis, nutriendis ac 
 ' detergendis indies afTuefadti funt, & fi opus foret fi- 
 
 * mul humicubando ; arma infuper poli4e, nitida & 
 
 * ufui expedita fervare, loricas optimas induere, feque 
 ' caetero armaturse genere communire condocefecerat eos 
 ' Cromue'IIius. Atque hcc exercitii militaris gerere, 
 
 P' ^k:" ^ * P*"^ reliquis commilitonnm omnibus emicuere virtute 
 220. pars' * bellica, plurefque ab hofte palmas reportarunt (*•).' 
 2«^' i.e. ' His men, who in the beginning were unfkilful 
 
 * both in handling their arms, and managing their hor- 
 ' fes, by diligence and induftry became excellent fol- 
 
 * diers ; for Cromuell ufed them daily to look after, feed 
 
 * and drefs their horfes j and, when it was needful, to 
 
 * lie together with them on the ground ; and befides, 
 
 * taught them to clean and keep their arms bright, and 
 ' have them ready for fervice ; to chufe the beft armour, 
 
 * and to arm themfelves to the beft advantage. Trained 
 
 * up in this kind of military exercife, they excelled all 
 
 * their fellow foldiers in feats of war, and obtained more 
 
 * vidlories over their enemies.' The following ftrata- 
 gem to try the courage of his troopers in the begin- 
 ning of the war is related by more than one writer. 
 
 * Upon the hrft mufter of his troop, having privily 
 
 * placed twelve refolute men in an ambufcado (it being 
 
 * near fome of the King's garrifons) upon- a fignal, on 
 
 * the appointed time, and the faid ambufh with a trum- 
 
 * pet founding, galloped furioufly to 'the body, out of 
 
 * which fome twenty inftantly fled out of fear and dif- 
 
 * may, and were glad the forfeiture was fo cheap and 
 
 * eafy ; and afhamed of their childifli and difgraceful 
 
 * delerting of their flation and colours, had not thecon- 
 '* fidence to requeft their continuance in his fervice, or 
 
 •^ * deny
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. gj 
 
 their plate, for its better fecurlty; they 
 
 packed 
 
 * deny or fcruple the rendring their horfes to them who 
 
 » fliould fiaht the Lord's battle in their ftead (y).' I am p) ^'^se/^ 
 
 • 1 ",- i- nr • i_ T 1-- I > • • I'Jm, or the 
 
 no judge of mihtary aitairs: but 1 thirfk tis a maxim Life, &c. of 
 ' that good difcipline makes good foldiers.' CromzutlJ Oliver 
 was quite exacl in this, and the behaviour of his army Cf'oniwell, / 
 was fuch as merited the greateft praife, even abftrafled Lond. 1663] 
 from its valour. Let us hear an eye witnefs: a pane- l^erfe<a Po- 
 ffvrid he is ; but on this occafion feems to have adhered ^'S'^'f'Jr *"^ 
 
 pretty much to the truth. ' Quicquid eftucmnt m te of the Life 
 
 dementes Olivar/y nauci non tacio, religiofiffiimum of Oliver 
 imperatorem, reli^ionis mediis in' exercitibus defenfo- '^"^^'^^ > . 
 rem, protectorem, propagatorem, nemo nni laudum Lend. iGge, 
 tuarum fupra modum invidus hie reperitur, qui te non 
 fufpexerit, admiratus fuerit, obfervantia fumma non 
 coluerit. Enim vero ubinam terrarum tam religiofus 
 vifus eft imperator, tamque rehgiofus exercitus ? Mi- 
 ratus ego fum, varias Anglias provincias tunc pro ne- 
 gotiorum meorum, vel principis met Sei enijjinii Ducis 
 Gueldtiee Comitis Htianundee neceffitate peragrans, 
 eafque militibus tu s refertas, ita quietas, tranquil- 
 las, pacatas, quafi ne unus quidem in illis miles eflet, 
 fic addi6tas pietati, quafi monachorum non militum 
 legiones in pagis ipi'arum difperfas degerent. Ita certa 
 ilngulis diebus turn fundendis Deo precibu?, turn au- 
 diendis dei prasconiis, erant affignata tempora, milites 
 ipfos adeo modeftos, nihilque nifi Deum, pietatem, 
 religionem, virt :tem refpirantes, ut ingenue fatear 
 cum ftupore non mediocri fa?pc fufpexi. Atque ne 
 putet hlc aliquis velle me blandiri, oleum Oliv.irio 
 divendere, vel in illius aures inftillare, teftem Deum 
 adhibe®, quod fgepiffime praEfidiarios Ol.variiy moda 
 fupra dicto miiites adiens, ne vel inverecundum vcr- 
 bulum unquam ab ullius ex illis ore perceperim, jus- 
 jurandumque nullum, fed meram humanitatem, ur- 
 banitatem, pietatem, verecundiam, modeftiam ani- 
 madvertcrim. Unde nequaquam in G^ivarii militibus 
 G 2 * locun^
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 packed up the fame, but were prevented 
 from fending it, by the diligence of Oliver^ 
 
 who 
 
 f*) Paralle- 
 Jjin Olivae 
 nee non Oli- 
 vatTii per 
 Lud. tie 
 Gand. 
 Dom. de 
 Brachey,&c. 
 I;ond. 1636. 
 Folio, 
 
 {/. Me- 
 
 moirs. 
 
 p. - 
 
 loQum habere Rotefl: quod de omnibus allis jampridenv 
 decantatuin eft, 
 
 * Nulla fides pletafque viris qui caftra fequuntur, 
 
 ' Sed deillis dicendun) potius eft, 
 
 *■ M^ulta fides pietafque viris qui caftra fequuntur (z).' 
 
 JVarwiek^ fpeaking of his army fays, ' they had all 
 either naturally the phanatick humour, or foon imbib- 
 ed it : a herd of this fort of men being by him drawr* 
 
 together, he made ufe of the zeal and credulity 
 
 of thofe perfons. teaching them, as they too readily 
 taught themfelves, that they engaged for God, wherr 
 he led. them againft his vicegerent the King: and 
 where this opinion met with a natural courage, 
 it made them the bolder, and too oftner the cruel- 
 ler : for it was fuch a fort of men, as killed brave 
 young Cavendtjh and many others, after quarter given 
 in cold blood. And thefe men, habited more to fpi- 
 ritual pride, than carnal riot orintemperance, fo con- 
 fequently having been induftrious and adtive in their 
 for-mer callings and profeflions, where natural cour- 
 age wanted, zeal fupplied its place; and at firft they 
 chofe rather to dye than fly ; and cuftom removed fear 
 ' of danger: and afterwards finding the fweet of good 
 I pay, and of opulent plunder, and of preferment, fui- 
 
 * table to a(flivity and merit ; the lucrative part made 
 ' gain i&&m to them a natural member of godlinefs [a)* 
 Though, many fiiades are thrown into /■^t,rM,v.:,^'s pic- 
 ture, it is ftill beautiful in comparifon of ' a difiblute,- 
 
 * undifciplined, wicked beaten army,' which Careidon 
 tells us the King's was, when Lord Hopton took its 
 command: * an army, whofe horfe, he fays, their* 
 ' friends feared, and their enemies laughed at ; being 
 *■ terrible only in plunder, and refolute in running 
 
 ' away.'
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 85 
 
 who on this, as well as other (r) occalions, 
 Ihewed himielf an adive partizan. In the , 
 
 courle 
 
 ' away (/>),' Such would not have been entertained b}\(/,) Vol. iv, 
 Cromwell. I {hall clofe this note with the la(t writer'is p- 7^9- 
 chaia6ler of Crcmwell's army, given before both houfes 
 of parliament 5^/1/. 13, 1660: I hy CromweWs army, 
 for 'tis well known they were the fame men, for the 
 moft part, who had been formed by him, and fought 
 under his banners. * No other Prince, fays the chm- 
 
 * cellor, in Europe, would be willing to difband fuch 
 ' an army ; an army to which viilory is entailed, and 
 
 * which, humanly fpeaking, could hardly fail of con- 
 ' que(t whitherfoever he fhould lead it. — An army 
 
 * whofe order and difcipline, whofe fobriety and man- 
 
 * ners, whofe courage and fuccefs hath made it famous . 
 
 * and terrible over the world.- His Majefty knows 
 
 ' they are too good Englijlmien to wifh that a Itanding 
 
 * army {hould be kept up in the bowels of their own 
 » country ; that they who did but in Bello pads gercre 
 
 * negotium, and who whilft an army lived like good huf- 
 ' bandmen in the country, and good citizens in the 
 
 * city, will now become really fuch, and take delight 
 
 < in the benefit of that peace, they have fo honeftly and (.) Lives of- 
 ' fo wonderfully brought to pafs (r).' What an elo- 'l^^ '^"''j' 
 gium, before thofe who were beft of all able to judge ^.ol j;^ p^ ' 
 of its truth and propriety ! Nothing after this can be ad- iz6. gvo. 
 
 ded. Lond. I7IZ. 
 
 (r) They were prevented by the diligence of Oliver, who charadev is 
 Jhevjed himfelf an a£live parti-zan.^ I intend not to par- given of 
 ricularize the military exploits oi Cromwell^ they are^j'^'^^"^'^""' 
 fufFiciently known. Europe founded with them j and ^^^.x^nn of 
 they will be long talked of. However, as this was his the Lift of 
 firft exploit, it may merit fome attention, as well as^''"'5."''""* 
 re(Slify fome miftakes. Great complaint is made of him 
 in the ^lerela Catttabrigienfn, in the following words : 
 
 * M after Crcmuell^ burgefs for the town of Cambridge^ 
 
 * and then nevt^ly turned a man of war, was ftnt down 
 
 * by his mafters above, at the invitation of his mafters 
 
 * G 3 'be-
 
 £6 
 
 / 
 
 (J) Querela 
 Cantabrigj- 
 enfif, 8vo. 
 p- 182. 
 
 ItODd. J6S5. 
 
 (t) HiftoTy 
 of the Pa-- 
 
 I'air^ent, b. 
 iii. r. 79. 
 
 I- oho. Lend. 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 course of the war he gave full proof of his 
 bravery and good condudt : at Marfion-Moor 
 he turned the fortune of the day, and there- 
 
 by 
 
 * below (as himfelf confefTed) to gather what ftrength 
 
 * he could to ftop all paflages that no plate might be 
 
 * fent : but his defigns being fruftrated, and his opi- 
 ' nion as of an active fubtile man, thereby fomewhat 
 
 * fhaken and endangered, he hath ever fince bent him- 
 
 * felf to work what revenge and mifchicf he could 
 
 * againft us. In purfuit whereof, before that month 
 
 * was expired, down he comes again in a terrible man- 
 ' ner with what forces he coulJ draw together, and 
 ' furrounds divers colleges, while we were at our de- 
 ' votion in our feveral chapped, taking away prifoners, 
 
 * feveral doctors of divinity, heads of colleges, r 
 
 * and thefe he carries with him to Lcndtn in triumph [d].^ 
 This ftory is repeated by the editor of Dr. Baivjtck^s 
 life, but by the extract from the journals, in the fore- 
 going note, it appears that his dengn of flopping the 
 plate intended for the King was not fruftrated, and 
 therefore the former part of the ftory muft be without 
 foundation. Alay writes, that * the firft a£lion Crom- 
 well undertook was to fecure the town of Comhidge 
 for the parliamenr, about the middle of yanuary. 
 Univerflties of all places were moft apt to adhere to 
 the King's party, efteeming parliaments, and efpeci- 
 ally this, the greateft depreflbrs of that tcclefiaftical 
 dignity, in hope of which they are there nurtured : 
 Upon which rcafon they were packing up a largequan- 
 tity of the plate that belonged to all the colleges, to 
 fend it away to the King, which would have made a 
 confiderahle fum. This was forefeen by Cromuell ; 
 who by a commiflion from the parliament, and lord 
 general Ejfex^ had raifed a troop of horfe, and came 
 down into that country, with authority to raife more 
 forces as occafion ferved ; he came to Cambridge foon 
 enough to fcize upon that plate {e).' — What the quan- 
 tity of plate in th^ whole waS} which was packed up 
 
 fQf
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 87 
 
 fey obtained great honour to himfelf, and 
 advantage to his mafters. His courage not- 
 withflanding has been called in queflion (s) : 
 
 I 
 
 for the King, appears not : but the particular pieces 
 fent from St. John's college for the purpofe, amounted (/) Bar- 
 to two thoufand fixty five ounces and three fourths (/"). kick's Life, 
 So that probably the whole was a good booty. But i^o^f jIjV 
 Cronnvell feldom did things by halves. ' Whilft I was 
 
 * about Huntington, vifiting old Sir Oliver Cromwelly 
 
 * his uncle and godfather, at his houfe at Ramfey^ he 
 ' told me this ftory of his fuccefsful nephew and god- 
 ' fon ; that he vifited him with a good ftrong party of 
 ' horfe, and that he had afked him his blefling, and 
 ' that the few hours he was there, he would not keep 
 
 * on his hat in his prefence ; but at the fame time, he 
 
 * not only difarmed, but plundered him : for he took (^j war- 
 
 * away all his plate (^).' This was in charader : the wick, p. 
 uncle was treated with proper refpe6t ; the cavalier ^S^- 
 prevented from doing milchief! Cr<?;7jw^// well under- 
 
 ftood his duty. 
 
 (s) His courage however has been called in quejiion.'] 
 It has been obferved that there is no opinion fo abfurd 
 as not to have been embraced by fome men. The im- 
 putation of cowardice to Cromwell would not eafily have 
 been thought on, by thofe who had feen or heard of 
 his exploits But prejudice works wonders, and in a 
 trice levels or exalts charaiSers in the eyes of even wife 
 and underftanding men. Lord Holies was undoubtedly 
 of this number; but being oppofed and oppreflbd by 
 Cromivell ■3in*\ h'xs party, he could fee nothing to admire, 
 but every thing to blame in him. * He engaged in a 
 
 * particular oppofition to C>'omwell^ fays Burnet, in the 
 ' time of the war: they hated one another equally. 
 
 * Holies feemed to carry this toa far, for he would not 
 ' allow Cromwell to have been either wife or brave; but 
 
 * often applied Solomon's obfervation to him, that the 
 ' battle was not to the ftrong, nor favour to the man 
 
 * of underftanding, but that time and chance happened 
 
 G 4 < to
 
 $i THELIFEOF 
 
 I have no need ,to fay, without reaibn. — • 
 His fuccefs procured him friends and repu- 
 tation j 
 
 {h) Burnet, c ^^ g]] pnen (h),* A fine way of levelling the acls of 
 
 -'" '^' heroes! — But let us hear Hofles himlelf. 'However 
 
 ' liejtenant general CrcmzuJl had the impudence and 
 
 ' boldnefs to affume much of the honor of it [the vic- 
 
 * tory at Afar^on- Moor, in yuly, 1644] *o himfelf, or 
 
 * rather, Hercd like, to fuffer others to magnify and 
 
 * adore him for it (for I can fcarce believe he ihould be 
 
 * fo impudent to give it out himfelf, fo conlcious as he 
 
 * muft be of his ovi'n bafe cowardlinefi) thofe who did 
 
 * the principal fervice that day, were major general 
 
 * Lejlyy who commanded the Siots horfe, major general 
 
 * Crawford, who was major general to the Earl of Man- 
 
 * cke/ier's brigade, and Sir 7homas Fairfax; who, under 
 
 * his father, comfnanded the northern brigade. But my 
 
 * friend Crormvell had neither part nor lott in the bu- 
 ' finefs : for I have feveral times heard it from Ciaw- 
 
 * ford's own mouth (and I think I (hall not be miftaken 
 
 * if I fay CrcmWi'll himfelf has heard it from him ; for 
 ' he once faid it aloud in IVeJiminfier HalU when Crom- 
 ' itW/ pafl'ed by him, with a dcfign he might hear him) 
 
 / ' that when the whole army zX. Marjhn- Moor was in 
 
 ' a fair poffibility to be utterly routed, and a great part 
 
 * of it running, he faw the body of hor'e of th;it brigade 
 
 * ftanding fiill, and to his feeming doubtful which way 
 
 * to charge backward or forward, when he came up to 
 ' them in a great paffi )n, reviling them with the names 
 
 / 'of p,oltroons and cov/ards, and al1<ed them if they 
 
 * would ftand ftill ar.d fee the day loft ? VVbereupcn 
 ' Cromwell fhewed himfelf, and in a pitiful voice faid, 
 
 * Majr.r general, what (hall I do ? He (begging pardon 
 ' for what he faid, not knowing he was there, towards 
 
 * whom he knew his diftance as to his fuperior officer) 
 
 * told him, Sir, if you charge nor, all is loft; Crom- 
 
 * tveil anfwered he was wounded, and was not able 
 •< t© charjie (tiis great wound being a little burn in the 
 
 * neck bv the accidental going off behind him of oite 
 
 ' of
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 89 
 
 tation; but at the fame time it was aHehded 
 
 ' of his foldier's piftols) then Crawford defired him to go 
 ' off the field, and fending one away with him (who 
 ' very readily followed wholfome advice) led them on 
 
 * himfelf, which was not the duty of his place, and as 
 ' little for CromweWs honor, as it proved to be much 
 ' for the advancement of his and parties pernicious de- 
 ' figns. This I have but by relation, yet I eafily be- 
 ' lieve it upon the credit of the reporter, who was a 
 
 * man of honor, that was not afhamed or afraid to pub- 
 ' lifli it in all places. Belides 1 have heard a parallel 
 ' ftory of his valour from another perfon [colonel Dal- 
 ' hier'\ not inferiour, neither in quality nor reputation, 
 
 * to major general Crawford^ who told me, that when 
 ' Bafing Houfe vid.s flormed, Crcmwdlf inftead of lead- 
 
 * ing on his men, flood a good diftance off, out ofgun- 
 
 * {hot, behind a hedge. And fomething I can deliver 
 ' of him upon my own knowledge, which makes paf- 
 
 * fage for the eafier belief of both theCe relations, and 
 
 * allures me that that man is as errand a coward, as he 
 ' is notorioufly perfidious, ambitious, and hypocritical, 
 ' This was his Safe keeping out of the field at Keinton 
 
 * battle J where he with his troop of horfe came not • 
 
 * in, impudently and ridiculoufly aiErming, the day af- ^ 
 ' ter, that he had been all that day feeking the army 
 
 '• and place of fight, though his quarters were but at 
 ' a village near hand, whence he could not find hig 
 
 * way, nor be diredled by his ear, when the ordnance 
 ' was heard, as I have been credibly informed, 20 or 30 
 
 * miles off; fo that certainly he is far from the man he 
 
 ' is taken for (/).* Mr. IValpole, referring to this paf- j^^^^-'f'* 
 fage, fays ' from the extream good fe^ife of his lord- ij^&feq/' 
 
 * ihip's fpeeches and letters, one (hould not have ex- 8vo. Lond. 
 
 * pected that weak attempt to blaft Cromwell for a '^59- 
 
 * coward. How a judicatory in the temple of fame 
 
 * would laugh at fuch witneffes as major general Craw- logueofVoy- 
 *y;r^ and a colonel Z)<2/(5'/;?'/ Ctsfar and Crotmvell are alanH noble 
 
 * r.ot amenable to acommiflion of over and terminer (if).' ^"'^'?p«' 
 
 ' * ' vol.n.p. 32. 
 
 with
 
 90 THELIFEOF 
 
 with the envy and hatred (t) of very 
 
 power- 
 
 ' (t) His fuccefs was attended tvith the envy and hatred 
 of very povcerful perfonsJ] The. following paflTdges will 
 enable the reader to underftand this. ' Colonel Crom- 
 
 * well being made lieutenant general of the earl of 
 
 * Manchejiers army, gave great fatisfaclion to the com- 
 
 * mons touching the bufinefs of Dennington caftle, and 
 ' feemed (but cautioufly enough) to lay more blame on 
 
 * the officers of the lord gencFai's army, than upon any 
 
 * other. And the point of priviledge was debated touch- 
 ' ing the lords tranfmitting of a charge from them, be- 
 
 * fore it was brought up to them. This reflected upon 
 ' lieutenant general Cromwell, of whom the lord ge- 
 
 * neral now began to have Tome jealoufies, and was 
 ' advifed to put to his ftrength to rid Cromivell out of the 
 
 * way, and the means to be ufed to effect this, was 
 
 * fuppofed to be by the Scots commiflioners, who were 
 ' not well pleafed with Cromwell upon fome words 
 
 * which he had fpolcen (as they apprehended) derogatory 
 
 * to the honor of their nation. One evening very late, 
 
 * Maynard and I were fent for by the lord general to 
 
 * EJJex-hotife^ and there was no excufe to be admitted, 
 
 * nor did we know beforehand the occafion of our be- 
 
 * ing fent for: when we came to Ejex-houfe^ we were 
 
 * brought to the lord general, and with him were the 
 
 * Scots commiirioners, Mr. Hollis, Sir Philip Stapyitcn, 
 
 * Sir yohn Aleyrick, and divers o hers of his fpecial 
 
 * friends. After compliment?, and that all were fet 
 
 * down in council, the lord general, in general terms 
 
 * having mentioned his having fent for them on impor- 
 ' tant bufinefs, defired the lord chancellor of Scotland 
 ' to enter into the detail, which he did in the follow- 
 
 * ing manner: M after Maynard and mailer IVhitluh^ 
 ♦ 'I can afiure you of the great opinion both my bre- 
 
 * thren and myfeif have of your worth and abilities, 
 
 * elfe we (hould not have defired this meeting with you, 
 ' and fmce it is his Excellency's pleafure that I {hould 
 
 * acquaint you with the matter upon whilke your coun- 
 
 ' fel
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. gi 
 
 powerful perfons, whom he foon got the 
 
 better 
 
 fel is defired, I (hall obey his commands, and briefly 
 recite the bufmefs to you. You ken vary weele that 
 lieutenant general Crormveli is no friend of ours, and 
 fince the advance of our army into England^ he hath 
 ufed all underhand and cunning means to take oft* 
 from our honor and merit of this kingdom; an evil 
 requital of all our hazards and fervices : but fo it is, 
 and we are neverthelefs fully fatisfied of the afFe£iions 
 and gratitude of the gude people of this nation in the 
 general. It is thought requifite for us, and for the carry- 
 ing on ofthecaufe of the tway kingdoms, that this ob- 
 ftacleor remora may be removed out of the way, whom 
 we forefee will otherwife be no fmall impediment to 
 us, and the gude defign we have undertaken. He 
 not only is no friend to us, and the government of 
 our church, but he is alfo no well -wilier to his Ex- 
 cellency, whom you and we all have caufe to love 
 and honour ; and if he be permitted to go on in his 
 ways, it may, I fear, endanger the whole buQnefs ; 
 therefore we are to advife of fome courfe to be taken 
 for prevention of that mifchief. You ken very wele 
 the accord 'twixt the tvva kingdoms, and the unioa 
 by the fulemn league and covenant, and if any be aa 
 incendiary between the tvva nations, how is he to be 
 proceeded againfl : Now the matter is, wherein we 
 defire your opinions, what you tak the meaning of 
 this word incendiary to be, and whether lieutenant ge- 
 neral Cromu-'ell be not ficke an incenfiary^ as is meant 
 thereby, and whilke way wud be beft to tak to pro- 
 ceed againft him, if he be proved to be ficke an in- 
 cendiary, and that will clepe his wings from foarin* 
 to the prejudice of our caufc-. Now you may ken 
 that by our law in Scotland we clepe him an incendiary 
 whay kindleth coals of contention, and raifeth dif- 
 ferences in the flate to the publick damage, and he is 
 tanquam pubiicus hojiis patrics ; whether your law be 
 the />.rne or not, you ken befl wh© are mickle learned 
 
 ' therein,
 
 92 THELIFEOF 
 
 better of, by craft, i3iflimulation,liypocrify, and 
 
 the 
 
 i^iJ^/' ' therein, and therefore with the favour of his Excel- 
 mcriah, p. * Icncy we defire your judgments in thefe points (/).' 
 ii6. /^/(>///(j-^i in anfwer hereunto obferved, * that the fenfe 
 
 ' of the word incendiary was the fame in both nations; 
 
 * but whether Cromwell was one depended on proofs j 
 
 * if proofs were wanting, he was none; if fuch were at 
 
 * hand, he might be proceeded againft in parliament.' 
 He moreover obferved, that it became net perfons of 
 their honor and authority to appear in any bufinefs, ef- 
 pecially of an accufation, but fuch as they faw could be 
 clearly made out, and be brought to the effect intended. 
 Cromweirs parts were then defcribed ; his interefl in the 
 houfe of commons, and even in the houfe of peers, 
 and his abilities to manage his own defence to the befl 
 advantage. He advifed therefore that the matter for 
 the prefent might be dropt; that the proofs againft him 
 might be collected, and then they might confult and 
 advife afrefli. il^ar'Jflri^ concurring in the fame opinion, 
 the affair was at a ftand, and nothing came of it : * thoqgh 
 
 * Mr. Hulis, and Sir Philip Stapylton^ and foine others, 
 *- fpake fmartly to thebufmefs, and mentioned feme par- 
 
 * ticular paflages, and words of Crfniveli's tending to 
 
 * prove him to b& an incendiary ; and they did not ap- 
 ' prehend his intereft in the houfe of commons to be 
 
 (m) Id. p. t fo nnich as was fuppofed ; and they would willingly 
 
 '*'* * have been upon the accufation of him (m).' This 
 
 was at the latter end of the year 1644. Mr. U kitloik 
 
 clofes his account of this remarkable converfation with 
 
 the following words : * I had fome caufe to believe, 
 
 * that at this debate, fome who were prefent, were falfe 
 
 * brethren, and informed Cromwell of all that paft 
 
 * among us, and after that Crcmwdl, though he took 
 ' no notice of any particular paflages at that time, yet 
 ' he feemed more kind to me and Mr. Mayrard than 
 
 * he had been formerly, and carried on his defign mor? 
 (e) Id. ibid. * actively of making way for his own advancement (n)-! 
 
 This was the fate of Cromwell : en\7 followed his great 
 
 I deeds, •
 
 OLIVERCROMWELL. 93 
 
 the ufual arts of men bent on defeating the de- 
 
 iigns 
 
 deeds, and deep defigns were laid for clipping his wings, 
 ere he feemed to have done any thing to have deferved 
 fuch treatment. We need not wonder after this, that 
 he oppofed the Scots^ EJfex and Holds, and that they en- 
 tertained a deadly hatred of him. The charge ad- 
 vanced againft Cromwell here, was that he was no friend 
 to the Scots^ and the government of their church, and 
 no well wifher to Lord EJfex. The charge indeed 
 might be true enough ; though a poor foundation for a 
 parliamentary profecution, at leaft if juftice had taken 
 place. Probable 'tis he thought the bufinefs in which he 
 was engaged might have been done without the Scctsi 
 that they might bring about a peace in conjunflion with 
 EJJcx^ very different from his wiihes ; and as for their 
 church government, he, with many other fenfible men, 
 had a great difrelifh of it. 'Tis well enough known, 
 that when the parliament applied for afliftance to the 
 Scots^ it was granted among other things upon condition 
 of their taking a jolemn league and covenant together with 
 the Scotti/h nation, whereby they bound themfelves a- 
 mong other particulars, ' to endeavour to bring the 
 
 * churches of; God, in the three kingdoms, to the near- 
 ' eft Gonjunction and uniformity in religion, confefEon 
 
 * of faith, form of church government, direftory for 
 ' worftiip and catechizing. And in like manner, with- 
 
 * out refpe£t of perfons, to endeavour the extirpation of 
 ' popery, prelacy, (that is, church government by 
 
 * arch-biihops, bifhops, their chancellors and commif- 
 ' faries, deans, deans and chapters, arch-deacons, and 
 ' all other ecclefiaftica! officers depending on that hierar- 
 
 * chy) fuperftition, herefy, fchifm, profanenefs, and 
 « wbatfoever fhall be found to be contrary to found docr 
 
 * tiine and the power of godlinefs.-— — And they were 
 
 * alfo by the fame covenant to endeavour with their 
 ' eilates and lives mutually to preferve the rights and 
 
 * priviledges of the parliaments, and the liberties of tiie 
 
 * kingdoms ; and to preferve arul defend the King's 
 
 * Ma-
 
 94 THELIFEOF 
 
 figns of their foes, and advancing their 
 own (u) ; by deep diffimulation, I fay, and 
 
 his 
 
 * Majefty*s perfon and authority, in the prefervatioTi and 
 
 * defence of the true religion and liberties of the king- 
 (a) Pariia- ' doms, that the world might bear witnefs of their loy- 
 mcnury * alty, and that they had no thoughts or intentions to 
 Hiftory, € diminifli his Majefty's juft power and greatnefs [g).' 
 I°'*gyof* This covenant was taken by both houfes of parliament, 
 Lond. 1753. 5^//. 25, 1643, and all the officers of the army were 
 
 ltri(Slly enjoined to do the fame, as well as the people 
 throughout the kingdom. Cromwell therefore mult have 
 taken it; but in the fame manner as men take many 
 other things, much againfl his mind, though he had 
 art enough then to conceal his diflike : for it cannot be 
 thought but it muft be very difagreeable to him to be 
 bound to introduce a difcipline his large foul abhorred, 
 and to preferve and defend a prince whom he was to 
 iight againft, and whofe power and greatnefs were the 
 objects of his dread. In fhort, Cromwell came not into 
 the fchemes of the Scots, either religious or political, 
 and confequently was hated by them. 
 
 (u) By croft, dijfimulathn and hypocrify, he got the let- 
 ter of bis fces.\ No man was ever more taxed with 
 hypocrify and diffimulation than Cromwell: his enemies 
 were continually reproaching him with it; his friends 
 could not deny it ; and the truth of hiftory requires it 
 ihould be fully laid open. For every thing is ufeful : 
 • vices and follies inftrucl as well as virtues : though wife 
 men only profit by them.—— Let us hear the accufations 
 againfl Oliver on this head. * If craft be wifdom, fays 
 ' Mr. Ccwley., and diffimulation wit (affifted both and* 
 ' improved with hypocrifies and perjuries) I mull: not 
 
 * deny him to have been fingular in both; but fo grofs* 
 ' was the manner in which he made ufe of them, that 
 
 * as wife men ought not to have believed him at firlf, 
 
 * fo no man was fool enough to believe him at Jaft ; 
 
 * neither did any man feem to do it, but thofe who 
 
 * thought ihcv gained as much hy that difiembling, asr 
 
 * he
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 95 
 
 his intereil; in the army, and the houfe of 
 
 com- 
 
 * he did by his. His very ad^ings of godlinefs grew at 
 
 * laft as ridiculouF, as if a player by putting on a 
 
 * gown, fhould think he reprefented excellently a wo- 
 ' man, though his beard at the fame time were feen by 
 
 * all the fpediators. Jf you afk me why they did not 
 
 * hifs, and explode him oft' the ftage, I can only an- 
 
 * fwer, that they durjft not do fo, becaufe the a£iors and 
 
 * door-keepers were too ftrong for the company. I 
 
 * muft confefs that by thefc arts (how grofly foever ma- 
 
 * naged, as by hypocritical praying, and filly preaching, 
 
 * by unmanly tears and whinings, by falfhoods and per- 
 
 * juries, ev(.n diabolical) he had at firft the good for- 
 
 * tune, (as men call it, that is the ill fortune) to attain 
 
 * his ends ; but it was becaufe his ends were fo unrea- 
 
 * fonable, that no human wifdom could forefee them ; 
 ' which made them who had to do with him believe 
 
 * that he was rather a well meaning and deluded bigot, 
 
 ' than a crafty and malicious impoftor (/>).' Another ('/')Difcourfe 
 writer who alfo lived in Cromu'eH's time, and wrote Sliver"'"^ 
 when he was in the height of bis power, exprefTes him- Cromwell, 
 felf in the following manner : * Had not his highnefs P* ^^* 
 had a faculty to be fluent in his tears, and eloquent 
 in his execrations ; had he not had fpongie eyes, and 
 a fupple confcience ;• and befides to do wit people of 
 great faith, but little wit: his courage, ar.d the reft 
 of his moral virtues, with the help of his janiflaries, 
 had never been able fo fa;-, to advance him out of the 
 reach of juftice, that we fhould have need to call for " 
 any other hand to remove him, but that of the hang- 
 man (q).' And again—' He hath found indeed tliat , ,k;j,.„ 
 in godlinc'"s there is great gain ; and that preaching no M^rdef, 
 and praying well managed, will obtain other kino-- p. 6.0, ' 
 
 'doms,X*. 
 
 fCi/llng no murdft ha? lieen almoft univerfallv given to Colonel Titus. But in a nar- 
 rative toucTiing Colonel Edward Sexhy, [of whom there is an account in Clarendon, 
 vol. VI. p. 640 j who lately died a priloner in the Tower, dated Jan. lo, 1657. O. S- 
 It IS faid, ' that he owned the book called Killing r.o Murder:, and faid he was'ftill' of 
 that Judgment.' See Mcrcur-ius Politicus, No. 599. p. 252. and Thurloe. toI. vi. 
 p. 5O0.
 
 96 THELIFEOF 
 
 commons, he got the better of all his foes j 
 
 for 
 
 * doms, as well as that of heaven. His indeed have 
 
 • been pious arms ; for he hath conquered moft by thofe 
 
 • of the churchy by prayers and tears. But the truth 
 ' is, were it not for our honor to be governed by one 
 ' that can manage both the fpiritual and temporal fword, 
 ' and, Roman like, to have our emperor our high prieft, 
 
 * we might have had preaching at a much cheaper rate, 
 ' and it would have coft us but our tythes, which now 
 
 ^'^^m"'"^ * ^^^^ "^ ^^' ('')•' Thefe are general declamations. 
 - S^ ""^ ^ > Lgj yj fo^ what fa£ts there are to fupport them. Lord 
 HgUcs fpeaking of the mutiny in the army on account 
 of fome regiments being ordered to go to Irela'^d^ by 
 the parliament, has the following paffages : ' When 
 they [the officers] had wrought the feat, Sir Thomas 
 Fairjax himfelf came to London upon pretence of tak- 
 ing phyfick^; Crcmwell, Ireton, Fleetwood^ Ra'tnjhor ought, 
 who were members of the houfe of commons as well 
 as principal officers of the army, keep the houfe, that 
 the foldiers might be left to themfelves to fire the more, 
 run up to extreams, and put themfelves into a pflfture 
 to carry on their work of rebellion with a high and 
 violent hand, which had been fo handfomely done ": 
 for either they muft have appeared in it, and joined 
 with the foldiers, which had bten too grofs, or have 
 flopped it in the beginning, crulhed the ferpent in the 
 egg, which had been moil eafy, but was contrary to 
 their defign. So now they give the bufinefs time to 
 foment, and the rebeliion to grow to fome head, that 
 afterwards when they fhould come amongft them (for 
 they could not but expe<5l the parliament would fend 
 them down) they might feem to be carryed with the 
 violence, and to give fome way for preventing greater 
 inconveniencies, and to keep them from extremiiies 
 till the monfter was formed, and got to that ftrength 
 as to prote«St itfelf and them, when they might with- 
 out danger declare for it, which they afterwards did. 
 In the mean time difclaiming it, blaming the foldiers 
 
 ' at
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 97 
 
 for it was unfafe, as well as unpopular, to 
 
 attack 
 
 at that diftance {iizCr-omw:ll ^\i opehly in the houfe, 
 protefting, for his part, he would itick to the parha- 
 ment) whillt underhand they fent them encourage- 
 ments and directions ; for nothing was done there^ 
 but by advice and countenance from Lend n^ where! 
 the whole bufincfs was fo laid, the rebellion refolved 
 upon, and the officers that were in town fo deeply 
 engaged, that when the full time was come for put- 
 ting things in execution, my friend Gromivell, who 
 had been fent down by the parliament to do good of- 
 fices, was come up again witho\it doing any, and he 
 who had made thufe folemn proteftations with fome 
 great imprecations on himfelf if he failed in his per- 
 formance, did, notwith{tanding, privily convey thence 
 his goods (which many of the independants did like- 
 wife, leaving city and parliament as marked out for 
 d-ftrudion) and then without leave of the houfe (after 
 fome members miffing him and fearing him goncj 
 had moved to have him fent for; v/hereupon he being, 
 as it feems, not yet gone, and having notice of it, 
 came and fhewed himfelf a little in the houfe) did 
 fteal away that evening, I may fay run away poft 
 down to the army, and prefently join in the fubfcrip- 
 
 tion of a rebellious letter (>).' Burmt relates the „. .g^" ''' 
 
 following anecdote on the authority of Sir Ha> bottle 
 Grim/ion. * When the houfe x?f commons and the army 
 
 * were a quarelling, at a meeting of the officers it was 
 ' propofed to purge the army better, that they might 
 ' know whom to depend on. Cromuuell upon that faid, 
 
 * he was fure of the army ; but there vas another b dy 
 
 * that had more rdcd of purging, naming the houfe of 
 
 * commons, and he thought the arnjy only could do 
 
 * that. Two ofScers that we're prefent brought an ac- 
 
 * count of this to Gr'tmjlon^ who carried them with 
 
 * him to the lobby of the houfe of commonsv they be- 
 ' ing refolved to juftify it to the houfe. There was 
 
 * another debate then on foot j but (Jrimji.n diverted 
 
 H * it.
 
 9? T H E L I F E O F . 
 
 attack a man crowned with vidories, and 
 
 ap- 
 
 * it, and faid he had a matter of priviledge of the high-* 
 
 * eft fort to lay before them : it was about the being and 
 
 * freedom of the houfe. So he charged Crofnwell with 
 ' the defign of putting a force on the houfe. He had 
 ' his witnefles at the door, and defired they might bd 
 
 * examined. They were brought to the bar, and jvii- 
 
 * tified all that they had faid to him, and gave a full 
 
 * relation of all that had pafled at their meetings, 
 
 * When they withdrew, Cromwell fell down on his 
 ' knees, and made a folemn prayer to God, attefting 
 
 * his innocence, and his zeal for the fervice of the 
 
 * houfe : he fubmitted himfelf to the providence of 
 
 * God, who it feems thought fit to exercife him witiv 
 
 * calumny and flandcr, but be fubmitted his caufe to 
 ' him. This he did with great vehemence, and with 
 
 * many tears. After this ftrange and bold preamble, he 
 
 * made fo long a fpccch,.juftifying both himfelf and the 
 
 * reft of the officers, except a icvf that feemed inclined 
 
 * to return back to Egypt ^ that he wearied out the houfe, 
 ' arvd wrought fo much on his party, that what the 
 
 * witnefles had faid was fo little believed, that had it 
 « been moved, Grimjhn thought that both he and they 
 
 * would have been fent to the Tower. But whether 
 
 * their guilt made them modeft, or that they had no 
 ■* mind to have the matter much talked of, they let it 
 ' fall : and there was no ftrength in the other fide to 
 
 * carry it further. To complete the fcene, as foon as ever 
 ' Crcrnwell got out of the houfe, he refolved to truft 
 
 * himfelf no more amcngft them ; but went to the ar- 
 (0 Burnet, * my, and in a few days he brought them up, and forced 
 ▼ol.i. p. 67. ( 2L great many from the houfe (/).' In a pamphlet en- 
 titled * A true narrative of the occafions and caufes of 
 
 * the late lord general Cronu-eirs anger and indignation 
 
 * againft lieutenant colonel (j^yr^^ y^r^ (fometimes cor- 
 
 * net Joke) who fecured the King at Holmhy^ reprinted 
 in the eighth vol. of the Harleian Mifcellany, we have 
 feveral particulars, which fiiew how dextroufly Crpm-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 99, 
 
 applauded as a faint and an herC), by the fol- 
 diers and the people. 
 
 Though 
 
 well managed his maOc^ and prailifed * one of the 
 maxims which the Devil, in a late vlfit upon earth, 
 left to his difciples, \Vhich is, when once you are got 
 up, to kick the ftool from under you («).' * After {""> '^°^ 
 the King, fays this writer, was feized by Joue^ no- J°^'"* 
 tice was takeiv that Cromwell Whtd up his hands in the 
 parliament, and called God, angels, and men to wit- v 
 nefs that he knew nothing of 'Jo^ce\ going for the 
 King. Thereupon the faid Joyce aflced Cromwell 
 what made him to fpeak fuch words ? And whether he 
 intended to do as the King had done before him, vi%. 
 fwear and lye ? And bid him mark what would be 
 the end of fuch things; cautioning him to take heed 
 and beware of fuch actions : but he flighted thofe 
 warnings and foon after flattered the faid Joyce again 
 
 with tears of repentance. The faid Joy:e proteiting 
 
 againft the purging of the parliament, was threatned 
 by Cromwell to be deftroyed, and when he gave him 
 reafons againft diflblving the parliament he was very 
 
 angry Being about to buy Finkley Park in Hamp- 
 
 Jhire^ and having generoufly ofi^ered to part with all 
 or any part of it again to Richard Cromvjell\ Oliver 
 took him in his arms, and told him that himfelf, and 
 his fon, and family, were more beholden to him than 
 to all the world beftdes, and therefore bad him go 
 on and profper. Upon this Joyce went the next morn- 
 ing about it, and there being a full committee [the - 
 Fark belonged to the crowrij he was juft upon the 
 point of contracting for the faid Park^ when on a 
 fudden in came Richard., his father then overtopping 
 all in power, with three lawyers with liim, and re- 
 quired them to proceed no futther in it, \i\ regard it 
 was his own inheritance, and no park, as was-fup- 
 pofed. Whereupon 'X^y^^ informed the committee of 
 the whole difcourfe that had palFed between the ge- 
 neral, his foil, and himfelf the ni»ht before; upon 
 H % * which
 
 ipo THELIFEOF ~ 
 
 Though tne parliament had in many places 
 
 been 
 
 (x) Harlei- 
 an Mifcel- 
 Jany, vol. 
 v.ii. 
 
 which he fell upon him in foul words ; faying Sirrah, 
 firrah, hold your tongue, or I fliall make you repent 
 the time you were born ; which the committee per- 
 ceiving, defired them to withdraw ; and finee that 
 time never durfi: meddle with the park any further. 
 Whereupon, and his bearing teftimony againft Crcni' 
 ueli's being made Prote<5lor, endeavours were ufed 
 to ruin him. . And to thatpurpofe his lieutenant (who 
 before had accufed him, but could make nothing of 
 it) was fent for by Cromwell., and encouraged to pro- 
 fecute him again, and contrary to the cuftom and 
 courfe of the army, privately appointed officers, and 
 fuch as he could truft in fuch an affair, to take the 
 lieutenant's then depofition againft Joyce: and they 
 took his depofition, who fwore falfly that he fhould 
 hear him fay, that he was forry that Lockyer had not 
 piftolled Crctmuelhy and thereupon fent him to prifon 
 without bail, and order was given that he fhould be 
 kept clofe prifoner, which accordingly was done; 
 and afterwards cafbiered. The lieutenant who had 
 prCfecuted, applying to Cromwell for preferment as 
 he had been promifed, was told that he had not deah 
 like a chriftian -wxth Joyce : he thereupon replying, he 
 had done nothing but what he had been commanded 
 by him, vvas thruft out of his chamber by Cromwell^ 
 and bad go as a knave as he was (a-).' 
 I will add a relation or two from Lud'oxv, who knew 
 the man, and has drawn his chara«3:er, in fome things, 
 with great exactnefs. Speaking concerning Fairfax*^ 
 declining to command the army againft the Scots^ who 
 were about to invade England in behalf of the title of 
 Cha-Ies II. he goes on in the following manner : * Up- 
 ' on this lieutenant general Crormveil prefCc6, that n.t- 
 
 * withftanding the unwillingnefs of the Lord Fairfax 
 ' to command upon this occafion, they would vet con- 
 
 * tinue him to be general of the army ; profeffing for 
 ' himfelfj that he would rather chufe to ferve under hirti 
 
 » in
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. loi 
 
 been fuccersful, the war was like to continue.: 
 
 this 
 
 * in his poft, than to command the grcatefl army ia 
 
 * Europe. But the council of ftate not approvinir that 
 
 * advice, appointed a committee of fome of thenifelves 
 
 * to confer farther with the general in order to his fatif- 
 
 * faition. This committee was appointed upon the 
 
 * motion of the lieutenant general, who a«5ted his part 
 
 * fo to the life, that I really thought him in earneft ; 
 
 * which obliged me to ftep to him' as he was withdraw- 
 
 * ing with the reft of the committee out of the council 
 ' chamber, and to defire him, that he would not in 
 
 * compliment and humility obftrtift the fervice of the 
 
 * nation by his refufal ; but the confequence made it 
 
 * fufBciently evident that he had no fuch intention. 
 
 * The committee having fpent fome time in debate with 
 < the Lord Fairfax without any fuccefs, returned to the 
 « council of ftate, whereupon they ordered the report 
 
 * of this affair to be made to the parliament. Which 
 
 * being done, and fome of the general's friends inform- 
 
 * ing them, that though he had fhewed fome unwil- 
 ' lingnefs to be employed in this expedition himfeif, 
 
 * yet being more unwilling to hinder the undertaking of 
 ' it by another, he had fent his fccretary, who attended 
 
 * at the door, to furrender his commiflion, if they 
 ' thought fit to receive it ; the fecretary was called m, 
 ' and delivered the commiffion, which the parliament 
 
 * having received, they proceeded to fettle an annual' 
 ' revenue of five thoufand pounds upon the Lord Fair- 
 ^ faxy in confideration of his former fervices, and then 
 
 ' voted lieutenant general Cromw.ll to be captain gene- 
 
 * ral of all their land forces, ordering a commiffion 
 
 * forthwith to be drawn up to that efteci, and referred 
 ' to the council of ftate to haften the preparations for 
 
 * the northern expedition. A little after as I fat in the 
 
 * houfe, near general Cromwel\ he told me, that hav- 
 
 * ing obferved an alteration in my looks and carriage 
 ^ towards him, he apprehended that I entertained fome 
 '■ fufpicions of him j and that being perfv^aded of the 
 
 H 3 » ten-
 
 102 THELIFEOF 
 
 this was occafioned partly by the ftrength of 
 
 the 
 
 * tendency of the defigns of us both to the advance- 
 
 * ment of the publick fervice, he defired that a meet- 
 ' ing might be appointed, wherein with freedom we 
 
 * might tii'cover the grounds of our rpiftakes and mif- 
 
 * apprehenfjons, and create a good underftanding be- 
 
 * tween us ior the future. I anfwered, that he difcover- 
 ' ed in me what 1 had never perceived in myfelf ; and 
 
 * that if I troubled him not fo freqXientiy as formerly, 
 
 * it was either becaufe I was confcious of that weight 
 
 * of bufmefs that lay upon him, or that I had nothing 
 
 * to importune him withal upon my own or any other 
 
 * account ; yet finte he was pleafed to do me the honor 
 
 * to defire a free converfation with me, I afTured him 
 
 * of my readinefs therein. Whereupon we refolved to 
 
 * meet that afternoon in the council of flate, and from 
 ' thence to withdraw to a private room, which we did 
 ' accordingly in the Queen's guard-chamber, where he 
 
 * endeavoured to perfwade me of the neceflity incum- 
 
 * bent upon him to do feveral things that appeared ex- 
 
 * traordinary in the judgment of fbme men, who in 
 ' oppofition to him took fuch courfes as would bring 
 
 * ruin upon themfelves, as well as him and the publick 
 
 * caufe, affirming his intentions to be dire61ed entirely 
 '■ to the good of the people, and profefling his readi- 
 
 * ncfs to facrifice his life in their fervice. 1 freely ac- 
 
 * knowledged my former difiatisfadiion with him and 
 ' the reft of the army, when they were in treaty with the 
 
 * King, whom I looked upon as the only obftru6lion to 
 ' the fettlement of the nation ; and with their actions 
 
 * at the rendevouz at IVare, where they (hot a foldier 
 
 * to death, and imprifoncd divers others upon the ac- 
 
 * count of that treaty, which I conceived to have been 
 
 * done without authority, and for fmifter ends. Yet 
 
 * fmce they had manifefled themfelves convinced of 
 
 * thofe errors, and declared their adherence to the com- 
 
 * monwealth, tho' too partial a hand was carried both 
 
 * by the parliament and themfelves, in the diflribution
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 103 
 
 the King J partly by the divifions in parlia- 
 ment, 
 
 of preferments and gratuities, and too much feverity 
 exercifed againft feme who had formerly been their , 
 friends, and as I hoped would be fo fiill, with other 
 things that I could not entirely approve, I was con- 
 tented patiently to wait for the accomplifliment of 
 thofe good things which I expe^ed, till they had 
 overcome the difficulties they now laboured under, 
 and fupprefled their enemies that appeared both abroad 
 and at home againft them ; hoping that then their 
 principles and intereft (hould lead them to do what was 
 moft agreeable to the conftituti9n of a commonwealth, 
 and the good of mankind. He owned my difi'atif- 
 fa£lion with the army whilii they were in treaty with 
 the King, to be founded upon good rcafons, and ex- 
 cufed the execution done upon the foldier at the ren- 
 devouz, as abfolutcly neceflary to keep things from 
 falling into confufion; which muft have enfued upon 
 that divifion, if it had not been timely prevented. 
 He profefled to defire nothing more than that the go- 
 vernment of the nation might be fettled in a free and 
 equal commonwea'lth, acknowledging that there was 
 no other prcbable means to keep out the old family 
 and government from returning upon us; declaring 
 that he looked upon the deilgn of the Lord in this 
 day to be the freeing of his people from every bur- 
 den, and that he was* now accompiiftiing what was 
 prophefied in the iioth Pfalm; from the confidera- 
 tion of which he was often encouraged to attend the' 
 efFe(Sing thofe ends, fpending at leafl an hour in the (y) Ludlow, 
 
 expofition of that Pfalm (y).' r^Cromive/l muft have ^°'' '' ^' 
 
 had a peculiar knack at diflimulation, when he was ca- 
 pable of thus impofing on Ludlow, who had many times 
 before found himfelf deceived by him I And he muft 
 have been a mafter in this art, who could ftill deceive, 
 and ftill find means to be trufted by the fame perfons : 
 as trufted he was by the republican party, and many 
 other honeft men, till he broke through all forms, and 
 
 H 4 boldly
 
 U>4 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 ment, and amqng the commanders of their 
 
 armies ; 
 
 boldly feized the fovereignty. The arts made ufe of to 
 bring this about, will tend to heighten our idea of his 
 capacity in this refpec):, and (hew him in his true co- 
 lours. ' Though -. he eagerly coveted his own 
 
 f advancement, he thought it not convenient yet to un- 
 
 * mafk himfelf ; but rather to make higher pretences to 
 
 * houefty, than ever he had done before, thereby to 
 
 * engage major general HarrifQn, colonel Rich, and 
 ' their party to himfelf. To this end he took all occa- 
 f fions.in their pre!ence to afperfe the parliament, as not 
 
 * defigning to do thofe good things they pretended to ; 
 
 * but rather intending to fupport the cortupt interefts of 
 
 * the clergy and lawyers. And though he was convinc- 
 
 * ed they were haltning with all expedition to put a 
 
 * period to their fitting, having paffed a vote that they 
 
 * would do it within the fpace of a year, and that they 
 
 * were making all poffibie preparations in order to it ; 
 
 * 'yet did he induftrioufly publifh, that they were fo in 
 
 * love with their feats, that they would ufe all means to 
 
 * perpetuate themfelves. Thefe and other calumnies, he 
 ^ had with fo much art infinuatcd into the belief of ma- 
 
 ^ ' ny honeft and well-me-ning people, that they began 
 
 * to vvilh him profperity in his undertaking. Divers of 
 
 * the clergy from their pulpits began to prophecy the de- 
 .^ firu6lion of the parliament, and to propofe it openly 
 
 ? as a thing defirable. Infomuch that the general, who 
 
 * had all along concurred with this fpirit in them, hy- 
 f pocritically complained to quarter-mafter Vernon, that 
 
 * he was pufhed on by two parties to do that, the con- 
 ^ fideration of the i/Tue whereof, made his hair to ftand 
 f an end. One of thefe, faid he, is headed by major 
 
 * general Lambert^ who in revei ge of that injury the 
 .* parliament did him, in not permitting him to go into 
 *: Ireland with a charadler and conditions fuitabk to his 
 f meiir, will be contented with nothing lefs than their 
 ? difTolution: of the other maj -r general Hurrion is 
 f the chief, vyhg is an honeft man, and aims at good 
 
 * things^
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. i©, 
 
 armies -, and probably alfo by a defire of 
 
 ter- 
 
 « thing?, yet from the impatience of his fpirit will not 
 
 * wait the Lord's leizure, but hurries me on to do that 
 ' which he and all honeft men will have caufe to re- 
 ' pent. Thus, adds Ludlow, did he craftily feel the 
 
 * puife of men towards this work, endeavouring to caft 
 ' the infamy of it on others, referving to himfelf the 
 
 * appearance of tendernefs to civil and religious liberty, 
 
 * and of fkreening the nation from the fury of the par- (^^j* Lui^Jow* 
 ^ ties before mentioned [%).' I have given thefe pafTa- ^^* * 
 ges at length, to fhew fully CrcmwcWs deep diffimula- 
 
 tion. The reader may pofTibly be. apt to afk, how thefe 
 things were reconcileable with any real fenfeof religion, 
 or common honefty and fair dealing? The anfwer is, 
 that enthufiafm, to which Cromwell was fubje£^, as I 
 have made appear, is a very variable thing ; it admits 
 of much devotion and many crimes. Men who think 
 themfelves under the fpecial and extraordinary influence 
 of the Deity, attribute to him their feelings, fentiments 
 and dcfires, and whatever proceeds from him, mull be 
 wife, juft and good. And we are aflured alfo, that 
 ' Cromwell and his adherents believed that there were 
 ' great occafions, in which fome men were called to 
 ' great ferviccs, in the doing of which they were ex- 
 ' tufed from the common rules of morality: fuch were 
 
 * the pra(5lices of Ehud and "Jae^^ Samfon and David: 
 ' and by this they fancied they had a priviledge from 
 
 ' obferving the ftanding rules {a).' Befides, we are yoi_ ;_ p^ gj^ 
 
 to confider C/Z^^r, as a politician, as a great man * who 
 
 ' muft be mafter of much artifice and knavery, his fi- 
 
 ' tuation requiring him to employ, and to be employed 
 
 ' by fo many knaves ; yet he muft have fome honefly, [b) Nature 
 
 ' or thofe very knaves will be unwilling to truft him {h).' andOnsmof 
 
 And 'tis not improbable Cromwell had learnt from Ma- jl'y^a.Load. 
 
 chiavel, whom he is by fome faid to have been well read 1758. 
 
 in, ' that men do feldom or never advance thcmfeivcs 
 
 f from a fmall beginning to any great height, but by 
 
 * fraud or by force (unlefs they come to it by donation, ' 
 
 * or
 
 jo6 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 terminating the war rather by treaty than 
 the fword. — -But things foon took a very 
 
 dif- 
 
 * or right of inheritance.) I do not think, adds he, any 
 ' inftance is to be found where force alone brought any 
 
 * man to that grandeur, but fraud and artifice have done 
 ' it many times, as is clear in the lives of Philip of Ma- 
 
 * cedon, Jgath:cles the Sicilian, and feveral others, who 
 (c) Difcour- ' from mean and inconfiderable extraction, came at 
 fesonLivy, < length to be Kings (f).' Accordingly the writers on 
 b. » c. 13. politics obferve, ' that in the tranfafling of great affairs, 
 
 * the rules of morality admit of fome relaxation ; this 
 
 * is to be lamented, but not to be helped. Such fre- 
 
 * quently are the exigencies of a ftate, and fuch always 
 
 * the crookednefs and depravity of the heart of man, 
 
 * that were you to deal openly, to tell all that you mean, 
 
 * all that you know, and all that you aim at, you would 
 ' expofe your country to ruin, and yourfelf to fcorn, 
 
 * perhaps to the block. The moft that can be done is 
 ' to fave appearances, and be wary of what expreflions 
 
 (<^) Gordon's ' aie ufed ; for, upon thefe occafions, and many others, 
 
 Dii'courfes < men are not to be upbraided for their filence {d).^ 
 
 onTaatus, £)g ggj-^^ fpeaking of the charge of horrible inhumanity 
 ^zg!,'zmo. brought againft the Spaniards, fays by vray of r^ply* 
 Lend. 1753. < We are not ignorant, that in fome parts of the Indies, 
 
 * afiions have been feen worthy of reprehenfion, in- 
 
 * deed contrary bcth to piety and reafon; but in what 
 / Mi-A «•' iuft and holy undertakino;, has it not been necefTary 
 
 («)Hiftoryof J /■ i. /■ • ■ / n > T-i, A- 
 
 theConqueft * to pafs by fomc mconveniences [e). 1 bus, according 
 of Mexico, to thefe writers, truth cannot be adhered to, at all 
 8vo.''^id^ times ; piety and reafon mull be counteradled j and 
 1738. ' the neceffity or importance of the end, render the means, 
 be they what they may, juftifiable! For my own part, I 
 will not defend this reafoning. ' Truth is a fweet 
 
 * thing,' faid fome of the antients : and every good 
 
 man is of the fame fentiment; ' Explica atque ex- 
 
 ' cute intelligentiam tuam, ut videas, quas fit in ea 
 
 * fpecies, forma, & notio viri boni. Cadit ergo in 
 
 * virum bonum me.uiri emoluraenti fui caufa, crimi- 
 
 8 ' nari
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 107 
 
 different turn. The felf-denying ordinance 
 (w) which paffed the houfe of lords, April 
 
 * nari praeripere, fallere ? Nihil profe£to minus. Eft 
 
 * ergo ulla res tanti, aut commodum ullum tarn expe- 
 ' tendum, ut viri boni & fplendorem, & nomen amit- 
 
 * tas ? Qiiid eft, quod afFerre tantum utilitas ifta, quae 
 
 * dicitur, poffit, quantum auferre, fi boni viri nomen 
 
 * eripuerit, fidem juftitiamque detraxerit ? Quid enim 
 
 * intereft, utrum ex homine fe quis conferat in belluam, (/) Cicero 
 ' an in hominis figura immanitatem gerat belluae {/).' ^^^/^^?"'' 
 /. e. Revolve and carefully examine your underftanding, ^^p^^ ^.q. 
 in order to fee what notion, ide?, or reprefentation of 
 
 ;i good man you find there. Is it confiftent with the cha- 
 raiStcr of fuch a perfon to lie for his own advantage j to 
 calumniate, fupplant and cheat ? Certainly, by no 
 means. Is there any thing then fo valuable, or any pro- 
 fit fo defirable, as to make amends for the lofs of ho- 
 nour and reputation in a man of probity ? Can that, 
 which we call profit, if it robs us of honour, juftice, 
 and the character of a good man, give us any thing io 
 valuable in their flead ? For v/here, pray, is the diffe- 
 rence whether one bs actually transformed from a man 
 into a brute ; or, under the external figure of a man, 
 
 carry with him all the ferocity of the brute? 
 
 I will add no more on this fubject, after I have obferved, 
 that fome perfons will be apt to make allov.-ances for 
 the craft, diffimulation and hyppcrify of Crcmivdt^ from 
 the times in which he lived, and the perfons he had to 
 deal with : times of trouble, confufion and difficulty, 
 and perfons who, for the moft part, were as little flavcs 
 to their words ashimfeif. James I. Charles I. CharUs 
 If. and Moncke, to fay nothing of a variety of others, 
 adled the fame part (but with lefs art, and worfe grace) 
 as he, though their praifes have been high founded by 
 fuch as have loaded Cromuell with obloquy. 
 
 (w) The Jelf-denpng ordinance, &c.l This ordinance 
 was a thing io fpecious and popular, and, at the fame 
 time, fo mifchievous and h^jrtful to the afiairs of the 
 
 par-
 
 io8 THELIFEOF 
 
 5, 1645, enacting, That no member of 
 
 either 
 
 parliament, that it deferves a very particular remem- 
 brance. It did more for Cromwell than he could almoft 
 have formed a wifh for ; namely, the depriving his ene- 
 mies of all command, whilft he himfelf, by a very par- 
 ticular fortune, obtained the highcft power. In a word, 
 it ruined them, and advanced him. After the army 
 under Lord EJfex had been in a manner ruined by the 
 King, the general began to lofe much of the efteem 
 and reputation he had till then poffefled. He was by 
 many looked on with a jealous eye, and they were fear- 
 ful he and his adherents were difpofed to make terms 
 with the King, which might be prejudicial to many 
 who had engaged with them. In fliort, Ejfex and his 
 party were accufed by their enemies of negledting, by 
 vigorous operations, to put an end to the war, and of 
 being inclined too much to his Majefty. ' There 
 
 * were fome, fays Wlntlock^ who had defigns againft 
 
 * EJfeXy and were defirous to remove him from his 
 
 * command, becaufe they were jealous, that he was too 
 
 * much inclined to peace, and favouring of the King 
 ' and his party. I think, I knew as much of his mind 
 ' as others did, and always obferved him to wiCi for 
 
 * peace, yet not upon any difhoneurable or unjuft 
 
 * terms. He was a lover of monarchy and nobility, 
 
 * which he fufpe(Sted fome defigned to deftroy, together 
 ' with gentry, miniftry and magiftracy, which humour 
 
 {g) Merac- • then began to boil up ; but he refolved to fupport 
 
 ria's p. ( them, a'd wanted not advice to that end (^).' r 
 
 Ludlow^ who was engaged in the oppofition to Ejjexy 
 will explain fomething more of this matter. ' The 
 
 * enemy, contrary to all expectation, appeared again 
 ' in a body near Nevuburyy where our army lay, who 
 ^ drew out to oppofe them. Some fmall fkirmifhes 
 ' happened between them, but a general engagement 
 
 * was oppofed in a council of war by fome of the 
 ' greateft among us : whereupon the King, in the 
 ' face of our army, twice as numerous as his, had time 
 
 ' to
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. i«9 
 
 either houfcj during the war, fliould exe- 
 
 cute 
 
 to fend his artillery from Dennington-cajlle towards 
 Oxford^ without any oppofition, to the aftonifhmerrt 
 of all thofe who wifhed well to the public. But, by 
 this time, it was clearly aianifeft, that the nobility 
 had no further quarrel with the King, than 'till they 
 could make their terms with him, having, for the 
 moft part, grounded their difTatisfatSions upon fomc 
 particular affront, or the prevalency of a faition a- 
 bout him. But though it ihould be granted, that 
 their intentions in taking arms were to oblige the King 
 to confent to redrefs the grievances of the nation, 
 yet, if a war of this nature muft be determined by 
 treaty, and the King left in the exercife of the royal 
 authority, after the utmoft violation of the laws, and 
 the greateft calamities brought upon the people, it 
 doth not appear to me what fccurity can be given to 
 them for the future enjoyment of their rights and pri- 
 vileges ; nor with what prudence wife men can engage 
 with the parliament, who being, by pradice at leaft, 
 liable to be diflblvcd at pleafure, are thereby rendered 
 unable to protect themielves, or fuch as take up arms 
 under their authority, if, after infinite hardfhips and 
 hazards of their lives and eftates, they muft fall under 
 the power of a provoked enemy, who, being once re- 
 eftablifhed in his former authority, will never want 
 means to revenge himfelf upon all thofe, who, in 
 defence of the rights and liberties of the nation, ad- 
 venture to refift him in his illegal and arbitrary pro- ,,, ,, 
 
 cecdings (/;).' Such were the principles which dif- p. ,-^, ' 
 
 pofed many at that time to wifh for an alteration of 
 men and meafures ; or, to fpeak mere plainly, to put 
 it efFe6lually out of the power of thofe, who wanted 
 not inclination, to conclude a peace with the King, 
 on terms which might leave him in polTefTion of the 
 
 regal power. But to go on. — ' On the ninth of De- 
 
 * amber^ one thoufand fix hundred and forty-four, the 
 ' houfe of commons having refolved themfelves into a 
 
 * grand
 
 no T H E L I F E O F ' 
 
 eute or enjoy any military or civil office | 
 
 as 
 
 grand committee, to conlider of the fad condition of 
 the kingdom, by the continuance of the war, there 
 was a general filence for a good fpace of time ; many 
 looking upon one another, to fee who would break 
 the ice, and fpeak firft in fo tender and fharp a point : 
 amongft whom Oliver Cromwell flood up, and fpakc, 
 briefly, to this efFefl : That it was now a time to 
 fpeak, or for ever to hold the tongue, the important 
 occafion being no lefs than to fave a nation out of a 
 bleeding, nay, almoft dying, condition, which the 
 long continuance of the war had already brought it 
 into ; fo that without a more fpeedy, vigorous, and 
 effectual profecution of the war, cafting off all linger- 
 ing proceedings, like foldiers of fortune beyond fea, 
 to fpin out a war, we (hall make the kingdom weary 
 of us, and hate the name of a parliament : for what 
 do the enemy fay ? nay, what do many fay, that were 
 friends at the beginning of the parliament ? even this. 
 That the members of both houfes have got great 
 places and commands, and the fword into their hands ; 
 and what by intereft in parliament, and what by power 
 in the army, will perpetually continue themfelves in 
 grandeur, and not permit the war fpeedily to end, left 
 their own power {hould determine with it. This I 
 fpeak here to our own faces ; it is but what others 
 do utter abroad behind our backs. I am far from re- 
 fie<Sl:ing on any ; I know the worth of thofe com- 
 manders, members of both houfes, who are yet in 
 power ; but if I may fpeak my confciencc, without 
 refle(Stion upon any, [ do conceive, if the army be 
 not put into another method, and the war more vigo- 
 roufly profecuted, the people can bear the war no 
 longer, and will enforce you to a diflionourable peace : 
 but this I would recommend to year prudence, not 
 to infifl upon any complaint or overfight of any 
 commander in chief, upon any occafion whatfoever ; 
 for, as 1 muft acknowledge myfelf guilty of over- 
 
 * fights.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. m 
 
 as it obliged EJfex^ MjincheJIer, Denbighy 
 
 War- 
 
 * fights, fo I know they can be rarely avoided in mili-r 
 
 * tary affairs : therefore^ waving a ftricSl inquiry into 
 
 * the caufes of thefe thing?, let us apply ourfeives to ' 
 ' the remedy which is moft neceffary ; and, I hope, we 
 
 * have fuch true Engl'ifn hearts, and zealous sffe^tions 
 
 * towards the general weal of our mother country, as 
 
 * no members of either houfe will fcruple to deny them- 
 
 * felves, and their own private interefts, for the public 
 
 * good; nor account it to be a dilhonour done to . 
 
 * to them, whatever the parliament diall refolve upon mentaTyHif- 
 
 ' in this weighty matter (/).' What the confequencetory, vol. 
 
 of this was will appear by the following vote in the '''"■ F' 375' 
 journal of the day above-mentioned. * Refolved, i^c. 
 
 ' That, during the time of this war, no member of 
 
 * either houfe fhall have, or execute, any office or com • 
 
 * mand, military or civil, granted or conferred by botli 
 ^ or either of the houfes of parliament, or any autho- 
 
 * rity derived from both or either of the houfes : and 
 
 * that an ordinance be brought in accordingly.' Mr. 
 SoHicitor S^t. John] Mr. Recorder [Gl)n] Mr. Crewe, 
 Mr. Pierpoint, Mx. Maynarcl, Mr, Reynolds^ Mr. E/Iis, 
 Mr. Li/Ie, were appointed a committee to bring in an ' 
 ordinance to the purport of this vote ; and likewife for 
 the continuing of fuch officers in their places as are no 
 members of either houfe, until the houfes take further 
 order ; and to bring in fuch claufes, as they (hall think 
 fit, for the perfecting of this vote. — In the journal of the 
 lith of December, we find it 'refolved, &c. That a 
 
 * faft (hall be appointed for this houfe to obferve on Ir^ed- 
 ' Tie/day next J to humble thenifcives fortheir particular and 
 
 * parliamentary fms and failings, whereby they may Jiope 
 
 * to obtain God's bleffing in a better meafure upon 
 
 * their endeavours for the future.' On the next day 
 the lords agreed to the fai}, to the day, and to the pcr- 
 fons. Thefe were Mr.MarJhal, Mr. Hill, and Mr. Ubadiah 
 Sedgwick. On this day alfo it was ordered by the com- 
 mons, that the ordinance, for dlfenabliiig the members 
 
 to
 
 112 T H E L I F E OF 
 
 JFariuick, and other chief ofScers, to lay 
 
 down 
 
 to execute any office, fhould be taken into corrficlera-- 
 tion, and read the fecond time on the next Saturday 
 peremptorily. Accordingly it was then taken into cOn- 
 lideration, committed to a committee of the whole 
 houfe, and adjourned to the Thurjday following. The 
 faft accordingly was held before both houfes, and the 
 (i) Vol. iv. preachers, if we believe Lord Clarendon^ played their* 
 P' 5^5' parts to admiration {^k). On the nineteenth the or- 
 dinance pafTed the houfe of commons (after having re- 
 jected the national covenant as a tcft for thofe who held 
 or executed any office, as they had a claufe before 
 in favour of Lord Ejfex) and it was ordered to be 
 , fent to the lords, for their concurrence ; and that all 
 6f the houfe the members of the houfe do go up with this ordinance 
 of com- to the lords (/). From this fhort account of the pro- 
 """*'* grefs of the bill through the houfe of commons, which 
 
 1 have compiled from the journals of that houfe, appears 
 , how abfurdly Lord Clarendon has put into a fpeech, 
 pretended by him to be made by Cromwell^ the day af- 
 ter the faft, a defire, ' that an ordinance might be pre- 
 pared, by which it might be unlawful, for any member 
 of either houfe of parliament, to held any office or 
 .» x-^qI^ j^ command in the army, or any place or employment in 
 p. 567. the ftate {ni) :' for it plainly appears, that the ordinance 
 was ordered in the ninth of December ; that it had been 
 committed to a committee of the whole houfe the Satur- 
 day following, and actually pafled there on the nineteenth 
 of that month, the day after the faft ; and, therefore, 
 could not be defired at that time to be brought in by 
 Crc?nwelL Chronological tables, duly confulted, wou'd 
 havcr prevented his lordfliip from fal ing into many a 
 blunder. But the truth is, his account of the manage- 
 ment of this matter in the pulpit and the fenate, feem?, 
 for the moft part, invention, at which his Lordfliip had 
 
 a very happy talent. 1 have given Cromzve'us fpeech 
 
 above in behalf of this ordinance. I will add to it a 
 fpeech of Air. /FLitlsck'st as containing, for the moft 
 
 pare.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. h^ 
 
 down their commands in the army (which 
 
 was 
 
 part, the chief arguments alledged by the oppofite par- 
 ties in the houfc, on this memorable occafion. ' Mr. 
 Speaker, I am one of that number of your fervants, 
 who have no office or employment, but fuch as you 
 are now about to except out of this ordinance, nor 
 have ambition for any, and therefore may the more 
 freely and indifferently, yet with all fubmiffion, hum- 
 bly cjfFer my realbns againftit; as that which, I ap- 
 prehend, may prove prejudicial to your fervics. It 
 hath been obje6led, that your houfe, and the houfe of 
 lords> is thin and empty, and you the lefs efteemed, 
 havin-T fo few members here, many of them being 
 employed in offices, that they cannot attend the 
 houfes ; but that, by this ordinance, they will be at 
 leifure and libertv to attend the fervice of the parlia- 
 ment here, and the houfes be much fuUer than now 
 they are. I confefs. Sir, this is fit to be remedied ; 
 but, I apprehend, you have a fitter way, than by this 
 ordinance, to do it; that i«, by iflliing out new writs 
 for electing new members in the places of thofe who 
 are dead, or expelled, and this will fatisfy the objec- 
 tion, and engage divers of intereft and quality the 
 more immediately in your fervice ; whereas this ordi- 
 nance will difcontent many, and the houfes will be 
 but little the fuller by the paffing of it. Another 
 objeilion is, that, if this ordinance do not pafs, the 
 treaty for peace will not fo well proceed, and the par- 
 ticular interefts of members of parliament may retard 
 the fame ; but will be all taken away by this ordi- 
 nance. I am to feek how this can be materially ob- 
 jecfted, when I fuppofe, whether this ordinance pafs 
 or not, yet you intend members of parliament only 
 to be your commiffioners for that treaty ; and, in cafe 
 fome of them be officers, they will the better under- 
 ftand your bufinefles, on which the treaty will be 
 grounded. Another objection is, that, unlefs this or- 
 dinance pafs, the great work intended of new mo- 
 I * delling
 
 114 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 was put under the diredion of Sir I'bomas 
 
 Fair- 
 
 delling your armies, wHI not fo well be carried on ; 
 for that, by putting all out, there will remain no 
 exrepiion. I (hould rather have argued, that, ,by 
 putting out all members out of their employment, 
 the exception and difcontent would be the more ge- 
 neral i and, by leaving them ftill in their employ- 
 ments, there would be the lefs competition and folli- 
 citation for new officers in their rooms. Another ob- 
 jection or argument is, that the members of parlia- 
 ment, who are officers, being of equal power in par- 
 liament, will not be fo obedient to your commands 
 as others who have fmaller intereOs, and would not fo 
 much difpute one with another. * Surely, Sir, thofe 
 whofe intereft is the fame with yours, have the more 
 re^afon to obey your commands than others, and hate 
 more to hazard by difobedience than others can have ; 
 and, in your commands, all your members are in- 
 volved, and it were ftrange if they fliould be back- 
 ward to obey their own orders. Nor will the con- 
 tefts be fo frequent and high, between them and other 
 officers,, as it will be between thofe who will be of % 
 more equal condition. But, Mr. Speaker, as yon 
 confiJer the inconveniencies if this ordinance do not 
 pafs, fo you will be pleafed to confider the inconve-* 
 niencies if it do pafs. You will lay afide as brave 
 men, and who have ferved you with as much cou- 
 rage, wifd^ m, faithfulnefs and fuccefs, as ever men 
 ferved their country. Our noble general, the Earls of 
 Denbigh, JVarwick, Mavchejier ; the Lords Roberts^ 
 Wtlloughhji and other Lords in your armies, befides 
 thofe in civil offices not excepted j and of your own 
 members the Lord Grey, Lord Fairfax^ Sir IVllliam 
 fValler, lieutenant-general C'omwell^ Mr. H'lUs^ Sir 
 Philip Stapylton, Sir IFilliam Brereton^ Sir John Meyr 
 .rick, and many others muft be laid afide, if you paQ 
 this ordinance. And I am to feek, and, I doubt, fo 
 wi 1 they be, to whom you (hall refer the new mo»- 
 
 * dellins
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 115 
 
 Fairfax) Cromwell fcemed neceflitated to re- 
 
 fign 
 
 delllng of your armies, where to find officers thatfhall 
 excel, if equal to thefe. If your judgments are, tliat, 
 for the public fervice, it will be expedient to remove 
 any of them from their commands, let the fame (if 
 you pleafe) be plainly made known to them from 
 you. Let them have what they deferve, your thanks 
 for their former good ferviccs, and they will not be 
 offended, that you, having no more work for them, 
 do lay them afide with honour. But to do a bufinefs 
 of this nature (as hath been well faid) by a fide wind, 
 is, in my humble opinion, not fo becoming your ho- 
 nour and wifdom, as plainnefs and gravity, which 
 are ornaments to your actions. I fhall conclude with 
 the example of the Grecians and Romans., amongft 
 whom, Sir, you know, that the greateft offices, both 
 of war and peace, were conferred upon their fenators ; 
 and their reafons were, becaufe they having greater 
 interefts than others, were the more capable to do 
 them the greateft fervice. And, having the fame in- 
 tereft with the fenate, and prefent at their debates, 
 they underftood their bufinefs the better, and were 
 lefs apt to break that truft, which fo nearly concerned 
 their private interefts, which was involved with the 
 pubiick ; and the better they underftood their bufinefs, 
 the better i'ervice might be expeiied from them. Sir, 
 I humbly fubmit the application to your judgment ; 
 your anceftors did the fame ; they thought the mem- 
 bers of parliament fitteft to be employed in the greateft 
 offices : I hope you will be of the fame judgment, and 
 not at this timepafs this ordinance, and thereby todif- 
 
 courage your faithful lervants («).' -This fpeech [fajj" ^p]"°' 
 
 had no efte£l in the houfe of commons. In the 119.' 
 
 houfe of lords, however, the ordinance went on verv 
 heavily, * which occafioned the commons to fend fe- 
 
 * veral meflages up to defire the lords to expedite this 
 ' ordinance ; which being read by them twice, a con- 
 
 * ference was dcfired with the commons about it. And, 
 
 I 2 » in
 
 ji6 T H E L I F E OF 
 
 figii his commiffion alfo : but, by a for- 
 ' tune 
 
 * in this conference, January 7 th, the Speaker of the 
 ' lords was ordered to deliver their reafons againft paf«- 
 ' fing it. Among others, it was alledged, that " the 
 ' putting every member of either houfe of parliament 
 
 * into an incapacity of holding military or civil offices, 
 
 * during this war, may be of very dangerous confe- 
 
 * quencej becaufe, how emergent foever the occafion 
 
 * may be, it cannot be altered without dcferting of a 
 
 * pofitive rule impofed upon themfelves ; yet, that the 
 ' world, with their own confciences, may bear witnefs, 
 ' that they are as willing as any others to facrifice, not 
 ' only their places and offices, but all that is deareft to 
 
 * them, for the good of rehgion and the kingdom ; 
 
 * they are willing that all places, civil and military, fhall 
 
 * be difpofed of as both houfes of parliament {hail judge 
 
 * may contribute moft for the good of the public, any 
 
 * crime or juft exception being given againft fuch as are 
 
 * now intrufted with offices or commands : but that they 
 
 * can in no wife put an incapacity on themfelves, and 
 
 * be made in a worfe condition than any free fubject." 
 ' After this they obferved, " this ordinance deprived 
 ' the peers of that honour, which, in all ages, hath 
 
 * been given unto them, whofe part it was to be em- 
 ,* ployed in military commands; that the cafe was not 
 
 ' alike between the two houfes, in point of excluding 
 < the members of both houfes from military employ- 
 ' ment; that, by this ordinance, they are wholly dif- 
 
 * abled from performing any military fervice, which is 
 
 * contrary to their proteftation and covenant; and that 
 
 * the palling this ordinance, as to the military ; part, 
 *\ will produce fuch z\\ alteration in all the armies, as, 
 
 *iin apparent probability, muft be of very dangerous 
 *■ confequence to the caufe in hand at this juncture of 
 
 * time; and therefore, till a new model be. propounded 
 
 * to fucceed, they cannot but think the preient frame 
 - * belter than fuch a confuiion >vhich is like to fol* 
 
 ... ..;.« . * low.
 
 OLIVER CROiMWELL. 117 
 
 * low (0).' Thefe reafons operated fo ftrongly with fO Parlia- 
 
 the lords, that, notwithflanding a reply from the com- Hlftor!^ 
 mons, the ordinance was rejected, 'Janutiry 13. O. S. vol. xiii. 
 though afterwards it was agreed to by them on the 3d P- S^?* 
 of Apr\l following : fo that Mr. Hume muft bemifiaken 
 
 much about this matter, when he fays, ' the peers, tho* 
 ' the fcheme was, in part, levelled againft their order ; 
 ' tho' all of them were, at the bottom, extreamly averfe 
 
 * to it J poflefT d fo little authority, that they durft 
 
 * not oppofe the refolution of the commons ; and they 
 
 * efteemed it better policy, by an unlimited compliance, ,x ii\^ 
 *■ to ward off that ruin which they faw approaching (/)\' of Great 
 But 'tis no wonder this writer fhould commit many nif- P"t'iin. vol. 
 takes in his relation of this affair, when he profelTes'" ^' ^ * 
 only to give a detail of the methods by which it was , . . 
 conducted, as they are delivered by Lord Clarendon {q) ! -g^. 
 
 While thefe difputes lafled, another ordinance was 
 
 prepared, and, after fui>dry debates and amendments, 
 
 agreed to by both houfes, for new modelling the army, 
 whereby Sir Thomas FaWfax was appointed general fn 
 chief of all the forces, with a power of nominating the 
 oiKcers under him, and execution of martial law. No 
 mention is made of the King's authority, nor is any 
 claufe for the prefervation of his perfon here inferted * ; 
 but power is given the general to * lead his armies 
 
 * againft all and fingular enemies, rebels, traitors, and 
 
 * The reafons urged by the commons againft th^ claufe of preferving 
 his Majefty's Perfon, which had been Inftfted on in the houfe of lords, 
 were thefe ; 
 
 1, Inferting it here muft cither fuppofe the King's coming in the head 
 of an army, to fight againft us, for the prefervation rnd defence of 
 the true proteftant religion, £?c and fo we muft preferve him : or, if 
 we fuppol'e he cometh not to preferve, but to fight to oppofe thofe (as 
 we know he doth) it fcemeth rather a mockery than a reality. 
 
 2. That the King fliould not think us obliged, by our covenant, to pre- 
 ferve his perfon, if he appear in the head of an army againft the par- ('•) Journal, 
 liament j nor the foldier to forbear his duty by reafon of his pre- March 29, 
 fence (r). 1645, 
 
 I 3 ' other
 
 ij8 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 * other like offenders, and every of their adherents, and 
 
 * wiih them to fight ; and them to invade, refift, re- 
 
 * prefs, fubdue, purfue, flay, kill, and put in exe- 
 
 (i) Parlia- * cutiop of death by all ways and means (i).' This 
 
 n cntary paffed the houfe of lords /^pril i . after the Earl of £/- 
 ^ot°'^'\ y^^ had declared he would yield up his commifHon, as 
 p. ^37. ' he did the day following, as well as the Lords Mavchcf- 
 
 ter^ Dtnbigk and Watujick very foon after Thus 
 
 almoft all thofe men, by whofe intcreft, power and au- 
 thority the war with the King had been undertaken, and 
 without whom no oppofition, of any weight, could 
 poflibly have been raifed, were, in a (hort rime, de- 
 prived of their power and influence over their own ar- 
 my, and obliged, as we fhall foon fee, to truckle be- 
 fore them ! So little can men fee into futurity ! fo diffe- 
 rent are the turns things take from what men are apt 
 to expe£l and depend on. The felf denying ordi- 
 nance was very fpecious, as are all bills for excluding 
 the members of parliament, whether lords or com- 
 mons, from places of truft and profit j and they are ge- 
 nerally received favourably, without doors, by all ranks 
 of people. Whether the ena6ling of them would be 
 right ; whether confiftent with the liberty of the fubje<Sl; 
 whether they could be carried into execution ; or, whe- 
 ther they would be productive of mofl good or ill, are 
 diflin6f queflions, which politicians will long debate on, 
 and find difficult, perhaps, after all, to come to a con- 
 clufion among themfclves. But, with refpedttothe fub- 
 je£l now before us, it appears to have been a very dan- 
 gerous experiment the parliament made. Here was an 
 army put folely under the command of one man ; a 
 power granted him to give out commifTions, and to 
 order his armies in a good meafure according to his 
 ovin difcretion. What was this but to put it in his 
 power to give the law to the parliament whenever he 
 thought fit ? To depend on men's chara£lers, in mat- 
 ters where the well-being of the community, and even 
 the being of the parliament itfelf might be at flake, was 
 furely a great piece of weaknefs, if fuch it can be cal- 
 led, and liable to very fevere cenfure. Soldiers foon 
 
 for-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. <¥i'^ 
 
 forget to be citizens : they overlook, they contemn laws. 
 The general is their fovereign, the officers their ma- 
 giftrates, and at all times they are at their beck and 
 command. And generals, being ufed to abfolute and 
 uncontrouled command over large armies, are apt to 
 forget alfo that they have any fuperiors. Hence the 
 flavery of communities ; the fubverfion of laws ; the 
 eredlion of tyranny, and every thing mifchievous and 
 
 hurtful to the human race. The following paflage 
 
 from Montejquieu will properly clofe this note. ' It is 
 a queftion, fays he, whether civil and military em- 
 ployments ought to be conferred on the fame perfon I 
 in a republic, I fhould think, they ought to be 
 joined, but in monarchies feparated. In republics it 
 would be extreamly dangerous to make the profeflion 
 of arms a particular ftate, diftinfl: from that of civil 
 fundions -, and in monarchies no lefs dangerous would 
 it be to confer thefe two employments on the fame 
 perfon. In republics a perfon takes up arms only 
 with a view to defend his country and its laws ; it is 
 becaufe he is a citizen he makes himfelf for a while 
 a foldier. Were thefe two diftin6t ftates, the perfon, 
 who, under arms, thinks himfelf a citizen, would 
 foon be made fenfible he is only a foldier. In mo- 
 narchies military men have nothing but glory, or at 
 leaft honour or fortune, in view. To men, there- 
 fore, like thefe, the prince {hould never give any civil 
 employments ; on the contrary, they ought to be 
 checked by the civil magiftrates, and care fhould bfe 
 taken that the fame men may not have, at the fame 
 time, the confidence of the people, and the power to 
 abufe it. We need only turn our eyes to a nation 
 [Englandl that may be juftly called a republic difguifed 
 under the form of monarchy, and there we ihall fee 
 how jealous they are of a feparate flate of the gentle- 
 men of the army, and how the military ftate is con- 
 f^antly allied with that of the citizen, and even fome* 
 times of the magiflrate, to the end that thefe quali- (') Spirit of 
 ties may be a pledge for their country, which fliould j ^p^' g"** 
 never be forgotten (/).' g-.o.' Lolid. 
 
 I 4 By «750'
 
 IS-O 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 tune or art (x) peculiar to himfelf, he was 
 
 dif- 
 
 (x) By a fortune or art peculiar to h'mfeJf^ he was d'lf- 
 penfed 'cvith pay-ng obedience to the f elf -denying or dinar ce.^ 
 No man pufhed more, we fee, the pafling of this than 
 Cromwell. He declared it neceffary to fatisfy the peo- 
 ple, and to put an end to the war. Probably many 
 honeft men were induced to join with him in it, from 
 thefe confiderations. It could, therefore, never have 
 entered into the heads of thefe, that the very fame per- 
 fon (hould either defire or accept an exemption from a 
 la'.v, which he himfelf had moved for with fo great 
 zeal and eatneftnefs. Nor did thofe who knew him to 
 be a man of art, and were fearful of his devices, feem 
 to entertain the leaft fufpicion of him upon this head. 
 So that his condudl was a mafterpiece on this occafion, 
 and fhewed him more than a match for his chief op- 
 ponents in the houfes, who had too much openneff, 
 •and were too little upon the referve to conteft with him. 
 Lord Holies, after fpeaking of this ordinance, which 
 turned out himfelf and his friends from their com- 
 mands, and of the obedience * the army paid to the 
 parliament, notwithftanding their love to their officers, 
 whon) they looked on as ill ufed for their fervices ; pro- 
 /ceeds thus : * the next work was how again to get in my 
 ' friend Cron.%uell\ for he was to have the power. Sir 
 
 * Thomas Fairfax only the name of general ; he to be 
 ' the figure, the other the cypher. This was fo grofs 
 
 * and dicimetrically againft the letter of the felf-denying 
 ' ordinance, that it put them to fome trouble how to 
 ^ bring it about. For this CrcmweWs foldiers, forfoolh, 
 
 * muft mutiny, and fay, they will have their Cromwell^ 
 
 • It appears, however, from the Journals of the houfe of coiDmon?, 
 that many of the inferior officers and foWiers mutinied before the ordi- 
 nance had pafled ttte houfe of lords. In the Journal of March 4, 1644. 
 0. S. is a declaration of both houfe?, promifing pardun to fuch as returned to 
 their duty before the 15th of that inftant, and threatning, in cafe uf dif- 
 pbedience, to proceed againft them as traitors and enemies to the com- 
 Rionwcalth. 
 
 ' ' « or
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 121 
 
 difpenfed with paying obedience to it. He, 
 
 there- 
 
 * or they will not Par. Hereupon he muft be fent down 
 
 » they mull have their wills. Yet for thefe very 
 
 ' men had Crci/wzt'^// undertaken before, when, upon de- 
 
 * bate, the inconveniency was objedled which might 
 .^follow by difcontenting the common foldiers, who 
 
 ■f would hardly be drawn to leave their old officers and 
 ' go under newj he could fay, that his foldiers had 
 ' learned to obey the parliament, to go or flay, fight 
 
 * or lay by the fword, upon their command j which, I 
 ' know, prevailed wkh a great many to give their vote 
 
 * with that ordinance. Bv this trick a Jittle beginning 
 
 * was made towards the breach of it, which was foori 
 
 * made greater. For tliey caufed a report to be fpread, 
 
 * that the King was bendinc with his forces towards 
 
 * thelfle of £/y, but none could fave hut Crcmwell, who 
 « muft be fent in all hafle for that fervice ; and an order 
 ' of difpenfation is made for a very few months, two or 
 
 * three (I remember not well whether) but with fuch 
 ' proteflations of that party, that this was only for that 
 
 * exigency, and that for the world they would not have 
 
 * the ordinance impeached, as Mr. Sollicitor faid ; and 
 
 * that if no body would move for the calling him home 
 ' at the expiration of that time, he would. But all 
 
 * this was to gull the houfe. iVTr. Sollicitor had forgot 
 . ' bis proteftation, and, before that was out, there is 
 
 •• another order for more months, and fo renewed from 
 
 * time to time, that at laft this great commander is ri- 
 
 * vetted in the army, and fo faft rivetted, as, after all 
 *• his orders of continuance were at an end, he would 
 ' keep his command liill, which he has done for feve- 
 
 * ral months, and does yet, notwithflandino; that ordi- ^"^ 
 ' nance, without any order at all of the houfe for it (?/).' 34. 
 
 ' Lord Clarendons account of Cromweir% keeping his 
 
 command is too remarkable to be omitted ; not by rea- 
 fon of its c ntaining any fo extraordinary a matter, as 
 to fhew how much his lordfhip wrote at random con- 
 cernii.g the tranfadions of the parliament. ^ By this 
 
 ♦ felf-
 
 122 THELIFEOF 
 
 therefore, applied himfelf in good earneft 
 
 to 
 
 feif-denying ordinance, together with the Earl of Ef- 
 fexy the Earl of Mamhejhr, Sir IVilliam Waller^ the 
 Earl of Denbigh^ major-general Maff.y^ lod their 
 commands, as Cromwell fhould likewife have done. 
 But as foon as the ordinance was pafled, and before 
 the refignation of the Earl of EJJex, the party that 
 fleered had caufed him to be fent with a body of 
 horfe into the weft, to relieve Taunton, that he might 
 be abfent at the time when the other officers delivered 
 their commiffions j which was quickly obferved ; and 
 thereupon orders were given, to require his prefent 
 attendance in parliament, and that their new general 
 fhould fend Tome other officer to attend that fervice ; 
 which was pretended to be done ; and the very day 
 named, by which it was averred that he would be in 
 the houfe. A rendezvous was then appointed, for 
 their new general to take a view of their troops, that 
 he might appoint officers to fucceed thofe who had left 
 their commands by virtue of their ordinance ; and 
 likewife in their place?, who gave up their commands, 
 and refufed to ferve in the new model, who were a 
 great number of their heft commanders. From this 
 rendezvous the general fent to defire the parliament, . 
 that they would give lieutenant-general Cromwell leave 
 to ftay with him for fome few days, for his better infor- 
 mation, without which he fhould not be able to per- 
 form what they expedled from him. The requeft 
 feeming fo reafonable, and being for fo fhort a time, 
 little oppofition was made to it : and fhortly after, by 
 another letter, he defired, with much earneftnefs, 
 that they would allow Cnrnwell to ferve for that 
 campaign. Thus they compafTed their whole defign, 
 in being rid of all thofe whofe afFeftions they knew 
 were not agreeable to theirs, and keeping Cromwell in 
 command, who, in the name of Fairfax^ modelled 
 the army, and placed fuch officers as were well known 
 to him, and to no body elf(^ i and abfolutely governed
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 123 
 
 to the war, and increafed the reputation he 
 had already acquired. 
 
 His 
 
 * the whole martial affairs, as was quickly known to all («) Vni. w, 
 
 * men (*•).* How many miftakes there are in the ^ ' 9* 
 
 above citation I need not point out. The attentive 
 
 reader will foon difcover them. In the Journal of the 
 
 houfe of commons, February 2j, 1644, O. S. we read 
 
 the following refolutions. * Refolved, &c. That lieu- 
 
 * tenant-general Cromwell be defired forthwith to go 
 
 * down to Sir WHliam Waller^ to go with him upon 
 
 * this expedition into the weft, for relief of Mel- 
 
 * combe, and the garrifons and places adjacent, and for 
 
 * preventing and breaking the enemy's levies and re- 
 
 * cruits ; and that it be referred to the committee of 
 ' both kingdoms, to confider, this afternoon, of the 
 ' difpofmg of the commands in fuch manner as may be 
 ' moft advantageous for the fervice, and for accommo- 
 
 * dating all differences, if any occafion ftiould bej and 
 ' to accommodate him with what fhall be further ne- 
 
 * ceffary for this expedition this afternoon. Refolved, 
 
 * ^c. That lieutenant-general Cro-inwell (hall have U- 
 ' berty to take with him into the weft his three troops 
 
 * that are at Hcnhy^ and that it be referred to the com- 
 
 * mittee of both kingdoms to appoint three troops in 
 
 * the place of thofe three troops ; and that lieutenant- 
 
 * general Cromwell fliall have liberty to take with him 
 
 * quarter- mafter- general Iietcn. Ordoied, That Mr. 
 
 * GoJJal and Mr. Lemman^ treafurers for the Earl of 
 ' M.anchejier\ aflbciation, do forthwith pay unto lieu- 
 
 * tenant; general C'-ffTwii''// one thoufand pounds; where- 
 
 * of five hundred upon his own account, and the other 
 
 * five hundred pounds to be difpofed of as he fiiall 
 
 * think fit, to the pay of his own troops." So that 
 Lord Clarendon probably miftook Taunton for Jidelcombt 
 in the paffage above recited. However, neither he nor 
 his troops performed any fervice there; for, tho' Mel- 
 combe and other places were taken by Sir IVtlliam Waller^ 
 yet, in the Journal of the houfe, March 20, 1644, 
 
 4 O. S,
 
 124 THE LIFEOF 
 
 His actions, after the new modelling 
 
 of 
 
 O. S. we read * the humble petition of the foldiers of 
 
 * lieutenant-general Cromwell^ acknowledging the hein- 
 
 * cufnefs of their offence in refufing to march with Sir 
 ' William Waller into the weft, was this day read : and 
 
 * it is refolved, ^c. 1 hat this houfe doth accept of 
 
 * the acknowledgment and fubmiffion of the fald fol- 
 
 * diers, and do admit them into their former good opi- 
 
 * nion and favour.' This, I fuppofe, was the mutiny 
 referred to in the above paflage from Lord Holies. For, 
 though Crcmivell was commanded to join Waller^ I can- 
 not find that he did : — he feems, about this time, to 
 have been very a£live in the houfe, and zealous in the 
 affair of new modelling the army. However, he focn 
 after joined his troops; and the felf-denying ordinance 
 having pafTed the houfe of lords, the army being new 
 modelled, and Fairfax in fupreme command, Cromwell^ 
 pretending that he was, with the other officers, to refign 
 his commiflion, came to Wind/or from his command in 
 the wefl, to kifs the general's hand, and take his leave 
 of him, ' when,' fays an hiftorian of that time, great- 
 ly in the intereft of Oliver, ' in the morning, ere he 
 
 * was come forth of his chamber, thofe commands [to 
 ' march beyond Oxford with a body cf horfe, and lie 
 ' on the further fide towards Worcefer, to intercept a 
 ' convoy going to Oxford^ and to keep the King and 
 
 * his train from going thencej than which he thought 
 . , * of nothing lefs in all the world, came to him from 
 
 Anglia"Re! * *^^ committee of both kingdoms {y):' whereupon, tak- 
 / diviva, p. ing a body of horfe and dragoons, he marched into Ox- 
 lo. Fol. fordjhire, beat a party of the enemy at Iflip-hridge, re- 
 °° • * 4^* duced Blechingdon- houfe, and performed many other 
 things advantageous to his caufe. He continued, there- 
 fore, in the army, and was authorifed fo to do, as ap- 
 pears by what follows In the Journal of the houfe of 
 commons. May ii, 1645: 'Two letters from lieute- 
 ' jiant general CroOTWif// and major general ^rsttT;^ ; the 
 , . * one of Jlia^ 8th, the other of May 9th, informing, 
 
 ' that
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 125 
 
 of the army, were worthy of a great 
 
 com- 
 
 that general Goringe is advanced weftward, and the 
 King northward towards Worcejier ; were this day 
 read ; and immediately delivered to Mr. Recorder, that 
 brought them in. Ordered, ^c. That the committee 
 of the army do take care for the providing of monies 
 and ammunition for thofe horfe and foot, that are 
 within the new model, and now under the command 
 of lieutenant-general C'-omwell, and major-general 
 Browne. Ordered, l^c. That it be referred to the 
 committee of the army, to confider, what fums of 
 money is fit to be provided for. that party of horfe and 
 foot under the command of lieutenant-general Crom- 
 well and major-general Browne^ which is not within 
 the new model. Whereas lieutenant-general Crom- 
 well is now in the adual fervice of the parliament, 
 and in profecution of the enemy; it is this day en- 
 joined by the lords and commons, that he ihall con- 
 tinue in the employment he is now in, for forty days 
 longer ; notv/ithflanding the late ordinance, or any 
 claufe therein, that difcharges the members of either 
 houfe from having any office or command, military 
 or civil.' In the journal o^^June the loth following, 
 is faid, ' A letter from ^\r Thomas Fairfaxes and 
 divers of the chief officers of his army, from 8her^ 
 rington, oVJune the 8th ; defiring that lieutenant-ge- 
 neral Cromwell might command the horfe in chief, 
 in Sir Thomas Fairfaxe his army, was this day read. 
 Refolved upon the queftion, that Sir Thomas Fairfasce 
 be defired (if he thinks fit) to appoint lieutenant-gene- 
 ral Cromwell to command the horfe under Sir Thomas 
 Fairfaxes as lieutenant-general, during fuch time as 
 this houfe (hall pleafe to difpenfe with his attendance: 
 and that Sir Thomas Widdrington prepare a letter to be 
 figned by Mr. Speaker, and forthwith fent to Sir Thof 
 mas Fairfaxe to acquaint him with this vote.' The 
 letter here referred to was figned among others, by Fleetr- 
 wood, IVhalleyt Skippon, and Ireteriy men near to Ciaaii- 
 
 I'jelly
 
 126 THELIFEOF 
 
 commander, and at the battle of Nafe- 
 
 h 
 
 welly and probably, not wholly ignorant of his defigns. 
 But to go on. — On the i6th oi "June, when news had 
 been brought the houfe of the battle of Najeby^ we find 
 it in the journal of that day, ♦ Refolved, i^c. That 
 
 * lieutenant-general Crcmwell fhall be lieutenant-general 
 
 * of the horfe, in the army under the command of Sir 
 ' Thomas Fairfax^ during the pleafure of both houfes. 
 *. -The lords concurrence to be defired herein. Refolved, 
 ^'•That lieutenant general Cromwell (hall have pay of 
 ' lieutenant general of the horfe, fince the time of the 
 
 * firft eftabliftimentof the army, under Sir Thomas Fair- 
 
 * fax'^ command. The lords concurrence to be defired 
 
 * herein.' However, in conformity to an alteration made 
 by the houfe of lords, we find the refolution ftand in the 
 following manner two days afterwards. * Refolved up- 
 
 * on the quellion, that lieutenant-general CremwcU fhall 
 
 * continue as lieutenant-general of the horfe according 
 ' to the eftabli(hed pay of the army, for three months 
 ' from the end of tire forty days formerly granted to him.' 
 
 ^ And on the 8th of Augujl 1 645, it was ordered by the 
 commons, ' That he fhould be continued in the fame 
 
 * employment, as formerly, for the fpace of four months 
 
 * longer, from the end of the faid three months, for 
 
 * which he was formerly continued, as aforefaid ; on 
 
 * the 17th of Oft. it was continued for four months 
 *"Jonger; and on the 23d oi yan. following for fix 
 
 * months more.' After this there were no more re- 
 
 folutions about Cromwell: he took it for granted he had 
 leave; no one offered to move for recalling him; and 
 Jhe foon came to fo great a power, that no one with fafe- 
 ty eould almoft have dared to have done it. In fine, 
 the felf- denying ordinance having anfwered its intention 
 of turning out the grandees of both houfes from thefr 
 commands in the army, and Cromwell having the lucJc 
 to be exempted from it, he accomplifhed what he theh 
 had in his view, and foon after, by means of his friewds, 
 kad maoy chief officers of the army chofen members 
 
 of
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 127 
 
 by (y) he gave frelh proofs of his valour and 
 
 bra- 
 
 of the houfe of commons, who took their feats and retain- 
 ed their commarids. And thereby encouraged the old mem- 
 bers of their party to provide for themfelves iikewife. Sir 
 William Brereton^ Sir Oliver and Sir Sattiucl Luke^ Ireton^ 
 Rainjhorough^ Algernon Sydney^ Ingddjhy^ Ludlow-, Skip- («)SeeWal- 
 pon^ Fleetwood (z), and other principal commanders, ryofinde- 
 were members of parliament ; molt of whom were pendency, 
 friends to CVawttv// till he openly declared himfelf, andP'"»-P- 
 fome of them after that: whereby it plainly appeared Ito.Tondi! 
 that, in his and their judgment, the ordinance was caU 1648. 
 culated more for party purpofes, though carried on un- 
 der fpecious pretences, than for the public good, 
 
 (y) In the battle of Nafeby he gave frejh proofs ff his 
 valour.'] Though 1 propofed not to enter into a detail 
 of Oliver^ military exploits, yet I fhall give the reader 
 a fhort account of the important battle of Nafeby, which 
 is thus related by Mr. JVhitlock. ' The King com- 
 
 * manded the main body of his army. Prince Rupert 
 ' and Prince Maurice the right wing. Sir Marmaduke 
 
 * Langdale the left, the Earl of Lindfcy and the Lord 
 
 * JJhley the right-hand re'erve, the Lord Bard, and Sir 
 ' George Ulfle the left referve. Of the parliament's ar- 
 ' my, Fairfax and Skippon commanded the main body, 
 
 * Cromwell the right wing, with whom was Rojfuer, 
 
 * and they both came in but a little before the fight. 
 ' Ireton commanded the left wing, the referves were 
 
 * brought up by Rainjborough, Hammond and Pride^ 
 
 * Prince Rupert began and charged the parliament's left 
 
 * wing with great refolution; Leton niade gallant re- 
 
 * fiftance, but at laft was forced to give ground, he him- 
 
 * felf being run through the thigh with a pike, and into 
 
 * the face with a halbert, and his horfe (hot under him, 
 
 * and himfelf takeo prifoner. Prince Rupert followed 
 ' the chafe almofl to Nafeby town, and in his return, 
 
 * fummoned the train, who made no other anfwer but 
 
 * by their firelocks ; he alfo vifited the carriages wher^ 
 ♦was good plunder, but his long Hay from tj>e ffj<^ifi« 
 
 * body
 
 I2S THELIFEOF 
 
 bravery. From this time the King's power 
 
 very 
 
 * body was no fmall prejudice to the King's army. In 
 
 * the mean time Cromvcell charged funoufly on the 
 
 * King's left wing, and got the better, forcing them 
 
 * from the body, and profecuting the advantage, quite 
 ' broke them and their referve. During which, the 
 
 * main bodies had charged one another with incredible 
 
 * fiercenefs, often retreating and rallying, falling in to- 
 
 * gether with the butt-ends of their mufkets', and com- 
 
 * ing to hand blows with their fwords. Langdale% men 
 
 * having been in fome difcontent before, did not in this 
 
 * fight behave tbemfelves as they ufed to do in others, 
 
 * as their own party gave it out of them ; yet they did 
 
 * their parts, and the refl of the King's army both horfe 
 
 * and foot performed their duties with great courage and 
 ' refolution, both commanders and foldiers. Some of 
 ' the parliament's horfe having lingred awhile about pil- 
 
 , * lage, and being in fome difadvantage, Skippon '^txztvv- 
 ' ing it, brought up his footfeafonably to their afiiftance, 
 ' and in this charge (as himfelf related it to me) was 
 
 * ftct in the fide. Crc?wty<?// coming in with his viflo- 
 ' rious right wing, they all charged together upon the 
 
 * King, who, unable to endure any longer, got out of 
 ' the field towards Lcicejier. Prince Ruferty who now 
 
 * too late returned from his improvident eager purfuit, 
 
 * feeing the day loft, accompanied them in their flight, 
 •"leaving a compleat victory to the parliamentarians.' — 
 After more particulars he clofes his account thus : 
 
 * Both the general and lieutenant-general performed 
 *'- their work with admirable refolution, and by their 
 *■ particular examples infufed valour into their followers, 
 **folikewife did the other officers, of whom divers were 
 
 * wounded. On the other fide, the King {hewed him- 
 ' felf this day, a couragious general, keeping clofe witR 
 ^ his horfe, and himfelf in perfon rallying them to hot 
 
 rials p.Tco. ' encounters [*].'- 'Hear now an adverfary to Crcm- 
 'well- — * Very early in the morning [Jtirie 14, 1645] 
 
 * the fcouts brought word that the King was making all 
 
 * hafte
 
 O^L I V E R OR M W E L L. 129 
 
 very fenfibly decayed, and all things flov/ed 
 
 in 
 
 hafte to the engagement, being falfly informed that 
 Fairfax in fear was retreaiing to Northampton, where- 
 as he had now difpofed of Nafihy fiejd, and awaited 
 him, having Cromwell ^'vX-i IVhalley ow his right wing, 
 and Ireton on his left, the one oppofed to my Lord 
 Lan~^dcile^ and the northern h >rfc, and the other to 
 Prince Ru^ert^ general of the cavalry, the King him- 
 feif bein^; general iffi mo. lo come to the event. 
 Prince Rupert totally routed Leto/i, who being engag- 
 ed and driven upon the King's rightmoft foot, was 
 there wounded in the thigh with 3 haljjert, and taken 
 prifoner, and the field on. that hand cleared ; which 
 Fairfax and Crcmwell obfcrving, having not yet ftir- 
 red from their ground, Fairfax with a fhort fpeech 
 encouraged his troops to the charge; which was fe- 
 conded by fome devout ejaculations from Crcjnwelly 
 who clapping fpurs to his horfe,fell in with Langdale\ 
 brigade, and quire charged through three bodies and 
 utterly broke them ; nor did he flop till with fine force 
 he had likewife beat that wing from their ground, 
 without poffibility of rallying or recovering it again. In 
 this aciion a commander of the King's knowing Croni' 
 Txell., advanced fmartly from the head of his troops to 
 exchange a bullet fiiigly with him, and was with the 
 like gallantry encountered by him, both fides forbear- 
 ing to come in, till their piftols being difcharged, the 
 cavalier with a flanting back-blow of a broad fword, 
 luckily cut the ribbond that tied his murrion, and with 
 a draw threw it (ft" his head, and now ready to repeat 
 his ftroke, his party came in and refcued him, and 
 one of them alighting, threw up his head-piece into 
 his faddle, which Oliver hjflily catching, as being 
 affrighted with the chance, clapt it the wrong way 
 on his head, and fo fought with it the reft of the day, 
 v/hicb proved molt hiQ;h!v fortunate on his fide (thoich 
 the King moft magnanimouOy and expertly managed 
 the fight, e.'.pcfing himfclf to the eminentcft perils of 
 K *■ tho
 
 130 THELIFEOF 
 
 in vcFy profperoully on the parliament, who 
 
 failed 
 
 * the field) and raifed himfelf beyond the arts and reach 
 
 * of envy, or his enemies of the Prefbyterian patty, 
 
 * who had fo long been heaving at him, to out him of 
 
 * all military employments, which concluding fo per- 
 
 * linently and peremptorily for him in this grand event, 
 ' did charm the hatred, malice and prejudice againft 
 
 * him, into fear and dread what this arrogance of 
 
 * his fortune would finally afpireto» This battle whol- 
 ' ly overthrew the King, who v/as never after able to 
 
 * make head againft the parliament forces, but piece- 
 lum,p!''V' ' meal loft his armies, caftles and towns (a).' 1 have 
 
 related this adlion as I found it, but mufl: at the fame 
 time defire my reader to clafs it with the encounters of 
 ^uixct and Jmadis\ for like theirs it owes its exiftencc 
 
 » to imagination, and is not to be met with in any writer 
 
 of credit. 
 
 The three following authentic copies of original let- 
 ters relating to this battle, will be deemed curiofities by 
 moft readers. They will do well to compare them with 
 the narratives of modern commanders. In the year 
 1754, they were found in a wall nine feet thick, on 
 pulling down a houfe in palace-yard Wejlminjier^ in or- 
 der to build an office for the clerks of the houfe of lords. 
 The public is indebted for the communication to an ho- 
 
 * Horace Hourable gentleman, of diftinguiibed rank in the re- 
 
 Waipole, public of letters *. 
 
 Efq, 
 
 Letter I. Indorfed, To the honourable William 
 Lenthall, Efq; Speaker to the houfe of com- 
 mons. Hafte. 
 
 Honourable Sir, 
 
 '"p HIS morning by day brake wee marcht out Guilf- 
 ^ burro., after the enemy. After an hours march we 
 difcovered their horfe drawne up at Sybhertoff three miles 
 this fide Harborroiighj an hour aJfter their foot ap- 
 peared.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 131 
 
 peared. This was about 8 in the morning, by lo we 
 were difpofed into a battalia on both fides, both fides 
 with mighty fhouts expreft a hearty defire of fighting; 
 having for our parts recommended our caufe to God's 
 protection, and rec*. the word, which was God our 
 Jlrength, theirs ^ecn Mary. Our forlorne hopes be- 
 gun the pla- - - whiles both fides labour'd for the hill 
 and wynd, which in conclufyon w - - as it were equal- 
 ly divided. Our forlorne hope gave back, and their 
 righ- wing of horfefell upon our left with fuch gallantry, 
 that ours were immediately routed. About icoo ran 
 along with them, but fuch was the courage and dili- 
 gence of the right wing backt with the foot, that they 
 not only brat back the enemy from the traine, but fell 
 in with their fFoot, and after 2 Hours difpute won all 
 their ffield peeces, (of which feme are cannon) moft of 
 their baggage, mortar peeces, boats, 3000 arms, much 
 powder, match, ^c. and nigh 4000 prifoners, their 
 number was about 1200OJ fome 6co flayne, many 
 commanders of note. Of ours not above 200. Our 
 horfe are ftill in purfuit, and have taken many officers ; 
 their ftandard is ours, the Kings waggon and many la- 
 dyes. God Almighty give us thankful hearts for this 
 great vi6tory, the moft abfolute as yet obteyned. The 
 General, Leift. Gen. Cromwell^ and Major Gen. Sk'p- 
 pon (who is fhot in the fide, but not dangerous) did be- 
 yond expreffion gallantly ; fo did all the other comman- 
 ders and foldiers. We have loft but 2 Capt. Tho' this 
 come late, be pleafed to accept it from 
 
 Your Honors moft humble fervants, 
 
 Naezhy^ wher the fHght was this Har. IvEighton. 
 Saturdayy i^Jun:iy 1645. Tho. Herbert. 
 
 Capt. Potter is dangeroufly wounded, 
 but hopes of his recovery, fo is 
 Capt. Csok. 
 
 IC 2 Let-
 
 132 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 Letter U. Indorfed, For the hon^'= William 
 Lenthall, Speaker of commons houfe of parlia- 
 ment. Theife. 
 
 ' ]gE I N G commanded by you to this fervice, I think 
 myfelf bound to acquaint you with the good hand 
 of God towards you and us. We marched yeiterday 
 after the Kinge who went before us from Z)flt'^«^r^^ to 
 Have'hrowe and quartered about fix miles from him, 
 this day we marched towards htm. Hee drew out to 
 meete us, both armies ingaged, we after three howers 
 %ht very doubtful, att laft routed his armie, killed and 
 tooke about 5000, very many officers, but of what 
 qualitye wee yet know not, wee tooke alfo about 2co 
 carrag - - all hee had, and all his gunns, being 12 in 
 number, whereof 2 were demie cannon, 2 demie cul- 
 veringes, and (I think) the reft facers. We purfued 
 enemy from 3 miles fhort ot Hj to nine be- 
 yond, even to fight of Lelcef^ - - whether the King fled. 
 Sir this is non other but the hand of God, and tcT him 
 alone belongs the glorie, wherein non are to {hare with 
 him. The general ferved ydu with all faythfulnelTe and 
 honor, and the beft commendations I can give him is, 
 that I d - - fay bee attributes all to God, and woud 
 rath perifh then afiume to himfelfe, which is an honeft 
 and a thrivinge way, and yet as much for bravery may 
 be given to him in this aaion as to a man. Honeft men 
 ferved you faithfully in this aaion. Sir they are truftye. 
 I.befeech you in the name of Gcrd not to difcourage 
 them. I wifti this adion may be^ett thankful licfTe and 
 -humilitye in all that are concerned'in it. He that ven- 
 •ters his life for the libcrtie ofhis countrie, I wifli hee 
 truft God for the libertie of his confcience, and you (or -: 
 the liberty e he fights for, in this hee refts w hoe is ' ; 
 
 Your moft humble fervant, 
 June 14th, 1645. 
 
 Huvirbroivs. ■ OnvER Cromwell, 
 
 Let-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL, 13J 
 
 Letter III. Indorfed, I^or the hon^'« William 
 LEiifTHALL, Efq^ Speaker of the ho''^^ houfe of 
 commons. 
 
 JMr. Speaker, 
 "DESIDES the general account, I have alreadie 
 -*-^ given, by one of my fervants, whom I fent up to 
 Lo)kImye\k^Td3Lyy I thought fit to fend the bearer Mr. Boles, 
 wboe may more particularlye inforn^e you concerneinge 
 the abundant goodnefs of God to this army, and the 
 whole kingdome in the late vi^orie cbteyned at Nafeby 
 iielde. The whole body of their footc — ^ taken and flaine, 
 fuch a lift of the prifoners, as could be made up in this 
 ihort time I have knt^ the horfe all quitted the fielde, 
 and were purfued within three mjies oi Leicjier : theire 
 iicnmunition, ordnance and carriages ail taken : among 
 which there were, two demy cannons, a whole culverin 
 and a mwtar peece, bcfides leffcr peeces. We intend 
 10 move to Lticejier as fbon as we have taker» order with 
 our prifoners and wounded men. All that I defire is, 
 that the honor of this greate and ne\'er to be forgotten 
 inercie may be given to God, in an extraordinary day 
 of thankfgivings ; and that it may be iciproi'ed to the 
 good of bis churche and his kingdome : which fball be 
 iaithfully endeavoured by. Sir, 
 
 Y"^ mofi: humble Sef*, 
 
 HsrBjrougbyyunc i^i ^^^S' 
 
 Tho. Fairfax, 
 
 Sorhc Irtjb are among the pri loners, as T ara 
 informed : 1 have not time to make enquiry 
 into it, I defii e they may be proceeded zgainft 
 according to ordnance -of parliament. Ma- 
 jor general Skiffpcn wasfhor throughc bis fide ; 
 but notwithfiandinge he continued i.i theffielde 
 with great refolucon ; and when I defined him 
 to goe off the ffiold, he anfwered he would 
 not goe fo long as a man would ftand, ftill 
 doing his ofEce as a valient-and wife comman- 
 der. Alfo Colonel Butler and Colonel /rf/aw, 
 K 3 upQti
 
 •J34 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 failed not to reward Oliver (z) for his good 
 
 fervices. 
 
 upon theire firft charge were both dangerouflie 
 wounded, behaving themfelves very gallantlie. 
 If 1 could enter into particulars, much might 
 be fpoken of the refolucon and courage of 
 many commanders, both horfe and fFoote in 
 ^his days fcrvice *. 
 
 Thefe letters give us a clear idea of this important 
 and decifive battle, a battle which in a manner extin- 
 guifhed the King's hopes, and foon after brought on a 
 total reduction of his power! Lord Clarendon fays, the 
 i^ 6^ '^' King and the Kingdom were loft in it (b) : — an expref- 
 fioji which deno-.es his lordfhip's idea of the immenfenefs 
 of the lofs, though perhaps not much more cxad than 
 bis account of the battle itfelf, which to fay the leaft 
 of it, is very dtfedtive and erroneous, as will appear by 
 comparing it with the authentic accounts here given. 
 
 (z) The parliament failed not to reward Oliver ^or his 
 
 goodfervices.'\ Milton complams of the offices, gifts and 
 
 ff) See the preferments befiowed and fliared among the members of 
 
 fecondquo- parliament (c). And if we may believe a writer of 
 
 Milton "^In* ^^^^^ times, who had opportunity of being informed, 
 
 note(o). (though allowances muft be made for his prejudices) 
 
 this was commonly and openly done, to the vexatioh 
 
 of fuch as either could not, or would not partake with 
 
 them. The pafluge is remarkable, and relates properly 
 
 to the fubje£t in hand. * The leading men or bel-wea- 
 
 * thers having feemingly divided themfelves, and having 
 
 * really divided the houfes, and captivated their refpec- 
 
 * tive parties judgment, reaching them by an impli- 
 
 * cite faith, Jurare in verba magT/iri^ to pin their opi- 
 
 • Since the infertlofl of thefe letters, I find they ware printed by or- 
 ^er of parliament, June i6, 1645, ^""^ republished in Rufliworth's col- 
 leftions. But as they ate curious, little known, and probably now firft 
 tranfcribed from the originals, I have thought proper to give them a 
 place in this ^yo^k notwJihftanding. A copy of Cwmweirs letter is in the 
 Ijitifh JIufcum. 
 
 • niofls
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL.. 12s 
 
 fcrvices. But eratitude did not bind him; 
 ^ for 
 
 nions upon their fleeves ; they begin to advance their 
 projects of monopolizing the profits, preferments, and 
 power of the kingdom in themfelves. To which pur- 
 pofe, though the leaders of each party feem to main- 
 tain a hot oppofition, yet when any profit or prefer- 
 ment is to be reached at, it is obfervcd that a power- 
 ful independent efpecially moves for a Prefbyterian, 
 or a leading Prefbyterian for an independent j and fel- 
 dom doth one oppofe or fpeak againft another, in 
 fuch cafes, unlefs fomething of particular fpleen or 
 competition come between, which caufeth them to 
 break the common rule. By this means the grandcts 
 of each fa6^ion feldom mifs their mark, fince an In- 
 dependent moving for a Prefbyterian, his reputation 
 carries the bufinefs clear with the Independent party; 
 and the Prefbyterians will not oppofe a leading man 
 of their own fide. By this artifice the grandees of 
 each fide fhare the commonwealth between them; 
 and are now become proud, domineering Rehoboamsy 
 even over the reft of their fellow members, (contrary 
 to tie liberty of parliament, which confilts in an 
 equality) that were formerly fawning ambitious jib- 
 Jalcms, There hath been lately given away to mem- 
 bers openly (befides innumerable and ineftimable pri- 
 vate cheats mutually connived at) at leaft 300000 1. 
 in money, befides rich offices, employments in money 
 committees, fequeflrations and other advantages. 
 And thofe members who have fo well ferved them- 
 felves under colour of ferving the publick, are, for 
 the moft part, old canvafers of fadiions, who have 
 fat idly and fafcly in the houfe, watching their advan- 
 tages to confound bufineffes, and fhuffle the cards to 
 make their own game; when others that have ven- 
 tured their perfons abroad, laboured in the publick 
 work, like Jfraelites under thefe Egyptian ^aflc-mafters 
 and loft their eftates, are left to ftarve until they can 
 find relief in that empty bag called by fools, fides pub- 
 K 4 * lica.
 
 136 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 for his fuccefs and influence on the army, 
 
 infpired 
 
 ^ '- lica, by wife men fdei punica^ and are now lookad 
 
 Mfter^'^of'*' upon in the houi'e fuperciiiouily, like unwelcome 
 
 ihe two ' guefts {d),' 
 
 Juntoes, Lord Holies in very (harp terms fpcaks of his anta- 
 ^' ^' gonitis, the Independent party, promoting and reward- 
 ing their friends and adherents : ' Which, fays he, was 
 
 ,' eafy for them, having both fword and puife, and with- 
 
 * all an impudence and boldnefs to reward all thofe who 
 ^ would fell their confciences. For all fuch members of 
 
 * the houfe, and others, v^ere fure to be preferred, have 
 f large gifts given them out of the commonwealths mo- 
 ^ ney, arrears paid, oi?^ces confered upon them, coun- 
 
 * tenanced.and prote.£led againft all complaints and pro- 
 ' fecutions, had they done never fo unworthy, unjufl", 
 
 * horrid action;-, to the opprefijon of the fubject, and 
 
 * difbonour of the parliament. All others difcounte- 
 
 * nanced, oppofed, inquifitions fet upon them, queflioned, 
 
 * impriibned upon the leaft occafion, colours of crimes 
 ' many times for doing real good fervice, and no favour 
 
 * nor juftice for them : only that the world might fee 
 
 * Vi'hich was the way to rife, and which 10 be fure to 
 (e) Me- ^' n:z^X with contrary winds and florms, and fo make 
 rnoirs,p. 36. « ^j] ^^^ ^^ j^^^ ^^^ j^^^j^ candles to thefe vifible faints {e).' 
 
 In another place his lordfiiip vindicates bimfclf and 
 
 friends from the charge of enriching thcmfelves by dif- 
 
 pofmg of the publick money, and retorts it onhisad- 
 
 verfaries, fetting forth in a very particular manner what 
 
 (*) Id. n. fums of money they had received under various preten- 
 
 J52— 133. ces, and what falarics they enjoyed (*). But after all 
 
 thefe warip declamation.'., for, both thefe writers were 
 
 very warm, when they exercifed their pens on thefe fub- 
 
 jefis, what w^s, there done in thefe times that has not, 
 
 that will not be done at all times ? Friend.s and favourites 
 
 , are countenanced and preferred, enemies are overlooked, 
 
 neglected, or difappointed. Was ic ever otherwife ? If 
 
 pien perform great and eminent fervices, 'tis grateful, 'tis 
 
 P9litic to reward them. To complain of the givers or 
 
 re-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 137 
 
 receivers, feems not very confiftent with good fenfe and 
 impartiality. Cromwell we have ken make a figure in 
 the war : he had veptured his life many times in the 
 public fervice, and had brought reputation and victory 
 back with him. Was he unworthy of notice, or did he 
 not highly merit it ? When the houfe of commons was 
 far enough from being wholly at his devotion, we find 
 it ordered, ' that five hundred pounds be forthwith pro- 
 
 < vided and advanced, to be beftowedon Lieutenant 
 
 ' General Cromwell, as a refpect from the houfe. Or- 
 ' dered, that all the lands of the Eztl of fi^orcejlir. Lord 
 
 * Herein, and Sir John Somerfeft, his fons, in the 
 
 * county of Southampton, be fettled upon Lieutenant Ge- 
 
 * neral Crcmwetl, and his heirs, to be accounted as part 
 ' of the two thoufand five hundred pounds per annum, 
 
 * formerly appointed him by this' houfe : and that Mr. 
 
 * Samuel Broivne^ Mr. Sollicitor, Mr. Lifie-, and Mr. 
 
 * Wallops do bring in an ordinance accordingly. Or- 
 
 * dered, that it be referred to the committee of the army, 
 
 * to confider how the refidue of the two thoufand five 
 
 * hundred pounds, "land of inheritance formerly affigned 
 
 * Lieutenant General Cromwdl by this houfe, may be 
 
 * fpeedily fettled upon him, and his heirs, for ever, and 
 
 * he put in the prefcnt poffeflion of it; and likewife to 
 
 * confider of an entertainment for his prefent fubfidence ; (/) Journal, 
 
 * and to bring in an ordinance to this purpofe ( /).' And .1^"- -3» 
 it was moreover ordered a few days aftcrv/ards, * that *^* 
 
 * Mr. Lijle do bring in an ordinance for the full grant- 
 ' ing unto, and fettling upon Lieutenant General Crom- 
 ' well, and his heirs, the manors of Ahb;rjhn and 
 ' IxhelU with the rights, members and appurtenances 
 
 * thereof, in the county of Scuthampton ; being the lands 
 
 * of John Lord Marquis of Winchsflcr, a delinquent, 
 
 * that hath been in arms againft the parliament, and a ^f} J''"''"^^ 
 ' Papift {g).' What the event of this laft order was I {645.^^' 
 cannot find ; but by the following letter of Oliver St. 
 
 'John to Cromwell, it appears that the houfe of com- 
 cions had liberally rewarded him for his fervices. 
 
 Deare
 
 133 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 T Have herewithall fente you the order of the houfe 
 -*■ of commons for fettling 2500 I. per annum upon 
 you and your heires, and the ordinance of parliament 
 in purfuance thereof in part, whereby the lands there- 
 in mentioned, being all the lands of the Earle of JV^r- 
 cefter in that county, are fettled upon you. I have 
 like wife fcnt you a rent-roll of the quit- rents. The 
 manors coofift moft of old rents. There are three 
 advowfons. I am told by Col. Norton and Mr. Whee- 
 ler, whoe know the lands, that they are accounted 
 I col. p. ann. 
 
 * I endeavoured to paffe this for the prefent, rather 
 than to have flayed longer to make up the whole. 
 Your patent was fpeedily prepared, and is this day 
 palled the great feal. I have not fente it downc, but 
 will keepe it for you, until I receive your diredtion to 
 whom to deliver it. The charges of paffing the or- 
 dinances to the clerkes, and of the feale, my clerke 
 of the patents hath fatisfied ; you fhall hereafter know 
 what they come to. I delivered a copy of the ordi- 
 nance to Mr. Li/Ie to fend it to the committee of fe- 
 queftrations, whoe hath, together with a letter to 
 them, defyred, that the fequeftrators take care that no 
 wrong be done to the lands. That which principally 
 moved me to it was, becaufe I heard, there weare 
 goodly woods, and that much had been formerly cut, 
 that for the future a flop might be made. By the or- 
 dinance fent you, you will be auctorized to fend fomc 
 baylifFe of your owne to hufband the lands to your 
 beft advantage, which would be done fpeediiie. There 
 is another order of the houfe for preparinge an ordi- 
 nance for a goodly houfe and other lands in HampJJn>ey 
 of the Marquifle of Winchejiers. Wee had thought 
 to have had them in the ordinance, already pa/Tcd, 
 but by abfence of fome, when I brought in the other, 
 that fayled. Perhaps it is better as it is, and that the 
 addition might have flayed this. You know to 
 
 * whome
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 139 
 
 infpired him with confidence (a a) and am-: 
 
 bition. 
 
 ' whome the Marquife hath relation *, and in regard 
 ' that our commiflion for the feale ends with this 
 ' month, I defyred rather for the prefente to pafTe this, 
 
 * than to hazard the delay. Mr. Ltjle was ordered to 
 
 * bring in the other ordinance; it is not yet done. Sir, 
 
 * Mr. Wallops Mr. Lijle^ Sir Thomns Germayne^ have 
 ' been real friends to you in this bufinefs, and heartily 
 
 * defire to have you feated, if poffible, in their country. 
 
 * Remember by the next to take notice hereof by letter (^) Thur- 
 
 « unto them (/;).* 1 know not what the patent men- loe, vol. u 
 
 tioned in this letter means, unlcfs the following refo- P* ''5* 
 lution of the houfe of commons, Dec. i, 1645, will 
 explain it. ' Refolved, that the title and dignity of a 
 
 * baron of the kingdom of England, with all rights, 
 ' priviledges, pre-eminences, and precedencies, to the 
 ' faid title and dignity belonging or appertaining, bc 
 
 * conferred and fettled on Lieutenant General Oliver ^ 
 
 * Cromwell^ and the heirs males of his body : and that 
 
 * his Majefty be defiied, in thefe propofttions, [for ^ 
 
 * peace] to grant and confer the faid title and dignity 
 
 * upon him, and the heirs males of his body accord- , 
 
 * ingly : and that it be referred to the former committee, 
 ' to confider of a fit way and manner for the perfecting 
 
 « hereof (i).'~Here are proofs fufficient of the bounty ^'^ J°""-** 
 of Oliver's mafters. 
 
 (a a) His fuccefs and his intere/i in the army, infpired 
 him wih ambition, &c,] Sir Thomas Fairfax, we have 
 feen, was conftituted general and commander in chief 
 of the ne\V modelled army ; and he behaved, as it is 
 well known, with great bravery and condu(5l. But his 
 talents were chiefly of the military kind. He had no 
 inclination for intrigues; no ambitious views; and 
 therefore ftood not in need of thole arts which arc requi-. 
 fite to obtain confidence and power. He contented 
 
 • The xMar<5uifs of Wi^chefter manicd the half-fifter of the Earl of 
 Eflex. Ludlow, vol. i. p. 15S. 
 
 him-
 
 HO T H E L I F E O F 
 
 bition, and excited in him views prejudicial 
 
 to 
 
 fcimfelf with difcbarging the duties of a good general, 
 and troubled not himlelf with any thing beyond it, 
 Crcwiifdl had other things in hia head. He fought not 
 Bicerly for his mafiers, or out of ze^l for the caufe ^ 
 though zeal he undoubtedly had ; but that he mig,ht one 
 tinie or other talce the lead, and gratify his own bound-: 
 Jef& ambition. He therefore made his court to all the 
 officers and (bldiers> and became at length fo popular, 
 as to be looked on; by friends and foes as the chiet actor 
 in the intereffing (cenes, exhibited by the army, * Fair- 
 *- fax was viewed as a gentleman of an irrational and 
 
 * bralrfli valour,, fitter to follow another man's counfel 
 *• than hrs own, and obnoxious to Ctomweli and the in-, 
 
 * dependant fa^ion (upon whofe bottom he flands) for 
 fljWalie/st bis preferment, it being no difhonour to him to be^ 
 la^Msdea- f ^^me the property of a powerful fadicKi {k\^ But 
 cy, part i, fjrojKmeU was defcribed ' as a head f^hooImaSer, in the 
 V-TP- * parnament, (repiefented as a frce-fchooi when fub-r 
 (;)U,p3rt * JeSed to the will of the army) htton ufher, and (that 
 ii.ftSc. « cypher) Fairfax prepohtor (/).' And Hclh^ fays, 
 
 * from the beginning of the new modelling thcarnxy, 
 *■ it was intended, by his party, ihat Crommdl Ihould 
 ' have the power,. Sir Thomas Fairfax only the name of 
 
 * general* And he further characterizes h^na, ' as one 
 
 * fit for their turns, to do whatever-they will have him, 
 (ffij Mr- ' without confidering or being able- to judge whether 
 jnoiis,p.34.c boriourable or honeft (a?)/ . Thefe chara£iers of Fair- 
 
 fax feem tcry fevere, and one would be api to think, 
 ought to be read with feme allowances, as coming from 
 roeri heated with reftntmcnt, and foss to the general, 
 and his army. But the following pafiages from his owrs 
 B/iemoirs, will (hev/ us that there is much truth in what 
 is above written, though "couched in a fcarp and adver- 
 sary-like ftyje. His little influence and authority in the 
 army over which" he had the name of general, he thus 
 ifeicribes. ' From the time they [the army] declared 
 
 * their ufurped authority at Tripkiv-Iieath, 1 never gave 
 
 8 * my
 
 O L I V E R C R O M W E LL. 141 
 
 'io the authority from whence he derived his 
 ' '\ . - power. 
 
 * my free confept to aiiy thing they did : but being yet 
 
 < undifcharged of my place, they fet my narric in way 
 
 * of courfe to all their papers,' whether I confented or 
 
 * not: and to fuch failings are all authorities fubje6l. 
 
 * Under parliamentary authority many injuries have been 
 « done ; fo here hath a general's power been broken and 
 
 * crumbled into a levelling fadion. Yet even this, I 
 ' hope, all impartial judges will interprit as force and 
 
 * ravishment of a good name, rather than a voluntary 
 
 * confent, which might make me equally criminal with 
 
 * that fa<£l;ion. And if in a muftitude of words, much 
 
 * more in a multitude of a61ions, there muft be fome ^^ 
 
 < tranfgreffions ; yet I can truly fay, they were never ^iemomis, 
 *■ defignedly, or wilfully committed by me («).* p. i25,S?a. 
 
 This fhews perfe6lly the man. — Let us now proceed »^99* 
 to view the ambition of Crom'Bueli which had full fcope 
 for adlion under fuch a leader. Luttlow, fpeaking of the 
 fituation of affairs after the King was delivered into the 
 hands of the parliament's commiffioners by the Sc-4s^ 
 fays, * Walking one day with lieutenant-general Cra/n- 
 ' vjell in Sir Robert Coitotis garden, he inveighed bit- 
 
 * ter!y againft them, {the parliament] faying in a fa- 
 
 * miliar way to me, if thy father were alive, he would 
 
 * let fome of th^m hear what they deferred : adding 
 
 * farther, that it was a miferable thing to ferve a parlia- 
 ' ment, to whom let a man be never fo faithful, if one 
 
 * pragmatical fellow rife up and afperfe him, he (hall 
 
 * never wipe it off. VV hereas, faid he, when one ferVes 
 ' under a general, he may do as much fervice, and yet 
 ' be free from all blame af)d envy. This text, together 
 ' with the comment his after a6tions put upon it, hath 
 
 * fince perfwaded me, that he had already conceived the 
 
 * defign of deftroying the civil' iauthorlfy, and fettin^ 
 
 * up of himfelf J and that he took that opportunity to 
 
 * feel my pulfe, whether I were a fit inftfument to, be 
 ' employed by him to thofe ends. But having replied 
 
 ^*> to his difcourfe, that we ought to perform the dujcy 
 .: r; • * Of
 
 14^ 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 power. For the war being ended in ^uly 
 
 1646^ 
 
 * of our Nations, and truft God with our honour^ 
 
 * powfer and all that is dear to us, not permitting any 
 
 * fuch confiderations to difcourage us from the profecu- 
 (») Vol. i. ' *^®" °^ **"•" *^"^y» ^ never heard any thing more from 
 p. 187. * him upon that point (<?).* The fame writer, after tel- 
 ling us that feme menacing expreffions fell from fome 
 members of parliament, on occafion of the officers of the 
 army refufmg to difband on their command, adds, 
 
 * Lieutenant-general Cromwell took the occafion to 
 ' whifper me in the ear, faying, Thefe men will never 
 ' leave till the army pull them out by the ears : which 
 
 * exprellion I fhould have refented, if the ftate of our 
 ^ ■ ^' *■ affairs would have permitted [p)J But nothing fo 
 
 fully fets forth the arts and ambition of Cromwell as a 
 paper printed in Tlmrloeh correfpondence, entitled ' Sun* 
 ' dry Reafons inducing Major Robert Huntington to lay 
 
 * down his commiffion, humbly prefcnted to the ho- 
 ' nourable houfes of parliament.' Jt is long, but it 
 would be a wrong to the reader as well as the fubje£t to 
 
 abridge it. ' Having taken up arms, fays he, in 
 
 ' defence of the author. ty and power of King and par- 
 
 * liament, under the command of the Lord Grey of 
 
 * Warke, and the Earl of Manchejler^ during their fe- 
 ' veral employments with the forces of the eaftern aflb- 
 ' ciation, and at the modelling of this army under 
 ' the prefent lieutenant-general, having been appointed 
 
 * by the honourable houfes of parliament, a major to 
 
 * the now regiment of lieutenant-general Cromwell'^ in 
 . ' each of which employments having ferved conftantly 
 
 * and faithfully, anfwerable to the truft repofed in me ; 
 ' and having Ltely quit the faid employment, and laid 
 
 * down^ my commiffion, I hold myfelf tyed both in 
 
 * duty and confcience to render the true reafons thereof, 
 
 * which in the general is briefly this : becaufe the prin- 
 
 * ciples, defigns, and a6iions of thofe officers, which 
 
 * have a great influence upon the army, are (as I cort- 
 
 * ceive) very repugnant, and deftru<^ive to the honour 
 
 ' and
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 143 
 
 1646, the foldiery, inftigated by Cromwell^ 
 
 refufed 
 
 and fafety of the parliament and kingdom, from whom 
 they derive their authority. The particulars whereof 
 
 (being a breviat of my lad obfervations) will appear 
 in the following narrative. 
 
 * Firft, that upon the orders of parliament for difband- 
 ing this army, lieutenant general Cromvuell and com- 
 mifFary- general Ireton^ were fent commiffioners to 
 Walden^ to reduce the army to their obedience, but 
 more efpecially, in order to the prefent fupply of forces 
 for the fervice of Ireland. But they, contrary to the 
 truft repofed in them, very much hindered that fer- 
 vice, not only by difcountenancing thofe that were 
 obedient and willing, but alfo by giving encourage- 
 ment to the unwilling and difobcdient, declaring that 
 there had lately been much cruelty and injuftice in the 
 parliament's proceedings againft them, meaning the 
 army. And commiflary-general /r<?/o«, in further pur- 
 fuance thereof, framed thofe papers and writings then 
 fent from the army to the parliament and kingdom, 
 faying alfo to the agitators, that it was then lawful 
 and lit for us to deny difbanding, 'till we had received 
 equal and full fatisfaiStion for our part fervice : lieu- 
 tenant-general CromiveU further adding, that we were 
 in a double capacity, as foldiers, and as commoners. 
 And when upon the rendezvous at Triplaw-heaihy the 
 commiflioners of parliament, according to their or- 
 ders, acquainted every regiment with what the par- 
 liament had already done, and would further do, in 
 order to the defires of the army, the foldiers being be- 
 fore prepared, and notwithftanding any thing could 
 be faid or offered to them by the commifTioners, they 
 ftill cried out for Juftice, Juftice. And for the ef- 
 fecting of their further purpofcs, advice was given by 
 lieutenant-general Cromwell and commiflary-general 
 Ireton, to remove the King's perfon from Holdenhy^ 
 or to fecure him there by other guards than thofe ap» 
 pointed by the commiflioners of parliament j which 
 
 ' was
 
 144 . T H E L I F E OF 
 
 fefufed to difband, or be fent into Ireland, 
 
 though 
 
 * was tlrought moft fit to be carried on by the private 
 
 * foldiery of the army, and promoted by the agitators 
 
 * of each regiment, whofe firft bufinefs was to fecurc 
 ' the garrifon of Oxford, with the guns and ammuni^ 
 
 * tion there; from thence to march to Hddenhy, in pro- 
 
 * fccution of the former advice j which was accordino^ly 
 
 * adted by cornet foyce, who when he had done the 
 
 * bufinefs, fent a letter to the general then at Keinton, 
 
 * acquainting his excellency, that the King was on his 
 
 * march towards Newmarket. The general being trou- 
 
 * bled thereat, told commifTary-gencral Ireion, that he 
 
 * did not like it, demanding withall who gave thofe 
 ' orders. He replied, that he gave orders only for fe- 
 
 * curing the King there, and not for taking him away 
 ' from thence. Lieutenant-general Cromwell coming 
 
 * then from London^ faid^ if this had not been done, 
 ' the King would have been fetched away by order of 
 ' parliament; or elfe colonel Graves hy the advice of 
 ' the comrhiflioners viould have carried him to Lov- 
 ' don, throv/ing themfelves upon the favour of parlia- 
 ' ment for that fervice. The fame day cornet Joyce 
 ' being told the general was difpieafed with him for 
 
 * bringing the King from Holdenby\ he anfwered that 
 
 * lieutenant-genei'al Cromwell gave him orders at Lcndov^ 
 » to do what he had done both there and at Oxford, 
 
 * The perfon of the King being now in the powerofthe 
 ' army, the bufinefs of lieutenant-general Cromu:cll was 
 
 * to court his Majefly (both by members of the army, 
 « and feveral gentlemen formerly in the King's fervice) 
 
 * into a good opinion and belief of the proceedings of 
 ' the army, as alfo into a difaffei^iion and diflike of the 
 ' proceedings of parliament ; pretending to fhew that 
 ' his Majefties interefts would far better fuit with the 
 ' principles of Independency, than of Prefbytery, And 
 
 ' when the King did alledge, (as many times he did) 
 ' that the power of parliament was the power, by 
 ' which we fought, lieutenant-general Cron>well would 
 
 * reply.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 though commanded by the parliament j 
 
 erected 
 
 reply, that we were not only foldiers, but commoners ; 
 promifing that the army would be for the King in the 
 fettlement of his whole bufinefs, if the King and his 
 party would fit ftill, and not declare nor act againft 
 the army, but give them leave only to manage the 
 prefent bufinefs in hand. 
 
 * That when the King was at Newmarket, the par- 
 liament thought fit to fend to his Majefty, humbly 
 defiring, that, in order to his fafety and their addref- 
 fes for a fpeedy fettlement, he would be pleafed to come 
 to Richmond. Contrary hereunto, refolution was ta- 
 ken by the aforefaid officers of the army, that if the 
 King would not be diverted by perfwafion (to which 
 his Majefty was very oppofite) that then they would 
 ftop him by force zt Rojion, where his Majefty was 
 to lodge the firfl night, keeping accordingly continual 
 guard upon him, againft any power that fliould be fent 
 by order of parliament to take him from us : and to 
 this purpofe out-guards were alfo kept to prevent his 
 efcape from us with the commifTioners, of whom we 
 had fpecial orders given to be careful, for that thev 
 did daily fhew a diflike to the prefent proceedings of 
 the arrny againft the parliament, and that the King 
 was moft converfant and private in difcourfe with 
 them, his Majefty faying, that if any man fhould 
 hinder his going (now his houfes had defired him upon 
 his late mefTage of 12 May, 1647} it fh; uld be done 
 by force, and laying hold on his bridle ; which if any 
 were fo bold to do, he would endeavour to make it 
 his lafl. But contrary to his Majcfties expe£iation, the 
 next morning when the King and the officers of the 
 army were putting this to an ifl'ue, came the votes of 
 both houfes to the King of their compliance with that 
 which the army formerly defired. After which his 
 Majefly did incline to hearken to the defircs of the 
 army, and not before. 
 
 L « Where- 
 
 H5
 
 146 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ereded a council of officers and agitators, 
 
 to 
 
 ^ * Whereupon at Caverjham, the King was continually 
 ' follicited by meflengers from lieutenant-general C;-o;72- 
 ' •well and commiflary- general Ireion^ proffering any 
 ' thing his Majefty (hould defire, as revenues, chap- 
 
 • lains, wife, children, fervants of his own, vifitatioii 
 *" of friends, accefs of letters, and (by commiffary-ge- 
 
 • neral Ireton) that his negative voice fhould not be 
 
 • meddled withal, and that he had convinced thofe that 
 
 • reafoned againft it at a general council of the army; 
 
 • and all this they would do, that his Majefty might the 
 
 • better fee into all our actions, and know our princi- 
 
 • pies, which lead us to give him all thefe things out of 
 
 • confcience ; for that we were not a people hating his 
 
 • Majefties perfon or monarchical government, but 
 
 • that we liked it as the beft, and that by this King ; 
 
 • faying alfo, that they did hold it a very unreafonable 
 
 • thing for the parliament to abridge him of them ; of- 
 
 • ten promifmg, that if his Majefty would fit ftill, and 
 ' not a£l againft them, they would in the firft place re- 
 
 • ftore him to all thefe, and upon the fettlement of our 
 
 • own juft rights and liberties, make him the moft glo- 
 
 • rious prince in Chriftendom. That to this purpofe, 
 
 • for a fettlement they were making feveral propofals, 
 
 • to be offered to the commiflioners of parliament then 
 
 • fent down to the army, which fhould be as bounds 
 
 • for our party as to the King's bufinefs; and that his 
 
 • Majerty (hould have liberty to get as much of thefe 
 
 • abated as he could, for that many things therein were 
 
 • propofed only to give fatisfaflion to others, who were 
 
 • our friends ; promifing the King, that at the fame 
 
 • time the commiflioners of parliament fhould fee thefe 
 
 • propofals, his Majelly fhould have a copy of them 
 
 • alfo, pretending to carry a very equal hand between 
 
 • Kir\g and parliament, in order to the fettlement of 
 
 • the kingdom by him j which befides their own judg- 
 
 • mentj and confcience, they did fee a neceflity of it as 
 
 * to
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 147 
 
 to confult of and manage their affairs ; 
 
 talked 
 
 to the people; commlflary-general //<?/3;7 further fay- 
 ing, that what was oftered in thefe propofals fhould 
 be fo jufl and reafonabJe, that if there were but fix 
 men in the kingdom that would fight to make them 
 good, he would make the feventh againft any powerj 
 that fliould oppofe them. i, 
 
 ♦ The head quarters being removed from Reading t<J 
 Bedftrd, his Majerty to Woburne, the propofals were 
 given to me by commifTary general Ireton^ to prefent 
 to the King ; which his Majefty having read, told 
 me, that he would never treat- with army or parlia- 
 ment upon thefe propofals, as he was then minded. 
 But the next day his Majefty underftanding, that a 
 force was put on his houfes of parliament, by a tu- 
 mult, fent for me again, and faid unto me : Go along 
 with Sir ^jo. Birkely to your general and lieutenant- 
 general, and tell them, that to avoid a new war, I 
 will now treat with them upon their propofals, or any 
 thing elfe, in order to a peace : only let me be faved 
 in honor and confcience. Sir 'Jo. Berkely falling fick 
 by the way, I delivered this meflage to the lieutenant* 
 general and to commiflary general htton, who ad- 
 vifed me not to acquaint the general with it, till ten 
 or twelve officers of the army were met together ac 
 the general's quarters, and then they would bethink 
 themfelves of feme perfons to be fent to the King 
 about it. And accordingly commiiTary-general Iret:n^ 
 colonel Rain/borczv, colonel Hammond^ and colonel 
 Rich^ attended the King at JVobume for three hou»s 
 together, debating the whole bufinefs with the King, 
 upon the propofals ; upon which debate, many of the 
 moft material things the King difliked, were afterwards 
 ftruck out, and many other things much abated by 
 promifes ; whereupon his Majefty was pretty well fa- 
 tisfied. Within a day or two after this, his Majefty 
 removed to Stoke.^ and there calling for me, to'.d me, 
 he feared an engagement between the city and the 
 L 2 * *rmy.
 
 148 -THE LIFE OF 
 
 talked iniblently of, and petitioned rudely 
 
 the 
 
 army, faying, he had not time to write any thing un- 
 der his hand, but would fend it to the general after 
 me J commanding me to tell commiflary-general Ire- 
 ton, with whom he had formerly treated upon the 
 propofals, that he would wholly throw hlmfelf upon 
 us, and truft us for a fettlement of the kingdom, as 
 we had promifed j faying, if we proved honeft men, 
 we fhould without queftion make the kingdom happy, 
 and fave much fliedding of blood. This meflage from 
 his Majefty I delivered, to commiflary-general heton, 
 aj Coltbrooke^ who feemed to receive it with joy, fay- 
 ing, that we fhould be the verieft knaves that ever 
 lived, if in every thing we made not good whatever 
 we had promifed, becaufe the King, by his not de- 
 claring againft us, had given us great advantage againft 
 our adverfaries. After our marching through London 
 with the army, his Majefly being at Hampton-Court y 
 lieutenant-general Cromwell and commiflary-general 
 Ireton fent the King word feveral times, that the rea- 
 fon why they made no more hafte in his bufmefs was, 
 becaufe the party, which did then fit in the houfe, 
 (while Pelham was fpeaker) did much obftru6t the bu- 
 finei's, fo that they could not carry it on at prefent ; 
 the lieutenant-general often laying, really they fhould 
 be pulled out by the ears ; and to that purpofe caufcd 
 a regiment of hoife to rendezvous at Hyde-Pork, to 
 put that in execution (as he himfelf expreffed) had it 
 not been carried by vote in the houfe that day as he 
 defired. The day before, the parliament voted once 
 more the fending of the propofitions of both kingdoms 
 to the King, by the commiflioners of each kingdom 
 zt Hcjmp on-CjU't; commiflary-general Iret:n bade me 
 tell the King, that fuch a thing was to be done to- 
 morrow in the houfe, but his Majefly need not be 
 troubled at it, for that they intended it to no other 
 end but to make good fome promifes of the parlia- 
 ment, which the nation oi Scotland expedled perform- 
 
 * ancc
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 149 
 
 the two houfes; prefcribed to them the terms 
 
 on 
 
 ance of. And that it was not e'xpe(ned or dcfired, his 
 Majefty fhould cither fign them, or treat upon them, 
 for which there fhould be no advantage taken a- 
 gaind the King. Upon the delivery ot" v^hich mef- 
 fage, his Majefty replyed, he knew not what anfwer 
 to give to pleafe all without a treaty. Next day after 
 this vote pafled, the lieutenant-general afking me 
 thereupon, if the King did not wonder at thefe votes, 
 1 told him no ; for that commifTary-general Ireton had 
 fent fuch a mefl'age by me the day before the vote pafTed, 
 to fignify the reafon of it. The. lieutenant-general re- 
 plied, that really it was the truth, and that we (fpeak- 
 ing of the parliament) intended nothing elfe by it, 
 but to fatisfy the Scott, which otherwifc might be 
 troublefome. And the lieutenant-general, and com- 
 mifTary-general enquiring after his Majefties anfwer 
 to the propofitions, and what it would be, it was 
 Ihewed them both privately in a garden-houfe at Put- 
 my, and in fome parts amended to their own minds. 
 But before this, the King doubting what anfwer to 
 give, fent me to lieutenant-general CrcmzvcU, as un- 
 fatisfied with the proceedings of the army, fearing^ 
 they intended not to make good what they had pro- 
 mifed, and the rather becaufe his Majefty underftood 
 that lieutenant general C' omiveil and commilTary-ge- 
 neral Iretcn agreed with the reft of the houfe in fome 
 late votes that oppofed the propofals of the army. 
 They feverally replied, that they would not have hi^ 
 Majefty miftruft them, for that lince the houfe would 
 go fo high, they only concurred with them, that their 
 unreafonablenefs might the better appear to the king- 
 dom. And the lieutenant-general bade mc further 
 aflure the King, that if the army remained an army, 
 his Majefty fliould truft the propofals with what was 
 promifed to be the worft of his conditions, which 
 fhould be made for him ; and then ftriking his hand 
 on his breaft in his chamber at Putney^ bade me tell 
 L 3 < the
 
 I50 THELIFEOF 
 
 on which alone, as they faid, they would 
 
 return 
 
 ' the King, he might reft confident and aflured of it. 
 
 * And many times the fame meflage hath been fent to 
 
 * the King from them both, with this addition from 
 ' commiflary- general Ireon^ that they would purge, 
 ' and purge, and never leave purging the houfes, till 
 
 * tliey had made them of fuch a temper, as fliould do 
 
 * his Majefties bufinefs ; and rather than they would 
 
 * fall (hort of what was promifed, he would join with 
 
 * French, Spaniard^ cavalier, or any that would join 
 ' with him to force them to it. Upon the delivery of 
 
 * which meflage, the King made anfwer, that if they 
 
 * do, they would do more than he durft do. After this 
 
 * the delay of the fettlement of the kingdom was ex- 
 
 * cufed upon the commotions of colonel Martin and co- 
 ' lonel Rairjborcughy with their adherents ; the lieute- 
 
 * nant-general faying, that fpeedy courfe mufl be taken 
 
 * for outing of them the houfeand army, becaufe they 
 
 * were now putting the army into a mutiny, by having 
 
 * hand in publifliing feveral printed papers, calling them- 
 ' felves the agents of five regiments, and the agreement 
 
 * of the people, although fome men had encouragement 
 <- from lieutenant-general Cromudl for the profecution of 
 
 * thofe papers. 
 
 * And he being further preft to fhew himfclf in it, 
 
 * he defired to be excufed at the prefent, for that he 
 
 * mi^ht (hew himfelf hereafter for their better advan- 
 ' tage: though in.the company of thofe men, which 
 ' were of different judgments, he would often fay, 
 
 * that thefe people v/txQ a giddy-headed party, and that 
 
 * there was no trufl or truth in them ; and to that purpofe 
 
 * wrote a letter to col. Whaley. that day the King went 
 
 * from Han.pion-Ccurt, intimating doubtfully that his 
 
 * Majefties perfon was in danger from them, and that he 
 
 * fhould keep out guard to prevent them j which letter 
 f was prcfently (hewed to the King by col. Wha,ley. 
 
 * That about fix days after, when it was fully known by 
 
 * the parliament and army, that the King was in the
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 151 
 
 return into private life, and live as citizens 
 
 and 
 
 ifle of IFight, commiflary- general Iretan ftanding by 
 the fire-fide in his quarters at Kingjlon^ and fome fpeak- 
 ing of an agreement jikely to be made between tha 
 King and parliament, now the perfon of the King 
 was our-^f the power of the army ; commiflary-ge- 
 neral Ireton replied with a difcontented countenance, 
 that he hoped it would be fuch a peace as we might 
 with a good confcience fight againft them both. Thus 
 they, who at the firft taking the King from Holdenby 
 into the power of the army, cried down prefbyterian 
 government, the proceedings of this prefent parlia- 
 ment, and their perpetuity, and inftead thereof held 
 forth an earneft inclination to a moderated epifcopacy, 
 with a new election of members to fit in parlia- 
 ment for the fpeedy fettlement of the kingdom ; and 
 afterwards when the eleven members had left the houfe, 
 and the marching through London with the army, the 
 feven lords impeached, the four aldermen of London 
 committed to the Ttuvr, and other citizens committed 
 alfo, then again they cried up prefbyterian govern- 
 ment, the perpetuity of this prefent parliament, lieu- 
 tenant general Cromwell farther pleafing himfelf with 
 the great fums of money, which were in arrears from 
 each county to the army, and the taxes of 60,000 /. 
 per month for our maintenance. Now, faith he, we 
 may be, for ought I know, an army as long as we live. 
 And fince the fending for the orders of parliament for 
 the calling of their members together, lieutenant-ge- 
 neral Cromwell perceiving the houfes would not an- 
 fwer his expedfation, he is now again uttering words 
 perfwading the hearers to a prejudice againft pro- 
 ceedings of parliament, again crying down the pref- 
 byterian government, fetting up a fingle intereff, which 
 he calls an honeft intereft, and that we have done ill 
 in forfaking it. To this purpofe it was lately thought 
 fit, to put the army upon chufing new agitators, and 
 to draw forth of the houfes of parliament 60 or 70 
 L 4 'of
 
 152 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and fubje(fls; and even compelled the par- 
 liament,- by whofe authority they had been 
 
 raifed, 
 
 * of the members thereof, much agreeing with his words 
 
 * he fpake former'.y in his chamber at Kingitcr,^ faying, 
 
 * What a fway Stapeiton and Holies had heretofore in 
 
 * the kingdom, and he knew nothing to the contrary, 
 ' but that he was as well ab'e to govern the kingdom 
 ' as either of them ; fo that, in a!l his difcour(e, no- 
 
 * thing more appearerh, than his feeking after the go- 
 ' vernment of King, parhament, city and kingdom. 
 ' For efFe£ling whereof he thought it neceflary, and 
 
 * delivered it as his j dgment, that a confiderable part 
 
 * of the chief citizens of London^ and fome in every 
 ' county, be clapt up in caftles and garrifons, for the 
 ' more quiet and fubmifTive carriage of every place to 
 
 * which they belong : further faying. That, from the 
 
 * r.fing of the late tumult in London^ there {hould be an 
 
 * occafjon taken to hang the recorder and aldermen of 
 
 * Levdon, then in the ^feWiTf that the city might fee 
 ' the more they did ftir in oppohtion, the more they 
 
 * fhould (uffer ; adding, that the city muft firft be made 
 
 * an examp-e. And, llnce that lieutenant-general Crom- 
 ' ueli was fent down from the parliament, for the re- 
 
 * ducing the army to their obedience, he hath moft fre- 
 
 * quently, in ppblick and private, delivered thefe en- 
 
 * fuing heads, as his principles, from whence all the 
 
 * foiegoing particulars have enfued, being fully con- 
 ' firmed (as 1 humbly conceive) by his practice in the 
 *• tranfadion of hi:> la^ year's bufinefs. 
 
 * I. Firil, that every fingle man is judge of juft and 
 . ' light, as to the good and ill of a kingdom. 
 
 * 2. That the intercft of honeft men is the intereft 
 ' of the kingdom ; and that thofe only are deemed ho- 
 ' nefl me.T by him, that are conformable to his judg- 
 
 * men: and practice, may appear in many particulars i 
 ' to inHance but one, in the choice of colonel Ra'tnf- 
 
 * brcugh to be vice-admiral, lieutenant-general Cnm- 
 
 * well
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 15: 
 
 railed, in whofe name they had fought, 
 
 and 
 
 * well being asked how he could truft a man, whofe in- 
 
 * tereft was fodire£lly oppofite to what he had profefled, 
 
 * and one whom he had lately aimed to remove from 
 
 * all places of truft ? he anfwered, that he had now re- 
 
 * celved particular aflurance from colonel Rain/borough, 
 ' as great as could be given by man, that he would be 
 
 * conformable to the judgment and direction of himfelf 
 ' and commiffary- general Ireton, for the managing of 
 ' the whole bufinefs at fea. 
 
 * 3. That it is lawful to pafs through any forma of 
 
 * government for the accomplifhing his ends; and there- 
 ' fore either to purge the houfes, and fupport the re- 
 
 * maining party, by force everlaftingly, or to put a pe- 
 ', riod to them by force, is very lawful and fuitable to 
 ' the intereft of honeftmen. 
 
 ' 4. That it is lawful to play the knave with a 
 ' knave. 
 
 * Thefe gentlemen aforefaid in the army, thus princl- 
 
 * pled, and (as by many other circumftances might ap- 
 
 * pear) acting accordingly, give too much caufe to be- 
 
 * lieve, that the fuccefs which may be obtained by the 
 
 * army (except timely prevented by the wifdom of the 
 ' parliament) will be made ufe of to the deftroying of 
 
 * ail that power, for which we firft engaged; and hav- 
 
 * ing, for above thefe twelve months paft (fadly and 
 
 * with much reluctance) obferved thefe feveral paflages 
 
 * aforefaid, yet with fome hopes, that at length there 
 
 * might be a returning to the obedience of parliament ; 
 
 * and, contrary hereunto, knowing that refolutions were 
 ' taken up, that, in cafe the power of parliament can- 
 
 * not be gained to countenance their defigns, then to 
 
 * proceed without it: I, therefore, choofe to quit my- 
 
 * felf of my command, wherein I have ferved the par- 
 ' liament thefe five years laft paft, and put myfelf upon 
 
 * the greateft hazard by difcovering thefe truths, rather 
 ' than, by hopes of gain, with a troubled mind, con- 
 
 * tinuc
 
 ,54 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 and by whom they had been paid, to crafe 
 
 " out 
 
 « tinue an abettor or affiftant of fuch as give affronts 
 
 * to the parliament and kingdom, by abufing their power 
 ' and authority, to carry on their particular defigns, 
 
 * againft whom, in the midft of danger, I fbalJ ever 
 ' aver the truth of this narrative, and myfelf to be a 
 
 lol'^L^p'r' ' conftant, faithful and obedient fervant to the parlia- 
 54.* * ment of England [q). 
 
 ' Rob. Huntington,' 
 Jug. 2, i6-}.8. 
 
 This paper fully manifefts the principles and the am- 
 bition of Cromwell', and is written with fuch a fpirit and 
 (r) Memo- gjj. ^f truth, as ftrongly inclines one to believe it. Mr. 
 ^l' ^' fVhitlock tells us, it was confirmed by Huntington^ on 
 oath, in the houfe of lords ('"), though no mention is at 
 all made of it in the Journals of the houfe of commons. 
 This may probably be accounted for by the following 
 ' paflages in one of the weekly writers of that time. ' He 
 ' [Hun'ingtoni endeavoured lilcewife to prefent it to the 
 
 * commons, but (fuch is the terror of that huge trifle, 
 
 * or idol of the faction) that none would be feen to 
 ' move in the houfe; which being perceived by the 
 
 * major, he made bold to prefent it to Mr. Speaker's 
 
 * own felf, who, being a new creature of Oliver s, of 
 
 * about a twelvemonth's {landing, durftnot countenance 
 
 * fuch a piece of blafphemy againft his creator ; fo that, 
 
 * at length, the major went and tendered it to Mr. Ber- 
 (1) Mercu- ' kei, the ferjeant at arms : but he, being of the fame 
 rius Prag- t temper with his good mafters, told him, he had no- 
 yiug, iL.?, * thing to fay to it (i),' This is remarkable. Mr. 
 ?643. Ludi.Wy perhaps, will give us the reafon of it. ' Thefe 
 
 * affairs (the infurreftion in IVales, and the motions in 
 
 * Scotland in behalf of the King) neceflitated the par- 
 ' llament to raife the militia, in order to oppofe this ma- 
 
 * levolent fpirit which threatened them from the north, 
 
 * and alfo prevailed with them to difcountenance a charge 
 
 ' of
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 155 
 
 out of their Journals what was difpleafing 
 
 ' of high treafon framed by major Huntington, an officer 
 ' of the army, with the advice of fome members of 
 
 * both houfes, againft lieutenant-general Cromwel.'y for 
 
 * endeavouring, by betraying the King, parliament and 
 
 * army, to advance himfelf; it being manifeft, that the 
 
 * preferring this accufation at that time, was princi- 
 
 * pally defigned to take him off from his command, {''i ^°^- u 
 
 * and thereby to weaken the army, that their enemies ^' ^^^' 
 
 * might be the better enabled to prevail againft them (/).' 
 It pofEbly, alfo, was not deemed fafe to countenance an 
 accufation of this kind againft the mafter of legions. 
 However, in juftice to the charafler of Cromweli, 'tis 
 fit the reader Ihould be informed, "that Milton declares 
 the whole accufation was owing to the hatred and ma- 
 lice of the presbyterian fa£lion. Hear his words. 'Dum 
 
 * is communem hoftem cum vitae difcrimine propulfat 
 ' hi [Presbyteriani] militantem pro fefe & in acie forti- 
 ' tcr dimicantem confidHs criminibus accufant domi ; 
 
 * & Huntingtonum centurionem qjendam in ejus caput 
 ' fubornant. Huntingtonus autem ille accufator, im- 
 
 * p'jnis & fui juris relidus, tandem paenitentia ductus, ^^^^1^'^° '^^oj 
 
 * ipfe fua fponte a Cromuello veniam petiit, & a qnibusii. p. 398. 
 
 * efTct fubornatus ultro faflus eft (/<).' ;. e. * Whilft 
 
 * he ftaves ofF the enemy at the peril of his life, thefe 
 ' [the Presbyterians] accufe him, fighting bravely for 
 
 * them, and amidft the very encounter itfclf, of feigned 
 
 * crimes, and fuborn one major Hunthigton againft his 
 
 * head. And that accufer Huntington^ unpuniftied 
 
 * and left to his own liberty, at length, ftruck with re- 
 
 * morfe, came of himfelf, and befought Cromzue.'i's par- 
 ' don, and freely confeiied by whom he had been fub- 
 
 * orned.' 1 fhall conclude this note with obferving, 
 
 that Mr. //'W/ informs us, that * major ii/w«r;K_^/i7« hated Athena'' * 
 
 * 0//f^r for his diabolical proceedings, and was hated by Oxonienfes, 
 
 * him again fo much, that he imprifoned him feveral^°'- "• 
 
 * times (at].' This looks not as if be had asked pardon, '^^ ^'^*' 
 and confcfTed his fault. 
 
 tQ
 
 156 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 to them (bb), or contrary to their humours. 
 
 This 
 
 (bb) The foldiery, vijl'i gated by Cromwell, refufed to 
 d'lyband^ &C.J A good part of the proofs of this may' 
 be found in the foregoing note. But, as the teflimony* 
 of an adverfary may not be fo fatisfa£tory, we will' 
 
 give fuch farther evidence as is unqueftionable. 'Tis 
 
 well known, that, after the decline of the King's affairs, 
 through the valour and conduct of the new modelled ar- 
 my, he departed from Oxford in difguife, and threv/ 
 himfclf into the hands of the SaU-t then laying fiege to 
 Nenark. 'Tis not unlikely his Majefty thought that 
 they would have afforded him both protedion and aflift- 
 ance, as he well knew great debates had arifen be- 
 tween them and the Englijh parliament, and that there 
 was no love towards each other fubfilling. In truth nei- 
 their feem to have had any great caufe to be fatisfied. 
 However, the King foon found himfelf miflaken. 
 Thoujrh the Scots treated him with sreat outward re- 
 fpe<5t, and fpake him fair, yet they intended not to joia 
 his party, or attempt to reftoie him to his former great-' 
 nefs, in oppotition to the Englijh^ in whofe pay, as' 
 
 well as alliance they were. They, therefore, per- 
 
 fuaded his MajeHy to relinquifh the few remaining gar- 
 rifons he had left, which, accordingly, he did, and to 
 enter into a negociation for peace with his kingdoms. 
 In a petition of the Earl of Leveriy lord-general, the 
 general officers, colonels, captains, isc. of the Scots ar- 
 iriy, prefented to his Majefty at NewcaJiU^ dated June 
 ib^ 1646, we have the following paffages : ' We do 
 ' make it our humble addrefs, and lender thii earneft 
 
 * petition to your Majefty in our name, and in the 
 
 * name of all the inferior commanders and foldiers un- 
 
 * dcr our charge, that your Majefty, in your wifdom 
 
 * and goodnefs, may be pleafed to take a Ipeedy courfo 
 ' for fettling of religion and church government in this 
 ' kingdom, according to the word of God, and exam- 
 ' pies of the beft reformed churches, and bringing the 
 
 * churches of the three kingdoms to the neareft con- 
 
 ' jundtioii
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. ' 157 
 
 This was but the beginningj however, of 
 
 that 
 
 * jun6tion and uniformity, and for eftablifhing the pri- 
 
 * vileges and liberties of your kingdoms according to 
 ' the defires of your good people. We may not con- 
 ' ceal our unfeigned grief, for that your Majefty hath 
 
 * not yet been pleafed to authorife and fign the cove- 
 ' nant, which, we are confident, would bring honour 
 
 * to God, happinefs to yourfelf and poflerity, and en- 
 
 * dear your Majefty, above meafure, to all your faith- 
 ' ful and loyal fubjeits ; in the juft defence whereof, as 
 
 * many of them have already loft their lives, fo are we 
 
 * Veady to facrifice ours. We muil alfo pray your Ma- 
 
 * jefty to compaffionate the diftrefled condition of your 
 
 * kingdoms, groaning under the heavy prelTures of ma- 
 
 * nifold calamities, occafioned by the continuance of 
 ' this unnatural war ; and to comply with the councils 
 ' of your parliaments ; that all differences being hap- 
 ' pily compofed, and the armies in both kingdoms dif- 
 
 * banded, we may return home in peace, or be dif- 
 ' pofed of otherwife by your Majefty, with the advice 
 ' of your parliaments, which may be moft for your 
 
 * Majefty's honour and fervice, and the profperity ofiy)^^'^^'^- 
 
 * theie kingdoms (j).' This addrefs, which fecms to^^y ^^j ' 
 have been very conformable to the fentiments of the xv. p. ij. 
 then ruling party in Scotland, one would think muft have 
 undeceived Charles with regard to his hopes from this 
 army. For the covenant, and compliance with the 
 councils of parliaments, were grating founds in his ears, 
 
 and announced the uttcrers far from friends. What 
 
 followed is well known. Propofitions were fent to the 
 King from both houfes of parliament to AVzc'f^/^ ; long 
 debates were carried on between him and Mr. Henderjon 
 concerning church government, and things ftill remain- 
 ed as they were. At length the controverfies between 
 England and Scotland were concluded by articles of agree- 
 ment ; whereby, on the payment of two hundred thou- 
 fand pounds in hand, and a promife of the fame fum 
 hereafter, the Scots confenied to quit all the places of 
 
 ftrength
 
 158 T'H E LIFE OF 
 
 that authority which they foon after ac- 
 ■ quired 
 
 ftrength held by them in England^ and return to their 
 
 own country. No mention is made in thefe articles 
 
 concerning the King's perfon ; but the commiflioners 
 
 of both nations underHood the intentions of their prin- 
 
 («) Burnet's cipals, and therefore, * on the delivery cf the arrears 
 
 Ha^miiton " ' ^°^ ^^^ payment of the army, the Scotii/h army with- 
 
 p. 312. ' drew, and left the King in the hands of the Englijh^ 
 
 Jolio 1677. t v^,ho prefently fend him to Holniby (z),' 
 
 All things now feemed favourable to the parliament 
 of England. Every foe was fubdued at home, and the 
 King himftlf a captive. Now, therefore, was the titne 
 for eafing the kingdom from the heavy oppreffions, 
 which, for more than four years, it had groaned under, 
 as well as to eftablifli peace on lafting foundations. 
 As 4he army had been raifed and maintained at a vaft 
 expence, nothing was more natural or rcafonabie than 
 ro think, as foon as might be, of reducing it. Accord- 
 ingly, February 19, 1646, O. S. the queftion being put 
 in the houfe of commons, * whether there fhould be a 
 
 * number of foot kept up at the pay of the kingdom, 
 
 * more than what will be fufScient for the keeping of 
 
 * fuch garrifons as fhall be continued ;* it pafled in the 
 {«i Journal, negative by a majority of ten {a). On the 23d of the 
 
 fame month, the houfe proceeded to. the confideration 
 of the bufinefs concerning the garrifons, and on that, 
 and many days afterwards, ordered that no garrifon 
 ftiould be kept in fome places ; that the works of others 
 Ihould be flighted, and fome of the moft important 
 continued, vtz. Plymouth^ Exeter ca/lle^ Poole^ IVey- 
 mouthy Pcrtlandy Hull, Scarborough-cajile^ Liver poole, 
 Nezvca/lhy and fome others, deemed, as I fuppofe, at 
 that time, of importance. 
 
 On the 25th of March following, feme officers of 
 the army petitioned the houfe of lords, and, befides re- 
 quefting the payment of thevr arrears, and an a<3: of in- 
 demnity, which they undoubtedly had a right to, they 
 defired an * oppoitune and timely anfwer' to their re- 
 6 queftsy
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 159 
 
 quired and brought to an height unknown 
 
 to 
 
 quefts, * that the public worflilp of God may be fpeadily fct- 
 
 * tied according to the word of Gcd and the examples of 
 ' the beil reformed churches. That the fubjecl may have 
 ' the benefit of Magna Charta^ and the petition of right, 
 ' fo far forth as may comport with the neceflities of the 
 
 * kino-dom. That all committees in the feveral courj- 
 
 * ties may be removed ; and that the treafurers and fe- 
 
 * queftrators of the faid counties may be called to a 
 
 * fpeedy and ftridl account, for the better fatisfaflion 
 
 * and eafe of the kingdom :' Together with many 
 other things relative to themfelves as officers, declaring, 
 at the fame time, that fome of them had already en- 
 gaged themfelves for Ireland^ and that the reft were rea- 
 dy to contribute their beft affiftance thereunto. Where- 
 upon the officers, who fubfcribed the petition, were 
 called in, and had for anfwer, * That the houfe gave 
 
 * them thanks for their good afFedlions to them, and 
 ' their fervices to the kingdom and parliament; and 
 '• that they take it well concerning their offer for Ire- 
 
 * land: and, as to their arrears, their lordfhips will do 
 
 * their parts, and will take their petition into confide- 
 
 * ration.' The fame day a copy of this petition was 
 prefented to the houfe of comm.ons by the fame officers, 
 to whom the houfe fent out four of their members with 
 the following anfwer : * That, as to their arrears, the 
 ' houfe had and would take them into confideration, 
 
 * with others, in fuch manner as they fhould think fit, 
 
 * as well as their defires of employment. That, as to 
 
 ' the reft of the petition, about the management of pub- ' 
 
 * lie affairs, it did not concern any per(ons to give in- 
 
 * ftru6tions to the houfes therein ; yet, in confidera- 
 
 * tion the petitioners were men that had done fervice to 
 
 * the parliament, and, in regard of their profeffions, 
 
 * and that they might have done this merely out of in- (^) Parfia- 
 
 * advertency, they were willing to pafs it by(^).' I ^f"^^''^ 
 have given this anfwer on the authority of the P^rlia- xv. "pf'^o,' 
 jnentary Hiftory, not being able to find it in the Jour- 
 nals
 
 ,6o T H E L I F E O F 
 
 to the EngUjJj nation. Not content with 
 
 the 
 
 nals of the houfe of commons. However, certain it is, 
 that houfe was greatly alarmed at fome petitions which 
 were then fet on foot among the officers of the army : 
 for, on the 27th of March ib^j, it was refolved, that 
 a letter be written to Sir Ikmas Fairfax^ general, to 
 acquaint him, that this houfe hath been informed, that, 
 a petition is carrying on in the army : that he would 
 take fome courfe, by the beft means he can, to make 
 a ftop of it i and that a copy of the petition, delivered 
 
 (r) Journal, into this houfe this day, be fent to the general {c). 
 And, on the 29th of the fame month, a letter, directed 
 to colonel RrJJiter, of 28^* Martii, at noon, figned H. 
 with a paper inclofed, ftiied, ' the heads of a petition,' 
 endeavoured to be obtruded, as the fenfe of the army, 
 delivered in to colonel RoJJiter^ was this day read. Re- 
 folved, iffc. That thanks be given to colonel Rojftter 
 and colonel Harley, for thefe timely informations. It. 
 was, moreover, refolved. That the general (hould be 
 defired to give order, that feveral officers [fuppofed to 
 he concerned in the framing and figning the petition] 
 do attend the houfe, and that the committee appointed 
 for this affair fhould have power to examine commif- 
 fary-general Ireion. And a declaration appointed, pre- 
 pared and brought in, with regard to the army, was 
 row reported by Mr. Hdles, who had always appeared 
 with great. zeal againft the army party in the houfe. 
 This declaration does not appear in the Journals, it be- 
 ing expunged June 3, 1647, ^^ ^^^ defire or demand 
 
 of the army. The petition, referred to in thefe votes, 
 
 contained a requeft for indemnity before disbanding ; 
 
 ^ that fatisfaflion alfo be given them for their arrears ; 
 
 that they might not be compelled, by prefs or otherwife, 
 to ferve out of the kingdom ; that they might have fa- 
 tisfadiion for the lofTes they had fuflained by adhering 
 to the parliament, and a prefent fupply of money. 
 Thefe were bold demands, and fufficient to roufe the 
 attention and refentment of parliament, who ordered 
 
 the
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. i6t 
 
 the conceflions made them by both holifes, 
 
 they 
 
 the following declaration (the fame which was Inferted^ 
 but is now expunged in the JournaLs) to be printed and 
 publiihed, and a number of copies thereof fent down 
 in a letter to Sir Thomas Fairfax. ' The two houfes of 
 
 * parliament having; received information of a danger- 
 
 * ous petition, with a reprefentation annexed, tending 
 
 * to put the army into a diftemper and mutiny, to put 
 
 * conditions upon the parliament, and obftrUcSI: the re- 
 
 * lief of Irelatt'I, which hath been contrived and pro- 
 
 * moted by fome perfons in the army } they do declare 
 
 * their high diflike of that petition, their approbation 
 
 * and efleem of their good fervice who firft difcovered 
 
 * it, and of fuch officers and foldiers as have refufed to 
 
 * join in it ; and that, for fuch as have been abufed, 
 
 * and, by the pcrfuafions of others, drawn to fubfcribe 
 ' it, if they fhall, for the future, manifcft their dif- 
 
 * like of what they have done, by forbearing to pro- 
 ' cecd any further thereinj it fhall not be looked on as 
 
 * any caufe to take away the remembrance and fenfe 
 ' the houfes have of the good fervices they have former- 
 < ly done, but they fhall be Itill retained in their good 
 
 * opinion, and fhall be cared for with the rell of the 
 
 * army, in all things neceilary and fitting for the fatif- 
 
 * faclion of perfons that have done fo good and faith- 
 
 * ful fervice, and as may be expeiled from a parliament 
 ' fo careful to perform all things appertaining to ho- 
 
 * nour and juflice : and, on the other fide, it is de-, 
 ' dared. That all thofe who fhall continue in their 
 
 * diltempered condition, and go on in advancing and 
 
 * promoting that petition, (hall be looked upon, and (</) p fiia- 
 
 * proceedeJ againif, as enemies to the flate, and dif- meatary 
 
 * turbers of the public p.-ace [d): "v."'!^34^! 
 
 Sir Th'tms Favfax returned an anfwer to the letter 
 and declaration, full of duty and refped : but the foU 
 diers undertook to vinvlicate th.ir conduit, notwith- 
 ftanding rhe lords had voted for the disbanding of fuch 
 as would not engage thenii'elves in the fervice of he- 
 
 M laud.
 
 -,i 
 
 162 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 thev had the infolence to take the Kino: out 
 
 of 
 
 land. This was done in a very bold piece, intitled, 
 
 * A vindication of the officers of the army under Sir 
 
 * Ttomai Fairfax •f' in which, after infifling, that they 
 had not faid or done any thing unreafonable, they tell 
 the commons, 'that the fenfe of fuch exprefiions [as 
 
 * were contained in the foreeoing declaration] was if> 
 
 * irkfome to them, who had ventured whatever they 
 ' efteemed dear to them in this world, for the prefer- 
 ' vation of the freedom and privilege of that houfe, 
 
 * that they could not but earneftly impore their juftice 
 
 * in the vindication of them.' This petition was figned 
 by a very great number of officers. After the reading 
 this in the houfe, Jpiil^o^ J^47» major-general Skip- 
 pon produced a letter, prefented to him the day before 
 by fonie troopers of feveral regiments in the army, in 
 behalf of eight regiments of horfe ; in which, after 
 many high and infolent expreffions, they declared, *that 
 ' they would neither be employed for the fervice of /r/- 
 
 * lajid^ nor fufFer therafelves to be disbanded, till their 
 (r) Pariia- « defitcs Were granted, and the rights and li erties of 
 ^^T^^ 1 ' '^^ fubjedl fhould be vindicated and maintained {f) *.* 
 XT* p. 359- ^^ fi^ort, the difputeswere carried on with great warmth 
 
 between the parliament and the army. But the difpu- 
 tants were but ill matched. Votes were overpowered by 
 arms; eloquence was dumb under the power of the 
 fword. Though the parliament ordered part of the 
 army to disband, and others to go for Ireland y though 
 they promifed, flattered and threatened fuch as were 
 indifpofed to obey ; it was all in vain. The army was 
 as one body, and no impreffion was to be made on it. 
 Theref re, findiag contefting with it was to no purpofe, 
 efpecially after the feizing the King, by Joyce, zX..Hol- 
 denbyj the houfe of commons, on the 15th of Junf^ 
 
 * A lettn- rf aimoft the very fatne words, direfted to licrtenant-gcne- 
 ral CtoinweU, was by hin deiivered to Mr. Speaker. It -was infonoedf 
 the like was dciivereJ to tLc Cenend. Journal, April jo, 16^7. 
 
 re-
 
 OLIVERCROMWELL. t6"s 
 
 of the hands of the parliament's commiA 
 
 lioners 
 
 refolved, That the officers of this army, not In com- 
 miffioii, fhall have their full pay, upon their difband- 
 ing or engaging for //W<?«(/, deducting for free quarters 
 according to the courfe and rule of the army: that 
 loooo/. be allowed to the reduced officers r that the 
 qommon foldiers fhould have their full pay, on the foot- 
 ing of the officers: that commiffion-officcrs fhould have 
 a month's additional pay on their difbanding : that the 
 declaration of both houfes, on the ;oth of March lafi-, 
 be ex, unged. This laft vote was a bitter pill *, and 
 , met (as might be expelled, where there was a fenfe of 
 honour, or any tolerable (hare of /pirit remaining) with 
 confiderable oppofitlon, both in the houfe of lords and 
 commons. In both it was debated, but carried in the 
 affirmative by a majority. * Here, fays JVhitlock^ the 
 
 * parliament began to furrender themfejves and their 
 
 * power into the hands of their own army {/).' Such (/) ^•25^'' 
 were the beginnings of the quarrel between the civil 
 
 and military powers. Cromwell^ name does not appear 
 in any of thefe proceedings hitherto. But the writers, 
 who lived in thofe times, agree, that he was looked on 
 to be at the bottom of them. ' Others were not want- 
 
 * ing, fays Ludlow^ who reTolved the fecuring lieute- 
 
 * nunt-general Cnmwell, fufpcding that he had, unuer- 
 
 • This will appear from the ordinance for therepealof the declaration^ 
 which runs thus in the Journal: * Wherras trie lords an(i commons 
 
 * did, by a d'^ilaraticn of the 30th of March laft, dechife their fenfe 
 ' upon a petition, with the reprefentaiion thereunto annexed ; and 
 ' whereas they have been fince informed, that the petitioners iMtaid 
 
 * not thereby to give any ofr'snce to the parliamen*, or any way to re- 
 ' flevlt upon, or kffen t'leir authority : and calling to mind the great! 
 
 * and eminent fervicc done by the army to the parliament and kingfiom ! 
 ' the lords and commons, being tender of the honour of the faid army, 
 
 * have thought fit to ordain and declare, and be it declared and ordained, 
 
 * by the faid lords and commons, in the parliament of England aflembled^ 
 ' and by the authority of the fame, that the faid former declaration, of 
 ' the -oth of March, be raffd and e^tpunged tjut of the Records and 
 ' books of the faid boufcs j and wholly t;.I-:cn away, and made void : and 
 ' that no m.-mber of the faid army Hiail receive any damage, prejudice ol" 
 
 * rejrojch, for any thing in the faid former diclaration.' 
 
 M 3 < hand.
 
 1^4 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 fjoners at Holdenbyy to whom he had been 
 
 de- 
 
 * hand, olven coantenance to tliis defign ; but, he be- 
 
 * ing advertiied of it, went that afternoon towards the 
 ^ ar my, fo that they miflcd of hrnv, and were not wil- 
 
 pf ICO. * ''"g t^ fhv'W their teeth fince they could do no 
 
 * more [g]' HolLs charges him with the fame fault, 
 and fpealcs likewife of his going down to the army, on 
 
 (^) Sea the his being fufpei^ed by the houfe, and joining in the fub- 
 frtm Holies ^'^"P^'on of a rebellious letter {h). Lord Clarendon^ 
 jonotc (u). Speaking of thcfe matters, fays, '- CromweU hitherto car- 
 
 * ried- hirnfelf with that rare diffimulation (in which, 
 ' fure, he was a very great mafter) that he feemed ex- 
 
 * ceedingly incenfed againft this infolence of the fol- 
 
 * diers; was ftill in the houfe of commons when any 
 
 * fuch addreffes was made ; and inveighed bl'tterly a- 
 
 * gaiiift the prefumption, and had been the caufe of the 
 ' commitment, of fome of the officers. He propofed 
 ' that the general might be fent down to the army, 
 ' who, he faid, would conjiire down this mutinous 
 ' fpirit quickly ; and he was fo eafily believed, that he 
 
 * hiinfelf was fent once * or twice to compofe the ar- 
 ' my ; when, after he had ftaid two or three days, he 
 ' Would again return to the houfe, and complain hea- 
 *• viiy of the great licence that was got into the army : 
 ' that, for his own part, by the artifice of his ene- 
 ' mies, attd of ihofe who dtfired that the nation fhould 
 
 * be again imbrewed in blood, he was rendered fo odi- 
 
 * ous unto them, that they had a purpofe to kill him, 
 
 * if, upon fome difcovery made to him, he had not 
 
 * efcaped out of their hands. And in thefe and the 
 
 * like difcourfcs, when he fpake of the natron's being 
 
 • In the Journal of the 30th of April 1647, we find it refolved, 
 &c. That fieid-marfhal Skip ptn, lieutenant-general Cromwell, comir.if- 
 fary Ireton, and colonel Fleetwood, be injoined for'hwith to go down 
 to their charges in the army, and employ their endeavours to quiet all 
 d:ftempers in the army. The houfe, prtbably, were led into favoura- 
 ble opinions cf thefe officers from Skippon's and Cromwell's delivering 
 that dij the letters they had received from th: troopers.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. i6j 
 
 delivered by the ScotSj in oppofition to the 
 
 au- 
 
 to be involved in new troubles, he would weep bit- 
 terly, and appear the mo(t afflifted man in the world 
 with the feiife of the calamities which were like to 
 enfue. But, as many of the wifer fort had long dif- 
 covered his wicked intentions, fo his hypocrify could 
 no longer be concealed. The mod a<5live officers 
 and agitators were known to be his own creature^, 
 and luch who neither did, nor would, do any thing 
 but by his dired^ion. So that it was privately refolved, 
 by the principal perfons of the houfe of commons, 
 that, when he came the next. day into the houfe, 
 which he feldom omitted to do, they would fend him 
 to the Tower ; prefuming, that, if they had once fe- 
 vered his perfon from the army, they Ihould eafily re- 
 duce it to its former temper and obedience : for they 
 had not the leaf!: jealoufy of the gener d Fairfax^ 
 whom they knew to be a perfedl Prefbyterian in judg- 
 ment, and that Cromwell had the afcendant over 
 him, purely by his diflimulation and pretence of con- 
 fcience and fincerity. There is no doubt, Fairfax did 
 not then, nor long after, believe that the other had 
 thofe wicked defigns in his heart againft the King, 
 or the lead imagination of difobeying the parliament. 
 This purpofe, of feizing upon the perfon of Cromweli^ 
 could not be carried fo fecretly, but that he had no- 
 tice of it ; and the very next morning, after he had 
 fo much lamented his defperate misfortune, in having 
 loft all reputation, and credit, and autliority, in the 
 army, and that his life would be in danger if he were 
 with it ; when the houfe expelled every minute his 
 prefence, they were informed, that he was met out 
 of town, by break of day, with one fervant only, 
 on the way to the army ; where he had appointed a 
 rendezvous of fome regiments of the horfe, and from 
 whence he writ a letter to the houfe of commons. 
 That having the night before received a letter from 
 feme officers of his own regiment, that the jealoufy 
 M 3 'the
 
 i"66 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 (i) Vol. V, 
 p. 46. 
 
 {k) Short 
 Memorials, 
 p. 103. 
 
 the troops had conceived of him, and of his want 
 of kindnefs towards them, was much abated, fo 
 that they believed, if he would be quickly prc- 
 fent with them, they would all in a fhort time, 
 by his advice, be reclaimed ; up'^n this he had made 
 all the hafte he could, and did find that the foldier? 
 had been abufed by miilnformation ; and that he hoped 
 to difcover the fountain from whence it fprung ; and, 
 in thie mean time, defired that the general, and the 
 other officers in the > houfe, and fuch as remained 
 about the town, might be preftntly fent to their 
 quarters ; and that he believed ,it would be very ne- 
 ceflary, in order to the fuppreflion of the late diftem- 
 pers, and for the prevention of the like for the time 
 to come, that there might be a general rendezvous of 
 the army ; of v^hich the general would beft confider 
 when he came down, which he wifhed might be haft- 
 ened. It was now to no purpofe to difcover wha^ 
 * they had formerly intended, or that they had any 
 jealoufy of a p^rfon who was out of their reach i 
 and fo they expected a better conjun6{ure ; and, in 
 a few days after, the general, and the other oflScers, left 
 
 the town, and went to their quarters (/).' Thefe 
 
 concurrent teftimonies will, I prefume. clearly evince 
 that CrcmiieUwzs deemed the chief raifer and -manager 
 or the florm which carried all things before it, and 
 levelled whatever came in its way. Fairfax^ the ge- 
 neral, declares ftrongly his difmclination to, and his 
 abhorrence of, thefe proceedings. He attributes them 
 to the agitatprs : but, I believe, he deemed C; oww^// the 
 chief of them, and had him and Irdon in his eye in 
 the following paiFage : ' This mercy [the fuccefs of the 
 ' army in the years 1645 and 1646] was foon clouded 
 
 * with' abominable hypocrify and deceit, even in thofe 
 
 * men who had been inftrumental in bringing this war 
 
 * to a conclufion. Here vras the vertical point on 
 
 * which the army's honour and repiitation turned into 
 
 * a reproach and fcandal. Here the power of th? army 
 
 * I once had was ufurped by the agitators, the fore^ 
 
 * runners of confufion and anarchy [k].' None but 
 
 thef? .
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 167 
 
 authority of parliament (cc), and the fen- 
 timents of Fairfax. This opened a new 
 
 fcene 
 
 tbefe men were able to ufurp Fairfaxes power of the 
 army. 
 
 (cc) Thty took the King out of the hands of the cent' 
 mijjioners of the parliument^ &c. 3 Cromwell feems to 
 have been determined at all events to fecure and en- 
 large his power and authority. The tumults and com- 
 motions raifed by his means were intended as trials of 
 his capacity and influence over the army. The fuccefs 
 he had in thefe emboldened him, and caufed him to 
 afpire to fomething beyond what he yet was. Fully 
 fenfible that the parliament, thoug'h through fear it had 
 truckled to him, yet hated him heartily, and longed 
 only to crufh him, as they would have done on the 
 conclufion of a peace with the King : fully fenfible, 
 I fay, of this, he determined to prevent them, and to 
 give the law both to Charles and the parliament. For 
 this end he fecretly urged on the agitators to feize his 
 Majefty's perfon, and thereby put it out of the power 
 of the houfes to conclude any thing with him, without 
 
 the army's confent and approbation. The following 
 
 authorities will explain and enlarge what is here faid. 
 
 * One thing was yet wanting (as they [the managers 
 
 * of the army] thought) for the carrying on their de- 
 ' fign, and amufing the poor people of England with 
 ' an expectation of their fettling a peace, fo to make 
 
 * them fit fliil and look on, whilft they trarjipled upon 
 
 * parliament, city and kingdom; which was to be , 
 
 * pofTeft of the King,'s perfon, and make the world 
 
 * believe they would bring him up to his parliament, 
 
 * and fet him on his throne. For this, it feems, a 
 
 * meeting was appointed at lieutenant-general Crom- 
 
 * wellh^ upon the thirtieth of May., where it is refolved, 
 
 * That cornet foyce {honXA., with a party of horfe, ?P (d^^^ii^^ 
 ' to Hohnby and feize upon his Majefty ; which is pre- tington's 
 
 * fently executed, and given out that others had the account of 
 
 ' likedefign, which they had prevented (/). At firft J^'' ^" "^''^ 
 M 4 * it^ '
 
 j68 THELIFEOF 
 
 fcene His Majefty was treated with 
 
 very great refpedt by the army j every thing 
 
 was 
 
 * it muft feem only the a£l of Mr. 'Joyce ; Cromiji'ell 
 ' protefttd he knew nothing of it (though he was the 
 
 * man that appointed it to be done, as appears by 
 
 * what has been recited, taken out of fume of their 
 
 * own authorb) ; Sir Thomas FArfax writes a letter to 
 ' the houfe, profefies the fan^e f r himfelf as in the pre- 
 ' fence of God, with a large undertakiiip; for the reft of 
 
 * his ofFicers, and the body of the army : and, perhap?, 
 
 * he faid true j I would fain be fo charitable as to be- 
 
 * lieve it ; nor, indeed, do I think t,he good man is 
 
 * privy to all their plots \ he mufl have no tnore than 
 
 * what they are pleafed to carve and chev/ for him, but 
 ' muft fwallow all, and own them when they come 
 ' abroad. Here then they have the King, 'Jo^ce drives 
 ' away the guards, forced colonel G.' caves to fly, whom 
 
 * elfe they threatened to kill (murtlier being no fin in 
 
 * the vifible faints) ; carries away his Majefty, aiid the 
 ' commiflioners tlut attend him, pri.'bners, and imme- 
 
 (k) Holles's ' diately fends up a letter to certify what he had done, 
 
 Memoirs, p. « ^.jth directions It (liould be delivered to Crcmue I [m].' 
 
 5 ' Ludicw, who undcritood the defigns arid anions of the 
 
 army, jrcbably. better than Hdhs, fpeaking of the di- 
 
 vifions between it and the parliament, adds, ' The agi' 
 
 * tators of the army, fenfible of their condition, ai)d 
 
 * knowing that they muft fall under the mercy of the 
 
 * parliament, unlefs they could fecure ihemfeives from 
 ' their power, by profecuting what they had begun j 
 
 *• ' and fearing thofe who had fhewed tbemfelves fo for- 
 
 * ward to cloie with the King, out of principle, upon 
 
 * any terms, would now, for their own prefervation, 
 
 * receive him without any, or rather put thcmfelves un- 
 
 * der his protection, that they might the better fubdue 
 
 * the army, and reduce them to obedience by force ; 
 
 * fent a party of hoife under the comniand of corntt 
 
 * 'J^ycc^ on the 4th of "June^ '647"> ^^'^^ ^^ order in 
 
 * writing, to take the King out of the hands of the 
 
 ■ ' * com-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 169 
 
 was rendered as agreeable as poflible to 
 him, in his captive lituation, and Cromivell 
 
 entered 
 
 commiflioners of parliament. The cornet, having 
 placed guards about tlolmhy houle, fent to acquaint 
 the King with the occafion of his coming, and was 
 admitted into his bedchamber, where, upon promife 
 that the King fhould be ufed civilly, and lave his fer- 
 vants and other conveniencies continufd t(; him, he 
 obtained his confent to ^ o with him. But whilft cor- 
 net 'Jo)ce was giving orders concerning the King's re- 
 moval, the parliament's commiflioners took that occa- 
 fion to difcourfe with the Kino^, and perfuaded him 
 to alter his refolution ; which jo^ie perceiving at his 
 return, put the King in m.nd of his promife, ac- 
 quainting him, that he was obliged to execute his or- 
 ders ; whereupon the King told him, that, fince he 
 had pafl'ed his word, he would go with him ; and, to 
 that end, defcended the ftairs to take horfe, the 
 commiffioners of the parliament being with him. 
 Colonel Btuijun and Mr. Crew^ who were two of 
 them, publickly declared, that the King was forced 
 out of their hands ; and fo returned, with an account 
 of what had been done, to the parliament (»),' This ^"^ ^^'^•'^ 
 was a very bold ftroke indeed ! performed in the name ^' *^'' 
 of foldiers only under the command of Fairfax, but 
 no doubt contrived by Cromwell and Ireton^ in order 
 to make thcmfelves arbiters between King and par- 
 liament, and advance their own ambitious projects. 
 Lord Clarendon zfiures us, that ' the King did, in truth, 
 
 * believe that their purpofe was to carry him to fome 
 
 * place where they might more conveniently murder 
 
 * him (o).' The author of the Icon Bafilike more fenfi- ^"^ ^^^--f- 
 blyobferves, in his Majefly's perfon, ' This furprize of ^* ''"^* 
 
 * me tells the world, that a King cannot be fo low but 
 
 * he is confiderable, adding weight to that party where (;,) King 
 ' he appears (/>).' The King had no reafon to fear <-'harles*s 
 raurther; Joyce behaved with civility to him; promifed ^'g'^''^' P* 
 bim ail conveniencies i did what in him lay to pleafe Lend. Ibl), 
 
 him,
 
 I'jo T H E L I F E O F 
 
 entered into a negociation with him, in 
 order to his reftoration ; but terms being 
 
 not 
 
 him, and rendered him more pleafed with hh fituation 
 than he had before been. Let us hear Fairfax. * bo 
 
 * foon as I heard of it [the King's feizure at Holmby] 
 
 * I immediately fent away two regiments of horfe, 
 
 * commanded by colonel IVkalUy, to remove this force, 
 
 * and to fet all things again in their due order. But 
 
 * before he came to Holwbyy the King «as advanced 
 ' two or three miles on his way to Carn'ridgey attended 
 
 * by yojce., where colonel IVhalley acquainted the King, 
 
 * he was fent by the general to let him know how much 
 
 * he was troubled at thofe great infolencies that had been 
 
 * committed fo near his perfon ; and, a? he had not the 
 
 * leaft knowledge of them before they were done, fo 
 
 * he had omitted no time in feeking to remove that 
 
 * force, which he had orders from me to fee done j 
 ' and therefore he deured his MajeHy that he would b6 
 
 * plealed to return again to Holn.hy, where all things 
 
 * fhould be fettled again in as much order and quiet- 
 
 * nefs as they were before. And alfo he defired the 
 
 * commifiioners to reaflume their charge, as the parlia- 
 ' ment had directed them, which he was alfo to defire 
 
 * them to do from the general. But the King rtfufed 
 
 * to return, and the commiffioners to a^St ; whereupon 
 
 * colonel li'hJley urged them to it, faying, he had an 
 ' exprefs command to fee all things well fettled about 
 
 * his MajeOy, which could not be done, but by his re- 
 ' * turning again to Hdmby. The King faid pofitjvely, 
 
 ' he would not do it: fo the colonel prefTed him no 
 
 * more to it, having, indeed, a frecial direction from 
 
 * me to ufe all tendernefs and refpeft, as w<is ^m to 
 ' his Majefty. The King came that night, or the next, 
 
 * to Sir 'J-hn Cutti% houfe near Cambridge j and the 
 
 * next day I waited on his Majefty, it being alfo my bu- 
 
 * fmefs to perfuade his return to Hoimhy, but he was 
 
 * otherwife refolved. I preft the commiffioners alfo to 
 
 * ad according to the power given them by the parlia- 
 
 I * ment.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 171 
 
 not agreed on, or dangers of fome kind or 
 other (dd) being apprehended, Cromwell 
 
 broke 
 
 * ment, which they alfo refufed to do : fo havir.g fpent the 
 ' whole day about this bufinefs, I returned to my quar- 
 
 * ters; and, as I took leave of the King, he faid to 
 
 * me. Sir, I have as good intereft in the army as you j 
 
 * by V. hich I plainly law the broken reed he leaned on. 
 
 * The agitators could change into that colour which 
 ' ferved next to their ends, and had brought the King 
 
 * into an opinion that the army was for him. That it 
 ' might appear what a real trouble this ait was to me, 
 
 * though the army was almoft wholly infected v/ith 
 ' this humour of agitation, I cal ed for a council of 
 
 * war to proceed againft Josce fof this high ofience 
 
 * and breach of the articles of war ; but the officers, 
 
 ' whether for fear of the diftempered foldiers, or ra- ' 
 
 ' ther (as I fufpe^Red) a fecret allowance of what was^^) ^^^^ 
 
 * done, made all my endeavours in this inefFe£lual {q).' Memorials, 
 
 I have transcribed Fai>fnx's account at length, that the P' "3 
 
 reader may the better be enabled to judge of thejuf- 
 
 tice of Clarendon's narrative above mentioned, and alfo 
 of the truth of the meflage, delivered to the houfe of 
 lords by the Earl of Dumf ermine^ from the King, * ^^'^2cnt7r^^' 
 ' his Majefty went from iiV^<'-ii>' unwillingly (r).' Hiftory, 
 
 * 7'hus, f ys Per'inchi(j\ was that religious Prince made^oJ. xv. 
 
 * once more the njock of fortune, and the fjwrt of the ^" 399- 
 ' fadlious, and was drawn from his peaceful contem- 
 
 ' plations and profpecl of heaven, to behold and con- j^^ ^r^ ^^ 
 
 * verfe with men fet on fire of hell (.().' Whether prefixed to* 
 the reader be difpofed to laugh or be ferious at this ^'s woiksi 
 folemn paragraph is very indifferent to me; but theP"*°" 
 writer, who compofed it, ftands little chance for credit 
 
 with fuch as with attention have fludied the character 
 of his hero. 
 
 (dd) Terms being n'A agreed on^ or danger leing ap- 
 prehend'd, Cromwell broke off all thoughts of friendjhip 
 with Charles, &c.J The King no fooner found himfelf 
 in the hands of the army, than he had rcafon to be fa- 
 
 tisfied
 
 172 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 broke off all thoughts of friend fliip with the 
 King, and openly declared for bringing him 
 
 to 
 
 fisficd with their civility and refpeft Ludlow, with 
 fome indignation, fpeaks of the atiendance and homage 
 that was paid him by feme chief officers. Lord Claren- 
 don has given us a particular account of the treatment 
 he received, which 1 will here tranfcribe for the fatif- 
 fa(Slion of the reader. * The King found himfelf at 
 
 * Newmarket, attended by greater troops and fuperior 
 
 * officers ; fo that he was prerent!y freed from any fub- 
 
 * jeition to Mr. "Joyce, which was no fmal! fatisfa^fion 
 ' to him ; and they who were about him appeared men 
 
 * of better breeding than the former, and paid his Ma- 
 
 * jefiy all the refpe£l imaginable, and Teemed to define 
 
 * to pleafe him in all things. All reftraint was taken 
 
 * ofF from perfons reforting to him, and he faw every 
 
 * day the faces of many who were grateful to him ; 
 ' and he no fooner defired that fome of his chaplains 
 
 * might have leave to attend upon him for his devotion, 
 *, but it was yielded to, and they who were named by 
 
 * him (who were Dr. Sheldon^ Dr. Morley, Dt. Sandcr- 
 
 * fon^ and Dr. Hammond) were prefcntly fent, and gave 
 ' their attendance, and performed their functions at the 
 
 * ordinary hours, in their accuftomed formalities ; all 
 
 * perfons, who had a mind to it, being fufFered to be 
 
 * prefent, to his Majefty's infinite fatisfaftion, who be- 
 ' gan to believe that the army was not fo much his 
 
 * enemy as it was reported to be; and the army had 
 ' fent an addrefs to him full of proteftation of duty, 
 ' and befought him, that * he would be content, for 
 
 * fome time, to refide among them, until the affairs of 
 
 *• the kingdom were put into fuch a pofture as he might a 
 *■ find all things to his own content and fecurity, which ' 
 ' they infinitely defired to fee as foon as might be ; and, 
 ' to that purpofe, made daily inflances to the parha- 
 
 * ment.' In the mean time his Majefty fare fiill, or 
 ' removed to fuch places as were moft convenient /or 
 ' the marclj of tne army ; being in all places as well 
 
 * pro-
 
 O L I V E R C R O M W E L L. 173 
 
 to juftice. In order to which, as well as 
 to aecomplifli his fchemes of power and 
 
 am- 
 
 * provided for and accommodated, as he had ufed to 
 
 * be in any progrefs : the beft gentlemen, of the feve- 
 
 * ral counties through which he paiTed, daily reforted 
 ' to him, without (iftin£iion: he was attended by fome 
 
 * of his old trufty fervants in the places neareft his per- 
 
 * Ton : and that, which gave him moft encouragement 
 
 * to believe that they meant wel!, was, that in the 
 ' army's addrefs to the parliament, they defired that 
 ' care might be taken for fettling the King's rights, 
 
 * according to the feveral profeflions they had made in 
 
 * their declarations ; and that the royal party might be 
 
 * treated with more candour and lefs rigour : and many 
 ' good officers, who had ferved his Majefty faithfully, 
 
 * were civilly received by the officers of the army, and 
 ' lived quietly in their quarters, which they could not 
 
 * do any where elfe ; which raifed a great reputation 
 
 * to the army throughout the kingdom, and as much 
 
 ' reproach upon the parliament (/).' What the confe- ^' , ^^ ' ^* 
 quence of all this was, I have elfewhere, at large, 
 fhewn (u). Suffice it here to fay, that Charles might [,"j gf^'^S 
 have had reafonable good terms, his condition confi- rkal Ac- 
 dered, from Cromwell ziid Ireton ; but, on refufmg to count of the 
 clofe with them frankly, he loft the opportunity he pfj^f j 
 then had, and rendered them his moft avowed ene- p. jgg. 
 mies. The fincerity of C'omweH, in his negotiations 
 with the King at this jundture, is called in queftion, by 
 a very late writer, in the following words : ' Had thefe 
 
 * been flncerely his fentiments [afFeilion and regard 
 
 * for the King] he would never have altered them, 
 
 * for the King gave him no occafion ; fince it is clearly 
 
 * proved, that his final anfwer to the propofals which 
 
 * were made him, not only fpoke the fenfeof him and 
 
 * Ireton, as the King conceived it, but was altered by 
 
 * their hands till it fatisficd themfelves. Had he been 
 
 * really inclined to reftore the King, he might have 
 
 * done it now with a high hand j a great majority of 
 
 » the
 
 174 THELIFEOF 
 
 ambition, he promoted the votes of no more 
 
 ad- 
 
 ' the parliament were for him ; the city of London was 
 ' in their fentlments ; the meafures taken by the Scots y 
 ' and the infurretf^ions in feveral counties in his favour, 
 
 * fhew, that this was alio the fenfe of the nation : if, 
 
 * therefore, lieutenant-general Cronniell had made ufe 
 ' of his wonderful capacity, to difpofe the army not to 
 
 * any new defign, but to have performed their own 
 
 * promifes ; he might have fettled the government upon 
 (*) Biogra- * its old foundation, and have made himfelf a very great 
 phia Britac- 1 jpan (a).' i. e. he might have been made Earl of Ef- 
 i'«' ^' /**'> ^"^ knight of the garter, things faid to be pro- 
 
 mifed him by the King, as well as the advancement 
 (j) Flagel- of his fon, and his fon-in-law Ireton^ to pofts of high 
 ^•""t P' 55- honour and dignity (^•). I will not warrant what is 
 here faid concernina the honours promifed to Crojnvjell 
 and his family : the writer, from whom I quote it, is 
 of too little authority to have any great ftrefs laid on 
 his unfupported narrative ; nor will 1 make any remarks 
 on the reafoningsjuft recited, any farther than to ob- 
 ferve, that Crorrrwell had probably fufficient caufe to 
 alter his fentiments, with refpe£l to the expediency of 
 concluding a peace with Charles^ and reinflating him in 
 his power. Sufficier.t caufe he had, I fay, for this : 
 for his treaty with the King was very iil refented by the 
 agitators, after Char.es had fc long dallied with the ar- 
 my, and ncgledJed t«5 comply with the terms propofed 
 for his fafety and reftoration. Cnmw II had got the 
 better of thefe men, indeed, at the rendezvous at IVare, 
 by the death of one, and making prifoners of ethers. 
 But their fpirit was unconquerable. 'Two thirds cf 
 
 * the army had been fmce with Lean and Cromwell^ to 
 ' teil them, that, though they were certain to perish if» 
 
 * the enterprize, they would leave nothing unatiempted.' 
 ' to bring the whole army to their fenfe; and that, if 
 
 * all failed, they would make a divifion in the army, 
 
 * and join with any who would aflift them in the de- 
 
 * flnidtion of ihofe that (hould oppofe them.' — Upon this 
 
 bold
 
 ow. 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 175 
 
 addrefTes to his Majefty ; defeated the Welch 
 
 and 
 
 bold declaration 'tis faid Cromwell and Ireton argued thus : 
 
 * If the army divide, the greater part will join with 
 
 * the presbyters, and will, in all likelihood, prevail, 
 
 * to our ruin, by forcing us to make our applications to 
 
 * the King, wherein we (hall rather beg than offer any 
 
 * afliftance, which, if the King (hould give, and.after- 
 
 * wards have the good fortune to prevail, if he fhould 
 
 * then pardon us, it will be all we can pretend, and 
 ' more than we can certainly promife ourfelves: there- 
 
 * upon concluding, that, if they could not bring the 
 ' army to their (infe, that it was bed to comply with , ,, ., 
 
 , 1 riT !• 1 in r\- ii/^.C*) LudI 
 
 * them, a Ichilm beuig utterly deltructive to both (z). vol. i. p. 
 
 Lord H'AleSy fpeaking of CromweWs treaty with the ^aJ- 
 King, owns the danger he was at length in from the 
 army on that account : ' The party [of the agitators} 
 
 * would not give way to this [the agreement with his 
 
 * Majefty] ; hatred to the King, envy and jcaloufies 
 
 * againft their afpiring leaders, and a violent defire of 
 
 * having their work done at once, lay all perfons and 
 
 * things level on the fudden, bring forth their mon- 
 
 * ftrous conceptions at one birth, made them break out, 
 
 * fly in their faces, difcover many of their villanie^ 
 
 * and, as appears by that bufinefs of Lilburn and IVtld- 
 
 * man, even refolve to take Cromuell out of the way, 
 
 * and murder him for an apoftate {a)' Surely this does ^q-^^' 
 not look as if Crsmueli might have reftored the King i?4. ' 
 with an high hand ! The truth is, he might have done 
 
 it in the beginning of the King's refiding with the ar- 
 my ; but his ftiffnefs, his obftinacy, if I may fo fpeak, 
 in adhering to his own opinions, and the hopes he had 
 of availing himfelf of the difputes between the parlia* 
 ment an 1 the army, rendered the latter very fufpicious 
 of his intentions, and, at length, averfe to his intereft. 
 Befules, if I might offer a conjecture in this affair, it 
 looks to me exceeding probable, that CnmiveU, after a 
 thorough trial, might be afraid to truft to what his Ma- 
 jefty promifed, in order to remount the throne. For,
 
 176 THELIFEOF 
 
 and the Scotch, who took up arms in be- 
 half 
 
 according to Clarendon, Oliver declared in the houfe of 
 commons, ' that the King was a man of tj;reat parts, 
 ' and great underftanding, but that he was fo great a 
 
 * difiembler, and fo falfe a man, that he was not to be 
 
 * trufted. And thereupon repeated many particufarr, 
 ' whilft he was in the army; that his iXJajefly wifhed 
 ' that fuch and fuch things might be done, which, be- 
 ' ing done to gratify him, he was difpleafed and com- 
 *■ plained of it : that, whilft he profefTed, with all fo- 
 ' lemnity, that he referred himfelf wholly to the parlia- 
 
 * ment, and depended only upon their wifdom and coun- 
 ' fels, for the fettlement and compofmg the diftraiftions 
 ' of the kingdom, he had, at the fame time, fecret 
 ' treaties with the Scoitijh commiflioners, how he might 
 ' embroil the nation in a new war, and deftroy the 
 
 (5) Vol.v. c parliament {h.' Such was the light in which Charles 
 ''^ * probably appeared to Crom'u,ell, who pierced through 
 
 every mask, while his own was generally impenetrable 
 to thofe who were moft ccnverfant with him. There 
 is an anecdote related concerning the infincerity of the 
 King to the lieutenant-general, which, if true, will ea- 
 fily account for every thing done to the former by the 
 
 latter. In a letter to his Qiieen, without whofe 
 
 knowledge and confent he feldom cared to do any thing, 
 he is faid to have acquainted her, * That, though he 
 *■ aflemed to the army's propofals, yet, if by (o do- 
 
 * ing, he could procure peace, it would be eafier then 
 
 * to take oft Cromueil^ than now he was the head that 
 
 * governed the army.' This is faid to have come to his 
 ff) Life of knowledge, and determined him never more to truft 
 Oliver the King [i). For the truth of this I will not vouch, 
 Crom^tisXh though it is agreeable to the whole of his Majefty's 
 j^jjjj'j, 2^' character. After this, can w'C wonder that Cromvutll 
 
 might think himfelf at liberty to pra<3ife Cbariei's arts 
 on himfelf? or rather, are we not to admire at th.;fe 
 who refledt on Cromwell for endeavouring to induce the 
 King to remove by fteallh from Hampton-court (where 
 
 hb
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. I7; 
 
 half of the King, ahd purged the houfe of 
 
 com- 
 
 his life he was informed was in danger) and go into the 
 Ifle of Wight y as into a fafe prifon (if that in faft Was 
 his intention) where he might he ready at hand to bfe 
 difpofed of as beft fuited the inclinations or conveniency 
 
 of the ruling party of the army ? What man almoft 
 
 would not have done the fame ? However, as to the 
 letter written by Cromwell to colonel JVhalley^ on which _ 
 fo much ftrefs is laid by Lord Holk% {</), and the writ rnoirs,^.^ 
 ers of the Biographia Britannica, if we may bfelieve 187. 
 Charles himfelf, it was not the occafion of his flight 
 from Hampton- court. In a letter written by him from 
 thence, dated Novemler 11, 1647, ^"d left for colonel 
 TVhaUey^ he writes as follows : * I have been fo civilly 
 
 * ufed by you and major Huntingtsn^ that I cannot but 
 ' by this parting farewell acknowledge it under my 
 
 * hand, as alfo to dcfire the continuance of your cour- 
 ' tefie, bv your protecting of my houfehold fluff" and 
 ' moveables of all forts, which 1 leave behind me ifi 
 
 * this houfe, that they be neither fpoiled nor imbezeled, 
 
 * -So being confident you wifh my prefcrvation and 
 
 * reftitution, I reft your friend, Charles. I aflure you 
 
 * it was rot the Liter you jhtWtd me yefterday that made 
 ' me take ihis refolution, nor any advertifement of that 
 
 ' kind : but, I confefs, I am loath to be made a clofe, . »,. 
 
 * prifoner, under pretence of fecuring my life (/?)/ So Charles's 
 that Lord Clarendon has only committed one of his ufual Works, p'« 
 milUkes, when he fays, * That his Majefty did really ^^^' 
 
 * believe their malice [the levellers] was at the height, 
 
 * aid that they did defign his murder (/}.' That ^-^^ '^"'•^' 
 
 Cromivell wrote to JVhaliey is certain, and Whalley de- ^ * 
 clares, * That the letter, intimating fome murtherous 
 
 * delign, OFj at leaft, fome fear of it, againft his Ma- 
 
 * jefty, was the ground of his fliewing it to him. When I 
 
 * received this letter,' adds he, ' I was much aftonifhed, 
 
 * abhorring that fuch a thing fhould be done, or fo much 
 
 * as thought of, by any that bear the name of chriftians, 
 'When 1 had (hewn the letter to his Maiefty, I told 
 
 N ■ ♦ him.
 
 178 THE LIFEOF 
 
 commons, after it had voted his Majefty's 
 
 con- 
 
 ' him, 1 was fent to fafeguard, and not to murther him. 
 » IwiflatViim to be confident no fuch thing fhould be 
 ' done I would firft die at his foot in his defence; 
 
 * and I therefore (hewed it him, that he might be af- 
 
 * fured, though menacing fpeeches came frequently to 
 (g) Peck's t j^Ij eare, our general officers abhorred To bloody and 
 
 curiofe, lib. * villanous a fact (g).' Mi/ten's vindication of Crcm- 
 
 ix. p. 42. wetl^ againft the charge of perfuading the Kingto with- 
 draw into the Ifle of IVight, muft not be here omitted. 
 * Alterum eft crimen perfuafifle regi Cromuellurn^ ut 
 
 * in infulam Vedtim clanculum fe fubduceret. Conftat 
 
 * regem Carolum rem fuam multis alias rebus ; ter fuga 
 ' perdidifTe ; primum cum Londino Eboracum fugit, de- 
 ■*• inde cum ad Scotos in yf«^//^condu£titios, poftremo cum 
 
 * ad infulam Ve6lim. At hujus poftremas fuafor erat 
 
 * Cromutllus. Optima j fed tamen ego regios illos pri- 
 ' mum miror, qui Carolum toties affirmare non dubi- 
 ' tant fuiffe prudentiflimum, & eundem fimul vix un- 
 
 * quam fuae fpontis ; five apud amicos fiVe inimicos, 
 
 * in aula vel in caftris, in aliena fere poteftate femper 
 
 * fuifie; nunc uxoris, nunc epifcoporum, nunc purpu- 
 
 * ratorum, nunc militum, denique hoftium : pejora 
 
 * plerumque confilia, & pejorum ferme fequutum ; Ca- 
 
 * ralo perfuadetur, Carolo imponitur, Carolo illuditur 
 
 * metus incutitur, fpes vanaoftenditur, velut praeda om- 
 
 * nium communis, tarn amicorum quam hoftium, agltur 
 ' & fertur Carolus. Aut h:ec e fcriptis fuis tollant, aut 
 
 * fagacitatem Caroli praedicare defiftant. Fateor dein- 
 
 * de, quam vis prudentia atque confilio praeftare pul- 
 
 * crum fit tamen ubi refpublica faclionibus laborat, 
 
 * fuis incommodis baud carere j & confultiffimum quem- 
 
 * que eo magis obnoxium calumniis utrlufque partis 
 
 * reddere : Uoc faepe Cromnetlo obfuit : hinc Presbyta- 
 
 * riani, inde hoftes quicquid in fe durius fieri putant 
 
 * non id communi fenatus confilio, fed Cromuello foli 
 » * imputant; immo fi quid per imprudentiam ipfi male 
 
 * gerunt, id dolis & fraudibu* Cramuelli affignare non 
 
 5 ^ * eru-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 179 
 
 erubefcunt ; culpa omnis in eum derivatur, omnis in 
 eum faba cuditur. Et tamen certiflimum eft fugam ad 
 veAim regis Caroli abfenti turn aliquot millibus paf- 
 fuum CromueHoy tarn novum accidifTe & inopinatum, 
 quam cuilibet ex fenatu turn in urbe verfanti, queni 
 ut de re iiiopinatiflima fibi recens allata per literas cer- 
 tiorem fecit. Res autem ita fe habuit ; exercitus 
 univerfi vocibus rex territus, qui eum nullis c£Gciis 
 fuis aut pollicitis fadum meliorem, ad fupplicium pof- 
 cere jam turc cseperat, ftatuit cum duobus tantum- 
 modo confciis nociurna fuga fibi confulere : verum 
 fugiendi certior, quam quo fugeret, per comitum fuo- 
 rum vel imperitiam vel timlditatem, inops confilii 
 quo fe reciperet, Hamundo VetElis infulae praefidi fe 
 ultro dedidit ; ea fpe, facilem fibi ex ea infula, para- 
 to jam navigio, tranfitum in GaJUam aut in Belgium 
 fore. HiEC egode fuga regis in Ve(5tim ex iis comperi 
 quibus rem totam pernofcendi quam proxima facultas 
 erat {h),' i. r. * Another crime is, that Cro'nzceli per- ^y^^''^^" 
 fuaded the King to withdraw himfelf privately to the Voi. h! p. 
 Ifle of Wight. Now its plain King CW/e; ruined his 396. 
 own affair otherwife in many things, and no lefs 
 than three times by flight : as, firft, when he fled 
 from London to Toik ; afterwards, when he ran to the 
 hireling Scots in England 'y and, laft of all to the Ifle 
 of Wight. But Crcmivell was the perfuader of this 
 laft flight ! Good indeed ! But I firft admire thofe 
 royalifts, who never ftick to affirm fo often, that 
 Charles was one of the moft prudent perfons living, 
 and ftill, that the fame man was hardly ever at his 
 own difpofal : that, whether with his enemies or his 
 friends, in the court or in the camp, he was almoft 
 always in the power of another ; now of his wife, 
 then of the bifhops ; now of the peers, then of the 
 foldiery J and laft of his enemies: that, for the moft 
 part, he followed the worfer counfels ; and, almoft 
 always, of the worfer men. Charles is perfuaded j 
 Charles is impofcd on ; Charles is deceived ; fear is im- 
 preflcd on him ; vain hope is fet before him ; Charles 
 is carried and hurried about, as if he was' the com- 
 mon prey of all, both friends and enemies. But let 
 N 2 * ihem
 
 iSo THELIFEOF 
 
 them either blot thefe things out of their writ* 
 ings, or clfe give over trumpeting up the fagacity of 
 Charles. Next, I confefs, though it be honoura- 
 ble to excel in prudence and counfel, yet that, 
 where a commonwealth labours under fa<5lions, this 
 doth not always want its inconveniencies j but ren- 
 ders any, even the moft prudent, fo much the more 
 obnoxious to the calumnies of each party. This of- 
 ten was the cafe of Cron.welL On the one fide, the 
 Presbyterians ; on the other, the enemy [ Royal iftsj 
 whatever hardfliips fhey are loaded with, impute it 
 all, not to the common advice of parliament, but 
 of Cromwell only. Nay, if themfelves imprudently 
 aft any thing amifs, do not blufti to lay it wholly to 
 the deceits and frauds of Cromiiell! AH the fault is 
 thrown upon him ; all the black is ftuck upon his 
 coat. And yet it is moft certain, that the flight of 
 King Charles to the Ifle of Wight fell out as new and 
 unexpediedly to Crcniwell (who was then feme miles 
 off) as it was furprifing to any of the parliament, at 
 that time refiding in London^ whom be made acquaint- 
 ed with it by letter, as of a moft unlooked-for acci- 
 dent, the news whereof was juft then brought him. 
 Now the matter happened thus : the King (affrighted 
 by the menaces of the whole army, who, finding him 
 nothing amended, either by their good offices or pro- 
 mifes for him, had now begun to require he (hould 
 be brought to punifhment) determined, with only two 
 attendant?, to provide for his own fafety by a no£tur- 
 nal flight ; but furer of flying, than whither he (hould 
 fly, either by the unskilfulnefs (;r timidity of his com- 
 panions ; and, not knowing where to betake himfelf, 
 he, at laft, voluntarily threw himfelf into the hands 
 of Hammondy governor of the Ifle of IVight ; with 
 this hope, that he might find an eafy pafl^age out of 
 that ifland, a fmall vefl'el being provided privately 
 for the purpofe, either into France or Hclla-i^d. And 
 thefe matters, touching the King's flight into the Ifle of 
 Wight, I learnt of theTn, who had as great advantage 
 
 as may be for knowing the truth.' This feems very 
 
 firong in Cromwell's behalf.-' But, had he wrote the 
 
 letter
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. iSi 
 
 conceffions a fufficient ground (ee) to pro- 
 ceed 
 
 letter to Whalley, with the defign fuggefted, of which 
 there is no proof, where would have been the harm of 
 it, as 1 before faid, or who would not have thought 
 himfelf at liberty to have afled a like part with a man 
 of fuch a charader and fuch views ? The ftatefman, 
 perhaps, would not ealily be found ; or, if fuch an one 
 there were, his underftanding would not be greatly ad- 
 mired by men of the fame profeffion. 
 
 (ee) He defeated the Welch and Scots, and purged 
 the houfe of commins^ &c.] Charles having thrown him- 
 felf into the hands of Hammond^ governor of the Ifle 
 of TVight^ was treated by him with great civility and 
 refpect. And the parliament, who had been much 
 alarmed at his Majefty's efcape, being informed of the 
 place of his abode, determined to fend commiflioners 
 to the Ifle of IVight, in order to treat with him con- 
 cerning peace, fo necefl'ary to h nifelf and the kingdom. 
 3ut, on the King's refufal to agree to the preliminary 
 propofitions, they immediately determined to make no 
 more addrefles to him, but to proceed to the fettiement 
 of the nation without him. Their reafons they fub- 
 mitted to the public, in a declaration which was printed 
 and difperfed in every corner. This declaration, and 
 the votes on which it was founded, very juftly alarmed 
 the fears of Charles and his friends. They wrote, they 
 petitioned, they were tumultuous at the door of the 
 houfe of commons, and, at length, had recourfe to 
 arms in his favour. But none of thefe things, for the 
 prefent, lucceeded. The infuref^i n under the lords 
 Gcring and Capcl, on the furrenderof Cclchejhr to Fair' 
 fax, came to nothing; that in IVales, under colonel 
 Poycr, Crorniveil, with no very great difficulty, fubdued; 
 and, immediately, with very fpeedy marches, he came 
 up with Duke Hamilton, who himfelf was taken pri- 
 foner, and the whole body of Scots and EngUfl), under 
 his command, routed. 1 his, properly, puta period to 
 th? fecond civil war, in which the rafhnefs and impru- 
 N 3 dence
 
 x82 THELIFEOF 
 
 ceed upon for the fettle men t of the peace 
 
 of 
 
 (3ence of the one fide was as remarkable, as the valour 
 and good cor.du£t of the other. * All this ^reat vic- 
 
 * tory,' fays Clarendon^ * was got by Ciomwe.l, with an 
 
 * army amounting to a third part of the Scots in num- 
 ' ber, if they had been all together j ancf it was not di- 
 ' minifhed half an hundred in obtaining this victory, 
 
 . .' after the Englijh foices, under Langdale had been de- 
 
 p. 16°'^' ' feated (;).' This was the battle of Prejion^ fought 
 
 Jugujt 17, 1648. The Scoti army were ' twelve 
 
 ' thoufand foot, well armed, and five thoufand horfe. 
 
 * Langdale had two thoufand fiv^ hundred foot, and 
 
 * one thoufand five hundred horfe ; in all twenty one 
 
 * thoufand j and in the parliament's army, in all, about 
 
 * eight thoufand fix hundred ! and, of the enemy, about 
 
 * two thoufand were fiain, and about nine thoufand 
 
 * prifoners taken, befides what were lurking in hedges 
 O') Whit- * ^^^ private pkces, which the country people daily 
 lock, p. 532. * broight in or deftroyed (y).' For this vj6tory a fo- 
 
 lemn ihankfglving was ordered throughout the king- 
 f*1 To' rnal ^^^^j on the feventh of Septembef following (*). After, 
 of the houie this CrcmweU marched forward for Scotland^ in order 
 cf com- eifecStually to fupprefs the Haniltanian party. In his 
 -T" iD'g"^ march his difcipline was very exacft, and his order fo 
 good, that no ground of complaint was given to the 
 inhabitants. At length he arrived at Edinburgh^ * where 
 
 * he was received wnh great ceremony, and demanded, 
 
 * that none, who had been in action in the late wicked 
 
 * engagement and invafion, might, henceforward, be 
 *, employed in any public place of truft; to which the 
 ^ committee of eftates there gave a fatisfadtory anfwer. 
 
 * He had alfo vifits and conferences with commiffioners 
 ' from the kirk, and from the provoft and magiftrates 
 
 * of Edinburgh, and a ftrong guard of foldiers at his 
 
 * 1 dging. At the time of his being at Edinburgh ft- 
 ' veral other .iemands were made by him to the com- 
 ' mittee of eflates, who gave him very fair anfwer, 
 ' and he rcferved hberty for the parliament of England 
 
 * to
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 183 
 
 of the kingdom. This was ufually called 
 
 PriJe's 
 
 ' to make fuch farther demands as they fhould think 
 
 * requifite. The charges of Cromwell's entertainment, 
 
 * and of all his company, during the time of their being 
 
 * at Edinburgh^ were defrayed by the lord provoft of 
 
 * the city, by order of the committee of eftates ; and 
 ' Cromwell, Hafelrl^ge, and the reft of their company, 
 
 * were entertained by general Leven, the lord Argyicy 
 ' and many other lords, at a fumptuous banquet in the 
 
 * caftle. At their going away, the caftle faluted them, 
 
 * with many great guns, and vollies of fmall (hot, and 
 
 * divers lords convoyed them out of the city (^).'- J ^j^. " 
 
 Whilft Oliver was in Scotland, the parliameiit, fearing 
 
 the army, who had fo frequently been troublefome to 
 them, and Jikewife the adherents of the King, who 
 had rifen fo lately in his favour, and willing, if poflible, 
 to procure peace to the kingdom, revoked the votes of 
 iio more addrefTcs, opened a treaty wiih his Majefty in 
 the Ifle of IVigbt, and were about to have brought 
 matters to a conclufinn. But the foldiery, dreading the 
 confequenccs of a peace with refpeit to themfelves, 
 feized the king at Newport, conducted' him under guard ^ 
 
 to Hurjl-cajile^ prefented a remonftrance to the houfeof 
 commons againft any further treaty, and infifted on 
 bringing him and his adherents to juftice. The houfe 
 
 was now alarmed they voted that the feizure of the 
 
 King was without their knowledge or confent, and that 
 his conceffions to the proportions upon the treaty were 
 a fufficient ground to proceed upon for the fettlement 
 of the kingdom. Whereupon the army marched up 
 to London, feized and imprifoned a good number of the 
 members, and hindered very many more from going 
 into the houfe ; whereby it came to pafs, that every 
 thing was carried according to their own determina- 
 tions. This exclufion and force on the houfe was on 
 the fixth of December, one thoufand fix hundred and 
 
 forty-eight. On the next day, at the requeft of an 
 
 eminent maa in the army, the following petition was 
 N 4 printed.
 
 1S4 th5:lifeof 
 
 Pride's purge, from the officer employed to 
 
 feize 
 
 printed. I give it as a curiofity to the reader, who 
 may confider it as valuable, on account of the matter 
 and the manner ; however, as it has efcaped the ootice 
 of other writers, it will have the merit of novelty 
 here. 
 
 J' To the right honourable Thomas Lord Fairfax, 
 * our faithful general, 
 
 ,' The humble petition of all the officers and foldiers 
 > of the regiment commanded by colonel Thomaf . 
 
 * Humbly (heweth, 
 
 ' W^^^^^^ *^ ^^^^ pleafed the Lord of Ho{!$ 
 ^ (who was called upon to decide the controverfy 
 
 * of this nation) to write his name upon your fworc} 
 ' in very legible chara£lers, as appears upon record 
 
 * twice, viz. in the year —45, where we had 1 1 4 vic- 
 ^ tories, and now this laft iummer above 30, even to 
 ' our aftonifhment, who were ufed by you in that Terr 
 
 * vice, that thofe proud billows in IVales^ England and 
 ^ Scotland, have been bounded and calmed, in lefs than 
 
 * fix months ; and when through many tirefome marches 
 ^ and confliclings with many deaths (to fay no more, 
 ^ left we be counted boafters) we thought when the 
 ' north and the fouth wind had thus blown upon the 
 ^ garden, that the fpjces would have flov/n out: behold 
 ^ we have our forrows r^P^^ted, and our fears increaf? 
 
 * ed, rnaking our wounds even to bleed afrefli. For, 
 
 * }. We find many good and juft petitions from city, 
 
 * country and army, not only unanfwered, laid by, and 
 
 * flighted, but alfo things contrary to their honeft dq- 
 
 * fires pratlized ; which appears firft, by treating with a 
 *. conquered enemy, contrary to the vote of non-addref- 
 f fes, againft which this army is engaged by life and 
 
 * death ]^
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 185 
 
 feize and fecure the members. High com- 
 plaints 
 
 death ; yea, and to make the treaty the fruits. of our 
 vidtories over the ScJi^ refolvingto beg mercy of him, 
 the very hour that army of his was begging mercy of 
 us. Secondly, not only treating, but falling from 
 their fefolved propofitions. efpecially in that of delin- 
 quents, fro.n 37 not to be fpared to 7, and thofe nei- 
 ther confjdcrable, nor attainable, mocking the people 
 in their covenant, which is to bring thefe to condign 
 punifhment, and as if that were not enough, to abate 
 {o much in compofitions of the reli, (as if fuch a 
 compliance was intended) as we ftiould change con- 
 ditions with the enemy, and fight and conquer our- 
 felves into flavery. Thirdly, to add more load to the 
 grieved petitioners, their bed friends, and gratify the 
 worft of enemies, 14 days more is granted, tendring 
 a complyance upon any terms ; yea, though by agree- 
 ment, be hath taken upon htm the blood of the three king- 
 doms : and to leave us hopelefs of any good by him, 
 he abets his fon in that pyracy, and Ormond\n that re- 
 newed conf[)iracy againlt that little proteftant blood 
 unexhaufted in/'^/-««^. Nor can we but be thought- 
 ful why fome notice might not have been given to 
 your excellency and army, concerning a treaty, fince 
 our truftees have fo often acknowledged God to have 
 fentthem prefervation by this hand, but we only point 
 at that. We take leave to tell your excellency what 
 you hear of daily to your intoHerable grief, the army 
 mufl: be made again the burthenfome ftone to the pe(>v 
 pie (which is no new defign) by their nonpayment, 
 and even then (if ever) it had fweat blood for their 
 (afety, by whom thus unworthily neglected we muft 
 profefs not an ingenious foldier of the meanefl: rank, 
 but doth blufli to receive his unpayed for entertain- 
 ment ; and the rather, i. Becaufe unexpededly re- 
 turns to it. 2. Becaufe the country pays their taxes. 
 3. Becaufe bad men are enriched by it. 4. Becaufe 
 (hame and contempt will be the foldiers portion. 5. 
 
 ' Be-
 
 j86 the life of 
 
 plaints were made of this adion, as infolent, 
 
 unjuft, 
 
 * Becaufe it ftill fows feed of new broils where people 
 ' are thus abufed. Sir, we have much to complain of, 
 
 * but of nothing more than that the main ends of thefe 
 ' wars, crowned with mercy even to miracle, are not 
 ' reaped, the fox 'ftealing that from us by fubtilty, 
 
 * which the lyon could not tear by cruelty. Where- 
 
 * fore in cur own names, and the names of the betrayed, 
 
 * abufed people of England^ we humbly befeech your 
 
 * excellencies affiftance of us, and concurrence with us, 
 
 * in thefe enfuing rcquefts and groans of our fouls, which 
 
 * may not long be denied us, left we faint or ftruggle as 
 
 * we can, for the life of good men and a good caufe. 
 
 I. That juftice may fuddenly and equally be difpenfed 
 
 * according to the defires of our honoured friends in Lon- 
 
 * don^ Leicejierjh'ire, and others, manifefted by their (c- 
 
 * veral petitions, and the parliament's declaration con- 
 
 * cerning the King's evils alTerted j or bewailed and re- 
 
 * pented. 
 
 ' ' II. That your army be inflantly reckoned withall, 
 
 * and paid, and fo dealt with for the future (if they muft 
 
 * be ufed) that every regiment may know their owrj 
 
 * county, and there receive their pay immediately, with- 
 ' out any other treafurers or ways of trouble, that fo 
 
 * the people themfelves may fee what they have for their 
 
 * money. In this we are impatient, or fo paflionately 
 
 * affected, that we gafpe for help. This regiment haih 
 
 * had but one month's pay fmce May^ having marched 
 
 * 1300 miles this fummer. 
 
 ' JII. That the people may know in print, with ^lU 
 
 * fpeed, which way all public monies are difpofed of in 
 
 * all counties and places, and that of all kinds ; which 
 ' may be done, if every co!le6lor and receiver of money 
 
 * be forthwith enjoined to print their receipts and dif- 
 
 * burfements, for if the foldiers be not paid, the people 
 
 * afk what's become of the revenue, compofitions, fe- 
 
 * queftrations, excife, lands, ^c. 
 
 « IV.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 187 
 
 unjuft, tyrannical, and fubverfive of the free- 
 dom 
 
 * IV. That we may have a juft and righteous govern- 
 
 * ment fettled in this nation, advancing godlinefs, we 
 
 * abhorring anarchy, confufion, and levelling men's 
 
 * eftates, fo often charged upon us : for which ends we 
 
 * defire thefe tv/o things, fn purfuance of which (by help 
 ' from heaven) we refolve to venture our all. Firft, that 
 ' the grand and capital enemies, may, without delay, 
 
 * be brought to juftice, which is the main root of our 
 
 * mifery, we finding all other ways attempted altoge- 
 
 * ther invalid to carry on this work of common f^fety. 
 ' Secondly, for the difpatch of juftice upon all delin- 
 ' quents, for the rectifying all crooked things among 
 ' us, and for the good of us and the generations to come, 
 ' we humbly conceive our laft and fureft way will be 
 
 * for your excellency and the army, to make a fpeedy 
 ' offer to the commons houfe in your name and the ar- 
 ' mies, and in behalf of all £';7^/<7.'7^, that fuch of them 
 ' as have been faithful to the kingdoms intereft, declare 
 
 * with you and the nation ; and that the contrary mind- 
 ' ed, falfe, royal, and neutral party may know, that 
 ' our enemies muft not be our ruler.^, we profefling that 
 
 * good men, rather than good laws, muftfaveus, though 
 ' w? disjoin them not. And to this laft work we hum- 
 
 * bly incite your excellency, the army, and all true E>:g' 
 
 * li/h hearts ; without which we fhall not forbear any 
 ' means the Lord fhall direcSl: us to, whereby we may 
 
 * free ourfelvcs, from the guilt of enflaving the kingdom, 
 
 * to one, or more ; and if any fhall obje(ffj we put 
 
 * violence upon authority, we hereby proclaim to the 
 ' world, that neither your excellency nor ourfelves have 
 ' received commiflions from the parliament as now 
 
 * conflituted, the fwaying part thereof, (as lately in 
 
 * Scotland) brought over to the King's defigns : but from 
 
 * that good party in it, who ftruggled through many ha- 
 
 * zards, to model this army for the kingdoms fafety: 
 
 * Nor are we to attend forms and cuftoms in this ex- 
 ' tremity J we can as willingly fet down as march, fuf- 
 
 * fer
 
 |88 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 dom of the parliament. Others, on ther 
 
 con- 
 
 ' fer as aft, would but the godly party in the kingdom 
 
 * call us thereunto, and think themfelvcs preferved l?y 
 
 * it. Eut the people call to us for thefe things, and wc 
 ' to your excellency, your known worth inviting us 
 ' hereunto ; in profecution of which, as an unparalleled 
 
 * inftrument, we fhall live or dye with your excellency, 
 ' having folemnly promifed, in anfwer to the wonders 
 
 * God hath wrought amongft us, to attempt and attend 
 
 * thefe two laft expedients through all hazards. We 
 
 * cannot (o undervalue our God, and the rich experience 
 
 * we have had in behalf of this nation, as to fee them 
 ' lie (like Iljhchar) under thefe finful burdens, our colds, 
 *■ heats, nakednefs, want, hunger, hardfhips, difHcukies, 
 *• dangers, cares, fears, out of which our blefled and 
 
 * ever to be praifed Gud, hath brought us, fuggefting 
 
 * thefe things unto us, for that flock of {laughter in thii 
 tr Mode- * kingdom. Sir, we can dye, but not endure to fee 
 
 rate Intel- * our mother England dye before us (/).' From this 
 
 H?cncer, addrefs is eafily to be coUeiSted the fpirit of the arnny, 
 
 r^j^' the principles o^1 which it a£ted, the authority it afTum- 
 ed, and the hazard of eontefting with it. It appears to 
 have looked on itfelf as an independant body, capable 
 of advifing, dire<Sting and giving the law to the fenate 
 and people of England. This was the effeci of the felf- 
 denying ordinance, which was forefeen by many, and 
 now felt by all. What was alledged in defence of thefe 
 proceedings of the army, will be found in the follow- 
 ing note. I cannot but obferve here to the reader, the 
 fpirit of the RngHJb royalifts at this time. The Scots 
 had raifed an army in aid of the King, the parliament 
 
 was garbelled for treating of a peace with him was 
 
 not this meritorious in the eye of a cavalier? Far from 
 it-r-at this very time, both Scots and parliament were 
 treated wiih the utmoft virulence and contempt by thofe 
 very perfons, for wbofe mafter they had fubjefled them- 
 felves to the greatert inconveniencies. Speaking of the 
 army under Hamilion, and its defeat, a writer pf this 
 
 time
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 189 
 
 contrary, have attempted to vindicate it, and 
 
 apo- 
 
 time has the following exprelHons. * It was never yet 
 
 * known that the blew bonnet would enter lirts upon 
 
 * the gilded promifes of a public faith, or the huxters 
 
 * coW hopes of beft be truft. And when all this is done; 
 
 * be confident, their hands will be more ready to re* 
 
 * ceive it, than their hearts to earn it. It has ever been , 
 ' obferved of the peafantry of that nation, that they 
 
 ' could feed better tlian fight. Plundering was their 
 ' only mafter piece: which they could finger with fuch 
 ' dexterity, as if they had been nurfed and bred up in 
 ' that trade from their infancy.'— ^ — And again — * What 
 
 * elfe could be expcdled by Caiid-.Tiy being by chronolo- 
 
 * gifts rendered to be the emblem of difloyalty ; a ftran- , 
 
 * ger to equity; an harbour for injury ; the magazine j^yal Sacri- 
 
 ' of iniquity; the counterfeit of amity (m],' W ith fice prefent- 
 
 refpe(5t to the members of parliament excluded by the ^^ '" ^^* 
 army, they were treated in the like fcurrilous manner by Deaths of 
 
 the fame party ift the following verfes. SirCharic« V 
 
 Lucas and 
 
 * Farewell ye race of Judas that betray*d L\ae,^p'.%. 
 
 * The King your royal mafter ; and have lay'd 3?- nmo. 
 
 * Such burthens on our ftioulders, God on high *^*** 
 ' Grant you a dire and bloody tragedie. 
 
 < You were the champions of a wicked caufe ; 
 
 ' You have unthron'd your fovereigne ; and the laws 
 
 * By you are quite fubverted : you have rent 
 ' In pieces a moft blefled government. 
 
 * Now let their juft and woful cries and tears, 
 
 * Whom you made widowes pierce th' Almighties earfi) 
 
 * And let thofe orphans, who by your exprefte 
 
 * Have loft their fathers, and are fatherlefle ; 
 
 * Roare loud for deadly vengeance, and God grant 
 
 ' As they, your wives and children may know want, 
 
 * We'll to your graves your herfes laughing bring, 
 ' Inftead of dirges we will carolls fing; 
 
 ' In joyful ftrains we'll pen your elegies, 
 ' And chronicle your ftinking memories. 
 
 • Say-
 
 190 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 apologize for Cromwell, the author and abet- 
 tor 
 
 (b) Mercu- < Saying here lies, (and no man doth lament) 
 riusPrag- t ^jjg rotten members of a parliameitt («).* 
 
 maticus, *^ ^ ' 
 
 Dec. 19, 
 
 1648. Lord Clarendon's treatment of thefe gentlemen, as 
 (o)Seevol. ^^jj ^g ^f^g Scottljh nation, is not much more decent (0). 
 an/240. ' Milton therefore feems to have had re'afon for cau- 
 tioning them * To beware an old and perfect enemy, 
 
 * who though he hope by fowing difcord to make them 
 
 * his inftruments, yet cannot forbear a minute the open 
 (/)) Tenure * threatntng of his defperate revenge upon them, when 
 ^^^m'^'{ ' ^^^y )^2ive ferved his purpofes (/>).' A caution how- 
 tratesjinhis ever reafonablc, yet neglected by thofe concerned, till 
 Works, vol. their old and perfect enemy had opportunity of fati* 
 *-P-357- ating the defperate revenge he had threatned. But to 
 
 proceed, in all this affair of the excjufion of the mem- 
 bers, Cromweirs name appears not. Nay Mr. Ludlow 
 tells us, * that lieutenant-general Cromwell the night 
 
 * after the interruption of the houfe arrived from Scot-' 
 
 * land and lay at IVhitthall^ where, and at other places, 
 ' he declared he had not been acquainted with this de- 
 
 p 272°' ** ' ^'S"j y^^ fince it was done, he was glad of it, "^ and 
 (r) SeeFla- ' would cndcavour to maintain it C^).' Others fay, * it 
 geilum, p, < yjras done by CiormveWs command (r).' However 
 this be, we need not doubt but Iretov^ and the other 
 chief officers concerned, were fully fatisfied they had 
 Cromwell's approbation. They would not have taken 
 fuch a flep without it. For though Fairfax was eafy 
 and manageable, Cromwell was very different, nor would 
 he have failed fhewing his refentment againft thofe who 
 fhould have prefumed to have a(5led oppofite to his will. 
 His declarations on this head are not, 1 think, much to 
 be regarded. Politicians have a language of their own. 
 They abound with quirks, (ubtelties and diftin<^ions ; 
 they explain away and interpret as they imagine will beft 
 fuit their circumftances and conveniences. To all this, 
 if we add Cromwell's known diffimulation, we fhallfee 
 little caufe to rely much on them. I will clofe this note 
 ♦ with
 
 , OLIVER CROMWELL. 191 
 
 tor of it. Their reafons will be found be- 
 low (ff). What followed is well known — 
 
 Suffice 
 
 with obferving that the houfe of commons having no- 
 tice of the feizing of their members, with great Teeming 
 earneftnefs apply ed to the general for their relcafe, and 
 declared it to be their pofitive pleafure that they be ^ 
 
 forthwith difcharged ; but no anfwer fatisfad^ory being 
 returned, they were forced to fubmit, perhaps not un- 
 willingly, to the lofs of them. This was on the feventh 
 of December, when it was * Refolved to give hearty 
 ' thanks to Cromwell for very great and eminently faith- 
 
 * ful fervices performed by him to this parliament and 
 
 * kingdom, both in this kingdom and the kingdom of 
 
 * Scotland, and Mr. Speaker did accordingly give hifti 
 
 ' the very hearty thanks of this houfe (j).' (^) Journal. 
 
 (ff) Thi reajons for purging the houfe of cQimmns^ and 
 the apology fjr Cromwell on that head, are here to be given. '\ 
 On the I ith of December the fecluded and fecured mem- 
 bers publiflied a printed paper, intituled ' A folemrie 
 proteliation of the imprifoned and fecluded members of 
 the commons houfe: againft the horrid force and vio- 
 lence of the officers and foldiers of the army, on Wednef- 
 day and Thurfday. laft, the 6th and 7th of December^ 
 16^8.' In this proteftation * They folemnly proteft 
 
 * and declare to the whole kingdom, that this execrable 
 
 * force and open violence upon their perfons, and the 
 
 * whole houfe of commons, by the officers and army 
 ' under their command, in marching up againft their 
 
 * command and placing flrong armed guards of horfe 
 ' and foot upon them, without, and againft their order, 
 ' was the higheft and moft deteftable force and breach 
 
 * of priviledge and freedom ever offered to any parlia- 
 
 * ment of England ; and that all afls, ordinances, votes 
 
 * and proceedings of the faid houfe made fince the 6th 
 
 * of December aforefaid, or hereafter to be made during 
 ' their reftraint and forcible feciufion from the houfe, 
 
 * and the continuance of the armies force upon it, were 
 ' no way obligatory, but void and null to all intents and 
 
 * pur-
 
 192 THELIFEOF* 
 
 Suffice it therefore to fay that the votes of no 
 
 more 
 
 * purpofes. And that all contrivers of, aftors in, anc^ 
 
 * affiftants to this unparalleled force and treafonable 
 
 * armed violence, were open enemies to> and profeflcd 
 
 * fubverters of the priviledges, rights and freedom of 
 
 * parliament, and difturbers of the peace and fettJement 
 
 * of the kingdom; and ought to be proceeded againft 
 
 * as fuch : and that all members of parliariient and com- 
 
 * moners of En^hnd, by theit folemn covenant and duty, 
 
 * under pain of deepeft perjury and eternal ififamy, were 
 
 * obliged unanimonfly to oppofc and endeavour to their 
 
 * utmoit power to bring them to exemplary and con- 
 •■ digne punifhment for this tranfcendent oft'ence, tend- 
 
 * ing to the diflblution of the prefent, aid fubverfion 
 ff> Walker's ' of all future parliaments, and of the fundamental go- 
 ^°1 f ' vernment and laws of the land (/).' This bold pro- 
 cy, partii. teftation being complained of in the houfe of commons, 
 p. 35- and the houfe of lords, produced a joint declaration 
 
 from them, in which ' They judged and declared, the 
 
 * faid printed paper to be falfe, fcindalous and feditiousj 
 
 * and tending todeftroy the vifible fundamental govern- 
 ,' ment of the kingdom: and therefore ordered and or- 
 
 ' dained the faid printed paper to be fupprefled ; and 
 
 * all perfons whatfoevcr that had had any hand in, or 
 
 * given confent unto the contriving, framing, printing 
 
 * or publifhing thereof, were adjudged uncapable to bear 
 ' any office, or have any place of truft or authority in 
 
 * the kingdom, or to fit as members of either houfe of 
 
 * parliamtnt. And they farther ordered, that every 
 
 * member of either houfe that were then abfent, uporj 
 
 * his firft coming to fit in that houfe whereof he was a 
 ' member, for the manifeftation of his innocency, (houfd 
 
 * difavow anddifcIaijTi, his having any hand in, or giv- 
 ' ing confent unto the contriving, framing, printing or 
 
 * publifhing of the faid paper, or the matter therein 
 
 (*) Id. p. * contained («).' Here are no reafons we fee given 
 
 ^^' to juftify the exclufion. We muft feek them elfe- 
 
 where then, that is, in the writings of the advocates for 
 
 th«
 
 OLIVERCROMWELL. 193 
 
 more addreffes were re-afiumed 3 the tranf- 
 
 adtions 
 
 the army, and the admirers of tlie change which Coon 
 after happened. Befides thofe which may be colle>5ted 
 from the petition in the foregoing note, the following 
 have been offered to the public. 
 
 I. Mr. Ludlow writes that * Some of our commif- 
 ' fioners who had been with the King [at Newport'] 
 
 * pleaded in the houfe for a concurrence with him, as 
 
 * if they had been employed by him ; though others 
 
 * with more ingenuity acknowledged that they would 
 ' not advife an agreement upon thofe terms, were it not 
 
 * to prevent a greater evil that was like to enfue upon 
 
 * the refufal of them. But Sir Henry Vare fo truly 
 
 * ftated the matter of faff relating to the treaty, and fo 
 ' evidently difcovered thedefign and deceit of the King's 
 
 * anfwer, that he made it clear to us, that by it the juf- 
 
 * tice of our caufe was not afferted, nor our rights fe- 
 
 * cured for the future; concluding that if they fhould 
 
 * accept of thefe terms without the concurrence 9f the 
 
 * army, it would prove but a feather in their caps : 
 
 * notwithftanding which, the corrupt party in the houfe 
 
 * having bargained for their own and the nation's liberty, 
 
 * refolved to break through all hazards and inconveni- 
 
 * encies to make good their contrad^, and after twenty 
 
 * four hours debate, refolved by the plurality of votes, 
 
 * that the King's conceffions were ground for a future 
 
 * fcttlement. At which fome of us exprefling our dif- 
 ' fatisfa«5lion, defired that our proteftation might be en- 
 ' tered ; but that being denied, as againft the orders of 
 
 * the houfe, I contented myfelf to declare publicly, 
 
 * that being convinced that they had defcrted the com- 
 ' mon caufe and intered of the nation, i could no lon- 
 
 * ger join with them ; the reft of thofe who difiented 
 
 * alfo, exprefling themfelves much to the fame purpofe* 
 
 * The day following, fome of t'r.e principal officers of 
 
 * the army came to London, with expectation that things 
 
 * would be brought to this iffue ; and confulting with 
 
 * fome members of parliament and others, it was con^ 
 
 O * cludsd^
 
 194 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 iidions cf the parliament with the King in 
 
 the 
 
 (x) Vol. i. 
 
 eluded, after a full and free debate, that the meafurcs 
 taken by the parliamejit were contrary to the truit re- 
 pofed in then), and tending to contract the guilt of the 
 blood that had been fhed upon themfelves and the 
 nation : that it was therefore the duty of the iarmy to 
 endeavour to put a flop to fuch proceedings ; having 
 engaged in the war, not fimply as mercenaries, but 
 cut of judgment and confcience, being convince?^ that 
 the caufe in which they were engaged was juft, and 
 ^^/zea' ^' * that the good of the people was involved in it (at).' 
 
 2. In anfwer to the illegality of the aft, and the in- 
 competency of the adtors, who aflumed a jurifdiftion to 
 which they had no right, even from thofe for whofe 
 good and benefit they pretended to have done this : in 
 anfwer to thefe and the like objedlions it was faid, 
 ' That it was lawful for any man, even by violence, to 
 
 * w'reft a fword out of the hand of a mad-man, though 
 
 * it be never fo legally his from whom it is wrefled ; — 
 *• That there is no clyent that hath entertained a lawyer, 
 ' or advocate tp plead his caufe, but upon difcovery, 
 
 * yea or jealoufy, of prevarication, or falfe-heartednefs 
 
 * to him in his caufe, may lawfully difcharge him, his 
 
 * entertainment notwithftanding ; — That it was ridicu- 
 
 * lous to pretend a want of call from the people, againfl 
 
 * the lawfulnefs of fuch an act, which was of that fo- 
 
 * vereigne ncceflity for their benefit and good, as the 
 
 * adtions of the army were ; efpccially at fuch a time 
 
 * when there was no poffibility of obtaining or receiv- 
 
 * ing a formal call from the people, without running an 
 
 * eminent hazard of lofingthe opportunity for doing that 
 
 * excellent fervice to them.-^ Mens confents unto all 
 
 * a£ts manifeffly tending to their relief, are fufficiently 
 ^ • exprtfled in their wants and neccffities. But the peo- 
 
 * pie do not judge the proceedings of the army againft 
 
 * the parliament-men as tending to their relief or wel- 
 ' fare in any kind, but as contrary to both, nor do they 
 
 * give fo much as their fubfequent confents thereunto ; 
 
 » -I
 
 OLIVER. CROMWELL. 195 
 
 the ifle of tVight condemned; the general 
 
 was 
 
 ' — 1 anfwer that phyficians called to the care and cure 
 
 * of perfons under dlftempers, need not much ftand 
 
 * upon the confents of fuch patients, either fubfequent* 
 ' or antecedent, about what they adminifter unto them. 
 ' If the people be uncapable in themfelves, of the things 
 ' of their peace, it is an ad: of fo much the more good- 
 
 * nefs and mercy in thofe, who being fully capable of 
 ' them, will engage themfelves accordingly to make 
 ' provifion for them. It is a deed of charity and chrifti- 
 
 * anity, to fave the life of a lunatick or diftradled per- 
 ' fon, even againft his will. Befides it is a ruled cafe 
 
 * amongft wile men, that if a people be depraved and 
 
 * corrupt, fo as to confer places of power and truft upon 
 
 * wicked and undeferving men, they forfeit their power 
 
 ' in this behalf unto thofe that are good, though but a !<'' „/"''"» 
 ' few [y).' — Aquinas is referred to m the margm for this Right and 
 curious dodtrine, which perhaps will not be v/ell relifh- Might well 
 ed by moft of my readers. But to go on — ' That the ^f'l^^o^"* 
 
 * judgment or fentence of the army upon thefe men, Lond. i6,8. 
 ' as meet to be difpofllfled of their parliamentary inter- 
 
 * eft, was not erroneous, but every way juft, and ac- 
 
 * cordinff to the truth, ftands clear upon this ground : 
 
 * vix. That they were become renegadoes from their 
 
 < truft, and adied by their counfels, debates, votes, and 
 
 * intereft, in a diametrical oppofition to the peace and 
 
 < fafety of 'the kingdom, and to publick good. 
 
 * Yea the tenour of their parliamentary actings before 
 
 * their removal from the houfe, in the known dialedl of 
 
 * political prophecy, pfefaged nothing but ruin and de- 
 ' ftruition, to the liberties of the free-born fubjedls of 
 
 * the kingdom in general, and to the lives and eftates of 
 
 * many thoufands in the kingdom, whom they ftood 
 ' bound in confcience irt a fpecial manner to protect. 
 
 * For what could that grand encouragement, which they 
 ' adminiftred by their votes to a potent party of men 
 
 * in the kingdom, who had fo lately, and with fo high 
 
 * an hand, aded hoftility agaiaft the peace and liberties 
 
 O 2 'of
 
 196 THELIFEOF 
 
 was ordered to keep the King in fafe cufto- 
 
 of the people, and againft the lives of thofe who flood' 
 up to protect them, not having given the leaft over- 
 ture of an}' relenting in their old principles, but were 
 now through that extremity of pain which they lye 
 under, having been fo often, and fo deeply bitten, 
 and ftung by the fidelity and valour of the army, more 
 enraged in their fpirits, than ever; what could, I fay, 
 fuch encouragement, given by fuch hands unto fuch 
 men, but portend, either a re-imbroyling of this al- 
 ready miferably wafted nation, in wars and blood, or 
 elfe the neceffity of a patient and quiet fubjedtion of 
 the nation to the iron yoke of perpetual tyranny and 
 bondage, together with the certain ruin of the lives^ 
 and eftates of thofe, who had fbewed mofl: faithful- 
 nefs and courage in the defence of the parliament and 
 the kingdom's liberties, in oppofing the King and his- 
 party, if the army had not preventingly interpofed as 
 they did ? The by-pafl actions of men, efpecially 
 fuch, which they have for any confvderable (pace of 
 time inured themfelves unto, are prophetical of what 
 their future actions are like to be, if opportunity pa- 
 ralleleth. 1'he civil law faith, that he that hath in- 
 jured one, hath threatned many : and by the rule of 
 proportion, he that hath injured many hath threatned 
 all (z)/ 
 
 3. Milton obferves on this fubjecl, that ' Emulations 
 are incident among military men, and are, if they ex- 
 ceed not, pardonable. But, adds he, fome of the for- 
 mer army, eminent enough for their own martial 
 deeds, and prevalent in the houfe of commons, touch- 
 ed with envy to be fo far out- done by a new model 
 which they contemned, took advantage of Prefbyte- 
 rian and Independent names, and the virulence of 
 fome minifters, to raife diflurbance. And the war be- 
 ing then ended, thought flightly to have difcarded 
 them, who had faithfully done the work, without 
 their due pay^ and the reward of their invincible va- 
 
 * lour.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 197 
 
 dy, and take care that he go not away; and 
 
 finally, 
 
 ' lour. But they who had the fword yet in their hands, 
 
 * difdaining to be made the firft objects of ingratitude 
 
 * and oppreffion, after all that expence of their blood 
 
 * for jufticeand common liberty, feizing upon the King 
 • ' their prifoner, whom nothing but their matchlefs deeds 
 
 * had brought fo low as to furrender up his perfnn : 
 
 * though he, to ftir up new difcord, chofe rather to give 
 
 ' up himfelf a captive to his own countrymen who had (a) Profe 
 
 * lefs won him (a).' .Works, vd. 
 This is taken from the Iconndajles. Tn his ' Pra P.- *' P**'+' 
 
 pulo Angiicano Deftnfio^' after fpqaking in difpraife of the 
 treaty in the ifle of IVight^ and of the members of the 
 parliament who approved it, in terms ol great feverity, 
 he proceeds in the manner following; ' Quid illi interea 
 
 * qui integri tam peftifera agitari confilia videbant ? An 
 
 * ideo deeffc patris, faluti fuorum non profpicere dehue- 
 ' rant, eo quod illius mali, contagio in ipforum ordi- 
 ' nem penetraverat ? Atquis iftos exclufit male fanos ? 
 " Exercitus, inquis, Anglicanus,' id eft, non externo- 
 
 * rum, fed fortiflimorum & fidiffimorum civium; quo- 
 
 * rum tribuni plerique, Senatores ipfi erant, quos illi 
 
 * boni exclufi patria ipfa excludendos, & in Hiberniam 
 
 * procu! ablegandos e.^^ cenfuerant; dum Scoti interim 
 
 * dubia jam fide quatuor Angliae provincias fuis finibus 
 ' proximas magnis copiis infidebant, firmiffima earum 
 
 * regionum oppida pra?fidiis tenebant, regem ipfum in 
 
 * cuilodia habtbant: dum ipfi etiam facStiones fuorum 
 
 * atque tumultus, parlamento plufquam minaces, & in 
 
 * urbe & in agris paflim fovebant, qui tumultus paulo 
 
 * poft in bellum non civile folum, fed & Scoticum illud 
 
 * erupcre. Quod fiprivatis etiam confiliis aut armis 
 
 * fubvenire reipublicae laudatiflimum femper fuit, non eft 
 ' certe cur exercitus reprehendi, poffit, qui parliamenti 
 
 * author! tate ad urbem accerfitus imperata fecit, & regio- 
 ' rum fadtionem atque tumultum ipfi curiae faepius mi- 
 ' nitantem facile compefcuit. In id autem difcrimen 
 
 * addu(2a res crat, ut aut nos ab illis, aut illos a nobis 
 
 O 3 * op-
 
 198 THELIFEOF 
 
 finally, it was refolved to proceed capitally a- 
 gainft him in atiighcourtof jufticeto be eredted 
 
 for 
 
 (P: Profe 
 •Wokf, V 
 
 »• P- 3;4 
 
 ol. 
 
 * opprimi neccfle eflet. Stabant ab illis Londinenfium 
 
 * plerique inftitores atque opifices, & riiiniftrorum fac- 
 
 * tiofiffirni quique ; a nobis cxercitus magna fide, mo- 
 
 * deflia, virtute cognitus. Per hos cum retinere liber- 
 
 * tatem rempub. falutem liceret, an base omnia per ig- 
 
 * naviam &ftultitiam prodenda fuifTe cenfes ? Debellati 
 
 * regiarum partium duces arma quidam inviti, animum 
 
 * hofiilem non depofuerant: omnibus belli renovandi oc- 
 
 * cafionibus intenti ad urbem fe receperant. Cum his, 
 
 * quamvis inimiciflimis, quamvis fanguinem eorum avi- 
 ' de iitientibus, Prefbyteriani, poftquam non permitti 
 
 * fsbi in omnes tarn civilem quam eccleliafticam domi- 
 ' nationcm viderunt, clandeftina confilia, & prioribus 
 ' turn dittis turn fa6iis indigniiCmaconfociare coeperant : 
 ' eoque acerbitatis procefi'ere, ut mailent fe regi denuo 
 
 * mancipare, quam fratres iuos in partem illam iiberta- 
 
 * tis, qu.ani & ipfi fuo Tub fanguine acquifiverant, ad« 
 
 * mittere; malient tyrannum tot civium crurore perfu- 
 ' fum, ira in Tuperftites, & conceptajam ultione arden-^ 
 
 * tem riirfus experiri dominum, quam fratres, & aml- 
 
 * ciffimos aequo jure ferrefibi pares. Soli Inderendentes 
 
 * qui vocantes, h ad ultimuni fibi conftare, & fua uti 
 ' vicioria ftiebant : qui ex rcge hoftem fe fecerat, eum 
 
 * ex hofte regem efle amplius, fapicnter, meo quidem 
 
 * judicio, nolebant : neque paceni idcircb non volebant, 
 
 * fed ihvolutum pacis nomine aut bellum novum, aut 
 
 * asternam fervitutem prudentes metuebant [b).' i. e. 
 ' What did they do in the mean time, who were found 
 
 * themfelves, and faw fuch pernicious councils on foot ? 
 ' Ought they therefore to have been wanting to the na- 
 
 * tion, and not provide for its fafety, becaufe the infec- 
 
 * tion had fpread itfelf even in their own houfe ? But, 
 
 * who fecluded thofe ill-affe<5ted members ? 1 he Eng- 
 
 * I/JJj army, ycu fay : fo that it was not an army of fo- 
 
 * reigners, but of mofl valiant, and faithful, honeft na^^ 
 
 * tives, whofe officers for the moft part were members 
 
 « of
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 for the purpofe. In purfuance of thefe re- 
 folutions, the King was removed from Hurfi 
 
 - . > callle 
 
 of parliament; and whom thofe good fecluded mem- 
 bers would have fecluded their country, and banifhed 
 into Ireland \ while in the mean-time the Scots^ whofe 
 alliance began to be doubtful, had very confiderablc 
 forces in four of our northern counties, and kept gar- 
 rifons in the bed towns of thofe parts, and had the 
 King himfelf in cuftody ; whilft they likewife encour- 
 aged the tumultuating of thofe of their own fa6tion, 
 who did more than threaten the parliam.ent, both in 
 city and country, and through whofe means not only 
 a civil, but a war with Scotland too fliortly after brake 
 out. If it has alv/ays been counted praife-worthy in 
 private men to affilt the ftate and promote the public 
 good ; whether by advice or adlion ; our army fure 
 was in no fault, who being ordered by the parliament 
 to come to town, obeyed and came, and when they 
 were come, quelled with eafe the fa6iion and uproar 
 of the King's party, who fometimes threatned the 
 houfe itfelf. For things were brought to that pafs, 
 that of neceflity, either we muft be run down by 
 them, or they by us. They had on their fide moft of 
 the fhop-keepers and handicrafts- men of Z(?hc/^«, and 
 generally thofe of the minifters, that were moft fac- 
 tious. On our fide was the army, whofe fidelity, 
 moderation, and courage were fufficiently known. It 
 being in our power by their means to retain our liber- 
 ty, our ftate, our common fafety ; do you think we 
 had not been fools to have loft all by our negligence 
 and folly ? They who had had places of command 
 in the King's army, after their party were fubdued, 
 had laid down their arms indeed againft their wills, 
 but continued enemies to us in their hearts; and they 
 flocked to town, and were here watching all oppor- 
 tunities of renewing the war. With thefe men, tho* 
 they were the greateft enemies they had in the world, 
 and thirfted after their blood, did the Preftjyterians, 
 O 4 * bc- 
 
 99
 
 200 THELIFEOF 
 
 caftle to Wind/cry and in ^P'g^t of the op^ 
 pofition madebj^ the Scottijh commiffioners, 
 
 brought 
 
 * becaufe they were not permitted to exercife a civil, as 
 ' well as an ecclefiaftical jurifdiilion over all others, 
 
 * hold fecret correfpondence, and took meafures very 
 f unworthy of what they had formerly both faid and 
 
 . ^ done ; and they can-.e to that fpleen at lali, that they 
 
 * would rather enthral themfelves to the King again, 
 ' than admit their own brethren to fhare in their liber- 
 
 * ty, which they likewife had purchafed at the price of 
 ' their own blood j they chofe rather to be lorded oven 
 
 * QiJ.ce more by a tyrant, polluted with the blood of fo 
 ' inanyof his own fubjeiis, and who was enraged, and 
 ' breathed out nothing but revenge againft thofe of them 
 ' that were left, than endure their brethren and friends 
 
 * to be upon the 'quare with them. The Independants, 
 
 * as they are callej, were the only men that from firft 
 
 * to laft kept to their point, and knew what ufe to 
 
 * make of their victory. They refufad, (and wifely, 
 ^ in my opinion) to make him King again, being then 
 
 * an enemy ; who when he was their King, had made 
 ^ himfelf their enemy : nor were they ever the lefs a- 
 ? verfe to a peace, but they very prudently dreaded a 
 ' new war, or a perpetual ilavery under the name of a 
 
 * peace.' 
 
 I will add but one pafTage more, and that taken from 
 
 * the declaration of the houfe of commons, fetting forth 
 the reafons for annulling all former votes in favour of 
 a treaty with the King,' which was pafled, and ordered 
 to be prin.ed Jar. 15, 1648. In this declaration, after 
 giving many reafons for their diilike of the treaty, they 
 go on in the following manner ; ' Neither can we be- 
 
 * lieve, that any agreement we could have made with 
 
 * the King in the ifle oilVight^ in the condition he was 
 
 * then in, would ever have been obferved, either by 
 
 * himfelf or any of his party : for, fttting afide the bare 
 
 * name of honor, fafety and freedom, which the treaty 
 
 * did pretend unto, neither the King, nor any of his.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 201 
 
 brought to an open tryal at JVefiminfter^ 
 where, after his refufal to acknowledge the 
 
 autho- 
 
 dld ever hold him in anv other condition than that of 
 a prifoner. For clearing whereof, befides his meflagc 
 fent to both houfes, 0^. 2, in which ' he propofeth 
 to have liberty to come to JVeJiminJier, and to be re- 
 ftored to a condition of abfolute freedom and fafety \ 
 which can import no other than that he judged him- 
 lelf at that prefent, being in the time of treaty, to be 
 deprived of both j his letters to a prime magi(trate of 
 the city of London declare, ' that he held himfelf at 
 that time as great a prifoner as ever :' and, the prince 
 in his declaration made at Goree^ fays plainly, * that 
 the King in truth is ftill a prifoner ; and invites the 
 Earl oi Warwick to pm with him to refcue his father 
 from his unworthy imprifonment.' And fince enfor- 
 ced oaths are, in many mens judgments, not necefTa- 
 ry to be kept, what alTurance could we have that he, 
 who fo often had failed of his promifes made to us, 
 when he was free and at his own difpofal, would make 
 that good to us, when he came to be re-eftabliftied in 
 his royal power, which he had obliged himfelf to do, 
 when he was in durance and a prifoner ? And fince 
 hardly any example can be produced, either foreign 
 or domeftick, of any prince, once engaged in a war 
 with his fubje£ts, that ever kept any agreement which 
 he made with them any longer than meer neceflity did 
 compel him thereto. The examples to the contrary 
 whereof are fo many and fo mainfeft, and the late 
 bloody violation of the peace betwixt the crown of 
 Spain and thofe o{ Naples is fo fre(h in our memories, 
 as we cannot expe6l any propofitions, agreed upon at 
 the ifle of JVight, fhould bind the King more than 
 the fundamental laws, and his coronation oath ; be- 
 fides his often proteftations and engagements in the 
 name of a King, and of a gentleman, which he hath ternary*' 
 
 fo often violated (r),' Thefe were fome of the Hiftorv, 
 
 principal reafons given in defence of an aflion generally ''°'- ''^''''• 
 
 con- ■' ^
 
 202 THELIFEOF 
 
 authority of the court, he received fentence 
 of death, which accordingly was put in exe- 
 cution. 
 
 condemned as impudent, bafe, and tyrannical. The 
 reader who underftands the hiftory of thefe times, will 
 be beft able to judge of the truth of the pretences on 
 which it is founded — All I fliall fay is, if ruin was ap- 
 prehended by thefe men to themfelves or the kingdom ; 
 if their civil or religious rights, in their eyes, appeared 
 as intended to be facrificed, and the King and the prieft, 
 whether prelate or prefbyter matterd not, were to re- 
 affume their wonted rule ; and above all, if the King^s 
 charader appeared fuch to them, that no reliance was 
 to be put on his promifes, declarations or oaths, (all 
 which they feem ftrongly to affirm) we are not to won- 
 "der at the deed. All men know the force of necelHty 
 and felf prefervation, and know alfo that they will ope- 
 rate more ftrongly than law or reafon, if indeed they be 
 not almoft fuperiour to all law. To plead this in bar of 
 thofe, will feldom be thought valid by men verfed in 
 great afFairs, and, though it be made ufe of by them 
 fometimes for purpofes of their own, yet is it little cre- 
 dited and believed by themfelves. That the army 
 
 really feared a treaty between the King and the parlia- 
 ment, is certain — How far their fears were juft in them- 
 felves, or will juftify their proceedings in this matter, 
 the public muft determine. -Thus much for the 
 
 faci itfelf. In defence of Cromwell, who is fuppofed to 
 have been at the bottom of it, it is urged, ' That there 
 ' was a party in the parliament that bore an early fpleen 
 
 * againft him, and fain would have nipt him in the 
 
 * bud ; but his eminent fervice at Nafehy procuring him 
 
 * to be appointed and continued lieutenant-general un- 
 ' der Fairfax ; the continual fuccefles that attended him 
 
 * from that time forward, fet him above their machi- 
 
 * nations. Neverthelefs, they did not erafe out of his 
 
 * breaft, the remembrance of the kindnefTes they would 
 ' have done him ; nor did their flatteries of his prof- 
 
 * perity make him the more negle^fuj of ftanding 
 
 * upon '
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 20; 
 
 cution. In all thefe tranfadions Cromivell 
 
 had 
 
 upon his guard. And it was as warrantable for Crom- 
 •ujell to I'ecure himfelf from the contrivances of his 
 enemies in a (battered parliament, of which he had 
 fo long before fuch timely notice, as it was for them 
 to feek his ruin. For they were not his fovereigns but 
 
 his equals. When he found that his profperous 
 
 atchievements raifed him enemies on every fide ; that 
 they who were moft beholding to his victorious fuc- 
 cefles, combined with the greateft animofity to his 
 deflrudlion ; 'twas time for him then to look about 
 him, and to oppofe their unde-rmining devices with 
 countermines of the fame nature. Nor does it ap- 
 pear by any proof that carries authority with it, that 
 he pretended to fingle greatnefs till he was forced tj> 
 it for his own fafety. It is agreed by the author of 
 the Memoirs himfelf \_Ludlow^ that Cromwell ofFered 
 more candid and eafy conditions to the King than the 
 Prefbyterian party did i which if the King had ac- 
 cepted (and it does not appear to be Cromwell'^ fault 
 that he did not) Cromuell himfelf had then put a flop 
 to all his fingle advancement ; whereas he would fure- 
 ly have taken another courfe, had he at that time me- 
 ditated fmglefovereignty ; but the King, who was de- 
 figned by fate to be a victim to evil counfel, refufed 
 thofe offers, trufting to vainer hopes. On the other 
 fide, it was manifeft that the Prefbyterian party aimed 
 at nothing more than their own advancement by their 
 felling the bifliops lands, and when they came to treqt 
 with the King, by their fo ftifly adheinng to their pro- 
 pofition for the abolifhing of epifcopacy, knowing 
 there could be no bifhops without maintenance, and 
 that then they muft be the paramount clergy. But 
 then (indeed) Cromwell perceiving that it was not fafe 
 to rely on the King, nor willing to truckle under a 
 party that were treating for their own advancement 
 upon his ruins, 'tis rational to believe, that from thajt 
 time forward he began to look upon the King as a 
 
 * COil-
 
 204 
 
 Ti-IE LIFE OF 
 
 had (gg) a principal hand. His name 
 
 for 
 
 /v^Mdeft * conquered Prince, and that none could better fupply 
 Vindication ' his foom than the perfon who had fubdued him (^).' 
 ofO.Crom- This feems no il!-made apology. 
 
 well. p. 43- ^gg) In all thefe i>anf:i£iions Cromwd\ had a princi- 
 l^^ond. 1*698. pal hand. "[ After the feclufion of the members who pro- 
 moted the treaty with the King, it was natural to ex- 
 pe6l that his Majefty never more would be permitted to 
 bear rule. Rut it did not once, 1 believe, enter into 
 the thoughts of him or his adherents, that he would be 
 brought before a court of juftice, tried, and executed 
 in an open and public manner. Yet all this we know 
 happened, to the very great amazement of many. The 
 part Cromwdi hzd in thefe tranfaclions comes now to be 
 related. * When it was firfl moved in the houfe of 
 ' cominons to proceed capitally againft the King, Crom- 
 ' well flood up and told them, that if any man moved 
 
 * this upon defign, he (hould think him the greateft 
 
 * traytor in th^ world ; but fmce providence and necef- 
 
 * fuy had caft them upon it, he Ihould pray God to 
 ., ,^* blefs their counfels, though he were not provided on 
 
 Hiftory of * ^^ fudden to give them counfe! [e).''-- The follow- 
 
 independen- ing anecdote from Burnet will fhew that he had well 
 
 cy, part 11. confidered the reafons and grounds of the proceeding, 
 
 **' Lieutenant- general Druvimond^ afterwards Lord Strathal- 
 
 lan^ was the relator. This gentleman * happened to be 
 
 * with Cromwell when the commiflioners fent from 8cot- 
 
 * land to proteft againft the putting the King to death 
 ' came to argue the matter with him. Cromwell bade 
 *'Drummor)d ftay and hear their conference, which he 
 
 * did. They began in a heavy languid ftyle to lay in- 
 
 * deed great loads upon the King : but they ftill infifted 
 
 * on that claufe in the covenant, by which they fwore 
 
 * they would be faithful in the prefervation of his Ma- 
 
 * jefties perfon. With this they Ihewed upon what 
 ' terms Scjland, as well as the two houfes, had engag- 
 
 * ed in the war, and what folemn declarations of their 
 ^ zeal and duty to the King they all along publilhed; 
 
 * which
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 205 
 
 for this has been greatly reproached, though 
 
 there 
 
 ' which would now appear to the fcandal and reproach 
 « of the chriftian name, to have been falfe pretences, 
 ' if when the King was in their power they ftiould pro- 
 
 * ceed to extremities. Upon this Crcmwe// entered into a 
 ' long difcourfe of the nature of the regal power, according 
 ' to the prlndphs of Alariana a.nd Buchaniiti : he thought 
 
 * a breach of truft in a King ought to be punilhed more 
 « than any other crime whatfoever. He faid, as to their 
 
 * covenant, they fwore to the prefervation of the King's 
 ' perfon in the defence of the true religion : if then it 
 
 * appeared that the fettlement of- the true religion was 
 ' obftru£ted by the King, fo that they could not come 
 « at it but by putting him out of the way, then their 
 
 * oath could not bind them to the preferving him any 
 « longer. He faid alfo, their covenant did bind them 
 ' to bring all malignants, incendiaries, and enemies to 
 ' the caufe, to condign puntfhment : and was not this 
 
 * to be executed impartially ? What were all thofe on 
 
 < whom public juftice had been done, efpecially thofe 
 
 * who fufFered for joining Montrofe, but fmall offenders 
 
 < a61ing by commiffion from the King, who was there- 
 
 * fore the principal, and fo the moft guilty? Drum- 
 
 * mond faid, Cromwell had plainly the better of them 
 
 * at 'their own weapon, and upon their own princi- c r^ y i • 
 
 * pies (/).' On the 21 Jan. 164.8, old ftyle, Hugh p. 61. 
 
 Peters preaching at Whitehall^ upon * Bind your Kintjs 
 with chains, and your nobles in fetters of iron ;' and 
 talking, in his bold manner, concerning the King's be- 
 ing liable to the law as well as other men, Cromwell was ^^\ ^*rf!L 
 obferved to laugh [g). And when on the motion of Mr. Narmiveof 
 Dowries., on the laft day of the trial, the court adjourn- theTryaUf 
 ed into the court of wards, and was preffed in the moft '!\^ ^'8'" 
 pathetic terms by him, to give the King liberty to make ,63/ ^* 
 fome propofition to the parliament for the fettlement of 
 
 the kingdom, as his Majefty had in court juft before 
 defired :/ after Mr. Dowries had urged this, * Cromwell 
 ' did anfwer with a great deal of llorm, He told .the
 
 2q5 THELIFEOF 
 
 there were not wanting men of ability, at 
 
 that 
 
 (£) Ex-aft 
 and perfeft 
 Narrative, 
 Sec. p. ^I, 
 
 (/•) U. p. 
 
 (i) Claren- 
 don, vol, vi. 
 p. 763. 
 
 * prefident that now he faw what great reafon the gen- 
 
 * tleman had to put fuch a great trouble upon them ; 
 ' faith he, fare he doth not know that he hath to do 
 *■ with the hardeft hearted man that lives upon the earth ; 
 ' however it is not fit that the court ftiould be hindred 
 ' from their duty by one peevifh man ; he faid the bot- 
 ' torn was known, that I would fain fave his old maf- 
 ' ter, and defired the court without any more ado, 
 « would go and do their duty {h).' Mr. Wayte, another 
 of the King's judges, fays * Cromivell laughed and jeer- 
 ' ed, and fmiled, in the court of ward? on this occa- 
 
 * fion/ He afterwards adds, ' That being told by 
 ' Lord Gray that the King would not dye, the next 
 ' day he went to the houfe, they were labouring to gee 
 ' hands for his execution at the door. I refufed, and 
 
 * went into the houfe ; faith Cromivell, thofe that are 
 ' gone in fhall fet their hands, I will have their hands 
 ' rxjw {/').' Colonel Ingoldjby was a relation oiCrom- 
 weU'Si and named a judge : but difliking the action, he 
 always abfented himfelf. But the day after the fentence 
 was pronounced, having occafion to go to the painted 
 chamber, * he faw Cromivell, and the reft of thofe 
 ' who had fate upon the King, and were then, as he 
 
 * found afterwards, aflembled to fign the warrant for 
 ' the King's death. As foon as CromiveWi eyes were 
 
 * upon him, he run to him, and taking him by the 
 •■ hand, drew him by force to the table ; and faid, 
 
 * Though he had efcaped him all the while before, he 
 
 * (hould now fign that paper as weJl as they ; which he, 
 
 * feeing what it was, refufed with great pailion ; fay- 
 
 * ing, he knew nothing of the bufinefs j and offered to 
 ' go away. But Cromwell, and others, held him by 
 
 * violence ; and Cromwell with a loud laughter, taking 
 
 * his hand in his, and putting the pen between his fin- 
 
 * gers, with his own hand wnX. Richard Ingo'dfby, he 
 
 ' making all the refiftance he could {k)^ An exadl 
 
 copy of the warrant for the King's execution was puj^- 
 
 liftied
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 207 
 
 lifhed by the fociety of antiquaries of London, a few 
 years fince : in which it appears that the names of fome 
 perfons who had figned it were erafed, and other names 
 inferted, and that the day, as well as the officers who 
 were to fee to the execution of it, were changed. Croni' 
 well's name ftands third on the warrant. — But to go on : 
 Colonel Huncks declares, * That a little before the 
 
 * King's execution, he was in Ireion's chamber, where 
 
 * Ireton and Harrifon were in bed together ; there was 
 
 * Cromwell^ colonel Hacker, lieutenant- colonel Phayevy 
 
 * Jxtell and himfelf {landing at the door, the warrant 
 
 * for the execution was there produced, and Mr. Hacker 
 
 * was reading of it, but CromweU addrefled himfelf to 
 
 * him \_Huncks'] commanding him by virtue of that war- 
 
 * rant, to draw up an order for the executioner. I re- 
 
 * fufed it, adds he, and upon refufing of it, there hap- 
 
 * pened fome crofs pafTages. Cromwell would have no 
 
 * delay. There was a little table that flood by the 
 
 * door, and pen, ink, and paper being there, Cromwell 
 
 * ftept, and writ (I conceive he wrote that which he 
 ' would have had me to write) as foon as he had done 
 
 * writing, he gives the pen over to Hacker, Hacker he 
 ' ftoops and did write (I cannot fay what he writ) away 
 ' goes Cromwell, and then Axtell ; we all went out, af- 
 
 * terwards they went into another room j immediately 
 
 * the King came out, and'was murthered (/).' The (0 P- a^i- 
 following relation (if it had not been contrary to Huncks's 
 account) is of too doubtful an authority to be abfolutely 
 
 relied on, though in a work of this nature it cannot 
 well be omitted. * While thefe things were ailing, 
 
 ' [the fitting the fcafFold for the King's execution] the 
 
 * Lord Fairfax, who had always forborn any public 
 « appearance in the pradlices of this murther, had taken 
 ' up (as is credibly reported) fome refolutions, (either 
 ' in abhorrency of the crime, or by the follicitations of 
 
 * others) with his own regiment, though none elfe 
 
 * fhould follow him, to hinder the execution. This 
 
 * being fufpe6led or known, CromzveH, Ire! on and Har- 
 ' ri/on coming to him, after their ufual way of deceiv- 
 
 * ing, endeavoured to perfwade him, that the Lord had 
 
 * reje^ed the King, and with fuch like language as they 
 
 * knew
 
 2oS V, T » E h 1 F E i O F " 
 
 that (hh) time, to defend his condud:. — TJiti 
 
 King 
 
 *" knew had formerly prevailed upon him, concealing 
 ' that they had that v£iy morning iigned the warrant for 
 ' the aflaifination ; they alfo dciired him with them, to 
 
 * leek the Lord by prayer, that they might know his 
 ' mind in the thing. Which he afTenting to, Hartifon 
 
 * was appointed for the duty, and by compadi to draw 
 
 * out his prophaneand blafphemous difcourlb to God in 
 ' fuch a length as might give time for .the execution, 
 
 * which they privately fent their inftrument to haflen ; 
 ' of which when they had notice that it was pafled, 
 
 - . p . _ * they rofe up, and perfwaded the general that this was 
 chief's Life ' a full return of prayer, and God having fo manifefled 
 of Charles I. < his pleafurc they were to acquiefce in it (w).* 1 he 
 ^" 5^' writer of this was but little acquainted with Harrifons 
 
 character, when he defcribes him as drawing out his 
 prayer by compatSt, in order to gain time for the execu- 
 tion. Harrifcn was bold, artlefs, honeft and highly en- 
 thufiaftical, and therefore the unfitted man in the world 
 to acSt a part. Whether the other parts of the ftory are 
 more probable, the confiderate reader will determine* 
 Thefe pafiages are, I think, fufficient to (hew the part 
 Cromwell h2idL \n this afl^air, though after all, Burnet af- 
 ferts, * Thzt Ireton was the perfon that drove it on: 
 (b) Hiftory * for Cromwell was all the while in fome fufpence about^ 
 
 of his own « jt («).' V 
 
 Tinier vol. ^^^^ ^-^ ^^^ ^^^ been reproached, &c.J No hOi 
 recorded in hiftory has been more cenfured than the exe- 
 cution oi Charles. Dr. Fell ca\h \t z * horrid mockery' 
 ' of juftice, the rape and violence of all that's facred^ 
 ' made tnore abominable by pretending to right and pie-/ 
 ' <y ; in order to prevent which, he fays Dr. HajumonS 
 (o) Life of < <}rew up an addrefs to the general and council of of-' 
 
 HammonJ, 4" f^^-ers, and tranfmitted it to them (<?).' And the 
 
 165V. ' ' m'uuHcrS o( Lon/Zon, alarmed at the proceedings againfl' 
 the King, publifhed a vindication of themfelves againfl 
 the unjuft afperfions caft upon their former a<Siings for 
 the pafliafnent, as if they had promoted the- bringing of 
 >••--•**•- • the.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL.. 2<^^ 
 
 King being thus executed, that part of the 
 
 houfe 
 
 the King to capital punifhment. In this vindication 
 hey fay, ' They hold themfelves bound in duty to God, 
 religion, the King, parliament and kingdom, to pro- 
 fefs before God, angels and men, that we verily be- 
 lieve that which is fo much feared to be now in agita- 
 tion, the taking away the life of the King, in the 
 prefent way of tryal, is not only not agreeable to any 
 word of God, the principles of the proteftant religion 
 (never yet ftained with the leaft drop of blood of a 
 king) or the fundamental conftitution and government 
 of this kingdom ; but contrary to them, as alfo to the 
 oath of allegiance^ the proteltation oi xVIay ^, 1641, 
 and the folemn league and covenant : from all, or any 
 of which engagements, we know not any power on 
 
 earth, able to abfolve us or others.-^ Therefore, 
 
 fay they, according to our covenant, we do, in the 
 name of the great God (to whom all muft give a 
 flricl account) warn and exhort all who either more 
 immediately belong to our refpetStive charges, or any 
 way depend on our miniftry, or to whom we have 
 adminiftred the faid covenant (that we may not by 
 our filence fufFer them to run upon that highly pro- 
 voking fin of perjury) to keep clofe to the ways of 
 God, and the rules of religion, the laws, and their 
 vows, in their conftant maintaining the true reformed 
 religion, the fundamental conftif.ution and government 
 of this kingdom (notfufFeringthemfelve;. to be feduced 
 from it, by being drawn in to fubfcribe the late mo- 
 dels ox agreement of the people., which dire£liy tends to 
 the utter fubverfion of the whole fran-je of the fun- 
 damental government of the land, and makes way for 
 an univerfal toleration of all herefies and biafphemies, 
 dire£lly contrary to our covenant, if they can but gel! 
 their abettors to cover them under a falfe guife of the 
 chriftian religion) as alfo in preferving the priviledges 
 of both houfes of parliament, and the union between 
 the two nations of England and Scatlandi to mourn 
 P ♦ bitterlv
 
 210 T H E L 1 F E. O F ^^ 
 
 houfe of commons which remained by the 
 
 per- 
 
 * b'rtteriy. for:tBeirown fins, and the fins of the city, 
 ,^ army, ptjrlianient, and kingdom, and the woful mif- 
 
 * carriages of the King himfelf, (which we cannot but 
 -*• acknowledge id have been very great} in his govern- 
 ' ment, that have coft the three lcingdon:s (o dear, and 
 
 * caft him down from his excellency into an horrid 
 
 * pit of mifery, altnoft beyond example : and to pray 
 
 * that God wculd both give him efreciual repentance, 
 
 > and fanciify the bitter cup of divine difpleafure, that 
 
 > the divine providence hath put into his hand ; as- alfo 
 
 * that God would reftrain the violence of irien, that 
 
 * they may not dare to draw upon themselves and the 
 ' kingdom, the blood of their fovereign.' This boM 
 
 '^ spiece, in fuch a critical coniun«9ure, raifed the indigna- 
 
 tion and refemment of the houfe of commons, (for the 
 houfe of lords had unanim.oufly refufed to meddle with 
 the bjfincfs, ai;d for that reafon it had been voted, 
 ' That the commons of En^lond in parliament afTem- 
 
 * b!ed, have the fupream power in the nation)' who 
 Gonftituted a committee, among whom were Crcmwell 
 and I/e.'on, ' To examine the authors, publifhers, prin- 
 ' ters, and f^bfcribers to the faid book ; and by what 
 
 * means the fubfcriptions to the iaid book were obtainecfy 
 ' 2nd by v.'hom : and the committee were likewife to 
 
 * have power to take information of fuch ss have af- 
 
 * ready preached, publifhed, or printed, feditioufly, the 
 ' proceedings in bringing the King to ju^ice: and alfa 
 ' to biing in an ordinance to rcftiain public preaching 
 1*^ a:;d printing any thing againfi the proceedings of the 
 
 (p) ToSrnal "^ ^'*^''^*^^'» ^^'^ ^^^ ^'&^ fourt of juftice, in rfjation to 
 
 Feb. J, .' bring the King to jufiice (/»)/ Butnotliing could 
 
 ^648. hi ;der men from declaring their difl.ke to the detd. 
 
 ^'I hey reproached, they reviled, they threafntd, and did 
 every thing to make Crom:ie/l and his fellows odious and 
 ^abominable in the eyes of the whole world. Takea fpe- 
 cimen from a fermon entitled * The Martyrdom.e of 
 King Cba.'Usj or his cmjormtty with Ch'i/i in hh f^'ffer-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. • 211 
 
 permiffion, and with the fupport of the ar- 
 my, 
 
 mgs, preached at Bredagh^ before his Majefty of 
 Great Btitain^ and the Princefs of Orange, June 2-13, (?) j*^'"^^*^ 
 1649 [qY By Henry, Lord Bifliop of D:rvn and On- Hague, by 
 nee, in the kingdom o{ Ireland. — ' Ab the murtherers of Samuel 
 
 * our fovereign, fays he, refemble the crucifiers of our 2rown,and 
 
 * Saviour; fo we find them all acting -the fame parts. London, 
 
 * And firft Judas, who fold his niafter, of all that con- 1649. 
 
 * fpired againft Chrift-, is moft odious ; for he was his 
 ' difciple, a domeftick fervant, one whom he trufted 
 
 * with his purfe ; and yet he, his. familiar friend, who 
 
 * did eat of his bread, lift up the heele againffc him. 
 ' So our fovereign was fold at a greater price than our 
 ' Saviour, by thofe who had as neere a relation unto 
 ' him, as Judas had unto Chrift : for they were his 
 
 * countrymen, brought up with him, his fervants and 
 ' familiar friends, whom he trufted with his purfe, with 
 
 * his counfels, and his perfon, cheriftied in his bofome, 
 ' and inriched with many princely favours. In many 
 
 ' refpeiSls they were far worfe ilmn Jud is. From^a- . , .^ 
 
 * das come we to the great counfel. The parliament is ' 
 ' that great counfel, and hath a£ted all and more againft 
 
 * their Lord and fovereign, than the other did againft: 
 
 * Chrift : they confulted how to put him to death, 
 
 * gave money to betray him, fent foldiers to apprehend 
 ' him. In that great counfel, Annas and Caiph.:s were 
 ' chief; in this Cromcvell z'nd Ireton ; and Cromwell pro- 
 ^ phefied as Caiphas did, ufing almoft the fame words, 
 
 * It is expedient that he die, and unlefs he die the na- 
 ' tion will perifh. Brad/haw and Cooh are the fcribes 
 ' and lawyers who fiercely perfued him : theycurfe them* 
 ' felves with his blood, as the others did with ChriiVs : 
 ' for Bradjhaiv fpoke to this purpofe on the berjch : 
 
 * Our lives are threatned if we meddle with his blood ; 
 ' but whatfoever fhall befall us, we will do juftice up- 
 
 * on him And is not tl.is juft as the fcribes and pha- 
 rifees faid, His blood be upon us and on our children. 
 talrjax was Biiat the governor, who fecmed unwil- 
 
 P 2 ' lins
 
 212 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 my, affumed the fupream power of the 
 
 nation, 
 
 * ling to confent to hrs death, and fought to wafh his 
 
 * hands of his blood by laying it upon others. And his 
 
 * wife Lady Pilat^ who diflwaded the murther of our 
 
 * fovereign, more than the other did the killing of 
 ' Chrift. The army are the foldiers who apprehended 
 
 * him, watched him, mocked him, reviled him, cry- 
 
 * ing juftice and execution againft him, and at lafl 
 ' crucified him, and parted his garments amongfl them. 
 
 * And London is the great city fpiritually Sodome, where 
 
 * our Lord was crucified.' The preacher in the con- 
 
 clufion, addrefling himfelf to the King [^Charles Jl.] fays, 
 
 * God in his own good time, will certainly, Sir, look 
 
 * upon the juftice of your caufe — For your caufe is 
 ' God's caufe. And as it is God's caufe, fo it is the 
 
 * caufe of all Kings : they are deeply concerned in it, 
 - ^ * and ought to purfue thofe lloody paractdes' This 
 
 niond's' language may found harfh, but is fofter than fecretary 
 SutePa- NichoIas'Sy who ftiled them * Devils (r).' 
 c"rte ''^ 1 ' ■'^"^ ^" ^" ^^ °^ parliament pafled foon after the re- 
 _ »55. ' * ftoration oi Charles II. the execution of the King is ftil- 
 ed, ' An horrid and execrable murder, an unparalleled 
 
 * treafon,* which the faid parliament did ' renounce, 
 
 * abominate and proteft againft :' and it was declared, 
 
 * That by the undoubted and fundamental laws of the 
 
 * kingdom, neither the peers of the realm, nor the 
 ' commons, nor both together in parliament, nor the 
 ' people collectively, nor reprefentatively, nor any other 
 
 * perfon whatfoever, ever had, have, or ought to have, 
 
 * a coercive power over the perfons of the Kings of 
 
 * this realm'. — And in virtue of this do£lrine, Cromwell 
 and many other of the King's judges were attainted of 
 high trealbn, and fome fuffered as traytors for confent- 
 ing to his death. It would be tedious as well as end- 
 iefs to reckon up the reproaches which have been caft on 
 Cromwell for this a£lion : fuffice it to fay that the bigots, 
 the time fervers, the party men, and many of the ho- 
 lieft and fenfible men of moft denominations, have joined 
 
 in
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 213 
 
 nation, in the way of a free ftate. The 
 kingly power and houfe of peers, by the 
 
 autho- 
 
 in the cry, and reprefented him as one of the moft 
 
 wicked of men. But, though men's prejudices ran 
 
 very high at the time of Charles's death, yet wanted 
 there not advocates to defend the deed. Some of their 
 reafons the truth of hiftory requires me to recite, 
 though I am no way anfwerable for the conclufivenefs 
 of them. 
 
 I. It was faid, ' That the people, (I mean collec- 
 
 * tively taken) have no law of nature, or of God upon 
 ' them, which prohibiteth them from laying afide a 
 
 * King, or kingly governor, from amongft them, when 
 
 * they have a reafonable caufe for it. Such a caufe as 
 
 * this they have (I mean that which is juft, and reafon- 
 
 * able, and competent) for fo doing, when either they 
 
 * find, by experience, that government by kings hath 
 
 * been a nuifance to the peace or liberties of the peo- 
 
 * pie, and apprehend, by reafon, that, if continued, 
 
 * it is like ftill fo to be ; or find, that the charge of 
 
 * maintaining fuch a government, hath been, and, if 
 
 * continued, is like to be (for the future) overburthen- 
 
 * fome to the ftate, conceiving, upon good grounds, 
 
 * withal, that another form of government will ac- 
 
 * commodate the intereft of the ftate upon equal or 
 
 * better terms, with lefs charge and expence ; efpecially 
 
 * when they find, that the government we fpeak of is 
 
 * gotten into a race or blood, that is unfit for govern- 
 ' ment, as that which, for feveral defcents togethfer, as 
 ' in father, in fon, in fon's fon, &c. is either boiled 
 
 * up into, and breaks out in oppreffion and tyranny, or 
 
 * elfe turns to a water of natural fimplicity and weak- 
 
 * nefs, or froths into voluptuoufnefs and luxury, or the 
 
 * like; in all thefe cafes (I fay) and many others like 
 
 * unto thefe, a people or ftate, formerly j;overned by 
 ' kings, may very lawfully turn thefe fervants of theirs 
 
 * out of their doors, as the Romans gf old, and the 
 
 P 3 * Hoi'
 
 214 
 
 THE LI F E O F 
 
 authority of this commonwealth, were abo- 
 
 liOied, 
 
 (s) Good- 
 win's De- 
 fence if the 
 Sentence 
 
 ■ pafied upon 
 the late 
 
 -King, 
 p. 12. Lond. 
 4to. 1649. 
 
 HoUatidfTs of late (befides many nations more) have 
 done, and areblamelefs (i).' 
 
 2. * Though it fhould be fuppofed, that the King 
 fimplv and abfolutely is fuperiour to his people, yet, 
 having e tered into a civil, ,ea, and facred covenant 
 and bond with them, the breach hereof on hi- part 
 giveth unto them a lawfulnefle of right or power, to 
 compel him to the terms of his agreement, or to 
 
 make fatisfa6tion for his vi latron of them. And 
 
 though it fhould be pranced, that a king is eithen 
 equal or fuperiour in power to his people in parlia- 
 ment, yer, being degenerated into a tyrant, be is nei- 
 ther. Whether the king be fuch, it is the right of 
 the people, by their reprefentatives, to declarer For,' 
 where there is no opportunity for the interpofure of- 
 other judges, the law of nature and of nation, al- 
 Joweth every man to judge in his ov-n cafe.. Even as 
 the" late King took upon him to be judge in his own- 
 cafe; when he fentenced all thofe who ferved in the- 
 wars on the parliament's fide agamft him, for rebels 
 and traytors, and commanded execution accordingly. 
 That fuppofing the parliament (on accou .t of- 
 the force put on it by the army, and the aboliflimg- 
 the houfe of lords) bv whofe authority the high court- 
 of jufticewas founded and created, was no h*r*nal, 
 letal or comp eat parliament, yet will not this nei- 
 ther dilable the juftice or righteoufnefie of the fen- 
 tencc ; unlefle it could be further fuppofed (which 
 apparent truth prohibitcth any man to fuppofe) that 
 there were fome other magiftratc, one, or more, fu- 
 periour in place and authority to this parliament, who, 
 probably, would either have eredted a like court of 
 juftice for the fame end (the cap.tal tryall of the King)' 
 ox elfe have called him to the bar of fome court of 
 juftice already eftablifhed, and profecuted the fame 
 tr^'al here. For, doubtleffe, the execution of juftice- 
 and judgment is fo abfolutely and eflentially neceilarv 
 3 * ^0
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. ei^ 
 
 liflied;. the lands cf.the crown fold, with 
 
 the 
 
 « to the prefervatioa and well-being of a ftate, or body 
 
 * politique, that both the la'w of God and nature doth 
 ' rot only allow it in any member, one, or more, of 
 
 * fuch a body, in their order, turn, and courfe, (when 
 
 ' thofc, who are peculiarly deputed for fuch execution, . q^^^^ 
 
 * (hail ne^le^l or refufe it, as, viz. magiflrates and win's Df- 
 
 * judges) !^) but even calieth them unto it, and re ^ fence,. Ac. 
 ' quireth it at their hands, in fuch cafes.' ' ^' ^°' 
 
 3. As.:^o the claufe in the covenant, which bound 
 them td preferve the King's perfon, it was faid, ' Tha^; 
 
 * in the then circumftances, neither the prefervatioa df 
 5r-the liberties of the kingdom, 'nor the bringing de- 
 *'linquents to punifhment (to which, by the fame cove- 
 
 * na«t-, ti>ey were bound) were confiilent therewith', 
 ' and confequently was unfit to be obfprved by them; 
 « Lafe and lamentable experience,' fays thewriter, juft 
 quoted,- ' (hewed how near the liberties of the kingdom 
 
 * .were to ruin, by occafion of the prefcrvation of the 
 jj-^K^ng's perfon only ,(and ^ha: only for a feafon) though 
 •* his authority was kept under hatches. It was the 
 ' ptTfervation of his perfon that gave life, and breath, 
 
 and being, to thofe dangerous infurre6iions in Kmt, 
 EJ/^x, Lo'idon, Surry^ f^f/es, ^c. by, means whereof 
 there was but a {lep between the liberties of the king- 
 dom and perpetual enflavement. It was the prefer- 
 vation of his perfon (with hope of reftitution of his 
 authority) that adminiflred flrength unto Sat'anci to 
 Conceive; the conqueft.,jof.,£«^/^«'/, and to make the 
 attempt, by inv^Jing ifc with an army of about (if 
 not above) ^ocoomen: unto Whofe teeth (doubtlefie) 
 thi§ nation had been a prey, had they not fought from 
 heaven, had not the ilars in their courlcs fought 
 rujainfttliem.. And had his perfon fidl been preferved 
 (cj^'ocially with his authority) according to all expe- 
 rififeiits which the world hath made, and had, in fuch 
 cafes, yea, according to all principles, as well of re- 
 ligion^ as of reafon and policy, it would have been a 
 P 4 * fpring
 
 ti6 T H EL I F E OF 
 
 the jewels and paintings belonging to Charles 
 
 * fpring or fountain of bitter waters unto the land, and 
 ' a darkening of the light in the heavens thereof. And, 
 ' inftead of bringing delinquents to condign punifh- 
 
 * ment, it cannot, in anj' rational conftru£tion, but be 
 f") 9'^' ' fuppofed, that it would have been the lifting up the 
 fence, &c * heads of fuch perfons unto undeferved places of ho- 
 p- ss. * nour(«).' 
 
 4. ' Never,' fays Mr. Gosdw'm, * was any perfon, 
 
 * under heaven, fentenced with death upon more equi- 
 ' table or juft grounds, in refpe6l of guilt or demerit, 
 
 ' He that is the architeft and mafter-workman in 
 
 ' raifing an unneccfiary or unjuft war, makes bim- 
 
 * felf the firft born of murtherers, and is refponfible 
 
 * both to God and men, for all the blood that is (bed in 
 
 * this war. If kings might make war upon their fub« 
 
 * je£b, when, and upon what pretences, they pleafe, 
 
 * and then be juftified and acquitted from all outrages 
 ' of blood, and other villanies, perpetrated in this war, 
 
 * one fm might make an atonement for another ; yea 
 
 * one great fm a cloak and covering for many. The 
 
 * late wars, wherein the King, by the fword of thofe 
 
 * men of blood, who caft in their lot with him, (bed 
 
 * fo much innocent blood in the land, being caufelefly, 
 
 * and contrary to the frequent obteftations, humble pe- 
 < titions, earneft follicitations, grave advifements of his 
 
 * great councel (the parliament) commenced by him- 
 ' ' felf, are fo far from mediating for the blood fhed, on 
 
 ^ his behalf, that they open the mouth of it the wider, 
 (x) Gccd- c apjj caufe it to cry fo much the louder for vengeance 
 femrc &c ' "P°" hxm^i and his, both unto God and men (xj.' 
 f. 98. And the parliament, after giving a (hort detail ' of 
 
 Charles's behaviour in his government, adds, * Upon all 
 
 * thefe, and many other unparalleled offences, upon his 
 
 * breach of faith, of oaths and proteftations, upon the 
 ? cry of the blood of Ireland and of Eng'ard, upon the 
 
 * tears of widows and orphans, and childiefs parents, 
 ' and millions of perfons undone bj him, let all the 
 
 * world
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. ,^17 
 
 I. and every mark of ignominy and con- 
 tempt 
 
 * world of indifferent men judge, whether the parlia- 
 
 * ment had not fufficient caufe to bring the King to 
 
 * juftice (>•).' 
 
 5. * I ask^* fays MiUony ' by what confcience, or dl- 
 
 * vinity, or law, or reafon, a ftate is bound to leave all 
 ' thefc facred concernments under a perpetual hazard 
 
 * and extremity of danger, rather than cut off a wicked 
 ,* prince, who fits plotting day and night to fubvert 
 
 * them. They tell us, that the law of nature juftifies 
 ' any man. to defend himfelf, even againft the King in 
 
 * perfon : let them (hew us then, why the fame lawf 
 
 * may not juftify much more a ftate or whole people, 
 •^f: to do juftice upon him, againft whom each private 
 fif man may lawfully defend himfelf j feeing all kind of 
 .^ juftice done i§ a defence to good men, as well as a 
 
 * puniftiment to bad ; and juftice done upon a tyrant is 
 ^ no more but the neceflary felf-defence of a \yhole 
 
 ^^f commonwealth To war upon a king, that his in- 
 
 -^f- ftruments may be brought to condign puniftiment, 
 
 *^-*and thereafter to punifn them the inftruments, and 
 
 ^* not to fpare only, but defend and honour him the 
 
 i^ author, is the ftrangeft piece of juftice to be called 
 
 , ,^ chriftian, and the ftrangeft piece of reafon to be cal- . . 
 
 .'/ led human, that, by men of reverence and ie^uing, vvotks, vo^ 
 
 t.if ever yet was vented (z),' , ^.-.c^ \. p. 36a. 
 
 6, As to the obje(5lion, that many members of par- 
 liament were, by force, excluded, the privilege of it 
 highly broken, and they who were permitted to fit in 
 parliament adled ftill under a force, and were upon 
 their good behaviour : as to this, it was by the parlia- 
 ment replied, * That every parliament ought to a£t 
 
 « upon their good behaviour; and few have a6ted, but 
 « fome kind of force hath at one time or other been 
 
 {y) Declaration of the pirliament of England, exprefling the proiinds 
 of their late proceeding, and of feuling the prefent goveromrnt in the 
 way of a free ftafe^ p. J3» 4to. London, March ai, 1648. 
 
 ' upon
 
 2i8 T H Ei4<:JF>E. O P 
 
 tempt caft on his name, family, and go- 
 
 vernment. 
 
 \a) Declara- 
 tion, &c. 
 
 p.2S. 
 
 * upon them ; and moft of them under the force of 
 
 * tyrannical wi 1, and fear of ruine by difpleafure there-- 
 
 * of ; feme under the force of feveral factions or titles 
 ' to the crown : yet the laws made, even by fuch par- 
 
 * Ijaments, have Continued, and been received, and be-> 
 
 * neficial to fucceeding ages. AU which, and whatfo-' 
 
 * ever hath been done by this parliament, fmce feme of 
 
 * their members deferred them, and t:.e late Kin^ raited 
 
 * forces againft them, and feveral diforders and aiFro*Tit3 
 *> formerly offered to them (if this oiyedion take place) 
 < are wholly vaea|ed. For any breach of priilege.of 
 
 * parliament, it will not be charged upon the remain- 
 
 * ins; part, or to have been withir> ;their power of pre- 
 
 * v'eotion or reparation ^ or that they have not enjoy- 
 ^. ed the freedom of their own petfgns and voles, ahd 
 ■* ar-e^ undoubtedly, by the iaw of parliaments, far ex-* 
 1 ccQding that numjber which makes^ a^houfe, authorifed 
 ^ /jDClthe difpatch of any bufinefs Whatfoever : and thatj 
 
 * vvhich at prefent is called a force upon them, is fomt 
 
 * of their beft friends, called and appointed by the -par* 
 
 * liament for their fa fety, and for the guard of therft 
 ' againft their enemies j who, by this ireEns, bting 
 
 * tlifappcinted of their hopes to deftroy the parliament*, 
 ' woiild, neverthelefs, fcandalize their actions, as done 
 
 * under a force, who, in tn:th, are no other than their 
 
 * own guards of their own army, bv thcmfelves ap- 
 ^ pointed : and, when it fell into confideration, whether 
 ' the priviledge of parliament, or the fafety of the icing- 
 f dom, fhould be preferred, it is not hard to judg^ 
 'which ought to fway the ballarce ; and th&' the f^rliar 
 t ment ought Jo pafs by the breach of priviledge (as 
 ' had been formerly often done upon much fa.allor 
 
 * grounds) rather ;than, by a fullen declining their duty 
 
 * and truft, to refign up all to the apparent hazard of 
 
 * ruin andconfufipn of the nation (a).' Thefe were 
 
 the principal reafons at that time, given for this moft 
 extraordinary a<5lion. The reader wiU judge of their 
 
 force,
 
 O LI V E R^ OR O M WELL. 219- 
 
 vernjrient. To conciliate men to their pro-' 
 
 cecdings,- 
 
 fnrce, and determine whether they anfwer the objec- 
 tions founded opi the jllega'ity and vioknce of thepro- 
 ceediji^. It fbould be obierved, hpwevcr, that the 
 abettors of it gloried that it was performed in the 
 eye of the worlJ,, and that an example was let to 
 
 po-llerity how to a<S -in limilat circumftarices. > 
 
 There want Jioi;,: precedents of fome of his prede-- 
 
 cefibrb, faid tjjey, who have been. . depofed by parlia- 
 
 Jtents, but were afterwards in darknefs, and in cor-- 
 
 ners, bafely murthered. This parliament held it more 
 
 agreeable to honour and juftice, to give the King a* 
 
 fair and open trial, by above an hundred gentlemen, 
 
 in the mcft publitk place of jufiice, free (if he had {o'(i,) Declara* 
 
 pleafed) to make his defence (/).' — '- — '*If the parlia-'^'o"? *fc. 
 
 ment and milita-y council do what they do without-^" ^^' 
 
 precedent,' fays Milt.n^ ' if it appear their duty, it- 
 
 argues the more wifdom, virtue and magnanimity,' 
 
 that they know themfelves able to be a precedent to 
 
 others, who, perlaps, in future ages, if they prove 
 
 not too degenerate, will look up with honour, and 
 
 afpire towarJs thefe exemplary and matchlefs deeds- 
 
 of their anceftors, as to the higheft top of their civil , 
 
 glory and emulation ; which, heretofore, in the pur- 
 
 fuance of fame and foreign dominion, fpent itfelf 
 
 vain-glorioufly abroad ; but, . herceforth, may learn a 
 
 better fortitude, to dare execute higheft juftice on them 
 
 that fhall, by force of arms, endeavour the oppreffing 
 
 and bereaving of religion and their liberty at home ; 
 
 that no unbridled potentate or tyrant, but to his for- 
 
 row, for the future, may prefume fuch high and irre- 
 
 fponffble licence over mankind, to havoc and turn up- 
 
 fuie whole kingdoms of men, as though they were 
 
 no more, in):efped of his perverfe will, than a nation 
 
 of pifmires (c).' ' The time was,' faid another. (^) ^J°^'^ - 
 
 comm' nwealth advocate, 'when this nation was wed- i 0.356. 
 ded to the vanity of admiring kings, placing them in 
 a lofty feat pf impupity, like gods, that were not 
 
 ' bound
 
 220 T H^fe LIFE OF 
 
 cccdings, and make them fubmit to their 
 rule, they began (ii) with fair promifes, 
 
 and 
 
 * bound to give men an account of their actions, but 
 
 * had a liberty to thunder at plcafure, and put the world 
 *-. into combuftion, fo that there was no love but luft, 
 *' no rule but the prince's will, which fo vaflalized the 
 
 * fpirits of this great and mighty people, that they were 
 
 * content to eftablifli the higheft piece of injuftice by 
 
 * fuch maxims of law, as f^id, * the King can do no 
 
 * wrong i* as if whatfoever he did could not make him 
 
 * a delinquent or a traitor ; nor was it law only, but 
 
 * thofe aniiijuated cheats of the clergy made it pafs for 
 
 * divinity alio ; fo that the commonwealth of England, 
 *■ for almoft fix hundred years, hath been pinioned like 
 « a captive with the twofold cord of the law and the 
 
 * gofpel, which the corrupt profeiTors have made ufe of 
 
 * after their own inventions. Yet, notwithftanding 
 
 * that this glorious idol of royalty was elevated to fuch 
 
 * a height over the liberties of the parliament, and fet 
 
 * ufwn the very pinacle of the temple, we have lived 
 
 * to fee a noble generation of Englifl} hearts, that have 
 
 * fetched it down with a vengeance, and cured the land 
 ^^ S^"^' • of that idolatr}', by one of the moft heroic and ex- 
 cu£. No. 56. * cmplary ads of juftice, that ever was done under the 
 p/886. • fun d)' 
 
 I fhall only add, that, in the year 165T, O, S. the 
 
 30th of January was obferved, by the Engljh merchants 
 
 . vat DanizJcky in memorial of their deliverance from 
 
 flavery, and a feaft was made for the whole company, 
 
 ^«) TfcttHoe, ^Q txpcnce of which was ordered to be repaid by the 
 
 5S4>S55* <?P'*i lion wealth of England {e). 
 
 ■ (11) They began U)ith fair promt fes.^ and expreffed, at the 
 
 ■' ■ ^^trn timiy much refiuiun'] After it had been determined 
 
 to bring the King to a trial, the houfe of commons 
 
 a^ed with great fpirit and xigour. They declared, that 
 
 the commons of EugLnd, in parliament aflembied, be- 
 
 l/)J<»^* ing chofen by, and reprefenting, the people, have the 
 
 w ms! ^"P**^*"^ power in the nation (/). They refolved, that 
 
 • a
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. , 221 
 
 and exprelTed, at the fame time, much 
 refolution. Nor were they vvorle than their 
 
 words : 
 
 a great feal be graven, with the addition of a map of the 
 kingdom of Ireland^ and of ytr/ey and Guernpy, together 
 with the map of England', and, in fome convenient place 
 on that fide, the arms by which the kingdoms of England 
 and Ireland are differenced from other kingdoms. That, 
 on the map fide of the great feal, the infcription (hall 
 be, 'The Great Seal of England^ 1648.' That the 
 infcription, on the other fide of the feal, on which the 
 fculpture of the houfe of commons is engraven, fhall be 
 this, viz. * In the firfi: year of freedom, by God's blef-, ^ 1^^^^ 
 
 * fing reftored [g).* Sixty pounds were charged on the ^th ot jani 
 
 revenue towards the charges of this feal. On the ^M- 
 
 17th of March^ after the King's execution, an a6t was 
 
 pafled * for abolifhing the kingly office,' and it was de- 
 clared, ' high treafon in any one to endeavour to fet 
 
 * up any of the late King's children, or any other per- 
 
 * fon to be King of England and Ireland \ and that who- 
 
 * foever fliould be convided of the faid offence, ftiould 
 
 * be deemed and adjudged a traitor againft the parlia- ,. g^ ^^ ., 
 
 * ment and people oi England {h)' And, that no collection, 
 hopes might be given of the refloration of monarchy, Mrch, 
 care was taken to demoiifh its great fupport the houfe ^^'^^' 
 
 of peers, which was declared * to be ufelefs and dan- 
 
 * gerous to the people of England :' and it was enabled, 
 
 * That the lords fhould not from thenceforth meet or 
 ' fit in the houfe called the lords houfe, or in any other 
 
 * houfe or place whatfoever, as a houfe of lords ; nor 
 
 * ftiould fit, vote, advife, adjudge or determine of any 
 ' matter or thing whatfoever, as a houfe of lords, in 
 
 ' parliament (/}.' They, moreover, pulled down the(0 '^' '^* 
 ftatues of Charles at St. Paul's and in the Royal Ex- 
 (hange^ and put in the nich of the latter. Exit Tyrannus 
 regum ultimus : imitating the Syracujians^ who, at the 
 invitation of Timoleon^ * overturned the palaces and mo- . _ 
 
 * numents, and whatever elfe might preferve the me- •„ Timo^. 
 ' piory »f former tyrants (/f}.*— — 'Thefe were very icon, 
 
 bold
 
 fe22 THE LIFE OF 
 
 words : for, 'tis very certain, great things 
 
 were 
 
 bold and high a£ls, and fuch as needed an apology to 
 the nation and the world. Accordingly a declaration 
 was prepared and printed, in which the grounds of their 
 proceedings were laid open in thebefl: manner they were 
 able. And the better to reconcile the people to their 
 adtions, and conciliate their efteem to their authority, 
 they Ipoke them fair, and promifed them largely. After 
 having in the declaration vindicated their feveral ac- 
 tions, they proceed in the foLowing manner : ' The 
 ' fum of all the parliament's defign and endeavour in the 
 
 * prefent change of government from tyranny to a fre^ 
 ' ftate ; and which they intend not only to declare in 
 
 * words, but really and fpeedily endeavour to bring to 
 
 * effect, is this ; to prevent a new war, and further ex- 
 
 * pence and effufion of the treafure and blood of Eng- 
 ' land-y and to eftablifh a firm and fafe peace, and an 
 
 * oblivion of all rancour and ill will occafioned by the 
 *■ late troubles : to provide for the due worftiip of God, 
 ' according to his word, the advancement of the tru? 
 ' proteftant religion, and for the liberal and certain 
 
 * maintenance of godly minifters : to-procure ajuit li- 
 
 * berty fjr the confciences, perfons and edates of all 
 
 * men, conformable toGod's glory and their own peace: 
 
 * to endeavour vizo oufly the puniihment of the cruel 
 ' murtherers in Ireland^ and the reftjring of the hor.eft 
 
 * proteftants, and this commonwealth, to their rights 
 
 * there, and the full fatisfadtion of all engagements fo( 
 
 * this work: to provide for the fettling and juft obferv- 
 
 * ing of treaties and alliances with foreign princes and 
 
 * ftates, for the encouragement of riianufacfures, for 
 
 * the increafe and flourifhing of trades at home, and 
 
 * the maintenance of the poor in all places x>f the land: 
 
 * to take care for the due reformation and adminiftration 
 '• of the law and publioue juftice, that the evil may be 
 
 * punifhe J and the good rewarded : to order the reve- 
 
 * nuc in fuch a Vvay, tliat the publ que charges may be 
 
 * dcfiayed. the foldiers pay juftly and duly fcttkd, that 
 
 ♦ free
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 223 
 
 were done by them, and fuch as were very 
 much to their honour. Witnefs the profe- 
 
 cution 
 
 free quarter may be wholly taken away, the people 
 be eafed in their burthens and taxes, and the debts of 
 the commonwealth be juftly fatisHed ; to remove all 
 grievances and oppreffions of the people, and to efta- 
 bliih peace and righteoufnefs in the land. Thefe being 
 their only ends, they cannot doubt of, and humbly 
 pray to the Almighty Power fox his aflittance and 
 blefling upon their mean endeavours, wherein, as 
 they have not envied nor intermeddled, nor do intend at 
 all to intermeddle^ with the affairs of government of any 
 other kingdom or ftate ; or to give any offence or jull 
 provocation to their neighbours, with whom they defire 
 entirely to preferve all fair correfpondence and amity, if' 
 they pleafe ; and confine themfeives to the proper work, 
 the managing of the affairs, and ordering the govern- 
 ment of this commonwealth, and matters in order 
 thereunto, with which they are intrufted and autho- 
 fifed by the confent of all the people thereof, vvhofe 
 reprefentatives by election they are. So they do pre- 
 fume upon the like fair and equal dealing from abroad ; 
 and that they, who are not concerned, will not inter- 
 pofe in the affairs of Engkv.d^ who doth not interpofe 
 in theirs : and, in cafe of any injury, they doubt not, 
 but by the courage and power of the Englijh nation, 
 and the good blefling of God (who hath hitherto mi- 
 racuioufly owned the juftnefs of their caufe, and, they 
 hope, will continue to do the fame) they fhall be 
 fufncient'iy enabled to make their full defence, an J to 
 maintain their own rights. And they do expect from 
 all true hearted Englijl^men^ not only a forbearance of 
 any publique or fecret plots or endeavours, in oppo- 
 fition to the prefent fettlement, and thereby to kindle 
 new flames of war and mifery amongit u«, whereof 
 themfelve.s mufl have a fliare ; but a chearful cor.cur- 
 rence and aiding for the eflabliibment of the great 
 work now iahand, in fuch a way, that the name of 
 
 ♦ God
 
 224 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 cution of the war in Ireland, under the 
 command (kk) of Cromwell, their lieute-* 
 
 nant- 
 
 * God may be honoured, the true proteftant religion 
 
 * advanced, and the people of this land enjoy the blef- 
 
 * fings of peace, freedom andjuftice, to them and their 
 
 * p iterities (/).* This declaration, at the fame time, 
 
 was printed, by order of parliament, in Laiirty under 
 the title of * Parliamenti Anglite Declaratio: in qua Res- 
 ' Nuperum Geftz, et Decretum de Statu Anglia Regio 
 ' in liberam Rempublicam vertendo, afleruntur [m)* 
 
 Prancifcum Xhc great and remarkable tranfadions of the common- 
 
 Tytonium - - — -- -- 
 
 Menfis Mar 
 tii Z2*. lAn 
 Aa 1643. 
 
 (/) Declara- 
 tion, March 
 21, 64?. 
 p. «5— i7. 
 
 apud 
 
 Parliamen- 
 tary Hiftci)" 
 
 v/ealth were published by their order, and tranflated 
 into Latirty for the information of other countries, as 
 appears from a great many papers yet remaining in the 
 hands of the curious and inquififive : and a very accu- 
 rate journal in French was publiflied by authority of 
 the council of ftate, for the like ufe of foreigners, in* 
 (") J*^*^^^" titulcd, * Nouvelles Ordinaires de Londres,' beginning 
 ▼ol. of'thc "J^b '^5<^> snd endingyfln«<2ry 1660-1 (w). Nor mult 
 it be forgotten, that, for the ufe of their own fubjeits, 
 a journal of a like nature, intitled, ' Mircurius Foli~ 
 * ticus, comprifing the fum of foreign intelligence, with 
 ' the affairs now on foot in the three nations of Er.g- 
 *■ lanJ, ScotlaKd and Ireland,^ wa?, by the fame autho- 
 rity, printed likewife. It commences June 9, 1649, 
 and ends in jfpril, 1 660 {0). Thefe publications (hewed 
 great fenfe of propriety, honour and fair intentions in 
 the parliament, and render it very furprifing, that no 
 compleat hiftory of thofe times (hould be given us by 
 any contemporary writer. Mr. Neville fpeaks of * one 
 ' of thofe who were in employment from the year 40 
 ' to 60, who had written a hiftory of thofe 20 years, 
 
 ' with great truth and impartiality (/>).' What is 
 
 become of it is not known Probably it is loft for 
 
 ever ! 
 
 (kk) Tbe deeds in Ireland under the cojnmand cf Crom- 
 well.] Ireland h^d given the parliament great caufe of 
 refemment. Befides the barbarous mailacre in 1641, 
 
 whic)i 
 
 («.) Wood, 
 vol. ii. c. 
 6^8. 
 
 (f) Plato 
 Rsdivivus, 
 p. 173. 
 izmo. 
 I^ond. 1 68 1.
 
 O L J: VJE Rl G Ri QlM WU U L- 2 25 
 
 nant- general, .and the lubiequent fettlemer>t^ 
 
 . there 
 
 which loudly called for vengeance, nnd which the befl: 
 part pf the Bx^/ijh: nation -wefe defirous of fe^ing-in- 
 fli<Sled, it hadihe^ireda pjiticular fpite and malice again/l 
 the parliament: Charges cherifned this^ difpofition, and, 
 by a variety of methods, endeavoured to make it declare 
 in his favoar, and fupport his cayfc Some fuccefs, 'tis 
 
 well knov/n, he had, more, probably, he >voul^ 
 
 have had-, bQt for the extream bigottry pf the^priefts, 
 and the Nunticx, who were h2rdly::t.O;be fatisfied. by any 
 conceffions. At length, however, a peace was made 
 between the Marquis of Or/^wWis'*', .lord-lieutenant-gene- 
 ral, and general governor of the kingdom of .Ire/and, 
 on behalf of King Chaiks of the. one part, and the ge- 
 neral aflembly of the Roman Catholics of the faid king- 
 dom, for, and on behaU of his M-ajcfly's Romcui c?i\.\\Or 
 licfubje6^s, on the other parti :T'h;s-, pfeace was pro- 
 claimed January 17, 1648, and dQ.es very little honour 
 to the Marquis or his mafter. For, among other things, 
 it was agreed, * That all atfls, ordinances and orders 
 ' made by both or either houfes of parliament,?,, to the 
 
 * blemifh, difbonour and prejudice of tjiei^sm^^ Otho- 
 
 * lies of that kingdom, fince the 7th of Jugrtfty'-ib^i., 
 
 * (hould be vacated; that ail indirements,. attainders, 
 
 * outlawries in that kingdom, and all the proceft'^ ^rnl, 
 
 * other proceedings, fince the faid. time, in prejiidxe of 
 
 * the Catholic's, fhould be .made void ; that Cathoiiqs 
 
 * might fit and vote in parliament ; have places of. ho- 
 
 * nour, command, profit and truft in the army, and 
 
 * that an a<£t of oblivion fhould be pafied to cxictjd to 
 
 * all his Miijclly's fui)je£ts of that kingdom, -of, all 
 
 * treafons and offences of what nature, kind or -quality 
 
 * foever, fince the 23d of OiJo''£ry 1641.' In. a word, 
 every thing the Catholics couW almoft wifh for was 
 granted them, to the no fmall aflonifhment of the piro- 
 tcftants. I his, palt not without obfcrvation 'n\ E>-glan'I. 
 However, by means of this peace, the chief parts, of 
 Irela7id declared for CharLs, and afterwards foj:;ihi^.i<i«n ; 
 
 Q_ and
 
 226 THELIFEOF 
 
 there in purfuance of the adl of parliament 
 
 for 
 
 and lord Ormonde^ emboldened thereby, took the liber- 
 ty to ufe a language towards the Englifn government, 
 which he little imagined they would fo Toon avenge. 
 ' The dregs and fcum of the houfe of commons, pick- 
 * ed and awed by the army,' * a wicked remnant, left 
 , ' for no other end, than yet further, if it be poffible, 
 articles^cf ' ^o delude the people with the name of a parliament,* 
 peace, letter, were fome of the expreffions his lordfhip made ufe of 
 &c. in Mil- jj^ j^jg igjtgr to colonel Jonei, governor of Dublin^ in 
 works order to induce him to furrender that city into his hands, 
 Kol. i. p. Cromwell was alfo likened in the fame letter to yohn of 
 36+-3S5. lgyJen(^r^Y 
 
 Milton^ in his obfervations on this peace, gives his 
 lordfliip very keen anfwers to thefe reproaches, though 
 in a ftile far more decent. * Seeing, fays he, he con- 
 ' tains not himfelf, but, contrary to what a gentleman 
 ' fhould know of civility, proceeds to the contemptu- 
 
 * ous naming of a perfon, whofe valour and high me- 
 ' rit many enemies, more noble than himfelf, have 
 ' both honoured and feared ; to afl'ert, his good name 
 ' and reputation, of whofe fervice the commonwealth 
 
 * receives fo ample fatisfaciicn, it is anfwered in his 
 
 * behalf, that Crsmzvel', whom he couples with a name 
 ' of fcorn, hatb done, in a few years, more eminent 
 
 * and remarkable deeds, whereon to found nobility in 
 
 * his houfe, though it were wanting, than Ormonde^ and 
 
 * all his anceftors put together, can (hew from any re- 
 ' cord of their Irijh exploits, the wideft fcene of their 
 
 (r) Id. p. I glory (r).' This the Marquis got by ufing abufive 
 
 language. But to proceed with the narration. 
 
 Peace being made with the catholics, and Lord Inchi- 
 queen having Joined al/b with Ortnondey the Marquis ad- 
 vifed his young matter Charles II. to come thither as to 
 a place of fecurity and advantage. Jn a memorial de- 
 livered by the lords of his Majefty's council to the lords 
 deputies for the States General, March 29, 1649, N. S. 
 We find them, after touching on the flare of England: 
 
 3M-
 
 O CI V E R C R O M W E L L. 227 
 
 for that purpofe, whereby the Irifi being 
 
 fub- 
 
 and Scotland, declaring his Majefty's refolutions in the 
 followino; manner: * This being the true condition of 
 
 * his Majefty's two kingdoms of England and Scotland, 
 
 * and it being neceflary for his Majefty to give life to 
 
 * the afflidled ftate of his affairs by his own activity arrd 
 ' vigour, your lordfhips clearly difcern, that his other 
 
 * kingdom of Ireland is, for the prefent, fitteft to re- 
 
 * ceive his Majefty's perfon; and thither he intends, 
 
 * with all convenient fpeed, to tranfport himfelf, being 
 
 * thereunto earneftly advifed, and with great importu- 
 ' nity invited, by the kingdom of Ireland, and by the 
 
 * Marquis of Ormonde, his MajeOy's lieutenant-general 
 
 * there ; by whofe great wifdom a peace is there con- 
 ' eluded, and thereby the King, at this time, poffefled 
 
 * entirely of three parts of four of that his large and 
 
 * fruitful kingdom, and of the command of good ar- 
 
 * mies and a good fleet to be joined to his navy ; and 
 
 * he hath reafon to believe that Dublin, and the few 
 
 * other places (that have fubmitted to the rebellious 
 
 * power in England) either are, upon the knowledge of 
 
 * that odious parricide, returned to their allegiance, or 
 
 * vviU be fuddenly reduced j fo that the affairs of that 
 
 * kingdom being fettled (which we hope will be in a CO Or- 
 
 * fhort time) the Kine will be ready to go from thence '!'''"'^^'* 
 
 * into Scotland, when his prefence there fhall be requi- by Carte * ' 
 
 * fite (5).' How full the King was of going to Irelandyvol. i. p. 
 appears from the following letter, written in cypher by ^^^' ^*'"'^' 
 Sir Edward Nicholas, from the Hague (the day after ''" 
 the above memorial was given in) to Lord Ormonde. 
 
 * It is very true, that the King intends to make France 
 
 * his way to Irelr>nd, and to meet the Queen : and, I 
 
 * believe, be will go to Paris to her. The truth is, I 
 
 * carmot guefs at the time of our remove, tho' the 
 ' King be refolved for Ireland, and defires to l?e there 
 
 * as foon as may be : and no man is now fo mad, as 
 
 * openly to avow a ciiflike of it. But the want of 
 
 * money is fo incredible, and the debts fo great, that 
 
 q_2 » I
 
 228 THE LIFE OF 
 
 fubduedj the beft part of that kingdom 
 
 was 
 
 * I know not how we (hall get over tbefe difficulties. 
 
 * And you muft know, that, though no man oppofes 
 
 * the going into Ireland^ yet many are in their hearts 
 
 * aeainft it, and are glad to cheriOi any rubs. The 
 
 * Scotch fa(Siion is ftrong and bold, and have friends in 
 
 * this ftate. 1 he Queen, I believe, v/ill gcvern very 
 monde's ' much, and is full of defigns. They perfwade her to 
 
 State papers, ' go wlth the King into Ireland [t).' But al! thefe 
 
 &c. p. 250. <]eligns proved abortive : for the parliament, underftand- 
 
 ing what had palTed in Ireland, appointed lieutenant- 
 general Crcmxvell commander in chief of that kingdom. 
 He had Intcn placed next in command under him, and 
 great preparations were made for the war. In the mean 
 time the fpirir, conjured up by Cictniudl in the Levellers, 
 began to be very troublcfome to the flate, and incom- 
 modious to its atFairs. They reproached thofe in pow- 
 eri they refufed obedience to the general; and would 
 Dot go into Ireland. Fairfax and Cnmivell fet ihemfelves 
 to reduce thofe. men, and they did it fo efFe(5luaily, that 
 the fervice of Ireland was no farther hindered. Whiift 
 Croniivell was making preparations for his voyage, lord 
 Oimonde befieged Dublin-, hut "Jores found foon an op- 
 portunity to give him a fpecimen of the valour of the 
 Englijh. Fqr, with a very few forces, comparatively, 
 he feil on the befiegers, killed 4000, took 2517 prifoii- 
 ers, together witK a great quantity of arms and ftores. 
 0<mmcie foon after writ to Jones for a lift of the pri- 
 foners taken, to whom Jor.ei laconically replied, ' My 
 (a) Borlafe's ' lord, fiHce I routed your army, I cannot have the 
 Hiftoryof ( happinefs to know where you are, that I may wait 
 
 bieirifhre" * up' n you [u].' Crcmwell Au'wcd at Dullin on the 
 
 bellion, p. 15th of Atigiiji, 1 64 9, and on the 30th of the fame 
 month took the field, befieged Diogheda, took it by 
 ftorm, and put the garrifon to the fword. All this was 
 done in the fpace of nine days, * and a body of near 
 
 * 3C00 men, . fa\ s Borlafe., were totally deftroyed and 
 
 • mafl'acred, with which, in refpe<2 of experierice and 
 5 * cou- 
 
 *22. Fol, 
 
 Lond. 1680.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 229 
 
 \V2LS portioned out among the foldiers and 
 
 ad- 
 
 * courage of the officers, and goodnefs and fidelity of 
 ' the common men, the marquis would have been glad 
 
 ' to have found himfelf engaged in the field with the (x) Borlafe's 
 ' enemy, thoi.'gh upon fome difadvantages (jt).' The ^'^'"■y» &'^* 
 flaughter ufed at Drogheda has been looked on by the " 
 generality as very cruel and barbarous, and Cromwell 
 has been reproached greatly on that account. And it 
 mult be confefTcd, that orders iflued for putting to the 
 fword, and -giving no quarter, found very (hocking in 
 the eais of the humane and benevolent. And it were 
 to have been wifhed that fu'ch orders had never beea 
 given or executed by any general 'of rank, and charafler. 
 Though, if ever fuch treatment is juftifiable, it is in 
 fuch a cafe as this, where the known difpofition and be- 
 haviour of the fufFercrs are remarkably barbarous, in- 
 human and cruel. Cromiiell, in his letter to the fpeak- 
 er, dated Dublin, Sfptember 17, 1649, owns that he 
 forbade to fpare any that were in arms in the town, and 
 ' he thinks,' he fays, * that they put to the fword a- 
 
 * bout 2000 men the firfl night they entered ; that the 
 
 * next day one of the towers which had held out hav- 
 ' ing fubmitted, their officers were knocked on t^c 
 
 * head, and every tenth man of the foldiers killed, and 
 ' the reft fhipped for the Bartadoes. — I am perfwaded,' 
 adds he, * that this is a righteous judgment of God 
 
 * upon thefe barbarous wretches, who have imbrued 
 ' their hands in fo much innocent blood, and that it 
 
 * will tend to prevent the efFufion of blood for the fu- 
 ' ture ; which are the fatisfa6tory grounds to fuch ac- 
 
 ' tions, which, otherwife, cannot but work remorfe ^^' ""'*■ 
 
 . . - . mentary 
 
 * and regret {y).' This is faying the moft for the jufii- Hiftory, vol. 
 fication of the fafl. The name of Cromwell^ and the "'''• p- ao4. 
 execution at Drogheda, had fuch an effeft indeed, that 
 
 fuccefs almoft conftantly attended him ; infomuch that 
 the far greater part of Ireland was reduced to the obe- 
 dience of the commonwealth, before he returned to 
 
 England, which was in May, 1650.- -After this 
 
 0.3 the
 
 230 
 
 THE LIFB OF 
 
 adventurers of the Englifi nation : witnefs 
 
 the 
 
 the war was carried on Hy Ireton, whom Cromwell had 
 conftituted his deputy, with like valour and fuccefs, till, 
 in a little tiaie, the great armies of the Catholics were 
 difperfed, their towns taken, their leaders forced to 
 fly, and the whole kingdom, in a manner, fubdued. 
 Application was made for afliftance from abroad, par- 
 tict^Jarly to the Duke of Lcrrain, who promifed great 
 things upon conditions very high ; but little was done 
 by him, or any one cUc : for the Englijb arms were 
 every where terrible, and he thought himfelf moft out 
 of danger who kept himfelf moft out of their reach. 
 In a word, after fome time the Iriflj being wholly re- 
 duced, theii; lands were divided among the foidiers and ad- 
 venturers, the murtherers of the En^lijh were exempla- 
 rily punifiied, and peace and tranquillity were given to 
 a land ruined by the villany and barbarity of its inha- 
 bitants. How fiilly Ireland was reduced by the com- 
 monwealth and Cronfduelly will appear from the follow- 
 ing extracts from CUrerdon. ' When the fuccefs of 
 
 * the parliament had totally fubdued the King's arms, 
 ' and himfelf was fo inhumanly murdered, neither the 
 .* forces in J> eland, under the King's authority, nor the 
 
 * Irifl), who had too late promifed to fubmit to it, could 
 
 * make any long refiftance; fo that Crom^xell quickly 
 ' difperfed them by his own expedition thither : and, 
 
 * by licenfing as many as defired it to tranfport as ma- 
 
 * ny from thence, for the fervice of the two crowns 
 
 * of France and Spain, as they would contracSl for, 
 
 * cjulckiy made a difappearance of any army in that 
 
 * kingdom to oppofe his coj-quefts. And after the de- 
 
 * feat of the Kms at IVorcelier, he feemed to all men 
 
 * to be in as quiet a pofTeflion of Ireland as of England, 
 ' and to be as much without enemies in the one as the 
 ' other kingdom. Not only all the Irijh nation 
 
 * fvery i^^ excepted) were found guilty of the rebel- 
 *-]ion, and fo to have forfeited all their eftates ; but 
 ' the Marquis of Ormcnde^ the Lord Iruhiquin, a,nd all 
 
 * the
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 231 
 
 the Englijh Catholics, and whofoever had ferved the 
 King, were declared to be under the fame guilt, and 
 
 the lands feized upon for the benefit of the ftate. 
 
 The whole kingdom was admeafured : the accounts 
 of the money paid by the adventurers within the 
 time limited, and what was due to the army for their pay, 
 •were ftated ; and fuch proportions of acres in the feveral 
 provinces were afligned to the adventurers and officers 
 and foldiers, as were agreeable to the. aft of parlia- 
 ment, by admeafurement. And that every body 
 
 might with the more fecurity enjoy that which was 
 afligned to him, they had found a way to have the 
 confent of many to their own undoing. They found 
 the utter extirpation of the nation (which they had 
 intended) to be in itfelf very difficult, and to carry in 
 it fomewhat of horror, that made fome impreffion 
 
 upon the ftone-hardnefs of their own hearts. ■ 
 
 They therefore found this expedient, which they 
 called an aft of grace. There ivas a large traft of 
 land, even to the half of the province of Conaught^ 
 that was feparated from the reft by a long and large 
 river, and which, by the' plague and many mafTacres, 
 remained almoft defolate. into this fpace and circuit 
 of land ihey required all the Irijh to retire by fuch a 
 day under the penalty of death ; and all who fhould ^ 
 
 after that time be found in any other part of the king- 
 dom, man, woman, or child, fhould be killed by 
 any body that met them. The land within this cir- 
 cuit, the moft barren in the kingdom, was, out of 
 the grace and mercy of the conquerors, afligned to 
 thofe of the nation, who were enciofed in fuch pro- 
 portions as might, with great induftry, preferve their 
 lives. And to thofe perfons, from whom they had 
 taken great quantities of land in ether provinces, they 
 afligned the greater proportions within this precinft ; 
 fo that it fell to fome men's lot, efpecially when they 
 were accommodated with houfes, to have a compe- 
 tent livelihood, though never to the fifth part of what 
 had been taken from them in a much better province. 
 And, that they might not be exalted with this mer- 
 ciful donative, it was a condition that accompanied 
 CI 4 * this
 
 232 THELIFEOF 
 
 * this their accommodation, that they fiioiild all give re- 
 
 * leafes of their former rights and titles to the land 
 
 * that was taken from them, in condderation of what 
 
 * was now affigr.ed to them; and fo they fhouid for 
 
 * ever bar themfelves and their heirs from ever laying 
 ' claim to their old iiihcritance. And, by this means, 
 
 * the plantation (as they called ii) of Conaught was fi- 
 
 * nifhed, and ail the Irijb nation inclofed within that 
 
 * circuit,' the refr of Ireland being left to ihe Englijl i 
 
 * fome to the 'old lords and juft proprietors, who, being 
 ' all proteftants (for no Rowan Catholic w^as admitted) 
 
 * had either never offended them, or had ferved then., 
 
 * or had mace compohtion for their delinquencies, by 
 « the benefit of feme articles ; and feme to |Jhe adven- 
 
 * turers and foidicrs. And a good and great part (as 
 
 * I rt member, the whole province of lipperary) Crem- 
 
 * Tcr/ had reftrved to himfelf, as a demefne (as he cal- 
 
 * led it) fur the flate, and in which no adventurer or 
 
 * foidier lliould demand his lot to be afligned, and, no 
 
 * doubt, intended both the Oate and it for the makiiig 
 ' great his own famiiy. It cannot be imagined in how 
 
 * eafy a method, and with what peaceab.e formality, 
 
 * this whole great kingdom was taken from the juft 
 
 * lords and p;oprietors, and divided and given among 
 
 * thofe, who had no other right to it, but that they 
 
 * had power to keep it, no men having fo great (bares 
 
 * as they who had been inftruments to murder the King, 
 
 * and were not like, willingly, to part with it to his 
 
 * fuccefior.« Ireland was. the great capital, out of 
 
 ' which ali debts were paid, all fervices rewarded, and 
 
 * ali acls of bounty performed. And, which is more 
 
 * wonderful, ali this was done and fettled, within little 
 ' more than two years, to that degrre of perfe<f^ion, 
 
 * that there were many buildings raifed for beauty as 
 ' well as ufe, orderly ^nd regular plantations of trees, 
 
 * and fences and enclofures raifed thrc ughout the king- 
 - * dom purchafes m.ade by one from the other at very 
 
 * valuable rates, and jointures made upon marriages, 
 
 * and all other conveyances and fettlements executed, 
 
 * as in a kingdom of peace within itfcJ^ and where no 
 
 * doubt
 
 OLIVER CPvOM WELL. 233 
 
 * doubt could be made of the validity of titles (z).' (2;) Conti- 
 The reader need not be told how much honour this chrendoVs 
 relation does to the parliament of the cpmmon wealth Life, vol.ii. 
 of Eigland, by whofe wifdom thcfe great things were p- 'H— 
 thus.(ettled and accomplKhed. , Ilis lordfhip ftrongly '^ " 
 indeed infinuates cruelty in thcfe proceedings: but his 
 
 word is not to be depended on. That they intended 
 the utter extirpation x)f the Jrijh nation is meer calum- 
 n.y, as appears from the preamble to the a<?t for fet- 
 tling IreiaruJf in which, among other reafons for paf- 
 iing it, one is, * That the people of that nation might 
 
 * know that it is not the intei)tit)n of the parliament to 
 
 * extirpate that whole nation, but that mercy and par- 
 
 * don, both as to life and eftate, may be extended 'to 
 
 * all hufbandmen, plowmen, labourers, artificers, and (a) Scobel's 
 
 • * others of the inferior fort (^).' The curious reader coikftions, 
 
 vAW do well to confulc the a6t. I will not dilate on his "^"'"^^ ^^52»' 
 
 c. 13, 
 
 lordftiip's ftiling Tippcrary a province ; fuch a miftake is 
 pardonable in a man who confefies himfelf to have been 
 ignorant of there being any fuch place in England as /^, p . 
 
 ShcenjejS {h). However, I cannot find that Crcmwell nuation, vol, 
 
 referved it as^' a demefne for the itate or his own family. '"• P- 7S*« 
 
 t 1 will only add, that Lord Molefu;orth gives it 
 
 as his opinion, that to Crcmzucll's diftributing of , _ , 
 the enemies lands to the foldiers in Ireland^ 'we owe toHollo- 
 
 * that kingdom's being a proteftant kingdom at this man's Fran- 
 
 * day, and its continuing fubjett to the crown of Eng- "^^ Gdl'2> 
 
 * land [c].' 3Q. ' ^' 
 Lieutenant-general Lv.dlow had a great fhare in all 
 
 thefe tranfatStions. The fpirit with which he aited 
 
 will appear from the following anfwer given to a letter 
 of the Marquis of Clanrickarde, defiring a conference 
 with him for the fettling the repofe of the nation, and 
 a fafe condud for commiflioncrs to treat with him for 
 that purpofe. 
 
 My
 
 234 THELIFEOF 
 
 the adions of Cromivell (ll) in Scotland^ 
 
 whichj 
 
 My Lord, 
 
 "iN anfwer to yours of the 24th of March, by which 
 -■■ you propofe a treaty for the fettlement of this coun- 
 try, and defire a fafe conduit for the commiflioners you 
 fhall judge fit to employ in the management of that af- 
 fair, I think fit, in purfuance of the advice of the 
 commiflioners of the parliament of England, and of 
 many officers of the Ei.g/iJJ} army, to adveriife you, as 
 hath been already anfwered to thofe who have fent pro- 
 pofitions of the like nature, that the fettlement of this 
 nation doth of right belong to the parliament of the 
 commonwealth of England, to whom we are obliged in 
 duty to leave it, being aflured that they will not capi- 
 tulate with thofe who ought to fubmit to them, and yet 
 cnpofe themfelves to their authority, and upon vain 
 and frivolous hopei have refufed fuch offers of favour 
 as they would gladly accept at prefent : fo that I fear 
 they will be conftrained to proceed againft them with 
 the higheft feverity, which that you may prevent by 
 your timely fubmifiion, is the defire of, 
 . My Lord, 
 ,- , ,, . Your humble fervant, 
 
 voi.i. p. Edmund Ludlow (/-/}. 
 
 This redu£tion of In'anrf, in fo fhort a time, when 
 the affairs of the commonwealth were in fo low a 
 flate there, does, 'undoubtedly, great honour to Crom- 
 well, as well as the other commanders in chief after 
 him. His a(?lions here have always juftly made one part 
 of his panegyric. We fhall foon fee that he did not 
 difgrace them by any after military ill behaviour. 
 
 (ll) Cromwell's actions hi Scotland, ar.d the viSicry 
 of Worcefter.J 'Tis well known, that the Sects were 
 extremely ill ufed by Charles the firft ; that they oppoled 
 his meafures ; marched an army into England ; joined 
 with the parliament, and helped to reduce him to a 
 
 ftate
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 235 
 
 which, with the vidory at WorceJieTy To to- 
 tally 
 
 fl te of captivity. They flopped fhort, however, 
 
 here, and very violently oppofed his trial and condem- 
 nation, looking on him as their King, and the judges 
 
 as murtherers. Thus matters ftood when the com- 
 
 moi^weahh was eredied in England. Soon after appli- 
 cation was made to Charles II. by commiflioners from 
 the Scot:iJh nation, in order to his entrance into that 
 kingdom, and mounting the throne of his anceftors. 
 Many of the young King's coun!'ellors were againft 
 this, lookino; on the Scots as a rebellious nation who 
 had been the original caufe of the late King's misfor- 
 tunes. And very probable it- is, that had not Lord 
 Ormonde, and the catholic confederates in Irelaid, been 
 defeated by "Jones and CromvLe'l., he would not have had 
 a thought of going thither. Lord Byron, in a letter to 
 the Marquis of Ormonde, dated Hague, April 12, 1649, 
 N, S. writes as follows ; ' Commiffioners are come out 
 
 * of ScrAland, confifting of one Earl (the Earl of Caf^ 
 
 * fcls) two burgefles, and four divines, to treat with 
 ' his Majefty concerning the affairs of that kingdom, 
 
 * or rather to impofe unfufFerable conditions upon him, 
 
 * To give the better aflurance of their good intentions 
 
 * to his fervice, immediately before their coming out 
 
 * of Scotland, the Marquis of Huntley was put to death 
 ' for no other crime but his loyalty to the King. Their 
 
 * propofitions are as infolent as can be imagined ; for 
 
 * they require that all malignants and evil counfellors 
 
 * (and particularly the Marquis of Montr fe) fhould be 
 « banifhed the court ; that his Majefly fhould take bofh 
 
 * the national covenant and the holy league and cove- 
 
 * nant (as they term it) and eftablifh a prefbyterian 
 
 * government in all his kingdoms. But the King bc- 
 
 * ing now unfortunately in a presbyterian country, 
 
 * cannot refent thefe indignities fo as otherwife he 
 
 * would. Howfoever, his intention is, not to enter 
 
 * into any particular debate of thefe propofitions, but 
 
 * to remit the commiflioners till hb coming into Ire' 
 
 * land.
 
 236 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 tally broke the power of Scotland^ that it 
 
 was 
 
 * hnd^ the matters propounded by them concerning his 
 
 * other kingdoms as well as Scotland {e).'' Sir Ed- 
 ward Nicholas^ in a letter to the fame nobleman, dated 
 
 ^'Jerfey, OSlober 13-23, 1649, fays, 'There are Scots 
 ^ commiflioners coming hither ; but their propofitions 
 < are as unreafdnable as the former fent into Holland. 
 
 * They have now a ftrong fadion about the King : 
 
 * and the Lord Jermyn (who is efteemed the head of 
 
 * the Scots presbyterian fa£tion) hath, its faid, gained 
 
 * many that are now about his Majefty to his party, 
 f and, fome fay, will come hither to affill with all his 
 
 * intereft and power the advancement of the King's de- 
 ' figns. The truth is. Sir Edward Hy^le being fo un^ 
 ' neceflarily and unskilfully employed in Spain, hath 
 ' given an infinite advantage to the Scots presbyterians j 
 
 * for he was expert in all their jigs and artifices {/),* 
 
 What the good fecretary would have had the 
 
 young King do is hard to fay. There was no place 
 
 for him in England or Ireland where then could 
 
 he go but into Scotland? How expert foever Sir Ed- 
 ward Hyde might be in the Sects jigs and artifices, it 
 would not have been in his power to have hindered 
 the King's refolving to agree with the commiflioners 
 of that kingdom, though, 'tis very certain, his in- 
 clination was not much that way. For he had no 
 love for the Scots league and covenant ; he reliftied not 
 the manners and behaviour of the ruling part of that 
 nation ; nor could ne well put on the ftifF and formal 
 air which was almoft eflentially necelTary to gain their 
 favour. But neceflity has no law : the King leaving 
 Breda took (hip in Holland; landed in Scotland -y and, 
 having taken the folemn league and covenant, and 
 figned a declaration, wherein he renounced the fins of 
 bis father's houfe, and of his own, and the idolatry of 
 his mother, was folemnly crowned there. This filled 
 the royalifts with hopes, as appears from a letter of 
 Lojd Ormonde to Sir Edward Nicholas, dated Louvre, 
 
 Ft'
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 237 
 
 was no longer in a condition to fupport its 
 
 own 
 
 February i2, 1650. * Though it be very true, that his 
 Maje%'s condition muft be to himfelf moll irkfome, 
 and to his fervants, that have endeavoured to ferve his 
 happy father and himfelf in their own method, moft 
 uncomfortable, yet, by what Mr. Seymour relates, and 
 which feems confirmed by the London prints, it may 
 be truly faid to be in fome degree amended by his*to- 
 ronation, and the conjunction of that people, which, 
 as it gives fome foreign reputation to his bufinefs, fo 
 it promifes more of reliftance againft the rebels, than 
 when they were divided ; and, confequently, may 
 more probably afford an opportunity to others of bet- 
 ter inclinations to fhow themfelves ; and the fame 
 God, who, contrary to, and beyond the priginal in- 
 tention of the Englijh rebels, hath permitted them to 
 perpetrate fo unexampled villanies againfl the royal 
 faniily and freedom of England, may, contrary to, 
 and beyond the purpofe of the Scots (who gave the 
 rife to the perpetration) make them inflrumental in 
 the reftoration, I hope he purpofes, to the King's juft ii) ^'■," 
 * power, and his people's free claim (^).' But his lord- state pa- 
 fhip's hopes weje ill founded. The Scots were zealous pers, vol. I. 
 indeed to ferve their covenanted King, and they hated P- 4°S* 
 heartily the Englijh government and army, whom they 
 were taught by their clergy to look on and .call feSlariesy 
 a name, in the ears of the priefts and prieft-ridden, 
 moft odious and abominable. Great preparations were 
 every v/herc made to raife an army, which might de- 
 ftroy thefe men, and reftore his Majefty to the Englijh 
 throne. But the thing was not fo eafily efFedled as 
 planned. Thofe who fat at the helm of affairs were 
 upon their guard. On the 12th of June^ 1650, the 
 parliament voted, that the lord-general Fairfax^ .and 
 Jieutenant-general CromiveH, fliould both be command- 
 ed to go upon the northern expedition : and that the 
 council of ftate (which had been conftituted at the be- 
 ginning of tiie new government, and confifted of fome 
 
 of
 
 ^38 TilELIFEOF 
 
 own independency, much lefs place the Ton 
 
 of 
 
 of the moft able men in it) do acquaint them with it, 
 and take care for their fpeedy march towards Sect- 
 land. For they thought it beft to be before hand 
 with the Sccts^ and to carry the war into that country. 
 ' Fairfax being advifed with herein, feemed at firft to 
 
 * like well of it, but afterwards being hourly perfwad- 
 
 * ed by the prefbyterian miniflers, and his own lady, 
 
 * who was a great patronefs of them, he declared him- 
 
 * felf unfatisfied that there was a juft ground for the 
 ' parliament of England to fend their army to invade 
 
 * Scotland : but that in cafe the Scots fhould invade Eng- 
 ' landy then he was forward to engage againft them in 
 
 * defence of his own country The council of ftate 
 
 * fomewhat troubled at his excellency's fcruples, appoint- 
 ' ed Crctmvrl!^ Lcmbert^ Harrijon^ St. ychn^ and IVhit- 
 ' lack, to be a committee to confer hereupon with him ; 
 
 * and to endeavour to fatisfy him of the juftice and 
 
 * lawfulnefs of this undertaking. Accordingly this com- 
 
 * mittee met Lord Fairfax, and being (hut up together 
 
 * in a room in Whiteha I, they went firft to prayer, that 
 ' God would direct them in this bufinefs ; and Cromwell 
 ' began. Moft of the committee alfo prayed, after 
 
 * which they difcourfed in the manner related at large 
 
 * by Mr. If hiilcek.'' From his account it appears that 
 Fairfax grounded his unwillingnefs to invade Scotland, 
 on the foundation of the two nations being bound in 
 the national league and covenant ; * And now for us, 
 
 * faid hi?, contrary thereunto and without fufficient caufe 
 
 * given us by them, to enter into their country with an 
 
 * army, arid to make war upon them, is that which 
 
 * 1 cannot fee ihe juftice of, nor how we (hall be able 
 
 * to juftify the lawfulnefs of it to God or man.' Crcm- 
 ivell to this replied : * I confefs, my lord, that if they 
 
 * have given us no caufe to invade them, it will not be 
 ^ juftifiable in us to do it ; and to make war upon them 
 
 * without a fufficient ground for it, will be contrary to 
 ' that which in confcience we ought to do, and difpleaf- 
 
 6 ' ing
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. '239 
 
 of the lute King on the throne of his fa- 
 
 '4? 
 
 thers 
 
 ing both to God and good men. But, my lord, if 
 they have invaded us, as your lordihip knows they 
 have done, fince the national covenant, and contrary 
 to it, in that action of the Duke of Hamiltan, which 
 was by order and authority from the parliament of that 
 kingdom, and To the adt of the whole nation by their 
 reprefentatives : and if they now give us t.o mucb 
 caufe of fufpicion that they intend another invafion 
 upon us, joining with their King, with whom they 
 have made a full agreement, without the afTent or pri- 
 vity of this commonwealth, alid are very bufy at this 
 prefent in raifing forces and money to carry on their 
 cefign : if thefe things are not a fufHc ent ground and 
 caufe for us to endeavour to provide for the fafety of 
 our own country, and to prevent the raiferies which 
 an invafion of the Scots would bring upon us, I hum- 
 bly fubmit it to your excellencies judgment. That 
 they have formerly invaded us, and brought a war into 
 the bowels of our country, is known to ail, wherein 
 God was pleafcd to blefs us with fuccefs againft them ; 
 and that they now intend a new invafion upon us, I 
 do as really believe, and have as good intelligence of,, 
 as we can of any thing not yet ailed. Therefore I 
 fay, my lord, that, upon thefe grounds, I think we 
 have a moft juft caufe to begin, or rather to return 
 and requite their hoilility firft begun upon us ; and 
 thereby to free our country (if God fha!l be pleafed to 
 aflift us, and I doubt not but he will) from the great 
 mifery and calamity of having an army of Scots within 
 our country. That there will be a war between us, I 
 fear is unavoidable. Your exceliency will foon deter- 
 mine whether it be b. tier to have -this war in the 
 bowels of another country or our own ; and that it 
 will be in one of them, I tiiink it is without fcruple.'—- 
 This feems all very forcible, but it had no effe<fl on 
 Fairfax, who having before taken his refolution, as it 
 fhould feetpj contente.d himfclf with faying to this and 
 
 the
 
 240^ THE LIFE OF 
 
 thers^ which ths Scots had fondly hoped 
 
 for. 
 
 the like kind of argument urged by IVhiflock, St. "Johriy 
 and Harriforiy * That human probabilities are not fuf- 
 . ' ficient grounds to n-ake war upon a neighbour nation, 
 
 rials, p. ' efpecially our brethren of Scotland, to whom we are 
 ^6c — ^462. ' engaged in a folemii league and covenant [h),^ One 
 mufl have had a flrange underftanding, or been under a 
 very ftrange influence to have talked after this rate f 
 But fo it was, Fairfax chofe rather to refign his com- 
 miflion than go againft the Scoti, in order to prevent their 
 intended vifit into his own country. CrcrnvJcll urged 
 him to continue it with great vehemence, but in vain, 
 and being fure th it he was immoveably fixed in his de- 
 termination, prefled him, and the parliament to conti- 
 nue him, with all that dexterity and diilimujation I have 
 elfe-where mentioned. — Cromwell now, by an ordinance 
 of parliament, fuccecded Fairfax in the fupreme com- 
 mand, and the parliament publifhed a declaration upon 
 the marching of their army into Scotland. In this de- 
 claration they take notice of the averfenefs to amity 
 and friendfhip to the commonwealth manifefted by the 
 Scots, and their hoftile difpofitlon, notwithftanding the 
 fignal hand of God againll them upon their late inva- 
 fion. After this they mention their tranfaftions in 1648, 
 'and the kindnefTes which they had received from the 
 EngliJJ} army when in Scotland, ' yet now,' continues the 
 parliament, * laying afide all confideration of former kind- 
 
 * neffes, an^ of their expreffions and engagements of 
 
 * juftice and treaties, the common bonds of human fo- 
 
 * ciety, they endeavour to exercife their'pov/er for the 
 ' deftruction of thofe by whofe means they did receive it; 
 
 * they again infift upon the fame pretenfions to rnatters 
 
 * of our government, and take upon them to determime 
 
 * what is fundamental here; and dire£f and threaten us, 
 
 * if we change not what is now eflablifhed, and form 
 ' it to their mind, or accommodate it to their intereft. — 
 ' Their defign and refolution again to invade Enzland^ 
 *■ will be the more evident, if we remember, i. That 
 
 ' upon
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 241 
 
 for* Indeed after this lafl: defeat, Scotland 
 
 was 
 
 upon occafion of demanding only a treaty for fatiT- 
 faflion for their former invafion, they do, in exprefs 
 terms, declare themfelves enemies to the government 
 of this commonwealth, and all that adhere thereto, 
 and lay foundations of fedirion, and new infurrecSiions 
 amongft ourfelves. 2. In purfuance of thefe grounds, 
 they who cannot claim to themfelves the Icaft colour 
 of authority or dominion over us, yet have taken upon' 
 them, in Scotland^ tu proclaim Charles Stuart to be 
 King of England and L eland', and in their treaty fince 
 with him, have promifed him. their afliftance againft 
 this nation. 3. Before the late invafion from Scotland^ 
 the parliament of England, upon forefight of their 
 difpofition to what followed, and feeing their prepa- 
 ration, and the party they had feduced in order there- 
 unto, believing what the event was like to be, fent 
 thither commillioners to treat for preventing the ef- 
 fufion of blood ; but the treaty was refufed, and an- 
 fwered only with the immediate march of their army 
 into England. Having therefore again refufed the 
 amicable offer of a treaty for peace, we have reafon 
 to expedl another invafion. 4. They have equallv 
 declared againft us as fedlaries, as they have againft 
 thofe of Alontrcje^ party, putting us into the fame 
 
 rank with malignants and papifts. Their 
 
 defign and purpofe being thus evident, a neceffity 
 is upon us to ufe our befl endeavours, with God '3 
 alRftance, to prevent them, and not leave them to in- 
 vade us at their choftn opportunity, and our greatefl dif- 
 advantage, when ihey fhall have complearcd their de- 
 fign with foreign ftates for their aid, and with their 
 fadlic^n and party in this nation for correfpondence and 
 concurrence in their attempts upon us; and that we 
 may not be at the infupportable charge of keeping fe- 
 veral armies in our own bowels, and fubje<5f ourfelves 
 to the contributions, plunderings, and barbarous ufage 
 of a Scots army, if we fuffer them again to enter ; 
 R * or
 
 242 THELIFEOF 
 
 was by the arms of the Englifj common - 
 
 wealth 
 
 ' or of keeping one formed army conftantly upon the 
 
 * borders, for preventing or refifting thofe attempts up- 
 
 * on us, which they are waiting an opportunity at their 
 
 * beft advantage to make. A burthen from which we 
 ' ought to apply our beft endeavours to free the people, 
 
 * who have fuffered fo deeply already by their means ; 
 
 * which hath been part of their defign, hereby to bring 
 
 * the people to a difcontent with the government from 
 , * the fenfe of charge, without confidering the caufe of 
 
 ' the continuance thereof, that fo they may be fitted to 
 
 .. ' receive their impreffions, and carry on their fa£lion 
 
 nientary * among US, and keep it ready for them to make ufe of 
 
 Hiftorv,vol. < when they fhall fee caufe (/').' On the 29th of Jure, 
 
 XIX p . 176 Cromwell fet forward from London towards the north, 
 and by the approbation of the parhament, a declaration 
 , of the army of England, upon their march into ScJlamd^ 
 was printed. The title of it, too remarkable to be 
 omitted, runs thus : To all that ate faint s., and partakers 
 cf the faith of God's eleSf, in Scotland *. There is a 
 cant here and there interfperfed, but on the whole it is far 
 from a contemptible performance. In it is given their 
 rcafons for bringing the late King to juftiee, and ex- 
 cluding his family from the throne ; as alfo for abolifhing 
 the houfe of lords, and ereifling a commonwealth. Af- 
 ter whichj the breach of the covenant; the rejection of 
 
 * It Is not improbable this declaration of the army of England, upon 
 their march into Scotland, was intenc!ed to obviate the prejudices excited 
 againfl them in * The declaration of maioT-general Mafley and So other 
 •' Englifli officer? and commanders ingaged with the kingdom cf Scotland, 
 ' in behalf of tlicir prefbyterian brethren, in England, Ireland, and the 
 
 * principalitie of Wales. Declaring the grounds and reaibns moving them 
 ' to take up arms in the kingdom of Scotland; admonifhing all confcien- 
 
 * ricus preftyterians not to ap'.ftatize from their firft principles, iior ad- 
 ^* here, engage, or take up arms with the rebels at Weftminfter. D'a- 
 
 * ted at Orkney ifland, March ig, 1650-' In quarto, without printer's 
 name, or place. The title of this piece alone might fatisfy us cf the 
 ffirit with which it is written; which inccfd is fharp, irritating, and 
 abufive, and full of the blackcft charaflers of the army and the parlia- 
 ttientr 
 
 pref-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 243 
 
 wealth almoft wholly fubduedj and thbfe 
 
 who 
 
 prefbyterian government j and the herenes and blafphe- 
 mies charged on them by fome ftatifts, as they ftyle 
 them, are refuted : and the King and his adherents are 
 reprefented as influenced by pbpifh counfels. They then 
 add, * 1$ there not now juft caufe for all good men with 
 
 * you to fear that one fo bred, fo engaged and intereft- 
 
 * ed, and meerJy in fuch a way coming in to you, doth 
 ^ but watch his opportunity (to fpeak nothing of the 
 
 * weight of blood of the faints under the altar, crying 
 
 * flill for vengeance upon him and that family) till by 
 
 * his influence upon your army,- which you know how 
 
 * compofed, he may gain his ends upon you; and hoW' 
 
 * likewife the generality of the p^opls of Scotland art af- 
 
 ' fedled, is not unworthy of your nloft ferious confide- (k) ParJia- 
 
 ' ration, nor of a friendly intimation from us {i)' ^entary 
 
 Cromwell zUo^ at his arrival in Berwick, publifhed ano- xix.°p?3c6,* 
 ther declaration to the people of Scotlarid, in which re- 
 ferring to the grounds of the army's marching thither 
 as fet forth by the parliament in their declaration above- 
 mentioned, he takes notice of the unjufl reproaches and 
 falfe flanders caft on the army under his command ; 
 and in order to refute them, appeals to his known con- 
 duit, when in their country two years before, towards the 
 people in general, and the beft afFe<fted in particular. ^ 
 He then goes on to aflfure the gentry arid commonalty of* 
 Sathnd^ ' That he will not ofFer the leaft. violence or 
 
 * injury to their perfons, goods or pofiefiions, they be- 
 
 * ing innocent in his Opinion, and invites them to flay 
 
 * and abide in their o\vn» habitations, where, fays he, 
 
 * they may and fhall enjoy what they have in peace } 
 
 * and not to fufi^er themfelves to be miflead by the craft 
 
 * and fubtilty of any, into that which mull needs prove 
 
 * their inevitable lofs and ruin, and a great hazard to 
 
 * their country (/).' _ _ (/]n.p 3ii, 
 But thefe were things of little confequertce in com- 
 
 parifon of the after actions of Cromwell and his army. 
 
 'For they made it appear to Scotland and the v.'orld, tliat 
 
 R 2 their
 
 244 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 who had bid defiance to their own princes, 
 
 were 
 
 their difcipline and valour were unparalleled. The 
 country people were treated with great kindnefs by the 
 general ; their wants fupplied ; and fuch as in the lead 
 injured them, very feverely punifhed. On the 22d day 
 of ya/y, 1650, Cromuell entered Scotland^ and endea- 
 voured by a variety of ways to bring the Scots to a bat- 
 tle. But they, though there were fome fmart fkirmifhes, 
 kept themfelves from a general engagement, and thought 
 by that means to occafion the Englifn^ as the winter 
 approached, to return through want of provifions. 
 1 hey probably judged rightly ; and had they kept 
 their refolution, Cromwell might have had the mortifi- 
 cation of finding himfelf unable to execute his defigns. 
 But prudence or fortune failed them, Cromuell be- 
 gan to find himfelf in fuch difficulties that he thought it 
 proper to retreat towards Dunbar ; the Scots followed him 
 cfofe, with an army greatly fuperiour. They now 
 thought they had Cromwell in their power, and they were 
 
 determined not to ^et him efcape. What condition 
 
 the EnglijT) were in, what the hopes of the Sects, and at 
 the fame time the high enthufiafm of Cromwcli, will beft 
 appear from his own letter to Mr. Speaker Lentkall, 
 dated Dunbar^ Sept. 4, 1650. Speaking of his retreat 
 towards Duntar, he adds, * Their [the Scct>'\ whole 
 
 * army was in march after us : and indeed our drawing 
 ' back in this manner, with the addition of three new 
 
 * regilhents added to them, did much heighten their 
 
 * confidence, if not prefumption and arrogancy. The 
 
 * enemy that night we perceived gathered towards the 
 
 * hilb, labouring to make a perfe«5t interpofiiion between 
 
 * us and Berwick ; and having in this pofture a great 
 
 * advantage, through his better knowledge of the coun- 
 ' try, which he effected by fending a corifiderable party 
 
 * to the ftrait pafs at C(,perfp"ib, where t- n men to 
 ' hinder are better than forty to make their way. And 
 
 * truly this was an exigent, to usj jwherveby the enemy 
 < T'' r'<'^!. d ii«: w ;h •'■•-:; c yi:i.'i;u,ji r!:c i ..r'iament's ar- 
 
 * my
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 245 
 
 were forced to fubmit to a foreign (but not a 
 
 griev- 
 
 my was in when it made its hard conditions with the 
 King in Comtvall. By feme reports that have come 
 to us, they had difpofed of us and of their bufinefs, in 
 fufficient revenge and wrath towards our perfons, and 
 had fwailowed up the poor inttre^ oi England., be'iev- 
 ing that their army and their Kinz would have march- 
 ed to London without any interruption ; it being told us, 
 we know not how truly, by a prifoner we took the 
 night before the fight, that their King was very fud- 
 denly to come amongft them, with thofe Englijh they 
 allowed to be about him ; but in what they were thus 
 lifted up, the Lord was above them. The enemy 
 lying in the pofture before mentioned, having thofe 
 advantages, we lay very near him, being fenfible cf 
 our difadvantages, having fome weaknefs of fiefh, but . 
 yet confolation and fupport from the Lord himfelf, 
 to our poor weak faith, wherein I believe not a few 
 amongft us fliared, thatbecaufe of their numbers, be- 
 caufe of their advantages, brcaufeof their confidence, 
 becaufe of our weaknefs, becaufe of our ftrait, we 
 were in the mount, and in the mount the Lord would 
 be feen, and that he would find out a way of delive- 
 rance and falvation for us; and indeed we had our («) Parlia- 
 confolations and our hopes {m).' Nor were their "^^'^|^. 
 hopes vain. On the third oi September y Cromwell, with xix, p! '344.' 
 an army of about 7500 foot, and 3500 horfe, attacked the See Appen- 
 5fo/f^army, confifting, as 'twas (aid. of 6oco ho^^fe, and ^*' 
 16,000 foot at leaft, and in lefs than an hour put the 
 whole army into confufion, totally routed them, and 
 had the chafe and execution of them near eight miles. 
 In this battle the Scots had 30CO killed, loooo made 
 prifoners, exclufive of officer^, all their baggage and 
 train taken, with 2co colours. This vidliory, fo un- 
 expected in Scotland and England, filled the friends of the 
 commonwealth and Cromwell with great joy. * Our 
 * prayers are heard,' faid Mr. Sympfon in a letter to the 
 Lord General, dated Sept. 10, 1650, * our truft on 
 R 3 ' 'him
 
 246 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 grievous) yoke. For 'tis well known that 
 
 the 
 
 * bira anfwered, his promife accompliftied to jydge our 
 
 * caufe in the day of battle, when he might have judged 
 
 * our perfons according to our fins. Our enemies 
 
 ' here (the morning of that day before thefe tidings 
 
 * came) run up and down to their friends with news, 
 ' that you were coming back: with fhame ; they infulted 
 
 * in their (hops and ftrcet, bccaufe that was now come 
 
 * to pafs they always looked for, &£. But whilft their 
 ' hearts were thus merry in them, their faces grew pale, 
 
 sfL^pl- * '^^'"^ countenances cA\ down, becaufe the fword of 
 pers, by * the Lotd and of his ferv^nts had prevailed («)•'——— 
 Iviickojls, Oliver St. "John alfo, writing on the fame occafion to the 
 \' '^' general, obferves, * 'I hat God had determined the dif- 
 
 * pute between EtTgland and iuotland^ in fuch a manner 
 ' as all may fee and acknowledge that he hath done it ; 
 *■ and therefore you could not fight when and as you 
 
 * deftred j but then when your forces were lefTcned in 
 ' Qunjber, and the remainder wcakned by ficknefs and 
 
 * wants, and thereby much difpiritedj and when the 
 ' enemy thence and by their recruits, became confi- 
 ' dent, relying upon and boafting in the arm of fiefti. 
 ' This (eafon did the Lord chufe to give- his judgment 
 
 * in, and fignal was it, for lltihence thefe wars, never was 
 {0) Id, p. < th^re, as I remember, fo great a victory obtained 
 *^"' * with fo little lofs of ours (0).' Such a viciory, indeed, 
 
 in fuch circumflatKes, may excufe a little enthufiafm, 
 in minds lefs difpofed to it than Cromwell and his friends I 
 No doubt this appearance of providence, and thefe eon- 
 gpaitujatioBs received, mufl have been highly peaftng to 
 the lord general. The parliament, fenfible of Crotri' 
 tvell's merit in this ailair, on receiving the account, paid 
 \i\m all the refpeci the moft ambitious man, one would 
 think, could wifti for. They ordered ' men, money, 
 provifions, medicaments, phyficians, apothecaries, and 
 all other nccefiaries for the army in Scotland ^ they fet 
 apart a day of thankfgiving ; appointed that the colours 
 then brought up, together with thofe taKen from the 
 
 ScoU
 
 ^ OLIVER CROMWELL. 247 
 
 the government there was far enough from 
 
 being 
 
 Scots at Prejiotiy to be fet up in WeJimirfter-haU ; re- 
 folved that a letter fhould be written to the lord gene- 
 ral from the parliament, taking notice of his eminent 
 fervices, with the fpecial acknowledgment and thanks of 
 thehoufe; and more'over referred it to the committee of 
 the army, to conGder what medals may be prepared 
 both for officers and foldiers that were in this fervice in 
 Scotland^ and fet the proportions and values of them, 
 and their number, and prefent an eftimate of them to Sep-jo*^"^* 
 the houfe (/»).' Nor were thefe empty complements: 1650. 
 the parliament were fully pleafed with Cromwell^ and 
 defirous of gratifying him as much as might be. * I 
 
 * never knew,' fays Sir H. Vane in a letter to the lord 
 general, the day on which the above refolutions were 
 taken, ' any thing take a deeper or more kindly im- 
 
 * preflion on the parliament, who in general have good 
 
 * aymes, and are capable of improvement upon fuch 
 ' wonderful deliverances as thefe vouchfafed to them, 
 
 * Never were your friends to whom you diredted 
 
 * your letter more enlarged in heart with thankfulnefs , , ^., , 
 
 * to God, and in love to you and your army, than sute Pa- 
 
 * from the fenfe of this late inexpreflible deliverance (<?).' pers, by 
 
 Whether the officers and foldiers had the medals given Nickoils, 
 them, propofed in the refolution of the houfe juft men- ^' ^' 
 tioned, I know not. Certain 'tis, a very excellent me- 
 dal was ftruck on the vidlory at Dunbar^ on which is 
 CromweWs head in fine relief, and round it. The word at 
 Dunhzr the Lord of H/?s, Sept. ■;^,- 16^0 On the revetfe is 
 a reprefentation of the parliament of the commonwealth of 
 England. This was the work of the celebrated Mr. Sy- 
 TTons, who had the patronage o^ Cromwell ; and was re- 
 commended to the committee of the army, by him, 
 for that purpofc, in a letter which will be found in the 
 
 Appendix. But to return. — After the battle of 
 
 Dunbar, all things gave way to the valour of the EngVJh 
 general ; Edinburgh^ Leith, and many other places fur- 
 rendered to him i and on the 24th of Dec. it was 
 R 4 agreed.
 
 ^^8 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 being burthenfome to the generality, though 
 
 it 
 
 / 
 
 (o Britan- 
 nia TtiiiiM- 
 pbalis, p. 
 67. izmo. 
 Load, 1651. 
 
 agreed, that the caftle of Edinhurghy after a fhort, but 
 brifk fiege, fliould be delivered up to him, with all the 
 ordinance, arms, magazines, and furniture of war 
 thereunto belonging. ' It may feem flrange and al- 
 
 * moft incredible, fays a writer of that time, that fuch a 
 « ftrong and impregnable hold as was that, fhould be fo 
 
 * eafily won, the like whereof is not in that nation ; 
 
 * wherefore it was (he common vogue of that time, 
 
 * and by many credibly believed, that it was aflaulted 
 
 * with filver engines (?).' It does not however appear 
 that Croinivell was wont to make ufe of thefe again ft 
 
 his foes. The Scots^ in the rrean while, were not 
 
 intimidated by their lofles : full of zeal for their King, 
 and hatred of the fe6taries, who were now their con- 
 querors, they again rai/ed a very confiderable army, 
 and hoped without doubt to be fully avenged on them. 
 For they had friends and well wiftiers in tvgland, efpe- 
 cially the prefbyterians, who were plotting how to ad- 
 vance the young King to the thrones of his fathers. 
 But all was inefFeciual. The plots in England were 
 difcovered, and fome loft their lives on that account ; 
 the Scots army cared not to face Crcmu-ell, but chofe 
 
 ■ what appeared to them, the fafer game, w'z. to give 
 him the flip, and march before him into England^ where 
 they counted they Yiiduld meet with aid and afliftance. 
 This they put in execution, Chdn^'es 11. at the head of 
 a good army and gallant o5icers, attended by many of 
 the chief nobility and gentry of Scotland^ fet forward the 
 neareft way for Englond. In Lancajlnre he was joined 
 by the Earl of Dirby with others, and after in vain fum- 
 jnoning Shreivjierry^ he arrived at Wofcejhr, where he 
 determined to abide the coming of Cromwell^ who was 
 in full march after him. A few days brought him 
 within view indeed} and on the third of Sept. 1651, he 
 without ceremony, gave orders to his troops to attack 
 the enemy, and gave them a total overthrow. * This, 
 * fays Cromwell, hath been a very glorious mercy, and 
 
 < as
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 249 
 
 it could not be acceptable to thofe from 
 
 whom 
 
 * as ftifF a conteft for four or five hours, as ever I have (s) See his 
 
 * feen (s).' So that Clarendon, out of fpight tothe^^^""f° 
 Scots^ has grofly mifreprefented their behaviour in this j^ tij^p^j." 
 battle, by faying, ' That except on the part where Mid- liamentary 
 
 * dleion was, who was quick'y overpowered, there was ^''^°''>'' v°'' 
 
 * no refiftance made ; but fuch a general confternaciori Ancf "whit-1 
 
 * poflefled the whole army, that the reft of the horfe lock, p. 
 
 * fled, and all the foot threw down their arms before 5°7j 5°^. ^ 
 
 * they were charged (/").' What credit can fuch aj, °'^** 
 prejudiced writer deferve ? Mr. Hume, however, has 
 icrvilely copied this falfe and ungenerous account of the (")^ifto'7 
 behaviour of his countrymen {u). In this battle the Britain vol. 
 King loft 3000 men, befides about 12C00 made prifo- ii. p. 29. 
 ners, amongft whom were many of the chief quality. 
 
 Thus an tnd for the prefent was put to the hopes of the 
 Scots King and his party ; who from this time was forced 
 to wander abroad (where he would have wandered, had 
 he had no afliftance but from the cavaliers, for ever) 
 till the redoration in 1660 After this 5i:o//aH^ yield- 
 ed to the Enolijky and prefumed no more to enter the 
 l.fts, for power and dominion. Indeed fhe was wholly 
 fubdued. How high a fenfe the parliament had oi Crom- 
 well's fervices, will appear from the inftrudions given to 
 the commiflioners whom they fent to compliment him 
 on this laft vi^ory. They'*ar^ Jated S>pt. 9, 1651, 
 and are as follov^W ' You are in the name of the par- 
 
 * liament, to congratulate his lordftiip's good recovery 
 
 * of health, after his dangerous fickncfs ; and to take 
 
 * notice of his unwearied labours and pains in the late 
 
 * expedition into Scotland, for the fervice of this com- 
 
 * monwealth ; of his diligence in profecution of the 
 
 * enemy, when he fled into England y of the great 
 
 * hardfhips and hazards he hath expofed himfelf to, and 
 
 * particularly at the late fight at IVorcejler ; of the pru- 
 ' dent and faithful managing and conducting throu2;hout 
 
 * this great and important aff'air, which the Lord from 
 « heaven hath fo fignally bleiled, and crowned with fo 
 
 * com-
 
 250 THELIFEOF 
 
 whom it had taken the power of tyranniiing 
 
 over 
 
 ' compleat and glorious an iflue. Of aJl which you 
 ' are to make known to his iorjfhip, the parliament 
 
 * hath thought fit, by you, to certify their good ac- 
 
 * ceptance and great fatisfac^ion therein ; and for the 
 ' fame you are to return, in the name of the parlia- 
 ' ment and commonwealth of England, their moft hear- 
 ' ty thanks: as alfo to the reft of the officers and fol- 
 
 * diers, for their great and galiant fervices cone to this 
 ' commonwealth. You are likev/ife to let his lordfhip 
 
 * know that fince, by the great bleffing of God upon his 
 
 * lordftiip's and the army's endeavours, the enemy is fo 
 
 * totally nlefeated, and the ftate of affair^, as well in 
 
 * England as in Scotland, fuch, as may very well dif- 
 
 * penfe with bis lordftiip's continuaiKC in the field ; 
 
 * they dodefire his lordfhip, for the better fetrlement of 
 ' his health, to take fuch reft and repofe as he fljaii find 
 
 * moft requifite and conducing thereunto: and for that 
 
 * purpofe to make his repair to, and refidence at or v»ith- 
 
 * in fome few miles of this place, whereby alfo the 
 % * parliament may have the aOiftance of his prefence, in 
 
 ... * the great and important confultations for the further 
 mentarjHf-' fettlement of this commonwealth, which they are 
 to^, p. 48. ' now upon (*■).' Mr. IVbitlociy who was one cf the 
 ^^^*^ ''^"^ commifiioners, tells lis, '■ That they met the general 
 Sept.' 1651. * near Aylejhurjy delivered their meflage, and he re- 
 < ccived them with all kindnefs and refpc<Si : that he 
 
 * gave each of them a horfe and two 8cati prifoners, 
 
 * as a token of his thankful reception of the parliament's 
 « regard in fending them to meet and congratulate 
 
 4£j'T<M * him(^).' Cromwell was alfo met at Acfon, by the 
 ' Speaker, the Lord Prefident Bradjbow, many members 
 of parliament and the council of (late, with the Lord 
 Mayor, aldermen, and fheriffs ; and, entering London 
 JD a coach of flate, was received with all poiTible de- 
 monfirations of joy. And to crown all, the parliament 
 refolved that lands of inheritance to the yearly value of 
 ' 4000/. belonging to the ii ate, be fettled upon the lord 
 
 zene-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 251 
 
 over their neighbours.— Nor was this all- 
 
 Dif- 
 
 general Cromwell and his heirs, as a mark of favour 
 from the parliament for his great and eminent fervices to (*) ^'^'"''^.'^ 
 the commonwealth (z). The other officers were not [^ry,"oi. xx! 
 forg( tten, hut were provided for out of Scotland, which p. -o—sj. 
 being looked on in lome meafure as conquered, it was 
 refolved to bring in an a<Sl for afferting the right of the 
 commonwealth to fo much oi Scotland, as was then unr 
 der the forces of the commonwealth, and to fettle it 
 
 under the government thereof {a). Such being the f^^J"""*^^* 
 
 actions oiCrc7nivell in Scotland, and 2X IVorceJler, ve 
 are not to wonder that his panegirifts talked of them 
 in lofty terms, and preferred him to antient heroes for 
 valour and fortitude. The learned reader, poffibly, may 
 be pleafed with a fpecimen of them : * In vidloriis tuis 
 
 * tarn muhis Olivari, quae funt eo nobiliore?, quo dif- 
 
 * ficiliores, periculofiores, formidabiliores pugnas fuere, 
 
 * celeritatem certe tuam, fortitudinemque fuperioribus 
 
 * heroibus omnibus longe clariorem arbitror, quippe 
 
 * quos vel explofi Sclopi globulus cum audacid fua prof- 
 
 * travifll't illico. Atque ut ingenue fatear, longe plus ^ 
 ' xftimo virtute tua fuperatam Cambriam, atque poft 
 
 ' fradtos tam multos, eofquii Scotorum valentiflimos ex- 
 ' ercitus, a te captum Edenburgum, Stcrlinumque, at- 
 
 * que ex confequcnti Scotiam univerfam. In Hibernia 
 ' vero Tredam vi captam, Hiberniamque redadam ; 
 ' in Anglia, Scotorum exercitu potentiffimo defenfam, 
 
 ■' muntiffimamque tum natura loci, turn arte Vigorni- 
 ' am, vi tamen occupatam, plus inquam, ex animi mei 
 ' fmceritate vidtorias hafce tuas facio, quam Cyri, Al- 
 
 * exandri, Julii Casfaris laureas omnes, habita rationed '2^ 
 
 ' temporis, locorum,hoftiumque (^).' — Another fpeaking nee nonO- 
 of him, faid, *• Ille eft, ille eft, auditores admiremini ! I'varii, p. 
 
 * Cujus unius fortitude plus biennio profecit, quam '^^' 
 
 * centenis feculis majores noftri profuerant, vel forfan 
 ' nepotes profuturi. Nempe per ultimam Thulen au- 
 
 * fpiciis obftupefcendis volitantia vexilla protulit, & ultra 
 ' Romanas aquilas, exercituura vi(5irice5 alas expli- 
 
 I * cuit.
 
 252 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Difputes arifing with the Du'ch (mm), a 
 
 fpirit 
 
 (r) Oratio 
 Aniverfaria 
 in diem In- 
 ansurationis 
 OHvari, 
 per Fifher. 
 Fol. Load. 
 1655. 
 
 (<CPanegy- 
 xicus Crom- 
 ■welli, p. 35. 
 4to. 1654. 
 
 (*) See Se- 
 crets difco- 
 ■vered ; or 
 England's 
 complaint 
 againft the 
 States-Ge- 
 nerah 4to. 
 Load. 1643 
 
 * cuit (c).* A third defcribes the battle of Wcrafer 
 
 in the following manner: * Ad extremum il!ud & maxi- 
 
 * mum, in quo de fumma rei Scoti dimicarunt ; prse- 
 ' lium venio. Iliua inquam Vigcrnianum, omnibus 
 
 * totius anteaadae statis acerrimis comparandum : Nant 
 
 * neque apud Mantineam Thebani cum Lacedemonlis, 
 
 * neque apud Zamam Annibal cum Scipione, neque in 
 ' Pharfalicis campis Pompejus cum Ca fare, neque apud 
 
 * Mutinam cum Antonio Confules, neque a; ud Phi- 
 
 * lippos cum Aujufto & Antonio Brutus & Caffius acri- 
 
 * us & pertinacius dimicarunt {d)^ The vi6lory at 
 Wcrcejiery and the refpe^t and applaufe almoft univer- 
 fally attending him, infpired CronrwcV^ probably, firft 
 of all with the defire of difpoflefling his mafters, and 
 feizing the fupream command. The reafons cf this 
 aflertion will be found in the note (\v\v). 
 
 (mm) Difputes crifwg with the Dutch, a fp'rjt ani 
 cotiduH appeared in the Englifti com:no>iweahh^ &c. J 
 From the beginning of the quarrel between Charles and 
 the parliament, the Dutch had a(5ted fomewhat parti- 
 ally in his Majefty's favour. Arms and ammunition, 
 officers and private foldiers, tc'cther with fome fhips, had 
 been procured from them at different times by theQiieen 
 and her agents. On complaint of thefe things tVcm 
 the parliament, by their agent Mr. Strickland^ orders 
 were given to put a flop to every thing of this kind, 
 and to obferve the moft exa(5l neutrality. But among a 
 money-loving people this was but ill obferved, and 
 therefore orders were given to the commanders of the 
 Eniljh fhips, to feize all Dutch (hips on which were pro- 
 vifions, ftores, ammunition or any other thing belonging 
 to or intended for the enemy : which orders were well 
 obeyed, and caufed great complaints in //j/'<7;.'i againfl 
 the parliaiPent, who, however, were not to be moved 
 from their refolution (f). In the beginning o^ January^ 
 1643, the States-General fent ambafladors into E^g- 
 landy who, though refpciStruJly treated by the parlia- 
 , • ' ' menr.
 
 OLIVERCROMWELL. 253 
 
 fpirit and conduct appeared in the beha- 
 viour 
 
 ment, made no addrefs to it, but repaired to the King 
 at Oxford^ and, after abiding there fix weeks, returned 
 to London 14, 1643. They then prefented ' A paper 
 ' to each of the Speakers of the houfes of parliamsnt, 
 
 * with a memorandum to that delivered to the houfe of 
 ' peers, in thefe words: Delivered by the embaflddors 
 
 * of the lords eftates, unto Mounfier the Baron Grey 
 ' of IVerk^ Speaker, to be communicated to the lords 
 
 * of the parliament, this 14 day of March, 1643. The 
 
 * other to the Speaker of the houfe of commons, with 
 
 * a memorandum in thefe words j Delivered by the 
 ' embafladors of the lords eftates, unto Mr. William 
 
 * Lenthall, Speaker, to be communicated to the S" 
 ' commons of parliament this 14 day of March, 1643.* 
 To the matter of thefe papers, the lords and commons 
 could give no anfvver, in refpedl they were not addrefled 
 to them in fuch words, either for the matter or man- 
 ner, as that they could legally, and according to the 
 courfe of parliament, take notice of them as directed 
 to themfelves. However, that the ambafladors might 
 not plead ignorance concerning the form of addrefs, 
 the parliament were willing that fome of their members 
 (hould repair to them, to acquaint them therewith, who 
 did accordingly, and left the fame in writing with them : 
 but this for the prefent made no alteration in their be- 
 haviour. On the 4th of May, 1644, ^^'^ ambalTadors 
 came to the Speaker of the houfe of commons, and by 
 him prefented their fervice to the parliament, protefting 
 their defires to do good ; but that they met with no 
 fuccefs ; and fo took their leave for Oxford again. 
 But when they perceived the parliament army to come 
 near to 0>ford^ where they then were, with the King, 
 they came out with white flags before them, and moved 
 the Earl of Ejfex, for a treaty : his excellency afl'ured them 
 that it belonged only to the parliament to appoint fuch 
 a treaty. Upon this they returned to Oxford; and from 
 thence ihey came with their white flags, which were 
 
 {till
 
 254 THELIFEOF 
 
 viour of the new commonwealth, which 
 
 fur- 
 
 mil carried before them all the way as they pafled, 
 even into the city of Lor.don. Some perfons from Ox- 
 ford came up in their train, obnoxious to the parlia- 
 ment. ' After their return hither, about the 19th of 
 
 * 'June^ fays the parliament, they fent meifages to the 
 ' houfes, that they had fomething to deliver from youf 
 
 * lordftiips; [the S^.ztes of Hoilandy to vphom the de- 
 
 * claration from whence I tranfcribe this is addrefTedj 
 
 * vvhereunto, about two or three days after, this an- 
 
 * fwer was fent them ; that the houfes did expeft that 
 
 * they (hould make their demand of audience in writ- 
 
 * ing, with which if the houfes refted fatisfied, that 
 ' they would come to them as to the parlia^ient of 
 ' England^ audience fiiould be given them in each houfe 
 ' apart; which they did by 'their writing dated the 5ih 
 ' of yuly, whereby they prefented their defires as to the 
 ' lords and commons aiTembled in the parliament of 
 
 * England, and thereupon had audience given them in 
 ' each houfe the i8th day of the fame month, with a 
 
 * moft honourable and refpcdlive reception. At the 
 
 * fame time they delivered their letters of credence from 
 
 * your lordlliips, and offered their interpofuion and me- 
 ' diation for the compofmg the differences between his 
 ' Majefty and the parliament, wliich they left in writ- 
 
 * ing, together with a memorial for reparation of da- 
 
 * mages fuftained by fome merchants and mafters of 
 (/) Deda- ' Ihips ofthe United-provinces, in their (hips and courfe 
 ration otthe < of trading, with defire that commiflioners might be ap- 
 of En Ta^nd ' pointed for fettling the things complained of.'-^ — This 
 written to' had the femblance of fair dealing. — liut the Dutch am- 
 thehighand baffadors were far enough from interpofmg and mediat- 
 ^fds^'^ihe ^"S impartially. For in their letters to their mafters they 
 Sra'.es'-Ge- cenfured the .parliament's proceedings, mifreprelbnted 
 nerai, &c. their defigns, and made applications for peace on terms 
 pWnted'for ""Suitable to the fafety and welfare ofthe parliament (/). 
 L-.urcnce With rcfpeft to the damages they pretended to have fuf- 
 Biaikiock, tained in their (hips, it appeared to have been in a good 
 ^^■^S- mea-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 255 
 
 furprifed' the nations. The war was com- 
 menced 
 
 meafure redreffed by the parliament, though they were 
 importunately clamorous and troubiefome on this head, 
 and at the fame time did the fhips of the parliament da- , , . , 
 
 rill 1 1 • (^} A fecond 
 
 mage to a very coniiderable amount, without makmg Declaration 
 
 any fatisfaction [g). J have the more willingly given of the Lords 
 
 the account of thefe matters, becaufe the declarations in ^"''^001- 
 which they are contained are very little known, and proceeding 
 the memory of the fa£ts like to be loft; the declarations, with the 
 though iome of the fineft in the Englijh tongue, in point ^^'^^f^r 
 of compofition, being unaccountably omitted in the Par- states-Ge- 
 liamentary Hiftory, where their importance juftly inti- ""al. 4to, 
 tied them to a place. But to return — The fame incli- ^7^' '^' 
 nation to the royal cau'e was difcovered by the Dutch ~' 
 on other occafions. They interpofed with regard to the 
 execution o'i Charles I. they made compliments of con- 
 dolence to Charles II. on tiie murder, as they called it, 
 of his roval father ; acknowledged him to be rightful VA Gr- 
 and lawful King of England {h\ and afforded him a J^^^jfp*^^ 
 refuge in their dominions. * The minifters in /^o/Tflw^pers, vol. i. 
 ' came likewife in a body to the King, and declared p- 223- 
 
 * their deteflation of the faid horrid murder, and the 
 ' Sunday following preached in moft of the churches 
 
 * thereabouts, againft the impiety and wickednefs there- 
 ' of: whereby the people there were very much enraged 
 
 * againft all that had favoured or aflifted any ways the 
 
 * rebels in England \ infomuch that Strickland (their 
 
 * agent there) dared not to go out of his lodging, for 
 
 * fear the people would tear him in pieces (/).' This rn i^. ibii. 
 was the temper and difpofition of the Dutch, as rfefcrihi- ' 
 
 ed by Sir G. Radcliff, in a letter written from the Hagug^ 
 Feb. 13-23, 1648-9. And 'tis well known that Dr. 
 Dorifiaus, who was fent over thither to a<3: as a joint- 
 agent with Strickland, was affaffinated on the fecond day 
 of A'Jay following, and his murtherers permitted to ef- 
 cape ; though it muft be confefled at the fame time, 
 that the ^tates-Genera! offered a reward of a 1000 gil- 
 ders for apprehending the afTiiffins, and declared it death 
 
 for
 
 256 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 menced and carried on in a manner equally 
 
 ho- 
 
 for any to harbourthem.— — The following extra(5l from 
 IVicqefort^ will in a good degree confirm what has been 
 here related. — ' The party of the parliament at Low 
 ' don was already very confiderablc, when it fent IVal- 
 
 * ter Strickland to the Hague in the month oi Septerrber^ 
 
 * j6^2i but as foon as he had demanded audience, 
 
 * Bofuel/y who was there on the part of the King of 
 
 * England^ oppofed it, and reprefented that the pariia* 
 
 * ment beingbut a body without a foul, in the abfence, 
 
 * and without the King's warrantry, had neither the 
 ' power to determine any thing within the country, nor 
 ' the authority to fet on foot negotiations out of the 
 
 * kingdom, without the permiffion of its fovereign. 
 
 * Strickland feeing that the States- General (ro whom he 
 
 * had fent his letters of credence) returned him no mef- 
 ' Tage, went one day into one of their ante-rooms, and 
 
 * demanded audience. They fent him word by two 
 
 * deputies, that his letter of credence not being yet 
 ' tranflated out oi Englijh^ the States defired him to con- 
 
 * fidcr if it might not be proper for him to give in his 
 
 * propofals in writing, that they might be tranflated at 
 
 * the fame time : but he made anfwer, thai he had or- 
 
 * ders to deliver them by word of mouth, and that if 
 ' they delayed giving him audience tr.i<t day, he would 
 
 * take it as a refufal, and wou'd confider what was pro- 
 
 * per for him to do. This refolution obliged the States 
 
 * to fend him a deputy of each Province, to whom he 
 
 * laid open his ccmmiffion, and left with them his pro- 
 
 * pofals in writing; however he had no public audience, 
 ' notwithilanding the deputies of the province oi Hd- 
 
 * land alked it with as much warmth as himfelf. The 
 
 * States-General came to fome refolutions upon his 
 
 * memorial, and aflured him they vi'ould always obferve 
 
 * an exaft neutrality between the King and the parlia- 
 
 * ment. An expreffion that gives to underfland, that 
 
 * the States ackr.owledged that there were two parties 
 
 * formed in E'^gland, and that, for particular reafons, 
 
 * (which
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 257 
 
 honourable to thofe who diredled and thofe 
 
 who 
 
 (which cannot be unknown) they had more confide* 
 ration for the one than the other. They gave fuf- 
 ficient teftimony thereof the fecond voyage the fame 
 Strickland made to the Hague^ immediately after the 
 death of the late King, which had not removed the 
 difficulties of his admilfion. Dorijlaus, his colleague, 
 had been murthcred there ^ fo that Strickland, not 
 thinking himfelf fafe, made preffing inftances to be 
 admitted, and difpatched. The deputies oi Holland 
 feconded his inftances, and continually reprefented; 
 that audience could not be refund him without break- 
 ing the neutrality, which the States had promifed to 
 preferve inviolable. But all thefe good offices were 
 of no ufe, for the deputies of the fix other Provinces 
 declared, they could come to no refolution in an af- 
 fair of this nature without the exprefs order of their 
 principals, who did not explain themfelves upon the 
 matter : infomuch that Strickland (who was in con- 
 tinual uneafmefs on the account of the accident which, 
 had happened to Dorijlaus) feeing the obftinacy of the 
 fix provinces, backed by the authority of the prince 
 of Orange, was invincible, went back to England. 
 This proceeding of theirs was the more furprizing, 
 becaufe the States had an ambaffador with the fame 
 parliament, whofe minifter they treated fo unworthily, 
 and which not wanting the means to refent it, foon 
 revenged itfelf fo cruelly, that there was all the rea- 
 fon in the world to repent of the little regard had been 
 (hewn to a power, which made a great part oi Europe W Embafa- 
 tremble {k).' Funftfons* 
 
 The parliament, to whom the temper and condufl: p. 7. foI. 
 of the Dutch were not unknown, determined, if pof- Lond. 1716, 
 fible, to alter their difpofition, and bring them into an 
 union with themfelves. For this end it was reported by 
 the Lord Vifcount Lifle from the council of ftate, as 
 the opinion of that council, * That as the ftate of af- 
 ' fairs now ftaads, a public minifter be fent from the 
 
 S * par-
 
 258 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 who executed it. So tha tconfidering the valour 
 
 and 
 
 ' parliament to the prefent aflembly of the United Pro- 
 ' vinces. And it being refolved by the parliament that 
 ' a public minifter be fent thither, it was referred to 
 
 * the council of {late to confider of fuch perfons as they 
 ' fhould think fit to be fent from the parliament, and 
 
 (/) Journal, c j^ prepare inftruilions, commiffions, and letters of 
 jg.Q^ * * credence for them (/).' In purfuance of this order, the 
 council of ftate prefented the Lord Chief- Juftice St. 'Johriy 
 and Wa'ter Strickland^ Efq; to be fent as ambafl'adors 
 extraordinary to the United- Provinces, who being ap- 
 proved of by the parliament, had their commiffion, in- 
 ftruiSlions and letters of credence delivered to them by 
 (m) Journal, Mr, Speaker, in the houfe, by the command of the 
 16-0*^' parliament (7;;). ' And to prevent fuch another attempt 
 ' as had been made upon our former agent, forty gen- 
 
 * tlemen were appointed to attend him [5/, John] for 
 
 * his fecurity and honour, ten thoufand pounds being 
 ' deliveied to the lord ambafladors fteward, for the ex- 
 
 * pence of the embafly. Yet this great equipage was 
 
 * not fufEcient to prevent a public affront which was 
 ir) L«dl6%v, c ofjered him by Prince Edward, one of the Palatine 
 
 VOi» !• Pa ^ 
 
 2^. ' family, as he was paffing the llreets («).' The am- 
 
 balTadors arrived at Rotterdam, March 14, 1651. N. S. 
 On the 20th, they were admitted to an audience in the 
 aflembly of the States- General at the Hague, where St. 
 yohn, in a very handfome fpeech, after having mention- 
 ed the antient alliances between the two nations, and 
 the mutual benefit refulting from thence, declared * That 
 
 * the parliament did defire that this pious and ftri£l 
 
 * confederacy and league of amity, derived from their 
 
 * anceftors unto, them, may from themfelves be tranf- 
 
 * mitted unto pofterity, if God fo pleafe : and fuch, 
 , • faid he, is the fincere love and good will which the 
 
 * commonwealth of England bearefh unto their neigh- 
 
 * hours of the United- Provinces, begotten and con- 
 
 * ferved upon the grounds before exprefled, that they 
 
 * are willing to enter into a more iuuinate alliance and 
 
 ♦ nearer
 
 OLIVERCROMWELL. 259 
 
 and wifdom exerted, and the faccefs which at- 
 
 ed 
 
 * nearer union with them than formerly hath been, 
 
 * whereby a more real and intrinfical intereft of each iii 
 ' other, may be contradicd for their mutual good. 
 
 * My Lords, you fee the commonwealth of England 
 
 * (notwithftanding the many difcouragements they have 
 
 * found, and jufl; caufe given them of laying afide the 
 
 * thought of any further motion of this kind) have be- 
 ' gun to you, and in matters of higheft concernment 
 
 * unto both ; led thereunto, (fuch is the mercy of God) 
 
 * not out of neceffity but choice. This their good will 
 
 * deferves all acceptation on your part, with whom it 
 
 * now refts, and will, they doubt not, produce refolu- 
 ' tions anfwerable and timely; and whatfoevcr ifTue it 
 ' fhall pleafe God in his wifdom to give, they (hall al- 
 
 * ways have the fatisfadlion of having done what befit- 
 
 ' ted them, and what the welfare of the true reformed /^^ pa^Ug. 
 
 * religion, and the other great and common interefts mentary 
 
 * of both States obliged them to do («>).' The Eng- Hiftory, 
 
 lijh ambafladors on the loth of May following propofed rso,"!'?©!** 
 to the btates-General that the two commonwealths 
 
 might be confederated friends, joined and aliied together 
 for the defence and prefervation of the liberties and free- 
 dom of the people of each, againft all whomfoever that 
 (hall attempt the difturbance of either ftate by fea or 
 land J or be declared enemies to the freedom and liber- 
 ties of the people living under either of the faid go- j^^ yQ]Jl^ 
 vernments (/>). In fhort, they propofed an intire union p. i8a. 
 and coalition. One article in their propofals is too re- 
 markable to be omitted. — * We propound, fay they, 
 ' that no rebel or declared enemy of the commonwealth 
 
 * of Engbndy (hall be received into' or be fufFered to 
 ' abide in any of the caftles, towns, ports, creeks, or 
 
 * other places priviledged or not priviledged, which 
 
 * the Prince of Orange^ Princefs Mary, the relict ©f 
 
 * William late Prince of Orange, or any other perfon *)f 
 
 * what degree foever, have or hereafter (hall have ©r 
 
 * poiTefs by, any title whatfoever wiihin the-dpminiona 
 
 S 2 " * and
 
 26o T H E L I F E O F 
 
 tended the commonwealth in this war, as well 
 
 as 
 
 * and jurifdi£lions of the United-Provinces, nor fuf- 
 ' * fered by the faid Prince, Princefs, or any other per- 
 
 * fon, to be received into or abide therein; neither fhall 
 
 * the Lords States of the United- Provinces, permit or 
 ' fuffer in any of the places aforefaid, any afliftance, 
 ' counfel or favour, in fhips, men, money, vidluals, or 
 
 * in any other manner to be given, by the faid Prince 
 
 * or Princefs, or any other perfon, to any fuch rebel or 
 
 * declared enemy, but fhall openly and exprefly prohi- 
 
 * bit and hinder the fame. And if the Prince of 
 
 * Orange and Princefs Mary^ or any other perfon or 
 
 * perfons living or remaining in the jurifdidion of the 
 « United-Provinces, or under their power, do to the 
 
 * contrary hereof, then as well the faid prince and prin- 
 
 * cefs, and all and every fuch other perfon and perfons 
 
 < fo doing as aforefaid, fhall for their refpective lives, 
 
 * forfeit and lofe all fuch caflles, towns, villages, lands, 
 
 * and other places, which they or any of them fhall at 
 
 * fuch time have or pretend to have by any title what- 
 
 * foever; and likewife that no rebels or declared ene- 
 ' my of the States of the United-Provinces (hall be re- 
 
 * ceivcd into, or be fuffered in any of the caftles, towns, 
 
 * ports, or other places, priviledged or not priviledged, 
 
 < which any perfon or perfons, of what degree or qua- 
 ' lity foever he be, have or fhall hold or poflefs within 
 
 * the commonwealth o( England or dominion thereof, 
 ' by any title whatfoever, nor fuffered by any fuch per- 
 
 (?) Tnur- ( ^Qj^ jjj. pexfons, or any other, to be received thereinto, 
 p. 183. ' * or abide therein, under like penalties {q)' The States 
 And Jour- General did not feem at all defirous of this coalition, 
 A^* 16*1 though they refufed not to treat thereon : but while the 
 negotiation was on foot, St. John receiving the affront 
 above-mentioned, complained thereof to the States more 
 than once, and allured them that the parliament ex- 
 pelled reparation. The ambafTadors alfo protefted in 
 ' the name of the commonwealth of England, againft the 
 States ftylirg the Jate King, Charles I, » Which implies, 
 
 « faid
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 261 
 
 as in the redudion of Scilly^ J^ffeyy Guern^. 
 
 * faid they, that there is a fecond Charles King of Eng- 
 
 * land.' 
 
 In this fpirited manner, agreeably to their inftruc- 
 tions, did thefe gentlemen behave, and fo little were 
 they dtfpofed to have the fovereignty of their raafters 
 attacked, even in the moft dirtant manner. But though 
 the ambafladors were extremely diligent, nothing to the 
 purpofe was to be done with the Dutch, as appears by 
 the following extract of a letter from Mr. Thurloe to 
 Mr. IValter Froji, fecretary to the council of ftate ; da- 
 ted Hague, June 6-16, 1651. ' If we had not by a 
 ^ good providence of God got ane opportunity to put 
 
 * this people to a tryal by our being continued here, 
 ' they might by their laft paper, wherein they ofFerred 
 
 * the treaty of 1495, ^^^ their large profeflions, pafl 
 ' with the credulous people of England for fome kind of 
 
 * honeft men, and good neighbours ; but upon this oc- 
 
 * cafion, I am confident they appear to be perfedlly of 
 
 * the Scots mould, by converfe with whom and the 
 ' French, they have learnt the art of making huge pro- 
 
 * feffions, and in fuch a manner, that men are almoft 
 
 * neceflitated to believe them ; and at the fame time, 
 
 * intend to perform no more of them than apparently 
 
 * ftands with their own advantage ; which yet I am 
 ' confident they will not arrive at upon this occafion j 
 ' and I hope God will give wifdom to my lords fo to ma- 
 ' nage tiieir farewell in that manner, that the common- 
 
 ' wealth o{ England (hall not lofe either in honour or {r) Thurloe, 
 
 ' intereft upon this occafion (r).' The day fixed the ^°^-'- P*. 
 
 fecond time (for the firft had been expired, and a far- 
 ther day given at the requeft of the States) being near 
 at hand, the ambafladors gave notice of their intended 
 departure to the States, exprefling their forrow for the 
 unfuccefsfulnefs of their negotiation, and their hopes 
 that hereafter a treaty might be concluded. Where- 
 upon the btates-General in a declaration juftified their 
 proceedings i entreated the ftay of the ambafladors j and 
 
 S • 3 pro-
 
 262 THELIFEOF 
 
 feyy Man^ Virginia and Barbadoes ; confi- 
 
 dering, 
 
 profefled their readinefs to contribute their beft endea- 
 vours to perfect the treaty. This of courfe pr^ duccd a 
 recapitulation, in which, after (hewing how unfatif- 
 fa6tory the anfwers to their propofiiions had been, the 
 ambafladors concluded in the following manner: * As 
 
 * to their diflatisfaftion concerning our coming away, 
 
 * we conceived, that we had faid enough therein to 
 
 * their commiflioners, whom they had fent twice to 
 
 * us about the fame ; as that the parliament had now 
 ' thrice fent their agents and minifters unto them ; and 
 
 * that as they were no way bound to fend them unto 
 
 * them at all, fo was it in their own choice and power 
 
 * to limit the time of their abode. Neither were 
 
 * they therein furprized, we having always from the 
 ' firft day of the treaty told them, that our time was 
 
 * limited and but fhort ; and that therefore a flow pro- 
 
 * ceeding on their part would render the treaty fruitlefs ; 
 ' and that they had caufe rather to take it as a great ex- 
 
 * preffion of love and friendjfhip in the parliament, that 
 
 * they alone had fo often and for fo long time intended 
 
 * and profecuted thefe matters of joint and equal con- 
 ' cernment unto both States ; and that when the com- 
 ' monwealth of England is out of pofleflion of what 
 
 * they ought to enjoy by the treaty of 1495, and the 
 
 * Netherlands in the full poflelfion of what is of greatcfl 
 
 * advantage unto them by that treaty ; that yet the 
 
 * commonwealth of England fhould be content in this 
 
 * friendly and amicable way of a treaty, to ftelc and 
 
 * expe«Sl from them a performance of what is done on 
 
 ^*ol iV."'* '^^''^ P^"^^^ (^^*' When the States commiffioners 
 
 J5^. came to take leave of the ambalTadors at their depar- 
 
 ture, it is faid St, John fpoke to Ihem in thefe terms : 
 
 * My Lords, you have an eye upon the event of the 
 
 * affairs of the kingdom of Scotlavd^ and therefore do 
 
 * refufe the friendlhip we have ofFerred. Now I can 
 
 * afTure you, that many in the parliament were of opi- 
 
 * nion that we (hould not have come hither, or any 
 
 2 * am-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 263 
 
 derlng, I fay, the conquefts made both at 
 
 home 
 
 * ambaffadors to be fent to you before they had fupe- 
 
 * rated thefe matters between them and that King, 
 
 * and then expected your ambalTadors to us. I now . 
 
 * perceive our error, and that thefe gentlemen were in 
 
 * the right : in a (hort time you (hall fee that bufinefs 
 
 * ended, and then you will come to us and feek what 
 
 * we have freely ofFerred, when it fhall perplex you chronicle of 
 
 ' that you have refufed our proiFer (/).' On the re- the chil 
 
 turn of the ambafladors, they, by order, attended the ^*"'^;. 
 houfe, and fitting in their places as members, ' St. jfohn^ l^^j ,g,g 
 
 * the lord ambaflador 5/r/f//fl>?^ {landing by him, gave 
 
 * an account of their negotiation ; and it was refolved 
 ' that the parliament doth approve of all the proceed- 
 ' ings of the lords ambafladors, and that they have the 
 
 * thanks of the houfe, for their great and faithful fer- 
 ' vice.' The proceedings in this treaty were alfo or- 
 dered to be entered in a book by themfelves, and all 
 perfons prohibited from infpe^ing the fame (except 
 members of parliament) without leave. And the whole 
 matter of the report, and the feveral papers, were re- 
 ferred to the council of flate to confider what was fit 
 
 to be done therein, for the beft advantage of the com- , % Tgu^n,] 
 monwea'th, and to report the fame to the houfe («). — zd July, 
 On the 9th of 0^:ber^ the houfe pafTed the famous i^S^* 
 adl intitled by them, * Goods from foreign parts by whom 
 to be imported:^ prohibiting goods to be imported, from - 
 Jfia^ Africa^ America, and even Europe^ with fon^e 
 few exceptions, into England, Ireland or the dominions 
 thereunto belonging, but in Enylifl) veflels. This was 
 the famous navigation acl, of which more (hall be fpoken 
 hereafter. The ftates being highly provoked hereat, 
 fent over ambafladors to mitigate if poflible the rigour 
 of this law, and bring things to an accommodation. 
 Commiflioners hereupon were empowered by the par- 
 liament- to hear their propofals, and make proper de- 
 mands on the behalf of the commonwealth. For de- 
 mands they had about the Amboyna bufinefs j the fifhery ; 
 S 4 the
 
 264 THELIFEOF 
 
 home and abroad, and the attention paid to 
 
 the right of the flag ; and other matters in which the in- 
 tereft and the dignity of the Englijh nation were concern- 
 ed. Butwhile the negotiation was carried on, in May 
 1652, the fleets of the two republics being near each 
 other an engagement enfued, to the advantage of the 
 Englijh, who funk one Dutch fhip and took another *. 
 The Z)a/£^ ambafladors, alarmed at this encounter, which 
 had turned out fo unexpectedly to their difgrace, put in 
 feveral papers to the council of flate, * Protefting that 
 
 * what happened was without the knowledge &nd againft 
 
 * the wills of their maflers ; that 'twas with grief and 
 
 * aftonifhment they had heard the fatal news of that 
 
 * rafli adtion j that they were greatly defirous of con- 
 
 * eluding things in an amicable manner, and therefore 
 
 * requefled that by no means the bufinefs of the con- 
 
 * eluding of the treaty be put ofF, and that fuch unfor- 
 
 * tunate mifchances may be avoided, and an everlafting 
 
 * peace eflablifhed between both the nations.' But little 
 heed was given to thefe requefts or apologies. By ad- 
 miral Blake's relation ; by the information of two Dutch 
 captains, prifoners, taken before general Cromwelly and 
 Demiis Bond, Efq; at Dover, May 22, 1652 j and from 
 feveral other examinations taken at that time, before the 
 fame gentlemen, it appearing that the Dutch fought an 
 opportunity to quarrel, and to brave us upon our own 
 
 * The Dutch account, as given in Burchett, is as follows: * Van 
 
 * Tromp put to fea with the fleet, to convoy home feme merchant fliip.s, 
 
 * but had orders to avoid engaging with the Engliih, if poflible, and to 
 
 * pay the ufual refpeft to their flag, if he chanced to meet them in the 
 
 * narrow feas. He was forced by a tempeft on the Englifh coaft, but 
 
 * quitted it again as foon as pofliible, and made towards Calais ; but being 
 
 * informed that the Englifh were purfuing feme merchant fliips, he ad- 
 < vanced to their relief, and met Blake with the Englifh fleet, who had 
 
 , * orders (the Dt;tch fay) to attack them. Tromp prepared to give the 
 
 * ufual honor? to the Englifh flag, and ordered one of his captains to go 
 
 * on board with a compliment to the Englifh admiral; but Blake having 
 
 * no regard to thefe marks of fubmiflion, fired twice at,Tromp's fhip, 
 
 * -yho made no return till he had received a third fhot, and then the fight 
 
 * ^egsuQ.'——— Naval Hiftory, p. 291.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 265 
 
 the grandeur and welfare of the nation in 
 • all 
 
 coaft, the parliament returned the following anfwer to 
 the papers cf their ambafladors. « The parliament 
 
 * of the commonwealth cf England, calling to mind 
 
 * with what continued demonftrations of friendfhip, 
 
 * and fincere afFe6lions, from the very beginning of 
 
 * their inteftine troubles they have proceeded towards 
 
 * their neighbours of the United-Provinces, omitting 
 ' nothing on their part that might conduce to a good 
 ' correfpondence with them, and to a growing up into 
 ' a more near and ftrift union than formerly, do find 
 
 * themfelves much furprized with the unfutable returns 
 ' that have been made thereun'o, and efpecially at the 
 ' a<Sts of hoftility lately committed in the very roads of 
 
 * England upon the fleet of this commonwealth, the 
 
 * matter of fa6t whereof ftated in clear proofs, is here- 
 
 * unto annexed ; j^they are Blake's letter, and depofi- 
 
 * tions juft above mentioned] upon ferious and deliberate 
 ' confideration of all, and of the feveral papers deliver- 
 
 * ed in by your excellencies to the councel of (late, the 
 _ ' parliament thinks fit to give this anfwer to thofe pa- 
 
 * pers: The parliament, as they would be willing to 
 
 * make a charitable conftruiflion of the expreffions ufed 
 . ♦ in the faid papers, endeavouring to reprefent the late 
 
 ' engagement of the fleets to have happened without the 
 ' knowledge, and againfl: the mind of your fuperiours ; 
 
 * fo when they confider how difagreeable to that pro- 
 
 * fefllion the refolutions and aciions of your ftate and 
 
 * their minifters at fea have been, even in the midft of 
 
 * a treaty ofFerred by themfelves, and managed here b/ 
 
 * your excellencies, the extraordinary preparations of 
 
 * one hundred and fifty fail of men of war, without 
 
 * any vifible occafion but what doth now appear (a )uft 
 
 * ground of jealoufie in your own judgments, when 
 
 * your lorJfhips pretended to excufe it) and the inftruc- 
 
 * tions themfelves given by your faid fuperiours to their 
 
 * commanders at fea, do find too much caufe to believe 
 < that the lords, the ftates general of the Ur.ited-Pro- 
 
 < vincesj
 
 266 T H E L'l F E O F 
 
 all thcfe tranfadions, we are not to wonder 
 
 that 
 
 * vlnces, have an intention, by force to ufurp the k^own 
 
 * rights of England in the fcas, to deftroy the fleets that 
 
 * are, under God, their walls and bulwarks, and there- 
 
 * by expofe this commonwealth to invafion at their piea- 
 
 * fure, as by this late action they have attempted to do : 
 
 * whereupon the parliament conceive they are obliged 
 
 * to endeavour, with God's affiftance, as they fhall have 
 
 * opportunity, to feek reparation of the wrongs alieady 
 ' fuffered, and fecurity that the like be not attempted 
 ' for the future. Neverthelefs, with this mind and de- 
 
 ' * fire, that all differences betwixt the nations may (if 
 
 * poflibly) be peaceably and friendly compofed, as God 
 MTheAn-' W ^'* providence fhall open a way thereunto, and 
 iwcrofthe * circumftances fhall be conducing to render fuch en- 
 Parliament e deavours lefs dilatory, and more efFe<5iual than thofe 
 pere deliver- ' ®^ '^'^ ^^^^ heretofore ufed have been. 
 
 Ambakdcrs Hen. Scobel l, chric. ParUanuKii (</)/ 
 
 of the Unit- 
 
 ecs,Lond. This declaration does honor to the parliament, who 
 printed for had ordered all Dut^h fhips to be feized on hearing of 
 John Field. ^^ j^^g a<Slion at fea, and from henceforth determined 
 to carry on a war with the flates in the molt vigorous 
 manner. Sir Henry Vane, who made fo great a figure 
 during thefe times, is faid to have been the chief direc- 
 tor and manager of this war, whofe conftant judgment 
 it was, * That the intereft oi England and the Unitcd- 
 ' Provinces were as irreconcileable as thofe of rivals, 
 
 * trade being to both nations, what a miftrefs is unto 
 
 * lovers ; that there never could intervene any durable 
 {y) Stnbbs's * peace, except both nations did unite by coalition, or 
 farther juf. c j^g Englijh fubjugate the others and reduce them into 
 
 tificauonof , .* •' •'l n -n j- • j 
 
 the War a province, or by itriCt conditions and contrivances 
 
 with the « enfure themfclves againfl the growth and future puif- 
 IheiuJd!^'" * ^anceofthei)«/f^(_y).' How great the difintereflednefs 
 119. 4to! of Vane was, how follicitous for the honor of the na- 
 Lond. 1673. tion, and how much bent that the public juighi be ferv- 
 
 9d
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 267 
 
 that men imputed to them the greateft 
 
 de- 
 ed on the eafieft and beft terms, appears from the follow- 
 ing anecdote: ' The fees of his office were; as trea- 
 
 * furer of the navy, four-pence in the pound, which ! y 
 
 * reafon of this war honeftly amounted to iittle lefs than 
 
 * 30C00/. per annum ; but Sir Henry Va>,e looked upon 
 
 * it as too much for a private fubjeft, and therefore 
 
 * very generoufly gave up his patent (which he had for 
 
 * life from King Charles I.) to the parliament, defiring 
 
 * but two thoufand pounds per annum^ for an agent he 
 ' had bred up to the bufinefs, and the renjainder to go 
 
 « to the public. This was done, and the method of (2;)ColIins's 
 'a fixed falary has continued ever fince in that of- Peerage, vol. 
 
 * fice (2) *.' This was indeed a rare example ^^\^'^^^^ 
 honor and integrity, and hardly to be believed in this j^^g. 
 age, in which patriots and courtiers have fcrambled for 
 places, preferments, bonufles, fa'r. in fuch an open and 
 fhamelefs manner, as to have rendered it doubtful whe- 
 ther all pretenfions to public fpirit, were not veils to ambi- 
 tion and avarice. — But to proceed. Fleets w&re 
 
 now fitted out, both by England and Holland, and fuch 
 noble exploits were done by Blake and others, as have 
 
 • In the Journals we find * That upon a petition of Sir Henr)- Vane, 
 
 * knight, treafurer of the navy, it was referred to the cominittee of the 
 
 * navy, to confider of this petition, and liow the office of treafurer of the 
 
 * navy may be managed for the future, for the beft profit and leaft charge 
 
 * of the commonwealth ; and what falary is fit to 1* allowed for the exe- 
 
 * cutlon thereof; and alfo to confider what compenfation is fit to be given 
 
 * unto the petitioner, out of that office, or otherwife, in ccnfideration of 
 
 * his right in the faid office.' This was on the 27th of June, 1650. 
 On the i6th of July following, the committee made their report, and the 
 houfe refolved, * That as a fit compenfation to be given to Sir Henry V^anc, 
 
 * treafurer of the navy, for the furrendi-r cf his right in the faid place, 
 
 * and in ccnfideration of thtf profit which will thereby accrue to the ftate, 
 
 * there be fettled on the faid Sir Henry Vane, his heirs and affigns for ever, 
 
 * to the clear yearly value of twelve hundred pounds per annum ^over and 
 
 * above all charges and reprifes, out of the lands belonging to the late 
 
 * deans and chapters.' It was alfo refolved, ♦ That a fit and able per- 
 
 ' fon Ihculd be appointed treafurer of the navy, who fhouli perfonaliy 
 ' attend upon that employment, and be allowed for the entertainment 
 ' and falary, forhimfelf, his deputies and clerks, one thoufand pounds 
 ' per annum, in lieu of all falaries, fees, and other profits formerly be- 
 ' longing to the place of treafurer of' the navy,' - We fee by this, Mr. 
 Cellins has not been fufficiently exad. 
 
 * ren-
 
 26S THELIFEOF 
 
 rendered their memories dear to all true lovers of their 
 country. The particulars are to be found in moft of our 
 common hiftories, and thither I muft refer the reader 
 defirous of information on this fubjedt. Whilfl: the war 
 was carrying on in a manner glorious to the Eng/JJh com- 
 monwealth, the parliament omitted nothing which might 
 make it terminate in fuch a manner as to prevent all fu- 
 ture difputes between the two nations. With great di- 
 ligence and dexterity they got intelligence of the molt 
 private defigns and refolutions of the enemy, a,nd took 
 as much care as poffible to conceal their own ; nor would 
 they abate the leaft in their propofals for peace, thougha- 
 applied to moft fubmiflively by ambafladors fent front' 
 the flates for that purpofe. The following extracts wiH 
 abundantly confirm and explain what is here mentioned. 
 
 The Dutch ambafTadors, in a letter to N. Rt^h, 
 
 dated IVe/imlnJier, July ^, 1653, N. S. fay, * We are 
 
 * obliged to advife their high and mighty lordfhips that 
 
 * men here have full knowledge, with all the circum- 
 iol^^"''"^" ^^"^^s °^ *^^ refolutions taken upon the fifth of 
 316. ' ' J^^^ K^)' ^" a letter of intelligence from the Hague ^ 
 
 dated the 28th of the fame month, we read what fol- 
 lows : ' What I have always feared is now come to 
 
 * pafs, that intimation fhould be given here of the good 
 
 * intelligence you have there of the affairs here. Our 
 
 * deputies there have written hither to thefe ftates, that 
 
 * they have afTurance from their friends in England^ that 
 
 * all the fecret actings here, and were it poflible, the 
 
 * very thoughts of thefe ftates are moft exa6lly and 
 
 * weekly prefented in writing to the councel of ftate 
 
 * there. This was hotly debated in the afTembly, every 
 
 * one afking the other, who betrayed them ; and fomc 
 
 * quarrels were like to arife, but a fort of compofure 
 
 * was made, and orders given for ftri£t fecrefy in all 
 
 * their proceedings ; fo that much difficulty will be in 
 
 * furniftiing you ; however I ftiall attempt always to 
 
 * ferve you as long as I can. But if you have not fe- 
 
 * crefy, you are not worthy of the profit thereof. Our 
 
 * deputies there begin to give very good intelligence from 
 (i)jd. p. < London^ however they get it (.&).' The i8th of this 
 
 month, we find the following (hort letter written by 
 
 359
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 269 
 
 Beverning^ one of the ambafladors, to Mr. Gerard 
 Cinque at Gonde. ' Sir, I dare not write much news. 
 
 * All our anions are fpied. We have /pies fet to watch 
 
 * us in our houfes. We cannot be certain of any thing 
 
 * that we do, that it (hall not be either known or mif- 
 
 * carry. If you pleafe to have any thing fent you from 
 
 * hence, that this country affords, pray let me know W Thurloe, 
 
 * it (c).' We are not however to fuppofe but fome ^"q*'^* 
 
 intelligence was gotten by thefe ambafladors. Money 
 
 does wonders,- and flattery is all powerful. They who 
 can dextroufly apply the one and the other, need not 
 fear of fome fuccefs. The following pafTage will (hew 
 that they were ordered to be on the look out, and that 
 they had not been idle. It was written from the Hague^ 
 OSf$ber 31. N. S. and feems to come from the fame hand 
 which fent that of the 28th of yw/y juft mentioned. 
 * Since my laft to you, the poft immediately before 
 
 * this, great diligence is ufed and fecret enquiry made, 
 
 * how your council of ftate comes by the (ecret refolu- 
 
 * tions of this ftate, and the letters of their public mi- 
 
 * niflers abroad; and our deputies who are gone to 
 
 * England have in charge tp do their utmoft there, 
 
 * whatever it cofls to find it out. Of which I advertize 
 ' you very ferioufly, to the end hereafter thefe fecrets be 
 
 * not read in open council, and that prevention may be, 
 ' leafl the deputies might learn, from them, that told 
 
 * to them part, how to difcover the whole. But I hope 
 ' and believe I am not betrayed, fo as to be known by 
 ' name or defcription to any of the council, lince fome 
 
 * of them are fo kind as to tell all they know to the 
 ' Dutch deputies, to their advantage. I can fwear th« 
 
 * two deputies flanding there did write at full, what I 
 < gave you in my lafl J but this notwithflanding, all the 
 
 * chief of their bufinefs fhall be had one way or other, 
 
 ' if you do not fpoil all there, as well was attempted [d).' ^ ' '^' 
 
 And how much the parliament were concerned for 
 
 the honor and intereft of the nation appeared from their 
 demanding as preliminaries to a treaty, that the Dutch 
 (hould call back their fliipsj make reparation for da- 
 mages, and fatisfacStion for the expences England had 
 been put to defend herfelf and maintain her rights [e).' (0 w. p- 
 
 -—Among ^^*'
 
 270 THELIFEOF 
 
 Among the articles infifted on by the Engi'Jh was 
 
 the following. * That the fhips and vefTels of the faid 
 
 * United -Provinces, as well men of war, as others, 
 ' be they fingle fhips, or in fleets, meeting at fea with 
 
 ^ * any of the fliips of war of this ftate of England , or 
 « in their fervice and wearing the flag, fhall ftrike the 
 ' flag, and low£;r their topfail until they be pafTed by, 
 
 * and (hall likewife fubmit themfelves to be vifited if 
 « thereto required, and perform all other refpe6ts due to 
 ' the faid commonwealth oi England., to whom the do- 
 ' minion and fovereignty of the Britiflj feas belong.* 
 ' To this article, the Dutch ambafladors, November a2, 
 
 * 1653, did not make any exception, either to the 
 
 * ftriking of the flag, or the fovereignty of the fea; 
 
 * but they protefted againfl: the vifiting their fhips, as 
 
 * repugnant to the practice of their country, and fubject 
 
 * to a thouiand diforders and difputes, and injuries to their 
 ' flate; befides the vifiting is not to be reciprocal. 
 
 * Whereupon CromwtU in the name of the commiflio- 
 
 * ners replied, that the fearching of their fhips was no 
 
 * new thing ; but an undoubted right which natu- 
 ' rally followed from the fovereignty of the fea, the 
 ' which did appertain lo England : it was likewife an 
 
 * efflux of the fame dominion, for the Englijh to pre- 
 
 * fcribe to tf em, with what number of fhips of war they 
 ' fhould pafs the Briiijb feas : that they ought to be much 
 
 * more zealous now for the afTerting of the faid antient 
 ' dominion of the fea in all its branches ;becaufe it 
 ' had been fo lately and fo notorioufly difputed and in- 
 < vaded. And whereas the ambafladors had fomewhat 
 
 * boaftingly faid in their memorial, that their people 
 
 * were of f .ch generofity that they would never endure 
 
 * fuch terms : to this Cnrnivell faid he would reply no 
 (/'/Stabbs*! c more, than that we were Engliflimeriy and had not 
 
 tiTcaSoifp. ' '°^ °"'" co^rag^ (/)•' ^^^ parliament infifled like- 
 <9,6o. ' Wife that the Dutch fhould pay for licence to fifh upon 
 the Bt ttijh coztts, and fufpended the treaty, on account 
 of their unwillingnefs to agree thereunto, though 'tis 
 afTerted they offered 300000/. to procure amity and 
 ^jli.p. 65. ffiendfhip with England (g). Thefe demands of the 
 parliament may feem high, but they endeavoured to 
 
 juftify
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 271 
 
 juftify themfelves to the world, by caufing Selden*s 
 ' Mare Claufum feu de Dominio Maris' to be tranflated 
 into Englijhy by Marchamont Nedham, This, by fpe- 
 cial command, was publifhed in November 1652. In a 
 fine and fpirited dedication * to the fupream authority 
 
 * of the nation,, the parliament of the commonwealth 
 
 * of England^' the tranflator obferves, * it is a gallant 
 ' fight to fee the fword and pen in vi<5torious equipage 
 ' together; for this fubdues the fouls of men by reafon, 
 ' that only their bodies by force. The pen it is which 
 
 * manifefts the right of things j and, when that is once 
 ' cleared, it gives fpurs to refoluiion, becaufe men are 
 
 * never raifed to fo high a pitch of adion, as when they 
 
 * are perfuaded, that they engage in a righteous caufe ; 
 
 * according to that old verficle, • 
 
 * Frangit & attollit vires in Milite caufa. 
 
 * Wherefore, feeing you (right honourable) have had 
 ' fo frequent experience of the truth of this in our late' 
 
 * wars, wherein the pen militant hath had as many 
 
 * ftiarp rencounters as the fword, and borne away as 
 
 * many trophies from home-bred enemies, in profe- 
 
 * cution of your moft righteous caufe by land, certain- 
 
 * ly you will yield it no lefs neceflary, for the inftruc- 
 
 * tion of this generous and ingenious people, in vindi- 
 ' eating your juft rights by fea againft the vain pre- 
 
 * tences and projects of encroaching neighbours. For, 
 ' what true Engli/h heart will not fwell, when it (hall 
 ' be made clear and evident (as in this book) that the 
 ' fovcreignty of the feas, flowing about this ifland, hath, 
 ' in all times, whereof there remains any written tefti- 
 
 * mony, both before the old Roman invafion and fmce, 
 
 * under every revolution, down to the prefent age, been 
 
 * held and acknowledged by all the world, as an infe- 
 ' parable appendant of the Briti(}) empire ; and that, by 
 
 * virtue thereof, the kings of England fucceflively have 
 
 * had the fovereign guard of the feas ; that they have 
 
 * impofed taxes and tributes upon ail (hips paffing and 
 
 * fifliing therein ; that they have obftru<Sted and opened 
 
 * the paflage thereof to ftrangers, at their own pleafure, 
 
 * and
 
 272 THELIFEOF 
 
 defigns (nn), and fuch as would carry them 
 
 to 
 
 * and done all other things that may teftify an abfolute 
 ' fea-dominion ; what Englijh heart (I fay) can confi- 
 
 * der thefe things, together with the late adlings of the 
 
 * Netherlander s, fet forth in your publick declaration, and 
 ' not be inflamed with an indignation anfwerable to 
 
 * their infoience; that thefe people, raifed out of the 
 ' duft at firfl into a ftate of liberty, and at length to a 
 ' high degree of power and felicity, by the arms and 
 ' benevolence of England, or that they, who, in times 
 
 (i) Of the ( p2{^^ durft never enter our feas to touch a herring, 
 or°o'wne"- ' writhout licencc firft obtained by petition from the 
 fliip of the ' governor of Scarhorcugh-ca/ile, fhould nov/ prefume to 
 Sea. Foho. i Jnyade them with armed fleets, and, by a moft unjuft 
 Printed by ' War, bid defiance to the united powers of thefe three 
 
 "William « nations [i) V But, whilft the parliament were thus 
 
 Du-Gard, labouring for the public welfare, they were difpofl^efTed 
 pointmentof of their powcr by Cromwell, and deprived of a glory 
 the Council they wcll defcrved, that of finiftiing a fuccefsful, well- 
 of State, conducted war, by a fafe and advantageous peace. 
 
 (nn) Vaji defigns were imputed to the commonwealth. "^ 
 Nothing can give us a better idea of the light in which 
 England was viewed abroad, than the following paflTages 
 from Sorhiere. They are taken from a letter written 
 by him to the celebrated M. de Courcelles, at Am/ler- 
 damy dated Orange, July i, 1652.——* The Englijh 
 *■ republicans took things exactly right ; and that, in 
 'order to tL.e accomplilhing of a defign, that would 
 
 * take up all their life-time (for fuch fort of men ought 
 ' never to conceive mean ones, after the execution 
 
 * whereof they muft be put to the trouble of proje(5ling 
 ' a new, or live lazily, and be expofed to confpiracies 
 
 * againft them) they thought it would be their beft way 
 ' to begin with the ruin of the United Provinces, which 
 
 * lay next their coafts, and flourifhed in trade above 
 ' any other country in the world j and, when once they 
 
 * had efl^ed^ed this, they were in hopes they (hould ea- 
 
 * fjly remove any obftacle in their way to attain the 
 
 « do-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 273 
 
 to the pinnacle of glory. And, if wc turn 
 
 our 
 
 dominion of the feas : inromuch, that, if the fortune 
 of war fhould favour their firft enterprizes, I do not 
 think they have any defign to make a peace with a 
 nation they have a mind utterly to deftroy, and to 
 whom they will propofe fuch hard terms, that, upon 
 the refufal of them, you will, at laft, find them pre- 
 pared to make terrible defcents in divers parts of X^a- 
 land^ and 'North Holland^ to break the banks, and the 
 other dykes, that keep the flat country from being 
 drowned. There needs no more than this fort of 
 blood letting to make Amjierdam, and all the other 
 cities, defolate. For, it would fignify little to them 
 to feize the Brill, or fome other place, feeing their 
 defign is to deftroy the trade of Holland^ and to tranf- 
 fer it into their own country ; and it would be of 
 little importance to them, that the King of Spain 
 fhould, in the mean time, recover the feven pro- 
 vinces ; that the merchants of Amjierdam fhould re- 
 move to Antwerp, and the manufa£lures of Leyden 
 and Harlem to Ghent and Bruges : for it would re- 
 quire many years to fettle things there, and the Eng" 
 lift) would have opportunity enough to hinder them 
 from having any necefTary materials, but fuch as paf- 
 fed through their own hands, and their manufadlures 
 to be tranfported any where but in Englijh bottoms : 
 for it would be very eafy for them to flop up the 
 mouths of the ports, and to go up the Schelde, even 
 in fight of Antwerp, from whence nothing muft come 
 out but will be taken by their fhips. hy this means, 
 and the notion I have of their defigns, no nation in 
 the world, in a few years time, would have any fea- 
 men, fhips, or skill in maritime affairs, behdes them- 
 felves : for Holland being entirely ruined, the Dutch 
 muft ferve on board their fleets, and all the fhip- 
 wrights, fail-makers and rope-makers, would be 
 obliged to go and earn their living in the fea-port 
 towns of England; and this they wouU be the mere 
 T • ia-
 
 ^54 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 our eyes to their condudt at home, we fhall 
 
 find 
 
 * inclined to do, becaufe there is more wages given 
 < there, and people live better. When this noble and 
 
 * rich province, which, within the extent of lefs than 
 « five and twenty leagues, contains eighteen large towns, 
 ' and four hundred villages, of which the Hague is the 
 
 * fined in the world, (hall be reduced to this fad plight; 
 
 * its then likely the Englijh will turn their arms againft 
 
 * Denmark^ in order to feize the Sundt, either by main 
 
 * force, or rather fome treaty, by which they will be 
 
 * willing to give the King more than the profit it 
 
 * brought him, but, at the fame time, will oblige AV- 
 
 * way to fell their wood to no other nation but the 
 ' Engl'Jh. The cities of Embden, Bremen, Hamburg, 
 
 * LubeCi all the coaft of the Baltic, and the whole 
 
 * kmgdom of Sweden, durft appear no longer at fea, 
 
 * but under Englijh colours ; and, perhaps, the formi- 
 
 * dable republic will be content, in confideration of 
 
 * her commiflions granted to them, to receive certain 
 
 * duties from the goods fhe allows them in her name 
 
 * to tranfport, only along thefe northern parts. They 
 
 * will in time fend a more powerful fleet to block up 
 
 * the river of L'Jbon, while another fails to Brajil^ 
 
 * Guinea, and the Eaji-Indies, with a defign to fpare 
 
 * the Pcrtugueze merchants, and the Eaji- India compa- 
 
 * nies, the labour of tranfporting the fugars, filks, fpi-^ 
 
 * ces, and other commodities, they come thither for, 
 
 * into Europe : and if Spain pretends to fay any thing 
 
 * againft them, they will, without any more ado, ieize 
 
 * the Streigbts mouth, and fend an hundred and fifty 
 
 * (hips of war into the Mfditerranean, out of which 
 
 * they can very eafily drive the naval force of the other 
 
 * potentates of Europe, were tliey all joined together 
 ' againft them. The Engl'J}} having in this manner 
 
 * ufurped the dominion of the feas, the trade of aU 
 ' the European nations, and part of the reft of the 
 
 * world: all the earth muft fubmit to them, work 
 
 * for no body but them, and they'll, from time to 
 
 * time, come into their ports, and fweep away all 
 
 2 • their
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. cljs 
 
 find it equally admirable. By deeds of peace 
 
 they 
 
 * their treafure : every thing that is rare, and all the 
 
 * conveniences of life, produced either by art or nature, 
 
 * will be referved for England, which will be the only 
 
 * country that can purchafe them, or pofTefs them of 
 ' their own. For, as we fee, that fince the fettling of 
 
 * trade in Nollandy that province is become the ftore- 
 
 * houfe for linnen, woollen, and all forts of manufac- 
 
 * tures } though there is neither flax, wool, nor, in a 
 ' manner, any other cbmmodiries which they work up, 
 ' grows there, but they muft fetch them from other 
 ' countries ; fo every thing that England wants at this 
 ' time will abound there, and the beft artificers will 
 ' flock thither J in fo much, nhat, if they would have 
 
 * any fine linnen, or good cloth for wear, in another 
 
 * country, the flax and wool was to be fent to be ma- 
 
 * nufadtured in England. Pray, confider then, what 
 
 * vaft wealth this country mufl acquire in lefs than fifty 
 
 * years ? and how miferable muft the reft of Europe be, 
 
 * fince they can tranTport nothing by fea, from one na- 
 ' tion to another, but in Enj^lijh j[hip^ ? They will al- 
 ' ways have money to receive in all the ports they come 
 ' at, and never leave any of their own there : what the 
 *. Engl'ijh want they'll make compenfation for, by way 
 
 * of exchange, or readily fend over into England upon 
 ' the fcore of the manufa^ures there they have occafion 
 
 * for ; as we have feen the Dutch Ea/l- India company 
 
 * have pearl and precious ftones, in return for fome 
 
 * wares f^nt into thofe countries, which they got fitted 
 « up at Amjierdam., and then fold them at a very dear 
 < rate in thofe places whence they were firft brought, 
 
 * and where there is not that periecStion of workman- 
 
 * (hip as there is with us. Hundreds of fhips richly 
 
 * laden will daily put into the Thames^ and other ports 
 
 * of this' fortunate ifland j and the general can fcarce 
 
 * ever lofe the fight of his forces, which, I may fay, 
 
 * return every evening to lie at home ; for they ftay no 
 
 * longer in foreign parts than to refrefh themfelves, to 
 
 * vend their goods, «nd to take in nev/ cargoes. They 
 
 T ^ * will
 
 276 THE LIFE OF 
 
 they attempted to fettle and perpetuate the 
 
 fe- 
 
 * will be no way follicitous of making conquefts by land, 
 
 * that they may fave the charge of maintaining them, 
 
 * feeing they are fure of reaping the profits of them ; 
 
 * neither will they plant any colonies, and eafe their 
 ^ country, as populous as 'tis grown, of the vaft mul- 
 
 * titudes that are in it, becaufe the produce of all Eu- 
 ' rope is confumed there, and their great naval trade 
 
 * renders their ftores inexhauftible. In the mean time, 
 
 * all the neighbouring kingdoms will, in a manner, 
 < become like the fea coafts of America.^ where our Eu- 
 ' ropeans trade : there will be only tillage and fome 
 
 * coarfe manufadlures for plain wear, and to ferve peo- 
 
 * pie's neceflities only in the heart of the country, and 
 ' the maritime towns will be no other than the grana- 
 ' ries and magazines of England. Thefe are my fcn- 
 
 * timents about this war, which, in the opinion of 
 ' fome, may feem romantic, and of kin to Utopia^ or 
 •the Republic of P/ato; efpecially of thofe who do not 
 
 * confider that the wars that have been waged for twen-' 
 •,ty years paft, I know not under what pretences or de- 
 ', figns, had nothing fo great or fublime in them as that 
 *' v/bich Cromwell piopofcs : for, in reality, there is no- 
 
 * thing can come up to the thoughts of fubje<3ing all the 
 
 * earth to his country, and rendering it the moft haugh- 
 
 * ty and flourifhing ftate in the world. It appears to 
 
 * me fo vaft and magnificent a thought, that there is 
 
 * nothing in all the conquefts of Jlexander^ and the 
 « pomp of all the Koman empire, that comes near this 
 
 * maritime dominion, which I have reprefented to you. 
 
 * And it feems to me fo very feafible, that, if Holland 
 
 * be once ruined, I am afraid it will be too late to pre- 
 
 * vent it ; and, therefore, I would have all the poten- 
 
 * tates of Europe take it to heart in time; for, if they 
 
 * do not quickly put an end to the war they are en- 
 
 * gaged in on the continent, wc fhall run the risk, in 
 
 * a few ages, of becoming perfect barbarians. For the 
 
 * Englijh^hy means of their navigation^ will transfer 
 
 ■ -■ ■ « all
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 277 
 
 felicity and grandeur of the ftate. After 
 
 the 
 
 * all the politenefs of Europe, together with its plenty, 
 
 ' power, and conveniences of life, into their own biere/'voy- 
 
 * country (-f).' 1 have chofe to give Sorbiere& opi- age into 
 
 nion at length, not only as it (hews us the fenfe men ^"^^"1* P-\> 
 then had of the defigns, skill, and management of this i^^. Lond. 
 new republic, but as it likewife inftruds us in the vaft 1709. 
 advantages of navigation and commerce to a ftate. For 
 nothing is more certain, than that they, who can ac- 
 quire the trade of the world, will foon poflefs its 
 power, riches commanding every thing requifite there- 
 unto, if in the hands of the wife, brave and induftrious. 
 Such being the figure of the Englijh commonwealth in 
 the eyes of its neighbours, we are not to wonder that 
 her friendfhip was courted by fome of the moft mighty 
 monarchs, and that they treated her with honour and 
 refpeft. Spain, France, Portugal addreflbd themfelves 
 to her by their agents and ambafladors, as did Der,mark, 
 Sweden, the free cities of Germany, and Holland, parti- 
 cularly, in a moft fuppliant manner. For reputation is 
 power, and power is ever attended with deference and 
 regard. I will clofe this note with the following ex- 
 tract from another foreign writer : ' The new republic, 
 ' adtuated by Cromweirs extenfive and fubiime genius, 
 
 * procured England a t-ranquillity which it no longer 
 
 * fioped for, and gave it a luftre which it had not had 
 ' for fevcral centuries. It had juft been agitated by a 
 ' n^oft violent tempeft, and now all was calm ; it had 
 
 * thought itfelf on the brink of ruin, and was now in 
 ' condition to give law. It is melancholy, for the ho- 
 
 * nour of virtue, that one of the beft and greateft fpec- 
 
 * tacles, which the annals of nations prefent, fhould 
 
 * be the work of rebellion. Every thing appeared won- 
 
 * derful in this revolution. The royalilts conformed to 
 
 * a kind of government ill adapted to their tempers, 
 ' and difapproved by their confciences. The grandees, 
 ' accuftomed to the part of legiflators, remained quietly 
 ' in the rank of private fubjedts. The Irijh and Scots, 
 
 T 3 * who
 
 27S 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 the Britijh dominions were brought wholly 
 to fubmit to their fovereignty, they pafTed 
 an a(^ of (00) oblivion, to quiet the minds 
 
 of 
 
 < who had taken up arms, the firft from an attachment 
 
 * to their kings, the other to efface the horror of their 
 
 * treachery, were unhappily fubdued. T\\& Dutch ^ who 
 
 * had taken advantage of the calamities of England, to 
 
 * ufurp the empire of the feas, were humbled. France 
 *■ and Spain, who had been always rivals, always ene- 
 
 * mies, meanly courted the friendfhip of the ufurpers. 
 
 * The fovereigns, who ought to have united to revenge 
 ' an outrage, to which all kings were expofed, either 
 
 * through fear or intereft, applauded the injuftice. All 
 ^ Europe debafed itfeif, was filent, or admired (/).' 
 
 (00) They paffed an a£i of oblivion.'] On the twen- 
 ty-fourth of February, one thoufand fix hundred and 
 fifty-one, the government pnfled an a£l, intitled, ' A 
 
 * general pardon and amneftie.' The preamble deferves 
 notice, and is as follows : * The parliament of England, 
 
 * having had good experience of the afFeftion of the 
 
 * people to this prefent government, by their ready af- 
 
 * fiftance in the defence thereof againll Charles Stuart, 
 
 * (on of the late tyrant, and the forces lately invading 
 
 * under his command ; and being much afflicSled with 
 
 * the fenfe of the miferable and fad efFe<fts which the 
 
 * late unnatural war hath produced j and refolving, next 
 
 * to the glory of God, and the advancement of the 
 
 * kingdom of Jefus Chrift, to make no other ufe of the 
 
 * many vi<Slories the Lord, in mercy, hath vouchfafed 
 
 * unto them, than a juft fettling of the peace and free- 
 
 * dom of this commonwealth ; and being molt defirous 
 
 * that the minds, perfons and eftates of all the people 
 
 * of this nation might becompofed, fettled and fccured, 
 
 * and that ail rancour and evil will, occafioned by the 
 
 ^/) Abbe Rayhal's Hiftory of the Parliament rf Engla»J, p. aoo, 
 t»o. Lond. 1751. See alfo the jactations from Sjfdney and Trenchard, 
 »ptl»epnd of 09*? (0). 
 
 < iaie
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 279 
 
 of their fubjeds, as they before had the na- 
 vigation 
 
 * late differences, may be buried in perpetual oblivion, 
 
 * that fo the government, now eftablifhed in the way 
 ' of a free ftate, might be complied with, and all the 
 
 * members of it enjoy their juft and ancient rights and 
 
 * liberties, and the former commotions and troubles 
 
 * end in a quiet, calm and comfortable peace, have re- 
 
 * folved to do what in them lies for the obtaining and 
 
 * effefting thereof, leaving the fuccefs and their endea- 
 
 * vours unto the bleffing of God, and his working upon 
 
 * the fpirits of thofe that are concerned herein : Be it 
 
 ' therefore enaaed,' &c. im) Mr. Ludlow attributes (*") ^^^^""^^^ 
 the pafling this adt at that time to the ambitious views ct 
 Cromwell in part, and his defire of ingratiating himfelf 
 with new friends ; * the parliament, fays he, were prc- 
 
 * vailed with by the importunities of fome of their own 
 
 * members, and in particular of general Crcmwell^ that 
 
 * fo he might fortify himfelf by the addition of new # 
 
 * friends, for the carrying on his defigns, to pafs an a£t 
 
 * of general pardon and amnefty : whereby, though it 
 
 * had thirty-eight feveral exceptions, many perfons, 
 
 * who deferved to pay towards the reimburfement of 
 « the publick, no lefs than thofe that had been already 
 ' fined, efcaped the punifhment due to their mifde- 
 
 * meanors, and the commonwealth was defrauded of 
 
 * great fums of money, by which means they were 
 
 * rendered unable to difcharge many juft debts owing to 
 
 * fuch as had ferved them with diligence and fidelity [n).'{") ^°'' '• 
 In another place, fpeaking of the general's vifible change^" '*°** 
 of temper and behaviour after the battle of JVorcejler^ 
 
 he fays, ' He now began to defpife divers members of 
 
 * the houfe, whom he had formerly courted, and grew 
 
 * moft familiar with thofe whom he ufed to (hew moft 
 ' averfion to j endeavouring to oblige the royal party, 
 
 * by procuring for them more favourable conditions than 
 ' confifted with the jufticeof the parliament to grant, un- 
 
 * der colour of quieting the fpirits of many people, and 
 
 * keeping them from engaging in new difturbances to ' 
 
 T 4 * refcuc
 
 28o T H E L I F E O F 
 
 * refcue themfelves out of thofe fears which many who 
 < had afted for the King, yet lay under; tho', at the 
 
 * fame time, he defigned nothing, as, by the fuccefs, 
 
 * was moft manifeft, but to advance himfelf by all man- 
 
 * ner of means, and to betray the great truft which the 
 
 * parliament and the good people of England had re- 
 ,. Vol u ' pofed in him. To this end he prefled the adl of obli- 
 p! 448. * vjon (<?),' That the palling an aft of oblivion in 
 
 itfelf was right, is manifeft from the condud of all 
 wife princes and ftates after civil commotions; that it 
 is better, on all thefe occafions, to incline to mercy than 
 feverity, cannot well be called in queftion I think ; and 
 therefore Mr. Ludlow's cenfurc on the a£l is not, per- 
 haps, the moft juftly founded. That Cromwell prefled' 
 the ad is probable. It became him as a good politician, 
 confidered meerly as a member of the parliament : as 
 a man of ambition and great defigns, it was wife and 
 well judged ; nothing fo eaftly procuring friends as ge- 
 nerofity and forgivenefs : though 'tis not at all unlikely 
 that natural temper had a good (hare in all this tranl- 
 (/>) See aftion. For he was naturally humane and benevolent, 
 vo^ i p.' ^^ appears from his procuring the liberty of thofe who 
 765.' were imprifoned on account of Levis plot (/>) j by his 
 
 endeavouring to free the eftate of the Countefs of Arun' 
 deli and Surry from fequeftration, and from his ufmg his 
 power for the obliging fuch as ftood in need of pro- 
 , \ Milton's tedion and affiftance, which was fo well known, that 
 State pa- we find the Marchionefs of Ormonde addrefling herfelf 
 
 K^k \^ *° ^'"^ ^^'^ ^^^^"^ (?)» though her lord had publicly 
 ao! 26? treated his chara6ler but Icurvily. His fentiments, 
 with refpcdV to the manner of dealing with his adver- 
 faries, cannot be fo well reprefented as by a letter writ- 
 ten to his (on Henry at Dublin, Nov. 21, 1655. 
 
 ' 1 do believe there may be fome particular perfons, 
 
 * who are not very well pleafed with the prefent condi- 
 ' tion of things, and may be apt to ftiew their difcon- 
 
 * tent, as they have opportuniry ; but this fhould not 
 
 * make too great impreflions on you, Tyme and pa- 
 
 * tience may worke them to a better frame of fpirit, 
 
 * and bring them to fee that, which, for the prefent, 
 ^ foemes to be hid from them ; efpecially if they {hall 
 
 » fee
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 281 
 
 vigation (pp) a£l to increafc their wealth 
 and power. 
 
 If 
 
 * fee your moderation and love towards them, whilft 
 
 * they are found in other ways towards you ; which 
 
 * I earneftly defire you to ftudye and endeavour all that 
 
 * lyes in you, whereof both you and I too (hall have 
 
 ' the comfort, whatfoevcr the iflue and event thereof . . ^, 
 
 * be (r).' Thefe feem to be the fentiments of a hu- vol. i. p'*** 
 mane heart, and, probably, induced him, and the par- 715. 
 liament in general, to give eafe and reft to their ene- 
 mies by the aft here fpoken of, fo much to their ho- 
 nour. 
 
 (pp) Tlje navigation aS1.'\ The parliament, from its 
 firft fitting, had been conftantly engaged in great af- 
 fairs. But they fhewed themfelves equal to them, 
 though of different kinds. We have feen them direft 
 the wars in which they were engaged with wifdom and 
 prudence. The arts of peace they cultivated, and ftrove 
 to raife the nation to the pinnacle of glory. How in- 
 duftrious they were their journals and public adts yet 
 remaining abundantly teftify. We may from them con- 
 clude, that levees were neither fo frequent, or of fo long 
 continuance, as in other periods of time fince, when 
 the important bufinefs of the nation has been forced to 
 wait till the minifter has been at leifure to give his at- 
 tendance in the houfe. But this by the way.— — 
 
 As a maritime people, trade and commerce claim the 
 chief attention of the legiflature of Britain. This the 
 parliament were fenfible of, and therefore pafled the a6l, 
 intitled, * Goods from foreign parts, by whom to be 
 
 * imported,' O^oher ()^ 1651. The preamble is fliort, 
 but expreflive. * For the increafe of the (hipping and 
 
 * encouragement of the navigation of this nation, 
 ' which, under the good providence and prote£lion of 
 
 * God, is fo great a means of the welfare and fafety of 
 
 * this commonwealth. Be it enabled, dfft.' The chief 
 claufes in this famous aft are, that no goods (hall be 
 imported from >^«, Jfrifay or America ^ but in Engljh 
 
 ihips,
 
 282 THELIFEOF 
 
 If td thefe wc add the projcdion of an 
 
 _,; union 
 
 {hips, under the penalty of forfeiture of the faid goods 
 
 and fhips : nor from any part oS Europe y except 
 
 in fuch veflels as belong to the people of that country, 
 
 of which the goods are the growth or manufacture, 
 
 under the like penalty i that no falt-fifli, whale-fin!^, 
 
 or oil, fliould be imported, but what were caught or 
 
 made by the people of England i nor no fait fifh to be 
 
 exported, or carried from one port to another in this 
 
 nation, but in Engiijh veflels, under the like penalty : 
 
 but commodities fronn the Levant feas, the EaJ}- Indies ^ 
 
 the ports of Spain or Portugal, might be imported from 
 
 the ufual ports or places of trading ufed heretofore, 
 
 though the faid commodities were not the very growth 
 
 of the faid places. This a6l did not exteiKl to bullion or 
 
 prize goods, nor to filk or filk wares brought by land from 
 
 Jlaly to Ojlendy Jmjlerdam, Newport, Retterdam^ Mid- 
 
 Meburghy provided the owners and proprietors, being 
 
 t>f the Englijh commonwealth, firft made oath by them- 
 
 fclves, or other credible witnefs, that the goods were 
 
 „ ^ „ i>ought with the proceed of Endifh commodities, fold 
 
 coUcaious. either for money or m barter (i). ^^ ' 
 
 , Ludlow tells us, that Mr. 5/, John was the prfncfpal 
 
 inftrument to prevail with the council of ftate to move 
 
 (f) Vol. i. the parliament to pafs this a£i (f). If fo, bis memory 
 
 f-i\S- ought to be dear to Englijhmm \ for its utility was fo 
 
 Sppirent, that, with fome additions and explanations, 
 
 . X c. . . ^t had the fandion of the three eflates, at a time when 
 
 r«) Statutes, viL-nLf 
 
 II Car. II. mens prejudices were at the height againlt the framers 
 
 c. i8, 19. of u (a). The greateft polHble proof of its excellency. 
 
 anJ 13. c. ^Ij.^ q,^^ indeed cenfures this a^ in the fevereft terms : 
 
 he fays, * it was the fecond ftep to the French grandeur 
 
 * by fca ;* and obferves, * that the ratio finalisy or 
 
 ^, • end for which laws are made, are u'ually fet down in 
 
 * the preamble of other a£ls of parliament, whereas 
 
 * there is none ia the a6l of navigation. On the con- 
 
 * trary,* continues he, * the Rump were fo hafty ia 
 
 * making this a£t, defigned in fpight to the Dutch, that 
 
 * the
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 283 
 
 * the title of it is abfurd and impoffible ; for the title is, 
 
 * An a6t for encouraging and increafing of {hipping and 
 ' navigation.' It is impoffible to encourage any inani- 
 
 * mated body, as a rump, ftock, ftone, dead horfe, afs, 
 
 * or (hipping : its true, men may be encouraged to in- 
 
 * creafe (hipping and navigation, but then it muft be 
 
 * (I conceive) by one of thefe ways j either by giving 
 
 * money or rewards to thofe "who build (hips ; or, by 
 ' increafing trade, by which thefe (hips may be better 
 
 * employed : and I do not find that ever the Rump gave 
 ' one groat to encourage this (hipping and navigation.' 
 And, after a great deal more againft it, he con- 
 cludes, * and fure, now its more than time the King , 
 ' and parliament would loofe the nation from the fet- 
 
 * ters which this a(Sl (made in hafte and fpight againft 
 
 * the Dutch, by a company of ufurpers and regicides) 
 
 * hath put upon it ; not only to our lofs, but as much 
 
 * to the benefit of the French as well as the Dutch : and 
 
 * I do fay, that this law has been more injurious to the 
 
 * Englijh nation, than all the injuries it hath received 
 
 * from the French and Dutch, either in war or peace j 
 
 * nor will it be poffible for the nation to repair the W Detec- 
 
 * lofles fuftained by it, but by repealing it (a-).' All this ;•,"'!,', j^ll. 
 is very high ! 'tis pleafant, however, to obferve, that 19. 
 
 this author has taken the title of the a£l as new model- 
 led in the beginning of Charles IPs time, to Tnew what 
 an abfurd, (tupid race of animals thefe ufurpers and 
 regicides were. Had he read it, as given by the par- 
 liament, he would not have expofed himfelf as he has 
 here done. Sir Jofias Child is an authority more to be 
 regarded in matters of commerce than moft. His opi- 
 nioh, therefore, I fuppofe, will alone be fufficient to 
 fet afide Mr. Coke's cenfure. * The adl of navigation,' 
 fays he, * though it have fome things in it wanting, s t> c ■ 
 
 * amendment, deferves to be called our (Charta Af^- to his New* 
 
 * ritima) [y].' And again, ' for my own part, 1 am ofDi^courfe of 
 
 * opinion, that, in relation to trade, (hipping, profit ^""^^'r . 
 
 * and power, it is one or the cnoicelt and molt pru- is^j. 
 
 * dent a6ts that ever was miiAc m England, and with- 
 « lOUt which we had not now been owners of one half 
 
 Vof
 
 284 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 union (q^J with Scotland, and the fettle- 
 
 ment 
 
 of the (hipping, nor trade, nor employed one half of 
 
 the feamen which we do at prefent (z).' 
 
 (qc^) The projeSiion of an union tvith Scotland. J 
 Tre parliament of Englahd being defirous, after all 
 thefe fuccefles, fays Lualnv^ to convince even their 
 enemies, that their principal defign was to procure 
 the happinefs and profperity of all that were under 
 their government, fent commiffioners to Scotland to 
 treat concerning an union of that nation with Eng- 
 land in one commonwealth ; direding them to take 
 care, till that could be eftecled, that obedience ftiould 
 be given to the authority of the parliament of the 
 commonwealth of England. The commiflioners ap- 
 pointed to this end on the part of the parliament, 
 were Sit Henry yane, the chief jufl ice 5^ Johns, Mr, 
 Fe*:w'!cke^ major SaUoway, major-general Lambert^ 
 colonel Titchborn, major-general Dean, and colonejf 
 Monk. This propofition of union was chearfully, 
 accepted by the moll judicious among the ScAs, who* 
 well underftood how great a condefcenfion it was in 
 the parliament of England to permit a people they 
 had conquered to have a part in the legillative 
 
 power (<?).' The fame author, in another place, 
 
 writes as follows : * The parliament having refolved 
 upon the incorporation of Scotland with the nation 
 of England into one free ftate or commonwealth, 
 and to reimburfe themfelvcs fome part of that trta- 
 fure they had expended in their own defence againft: 
 the invafions of the Scots, declared the goods and lands, 
 formerly belonging to the crown of Scotland, to be 
 confifcated, and alfo thofe that were poflefTed by fuch 
 perlbns as had affiled in the invafion of England by 
 Duke Hamilton, in the year 1648, or had appeared 
 in arms fince, under the King of Scots, in order to 
 fubvert the prefent government ; excepting thofe who, 
 fince the battle of Dunbar, had abandoned the faid 
 King of ScotSj and, by their merits and fervices, had 
 
 ' ren-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 285 
 
 merit of Ireland before-mentioned (both of 
 ■''''"^ which 
 
 rendered themfelves worthy of favour. That all fuch 
 who are not comprehended under the faid qualifica- 
 tions, and fhall concur with them in their juft en- 
 terprize, fliall receive the benefit of their proteiflion, 
 and enjoy their liberties and goods equally with the 
 free people of England. In purfuance of this decla- 
 ration of the parliament, their commiflioners in Scot- 
 land publiflied another, wherein they difcharge from 
 confifcation all merchants and tradefmen, who pof- 
 fefs not in land or goods above the value of five 
 hundred pounds, and are not prifoners of war, fol- 
 dlers of fortune, mofs troopers, or fuch as have kil- 
 led or committed outrages againft the Englijh foldiers 
 contrary to the laws and cuftoms of war. They al- 
 fo emitted a proclamation, abolifhing, in the name 
 of the parliament, all manner of authority and jurif- 
 didiion, derived from any other power but that of 
 the commonwealth of England^ as well in Scotland as 
 in all the illes belonging to it. After this they Turn ■ 
 mpned the counties, cities and buroughs, to agree 
 to the incorporation before-mentioned ; of which 
 eighteen of one and thirty counties, and twenty- four 
 of fixty-fix cities and boroughs, confented to fend 
 their deputies to the parliament of England^ moft of 
 the reft excufing themfelves for want of money to 
 defray the expences of their reprefentatives [b).^ Let {<>) V"©!. u 
 us now hear Dr. Gumhle^ who wrote at a time when it P*'^" 
 was no way fafhionable, or, perhaps, fafe to fay much 
 in praife of the commonwealth. * The Englijh 
 
 * pretended commonwealth having reduced the whole 
 
 * nation of Scotland and Ireland-, they having a great 
 
 * calm of peace and tranquility, they fell upon a pro- 
 
 * je6t (though pra^Mifed by ufurpers, and men who had 
 
 * great fears becaufe of their great crimes, and of much 
 ' care and diligence, becaufe of their future danger to 
 
 * be brought to condign puniihment) to unite all the 
 
 * three nations into one governm"snt, «nd to meet in. 
 
 * one
 
 286 THELIFEOF 
 
 which fo much contributed to the welfare 
 
 of 
 
 * one parliament, a work which they did effeS by the 
 
 * prefent advantages of conqueft, and by a pretended 
 
 * confent of fome ele6ted deputies : this union being a 
 ' work which King "Jcmes^ of bleffed memory, fet on 
 
 * foot, and renewed By our gracious fovereign King 
 
 * Charhi II. (whom God diredi to the concluiion) an 
 ' affair that would as much tend to the peace and pu- 
 ' blique fecurity of all the three nations, as any other 
 
 * defigne that can be imagined ; but thefe men, like the 
 ' children of this world, who were more wife in their 
 « generation than the children of light and truth, who 
 
 * were able by their force then upon thefe conquered 
 
 * countries ; for fo they we're then in appearance, 
 
 * though, upon unjuft grounds, they compelled them to 
 
 * fend members to the parliament of England^ which 
 ' not a little advantaged the traffick of all, which is 
 
 * fince prohibited, but, upon a renewed union, would 
 
 * be confirmed : to gain this point, they publiflied an 
 
 * aft of oblivion, to forget all injuries, and forgive all 
 
 * hoftilities ; to imitate the fubtil eftate of Aiherny that 
 
 * firft gave the precedent. To this end commiffioncrs 
 
 * from the pretended parliament were fent down into 
 
 * Scotland, amongft whom was general Meni (without 
 
 * whofc interpofing little good was to be done in Scot- 
 
 * land) and though St. 'John, Vane and Sallowajy with 
 
 * others, could talk more, yet none could perfwade 
 
 * that nation fo much as he, who (though they looked 
 
 * upon him in the times of hofti!ity as a fevere ene- 
 
 * my) yet they trufted him in this buiinefs more than 
 
 * all the reft, and, upon giving them hopes of better 
 
 * days, fubmitted to the prefent neceffitics. Upon 
 
 * the fettling all things there, according to the will and 
 (f) Life of * pleafure of their matters in England, they returned. 
 
 Monk, p. * and general Monk with them {c).* On examina- 
 
 I^(f7i67i. **°" °^ '^ Journals, and Mr. PVbithd*s Memorials, 
 
 who had a great hand in bringing the union with Scot- 
 land to a head, it appears tbs^ Ludhui's account is, in 
 
 the
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. ^87 
 
 of the Englifi nation) the new modelling 
 
 the 
 
 the main, pretty exaft (</). However, the parliament 
 had not the honour of finiihing this aiFair. It was re- journTkof 
 ferved for Cromwell, who, by an ad, pafTed Airil i2, Oftcbcr 8. 
 1654, intitled, ' ^cQtland made one commonweahh with ^^' ^"'^ ^9. 
 *■ ^ England^* fully accomphflied it. In the preamble of* ^*' 
 tHIs ad the proceedings of the commonwealth are brief- 
 ly recited, and it is declared, that Scotland and its depen- 
 dencies fhall be incorporated with England, and in 
 every parliament, to be held fucceffively, thirty perfons 
 Ihall be called from, and ferve for Scotland. By this 
 a£l kingfliip was abolifhed there; the arms of Scotland 
 were to be borne with the arms of the Englijh common- 
 wealth ; fervitude and vafTalage taken away. Superio- 
 rities, lordftiips, and jurifdidtions abolifhed, and the he- 
 ritors freed from all military fervice, and all forfeitures (0 fcobel's 
 fall to the lord prote£lor for the time being (<?). Thefc, •°^'*'^'°"** 
 with many other things, were enaded, tending to de- 
 ftroy the tyranny and power of the great men in that 
 kingdom, and render the people more eafy and happy. 
 Mr. Dalrymple, fpeaking of the jurifdidions of the 
 Scotch, fay?, ' Cromtuell had enough of the monarch to 
 
 * fee how inconfiftent thefc private jurifdidlions were, 
 
 * either with the intereft of the fupream power, or the 
 
 * fafefy of the people ; but he had too much of the ty- 
 
 * rant, to think of making any reparation to the pri- 
 
 * vatc proprietors, from whom he took their jurifdic- (y) Hlfiory 
 
 * tions, but to whom he gave nothing in return (y\' of Feudal 
 What the wifdora of monarchs has been hiftory will ^'^'^^^^Y' 
 bed determine; how much of the tyrant appeared in Lond.ijj?! 
 taking away thefe jurifdidions is not fo very certain. ' 
 That they were inconfiftent with the fupream power, 
 
 or the fafety of the people, were reafons abundant for 
 their abolition. For no private intereft ought ever to be 
 regarded that ftands in competition with thefe. That 
 he gave nothing to the private proprietors might be, be- 
 ca'ufe they merited nothing from his hands. They had, 
 almoft all of them. Cavaliers and Prelbyterians, oppofed 
 
 the
 
 288 T HE LIFE OF 
 
 the rcprefentation in parliament (rr), of 
 
 the 
 
 the EngU/h government ; they had invaded the Englijh 
 territories, and put the government to great charges, and 
 were known, moft of them, to be ftill, in their hearts, 
 addifted to the race, from whom, and for whom, they 
 had fufFered fo much. Could thefe men then expe£t 
 any favour, any reward from his hands? That the 
 jurifdii^ions were in the hands of enemies, and fup- 
 ported their power, had been caufe fufficient to wreft 
 thefe from them. So that, by this learned gentleman*s 
 leave, tyranny is not to be imputed to Crormvelt on this 
 account, but his policy, and, indeed, humanity, ought 
 to be applauded, who difarmed a fet of petty tyrants, 
 and gave freedom to thofe who had groaned long under 
 vaflklage and chains. 
 
 (rr) New modeiling the reprrfentation in parliament.'^ 
 At what time the commons began to have reprefenta- 
 tives in parliament is none of my bufinefs to enquire. 
 Thofe who defire information muft confult our hifto- 
 rians and antiquaries, efpecially Prynne, and Petyt, men 
 of vaft diligence and erudition. Suffice it here to fay, 
 that in the time of Henry the third they were poflefled 
 
 of it. The advantages of this reprefentation are well 
 
 known. The houfe of commons has frequently afferted 
 the liberties of the nation, framed good laws, brought 
 to punifliment had ministers, and hindered the intro- 
 duction of defpoti(m, to which fome of our princes 
 have been but too much inclined. It has been the aim 
 therefore of thefe to influence the eleftors in their choice 
 of members, and to bribe, to flatter, to menace, and 
 terrify them when chofcn, from adhering to the inte- 
 refls of their country and conftituents. The fmall bo- 
 roughs being moft eafily led by the agents of princes 
 and their mir.ifters, were from time to time privileged 
 with the choice of members, efpecially if in any good 
 degree dependant on the crown, whereby it came to 
 pafs that the majority was generally under court influ- 
 ence, and direfted by the will of thcfovereign, or his 
 
 fa-
 
 OLIVERCROMWELL. 289 
 
 the people of the kingdom of England, fo 
 
 much 
 
 favourite for the time being. This was an inconveni- 
 ence which had Jong been felt, but was almoft im- 
 poffible to be remedied in the common courfe of things. 
 But when the conftitution was broken, when the power 
 of the crown and of the lords was abolifhed, and there 
 was a neceffity for great alteration in the frame of the 
 government, one of the firft things that was propofed 
 to the confideration of the parliament of the common- 
 wealth of £'«^/fl«<:/ wasamoreequal reprefentativcv This 
 was contained in a * Petition from his excellency Tho- 
 mas Lord Fairfax, and the getteral councel of officers of 
 the army, to the honourable the commons in parliament 
 aflembled, conderning- the draught of art agreement of 
 the people for a fecure and prefent peace, by them 
 framed and prepared,' prefented- y<7«ai7ry 20, 1649, 
 N. S. The agreement was offered to the confidera- 
 tion of the houfe firft, and then to every man without 
 doors, to fubfcribe it, to whofe judgment it was agree- 
 able. In this they fay — * Since our former oppreflions, 
 
 * and not yet ended troubles, have been occafioned, 
 
 * either by want of frequent national meetings in coun- 
 
 * eel, or by the undue or unequal conftitution thereof, 
 
 * or by rendring thefe meetings uneffc£lual : we are 
 
 * fully refolved, God willing, to provide,, that hereaf- 
 ' terour -reprSfentatives be neither left" to an uncertainly 
 
 * for time, nor be unequally conft-ituted, nor made lift- 
 
 * lefs to the ends for which' they are intended, ■ Ifl order 
 
 * whei eunto we declare and agree, • ' ' 
 
 * I. That to prevent the many inconveniences,- aj^- 
 
 * parently arifing from the long continuance of the fame 
 
 * perfons in fupream authority, this prefent parliament 
 
 * end and difljlve upon, or before the latt day oi Jprfl, 
 
 * 1649. 
 
 * 2. That the people of England (being at this day 
 
 * very unequally diftributed, by counties, cities, and 
 ' burroughs, for the ele(5tion of their reprefentatives) 
 
 * be indifferently proportioned, and to this end, that the 
 -'\' U * repre-
 
 290 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 much needed and approved, though left 
 
 unfi- 
 
 « reprefentative of the whole nation fhall confifl: of 
 ' four hundred perfons, or not above ; and in each 
 
 * county, and the places hereto fubjoined, there (hall 
 ' be chofen, to make up the faid reprefentative at all 
 
 * times, thefeveral members here mentioned.' Then 
 
 follows the number of each county, with the bur- 
 roughs, towns and parifhes therein, except fuch as 
 were under particularly named. 
 
 It is obfervable that in the fcheme for a new repre- 
 fentative, the little burroughs were wholly deprived of 
 the liberty of fending members, any otherwife than as 
 they had votes in common for the county, though fome 
 of the opulent towns and cities had the priviledges of 
 fending one or more according to the number and riches 
 of the inhabitants. Thus for ii. fiance, the county of 
 Cornwall^ with the boroughs, towns, and parifhes there- 
 in, were to fend eight ; the county of Devon with the 
 boroughs, towns and pariihes v/ere to have twelve, be- 
 fides Exeter, which were to chufe two, Plymouth two, 
 and Barnjialie one. Wilts, including one for Salijhuryy 
 eight J the Cinque Ports three, ^c. But on the con- 
 trary, the county of Middle/ex were to chufe four ; the 
 city of London eight, the city of IVeJiminjler and the 
 dutchy two, befides Southwarkiy which had two allotted 
 for it Jikewife. Many rules relating to the choice and 
 regulation of the reprefentative were recommended, as 
 
 * That of courfe it fhould be chofen every two years; 
 
 * that no member of any councel of ftate, nor any of- 
 
 * ficer of any falary, forces in the army, or garrifon, 
 ' nor any treafurer or receiver of publique money?, 
 
 ; * (hall, while fuch, be eie6led to be of a reprefenta- 
 
 * tive ; that one hundred and fifty members be always 
 
 * prefent at each fitting of the reprefentative at the paf- 
 
 * fing of any law, or paffing any a(Sl, whereby the peo- 
 
 * pie are to be bound j that in each interval betwixt 
 
 * biennial reprefentatives, the councel of ftate (which 
 
 * was to be chofen by parliament, and to continue till 
 
 * the
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 591 
 
 unfinifhed by them j their attempts to re- 
 form 
 
 * the tenth day after the meeting of the next repre- 
 
 * fentative for the management of publique affairs) in 
 
 * cafe of imminent danger or great neceflity, may fum- 
 ' mon a reprefentative to be forthwith chofen and to 
 
 * meet ; fo as the feflion thereof continue not above 
 ' fourfcore days, and fo as it diflblve at leaft fifty days 
 
 * before the appointed time for the next biennial repre- 
 
 * lentative. With regard to the power given to the; 
 
 * reprefentative, it was declared that though the fu- 
 
 * pream truft was to be inverted with them for the pre- 
 
 * fervation and government of the whole, yet many 
 ' things ought not to be left in their power ; particularly 
 ' preffing men to fervc in war either abroad or at home, 
 
 * unlefs in the way of training and exercifing them in 
 ' order to repel foreign invaiions, or quell intcftine 
 
 * commotions; invalidating fecurities given or to be 
 
 * given on the publique faith ; exempting any perfons 
 
 * from fubjeclion to the laws, or giving judgment on 
 
 * any man's perfon or eftate, where no law hath before 
 
 * provided.' It was alfo added, * l^hat no reprefen- 
 ' tative may in any wife render up, or give, or take 
 ' away any the foundations of common right, liberty 
 
 * and fafety contained in the agreement ; nor level mens 
 
 * eftates, deftroy propriety, or make all things com- 
 ' mon: and that in all matters of fuch fundamental 
 
 * concernment, there fhal! be a liberty to particular 
 
 * members of the fatd reprefentatives to enter their dif- 
 ' fents from the major voice.' With refpedl to re- 
 ligion, they defired, * That the chriftian relig'on be 
 
 * held forth and recommended as the publick profeflioa 
 ' in the nation; that publick teachers might be main- 
 
 * tained by the reprefentatives out of the publick trca- 
 
 * fury, not by tythes, provided that popery or prelacy 
 
 * be not held forth as the publick way or profellioa in 
 
 * this nation. It was moreover added, that to the pub- 
 
 * lick profeflion fo held forth, none be compelled by 
 
 * penalties or otherwiTe ; and. that fuch as profcfs faith 
 
 U 2 * -in
 
 292 THELIFEOF 
 
 form the abufes of the law, and their en- 
 acting 
 
 * in God by Jefus Chrift, (however differing in judgr 
 
 * ment from the dofirine, difcipline or worfhip pubiick- 
 « ly held forth) (hall not be reftrained from, but (hall 
 ' be protected in the profeflion of their faith, and ex- 
 ' ercife of their religion according to their confciences 
 
 * in any place (except the places fet apart for the pub- 
 
 * lick worfhip, which without leavt they were not to 
 
 * make ufe of) fo as they abufe not this liberty to the 
 &c4.'o.'Lon- V civil injury of others, or to the adtual difturbance of 
 don printed ' the publick pcacc (^).' The officers who prefented 
 for John ^j^jg petition and agreement were thanked by the Speaker 
 &c?^649. ^" ^^^ name of the houfe, and told withall that it ftiould 
 
 be taken into confideration with all convenient fpeed. 
 It was at the fame time ordered by them to be printed. 
 According to their promife, the houfe fell very ferioufly 
 to confider this propofal for a new reprefentative. A 
 committee was appointed. May 15 following, for this 
 purpofe ; and on the 9th o^ January y 1649, O. S. Sir 
 Henry Vane junior reported from the committee their 
 proceedings, and their votes, as heads, to be the grounds 
 of the debate of the houfe. Thefc contained the num- 
 bers each county were to fend to parliament, formed on 
 the plan in the agreement of the people, though in 
 many inftances differing from it, but yet proportioned 
 in fuch a mannner as to be apparently for the public 
 (i) See Tour- good, and preferable to what had before been made 
 iijlof Jan. 9, ufe of (^). In confequence of this report, it was re- 
 1649. And fQJyejj by the parliament, that the number of perfons, 
 t3i7Hiftory, that fhall he elected for the commonwealth, to fit and 
 vol. xix. p. ferve in parliament for this nation, as members thereof, 
 *+5- fhall not exceed four hundred. The committee had re- 
 
 folved alfo, that the pleafure of the houfe fhould be 
 known whether there fliould be a particular diftribution 
 of the faid proportions upon feveral places within each 
 refpeilive county. And moreover, that the right of 
 eledling and fending of members to parliament for ever, > 
 according to the faid proportions refpedively be granted 
 
 and
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 293 
 
 and confirmed by a£l of the then parliament. That in 
 the faid a£t there be prefented the manner how the faid 
 ele£lions fhall be made, together virith the qualifications 
 of the electors and eledted, with fome other heads to 
 ftrengthen and confirm thefe new regulations. But only 
 the number to ferve in parliament was now determined, 
 and the remainder of the report was referred to a grand 
 committee of the houfe, to take into confideration the 
 feveral heads reported, according to the number of four 
 hundred ; and upon their debate, to prepare a bill, to 
 be prefented to the houfe. Accordingly we find in the 
 journals that on every Wednefday following, till the dif- 
 ferences with Scotland broke out into a war, the houfe 
 in a grand committee fat and debated on this important 
 fubjed, and had not entirely finiflied it, when a period 
 was put to their fitting in the manner we (hall foon'fee. 
 
 It is not to be doubted, had the parliament finiflied 
 
 their plan, it would have been truly excellent. As it 
 is, it appears capable of being rendered greatly ufeful, 
 when-ever a fet of men of wifdom and fortitude fhall 
 arife to carry it into execution. That this is not too 
 high an encomium on the parliament's fcheme for a 
 new reprefentation, will appear from that part of the 
 inftrument of government fubfcribed by Cromwell., on 
 his alTuming the protectorate, relating to the fummon- 
 ing and electing of parliaments; which I am perfuad- 
 ed was framed by the grand committee above-mention- 
 ed, though the houfe had not time to pafs it into a 
 law. It is too long to be given here, but the curious 0) P- 572. 
 may find it in Whitbck (/), and without doubt will wifh ^^ '^^''u-^• 
 
 c ■ -1 T-'L r 1 n ■ • \Q\iX\A alio m 
 
 for Its revival. 1 he rotten part of the conltitution, as other wri- 
 I think Burnet fomewhere calls our fmall boroughs, ters. 
 would then be incapable by their venality and corrup- 
 tion, of doing the mifchief they fometimes have done, 
 to themfelves, their reprcfentatives, and the public. — ■ 
 
 * Among the alterations requifite to be made on the 
 
 * Britijh government, in order to bring it to the moft 
 
 * perfedl model of limited monarchy, fays Mr. Hume., 
 
 * the plan of the republican parliament ought to be 
 
 * reftored by making the reprefentation equal, and by 
 
 * allowing none to vote in the county eledions, who 
 
 U 3 ' pof-
 
 294 THELIFEOF 
 
 ailing all law (ss) proceedings to be in the 
 
 Englifi 
 
 n) Political ' poflefs not an hundred a year [k].' This reftridion 
 Effays, p. appears not at all to have entered into the thoughts of 
 >°r* '^""'°' the parliament. An eftate real or perfonal of two hun- 
 i-^z,' dred pounds in value, was the qualification for an 
 elector, in the inftrument of government above men- 
 tioned. 
 
 (ss) Their attempts to reform the law, and ena Sting all 
 law proceedings to be iji the EngWfh tongue.'] The ted i- 
 oufnefs and expenfivenefs of law proceedings have long 
 been the fubjecl of complaint, as well as that glorious 
 uncertainty of the law, which has been often boafted of 
 with high-glee by /ome of its profefTors. It is not to 
 be doubted but the flow and prolix procefs of the law 
 fometimes preferves the unwary or unfkilful from being 
 furprized, and affords the fairer opportunity to bring 
 truth to light, or give relief to the t pprefled : but whe- 
 ther thefe advantages are not outweighed by the vexa- 
 tion, trouble and expence necelfarily incurred thereby,* 
 thofe who have been fo unhappy as to be engaged in it, 
 
 can beft determine. As early as the year 1646, the 
 
 parliament was addrefled on this fubjefl:, in the follow- 
 ing words : ' Yee know, the laws of this nation are 
 
 * unworthy a free people, and deferve from firft to 
 
 * laft, to be confidered, and ferioufly debated, and re- 
 ' duced to an agreement with common equity, and 
 ' right reafon, which ought to be the form and life of 
 
 * every government. Magna Chorta itfelf being but a 
 
 * beggarly thing, containing many marks of intollera- 
 
 * ble bondage, and the laws that have been made fmce 
 
 * by parliaments, have in very many particulars made 
 ' our government much more opprefSve and1nto!Iera- 
 ^ hie. The No? man way for ending of controverfies, v.'as 
 
 * much more abufive than the Englifo way, yet the Con- 
 
 * queror, contrary to his oath, introduced the A'ijr^/cw 
 
 * laws, and his litigious and vexatious way amongft us; 
 
 * the like he did alfo for punifhment of maleta£t.:rs, 
 
 * controverfies of all natures having before a quick 
 
 * and
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 29^ 
 
 Englip tongue J their, feeking out, employ- 
 ing 
 
 < and final difpatch 'in every hundred. He erected a 
 
 * trade of judges and lawyers, to fell juftice and in- 
 
 * juftice at his own unconfcionable rate, and in what 
 
 < time he pleafed j the corruption whereof is yet re- 
 
 * maining upon us, to our continual impoverifhing and 
 « moleftation ; from which we thought you (hould have 
 
 ' delivered us *.' In the copy of a very valuable 
 
 manufcript paper, formerly belonging to colonel Saun- 
 ders of Derbypire, colonel of a regiment of horfe, writ- 
 ten about the end of the year 1647 ; among many other 
 excellent propofals for the eftablifhment of a firm and 
 prefent peace, is the following.. * That the huge vo- 
 
 * lumes of ftatute laws and ordinances, with the penal- 
 
 * ties therein impofed, as well corporal as pecuniary, 
 « be well revifed ; and fuch only left in force, as fhall 
 
 * be found fit for the commonwealth, efpecially that 
 
 * mens lives be more precious than formerly, and that 
 
 * lefler punifhments than death, and more ufeful to the 
 ' publick be found out for fmaller offences : That all 
 ' laws, writs commiflion-, pleadings, and records be 
 
 * in the Englijh tongue ; and that proceedings be re- 
 
 * duced to a more certain charge, and a more expedi- 
 
 * tious way than formerly : That no fees at all be exa£ied 
 
 * of the people in courts of jijiice ; but that the publick 
 ' minifiers of fate be wholly maintained cut of the puh- 
 
 * lick treafury.' In the petition of the lord general 
 
 and officers mentioned in the preceeding note, we find 
 among other things noticed, as worthy to be provided 
 for by parliament, * The removing or reforming of 
 
 * evils or inconveniences in the prefent laws, and ad- 
 
 * miniftrations thereof, the redrefie of abufes, and fup- 
 
 * plying of defedls therein, the putting of all the laws 
 
 * and proceedings thereof into the Engl'ijh tongue, the 
 
 * reducing of the courfe of law to more brevity and lefs 
 
 * Remonftrancs of many thoufand citizens anfl other freeborn psr>' le 
 of England to their own houfe of commons, occafioneJ by the imp.ircn-» 
 nientof John Lilburn, 4to. witho.it name or place. 
 
 U 4 * char2:e.
 
 296 THELIFEOF 
 
 ing and rewarding the beft pens for writ- 
 ing 
 
 (D p 28. * charge (/).' Thefe perfons feem not to have con- 
 curred in judgment with Lord &>ke, who tells us, * The 
 
 * law is the perfection of reafon ;' ' That the law is 
 ' nothing elfe but reafon j and that if all the reafon 
 
 * that is difperfed into fo many feveral heads were united 
 *';•* into one, yet could he not make fuch a law as the 
 
 * law of England is, becaufe by many fuccefiion of 
 ' * ages it hath been fined and refined by an infinite num- 
 
 * ber of grave and learned men, and by long experi- 
 ' ence grown to fuch a perfedlion, for the government 
 
 * of this realm, as the old rule may be truly verified of 
 ' it, Neminem oporiet ejfe fapientlorem legibus : No man 
 
 (w)On Lit- « ^out of his own private reafon) ought to be wiftr than 
 
 Sdidit. ' t^^ ^^^'' ^^^^^ ^^ ^^^ perfeaion of reafon (w)/ 
 
 'However this may be, the parliament being urged by 
 
 feeming confiderations of public utility, on ^January 20, 
 
 1 65 1, appointed * A committee to take ij.to confide- 
 
 * ration what inconveniences were in the law, how the 
 ' mifchief that grows from delays, the chargeablenefs 
 
 * and irregularities in the proceedings of the law may 
 
 * be prevented, and the fpeedieft way to prevent the 
 
 * fame.' No great matters however followed from this 
 committee, by reafon of the hurry of the times, and 
 the oppofition of the lawyers, who were full of Lord 
 Coke's opinion concerning the perfection of the laws of 
 England, as gentlemen of that profeffion, for the moft 
 part, will always be ; for as they then and now ftand, 
 they are the means of procuring preferments, titles, aid 
 minifterial eftates. Can we wonder then they have vin- 
 dicators, admirers and applauders ? A little before 
 
 the parliament palTed an ad:, * That all the books of the 
 
 * law fliould be put into Englijh j and that all writs, 
 
 * procefs, and returns thereof, and all patents, com- 
 ' miffions, indif'ments, judgments, records, and all 
 
 * rules and proceedings in courts of juftice fbould be in 
 
 * the Evgtijh tongue. It was moreover enaCled, that 
 
 * they fhould be written in ai;i ordinary, ufual and legi- 
 
 * ble
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 297 
 
 ing (tt) in behalf of liberty, civil and re- 
 ligious ; 
 
 * ble hand and chara£ler, and not in any hand com- 
 
 * monly called court hi.nd.' This ad does great ho- 
 nor to the parliament, and is an argument of their 
 good fenfe, and concern for the welfare of the peo- 
 ple. It is amazing fo good a law fhould not have been 
 continued by proper authority after the reftoration 1 
 But it was generally a fufEcient reafon then to difufe ^ 
 thing, though ever fo good in itfelf, that it had been 
 enacted by an ufurped power. Of fuch fatal confe- 
 quences are prejudices ! But thanks be to God ! we 
 have feen the time when this moft excellent ordinance 
 has been again revived, and received the fanction of 
 
 the whole legiflature. It has indeed been queftion- 
 
 ed, * Whether a noble dead language, which has fuf- 
 
 * fered no variation in it for above thefe thoufand years 
 
 * laft paft, is not better to preferve records in than (o („) Pariia- 
 
 ' flux a one as Englijh («).' For my own part, I mentary 
 
 fhould think not: unleis the uncertain good of very ^'^'^''y' 3°^* 
 diftant pofterity, is to be preferred to our own prefent 
 
 real advantage, which I imagine few will fay. But 
 
 to go on — ' How much were it to be wifhed, that a 
 
 * committee of wife and prudent perfons were once 
 
 * more employed to revife, amend and abridge our laws ! 
 
 * That we might know ourfelves how to a6^, and not 
 
 * be neceffitated to make ufe of thofe, who (we are (en- 
 
 * fible) live on our fpoils. — But much is it to be feared, 
 
 * that our adverfaries will be too hard for us, and that 
 ' we (hall be obliged, for a time at leaft, to fubmit to 
 
 * their yoke. But whenever the fpirit of true patrio- 
 ' tifm fhall generally poflefs the minds of our fenators, 
 
 * I doubt not, but they will apply themfelves to our de-^ 
 
 ' liverance in good earneft, and bring it to perfection, {o) HiftorU 
 ' (as it was long ago done in Dtnmark, and more lately calandCri- 
 ' in PruJJia) inafmuch as the happinefs of the comma- Jo^n^^of' 
 
 * nity abfolutely depends thereon (o).' HughPe- ^ 
 (tt) I'heir jeeking oui^ and rewarding the bfji pens,^'^''^' "°'^ , 
 
 &c.] There have been few governments deftitute of Loid.^,75n 
 I wri-
 
 298 THE LIFE OF 
 
 ligiousj the application of the large church 
 
 reve- 
 
 writers to defend and applaud their meafures. For, to 
 the difgrace of letters, venal pens in all ages have been in 
 plenty. Hence it has come to pafs that panegyrics have 
 been made on the v/orft meafures and adminiftrations, 
 even by men who, in their hearts, defpifed them. It 
 is no way furprizing therefore that the parliament (hould 
 have had writers on their fide : their power and wealth 
 would account for this. But that they fhould have 
 fearched out and found men of real abilities to undertake 
 their caufe, and do juflice to their actions, muft have' 
 arofe only from their own judgment and liberality. 
 The works of Milton are well known. They are an 
 
 honor to himfelf, his caufe and his employers. 
 
 ' The Tenure of Kings and Magiftratei^ was written to 
 prove, ' That it is lawful, and hath been held fo 
 through all ages, for any, who have the power, to call 
 to account a tyrant, or wicked King, and after due 
 convi6iion to depofe, and put him to death ; if the or- 
 dinary magiftrate have neglefled, or denied to do it.' — 
 In a noble l^rain it is here faid, ' None can love free- 
 
 * dom heartily, but good men ; the reft love not free- 
 
 * dom, but licence ; which never hath more fcope, or 
 
 * more indulgence than under tyrants.* His Icono- 
 clafles was undertaken in the behalf of liberty and 
 the commonwealth, as was his anfwer to Salmaftus alfo, 
 by the appointment^ as he fays, and not without the 
 approbation of the civil power (p). The parliament 
 rewarded him with a thoufand pound for this laft per- 
 formance, and made him their Latin fecretary, by whicji 
 they obtained a never-dying fame. For his ftate letters 
 written in that language, exceed beyond comparifon any" 
 thing of that kind extant. We are not to wonder 
 therefore that AJiiton's reputation was high both at 
 
 fy) Richard- homc and abroad ; or that he was vifited and invited by 
 Ion's Life of foreign- ambafladors at London^ not excepting thofe of 
 
 S?o/ crov/rtedv; heads (g) He was worthy of the honor. 
 
 Load. 1734. For, •* as he looked upon true and abfolute freedom to 
 
 8 - 'be
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 299 
 
 revenues taken from the bi(hops, deans and 
 
 chap- 
 
 < be the greateft happinefs of this life, whether to fo- 
 
 * cieties or fingle perfons, fo he thought conftraint of 
 
 * any fort to be the utmoft mifery ; for which reafon hp 
 
 * ufed frequently to tell thofe about him of the intire 
 
 * fatisfaiScion of his mind, that he had conftantly em- 
 
 * ploved his ftrength and faculties in the defence of lir- 
 « berty, and in dire6t oppofition to flavery. And his 
 
 * av^rfion to monarchy, as he told his friend Sir Ra- 
 
 * bert Howard^ was heightened by this confideration, , v lj^^ 
 « that the trappings of it might fupport an ordinary com- hy Dr/ 
 
 * monwealth (r).' It is afferted on good authority, -^'^^c^. p* 
 
 « That Milton was allowed a" weekly table by the par- J^J'Js p/ofc 
 ' liament, for the entertainment of foreign minifters. Works. 
 *■ efpecially fuch as come from proteftant ftates, and for 
 ' the learned : which allowance was alfo continued by 
 
 * Cromwell *-' How noble the example. Marcha- 
 
 mont Needham^ who had written Mircurius Pragmaticus 
 againft the parliament, was not only pardoned by them, 
 but if we may believe Mr. IVcod, by promifes of re- 
 wards and places, was induced to become an advocate 
 for them and liberty. This was a writer indeed worth 
 gaining. His morals or integrity perhaps were not the 
 moft ftrifl, (though I know nothing alledged againft 
 him on thefe heads, except changing his party often) 
 but he had wit, parts, learning, and a flyle beyond 
 moft of his age. ' His Mercurius Politicus, which 
 
 * came out by authority, and flew every week into all 
 
 * parts of the nation for more than ten years, had very 
 ' great influence upon numbers of inconfiderable per- 
 
 * fons, fuch as have a ftrong prefumption that all niuft 
 
 * needs be true that is in print. He was the Gol'iah of 
 ' the Philijliansy the great champion of the late ufur- 
 
 * per, whofe pen in comparifpn of others, was like a 
 
 * weavers beam. And certainly he that will, or can 
 
 * Toland's life of Milton, p. no, in the note, 8vo. Lond. ad. edit. 
 N. B. This edition is enriched with moft curious and valuable obfervatiorts 
 in the notes. 
 
 (/^ * perufe
 
 300 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 chapters, who by a6t of parliament had 
 
 becQ 
 
 (j) Atheaae < 
 Ozonieofes, ^ 
 Vol. ii. c 
 iz6. 
 
 * perufe thofe his intelligences called Mfrc- Polit'ici^ will 
 ' judge that had the devil himfelf (the father of all lies) 
 
 * been in this Goliab's office, he could not have exceeded 
 
 * him. As having with profound malice calumniated 
 ' his fovereign, fcurrility abufed the nobility, impudence 
 
 blafphemed the church and members thereof, and in- 
 duftry poifoned the people with dangerous princi- 
 
 * pies (j).' One may eafily gather from this chara<5lcr, 
 that Needbam with aeal and ability defended the caufe 
 of his mafters againft their adverfaries. Befides the 
 quotation given in note (hh), I will add a few more, 
 as the work from whence I take it is not in many hands, 
 and very little known even amongft the curious. 
 
 In one of his papers he afferts, ' That the original of 
 all juft power and government is in the people.' This 
 
 he proves after the following manner. ' As for 
 
 the government of the IfraliteSy firft under Mofei^ 
 then Jojhua and the judges, the Scriptures plainly 
 fliew, that they were extraordinary governors being 
 of God's immediate inftitution, who raifed them up 
 by his fpirit, and impo(i:d them upon that people, 
 whofe peculiar happinefs it was in cafes of this nature, 
 to have fo infallible and fure a dircSion ; fo that their 
 government was a Theocrafie (as fome have called it) 
 having God himfelf for its only original, and there- 
 fore no wonder we have in that time and nation fo 
 few vifible fuotfteps of the peoples elefiion, or of an 
 inftitution by compaQ. But yet we find after the 
 judges, that when this people reje<9ed this more im- 
 mediate way of government by God (as the Lord 
 tells Samuelf they have not rejefted thee, but me) and 
 defired a government after the manner of other nations, 
 then God feems to forbear the ufe of his prerogative, 
 and leave them to an exercife of their own natural 
 rights and liberties, to make choice of a new govern- 
 ment and governor by fuflFrage and coropaS. The 
 government they aimed at was kingly. God him- 
 
 « felf
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 301 
 
 been abolilhed, and the wife pravifion 
 
 made 
 
 felf was difpleafed at it, and (o was Samuel too, who 
 in hope to continue the old form, and to fright them 
 from the new, tells them what monfters in govern- 
 ment Kings would prove, by aflfuming unto them- 
 felves an arbitrary power (not that a King might law- 
 fully and by right do what Samuel defcribes (as Salma- 
 fius and all the royal interpreters would have us be- 
 lieve) but only to Ihew how far Kings would prefume 
 to abufe their power, which no doubt Samuel forefaw, 
 not only by reafon, but by the fpirit of prophecy.) 
 Neverthelefs the people would have a King; fay 
 they. Nay, but there Ihall be a King over us : where- 
 upon faith God to Samuel, Hearken to their voice: 
 where you plainly fee, iirft God gives the leave to 
 exercife their own natural right, in making choice of 
 their form of government. But then indeed for the 
 choice of their governor, there was one thing extra- 
 ordinary, in that God appointed them one, he vouch- 
 fafing ftill in an extraordinary and immediate manner 
 to be their direftor and proteflorj but yet though 
 God was pleafed to nominate the perfon, he left the 
 confirmation and ratification of the kingfhip unto the 
 people, to (hew that naturally the right of all was in 
 them, however the exercife of it were fuperfeded at 
 that time by his divine pleafure, as to the point of no- 
 mination. For that the peop'e might underftand it 
 was their right, Samuel calls them ail to Mizpehy as 
 if the matter were all to be done anew on their parr, 
 and there by lot they at length made choice of Saul, 
 and fo immediately proclaim him with fhouts and ac- 
 clamations; and then having had proof of his valour 
 againfl the Ammonites^ they met at Gilgaly and pro- 
 claim him King once again, to fhew (that naturally) 
 the validity of his kingfliip depended wholly on the 
 peoples confent and confirmation, and fo you fee, the 
 firfl and mc it eminent evidence of the inflitution of 
 political government in. Scripture doth notorioufly de- 
 
 ' mon-
 
 302 .."THE LIFE OF 
 
 made for their ftate clergy and the unlver- 
 
 fities; 
 
 (0 MercnrI- * monftrate, that its original is in or from the peo- 
 
 N<r98^^'"' '.-pie (f).* In another place, fpeaking of errors in 
 
 ,.-8. policy, he fays, * The regulation of affairs by reafon of 
 
 *- fiate, not the ftricl rule of honefty, has been an epi- 
 '-dcmical one. But for fear I be miftaken, continues 
 *- he, you are to underftand, that by reafon of ftate here 
 ' we do not condemn the equitable refult of prudence 
 
 * and right reafon ; for upon determinations of this na- 
 •, ture depends the fafety of all ftates and princes ; but 
 \ that reafon of ftate which flows from a corrupt princi- 
 ' pie to an indirect end; that reafon of ftate which is 
 <■ the ftatefman's reafon, or rather his will and luft, 
 
 * when he admits ambition to be a reafon, preferment, 
 ^'power, profit, revenge and opportunity to be reafons 
 *: Sufficient to put him upon any defign or aclion that 
 
 * may tend to prefcnt advantage ; though contrary to 
 ' the law of God, or the law of common honefty, and 
 ' of nations. Reafon of ftate is the moft fovereign 
 
 * command, and the moft important counfellor. Rea- 
 ' fon of ftate is the card and compafs oftheftiip. Rca- 
 ' fon of ftate is many times the reUgion of a ftate ; the 
 
 * law, the life of a ftate. That which anfwers all ob- 
 
 * jea:ions and quarrels about mal-govemment. That 
 ' which wages war, impofes taxes, cuts ofi^ offenders, 
 '■ pardons offenders, fends and treats ambafladors. It 
 $:can fay and unfay; do and undo, baik the common 
 
 * road, make high-ways to become by-ways, and the 
 f fartheft about to become the neareft cut. If a dif- 
 
 * iicult knot come to be untied, which neither the di- 
 
 * vine by Scripture, nor lawyer by cafe or precedent can 
 ' untie, then reafon of ftate, or an hundred ways more 
 
 * which ideots know not, diflblve it. This is that great 
 —— ' emprefs which the Italians call Raggione di State: it 
 
 * can rant as a foldier, compliment as a monlleur, trick 
 ( \ li -K * ^^ ^ a juggler, ftrut it as aftatefman, and is as change- 
 ic8. p. " * ^^^^ ^* ^^^ moon in the variety of her appearan- 
 169c. ' ces (tt).* This beautiful piece of fatyr will, I pre- 
 
 fume.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 303 
 
 fume, be acceptable to many of my readers. Iwill 
 
 make but one citation more from this writer, but it con- 
 tains, I believe, the fentiments of the majority in 
 power at that time on the fubjedl of church govern- 
 ment. ' If we ferioufly refled^, fays he, upon 
 
 the clefign of God, in bringing Chrill: into the world, 
 we fhall find it was to fet an end to the pompous ad- 
 miniflration of the Jewljh form ; that as his church 
 and people were formerly confined within the narrow 
 pale of a particular nation, fo now the pale fhould be 
 broken down, and all nations taken into the church. 
 Not all nations in a lump : not any whole nations, or 
 national bodies to be formed into churches : for his 
 church or people now under the Gofpel are not to be 
 a body political, but fpiritual and myftical : not a pro- 
 mifcuous confufion of perfons taken in at adventure, 
 but an orderly colleftion, a picking and chufing of 
 fuch as are called and faniStifyed, &c. Not a compa- 
 ny of men forced in by commands and conftitutions 
 of worldly power and prudence, but of fuch as are 
 brought in by the power and efficacy of Chrift's word 
 and fpirit. For he himfelf hath faid. My kingdom is 
 not from hence ; my kingdom is not of this world, 
 &c. And therefore that hand which hitherto hath 
 prefumed in mofl nations to eredl: a power called ec- 
 clefiaftick in equipage with the civil to bear fway, 
 and bind mens confciences to certain notions ordained 
 for orthodox, upon civil penalties, under colour of 
 prudence, good order, difcipline, preventing of he- 
 refy, and advancing of Chrift's kingdom ; and to this 
 end hath twifted the fpiritual power (as they call it) 
 with the worldly and fecular intereft of flate j this t 
 fay hath been the right hand of antichrift, oppofing 
 Chrift in his way, whofe kingdom being not of this 
 world, depends not upon the helps and devices of(«)Mercun- 
 worldly wifdom (*•).' T hefe extrads fufficiently (how ^«J*°''^'C"5, 
 how well the caufe of liberty, civil and religious, was i-^'c^'' 
 underflood in thefe times; how much the parliament 
 had them at heart. For none but men confcious of fair 
 intentions, and upright defigns towards the public, would 
 have favoured the propagation of notions deftr uclive of 
 
 evil
 
 304 THELIFEOF 
 
 €vil magiftrates, and wicked priefts, their neverfailing 
 
 coadjutors. But zealous as thefe men were for liberty, 
 
 they were careful to keep their people as much as pof- 
 fible from popery, and follicitcus to hinder their perver- 
 fion to that abfurd arid cruel fuperftition. A letter to the 
 Sparijh ambaflador will fet this in a clear light. It is as 
 follows : ' The parliament of the commonwealth of 
 ' England, undertianding that feveral of the people of 
 
 * this city daily refort to the houfe of your excellency, 
 
 * and other ambafladors and public minifters from fo- 
 
 * reign nations here refiding, meerly to hear mafs, gave 
 
 * order to the council of ftate, to let your excellency 
 
 * underftand, that whereas fuch refort is prohibited by 
 . * the laws of the nation, and of very evil example in 
 
 * this our republic, and extreamly fcandalous j that they 
 
 * deem it their duty to take care that no fuch thing be 
 
 * permitted henceforward, and to prohibit all fuch af- 
 
 * femblys for the future. Concerning which, 'tis oar 
 
 * defire that your excellency (hould have a fair advertifc- 
 
 * ment, to the end that henceforth your excellency may 
 
 * be more careful of admitting any of the people of this 
 
 * republic to hear mafs in your houfe. And as the par- 
 
 * liamenf will diligently provide that your excellenc}''s 
 
 * rights and priviledges (hall be preferved inviolable, fo 
 
 * they perfuade themfelves that your excellency, during 
 
 * your abode here, would by no means that the laws of 
 klfc*^^""'* ^'^'S republic fhould be violated by yourfelf or by your 
 Works, vol. * attendants (;•).* What would the parliament have 
 ii.p. 199. thought of one hundred thoufand Papifts in L'.ndon and 
 
 IVeJim'mfier^ the number reckoned by perfons employed 
 in 1745 ? Since that time they have much cncreafed, if 
 reports are to be relied on. * In fuch open defiance of 
 
 * our laws, fays an ingenious writer, has Popery been 
 ' long making great progrefs. And whether the threat- 
 
 * ning confequences are not formidable, may well de- 
 
 * ferve the confideration of fuch who are able to difcem 
 
 * the ineftimable value of our civil and religious liber- 
 
 * ties. It would be far from us, after all, to defire 
 
 * any pains or penalties fhould be inflicted on men, be- 
 ' caufe they have an extravagant ritual, and are fond of 
 ' worftiipping a troop of deities or demons ; or for fay- 
 
 ' iiig
 
 OLIVER CROMWfiLL. 30^ 
 
 * ing prayers by tale or number, either to real or imjl- 
 ' ginary (aints ; for venerating a wafer or crucifix. Since 
 ' he who can feaft: his foul, either on gold, filver, or 
 
 * precious ftones, or who can btft relifli wood, hay, or 
 
 * rtubble ; fhould only have our pity, and we ought to 
 
 * wi{h him a lef* depraved appetite. But fo long as the 
 ' Papift holds opinions fubverfive of morality, deftruc- 
 
 * tive of fociety, dangerous to the civil and religious 
 ' rights of mankind, /. e. fo long as the hand of po- 
 ' pery is againft every man, fo long every man's hand 
 
 * fhould be againft popery. The voice of nature, of 
 
 * felf prefervation, is loud in the breaft of every pro- ^^ J-^'" 
 
 * teftant againft this fuperftition (z).* The reader will rcfolved^p. 
 pardon I doubt not this fmall digreffion, if indeed it be 30. gvo. 
 one. » Lond. 17S7. 
 
 I proceed now with the fubje£l. Befides Milton and 
 Neidham, the parliament had another writer of fome 
 figure on their fide, -y/z. 'John Parker^ father to Sam. 
 Parker^ biftiop of Oxon^ in the time of James IJ. This 
 gentleman, * In the year 1650, printed a remarkable 
 ' book called The government of the people of England 
 
 * precedent and prefent the fame. It was written to 
 
 * fpirit men to fubfcribe to the engagement to be t^ue 
 
 * and faithful to the commonwealth as then cftablifhed, 
 
 * without a King or the houfe of lords: and there he 
 ' afl'erts that, Populus fuo magi fir atu prior eji tempore na- 
 
 * tura^ digmtate: quia populus magijiratum conjlituity ^ 
 < (juia populus fine magijlratu ejje poteji, Jed magijiratus 
 *- fine populo nm poteji ejJe. Alfo out of another claffical 
 ' author, Vindicia contra Tyrannos^htii&xms., Reges Junt 
 « a pspulo £s° Juni ccnjiltuti cauja pcpuli. More he un- 
 « dertakes to prove that the Kings of Engbnd hzd no 
 
 * negative voice rightly and by law, but that it was 
 
 * contrary to the lavvand their oath at coronation. And 
 
 * then a Joriiori^ that the lords neither can have any (a) Reihear^; 
 
 * negative upon the people (<;).' This book I never ^^' ?/*"'" 
 faw. The writings of Henry Parker on the behalf of jj^p/j-^"^ 
 the parliament are better knov/n. ' They are indeed Lond. 1673- 
 worth prcferving. Mr. Wood has given us a catalogue fr"'.,!^ 
 
 of them {b). Andre%v Marvelhj I know, commonly oxon. vol. 
 
 faid to have been employed, under Milion^ by the com- ii. c. p. »**,■ 
 X mon-
 
 3o6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 fities (uu) J I fay if weconfider all thefe things 
 
 with- 
 
 monwealth. But I apprehend this to be a miftake, as 
 
 will appear from his own account. ' As to myfelf, 
 
 ' fays he, I never had any, not the remoteft relation ta 
 ' publlck matters, nor correfpondence with the perfons 
 ' then predominant, until the year 1657. When in- 
 ' deed I entered into an employment, for which I was 
 ' not altogether improper, and which T confidered to be 
 
 * the moft innocent and inofFenfive towards his Majef- 
 
 * ty's affairs of any in that ufurped and irregular go- 
 
 * vetnment, to which all men were then expofed. And 
 ^^ , * this I accordingly difcharged without difobliging any 
 
 flittU-^' * one perfon {c)' It muft not be forgotten that all; 
 
 profed, part thefe gentlemen found their account in writing for the 
 »d. p. 1Z7. parliament and Cromwell. Both the Parkers were en- 
 riched by lucrative and honourable employs, and Mar- 
 vel, I fuppofe, was not unrewarded for the difcharge of 
 his office, by the Proteiftor, 
 
 (uu) The uij'e provijion made for their Jiaie clergy i and 
 the itniverjities.] The clergy, in moft countries where 
 chriftianity prevailed, got wealth, honour and power. 
 Unmindful of their Mafter's doctrine and example, they 
 loved the world, and the things which were in it, and, 
 by a variety of ways and means, accumulated large 
 pofTefiions. How honeftly they got fome, how wifely 
 others were beftovved on them by princes, great men, 
 weak women, and perfons, indeed, of all ranks and 
 degiees, from a perfualion inftilled into them of at- 
 . _ toning for their tranfgreffions, and getting better things 
 ther Paul >" revcrfion in lieu of them ; I fay, how all this hap- 
 on benefici- pened is well known to moft {d). Henry VIII. with 
 fZiT^s^- ' confent of parliament, made bold to lay his hand on 
 n-ion on ec- the lands, tenements, and hereditaments of the abbeys 
 cicfia'fticai and monafterics, and gave, or fold them, to fuch as were 
 and Han' ^'^^6 to make a bttter ufe of them; and his fon and 
 Nevii's Pla- fuccefTor Edward, as well as his daughter Elizahethy 
 toRcdivi- approved of his proceedings, and availed themfelves of 
 108 ^* ^^"~ ^^^ example, by plucking now and then a goodly ma- 
 nor
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 307 
 
 without prejudice, we fhall, probably, be 
 forced to acknowledge, that they were born 
 
 for 
 
 nor or two from the bifhopricTcs. This (with the power 
 of tranflations) made the bifliops cautious of ofFendlng, 
 and follicicous of obtaining the good will of the fove- 
 reign, and his favourites : and they applied themfelves 
 with fo much zeal thereunto, that they foon became 
 downright courtiers, fupple, complaifant, unmeaning, 
 and ready to put their hand to carry any thing into ex- 
 ecution, which they judged agreeable to the crown. 
 So that, for the moft part, they were friends to the pre- 
 rogative, and averfe to liberty.- For thefe and other 
 caufes, the lords and commons thought proper, by an 
 a6t of parliament, which had the royal afTent, to ex- 
 clude them from the houfe of peers j and, by an ordinance 
 of bGthhoufes,datedO^/o/'^r9) 1646, their office was abo- 
 liflied, and their lands and pofleffions fettled upon truftees 
 for the ufe of the commonwealth. The preamble to this 
 ordinance will explain the motives on which it was 
 made. It runs thus : ' For the abolifhing of arch- 
 
 * biftiops and bifhops. and providing for the payment 
 
 * of the juft and neceflary debts of the kingdom, into 
 ' which the fame hath been iirawn by a war, mainly 
 
 * promoted by and in favour of the faid archbifliops 
 ' and bifliops, and other their adherents and de- 
 
 * pendants; be it ordained,' ^'c. (*) Thus the whole 
 of the bifhops lands became vefted in the parliami^nt, 
 who, by an ordinance, bearing date, Ofiohr 3, 1648, 
 ordered, * the truftees to give warrants to the trealu- 
 ' rers for the iffuing out and paying of the rents and 
 
 * revenues of parfonages impropriate, tythes, oblations, 
 ' obventions, penfions, portions of tythes, parfonages 
 
 (*) See a colleftion of fevcral a6ls of parliament, ordinances, &c. 
 for providing maintenance • tor minirters, h"ad3 of colleges, &c. 410. 
 Lond. 1657. 'Tis tVom chis book I have taken the feveral citations 
 from the ordinances in this note. See alio Scobel's colkfl-ions, and 
 Rennet's Cife of impropriations and augmentation of vicarages, p. 241, 
 a»id268, 8/0, LonJ. J704, 
 
 X a * and
 
 jo3 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 for Icgiflation, and were worthy of it. But 
 
 whilft 
 
 * and vicarages, as have been, or fliall be received by 
 
 * the fiid treafurcrs, and have not otherwife been dif- 
 » pofed of, for the maintenance of minifters, to fuch 
 « perfon or perfons refpedtively, to whom the fa d rents 
 
 * and revenues have been or (hall be ordered or affigncd 
 
 * by the committee for plundered miniftcrs, for aug- 
 ' mentation of maintenance for officiating in any church 
 
 * or charel in England and Wales.^ After the com- 
 monwealth took place, the commons of England., in 
 parliament afTembled, on the 3Cth of April., 16^9, pro- 
 ceeded farther to pafs * an aft for the abolifhing of 
 
 * deans and chapters, canons, prebends, and other of- 
 
 * ficers and titles, of or belongin:: to any cathedral or col- 
 ' jegiitechurch or chapel within^«^/^«<^ or /^^/^;.' Their 
 plea for this was neceffity. ' Having ferioufly 
 
 * weighed, fay they, the neceflity of ra:fmg a prefent 
 
 * fupply of money for the prefent fafety of this com- 
 
 * monwealth ; and fit;ding that their other fecurities are 
 
 * not fatisfaftory to lenders, nor fufEcient to raife fo 
 
 * confiderable a fum as will be neceflary for the faid 
 
 * fervice, ace neceflitated to fell the lands of the deans 
 ' and chapters, for the paying of publick debts, and for 
 
 * the raifing of three hundred thoufand pounds for the 
 
 * prefent fupply of the prefling neceflities of the com- 
 
 * monwealth, do enacl, $ift-.' However, they were 
 
 not for throwing them away, as much as money was 
 wanting. For none of ihefe lands were to be fold un- 
 der twelve years purchafe, though the lands of the 
 bifhops had been allowed to be fold for ten ; a tolerable 
 good price, confidering the high intereft of money, 
 which was at about eight />^r cent, at this time, and the 
 poflibility of their being one time or other reclaimed 
 
 by their former pofleflbrs. Out of thefe lands thus 
 
 appointed to be fold, there was excepted, by another a<ft 
 of '^une the 8th, 1649, * all tythes appropriate, obla- 
 
 * tions, obventions, portions of tythes appropriate, of 
 
 * or belonging to the archbifliops, bifliops, deans, and 
 
 * deans
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 whilft the parliament was thus nobly em- 
 ployed 
 
 * deans and chapters, all which, together with twenty 
 
 * thoufand pounds yearly rent, formerly belonging to 
 
 * th,' crown ot tnglanJ^ the commons thought fit to 
 ' be fettled for a competent maintenance of preaching 
 ' miniflers, where it was wanting, in England and 
 
 * IVales.^ This competent maintenance, in their opi- 
 nion, was one hundred pounds per annum, which they 
 allotted to the ftate preachers, without, however, tak- 
 ing away any thing from the rich rectories, which were 
 preferved whole and entire. I fuppofe there are but 
 few difinterefted perfons but will think this a much bet- 
 ter regulated maintenance th.n what before had been 
 allotted. If an ertablifhe^l clergy be ufeful and necef- 
 fary, and if the public muft maintain them, as feems to 
 have been the received opinion, upon whatfoever rea- 
 fons fo'jnded, fureiy it behoves the legiflature to prevent 
 one part of them from rioting in wealthy- and the other 
 almoit ftarving through poverty ! Complaints, I know, 
 have been made of the fcantinefs of our ecclefiaftical 
 revenues : but how this can be, when fuch a multipli- 
 city of very lucrative preferments are daily heaped on 
 a fingle perfon, is hard to imagine / A tolerably equi- 
 table diftribution would, at once, filence every objection 
 on this head, of any realbnable man.— ——Indeed, 
 fome very fenfible perfons have been a^ainft loading the 
 public with the maintenai^.ce of the clergy, on account 
 of feveral inconveniences attending it.——* Heretofore, 
 
 * fays Milton^ in the firft evangelic times (and it were 
 
 * happy for Chriftendom if it were fo again) miniflers of 
 ' the Gofpel were by nothing elfe diftinguilhed frorn 
 
 * other chriflians, but by their fpiritual knowledge and 
 
 * fandtity of life, for which the church eleiSted them 
 
 * to be her teachers and overfeers, though not therc:by 
 
 * to feparate them from whatever calling fhe then found 
 
 * them following befides. As the example of St. Paul 
 ' declares, and the firft times of chriftianity. When 
 
 * pnce they afFeded to be called a clergy, and became, 
 
 X 3 * as 
 
 309
 
 3IO • THELIFEOF 
 
 ployed at home and abroad, (for the Dutch 
 
 war 
 
 * as it were, a peculiar tribe of Leviteiy a party, a dif- 
 
 * tindt order in the commonwealth, bred up for divines 
 *^in babling fchools, and fed at the public coft, good 
 
 * for nothing elfe, but what was good for nothing, they 
 
 * foon grew idle ; that idlenefs, with fulnefs of bread, 
 ' begat pride and perpetual contention with their feed- 
 ' ers, the defpifed laity, through all ages ever fincey to 
 ' the perverting of religion, and the difturbance of all 
 
 * Chriftendom. And we may confidently conclude, it 
 
 * will never be otherwifc, wbilft they are thus upheld 
 
 * undepending on the church, on which alone ihey an- 
 
 * tiently depended, and are, by the magiftrate, publickly 
 
 * maintained, a numerous faction of indigent perfons, 
 
 * crept for the moft part out of extream want and bad 
 
 * nurture, claiming, by divirfe rigr t and freehold, the 
 ' tenth of our eftates, to monopolize the miniftry, as 
 ' their peculiar, which is free and open to all able 
 « chriftians, elected by any church. Under this pre- 
 « tcnce, exempt from all other employment, and en- 
 
 * richingthenrifelves on the public, they laft of all prove 
 
 * common incendiaries, and exalt their horns againft 
 
 * the magiftrate himfelf that maintains them, as the 
 
 * prieft of Rome did foon after againft his benefadlor 
 ' the emperor, and the prefbyters of Lte in Scotland, 
 « Of which hireling crew, together with all the mif- 
 
 * chiefs, diflentions, troubles, wars meerly of their 
 
 * kindling, Chriftendom might foon rid herfelf and be 
 ^ happy, if chriftians would but know their own dignity, 
 
 * their liberty, their adoption, and let it not be wondered, 
 
 * if I fay, their fpiritual priefthood, whereby they have all 
 
 * CGually accefs to any minifterial function, whenever 
 ' called by their own abilities, and the church, though 
 
 (/) Profe c they never came near commencement or univerfi- 
 
 rj*63« * *y ^^y ^^^- ^^^-^» '" ^'* fi"^ ^^"^'^ ^° Mlton, dated 
 Caujham^ May 26, 1659, has the following paflage. 
 
 * I have fometimes thought (concurring with your af- 
 < fertion 6f that floried voice that fhould fpeak from 
 
 * * heaven)
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 311 
 
 war was not terminated, though the Eng' 
 
 lijK 
 
 * heaven) when ecclefiaftics were endowed with world- 
 
 * \y preferments, Hodie 'venerium infunditur in ecdeftam : 
 ' for, to ufe the fpeech of Genefis w. ult. according to 
 
 * the fenfc which it hath in the Hebrew-, then began 
 
 * men to corrupt the worfhip of God. I (hall tell you 
 
 * a fuppofal of mine, which is this: Mr. Dury has be- 
 ' flowed about thirty years time in travel, conference 
 
 * and writings, to reconcile Calvinijis and Lutherans, 
 
 * and that with little or no fuccefs. But the Jhortejl 
 ' way were^ take away ecclefiaftical dignities, ho- 
 
 * nours and preferments, on both fides, and all would 
 
 ' foon be hufhed ; the ecclefiaftics would be quiet, and{f) Preface 
 ' then the people would come forth into truth and liber- *° Milton's 
 
 * ty{f)* Thefe were the fentiments of fome of the^^^g^^^^ "* 
 fons of liberty in the age of which I am now fpeaking : Lond. 1756, 
 fentiments proceeding from minds full of concern for*'*** 
 truth and virtue, though they had little profpecSl: of be- , 
 ing hearkened to by the bulk of mankind, who prefer 
 wealth, pomp and eafe to every thing rational, virtu- 
 ous and manly. The fcheme of the parliament 
 
 pretended not to this high perfedion. It only fupprefs'd 
 
 the dignity, ftate and exceflive wealth of the lordly 
 €cclefiaftics, whilft it left them enough for every virtu- 
 ous and laudable purpofe, and prevented them from 
 feeling the want of the real necefTaries their ftations 
 were thought to require. Were I to deliver my own 
 fentiments for the real good of ecclefiaftics of all forts 
 and kinds, I would fay with a late writer concerning the 
 jefuits in particular ; * render them poor, and they will ( \ n a 
 
 * be humble ; render them poor, and they will be ufe- tions of a 
 ' ful ; render them poor, and they will become holy {g).' Portuguefe 
 
 But to go on. Befides the care taken of their paro- ^^^ ^i 
 
 chial clergy, the parliament ihewed their benevolence prefented by 
 to the univerfities, by enafting, ' That the truftees, in the Jefuits 
 
 * whofe hands the dean and chapter lands were vefted ^^^^^"^^"^ 
 
 * for the ufe of the public, (hall, from time to time, 152. gvo. 
 
 ' pay (out of the above-mentioned twenty thoufand) Lond. 1760. 
 X 4 * two
 
 3,2 THELIFEOF 
 
 lij})^ for the mofl part, were fuccefsful) the 
 
 lord. 
 
 f two thoufand pounds yearly, for the increafe of the 
 
 * maintenance of the mafl^erihips of colleges in both 
 ' univerfities, where maintenance is wanting, regard 
 ^ beins: to be had unto the number of houfes of learn- 
 
 * ing in each univerfity, that are fit to have an increafe 
 f of maintenance, and to make an affignment of main- 
 
 * tenance unto them accordingly ; provided it do not 
 
 * exceed one hundred pounds per annum to any one of 
 ? them.'— — This bounty was not ill beftowed. Fof 
 never, perhaps, were there men of more real merit in 
 
 (P Preface ^^^ univerfity of Cambridge than now. Witnefs the 
 
 to Tuck- names of Cudjuortby IFhichcott, li'ilkim, and many others 
 
 ney's and mentioned by the very ingenious Dr. Salter (A), who edu- 
 
 Letter^" vo* ^-^^^^ a race of men that were an honour to their coun- 
 
 J^nd. 1753- try i I mean Tillotfon^ Barrow^ Syai'.h, M:re^ and fuch 
 
 See aifo \\iic, who oppofed themfelves to popery in the moft try- 
 
 f"^('^"J' Ing times, and taught men the principles of true relir 
 
 gion and virtue. Whether Oxford was quite fo happy, 
 
 I know not J though, 'tis certain, many eminent mea 
 
 were educated there in thefe times, particularly Mr. 
 
 Lockt^ whofe writings on toleration and government 
 
 will be for ever read and admired by men of fenfe and 
 
 boncily. What the funi total produced by the fale 
 
 (/) Survey ^of the lands of the bifcops, deans and chapters, amount-r 
 
 oftheCa- ed to, I cannot fay. But here follows an account 
 
 Vork''&c ^^ ^^^ ^^^^ ^^ ^^^ bifliops lands in the province of York^ 
 4to. i;i7. asgiven by Mr.^r«if«/f^////i (/). 
 
 Sale
 
 58I2I 
 
 15 
 
 9 
 
 6449 
 
 II 
 
 2 . 
 
 II29 
 
 18 
 
 4^ 
 
 oooo 
 
 
 
 . 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 313 
 
 lord-general Cro??JweIIy attended by fome fol- 
 
 diers 
 
 /. 5. ^. 
 Sale of the lands of the fee of 2«?r^ "i 
 
 in the years 16+7, 1648, 1649, V 63/86 7 il 
 
 1650, 1651, - - - i 
 Durham, in the fame years, 
 Carlipy 
 Chejhry , ^ «. 
 
 Total - - 139*487 12 4| 
 
 From this fome tolerable guefs rpay be made of the \z-> 
 lue of the reft of the bifliops lands, which are thofe of 
 the province of Canterbury, confifting of that archbi- 
 
 (hopric and twenty one bifhoprics. A propofal, 
 
 fome years fince, by a namelefs writer, was made * for ^j^^ The 
 vefting the whole prefent property of the church in State prefr- 
 England and Ireland in the crown, not to enrich or ^1''^^ *° ^^^ 
 add to its power, but as a truftee for the people, who j^, i^^^ 
 fhould be always uppermoft in the confideration of all Lond. 174S. 
 
 true lovers of their country {j), Is it eflentially 
 
 neceffary,' fays that author, * that bifliops fhould have \j/''^ 
 three, four, five, fix, feven, eight, nine and ten 
 thoufand pounds a year ? Is it neceflary that an arch- 
 biftiop fhould die worth 90,000 /. befides providing 
 very honourably for his family, in confequence of 
 his power and influence? Is it necelTary that one 
 churchman fhall enjoy a firing of benefices, while 
 numbers have none and ftarve ? I am willing to fup- 
 pofe epifcopacy to be an ellential branch of the chris- 
 tian fyftem ; and therefore hold the order in all the 
 veneration due to it. But I cannot bring myfelf to 
 think that the Holy Ghoft delights more to abide with 
 them in coaches and palaces, and in parliament, than if 
 they had abided by the primitive fimple way of living, 
 praclifed and inculcated by the apoftles. I am no lefs 
 wilhng that our prelates retain their feats in parlia- 
 
 ' meut.
 
 SH 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 diers and officers, entered the houfe, up-- 
 
 brajded 
 
 ^i.V' '**' 
 
 ment, if it (hall be thought that they have been al- 
 ways heretofore infpired with the fpirit of truth and 
 righteoufnefs in their legiflative capacity. But ad- 
 mitting, as ] do very willingly, that our good lords 
 thebifliops add a luftre to the upper houfe, will they 
 fhine the lefs there for being pbced more on the le- 
 vel with each other than they are at prefent ? The 
 pooreft of them can aiFord clean lawn fleeves in their 
 prefent fituation ; and if the two metropolitans (hould 
 be levelled to an annual ftipend of 1500 /. each, 
 and their refpeftive fufFragans to icoo /. I don't fee 
 but they might keep a coach in parliament time, not- 
 withftarding the duty on carriage wheels, provided 
 they refide with their flocks the reft of the year. Is 
 it ncceflary that the bifhoprics and other church- 
 livings of Ireland^ a cheap and plentiful country, 
 fhould exceed even thofe in England? or, is it ne- 
 cefTary, that, in the north of that kingdom, where 
 there are fcarre ten protefiants of the epifcopal church 
 in a whole pariih, many of the incumbents fhould 
 poflefs livings of four, fix, and eight hundred pounds 
 a year? It .is no uncommon fight in that country, to 
 fee a parfon preach, I fliould fay, read prayers, preach- 
 ing being difuled, to his clerk, and fuch of his own 
 family as had accompanied him from the parfonage 
 houfe in his coach and four. Though the va'ue of 
 livings in that kingdom be well known to our clergy, 
 whoare never wantingto themfelves in pufhingtheir way 
 thither, where they bafkin plenty and eafe, it would feem 
 as if our ftatefmen had acquired none or very little 
 knowledge of the treafure that might be raifed there 
 by fale of the prefent pofTeffions of the church. 
 To mention but the primacy there, lately conferred 
 on a very young churchman, but, I fuppofe, of dif- 
 tinguiftied piety and erudition, it would fell, at twen- 
 ty years purchafe only, for above 200,000/. no con- 
 temptible aid to-a" bleeding country, obliged to raife above 
 
 * ten
 
 OLIVE p. CROMWELL. 
 
 braided the members, turned the fpeaker 
 
 out 
 
 31J 
 
 * ten millions annually, though already above four-fcore 
 
 * in debt. From this fpecimen may be feen how great- 
 
 * \y the trading and induftrious part of the people, that 
 
 * is, the laity, might be eafed, if the revenues of the 
 ' church, tithes and all, were put to Tale, and the 
 
 * purchafe money applied to the ufes of the public. 
 
 * And, furcly, in a time of fuch danger and difficulty 
 
 * as the prefent, no good fubjedf can warrant oppofing 
 ' the carrying fofalutary a fcheme into execution. *Tis 
 
 * probable our open foreign, and native fecrct enemies 
 ' might oppofe fuch a healing fcheme ; but except the 
 ' French and Spaniards abroad, an.d our popifti fellow- 
 *,fubje6ts at home, I cannot perfuade myfelf that it 
 •^^would meet with the leaft opp fition. Our proteftant 
 
 * jiaity would unanimoufly aflent to it ; and as for the 
 *)Clergy, if their fufFrages were taken collectively, I 
 '."will anfwer for it, the majority would be with (^k) The 
 
 * me [k).* Poflibly this writer would have found him- State, &c. 
 felf miftaken ; for, as there are but itw of the inferior ^' '** 
 clergy void of hope, founded on their belief of their own 
 mejit, of preferment, thefe would not be overfond of 
 
 the fcheme : and as for the dignified ones, they would 
 naturally, one and all, cry out againft it, as a breach 
 of the alliance between church and ftate, which they 
 would fain perfuade us is produ<Stive of many happy 
 (confequences to fociety. The ignorant laity, for any 
 thing I know to the contrary, mi^ht be pleafed with 
 the carrying fuch a fcheme into execution.— —After 
 this brief detail of the great actions of the parliament 
 at home and abroad, it is not to be admired that they 
 met with the applaufe of the ableft and beft judges. 
 To what the reader will find in the note (kn) it will be 
 proper to add the opinion of the old chancellor Oxeti'- 
 Jiiern of Sweden, a name of the higheft renown for po- 
 litical abilities in the age in which he lived, the fame, 
 whofe affairs we are now treating of. It is mentioned 
 from M. Chanut, both in the appendix to Kev/Ier'sTrz- 
 i vels,
 
 3i6 THE LIFE OF 
 
 out of the chair (ww), and put an end, for 
 the prclent, to the lupream authority of 
 
 the 
 
 vels, and in Bafnage% Annals of the United Provinces. 
 
 * Oxnt/Uern indeed blamed the extream barbarity com- 
 
 * mitted on the perfon of the late King of England^ but 
 
 * commended and admired almoft every part cf the 
 
 * plan of that great defign which the parliament had 
 
 * formed.* Bc;naze adds, ' that he faid, it had been 
 *. condufled with diftinguiflied prudence, and that thofe 
 
 * who then governed in England^ afted upon fuch 
 
 * principles of policy as were founded in truth and ex- 
 
 * perience *.' Such readers as are unprejudiced, 
 
 will not, after this, think, J am perfuaded, that Mr. 
 Hume has done juftice to the parliament in the follow- 
 ing charaSer: ' Thcfe men, fays he, had not that large 
 
 * thought, nor comprehenfive views, which mizht qua- 
 *^ lify them for ailing the part of legiflators : lelfilh 
 
 * aims and bigotry chiefly engrofTed their attention. 
 (/> Hiflory ( Xhey carried their rigid aufterity fo far as to enaft 
 Britain vd. ' laws, declaring fornication, after the firft a£t, to be 
 ii. p. 32. * felony, without benefit of clergy (/).* Is this a lilce- 
 
 Conipare ^gCj ? Let fadts determine. Undoubtedly their 
 
 Lodiow Tcl. ^2^> ^'^^ refpe<5t to fornication, was much too rigid. 
 H. p. 453 But, from a fingle inftance, to take a chara£ter, is 
 *'*4 ^Vl"*^ ^ar^i'y allowable. To be able to fes only one difa- 
 Warbnrto" g^ceable objefl amongft feveral more fair and equally 
 in the note obvious, argues, indeed, to ufe this gentleman's own 
 (")• expreflions, no large thought or comprehenfive views. 
 
 ' If ever men were qualified for a<3ing the part of le- 
 
 giflators, thefe were they. And whoever will excel as 
 
 fuch, muft copy after them in the main of their conduit. 
 
 (ww) Cromwell entend the houfty ard put a period^ 
 
 Jer a time, to the corrmsmvejfth.'] * Many republicks,' 
 
 fays an exceUent writer, * have, with length of time, 
 
 • See Ifuah PuffcnJorf *s Obfcrvations on the R'cfolction of the laft 
 Swediflj diet, &c. in the Appendix to KeyCer's Traids, vol. iv. p, 51. 
 ^.4 Baiixage's Annak of the Uoited-PnTinces, to!, i, p. S43. i;r 
 
 ^ fallen
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 317 
 
 ot 
 to 
 
 the commonwealth of England, It is not 
 
 fallen back into defpotick governments. This feems 
 to be a calamity that inevitably happens to every free 
 government fooner or later. And, indeed, how can 
 it perpetually refift every thing that faps and fup- 
 plants i How can it always check the ambition of 
 thofe great men whom it prQduces, and harbours in 
 its bolom ? How can it always watch againli the 
 dark and fecret pradtices and machinations of its 
 neighbours, or againft the corruption of its own mem- 
 bers, while intereil prevails in the world over every 
 other motive ? How Ihould it expect always to come 
 ofF with fucccfs in the wars it muft needs undertake 
 and fupport for its fecurity ? or prevent thofe danger- 
 ous conjundures, thofe critical and decifive moments, 
 when its liberty is at ftake, or thofe unforefeen acci- 
 dents that animate and favour the wicked and auda- 
 cious ? if any armies are commanded by timid and 
 unfkilful generals, it falls a prey to any enemies ; if 
 they are headed by bold and fuccefsful commanders, 
 thefe will be as dangerous in times of peace, as they 
 were ufeful and beneficial during the war. There 
 are ftw, if any republicks, but have rifen from the 
 abyfs of tyranny to freedom, and from thence have 
 funk again into the dregs of fervitude. The fame 
 Atheniam, who, in the times of Dem'/Jlhents, pro- 
 voked and infulted Philip of Alacedon^ crouched tO' 
 Alexander. The Romans, who abhorred royalty, and 
 expelled their kings, fufFered, fome ages after, the 
 moft horrible oppreilion and cruelties from their empe- 
 rors. And the fame EngliJ})7nen who rebelled againfl, 
 imprifoned, and beheaded Charles I. fubmiflively bore hn) Anti- 
 the galling yoke of a protestor (w).' I have already Machiavel, 
 obferved that the vidory at Woycejlir^ ^o fatal to the ['^^JJ* ,1^*,'^ 
 affairs of Charles II. probably infpired Cromivell with 
 the ambition of lording it over his hiafters, and feizing 
 the fovereignty. Plufhed with fuccefs the brave and 
 ambitious afpire higher and higher, and dare adventure 
 
 on
 
 3i8 THELIFEOF 
 
 to be wondered that this action was looked 
 
 upon 
 
 on the boldeft things. Hence the dancrer of continu- 
 es o 
 
 ing a general long in fupream command, in free ftates. 
 Immediately after this important event, Crornuell Teemed 
 determined to give the law. He ufed, however, great 
 precaution. Though he had all poflible honours paid 
 him by the parliament and the city of London, yet he 
 carried himfelf with much affability and feeming hu- 
 mility, * and in all his difcourfes about the bufinefs of 
 ' fVorceJler, would feldom mention any thing of him- 
 
 * felf, but of the gallantry of the officers and foldier?, 
 ' a.nd gave (as was due) all the glory of the aftion un- 
 lock. p.c'V* ^® ^°*^ (")•' ^"^» '^ ^^ may believe Ludlow^ this 
 
 was meer affeftation. He was, in reality, * fo much 
 
 * elevated with that fuccefs, that Mr. Hugh Peters, as 
 
 * he fmce told me, took fo much notice of it, as to 
 ' fay in confidence to a friend upon the road, in h s re- 
 ' turn from Worcefter, that Cromwell would make him- 
 
 (») Vol. ii. « felf king {«).' Indeed, very foon after his return to 
 ?• 447- London^ * he defired a meeting with divers members of 
 
 ' parliament, and fome chief officers of the army, at 
 , ' the fpeaker's houfe ; and a great many being there, he 
 
 ' propofeJ to them, that now the old King being dead, 
 
 * and his fon being defeated, he held it neceflary to 
 
 * come to a fettlement of the nation. And, in order 
 ' thereunto, he had requefted this meeting, that they toge- 
 
 * ther might confKier and advife what was fit to be done, 
 
 * and to be prefented to the parliament.' The quef- 
 tions at this meieting were, in what way this fettlement 
 was defired, whether of an abfolute republick, or with 
 any mixture of monarchy ? .and, if the latter, in v.'hom 
 that power Ihould be placed ? ' In this conference 
 
 * the lawyers were generally for a mix'd monarchical 
 ' government, and many were for t'-e Duke of Gku- 
 ' ajhr to be made King; but Cromwell ftill put off that 
 
 * debate, and came off to fome other point; and, in' 
 ' conclufion, after a long debate, the company parted 
 
 * without coming to any refuk at all, only Cromiveli 
 
 * dif.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 319 
 
 upon by the friends of the parliament as 
 
 bafe 
 
 * difcovered by this meeting the inclinations of the per- 
 
 * fons that fpake, for which he filhed, and, made ufe 
 
 * of what he then difcerned (/>).' In November^ 1652, C/")^^'** 
 Cromwell met IVhithck in St. James's Park, and entered '^'^ '^'^* 
 into a conference with him concerning the dangerous 
 condition they were then in, and how to make good 
 
 their ftaticn, as he exprefled it. After taking notice 
 
 of the fadions and murmurings of the army, their dif- 
 tafte againft the parliament, v/hofe adtions he greatly 
 cenfured, as well as many of their perfons, and the 
 impoflibility of keeping them within the bounds of juf- 
 tice, law, or reafon, as they were the fupream power of 
 the nation, and liable to no account or controul ; he 
 added, * that, un'.efi there be fome authority and power 
 ' fo full and high, as to reftrain and keep things in bet- 
 
 * tcr order, and that may be a check to thefe exorbi- 
 
 * tances, it will be impofiible in human reafon to pre- 
 
 * vent our ruin.' Wh'itlock fpoke in vindication of the 
 parliament, as much, I fuppofe, as he thought he might 
 do with fafety, and Oliver refting unfatisfied, he faid, 
 
 * We ourfelves have acknowledged them the fupream 
 
 * power, and taken our commiflions and authority in " 
 
 * the higheft concernments from them, and how to re- 
 ' ftrain and curb them after this, it will be hard to find 
 
 * out a way for it.' Hereupon Cromwell plainly a(ked,i 
 
 * What if a man fhouid take upon him to be a king?*! 
 One may, I think, fairly conclude from hence, that hcflj 
 had, for fome time, thought of fucTi a thing, and wifJ 
 determined to be mafter. f^jitlcck gave him honeftly 
 his advice againft carrying fuch a project into execution, 
 and propofed his treating with the King of Sects as the 
 fureft means to provide for his own and the nation's 
 fafety. Cromwell was not well pleafed with the expe- 
 dient, as fVbiiljci judged from his countenance and car- 
 nage, and therefore broke off, and went to other com- 
 pany (q). Poffibly he was not wrong in rejedling the(?) ^'^' P- 
 piopolal The next month the fcenc began to open. ^^ " 
 
 « The
 
 320 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 bafe and ingrateful, though Oliver attempted 
 
 to 
 
 : The parliament were very bufy in debate of fcvera} 
 
 * a^s of parliament under confideration^ but very little 
 
 * being brought to efFe<5l by them, the foldiers grum- 
 
 * bled at their delays, and there began to be ill blood 
 
 * between them ; the general and his officers prefied 
 
 * the putting a period to their fitting, which they pro- 
 wbit. < mifed to do, but were flow in that Lufinefs (r),' ' And 
 ^•^P-SS ' i Qjrcmweily with the other j^randees, now began to af- 
 
 * fume to themfelves all the honour of the palt acftions, 
 ' and of the conquefts by them atchieved ; fcarce own- 
 
 * ing the parliament and their afliiiance and provifion 
 ' for them ; but taxing and cenfuring the members of 
 
 * parliament for injuftice, and-celay of bufirrefs, and for 
 
 * ieeking to prolong their power, and promote their pri- 
 ' vate intereft, and to fatisfy their own ambition. With 
 ' the'e and many others the like cenfures (continues my 
 
 * author) they endeavoured to calumniate the parlia- 
 
 * ment, and judge them guilty of thofe crimes whereof 
 .-* themfelves were faulty, not looking into their own 
 
 * atSlions, nor 'perceiving their o'-^n defaults; yet cen- 
 
 * furing the aftions and proceedings of the p rliamerrt 
 
 * very opprobrioufly. The drift of C^amiudi znd hrs 
 
 * officers was to put an end to this parliament, which 
 
 * many wondered at, and fought to difluadehim from it 
 
 * upon all opportunities as far as it was thought conve- 
 
 * ni€nt, and that they might not appear defircus to con- 
 
 * tinue their own power, ^nd fitting in parliament, 
 
 * whereof they had caufe to he fufiicientlv weary. Nei- 
 
 * ther could it be clearly forefeen, that their defign was 
 
 * to rcut the prefent power, and to fet up themfelves ; 
 
 * agaii'ift the which they were advifed, as pullmg down 
 
 * the foundation of their own intereft and power, and 
 
 * the ,way to weaken themfelves, and hazard both their 
 
 * caufe and perfons. Yet ftiil they feemed zealous 
 
 * upon their common pretences of right and juftice 
 
 * and pubiick liberty, to put a period to this parliament, 
 *■ and that, ;f the pariiameot would not (hortiy do it them- 
 
 * felves>,
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 321 
 
 ^ felves, that then the foldiers muft do it (s).* Ac- 0) Whk- 
 
 tordingly, on the 20th of Jpril, 1653, ^^-^ parliament ^°'^'^'P' 5S^' 
 not having put a period to themfeives immediately, as 
 Cromwellhzd defired, he was fo enraged thereat, ' that he 
 
 * commanded fome of the ofScers of the army to fetch 
 
 * a party of foldiers, with whom he marched to the 
 
 * houf*, and led a file of mufqueteers in with him ; the 
 
 * reft he placed at the door of the houfc, and in the 
 
 * lobby before it. In this manner enterijig the houfe, 
 
 * he, in a furious manner, bid the fpeaker leave his 
 
 * chair, told the houfe, that they had fat lon^ eneughy 
 
 * unlefs they had done mare good ; that fome cf them iverc 
 
 * where- mojiers, looking then towards Mr, Henry Mar- 
 
 * tyn and Sir Peier IVentWjrth. That others of them 
 
 < were drurikards, and fome corrupt and unjuft men, 
 
 * and fcandalous to the profeffiorl of the Gofpel, and 
 
 * that it \('as not fit they fhould fit a^ a parliament any 
 
 < longer, and deilred them to go away. The fpeaker 
 
 * not ftirring from his feat, color.el Harrlfor, who fat 
 
 * near the chair, rofe up and took him by the arm to 
 ' remove him from his feat, which, when the fpeaker 
 
 * faw, he left the chair. Some of the members rofe 
 
 * up to anfwer Cromwell's fpeech, but Jie would fuffer 
 
 * none to fpeak but himfelf, which he did with fo much 
 
 * arrogance in himfelf, and reproach to his fellow- 
 
 * members, that fome of his privadoes were afhamed 
 
 * of it ; but he and his officers and party would have 
 ' it fo : and, among all the parliament men, of whom 
 
 * many wore fwords, and would f ometimes brag high, 
 
 * not one man offered to draw his fvvord againft Crom- 
 
 * well, or to make the IcUft reiiflance againil Jiim; but 
 
 * all of them tamely departed the houfe. He bid on2 
 
 * of the foldiers to taL- aivay that fool's bauble, the 
 
 * mace; and ftaid himfelf to fee all the members out 
 *• of the houfe, himfelf the laft of them, and tliea 
 ' caufed the doors of the houfe to be (hut up. Thus 
 
 * was this great parliament, which had done fo p;reuC 
 ' things, wholly at this time routed by thofe whom 
 
 * they had fet up, and that took their commifuons ar^d 
 
 * authority from them ; nor could they, in the leaft, 
 
 * juftifv any action they had done, or one drop of 
 
 Y ' blood
 
 322 THELIFEOF 
 
 ' blood they had fpilt, but by this authority. Yet 
 
 * now the fervants rofe againlt the mafters, and moft 
 
 * ingratefully, and difingenuoufly, as well as raflily and 
 ' imprudently, they diffolved that power by which them- 
 ' felves were created ofEcers and foldiers ; and now 
 ' they took what they defigned, all power into their own 
 
 * hands. All honelt and prudent indifferent men were 
 
 * highly diilafled at this unworthy adion.— — Thus it 
 < pleafed God, that this afiembly, famous through the 
 
 * world for its undertakings, a(f^ions and fuccefles, hav- 
 ' ing fubdued all their enemies, were themfelves over- 
 « thrown and ruined by their fervants ; and thofe whom 
 
 * they had raifed, now pulled down their mafters. An 
 ' example never to be forgotten, and fcarce to be pa- 
 
 . -mii:t- * f ^''^^^^ in 2ny ftory, by which all perfons may be 
 Iock,p.s54. * inftrucled how uncertain and fubjecSl to change all 
 and Ludlow, « worldly affairs are, how apt to fall when we think 
 voJ.ii. p. t x\icm higheft (/).' To the above account from Mr. 
 ^ JVkitkck, who is univerfaily allowed to write impar- 
 
 tially, we muft add that Cromwell, having interrupted 
 the parliament in the morning, ' came in the after- 
 ' noon to the council of ftate (who were aflembled to 
 ' do their duty at the ufual place) accompanied with 
 
 * major-general Lambert and colonel Harrijony and told 
 
 * them at his entrance, Gentlemen, if you are met 
 
 * here as private perfons, you (hall not be difturbed ; 
 
 * but if as a council of ftate, this is no place for you ; 
 
 * and fince you can't but know what was done at 
 ' the houfe in the morning, fo take notice, that the 
 ' parliament is diffolved. To this ferjeant Bradfhaw 
 ' anfwered ; Sir, we have heard what you did at the 
 
 * houfe in the morning, and before many hours all 
 
 * England vi'iA hear it: but, Sir, you are miftaken to 
 
 * think that the parliament is diilblved ; for no power 
 
 * under heaven can diffolve them but themfelves ; there- 
 
 * fore take you notice of that. Something more was 
 
 * faid to the fame purpofe by Sir Arthur hafelrig, Mr. 
 
 * Love^ and Mr. Scot i and then the council of fl^ate, 
 r \ L Jl w ' perceiving themfelves to be under the fame violence, 
 
 v"i. ii. p. '' departed (a).' T here is no account of this re- 
 
 4^1. . mark^ble day'c trcinia^tions in the Journals. There was 
 
 an
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 32^ 
 
 an entry of fome kind or other made, but it was ex- 
 punged by order of parliament, "January ytlr, 1659. In 
 Mercurms Poiiticus, which was publifhed by authority 
 at that time, there is an article, dated (Vejiminihr^ 
 yipril 20., in the following words: 'The lord general 
 *• delivered in parliament divers reafons wherefore a pre- 
 
 * fcnt period ftiould be put to the fitting of this parlia- 
 
 * ment; and it was accordingly done; the fpeaker and 
 
 * the members all departing. The grounds of which 
 ' proceedings will (its probable) bs fhortly made pub- 
 
 * lick.' Writers of Gazettes in all ages and countries 
 are pretty much the fame. If the reader will turn 
 
 to Mr. Hutm, he may fee this flory of the diflblution ,,* Creat"^^ 
 of the parliament highly embellifted [x). It may well Britain, voh 
 enoug;h be thought a tranfadion of this nature muft"*P'44' 
 have been varioufly ccnfured. The common people, 
 delighted with change, were far enough from being dif- ' 
 
 pleafed; the Cavaliers and the other Royalifts with 
 pleafure faw thofe riien difplaced from that power they 
 judged they had no right to afTume ; the Dutch were 
 in hopes of obtaining peace on better terms than thofe 
 fleady and refolute men ever v/ould willingly have giveri 
 them; whilft the true Republicans could not help cry- 
 ing out on C'cmzveH, who had interrupted the parlia^- 
 ment in their career of glory. Mr. Whitlock's cenlure 
 we have juft feen. Another author thus exclaims a- 
 
 gainft him. ' His falfenefs and ingratitude, fays he,. 
 
 ' appeared fuperlatively in turning out his mafters, who 
 ' had not only advanced him, but made themfelves 
 
 * more odious by their partial afFeciion towards him, 
 
 * and in his doing it with the breach of a pofitive ne- 
 ' gative oath, taken once a year, when made a coun- 
 
 * fellor of (late, befides the breach of all other en- 
 
 * gagements, voluntary imprecations, proteftations and 
 
 * oaths, taken frequently upon all occafions in dif- 
 
 * courfe and declarations ; and yet further (when 
 
 * he had turned them out, and left them void of pro- [?} J'"* 
 
 * tedtion. and cxpofed them to the fury of the peop'e) miftake in 
 ' in purfulng them with falfe reproachful declarations, Oliver 
 
 * enough to have flirred up the rude multitude to have ^'^°'!'^''-""' 
 
 * deftn.yed them, wherever th^y had met them ( v).' ul^'. tee^, 
 
 Y ?: Mr.
 
 ^ 
 
 n 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 to juftify it,. as well as bisapologiftsfxx). The 
 grounds and reafons of this proceeding be- 
 ing 
 
 Mr. Ludlow talks much In the fame ftrain. Cnmiveir^ 
 defence will be found in the following note. 
 
 fxx) Oliver aitemped to juj}lfy it, as well as his apc- 
 logiJis.'\ On the twenty- fecond of /^prlU t^vo days after 
 the interruption or diflb ution of the parliament, a de- 
 claration was pubiifhed in the name of the lord-gene- " 
 ral and his council of officers, fhewing the grounds and 
 reafons thereof. In this the negle£t of the parliament, 
 in fettling a due liberty in reference both to civil and 
 fpiritual things, is lamented, and a defire of perpetu- 
 ating themfdves in the fupream government aflerted. 
 
 * For which purpofe,' fays the general and his officers, 
 
 * the corrupt party [the majority] long oppofed, and 
 
 * frequently decLred themfelves againft having a new 
 ' reptefentative : end when they faw themfelves necef- 
 
 * fitated to take that bill into confideration, they re- 
 
 * folved to make ufe of it to recruit the houfe with 
 ' perfor.s of the fame fpirit and temper : and the better 
 
 * to efFtcl this, divers petitions preparing from feveral 
 
 * counties for the continuance of this parliament were 
 
 * encouraged, if not fet on foot by many of them.* 
 
 They go on to fay, * That, having a meeting with about 
 ' twenty members of parliament, they laid before them 
 
 * their judgment, that the fupream authority fliould 
 ' be by the parliament devolved upon known perfons, 
 
 * men fearirsg God, and of approved integrity, and the 
 
 * government of the commonwealth committed unto 
 
 * them for a time, as the moft hopeful way to encou- 
 
 * rage and countenance all God's people, reform the 
 
 * law, and adminif!er juftice impartially.' 'i his, it 
 feems, found no acceptance : but, inftead thereof, * it 
 
 * was offered, that the way was to continue ftill this 
 
 * prefent parliament, as being that from which we 
 
 * might reafonahly expert all good things. And this 
 
 * being vehemently infilled upon, did much confirm us 
 
 * ill our apprehcnfions, that not any love to a repre- 
 
 ' fentative.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 325 
 
 ing publiflied, they were approved by the 
 
 chief 
 
 fentative, but the making ufe thereof to recruit, and 
 (o perpetuate themfelves, was their aim. They be- 
 ing plainly dealt with about this, and told, that nei- 
 ther the nation, the honeft intereft, nor we ourfelves, 
 would be deluded by fuch dealings, they did agree to 
 meet again the next day in the afternoon for mutual 
 fatisfaclion, it being confented to by the members 
 prefent, that endeavours Ihould be ufed, that nothing 
 in the mean time fhould be done in parliament that 
 might exclude or fruftrjte the propofals above men- 
 tioned. Notwithftanding this, the next morning the 
 parliament did make more hafte-thanuiual, in carrying 
 on their laid a<5t, being helped on therein by fome of 
 the perfons engaged to us the night before ; none of 
 them which were then prefent endeavouring to op- 
 pofe the fame : and being ready to put the main 
 queftion for confummating the faid a6l, whereby 
 our aforefaid propofals would have been rendered 
 void, and the way of bringing them into a fair and 
 full debate in parliament obftru£ted ; for preventing 
 whereof, and all the fad and evil confequences, which 
 muft, upon the grounds aforefaid, have enfued, and 
 whereby, at one blow, the intereft of all honeft 
 men, and of this g'orious caufe, had been in danger 
 to be laid in the duft, and thefe nations embroiled 
 in new troubles, at a time when our enemies abroad 
 are watching all advantages againlt us, and fome of 
 them actually engaged in a war with us : we have 
 been neceflitated, tiiough with much relutSancy, to 
 put an end to this parliaments which yet we have 
 done (we hope) out of an honefl heart, preferring 
 this caufe above our names, lives, families, or inte- 
 refts, how dear foever ; with clear intentions and real 
 purpofes of heart, to call to the government perfons 
 of approved fidelity and honefl:, believing, that as 
 none wi(e will expect to gather grapes of thorns, fo 
 good men will hope, that, if perfons (o c^ualifitd be 
 y 3 * Chofcn,
 
 326 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 chief officers in the fleet and army, and 
 
 the 
 
 * chofen, the fruits of a juft and righteous rcfor- 
 
 * mation. To long prayed and wiflied for, will, by the 
 {«) Decla- ' bleffing of God, be in due time obtained, to the re- 
 ration of the c frefhi.'igof all thofe good hearts who have been pant- 
 
 ^f&?"^' ' ing after thofe things (z).' Mr. Maidjhn, ftevvard 
 
 London of the houfehold to Cr:mweU, a member of his parlia- 
 prned by ments, and well acquainted with his a<5tions, fpeaking 
 anTThomas ^^ ^'^ return to London from the victory at WorceJ}er^ 
 Bewfter, adds, * He had not long continued here, before it wis 
 printers to f ftrongly imprcft upon him by thofe, to whom he had 
 Ato.^TJj. * "° reafon to be utterly incredulous, and llrengthned 
 
 * by his own obfervation, that the perfons then c*Hed 
 ' the parliament of the commonwealth of England, as 
 ' from whom he had derived his authority, and by vir- 
 ' tue whereof he had fought fo many holy men in Scot- 
 
 * land into their graves, were not fuch as were fpirited 
 
 * to carry the good intereft to an end, wherein he and 
 
 * they had jeoparded all that was of concern to them 
 
 * in this world ; and I wifh cordially, that there had 
 
 * not been too great aground for thofe allegations. The 
 ' refult of them, after many debates betwixt the mem- 
 
 * hers then fitting, and the general, with fome who 
 
 * joined with him, was the dilFolution of that parlia- 
 (tf) Thurr t ment by a military force fince called by a fofter word, 
 
 *^*/°''* * interruption (a).' Thefe were the pleas in the de- 
 fence of the diffolution by thofe who had accompliflied 
 it. Since this others have taken up the argument, and 
 in behalf of Crcmivell obferve, * That the prefbyte- 
 
 * rian party bcin2: expelled the houfe, the fmall re- 
 
 * mainder was only a junto, which derived their autho- 
 
 * rity from the power of the fword ; their votes and 
 
 * a£ts were no farther laws than the fword confVrained 
 ' obedience to them ; they were only continued in their 
 
 * feats bv Cromwell for a prefent convtnience ; and 
 ' therefore as they were only countenanced and fupport- 
 
 * ed by the power of the fword, which was then in the 
 
 * hands of Cr:nnvdl, they were to be looked upon as no 
 
 * other
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 327 
 
 the general thereupon proceeded to nomi- 
 
 nate 
 
 * other than a party fet up by him, and owing their au- 
 ' thority to him. So that when they began to extend 
 
 * that authority beyond its hmits, and afiumed to them- 
 ' felves a democratical power in oppofition to him from 
 ' whom they derived their fubfiflence, they were rather 
 
 * rebels to Cromwell^ than Cromwell to them ; and as 
 
 * he fet them up in hopes that they might be ferviceable 
 
 * to him for the good of t.e nation, might pull them 
 ' down again, when he faw them exceeding their com- 
 
 * miffion. Now whether the deiign for the bringing of 
 
 * which to pafs, Cromweil fixed them in their feats pro 
 ' tempore, were good or bad, is not the queliion : but 
 
 * whether they who were no lawful authority, but only 
 ' acied under the fafeguard of another unlawful autho- 
 
 * rity, had power to maxe any act good or evil, as it 
 
 * fuited with their intereit, or oppofed their defigns. 
 ' For if they had not, which is moft probable, Crom- 
 ' well is never a jot the more impious, the more per- 
 
 * jured, the more villain, becaufe they call him fo. 
 
 * For being a junto of his own eieiting, upon fuch and 
 
 * fuch confiderations, he might without any fear of thofe 
 
 * reproaches, fend them a grazing when he found them 
 
 * deviating from thofe ends for which he had fuffered [h) Modeft 
 
 * them to keep their places {b).' Mr. Rapin is an vinaicauon 
 
 advocate on the fame fide of tne queftion. * The re^ ?, '^Ti 
 
 ' publicans, fays he, were enraged againjt Crormvell^ ^. ^^. 
 
 *■ and deemed him the moft perfidious of men. This is 
 i> not very ftrange, fince he had wrefted from that par- 
 -vf liament the fovereign power, feized by thefe repub- 
 •>f licans without any lawful authority. Hut what was 
 jf> this parliament ? It was an affembly of independents, 
 
 * anabaptifts, fanaticlcs, enthufiafts, and others of no 
 
 * religion, who under colour of eftablifliing a free com- 
 ' monwealth, held the nation in fervitude; v.'ho, to 
 
 * confirm their own authority, had treated their fellow 
 ' members with unheard of violence, and dared to 
 
 * embrue their hands in the blocd of the late Kins, 
 
 Y 4- * ^at
 
 328 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 nate a new council of ftate, and to call a 
 
 par- 
 
 < at a time when he had almoft -granted every thing 
 ' that was defired ; who, in fhort, were induftrious to 
 ' break the union of the church, to fubvert all religion, 
 ' or introduce the moft ridiculous and extravagant one. 
 (c) Hiftory ' Was it therefore more eligible for England to be go- 
 ot England, c vemcd by thefe men, than by a Crcmweli {c) ?' Thefe 
 6oi. Foi. things are all eafily fpoken. But whoever willconfider. 
 Lend. 1753. t^^2^ CnmiueU in this airair was deltitute of the plea of 
 neceflity and felf-prefervation ; that he had received very 
 great favours from, and had actually iworn to be true 
 and faithful to the commonwealth, that he had approved 
 of their nations, and zcaloufly concurred with them in 
 the mofl exceptionable of them ; that he charges them 
 not with the ill things cone, but only fome good things 
 omitted, a charge to which every government on earth 
 is, and always will be liable: 1 fay, whoever confiderg 
 thefe things, and withal calls to mind that they were 
 about to pafs an adt for their own diffolution, and for 
 (^) Journal, the calling and fettling of future and fucceffive parlia- 
 -^P- '3- ments (^), even at the time C'cmwell ufed this force, 
 ' -^' will, I am perfuaded, not be over hafty in his juftifica- 
 
 tion. Of this however the confiderate and unpreju- 
 diced reader muft be the judge. 
 
 Mr. Hatrir.gt4n, after cenfuring the form of govern- 
 ment of the commonwealth, ' as ati oligarchy,' be- 
 caufe it was a ' council without a ballance,' or as he 
 before exprefTes it, * A parliament confifting of a fingle 
 ' alTembh' eledted by the people, and invefted with the 
 
 * whole power of the government, without any cove- 
 f nants, conditions or orders whatfoever :' I fay, after 
 thus cenfuring the form of that government, proceeds to 
 take notice of its diffolution by 'Cromwell in the follow- 
 ing termis : * I come now to the army, fays he, of 
 
 * which the moft victorious captain and incomparabie 
 ' patriot Olphaus Megaletor was now general : who be- 
 ' ing a much greater mafter of that art, vrhereof I have 
 
 * made a rough draught in thefe preliminaries, had To 
 
 ' fad
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 329 
 
 parliament. This was Turn am ed the Little, 
 
 or 
 
 ' fad refle6^ions upon the ways and proceedings of the 
 ^ parliament, as caft him upon books, and all other 
 ' means of diverfion, among which he happened upon 
 ' this place of Machiavel : Thrice happy is that peo- 
 
 * pie which chances to have a man able to give them 
 
 * fuch a government at once, as without alteration may 
 f fecure them of their liberties j feeing it is certain, that 
 « Lacedtmon^ in obferving the laws of Zyrwr^w, conti- 
 
 ^* nued about eight hundred years without any dange- 
 
 * rous tumult or corruption. My lord general (as it is 
 ' faid of Ihemiftoclti^ that he could not lleep for the 
 
 * glory obtained by Miitiades at the battle of Mara ho) 
 
 * took fo new and deep impreffion at thefe words of the 
 ^> much greater glory oi Lycttrgus, that being on this fide 
 f-f aflaulted with the emulation of his illuftrious objeil, 
 
 * on the other with the mifery of the nation, which 
 ' feemed (as it were ruined by his vi6^ory) to cad her- 
 ^ felf at his feet, he was almoft wholly deprived of his 
 ^ natural reft, until the debate he had within hinifelf 
 ^ came to a firm refolution, that the greatefl advantages 
 
 * of a commonwealth are, firft, that the le^iflator fjio-aid 
 
 * be one man : and fecondly, that the government 
 
 * fhould be made altogether, or at once. Yor the firft, 
 
 * it is certain, faith Machinvelj that a commonweahh 
 
 * is feldom or never well turned or conllituted, except 
 
 * it have been the work of one man : for which caule 
 ' a wife legiflator, and one whofe mind is firmlv fet, 
 
 * not upon private but the publick intercft-, net upon his 
 ^ poflerity but upon his country, may juftly endeavour 
 
 * to get the fovereign power into his own hands ; nor 
 ' fhail any man who is mafter of reafon, blame fuch 
 
 * extraordinary means as in that cafe fhall be neceffary, 
 
 * the end proving no other, than the conditution o. a 
 ' well ordered commonwealth. T he reafon of this is 
 
 * demonftrable j for the ordinary mer.ns not failina;, the 
 " * commonwealth hath no need of a legiflator; but the 
 
 * ordmary means failing, there is no recourfe to be had 
 
 * but
 
 330 THELIFEOF 
 
 or Pralfegod Barebone^ parliament (yy), 
 
 the 
 
 (') ^°^jj * but to fuch as are extraordinary (^).' This was writ- 
 of Oceana, 'd, I fuppofe, to Simulate CromwelPs ambition, and 
 p. 49. Fol. excite him by the defire of real glory to eftablifh a per- 
 ^°****^5*' fe£t commonwealth, and to * launch immediately forth 
 ' into an empire of laws.' But he had no fuch inten- 
 tion as this, and therefore cannot be entitled to this vin- 
 dication. To come to a conclufion — '.\ hatever crime 
 the general was guilty of in this affair, it certainly was 
 a proof of his fuperior ability. For, as Dr. // arburtcti 
 obferves, * Cromwell feemeth to be diftinguifhed in the 
 
 * moft eminent manner, with regard to his abilities, 
 
 * from 3II other great and wicked men, who haveover- 
 
 * turned the liberties of their country. The times in 
 
 * which others fucceeded in this attempt, were fuch as 
 
 * faw the fpirit of liberty fupprefleJ and itifled by a 
 
 * general luxury and venality : but CrcmwJl fubdued 
 
 * his country, when this fpirit was at its height, by a 
 
 * fuccefsful flruggle againft court- oppreffion; and while 
 (/^Kotrs * it was conduced and fupported by a fet of the greatefl 
 en Pope's t geniufes for government the world ever faw {/)* 
 Mao. ^n his ^ ^^^ ^n idea is here given of the capacity of this ex- 
 "Works, vol. traordinary man ! What an eulogium on his maflers 
 iii. p. S9. whom he difplaced, and ruled over ! 
 
 " ■ *°' (yy) He conJiit::Ud a council of Jlate^ and fummched 
 Bzrehonc's parliament.] The parliament being difTolved 
 by Cromwcil, no vifible power was in being, but the 
 foldiery. This muft have been an alarming confidera- 
 tion. To prevent the ill effects of it, a declaration was 
 fet forth in the general's name in the following words : 
 ' Whereas the parliament being diffolved, pcrfons of 
 
 * approved fidelity and honefty, are (according to the 
 ' late declaration of the 22d of /pril laft) to be called' 
 ' from the feveral parts of this commonwealth to the 
 
 * fupream authority j and although effe£lual proceedings 
 
 * are and have been had for perfeding thefe refoiutions; 
 
 * yet feme convenient time being required for the af- 
 
 * fembling of thofe pcrfons, it hath been found necef- 
 
 * fary
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 331 
 
 the fubjedl of ridicule, reproach and ccnfure, 
 
 from 
 
 * fary for preventing the faid mifchlefs and intonvenien- 
 
 * ces which may arife in the mean-while to the pub- 
 
 * liclc affairs, that a councel of ftate be conftituted, to 
 
 * take care of, and intend the peace, fafety and prefcnt 
 
 * management of the affairs of this commonwealth : 
 
 * which being fettled accordingly, the fame is hereby 
 
 * declared and publifhed, to the end all perfons may 
 
 * take notice thereof, and in their feveral places and 
 
 * ftations demean themfelves peaceably, giving obedi- 
 
 * ence to the laws of the nation as heretofore : in the 
 ' exercife and adminiftration whereof, as endeavours 
 ' ftiall be ufed, that no oppreffion or wrong be done to 
 
 * the people, fo a ftridl account will be .required of att 
 
 * fuch as ftiall do any thing to endanger the publick (g) Mercu. 
 
 * peace and quiet upon any pretence whatfoever (^).' "'^^P°'i"- 
 This bears date Jpril -lo^ 1^53. In this high tone j"^,' °* 
 fpoke Cromwell^ who now, having ail power in his 2410. 
 hands, printed an order for the continuance of the af- ,;> jj jj^^ 
 feflment for the payment of the army and the navy for 1 57. ^ 
 fix months (/>), after the rate of one hundred and twen^ ^506. 
 
 ty thoufand pounds a month, and iffued out warrants 
 for feveral perfons to appear at JVh'itehall^ and receive 
 from him the fupream power. In the Journal of the 
 houfe of commons, ^uly 4th, 1653, we have tlie fol- 
 lowing account of the calling this afiembly, * Se- 
 
 * veral letters having iffued, under the hand and feal of 
 
 * the lord general, directed unto divers perfons, in this 
 ' form ; Forafmuch as, upon the diffolution cf the htfe 
 
 * parliament, it became neceffary that the peace, fafety, 
 -* and good government of this commonwealth fhould 
 
 * be provided for; in order whereunto, divers perfons, 
 
 * fearing God, and of approved fidelity and honefty, 
 
 * are by myfelf, with the advice of my council of of- 
 
 * ficers, nominated ; to whom the great charge and truft 
 
 * of fo weighty affairs is to be committed ; and having 
 ' good affurance of the love to, and courage for God, 
 
 * and intereft for his caufe, and of the good people df 
 
 ^ this
 
 332 THELIFEOF 
 
 from men who knew little of its real cha- 
 
 rader, 
 
 * this commonwealth : I, Oliver CromweU, captain-ge- 
 
 * neral and commander in chief of all the armies and 
 
 * forces raifed, and to be raifed in this commonwealth, 
 
 * do hereby fummon and require you 
 
 * (being one of the faid perfons nominated) perfonally to 
 ^ be and appear at the council-chamber in IVhitchall^ 
 ' within the city of JVeJlminJier, upon the fourth day of 
 ^ y^-y next enfuing the date hereof, then and there to 
 ^ take upon you the faid truft, unto which you are 
 ^ hereby called and appointed, to ferve as a member for 
 f' the county of : and hereof you are 
 
 * not to fail. Given under my hand and feal the iixth 
 ^ dayofy«n^, 1653. 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 
 * This day there was a great appearance of thofe per- 
 
 * fons (to whom the letters were direcled) in the coun- 
 
 * cil-chamber at Whitehall; when the lord-general de- 
 
 * clared unto them the grounds and end of calling them ; 
 
 * and delivered unto them an inftrument, in writing un- 
 
 * der his hand and feal ; and afterwards left them.' In 
 ' the Mercurial Politicui there is an article from lVhit:hali 
 
 of the fame date, in which it is faid, ' That the gen- 
 
 * tlemen that were called to the fupream authority, met, 
 
 * to the number of above one hundred and twenty, in 
 
 * the council-chamber, and being fet round about the 
 
 * table, the lord-general ftanding by the window oppo- 
 
 * fue to the middle of the table, and having as many 
 ' of the army officers as the room could well contain, 
 
 * on his right hand and on his left ; his lordlhip made a, 
 
 * very grave, chriftian and reafonable fpeech, and ex- 
 
 * hortation to them j wherein he briefly recounted the 
 ' many great and wondrous mercies of God towarJs 
 
 * this nation ; he fet forth alfo the progrefs of af- 
 
 * fairs fmce the famous viftory at Worcejier^ wherein 
 
 * that argh-enemy of this nation was wholly fubdued. 
 ' He like wife laid, down the adings of the army there- 
 
 * upon.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 333 
 
 rafter, or cared not what they faid about 
 
 It. 
 
 upon, together with the grounds and neceffity of their 
 diflolving the parliament, which his excefiency de- 
 clared to be for the prefervation of this caufe, and the 
 intereft of all honeft men who have been ingaged 
 therein. Moreover he very annply held forth the clear- 
 nefs of the call given to the prefent members, to take 
 upon them the fupream authority j and did from the 
 Scriptures exhort them to their duties, and encourage 
 them therein ; defiring that a tendernefs might be u{^d 
 towards all godly and confcientious perfons, of what 
 judgment, or under what form foever. Which being 
 ended, his lordfhip produced an inftrument under his 
 own hand and feal, whereby he did, with the advice of 
 his officers, devolve and intruft the fupream authority 
 and government of this commonwealth, into the hands 
 of the peifons then met, who, or any forty of them, 
 are to be held and acknowledged the fupream autho- 
 rity of the nation ; unto whom all perfons within the 
 fame, and the territories thereunto belonging, are td 
 yield obedience and fubjedlion. And they are not to 
 fit longer than the third of November, 1654, Three 
 months before their diilblution, they are to make 
 choice of other perfons to fucceed them, who are not 
 to fit longer than a twelvemonth, but it is left to 
 them to take care for a fucceflion in government. 
 Which inftrument being delivered to the perfons afore- 
 faid, his lordfhip commended them to the grnce of (0 Macnri- 
 
 God (;■).* Mr. Rous was called to the chdir in "? p^^'^'^"^' 
 
 this aflembly, and it was * Refolved that fome members 4553. And 
 of the houfe fhou!d be fent to the lord-general to defire Thurioe, 
 him to afford his prefence and aflfiftance in the houfe, as I^» '" ^' 
 a member thereof; viz. Sir Anthony JjJjley Cooper, Sir 
 Gilbert Pickerings Mr. Stricklind^ Colonel S':dcr.h'::m\ 
 Mr. Mayer, Mr. Carexu^ Colonel BefiKet, Colonel Jones', 
 And the queftion being propounded, that Major-Gene- 
 ral Lamheri^ Major- General Harrifon^ Major-GeneVal 
 De/hiroWi and CoJ9neI Thomiinj.n^ be, and are hereby, 
 
 8 called
 
 334 THELIFEOF 
 
 it. But they foon reiigned the power 
 
 . . back 
 
 called to fit as members of this houfe; it pafled in the 
 
 (*) Journal, affirmative (i).' So oddly were the members of this 
 
 parliament choien ! — Mr. Maidjione^ fpeaking concern- 
 ing them, fays, ' The lord-general by his authority, 
 
 * (which was but military) fummons one hundred per- 
 ' fonsoutof all parts of the nation (with competent in- 
 ' difFerency and equality) to reprefent the nation, and 
 ? invefts them with legiilative authority. They meet 
 
 * and accept it, alTume the title of parliament, and fit 
 
 * in the houfe of commons, and enaft fundry laws ; 
 ' but in a ihort time, made it appear to all confidering 
 
 * and unprejudiced men, that they were huic negoth 
 -* impareiy non ohjlante their godlinefs; of which the 
 
 * more judicious of them being fenfible, contrived the 
 
 * matter fo as to diffolve themfelves by an act of their 
 (/) Thnrloe, c own, and refolve their authority, whence they iirft 
 76«.''^* ' derived it, upon the general (/).' Cromwili's own 
 
 account of the proceedings of thefe meri is (c^ciq 
 enough, though it be not expreffed in the cleareft man- 
 ner. ' It was thought then, fays he, that men of our 
 
 * judgment, that had fought in the wars, and weie all 
 ' of a piece upon that account, why furely thefe men 
 
 * will hit it, and them men will do it to the purpofe 
 
 * whatever can be defired, truly we did think, and I 
 
 * did think fo, the more to blame of, and fuch a com- 
 
 * pany of men were chofe and did proceed in action, 
 
 * and truly this was the naked truth, that the ifTue was 
 ' not anfwerable to the fimplicity and honefty of the 
 
 * defign. What the iflue of that meeting would have 
 
 * been, and was feared, upon which the fober men of 
 ' that meeting did withdraw, anJ came and returned my 
 ' power as far as they could, they did a£luilly the great- 
 
 * er part of them into my own hands, profeffing and 
 
 * believing that the ifllie of that meeting would have 
 
 * been the fubverficn of your laws, and of all the liber- 
 
 * ties of this nation, the dcftrudion of the miniflers of 
 ' this nation. In a word, the ccnfufion of all things, 
 
 » and
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 335 
 
 back into his hands, ahd thereby gave him 
 
 an 
 
 * and inftead of order, to fet up the judicial law of 
 
 * AlofeSy in abrogation of all our adminiftrations, to 
 
 * have been adminiftred the judicial law of Mofes, pro 
 
 ' hie iff nunc, according to the wifdom of any man that , , „ 
 
 111- 1 L 1 • L (w) Speech, 
 
 * would have interpreted the text, this way or that \p_ Z,^ 
 
 * way (w).' Lord Clarendon zffuves us, * '1 hat there 1657. 
 
 ' were amongft them divers of the quality and degree 
 
 * of gentlemen, and who had eftates, and fuch a pro- 
 
 * portion of credit and reputation, as could coniift with 
 
 * the guilt they had contradled. But much the major 
 
 * part of them confifted of inferiour perfons, of no 
 ' quality or name, artificers of the meaneft trades, 
 
 * known only by their gifts in praying and preachings 
 
 * which was now pra6tifed by all degrees of men, but 
 ' fcholars, throughout the kingdom. In which num- 
 ' ber, that there may a better judgment be made of 
 ' the reft, it will not.be amifs to name one, from whom 
 
 * that parliament itfelf was afterwards denominated, 
 ' who was Praife-God (that was his chriftian name) 
 
 * Barebone, a leather-feller in Fket/ire^t, from whom (he 
 
 * being an eminent fpeaker in ir) it was afterwards called 
 ' _Prai/e-God Barebcnc's * parliament. In a word, they 
 ' were generally a pack of weak fenfelefs fellows, fit 
 
 ' only to bring the name, and reputation of parliaments, ('?) Vol. vi. 
 
 * lower than it was yet («).* Mr. Hume (peaks withP'4^2' 
 like contempt of this afTembly, and is as fevere as Cla- 
 rendon himfelf in his account of their proceedings. ■ - 
 
 His lordihip afterwards adds, * And thele men thus 
 
 * Sir Anthony Afhley Cooper was much more eminent and aftive ; ^ 
 appears from the journals. From his tranfaftions in this and Crom- 
 weM's after parliaments, Drj'den took occafion to charadlerize him in 
 his early years as 
 
 A verTiin, wriggling in th' ufurper's ear ; 
 
 Bart'ring his venal wit for fums of gold, 
 
 He cait himl'elf into the faint-like mould ; 
 
 Groan'd, figh'd and pray'd, while godjinefs was gain 3 
 
 The laudeft bagpipe of the fijueaking train. Midal, 
 
 ' brougljt
 
 336 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 an opportunity of a/Tuming and cxercifin^ 
 
 the 
 
 * brought together, continued in this capacity near firf 
 
 * months, to the amazement, and even mirth of the 
 
 * people. In which time they never entered into any* 
 
 * grave and ferious debate, that might tend to any fet- 
 ' tlement, but generally exprefled great ftiarpnefs againff 
 
 * all learning, out of which they thought the clergy 
 ' had grown, and ftill would grow. There were now 
 
 * no bifliops for them to be angry with ; they had al- 
 
 * ready reduced all that order to the loweft diflrefs. 
 
 * But their quarrel was againft all who had called them- 
 
 * felves minifters, and who, by being called fo, re- 
 
 * ceived tythes, and refpeft from their neighbours. 
 ' They looked upon the function itfelf to be antichri- 
 
 * ftian, and the perfons to be burthenfome to the peo- 
 
 * pie, and the requiring and payment of tythes to be 
 ' abfolute yudaifm^ and they thought fit they fliould be 
 
 * abolilhed together ; and that there might not for the 
 
 * time to come be any race of people who might re- 
 
 * vive^thofe pretences, they propofed that all lands be- 
 
 * longing to the liniverfities, and colleges in thofe uni- 
 
 * verfities, might be fold, and the monies that (hould 
 
 * arife thereby, be difpofed for the publick fervice, and 
 (») Vol. vi. ' to eafe the people from the payment of taxes and con- 
 p. 484. * tributions ((?).' This is very virulent as ufual ; and as 
 
 ufual has a great mixture of falfhood. ManyofCr^/n- 
 weWs after counccUors were in this alTembly, fuch as 
 Sir Anthony JJhley Cooper^ Mr. Strickland^ Sir Charles 
 Wclfely: many of the chief officers of the army and 
 navy, as Blake^ Almcke^ Msntagu, afterwards Earl of 
 Sandwich^ befides the general and other ofScers men- 
 tioned above. What mirth they afforded I know not. 
 They were treated as the fupream authority of the na- 
 tion, and had the moft humble applications made to 
 them from the chief cavaliers, fuch as the Earl of TVor- 
 cefier, the Earl and Countefs of Derby ^ the Lord Manf- 
 feldy the Earl of Shrew/bury, and many others, whofe 
 ~ petitions are mentioned in the Journals 3 not to take 
 
 nj.i^e
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 337 
 
 the lupream power of the nation, undc;r the 
 
 title 
 
 notice of their being folemnly addreficd to by fovereign 
 princes, and their fending ambafladors abroad : whether 
 they tver entered into any grave or feiious debate which 
 might tend to a fettlement, the reader will be able to 
 judge, when he is informed, that for the right ordering 
 and fettling <if the bufinefs of the houfe, ihey appointed 
 committees for the affairs of hel.nid and Scotland \ 
 for the law ; the army ; for infpecS^ing the treafuries, 
 and regulating of officers and falaries j for the bufnicfs 
 of trade and corporations j for the poor, and regulating 
 commiffions of the peace; for confidering of public 
 debts, and to receive accufations of bribery, public 
 frauds, and breach of public truft ; and for the advancement f/*) JournaT, 
 of learn'.- V (/>). And whoever will look into their jour- \^. -^"'^* 
 na!s will find that they were employed about points of 
 the higheft national concernment, fuch as the abolifli- 
 ing the court of chancery on account of its expenfive- 
 nels and delays j the forming a new body of the law; 
 the uniting Scotland with England, regulating mar- 
 riages, and veiting the folemnization and cognizance of 
 them in the civil magiftrate: together with other thinos 
 
 T ^ 
 
 of moment. It no way appears that they intended to 
 fet up the judicial law of Mofes, or fell the lands be- 
 longing to the univerfities, and therefore the imputa- 
 tion ot fuch intentions to them, muft be deemed un- 
 juft and abufive. Tythes * from the beginning had en- 
 g.!ged their attention ; but that they had no dtfign to 
 abolifli them, is plain from the following report made 
 by Mr. Sadler^ a few days before their tclignation, from 
 tne committee for tythes — — Refolved, * That it be 
 
 * In the manufcript, belonging formerly to colonel Saunders, quoted in 
 rot.e(ss), it is propofcd, ' That tythes be wholly taken awjy, the p«- 
 
 • riftioners t'rum whom they are due, paying in licu th"rccf to the ftate 
 « where they are not appropriate, and to the owners where thev are, 
 ' moderate and certain rent-charge out of their lands : the minifters to 
 
 • bi.' maintained, either by the voluntary contributioas of fuch as dcfire 
 
 • tQ h-ar them, or elfe by fome fettled penfions ou. of the public trea- 
 
 fury.' 
 
 Z « pre-
 
 338 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 title of Lord Protedtor of the common- 
 wealth 
 
 * prefented to the parliament, that all fuch as are or 
 
 * ftiall be approved for publick preachers of the Gofpel 
 ' in the publick meeting places, (hall have and enjoy 
 « the maintenance already fettled by law ; and fuch 
 ' other encouragement, as the parliament hath already 
 
 * appointed, or hereafter (hall appoint : and that where 
 
 * any fcruple payment of tytbes, the three next juf- 
 ' tices of the peace, or two of them, fhall, upon com- 
 
 * plaint, call the parties concerned before them ; and, 
 ' by the oaths of lawful witnefies, (hall duly apportion 
 ' the value of the faid tythes, to be paid either in mo- 
 « ncy, or land by them to he fet out according to the 
 
 * faid value, to be held and enjoyed by him that was 
 ' to have the faid tythes : and in cafe fuch apportioned 
 
 * value be not duly paid, or enjoyed, according to the 
 
 * order of the faid juftices, the tythes fhall be paid in 
 ' kind, and (hall be recovered in any court of record. 
 ' Upon hearing and confidering what hath been ofFer- 
 
 * ed to this Cv-mmittee touching propriety in tythes of 
 
 * incumbents, redtors, poflefibrs of donatives, or pro- 
 ' priate tythes, it is the opinion of thi^ committee, and 
 
 (y) Journal, < refolved to be fo repprted to the parliament, that the 
 Dec. 2, t ^^jjj perfons have a legal propriety in tythes (q).' So 
 ^^* that a regulation in tythes we fee was the thing intend- 
 
 ed, which yet raifed a clamour againft, and fixed a cha- 
 racter on this parliament, as enemies to the miniftry, 
 to learning, and every ihing valuab'e in fociety. Such 
 is the hatred of ecclefiaftics againft all who would reform 
 their laws and cuftoms, however unjufl and tyrannical. 
 'Tis not forgotten how zealous theie men were againft 
 the Quakers tythe bill in the year i 736. A bill founded 
 (r) Anfwer Oil ftri^t juftice and perfe(5l equity, and oppofed through 
 totheConn- jpjgjg^j^ prejudice, or worfe views, as was then fhewn. 
 Plea againft* ^o a dcmonftration, in one of the beft written trades of 
 the Quakers thc age, by Lord Hervey (r). — < — The parliament foon 
 TytbcBiU, 2{-fj,f refigned ^ack their power into the hands of Ctom- 
 1736. ° * tt"^^' The account given of it in the Journals is as
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 339 
 
 Vvcalih of Ejigland, Scotland and Ireland, 
 
 The 
 
 follows: Mond'iy, iznh of December^ ^^S3- * ^t be- 
 ' inc moved in the hpuk this day, that ihe fitting of 
 « this parliament any longer, as now conftituted, will 
 
 * not be for the good of the commonwealth j and that 
 
 * therefore it was requifite to deliver up unto the lord 
 
 * general Cro7nweil the powers which they received 
 
 * from him ; and that motion being feconded by feveral 
 ' other members ; the houfe rofe : and the Speaker, with 
 ' many of the members of the houfe, departed out of 
 
 * the houfe to Whitehall\ where they, being the greater 
 
 * number of the members fitting in parliament, did, by 
 
 * a writing under their hands, refign unto his excel- 
 ' lency their faid powers: and Mr. Speaker, attended 
 
 * with the members, did prefent the fame to his excel- 
 
 * lency, accordingly.' The following extradl from a 
 letter of Bufjy Manfel, Efq; one of the members of this 
 parliament, to his brother Edward Prit^hard, Efq; will 
 give u> a clearer idea of this afFair. * Since I writ my 
 
 * laft to you, and feme days before, wee were about a 
 
 * report from the committee of tieths, about fending 
 
 * commiiJioners to the feveral circuits to caft out all 
 
 * that they judged to be unfit to be minifters, and to 
 
 * put in all they judged to be fit upon the laft day of 
 ' the weeke. This power and its appurtenances came 
 ' Vt the queftion, and it was carried in the negative, 
 ' Hereupon thofe gentlemen, that were for the report, 
 
 * came fooner than their ufual bower upon Munday tO 
 ' the houfe, and there fpoke of the unlikelihood of do- 
 
 * ins good, and inftanced in feveral things, that they 
 
 * judsed evill, that was don ; and therefore defired that 
 
 * th-^y would goe, and rcturne that power they had from 
 
 * whence they received it ; and thereupon about fort}', 
 
 * and the Speaker went to the generall, and did ac- 
 ' cordingly. 1 wenty feven flayed in the houfe a little 
 
 * time fpeaking to one another, and going to fpeak to 
 
 * the Lord in prayer, coll. Goff and liet coll. JVhite 
 
 * came into the b«ufe, and defired them that were there 
 
 Z 2 'to 
 
 H^
 
 34° 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 The grounds and reafons of this new fettle- 
 
 ment 
 
 (j) Thurloe, 
 vol. i. p. 
 637. 
 
 ' to come out. Some anfwered, that they were there 
 * by a call from the generall, and would not come out 
 ' by their defire, unlefs they had a command from him. 
 ' They returned noe anfwer, but went out, and fetched 
 ' two files of m'ufquetiers, and did as good as force them 
 
 ' out; amongft whom I was an unworthy one (i).* 
 
 Ludlow^ fpeaking of this refignation, attributes it to 
 the ambition and artifice of Cromudi in the following 
 words: ' The perfidious Crcmvueit having forgot his 
 moft folemn profeflions and former vows, as well as 
 the blood and treafure that had been fpent in this con- 
 teft, thought it high time to take ofF the mafque, and 
 refolved to facrifice all our vidories and deliverances 
 to his pride and ambition, under colour of taking 
 upon him the office as it were of a high conftable, 
 in order to keep the peace of the nation, and to re- 
 flrain men from cutting one another's throats. One 
 difficulty yet remained toobflrucSt his defign, and that 
 was the convention, which he had aflembled and in- 
 vpfted with power, as well as earneftly follicited to re- 
 form the ViVf, and reduce the c ergy to a jnore evan- 
 gelical conftitution. And having fufficiently alarmed 
 thofe interefts, and (bown them their danger from the 
 convention, he informs them farther, that they can- 
 not be ignorant of the confufion that all things are 
 brought into by the immoderate zeal of thofe in au- 
 thority, and to what extremities matters might be re- 
 duced, if permitted to go on ; poflibly, faid he, to 
 the utter extirpation of law and gofpel from amongft 
 us ; and therefore advifed that they would join their 
 interefts to his, in order to prevent this inundation. 
 His propofition was readily embraced by the corrupt 
 part of the lawyers and clergy, and fo he became their 
 protector, and they the humble fupporters of his ty- 
 ranny. But that his ufurpation might feem Icfs hor- 
 rid, he io contrived it by his inftruments, that fome 
 of the conveniion muft opeiily raaniifeft their difap- 
 
 * pro-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 341 
 
 ment will deferve (zz) the attention of the 
 
 curious 
 
 ' probation of their own proceedings, and under divers 
 
 ' fpecious pretences put a period to their fitting (/).' ^ (') ^°'- "• 
 
 * When the inftrument of refignation figned as above ^■*^'' 
 
 * mentioned in the journal, was brought to Crcmiveliy 
 
 * 'tis faid h- lifted up his eyes with aftonifhment ; and, 
 
 * with no lefs feeming modefty refufci to receive it; 
 
 * but, at length, through the importunity of major-ge- 
 
 * neral Lam'e't and others, reprefenting to him that the 
 ' welfare of the nation abfolutely required his acceptance 
 
 * of the parliament s refignation, he thought fit to com- 
 
 ' ply with their requeft.' CrcmzueU'indeed in a fpeech 
 
 made to the enfuing parliament, "^f'/^w^tT 12, 1654, 
 pofitively affirms in the moft folemn manner, ' That (») Parlia- 
 ' he was fo far from having any hand in this proiecf, "l^.^^^^y 
 
 . 1 L LT 1 ii L J r Ml 'Hiftorv, vol. 
 
 ' that he was an ablolute Itranger to the deiign, till the xx. p 244. 
 ' Speaker, with the major part of the houfe, came to J" this vol. 
 
 * him with the inftrument of their refignation 'a).' is the com- 
 
 For my own parr, I much doubt of the flri(5f truth of count of this 
 this Can it be fuppofed that his creatures and favou- Parliament 
 rites would have ventured on fuch a thing without be-"'^°'* 
 ing fatisfied of his approbation \ Or that the officers 
 
 would have dared to bring in a file of mufquetiers, and 
 in a manner force the non-refigners out of the houfe, 
 if they had not been well afTured that it would be ac- 
 ceptable to him ' But be this as it may, the lord 
 
 general having the power of the nation thus form-ally 
 refigned up into his hands, he embraced theopportunity of ' 
 exercifing it in his own name, in order to prcferve th^ 
 peace and fecure the laws and religion of the nation as 
 he profefled, though poffibly the luft of fway might have 
 fome fmall influence on his determination *. 
 
 (zZ; The grounds and reajons of ths r.euj pttkment de- 
 ferve aiteniion.] CromwJl having accepted the parlia- 
 Z 3 ment's 
 
 • Mr. Hume, in order I fuppofe to divert rl;e readers, on nvrntioniWg 
 Praife God Barebone, has informed them, that * It was ulual for tha 
 
 * pre^entfcd Saints at this time to change their names from Henry, Ed- 
 
 * ward.
 
 342 THELIFEOF 
 
 curious reader. But bow blameworthy foe- 
 
 ver 
 
 mentis inftrument of rcfignation, called a council of of- 
 ficers and others, who after feveral days confultation, 
 lefolved that a council (houid be named, to coniiil not 
 of more than 21, nor lefs than 13 perfons, and that the 
 general fliould be chofen lord protccior of the three na- 
 tions. On the 16th of Decethhcr, 1653, Olivtr with 
 great pomp was inaugurated in lVefltwtJi(r-,Ha''l., after 
 having firft folemniy fworn to an indrument of govern- 
 ment prepared by his council, and others. It is well 
 drawn, and fhews much judgment. By it tl e fupream 
 legiflative authority of the commonwealth was placed in 
 one perfon, and the people affcmbled in parliament j 
 but the executive was to be in the lord prote(^or, af- 
 fifted with a council, who fhoulJ difpofe of all magif- 
 tracy and honor, and have the power of pardons and 
 benefit of forfeitures. In him likewife, with confent of 
 parliament when fitting, was vefted the power of the 
 militia, and forces by Tea and land, as well as the pre- 
 roga-iveof making war and peace. So that C'cmuri/, 
 who by this inftrument was conftituted lord proteiior, 
 ' was in a manner vefted with the old real rights of the 
 Englijb Kings, and had the authority conferred on him. 
 But that provihon might be made for the people, and 
 their benefit and advantage" confulted, it was declared. 
 
 * ward, AnthoBv, -Williarn, which they rcfandet! as Heathenifli, into 
 
 * othcn more fan^Aed and gfidljr : cxea tiie new TcSament nain«s James, 
 < Aod'cw, &c. were not held in Aich regard as tbofe borrowed from the 
 
 * Old Teftainent, Hezckiah, Habbakvk, Jofhna, Zorobabel. Some- 
 
 * tiires a whole {Ocly fentence was adcpted fcr a name.' In pioof of this 
 he gires a lid of names of a jury in the county of Soiics about this time, 
 on the authority of one Bnmie, an obfcure aod incoafiderable writer. 
 This gcntlssan, however, fhould hare known thai this pia£iice, (not 
 of changing their names, as he fuppofes, but of giving faadified and 
 godly ones to their children) how rid:cuIous foever, was ia afe long be- 
 
 , tore theie times j and alfo that it was not more commcn then, than it 
 
 deo s Ke- j^^^ before been. Cambden • would have informed him of the one, and 
 znams, p. j},^ ^^^^ variety of lilfs of names Hill remaining in Thurloc, Scobcl, and 
 t*' T^'f^ *^^ coUcaon, of the other. 
 
 • Camb- 
 
 ImbA. 162^. 
 
 That
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 343 
 
 ver the protedor might have been in the ac- 
 
 quilition 
 
 \ 
 
 * That the kiws fhould not be altered, fufpended, ahro- /^ftP ^^^ 
 
 * gated, or repealed, or any new law made, nor any ' ■ 
 ' tax, charge, or impofition laid upon the people, but 
 
 ' by common confent in parliament.' Triennial par- 
 liaments were alfo ordained ; a new reprefentative, in 
 proportion to the contributions of the refpedtive coun- 
 ties towards the public expence, to the number 
 of 400, together with 30 for Scot/and, and the like 
 number for Ireland, enadted ; and bills pafied in parlia- 
 ment declared to have the force of laws, twenty days * ' 
 after they ihould be offered to the protestor, .though 
 his affent was refufed. Thefe and many other particu- 
 lars in favour of the people, are to be found in the in- 
 ftrument of government, by which it plainly appears 
 that defpotifm was far enough from being the intention 
 of Cromwiil and his officers. It muft not be omitted, 
 that ' A conftant yearly revenue was ordained to be ' 
 
 ' raifed for maintaining 10,000 horfe, and 20,000 foot 
 
 * in England, Scotland and Ireland, for the defence and 
 
 * the fecurity thereof, and alfo for a convenient number 
 
 * of (hips for guhrding of the feas; befides 200,000/. 
 ' per annum, for defraying the other neceflary charges of 
 
 * adminiftration of juftice, and other expences of the 
 
 * government ; which revenue was to be raifed by the 
 ' cuftoms, and fuch other ways and means, as (bould 
 
 * be agreed upon by the lord proteiflor and the council, 
 ' and was not to be taken away or diminifhed, nor the 
 < way agreed upo i for raifing the fame altered, but by 
 
 * the confent of the lord protestor and the parliament. 
 
 * He was inyefted alfo with a power, till the meeting 
 *< of the fird parliament, to raife money for the pur- 
 
 * pofes aforefaid ; and alfo to make laws and ordinances 
 
 * for the peace and welfare of thefe nations, where it 
 
 * ftiould be necefTary ; which fliould be binding and in 
 
 * force, until order (hould be taken in parliament con- 
 
 * cerning the fame.' 
 
 Z 4 On
 
 344 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 quifition of his high. office; or how wick- 
 edly 
 
 On CromiveU^s death, a prote£lor was to be eJecied 
 
 by the council. This was a bait for the grandees *. 
 
 it may well enough be thought fuch a change in 
 
 the government as this could not happen without cen- 
 fure. The army party were, for the mo{t parr, ad- 
 dicted to a commonwealth, and many of the mod able 
 n-en in the nation were of the fame judoment. Thefe 
 thought they had in vain abolifhed kingfhip, if one man 
 mufl rule over them under what name or title focver, 
 and they couid not without indignation, behold a man 
 fo greatly elevated above them, whom they had fo lately 
 ' feen tht-ir equal or inferiour. Nor did they refrain afk- 
 ing who made him protestor? or what right he had to 
 the fupream povi'er ? It was to thefe kind of men Crom- 
 ur/I endeavoured to juftify himfelf, and thereby to foften 
 ti^eir prejudices, and obtain their concurience in his 
 views for his own and the nation's glory. See with what 
 art he talks to them in the following pafTigcs * I re- 
 
 * ceived this refignation [the late parliament's] fays he, 
 
 * having formerly ufed my endeavours and perfuafions to 
 
 * keep them together ; obferving their difterences, I 
 ' thought i: my duty to give advice to thcni, that fo I 
 
 * might prcvsii with them for union: but it had the ef- 
 
 * ftct I told you, and I had my difappointment/ When 
 ' th;s wai lo, wc were exceedingly to feck how to fettle 
 
 * thmgs for the future. My power again, by this re- 
 
 * lignation, was as boundlefi and unlimited as before ; 
 
 * all things being fubjecfled to arbitrarinefs, and myfelf 
 
 * a perfon having power over the three nations, bound- 
 1 * Icfly and unlimited ; and upon the matter, all govern- 
 h ' ment diiFolved, all civil adminiftrations at an end, as 
 )A * will be prefently made appear. The gentlemen that 
 
 i 
 
 V • But when Oliver's fovereignty was more firmly eftabliflied, we find 
 
 *' in th? humble petition and advice ct' the parliament in 1656, the power 
 
 ct appointinc and deciaring a perfoo to fucceed in thfe government, wa$ 
 
 inveficd m iiimfcll alcn^.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 ediy foever he acquired it, (for his admlr- 
 
 34-5 
 
 ers 
 
 undertook to frame this government, did confult di- 
 vers days together (they being of known integrity and 
 abiliiy) how to fiame fomewli^t that might give us 
 fettlement ; ^nd they did fo ; and that I was not privy 
 to their councils, they know it. When they had fi- 
 nifhtd their model in fome meafure, or made a very 
 good preparation of it, it became communicative. 
 They told me, that except I would undertake the go- 
 vernment, they thought things would hardly come to 
 a compofure and fettlement ; but blood and confuiion 
 would break in upon us. I denied it again and again, 
 as God and thofc perfons know ; not complimenting- 
 ly, as they alfo know, and as God knows. I confefs, 
 after many arguments, and after the letting of me 
 know that I did not receive any thing that put me 
 into any higher capacity than I was in before ; but 
 that it limited me, and bound my hands to atS: nothing 
 to .the prejudice of thofe nations, without confent of 
 a council, unt.l the parliament, and then limited by 
 the parliament, as the a£l of government exprefleth, 
 I did accept it. I might repeat this again to you, if 
 it were needful ; but I think I need not. I was ar- 
 bitrary in power, having the armies in the three na- 
 tions under my command; and truly not very ill be- 
 loved by them, nor very ill beloved then by the peo- 
 ple, by the good people ; and I believe I fhould have 
 been more, if they had known the truth, as things 
 were before God, and in themfelves, and before di- 
 vers of thofe gentlemen whom I but now mentioned 
 unto you. 1 did at the intreaty of divers perfons of 
 honour and quality, at the intreaty of very many of 
 the chief officers of the army then prefent, and at their 
 requeft, I did accept of the p'ace and title of protec- 
 tor J and was in the prefence of the commiffioners of 
 the great feal, the judges, the lord mayor and alder- 
 mtri of the city oi Londm ; the foldiery, divers gen- 
 tkmeii, citizens, and divers other people and perfons 
 
 * of
 
 346 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 crs confefs he had faults, and pretend not 
 
 wholly 
 
 * ®f quality, l^c. aceompanied to JVef.m'.nJIer Hall, 
 
 * where I took my oath to this government. This was 
 
 * not donein a cofncr; it was open and publick. Ibis 
 ' government hath been exercifed by a council, wkb a 
 •• defire to be faithful in a'l things; and, amongft other 
 
 ' truita, to be faithful in calling this parliament. 
 
 ' This is a narrative that difcovers to you the/cries of 
 
 i,i, " '^* ' providence, and of tranfadions kadins: me into this 
 Hiftory,Tcl. ' Condition wherein I non i^and (*).' In another of 
 »• P' 355- his fpeechcs, he declares, ' He undertook the proiee- 
 
 *; torfhip, not fo much out of hope of doing any good, 
 (^) Speech * 2^5 out of a defire to prevent mifcbief and evil ; and 
 at Whke- * )je coptpares his ftaiion to that of a good conltable, 
 iLii-"- ' ^° ^^^P ^^ peace of the pariih (^'). This renders 
 
 probable what Burnet relates concerning his fpeeches to 
 __- — ' tb* republican enthufiafts, with whom he had been clofely 
 
 connected, and of whom he had availed himfelf in his 
 
 yife to'greatnefs. — ' It was no eafy thing, fays he, for 
 
 * Cromicell to fatisfy thofe, when he took the power 
 
 * into his own hands ; fince that looked like a ftep to 
 *■ kinglhip, which C 7 ^-'"J Goodwin had long reprefented 
 
 * as the great antichrift, that hindered Chxift's being 
 
 * fit on the throne. To thefe he fajd, and as fome 
 
 * have told me, with many tears, that he would ra- 
 ^ , * ther have taken a (bepherd's ftaff than the prote£tor- 
 
 * ibip, fmce nothing was more contrary to his genius 
 ' than a (bew of greatnefs : but he faw it was necef- 
 
 * fary at that time to keep the nation from falling into 
 
 * extream diforder, and from becoming open to the 
 
 * common enemy ; and therefore he only ftept in be- 
 
 * twecn the living ami the dead, as he phrafed it, in 
 ' that interval, till God fhould diredt them on what 
 ' botccm they ought to fettle: and he afTured them, 
 
 * thit then he would furrender the heavy load lying 
 vol. i.|p. ' ' upon him, with a joy equal to the forrow with which 
 ^04. ' be was aiiecied while under that (hew of dignity (z).* 
 
 This
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 347 
 
 wholly to exculpate him) yet certain it is, 
 
 he 
 
 This was all' very artful, and probably had its intended 
 efFca. 
 
 Cromwell in the foregoing fpeech talks of his having, 
 on the (JifTolution of the parliament, power over the 
 three nations, boundlefs and unlimited. This muft fup- 
 pofe that he thought he had conquered all, or that all 
 were fubieft to his rule and command. A flrange doc- 
 trine ! his country might well have cried out, ' Are 
 
 * we then fo unhappy as to be conquered by the perfon, 
 
 * whom we hired at a daily rate, like a labourer, to 
 ' conquer others for us ? Did we furnifli him with arms 
 
 * only to draw and try upon our enemies, and keep 
 ' them for ever ftieathed in the bowels of his friends ? 
 
 * Did we fight for liberty againfl: our prince, that we 
 
 * might become flaves to our fervant ? The right of 
 
 * conqueft can only be exercifed upon - thofe againfl: 
 
 * whom the war is declared, and the victory obtained. 
 
 * So that no whole nation can be faid to be conquered 
 ^ but by a foreign force. In all civil wars, men are fo 
 
 * far from ftating the quarrel againft their country, that 
 
 * they do it only againft a perfon or party which they 
 ' really believe, or at leaft pretend to be pernicious to 
 ' it ; neither can there be any juft caufe for the deftruc- 
 
 * tion of a part of the body, but when it is done for 
 
 * the prefervation and fafety of the whole. 'Tis cur . 
 ' country that raifes men in the quarrel, our country 
 
 * that arms, our country that pays them, our country 
 ' that authorizes the undertakin2;, and that diftinguifties 
 
 * it from rapine and murder. Laftly, 'tis our country 
 « that dire6ls and commands the army, and is indeecl 
 
 * their general. So that to fay in civil wars that the 
 ' prevaiiing party conquers their country, is to fay the 
 
 * country conquers itfelf And if the general only of 
 
 * that party be the conqueror, the army by which he is 
 
 * made fo, is no lefs conquered than the army which is 
 
 * beaten, and have as little reafon to triumph in that 
 
 * vidory, by which they lofe both their honour and li- 
 
 ' berty.
 
 34^ THE LIFE OF 
 
 he rivaled the greatefi: of the Eiiglifi mo- 
 
 narchs 
 
 * berty. So that if Cromwell conquered any party, it 
 ffl^^Y* * was only that againii which he was fent, and what 
 courfecon- * ^^at was muft appear by his commiflion {a).' As to 
 «erninsOIi- the /JiftracSled ftate of affairs, by reafon of the difl'olu- 
 ^.^if ^''°^'' tton of the government, and the tendency all things had 
 ^^ *^' ■ to coiifufion, Mr. Cowley, with his ufuaJ fpirit, fays, 
 
 ' The government was broke; Who broke it? It was 
 
 * dfflbived ; Who difToJyed it? It was extingui(hed ; 
 
 * Who was rt but Crorrnvellj who not only put out the 
 
 * Kght, but caft away even the very fnuff of it ? As if 
 
 * a man ftould murder a whole family, and then pof- 
 
 * fefs himfelf of the whole houfe, becaufe 'tis better 
 ^^][H.p.8|. • that he, than that only rats fliould live there {h)* 
 
 I- However, though Cromwell probably was blameworthy 
 ■ •; for turning out his mafters and diflolving the govern- 
 |;nient, yet as things were, there feems lo have been 
 iliardly any remedy fo ready at hand for the eftablifhment 
 of peace and order, as his afluming the fovereignty,, 
 »»nd exerting the power he had got into his hands for the 
 !'Jgood and benefit of the three nations. AM other power, 
 through his means indeed, was extinguiOied ; but there 
 ^was a necefiity for fome fovereignty or other to be erect- 
 ed, that men might not be forced upon new civil wars. 
 /And who but Cromwell was capable of this ? Who fa 
 
 •But let 
 
 given by the pro- 
 
 ite£^or's order, or at leaii approbation, for this new fet- 
 
 tlement. They are contained in a fmall tra6l, rntitled 
 
 ^ A true ftate of the cafe of the cornmonwealth of 
 
 London, Bnglotfd, &c. in reference to the late eftablifhed govern- 
 
 printedfor ment, by a Lord Protedor and parliament (f).' After 
 
 Newconib having fpoken concerning the various tranfidlions during 
 1654. the war-j the confeqnences thereof; the authority and' 
 
 government of the long parliament ; the carriage and 
 refignation of the next chofen ; and feverely cenfured 
 many of the principles profefled by {omQ of its mem- 
 bers : it goes on to fay, * Wherefore upon ihefe, and 
 
 ' divers 
 
 I 
 
 I fit, in his own eye at leaft, to exercile it?- 
 \hs attend to the reafons which were ptven
 
 OLIVERCROMWELL. 349 
 
 narchs in glory, and made himfclf courted 
 
 and 
 
 * divers confiderations, it was agreed to come to feme fuch 
 
 * folid and certain courfe of fettlenieiit, as might hereafter 
 
 * bar up the way againft thole manifold inconveniences, 
 
 * which we have felt under other fleeting forms, and re- 
 
 * duce us (as near as .may be, with moft convenience) 
 ' to our antient way of government by fupream magi- 
 
 * ftrates and parliaments. And of this nature is the 
 
 * form now eftablifhed, and already made publick. Birt 
 ' to the end this may be made clear aiKi manifeft, we 
 ' ftiail in the next place difcourfe fomewhat concerning 
 ' it in general, and then defcend to particulars, hi ge~ 
 
 * neral, we fay ; that as this la^t change hath been made 
 
 * upon the fame grounds of reafon and equity, that ne- 
 ' ceffitated all foregoing changes in the outward forms, 
 ' and was admitted of abfolute neceffity to fave a fmlc- 
 ' ing nation out of the gulph of mifery and confufion, 
 
 * caufed by the changeable counfeJs and corrupt intereft 
 
 * of other men, who violated their principles, and brake 
 ' the truft committed to them ; fo none of thofe former 
 
 * alterations did fo truly make good, or fo fully provide 
 ' for the fecurity of thofe great ends of religion artd li- 
 ' berty, which were as the blood and fpirits running 
 
 * through every vein of the parliament and army's de- 
 
 * clarations ; fo that though the commonwealth may 
 ' now appear with a new face in the outward form, 
 ' yet it remains ftill the feme in fubftance, and is of a 
 ' better complexion and conftitution than heretofore. 
 
 * And if we take a furvey of the whole together, we 
 
 * find the foundation of this government laid in thepeo- 
 ' pie. Who hath the power of altering old laws, or 
 
 * making new ? The people in parliament ; without 
 
 * them nothing of this nature can be done ; they are to 
 
 * be governed only by fuch laws as they have chofen, 
 
 * or fhall chufe, and not to have any impofed upon 
 
 * them. Then who is to adminifter or govern accord- 
 
 * ing to thofe laws, and fee them put in execution ? 
 
 * Not a perfon clainiing an hereditary right of fove-
 
 25^ 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 reignty, or power over the lives and liberties of the 
 nation by birth, allowing the people neither right nor 
 liberty, but what depends upon royal grant and plea- 
 fure, according to the tenor of that prerogative chal- 
 lenged heretofore by the Kings of England ; under 
 whom, if the commonalty enjoyed any thing they 
 might call their own, it was not to be fo much efteem- 
 ed a matter of right, as a boon and efFedt of grace 
 and favour. But the government now is to be ma- 
 naged by a perfon that is eleSlive^ and that election 
 muft take its rife originally and virtually from the peo- 
 ple, as we fhall fully evince by and by, in particglar, 
 and fhew that all power, both leg Hative and execu- 
 tive, doth flow from the community ; than which there 
 cannot be greater evidence of publick freedom [d)i* 
 
 * We fee our friends have taken in the good of all 
 
 the three forts of government, and bound them all 
 in one. If war be, here is the unitive virtue (but no- 
 thing elfe) of monarchy to encounter it ; and here is 
 the admirable counfel of ariflocraiie to manage it : 
 if peace be, here is the induftry and courage of <le- 
 mocrafie to improve it. And whereas in the prefent 
 conftitution, the legiflative and executive powers are 
 feperated; the former being vefted in a conilanv fuc- 
 ceffion of parliaments eledtive by the people, the lat- 
 ter in an elective Lord Protestor and his fucceflbrs, 
 aflifted by a council \ we conceive the ftate of this 
 commonwealth reduced to fo juft a teniper, that the 
 ills either of fucceflive parliaments, furniflied with 
 power both of executing and making laws, cr of a 
 perpetual parliament, (which are divilion, fadlion, 
 and confufion) being avoided on the one fide, and the 
 inconveniences of an abfolute lordly power on the other; 
 the frame of government appears fo well bounded on 
 both fides, that we hope it may now (through the 
 blelling of God) piove a feafonable mean (as for the 
 better defending thefe dominions againft enemies a- 
 broad, and promoting our intereft in foreign parts, fo 
 alfo) of peace and fettlement to thisdiftraded nation ; 
 and be of durable continuance to fucceeding ages (*).' 
 In this manner was the eredtion of the protectorate de- 
 fended.
 
 / 
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 351 
 
 fended. By the fame writer we find it endeavoured to 
 be proved, * That by this fettlement all the grand a<?ts 
 
 * of fovereignty were either immediately, or influeijitially 
 
 * lodged in the people ; and that the obje^lions againfl: 
 
 * it were ill founded.' After which follows a little pa- 
 negyric on Cromwell and his new government, in the 
 following words : * As touching the perfon, whom the 
 
 * Lord hath now advanced and fet over us to be our fu- . 
 
 * pream magillrate, we (hall not fay much, becaufe he 
 
 * feeks not the praife of men ; only we believe even the 
 ' enemies will confcfs that he is every way worthy to rule, 
 
 * whom God hath been pleafed to u{e as his inftrument 
 ' in that glorious work of redeeming the liberties of his 
 
 * people ; for we are bold to fay (weighing all circum- 
 
 * (tances together) that this nation was never really free, i 
 
 * nor in a way of enjoying its freedom fo fully as now ; * 
 ' fo that there wants nothing but a cordial clofe with the 
 
 ' government, to deflroy ail hopes of the common ene- (?) Cafeof 
 
 * my, and compleat our happinefs (<>).' This piece ^^^ ^<""- 
 
 is referred to by Cromwell for fatisfa£lion concerning ™°"J^" * 
 his government, in one of his fpeeches to the parlta- ■ 
 snent ( f), and it was alfo tranflated into Latin, for a f^l^"^^" 
 
 * n r Tin r • • • > liarrhentary 
 
 juftincation abroad. What force there ism it, the rea- Hiftory,voi. 
 der may form fome judgment by the above extracts. '"f- P'4'9' 
 
 No fooner had the inauguration of Cromwell been 
 
 performed, but ' he and his council had feveral appli- 
 
 * cations and addrefTes made to them from divers confi- 
 
 * derable places, acknowledging his power and govern- (p-) whlt- 
 ' ment, and promifmg obedience to it (g).' Indeed ioc!-> p- 
 there was an almoft univerfal acquiefcence for the pre-5^?* 
 fent, as is owned by a mortal foe to Crcmweil, in the 
 following pafTage. ' That which difpofed the minds of 
 
 ' the people to abftain from a prefent proteftation againft 
 
 * this government, befides the agony of the late con- 
 
 * fufions, and the aftonifhment upon the new wonder- 
 
 * ful alteration, was, that it was but temporary, and 
 
 * that limited to a very (hort time j a free parliament 
 
 * was to be called within fo many months, which was 
 
 * entirely to confider and fettle the government of the 
 ' kingdom, and to remove all thofe obftruclions which 
 ' hinder the peace and happinefs of the nation, and to 
 
 . « re-
 
 352 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 and dreaded (aaa) by the nations around 
 
 him. 
 
 ' reftore it to that tranquillity and quiet it bad been fo 
 (i-j Letter c lono; deprived of ; and the prote6ior was fworn to a 
 
 trorn si true or r 
 
 and lawfil ' <3ue obferVcition of all thofe articles, which he had 
 Member of' ' himfelf prcfcrlbed for his own rules and bounds, and 
 w^neofthe ' ^^^^^^^^^ the ipore hope that he would be contented 
 
 Lords of his* to be limited by them {h},' The truth is, by the 
 
 Highnefies powcf and artifice of Oliver the government of England 
 
 <'j*"!ito.' ^' ^^^ ^Q^ri diflblved, and a new one was now erected, 
 
 1656. which promifed fair enough for the prefervation and hap- 
 
 pinefs of the community. Nothing therefore remained 
 
 for the people to do, but to fubmit unto it, and make 
 
 the beft of it. •• The Obligation of fubjtrcts to the fo- 
 
 * vereign, fays Mr. Hobbs, is underftood to laft as long, 
 
 * and no longer, than the power lafteth, by which he 
 
 * is able to protect them. For the right men have by 
 ' nature to protect themfelves, when none elfe can pro- 
 ' te6l them, can by no covenant be relinquifhed. The 
 ' fovereignty is the foul of the commonwealth j which 
 ' once departed from the body, tl.e members do no 
 
 * more receive tlieir motion from it. The end of obe- 
 
 * dience is protection J which, wherefoever a man fecth 
 
 * it, either in his own, or in another's fword, nature 
 ' applyeth his obedience to it, and his endeavour to 
 ' maintain it. And though fovereignty, in the inten- 
 
 * tion of them that make it, be immortal ; yet it is ia 
 
 * its own nature, not only fubjeCt to violent death, but 
 ' foreign war ; but alfo through the ignorance and paf- 
 
 (0 Levia- t fions of men, it hath in it, from the very inftitution, 
 ii4.?'fo1. * many feeds of natural mortality, by inteftine dif- 
 Lond.1651. ' cord (/'].' 
 
 (aaa) He rlvhled the great eft of cur monarchs in gl:ry^ 
 
 and made himfelf courted and dreaded by the nations around 
 
 h!m,~\ ' if there ever appeared in any ftate, fays 
 
 / * Wicquefort, a chief who was at the fame time both 
 
 ' tyrant and ufurper, moft certainly Oliver Cromwell was 
 
 * fuch : and yet for all that, never was there an ufurper 
 
 * lb folemnly acknowledged. Immediattly after the 
 
 * death
 
 OLIVEk CROMWELL. 35 
 
 him.- — -The peace he gave to the Dutchy 
 
 (though 
 
 * death of the late King, Don Alonfo de Cardena^y em- 
 bafladof from Spain, legitimated this baftard repub- 
 lick ; and Oliver had no fooner made himfelf fove- 
 reign, under the quality of protedtor, than all the 
 Kings of the earth proftrated themfelvcs before this 
 idol. To gratify him, the lawful King, [Chailes II.] 
 with his brothers, were driven out of ihofe kingdoms 
 and provinces, that ought to have ferved^him as pla- 
 ces of refuge or afylums. Lockart, who was embaf- 
 fador from the ufurper, was not only received in. France 
 with all the honors that could have been done to the 
 minifter of the firft monarch of Chrirtendom, but car- 
 dinal Mazarine even refufed to fee the King of Great 
 Britain, who had travelled quite through the king- 
 dom to come to him at the foot of the Pyrenean hills, 
 and would not fo much as fpeak to the perfon that 
 came from him, and waited at the door of the chief 
 minifter; who at the fame time had daily conferences 
 with the ufurpers. All that the difpoflelTed King could 
 obtairi was, that the cardinal gave him leave that the 
 Duke oi Ormond ftlould fpeak to him as he pafled 
 along, and as it were accidentally, as he came front 
 his own quarters to the ifle of the Conference. 
 * The King of Spain, who was brother- in law to the 
 deceafed King, behaved himfeJf a little better. He 
 fufFered the Con to be. in fafety at Brujpis, where he 
 alfo met with fome civilities : and his chief minifter 
 Dan Lewis de Haroy at the Pyrenean hills, fhewed him 
 that refpe£l which the cardinal had refufed him. The 
 King of France being advanced as far as the frontiers 
 of Flandersy the prote6lor fent Falconhridge his Ton- in- 
 law, to pay him thofe civilities, which Sovereigns are 
 ufed to (hew one another on like occafions : and the 
 Duke de Crequvy one of the firft Lords of France, 
 next to the Princes, was fent to Londony to thank the 
 ufurper for his civilities: and that nothing might be 
 wanting to the ceremony, the cardinal would have his 
 A a ' nephew 
 
 -»
 
 354 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 (though it has not wanted cenfurers) was 
 
 ho- 
 
 * nephew Mancini accompany the duke. The diiFe- 
 ' rence that is to be feen in the behaviour of thefe two 
 ' Kings oi F'ance and Spain, who were both nearly re- 
 ' lated to the King of England, proceeded only from 
 '■ the difference of their intereft. The SpaniJJ} embaf- 
 
 * fador had ufed his utmoft endeavours with the ufur- 
 
 * per, to engage him in the intereft of the King his 
 
 * mafter ; even to the offering him a hundred thoufand 
 
 * crowns per month, two hundred thoufand by way of 
 ' advance, and an army of twenty thoufand men to re- 
 
 * conquer Calice, Crcnntell had rejefled thefe offers ; 
 
 * and as he feared mere the neighbourhood of France^ 
 
 * than he hoped for advantage from the languifhing and 
 
 * remote ftrength of Spain, he fided with the firft, whofe 
 ' friend he became ; by that means obliging the other 
 
 {h) tmbaf- * to be fo to the King of Great Britain ^ whofe three 
 faaor, and t kingdoms he had ufurpcd (/?>).* 
 
 .'"„ "!!*^.- JVuqu^fort has not exaasieratcd matters in this ac- 
 tions, p. J7» ' •' ^ =* ,_-, 
 
 count: for by the beft authority we are told, * That. 
 ' upon Oliver's affuming the government, both thofe. 
 ' crowns [^France and Spain"] applied to him. Don. 
 
 * Alonjo de Cardenas, the Spanijh ambaflador then re-/ 
 ' fiding here, in a private audience, congratulated his^ 
 
 - ' accefs to the government, exprefTing the great fatif- 
 *• fadion his mafter had received therein ; in whofe 
 
 * name he did alfure him of the true and conftant friend- 
 ' fliip of Spayne, in the condition that he then ftood j 
 
 * or if he would go a ftep farther and take upon him the 
 ' crown, that his matter would venture the crown of 
 
 (;)Thuiloe, < 5/!/?) w to defend him in it j with many other expref- 
 
 ^^ ' ** ^* * fions of kindnefs and gooJ-will (/).' The diftinc- 
 
 tion with which the Englijh ambalfador in France was 
 
 treated, will be beft explained by a letter of Loci/^fl'/'s 
 
 to Tkurte, dated Pam, May 7, 1656 ' My lafl 
 
 * from St. Dennis told your honour, that I was to lodge 
 y at Paris that night. As I was going to my coach,. 
 
 * Mr. Sw^t returned from the cardinal (from whom he 
 
 » re-
 
 O L I V E R C R M W E L L. ^SS 
 
 honourable to himfelf, and the nation* He 
 
 prc- 
 
 * received extraordinary civilities) and told me his etiii- 
 
 * nence earneftly defired, that I would do him (as he 
 
 * faid) honor, to receive a vifit from him next day at 
 
 * St. Dennis. Upon this I refolved to ftay there till 
 
 ' Monday morning. Upon the Lord's day, I received a ' 
 
 * very kind welcome from him by the matter of the 
 
 * houfe, and a letter very full of kind expreffions. Af- 
 
 * ter my arrival at Paris, I renewed my defire both to 
 
 * his eminence and count Bryen for audience, which is 
 
 * promifed me to morrow at night ; and after I am af- 
 
 * fured by a perfbn of quality fent to me this morning 
 
 * by the cardinal, that 1 fhall have the freedom allowed 
 
 * me to wait upon him as often as I will. Count Bulion 
 
 * fent alfo to me this morning, to tell me that he was 
 
 * commanded by the King to wait upon me this day to 
 
 * congratulate my fafe arrival into France -y and was very 
 
 * earned with me to appoint him an hour, which I C-^ITliurW^ 
 
 * left to his own difcretion and conveniency [k)' Lord I^i'.'^' ^' 
 Fauconberg's reception in France is thus related by him- 
 felf, in a letter to H. Cromwell, dated Whitehall, June 
 
 8, 1658. ' I am now returned from the French 
 
 ' courtj where I have had the honourableft reception 
 
 * imaginable. The King did not only keepe bare at 
 ' my publique audiences, but, when I made him a pri- 
 
 * vate vifit, he talked with me in the garden an hour or 
 
 * two uncovered. From the cardinal the honours I had 
 ' vi^ere particular and unufual: he waved the flate of a 
 
 * publique audience, came out of his own room to 
 
 * meet me, led me prefently into his cabinet; after an 
 
 * hour's difcourfe in private, he conducted me downe to 
 
 * the very door, where my coach flood, a ceremony he 
 
 * difpenfes with not only to all others, but even to the 
 
 * King himfelf. The charge of two very handfome ta- 
 
 * b!es were defrayed (for myfelf and followers) by the 
 
 * King, all the while I ftayed. In fumme, through all 
 
 * their ailions not the leaft circumftance was omitted, 
 
 * that might witnefs the truth of thefe refpefls they 
 
 A a 2 * bears
 
 356 THELIFEOF 
 
 prefcribed the conditions, and they were 
 
 forced 
 
 {/) Vol. vii. * beare his highnefle and the 'Englijh nation (/).' With 
 p. 158. what deteftation foever princes may fpeak of ufurpers, 
 we fee they fubmit to pay them the tribute of adula- 
 tion, when they fuppofe it for their intereft : and though 
 with abhorrence they fpeak of thefe men as meer tyrants 
 and rebels, none are more follicitous to obtain their fa- 
 vour and affiftance. A very edifying example, truly ! 
 Mazarine was bitterly reproached by fome of the French 
 for his extream fubmiffion to Cromwell^ as we find in 
 the following paflage : * thefe are the people [his friends 
 
 * and counfellorsj who make you treat with Cromwell in 
 I \ A J • . * a manner fo mean and injurious to the French nation ; 
 
 \m) Advice J i<-i-/i- j 
 
 to Card. ' who advife you to lower our flags before his Ihips, and 
 Mazarine, c ^^o are willing to allow him the title of prote<3or 
 RctVivic"/ ' of l^e proteftants of that kingdom (m)/ In fhort, 
 moirs, vol, the courtfliip of the two crowns to Oliver, was fo great 
 IV, p. 247. and vifible that it expofed them to laughter. ' f he 
 »mo. 4 Dutch flruck a medal with the buft of Cromwell and 
 ' his titles on one fide, with Britannia onlhz other ^ 
 ' and Cromwell thrufting his head in her bofom, with 
 
 * his breeches down and his backfide bare, the Spanijh 
 ! * embaflador ftooping to kifs it, while the French em- 
 
 * baflador holds him by the arm, with thefe words in- 
 ^ _. * fcribed. Retire tot, Phonneuraparttent au Roi mon maitre, 
 phiaBritap- * t. t. Come back, that honor belongs to the King my 
 nica, p. t matter {n)* This medal is yet preferved in feveral 
 '5^4* Dutch cabinets. It was faid alfo that a ' pidure had 
 
 * been fet to fale at Pont-neuf [in Paris^ wherein the 
 ' lord protestor was fitting on a dofe-flole at his bufi- 
 
 * nefs, and the King of Spain on the one fide, and the 
 (o)Thurloe, * King of /Vtfw^ on the other, offering him paper to, 
 
 vol.m.p. ( ^jpg his breech (ff).' Indeed the friendfhip of O//- 
 
 f\\, ■ ver was earneftly fought after by moft of the Kings and 
 ^theHoufe Pfinccs of his age. Frederick IVilliam, elector oi Bran- 
 of Branden- denbuTg, whofe fame is rendered immortal by the pen of 
 burg, p.92. j^jg royal defcendant, courted the friendfhip of Crom- 
 
 i2mo Lond. ■' , . , , . , , . , • • /- i 1 > t 
 
 P73S. W"* {p)» rVbit ock in a letter to his hignnels dated Up-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 
 
 forced to accept of them, though at the ex- 
 pense 
 
 ZS7 
 
 fal, January 13, 1653, gives him a particular account 
 of the joy the Queen of Suedcti exprefled on his aflum- 
 ing the protectorate, and in conclufion adds, * She told 
 
 * me {he would write herfeif to my lord prote6tor, and 
 ' defired me in my letters to acquaint your highnefs, 
 « that no perfon had a greater efteem and refpedl of 
 
 * your highnefs than {he had, which {he would be ready 
 
 * to manifeft, and was very joyful for this good news (f)Thurlof, 
 
 * from England {q).^ The Yi\n<^oi Denmark fent over a ^o'-ii^P* 
 perfon to congratulate his highnefs, the lord protedlor, ^^* 
 and was overjoyed that he was included in the Dutch 
 treaty. The terms given to the King of ^ortugal^ and 
 
 the manner of demanding fatisfadtion for his not exe- 
 cuting the treaty figned by his embafTador, will much 
 illuftrate the high charader Cromwell bore among his 
 fellow fovereigns, and partly account for it. It is well 
 known that the brother of the Portugal ambaflador, with 
 his mafler of horfe, were concerned in a murder in Lon- 
 don'y that they took refuge in his houfe as in a fandtuary; 
 that being delivered up they were tried, and notwith- 
 flanding the plea of public charadter made by the bro- 
 ther, were condemned, and accordingly executed. <The 
 
 * Portugu?fe ambaflador at eight of the clock in the 
 
 * morning figned a treaty with the protestor, and de- 
 ' parted from Grave/end at ten. His brother was be- 
 
 * headed in the afternoon, and his man hanaed at Ty- 
 
 * burn (r).' This was on the icth of July, 1654. ^''^ ^'^' ?♦ 
 It may well enough be thought the treaty was not dif- 
 honourable to Englmd *. ' In one of the articles 
 
 ' agreed with the ambaflador it was expreffed, that the 
 
 * The lord chancellor Hyde, in his fpeech to both houfes. May 8, 
 1661, calls 'this treaty, in very many refpeftj, the moft advantageous 
 
 * to this nation that ever was entered into with any prince or people.* 
 And again, in the fame fpeech, he lays, * every article in it but one [a 
 
 * liberty given to Portugal to make levies of ten thoufand men for their 
 
 * fervicej was entirely for the benefit of this nation, for the extraordi- 
 
 * nary advancement of trade, for the good of religion, and for the ho- 
 
 * nour of the crown.'— —Lives of the Lord Chancellors, vol, ii. p. 17a, 
 
 A a 3 * mer-
 
 J558 THELIFEOF 
 
 pence of the houfe of Orange^ to whom 
 
 they 
 
 * merchants (hould enjoy liberty of confcience in the 
 ' worfhip of God in their own houfes and aboard their 
 
 * fhips, enjoying alfo the ufe of EngUJh Bibles, and 
 
 * other good books, taking care, that they did not ex^ 
 
 * ceed this liberty.' This article does honor to the hu- 
 manity of Cromwell. But the King of Portugal, who 
 was under the influence of fuperftition and her priefts, 
 ftuck at confirming a treaty fo contrary to their maxims 
 and views. * Upon fending Mr. Meadavs, fays the 
 ' proteftor, unlefs we will agree to fubmit this article 
 ' to the determination of the Pope^ we cannot have it ; 
 
 * whereby he would bring us to an owning of the Pope, 
 
 * which we hope, whatever befall us, we fhall not, by 
 
 * the grace of God, be brought unto. And upon the 
 
 * fame ifllie is that article put, whereby it is provided 
 
 * and agreed by his ambaffador, that any fhips coming 
 
 * to that harbour, any of whofe company, if they ihall 
 
 * run from their faid {hips {ha!l be brought back again 
 < by the magiftrate, and the commanders of the faid 
 
 * Ihips not required to pay the faid runaways their wa- 
 
 * ges, upon pretence that they are turned Catholiques, 
 V * which may be colour for any knave to leave his duty, 
 
 * or for the Roman Catholiques to feduce our men, 
 
 * which we thought necelTary to be provided againft ; 
 
 * yet to this alfo, as I faid before, they would not con- 
 
 * fent without the approbation of the Pope, although it 
 
 * was agreed alfo by their ambaflador. Upon the whole 
 
 * matter, we find them very falfe to us, who intended 
 
 * nothing but what was fimply hone(i.' To treat 
 
 farther with men of this caft of mind, Olii'er, I fup» 
 pofe, thought was bootlefs. He knew the right way to 
 go to work with them j and he took it. This appears 
 from the inftru£tions he gave, Aday 6, 1656, to the ge- 
 nerals Blake, and Mcuntagiie, in the following words ; 
 ' Whereas the King oi Portugal doth re f ufe to ratify 
 
 * the treaties lately made with this commonwealth by 
 
 * his extraordinary ambaflador here, or to perform any 
 
 1 * part
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 359 
 
 they were in a great meafure indebted for 
 
 their 
 
 part thereof, either in what relates to the flate, or to 
 the people and merchants ; and by his proceedings 
 gives ground to believe, that nothing is lefs in his in- 
 tentions, than to give juft fatisfailion therein j where- 
 fore we do hereby authorize and require you, as it 
 ^ will confift with the prefent condition of the fleet un- 
 der your command, and with your other principal in- 
 flructions, to ufe your beft endeavours, by the fleet, 
 or fuch part thereof as you ihall judge neceflary, to 
 take, arreft, and feize upon the fleet or fleets belong- 
 ing to the King of Portugal, or any of his fubje£ts, 
 with their guns, cafh, goods an'd merchandizes what- 
 ever, now expedled from the Eaft and Weft Indies^ 
 and to keep and deteyne the fame without breaking of 
 bulk or embezilment, towards fuch fatisfadion for the 
 wrongs and damages, which this flate hath fuffered 
 from Portugal, and to give notice forthwith of what 
 you (hall do therein. And in cafe any of the fhips of 
 the faid King or his people (hall make any refiftance* 
 you have hereby power to fight with, kill, and deftroy, 
 and to feek for, and burn all fuch as fhall fo refifi;. 
 Neverthelefs, if Mr. Philip Meadows., our envoy with 
 *"the King of Portugal, fhall before any feizure or a£l 
 f of hofliility as aforefaid, give you aflurance, that fa- 
 "•' tisfadtion is obtained upon the faid treaties, that this (^)'rhurloe, 
 * inftrudion (hall be void (5).* The admirals on the ^g ' '^' P' 
 receipt hereof failed towards L'lfhon, and made known 
 their orders to the Engli/h agent, who informing the 
 court, obtained a fpeedy figning of the treaty by the 
 King, and a very large funi of money for fatisfadtion ; 
 which was fhipped on board the fleet, and fent to Eng- (0 I<1- ^o'* 
 t(^n4 (t). Mountague indeed feems npt to have been well ^' ^' J^^' 
 pleafed with the peace. He thought they had now Por- 
 tugal at mercy, and fhould have impofed more rigorous 
 terms. * You have, fays he, (in a letter to Thurke^ 
 ' dated yune 17, 1636) at this time the Portugal upon 
 ' his knees, and if we had authority to make farther 
 A a 4 * de-
 
 36o THELIFEOF 
 
 their independency, and freedom. Ths 
 
 prin- 
 
 f demands, we might a(k what we would, (almoft) and 
 
 * he durft not but perform it, or his country would be 
 ' all in rebellion. But this is to no purpofe, the feafon 
 
 * being paft.' Men of fuch fpirit and refolution as 
 thcfe, were capable of executing any commands. We 
 may fuppofe an a«9ion like this muft have infpired 
 Cnmweirs neighbours with a fear of offending !- Af- 
 ter what has been re'ated in this note, the foliowing paf- 
 £ages from Eurnet well eafily find credit, efpeciaJly as fe- 
 veral pf them may be authent:cated by inconteftable 
 vouchers. * Cnrmve'l's maintaining the honor of the 
 
 * nation in all foreign countries, gratifyed the vanity 
 
 * which is very natural to Englijlmtn ; of which he was 
 
 * io careful, that though he was not a crowned head, 
 ' yet his ambifladors had all the refpecl paid them 
 
 * which our Kings ambafladors ever had. He faid the 
 
 * dignity of the crown was upon tjie account of the 
 ' nation, of which the King was only the reprefenta- 
 ' tive head, fo the nation being ftili the fame, he would 
 
 * have the fame regards paid to his minifters. An- 
 
 * other inftance of this pleafcd him much. Blake witk 
 
 * the fleet ha pencd to be at Aldlaga^ before he made 
 
 * war upon Spain : and lome of his feamen went on 
 
 * (hore, and met the hoflie carried about ; and not only 
 
 * paid no reipect to it, but laughed at thofe that did. 
 
 * So one of the priefts put the people on refenting this 
 
 * indignity ; and they fell upon them and beat them fe- 
 f verely. When they returned to their fhip they com- 
 
 * plained , of this ufage; and upon that Blake fent a 
 f trumpet to the viceroy, to demand the prieft who was 
 
 * the chief inftrument in that ill ufage. The Viceroy 
 
 * anfwered he ha(> no authority over the prieft, and fo 
 f could not difpofe of him. Blake upon that fent him 
 f word, that he woulJ not enquire who had the power 
 
 * to fend the prieft to him, but if he were not fent 
 
 * within three hours he would burn their town : and 
 
 * they, being in no condition to refift him, fent the prieit 
 
 * to
 
 OLIVER OROMWELL. 361 
 
 ,>i^rincipal articles of it, I (hall mention be- 
 low. 
 
 to him, who juflified himfelf upon the petulant be- 
 haviour of the feamen. Blake anfwered, that if'he 
 had fent a complaint to him of it, he would have pu- 
 nifhed them feverely, fince he would not fufFer his 
 men to affront the eftabliftied religion of any place 
 at which he touched : but he took it ill, that he fet 
 
 * on the Spaniards to do it ; for he would have all the 
 ' world to know, that an Englijhman was only to be 
 ' punifhed by an Englijkman. So he treated the prieft 
 ' civilly, and fent him back, being fatisfied that he had 
 ' him at his mercy. Cromwell was much delighted with 
 ' this, and read the letters in council with great fatif- 
 ' fadion ; and faid, he hoped, he (hould make the 
 ' name of an Englijhman as great as ever that of a Ro- 
 
 ' man had been. Theftates of Holland were in fuch 
 
 ' dread of him, that they took care to give him no fort 
 
 * of umbrage : and when at any time the King or his 
 ' brothers came to fee their fifter, the Princefs /Royal, 
 
 ^ within a day or two after they ufed to fend a depu- • 
 ^ tation to let them know that Cromwell had required of 
 f the States that they fliould give them no harbour. 
 ' King Charles^ when he was feeking for colours for the 
 ^ war with the Dutch in the year 1672, urged it for 
 
 * one, that they fufFered fome of his rebels to live in 
 
 * their provinces. Barely then their ambaflador, an- 
 f fwered, that it was a maxim of long (landing among 
 ' them, not to enquire upon what account ftrangers 
 
 * came to live in their country, but to receive them all, 
 f unlefs they had been concerned in confpiracies againft 
 
 * the perfons of Princes. The King told him upon 
 
 * that, how they had ufed both himielf and his bro- 
 
 * ther. Borel., in great fimplicity, anfwered : Hal 
 ' Sire^ c' etoit une autre chofe : Cromwell etsit un grand 
 ' homme.^ ^ il je fat jolt craindre ^ par terre^ par mer. 
 
 * This was very rough. The King's anfwer was : 'Je 
 ' me jerat craindre aujft a mon tour : but he was fcarce 
 f as good as his word, All Italy trembled at the 
 
 * name
 
 362 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 low (bbb), for the information of my rea- 
 ders, 
 
 ' Qzvneoi Cromwell, and Teemed under a pannick fear 
 
 * as long as he lived. His fleet fcoured the Med'tterra- 
 
 (»)Vol. i. ^'nean: and the Ta?;^^ durft not offend him; but de- 
 
 ?' '*s ' alfo * levered up Hide, who kept up the character of an am- 
 
 "Thurloe, ' baflador from the King there, and was brought over 
 
 ▼ol. iii. p.6. « and executed for it («).' Many more proofs might 
 
 be brought of CromvuelPs being courted and feared by 
 
 the nations around him. But thefe poiTibly may be 
 
 deemed fufficient : if rfot, many things will be found 
 
 in the following notes more fully to coniirm it. 
 
 (bbb) The principal articles of the ptace I faall mention 
 le^ow.'} In the note (mm) I have given an account of 
 the commencement of the Dutch war, and the nego- 
 tiations for peace until the interruption of the parlia- 
 ment by the power of Ci omwell. From this change in 
 the government, the enemy expelled many advantages. 
 But tbey foon found themfelves miftaken ; for the'pre- 
 parations for war were carried on with equal diligence 
 as before, and the Dutch found to their coft that they 
 had people of like fpirit and refolution to deal with. 
 For notwithftanding the ridicula with which the little 
 parliament is almoft con H a ntly/ treated, they fhewed 
 bravery in carrying on the war^ juftice, generofity and 
 good policy in rewarding the gallantry of their admi- 
 rals, and inferiour commanders ; and a regard to the 
 honor of the nation in the terms they infifted on to 
 make peace. * In the year 1653 *, a bloody battle was 
 
 * fought between Van Tromp and the Englijh admirals 
 
 * Dean and Moncke, wherein the DuUh were wortled, 
 
 * which occafioned tumults in Holland: and the fame 
 
 * year in Auguji, there was another bloody engagement, 
 ' wherein the Dutch were again defeated, and F<v« 
 
 * Tromp flain in the action. The refl of the fleet be- 
 
 * ing by this time cruelly broken and (battered, dif- 
 
 -|- GeftaBri- • This fea-fight was on the ad and 3d of June, the next on the 29th 
 tannorum, and 30th of July following -f. S« that Mr. Burchett was negligent and 
 Lond. 1659- miAak^n, 
 
 < cour-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 36^ 
 
 ders, who will doubtlefs be pleafed to find 
 
 the 
 
 difcouraged by this lofs, made the.beft of their way 
 to the Texel. The Engiijh having funk thirty three 
 of the enemies fhips in this battle, and taken about 
 twelve hundred prifoners (which notwithftanding the 
 forbidding to give or receive quarter by Moncke in the 
 beginning of the adtion, they compciffionately took 
 up as they were fwimming about) did not think fit 
 to purfue far, but retired to Schbiy^ having purchafed 
 the victory with confiderable lofs ; for they had four 
 hundred men and eight captains flain or drowned in 
 the fight, and about feven thoufand wounded. The ,^^^ g^,j._ 
 Dutch had fufFered fo extreamly, that they prefently chett's Na- 
 fued for a peace, and were glad to accept it on Crom- »^' Hiftory, 
 weir?, own terms (*•).' The principal conditions oi^^^^J*^^' 
 this peace, concluded y^r// 5, 1654, were, * That 1720. 
 neither of the two republics ftiouid give reception, 
 fuccour, proteflion, or affiftance to the enemies, or 
 rebellious fubjefts of the other; that the freedom 
 of navigation and commerce fhould be reftored [fav- 
 ing all the laws and ftatutes of either commonwealth 
 refpedlively] between the two nations, who obliged 
 themfelves, reciprocally, to defend each others fhips 
 in cafe they were attacked by any other power ; but 
 the fuperiority of the flag was entirely yielded to Eng^ 
 land^ and the Dutch men of war were to ftrike theic 
 colours to the EngUjh^ upon all occafions. The re-, 
 public of the United-Provinces, obliged herfelf to pro-x. 
 fecute and punifli the authors of the maflacre of Am- 
 boyna, if they were yet alive; and to fend com mif- 
 fioners to London to adjuft the difputes of the feveral 
 India companies of both nations, and to fettle the 
 amount of the lofles fuftained by the Engiijh in the 
 Eajl Indies^ Brazil^ Mufcovy^ and Greenland, &c. 
 that reftitution might be made by the States-General ; 
 and if the commiflioners appointed by the two na- 
 tions fhould not be able to adjuft the points in dif-. 
 pute, then the decifion of them was to be left to the
 
 364 THELIFEOF 
 
 the right of the Britijh flag aflerted, and 
 
 fatif- 
 
 * Swtfs Cantons, who were pitched upon for arbitrators. 
 
 * The King of Denmark after a great deal of di^iculty •. 
 
 * on the part ot Cromwell, was included in the treaty 4 
 
 * as an ally of Holland^ the States- General engaging 
 
 * to make good the lofTes that the Englijh merchants 
 ' hai fuftained by the feizure that prince had made of 
 
 * their fhips in the port of Ccpenha^ei. Laftly, in or- 
 ' der to render the alliance firm and lafliri|[, the States- 
 
 »^*s"Ba- * General promifed not to confer the fupream command 
 taviailiuf- ' of their forces, either by fea or land, upon any per- 
 «rata,vol.ii, i fon who would not oblige himfelf by oath to an ex- 
 
 tond°i728' ' ^^ obfervation of the treaty [y).* The province 
 
 And Mer- of Holland^ by a feparate article, engaged never to per- 
 cuyiusPoli- mit the Prince of Orange to be ftadtholder, or any of 
 tc^-Kzol' 1^'s defcendants. The other provinces, againft their wills, 
 p. 3457. afterwards did the like. Mr, Hume ha- added, * That 
 3462. « eighty-five thoufend pounds were ftipulated to be paid 
 
 ' by the Dutch Eaji India company for lofl'es which the 
 
 * Engljjh company had fuftained; and the ifland oiPo- 
 fz;) Hift. of " lerone in the EaJi Indies was promifed to be yielded toi 
 wiT'^TO? •• ' ^^^ latter (z)/ Nothing of this appears in the treaty 
 P- 5*S« ' '**'^'^' ^''- Bi^^rijh^ however^ inform- us, * That the 
 
 * Dutch complied very exadily with the terms of the 
 
 * treaty, and fent commiflioners into England /w\th\n the 
 
 * limited time, who agreed to rellore the ifle of P«/^- 
 
 * rone, to make fatisfadlion to the heirs and executors o( 
 
 * thofe who had been mafTacred at Amboyna, and to fur- 
 
 * nifh nine hundred thoufand livres, at two payments^ 
 (d) Batavia < by wav of compofition, for all the pretenfions England 
 vifir^ * might' hitherto have againft them (^).' 
 
 533. Crcjmvell carried things with an high hanrf durmg 
 
 this whole affair. The £)«.'f A deputies were plainly told,, 
 
 * That if the treaty was not figned before their depar- 
 ' * ture from hence, and mutual engagements pafTed for 
 
 * the ratification thereof within a time now to be agreed 
 
 * upon, his highnefs doth declare, that he fhall not hold 
 
 * hiiTifelf obliged thereunto to any the parts thereof, 
 
 * but
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 365 
 
 fatlsfadlion dipulated for the murders at Am- 
 
 boyna. 
 
 * but (hall account the treaty to be at an end {b).' And {b) Tbur- 
 by the treaty the States-General were to pay down in lo^>vGLi, 
 London 5000/. fterling, towards the charges ot the mer- ^' 
 chants in going to Denmark about tlieir goods and ef- 
 
 fe«fts detained there j 20OCO rix-dollars to luch of them 
 as Oliver fliould appoint on their arrival in Denmark^ for 
 repairing their fhips and fittingthem for fca ; and caution 
 and fecurity was to be given alfo by fufficient men, Jiv- 
 ing in Lon(lo>i^ that reditution fhould be made bv the 
 States- General for the damages done by Denmark to the 
 merchants. This fecurity was 140,000/. fterling ; the 
 States gave a bond to 'fome merchants for the above 
 fum, and the ambafladurs were forced to give them ano- (f)i3. vd, 
 
 ther for 20,000 /. more to fave them harmlefs {c). "• ?• *47' 
 
 The peace was proclaimed at London April I7, 1654, 
 with great folemnity : after which the ambafi'adors were 
 entertained at dinner by the Protedor; the mufic playing 
 all the while. * The Lord Prote6ior, adds the ambaf- 
 
 * fador, (from whofe relation i give this) had us into 
 
 * another room, where the Lady ProtecSlrice and others 
 
 * came to us, where we had alfo mulic and voices, and 
 
 * a Pfalm fung, which his highnefs gave us, and told 
 
 * us, that it was yet the beft paper that had been ex- ,.,, 
 ' changed between us («j. Lromwell was caietul to 2-7. 
 
 acl Hill in charadler. 1 have obferved in the text, 
 
 that this peace has not wanted cenfurers. ^r. Lud low 
 feems to blame it, becaufe there was no provifion, ffiade 
 
 by this treaty for the coalefcence fo much infifted upon 
 during the adminiftration of affairs by the parliament (f) j(-) ^°^- "• 
 Mr. Stubbe for its leaving undecided the fovereignty of /Vl Farther 
 the feas, and the rights of the fiihery (/) j and we are toid Juftifica- 
 that Moncke refented it ' as a bafe treachery in domtvell^ to f»°n> ?• 6€. 
 ' make a fudden peace with the J^z/Zr/;, and betray all the 
 
 * advantages of the war, that he might go up to the C?^^"'"- 
 ' throne with more peace and fatisfa£Hon (^).' To all jvionck ^p. 
 which I may add that Mr. Burnjh obferves, ' That 74. 
 
 * Crcmwell's acceptation of the exdufion of the young 
 
 ' Prince
 
 366 THE LIFE OF 
 
 boyna. On this occafion medals were ftruck 
 by the Dutch^ and poetical panegyrics (ccc) 
 
 in 
 
 * Prince of Orange, in lieu of the coalition, is an unde- 
 
 * niable ' proof, that he demanded the latter, from a 
 
 * motive of felf-intereft ; becaufe, fays he, I dare affirm, 
 lU^ftaT" * it could not be the intereft of the nation to abolifti 
 voi.ii. p! ' the office of ftadiho'der {h).' The reader will make 
 5*9- his own remarks on thefe cenfures. I will clofe this 
 
 hote with obferving, that the parliament had drawn out 
 
 a fummary of the damages fuftained by the Engiijh com- 
 
 Vt) Milton's pany in the Eoji Indies from the Dutch Eaji India com- 
 
 ^ofe pany, and had made the fum total 1,681,996/. 15 j. (/) 
 
 ii.p. 2oxT' f*robably, they had not confidered the Dutch claims on 
 
 the Erglijh at that time. 
 
 (ccc) Medals were Jlruck hy the Dutch, and ■poetical 
 panegyrics made on Oliver.] The Dutch ftruck three 
 medals on this joyful occafion. Thefe medals repre- 
 fented, 
 
 I. Neptune on 2. czx, drawn by two fea-horfes. The 
 fliields of arms o^ England and Holland, borne on his 
 knees; on each fide of him a Triton fwimming; and on 
 the top a Caduceus, which fupports Mercury^s winged 
 hat between too branches of a palm. — Round the me- 
 dal is a verfe from Terence^ altered thus, Amaniium Ires 
 
 Amicitia Redintegratio eft.. On the reverfe was this 
 
 infcription in Dutch, — ' In memory of the peace, union, 
 and folemn confederacy concluded at Wejlminjler, April 
 15, between his highnefs the Lord Protedlor of the 
 commonwealth of Englanc^, Scotland, and Ireland, and 
 their High Mightinefles the States-General of the Unit- 
 ^dcProvinces; of which the ratifications were duly ex- 
 iged by both parties, Afay 2, and publiflied the* 
 of the fame month, i^ievear 1654, N. S,' 
 'wo women ^ttia^PH^er, jointly fupporting 
 as an emblem of the Irobrty of the two repub- 
 he EngUJh dame bear s* on her knees a harp, 
 : DutJ? has a Belgic lyon couching at her feet. 
 
 « Men-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 367 
 
 in praife of Oliver were compofed by fome 
 
 of 
 
 * Mentibus unltis prifcus procul abfit Amaror, 
 
 * Pilea ne fubito parta Cruore ruant.' 
 
 On the exergue. 
 
 * Conclufa decimo quinto ^/nV/V, anno 1654.' 
 
 Reverfe. 
 
 Two (hips, one carrying the colours of Holland^ and the 
 
 other that of the States. 
 
 * Luxuriat gemino nexu tranquilla Salo res, 
 
 * Excipit unanimes totius orbis amor.* 
 
 3. The figures of ..Peace and Juftice, with their em- 
 blems. 
 
 * Hse mlhi erunt artes.' 
 
 Reverfe. 
 
 * Quod fcelix fauflumque fit. Pofl: atrox Bellum, quod 
 
 * inter AngUca Belgicaque reipublicas redtores, bis fruf- 
 
 * tra tentatis pacis conditionibus, anno 1654 exarfit, 
 
 * in quo maximis utrinque Claffibus, fex Septentrionaliy 
 
 * duo Mediterraneo Mar'i^ pugnata funt cruenta praelia, 
 ' Dei Optinii Maximi Beneficio, Aufpiciis Olivarii, 
 ' MagncE Britannia Protedoris, Faederati Belgii Ordi- 
 
 * num. Pax cum antiquo Faedere reftituta ; cujus opti- 
 
 * mas rerum in memoriam fempiternam fenatus popu- (*)Parlia- 
 
 * lufque Amjlelodamenfii hoc monumentum fieri cura- ^^^^"^^ » 
 
 * runt {ky J. p'^;86; 
 
 I have mentioned poetical panegyrics above. Thefe 
 now are to be given an account of. It had been, as it 
 yet is, the cuftom for the univerfities of this kingdomj^^'^jC 
 to compofe poems in different languages to celebrate the] '^'■-** 
 inaugurations and the illuftrious a6^ions of princes^. 
 Among thefe latter, ihe.fettlement "of peace and fnend-- 
 (hip upon honourable and beneficial terms, with a. na-. 
 tion with whom they contended, has ever juftly been, 
 deemed moft glorious, Inafmuch as the end therebyns 
 
 accom'
 
 368 T ^j[ E L I F E^ O F 
 
 of both univerfities, whofe names fland in 
 
 the 
 
 accompliflied, and the blood and treafure of the peo- 
 ple preferved, as well as their eafe and fafety (ecured. 
 On fuch an occafionj therefore, as the peace with the 
 Dutch^ it was but natural for the mufes to exult. And, 
 in fa<S, they did it. The moft learned men, the heft 
 gcniufes, and thofe who afterwards made the greateft 
 figure in the literary world, joined in celebrating this 
 glorious event. The verfes compofed at Cambridge 
 were publiflied there, with the following title ; ' Oliva 
 
 * Pacis. Ad Illultriflimum Celfiflimumque Oliverum, 
 
 * Reipub. AngUae, Scotiae, & Hibernize Dominum Pro- 
 (/) Ex cele- c jedtorem ; de Pace cum Faederatis Belgis felieiter fan- 
 JdTmijeTy-* ^'^^J Carmen Cantabrigienfe (/j.* Dr. Seaman, vice- 
 pographeo. chancellor, introduces them to his highnefs in a poem, 
 '4to. 1654* Qf which the following lines make a fmall part. 
 
 Des venlam ; nomen. Dux inviiEliflime, veftrum 
 
 Noftris infcriptum verfibus efle finas. 
 
 Te Prote£lorem Refpublica noftra falutat 
 
 Te Dominum, domino tu mihi major eris. 
 
 Quam facile eft, Olivere, tuum grandefcere nomen. 
 
 Si meritis titulos accumulare licet. 
 
 Primus Marte, nee Arte minor, pletate fecundus 
 
 Nulli, Militias gloria, Pacis amor. 
 
 Te Duce, folennes agit Anglia laita triumphosy 
 Junfto cum Batavis foedere tuta magis. 
 
 Among the names fubfcribed to the poems that fol- 
 low after, are Arrcwfmith^ Tuckney and Horton, men of 
 fame in their own days ; then come thofe o^Whuhcot., and 
 Cudworthj whofe fame llill furvives, and whofe writings 
 render them immortal. Dillinghatny Duport, IForth'mg- 
 ioHy JVray \_Ray'\ Glijon^ and Bright.^ eminent for their 
 fkill in various branches of learning, bear a part in the 
 colledion, befides a variety of others, now little known 
 ©I jegarded. 
 
 The
 
 OLIVER CROMWiEXL* 369 
 
 the firft rank among the learned. Crom- 
 
 nvelly I know, has been almofl univerfally 
 blamed for breaking with Spairiy and allying 
 
 hina- 
 
 The univerfity of Oxford addrefled his highnefs like-* 
 wile. The book, in which their poems are contained^ 
 is entitled, * Mufarum Oxonienfium 'EAAIO^OPI'A. 
 
 * Sive, ob Fxfidera, Auipiciis Sereniffimi Oliveri Rei- 
 
 * pub. Ang. Scot. & Hiber. Domini Protedloris, inter 
 
 * Rempub. Biitannicam & Ordines Fcederatos Belgii 
 
 * Faeliciter Stabilita, Gentis Togatae ad vada Ifidis Ce- {m)6xorA3ii 
 
 * leufma Metricum (m).' The dedication to this 4t'»' *^S¥ 
 
 piece is in profe by Dr. Oweti^ vice-chancellor, and is 
 
 full of expreffions of gratitude to Oliver for his favours 
 to, and proteflion of the univerfity. After which we 
 have a copy of verfes by the fame hand, and a great 
 variety of others in feveral languages by different pens. 
 Zcuch, do(5lor of the civil law, Harmer^ greek-profef- 
 for, and Dr. Ralph Bathurjl, names well known in the 
 republic of letters, contributed to this colledion, and 
 joined in celebrating the protedlor. Befides thefe, we 
 find here the names of Bujby (who fo long ruled in 
 Wejln.injier fchool, and complied with every change of 
 government in his time) and Locke : the poem of the 
 latter I will here infert, as it may, I am perfuaded, be 
 acceptable to the learned reader. 
 
 Pax regit Augufti, quern vicit Julius orbem : 
 
 Ille fago faftus clarior, ille toga. 
 
 Hos fua Roma vocat magnos & numina credit, 
 
 Hie quod fit mundi vi£tor, & ille quies. 
 
 Tu bellum et pacem populis des, unus utrifq; 
 
 Major es ; ipfe orbem vincis, & ipfe regis. 
 
 Non homincm e coelo miffum Te credimus ; unus 
 
 Sic poteras binos qui fuperare deos ! 
 
 I will only add fome lines out of Mr. afterwards Dr. 
 Ssutb's poem,, in the fame colleilion.
 
 370 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 himfelf to France', whether juftly (ddd) or 
 
 no. 
 
 — Tu Dux pariter Terrae Domitorq; profundi, 
 
 Componant laudes cun(9a eiementa tuas. 
 
 Cui mens alta fubeft pelagoq; profundior ipfo, 
 
 Cujus fama fonat, quam procul unda fonat. 
 «« ********** 
 
 Tu poteras folus motos componere fkidtus. 
 Solus Ne tunum/ub tua vincla dare. 
 Magna fimul fortis vicifti & multa : Trophasis 
 TJt mare, lie pariter cedit arena tuis. 
 Nomine l-*acifico geftas infignia pacis, 
 Blandaq; per titulos ierpit Oliva tuos. 
 
 ; ^ S th's Would any one think this panegyrift fiiould after- 
 ^eln,ons, wafds, in print, iVile Cromwell * a lively copy of ^rrc- 
 voi i. p. * l,o^7n («) ?' or have the face to fay of the ruling ec- 
 L^^d '^ r ' clefiaftics of thefe times, ' that Z «//« was with them 
 ~ ' a mortal crime, and Greek, inftead of being owned 
 
 * for the language of the Holy Ghott (as in the New 
 < Ttjiament it is) was looked upon as the fm againft it ; 
 
 * fo that, in a word, they had all the confufions of 
 ' Babel amongft them without the diverfity of 
 
 [c) Id. Vol. ' tongues (o) ?' But this was Dr. South. The 
 
 iii. p. 544. volume is clofed with fome verfes from the printer to 
 his highnefs the lord protestor. This was Leonard 
 LichfieU, efquire, bedle of divinity, as he ftiles himfelf. 
 He lived to perform the fame honour to Charles II. 
 as did many of the gentlemen above mentioned. For 
 praife, for the time, follows fortune: and he who has 
 the power of conferring benefits will never want flat- 
 terers. We fee, however, from hence, that Crom- 
 well had equd honours paid him at heme as well as 
 abroad, with our kings j which was. no unacceptable 
 thing, we may allure ourfelves, to fo ambitious a 
 mind as his, who fought greedily for fame, and was 
 willing to perpetuate his name by deeds of renown. 
 (ddd) Cromwell has been blamed for his breach with 
 Spain cpid alliance with Francej but whether jujlly, &c.J 
 
 in-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 37! 
 
 no, may be queftioned, notwithftanding the 
 
 num- 
 
 Inftead of amufing the reader with the uncertain con- 
 jectures of various writers, on this very important fub- 
 jedl, I will give him Mr. Thurloe^s account of the ne- 
 gotiations between England, France and Spain, as far 
 as they relate to Oliver j then will naturally follow the 
 cenfures paft on his condudl, which will produce fome 
 obfervations tending to the prote<Slor's juftification. 
 ' Upon CromweWs afluming the government, Don 
 
 * Alohfo de Cardenas, the Spanijh ambaflador then re- 
 ' fiding in London, after making the general compll- 
 
 * ments in the high ftrain, mentioned in the note (aa a), 
 
 * came to particular propofitions on the part of Spayne^ 
 
 * propounding a conjunction between England and Spayne 
 
 * again(t France, upon two grounds: i. To bring 
 
 * Frame to a good peace, and thereby to obtain reft 
 
 * and quiet to all Chriftendome, which was miferably 
 
 * embroiled through the ambition of France, who 
 
 * would liften to no reafonable terms of peace, unlefs 
 
 * they were conftrained thereto j and the moft likely 
 
 * and vifible means to efFeil that was, by the united 
 
 * counfels and forces of England and Spayne. 2. In 
 
 * this peace the eftablilliment of Oliver in the govcrn- 
 
 * ment of thefe nations fhould be provided for, and 
 
 * particularly fecured, againft the clayme and title of 
 
 * his now Majefty \_Charles II. J ; propounding, that 
 
 * one of the articles of the peace fhould be to defend 
 
 * Oliver in the aforefaid government, declaring that 
 ' Spayne would never lay downe their arms, nor make 
 
 * peace with Frame, till that crowne alio would agree 
 
 * thereto ; by which means theftanding of Oliver would 
 
 * be made firm and ftable, having, befides his own in- 
 
 * terelt here, two of the chiefeft crownes of Europe to 
 
 * fupport and ftrengthen him : making mention herey 
 
 * by way of inducement, and to perfwade that Spa ne 
 
 * was real, and in good earneft in this particular, of the 
 
 * great difobligations, that the late King had put upon 
 ^ the King of Spayne, and the ill dealing he had re-* 
 
 li b 2 * ceived
 
 372 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 number and quality of the cenfurers. 
 
 For 
 
 the 
 
 * ceived from him in feveral rencounters, which his 
 
 * Majefty of Spjiyne did fo much refent, that there could 
 
 * never be any confidence again between Spajne and that 
 ' family ; nor would it be the intereft of Spayne^ that 
 
 * any of that lyhe fliould be reftored to this govern- 
 
 * ment. Thence concluding, that Oliver could not 
 
 * relyc in this matter, upon any prince or ftate in Eu- 
 
 * rope, fo much as upon Spayne, labouring, at the fame 
 
 * time, to render the alliance with France not only ufe- 
 
 * lefs but dangerous, fave in the way before exprefl'ed ; 
 
 * wherein the treaty might be fo ordered, that \i France 
 
 * d:d break any of the articles, in prejudice of Olimry 
 
 * or his government in Eng.and^ 5'/>fl}«^ would be obliged 
 
 * to join with Ergland for the making good thereof. 
 
 * The particulars which he defired of Erglarid in this 
 « conjunction againft /^r^w^ , was at hrft only four thou- 
 
 * fand foldicrs to ferve with the Spanijh army, and 
 
 * tvrelve fiiips of war to be joined with their fleet in the 
 
 * def-gns they had againft Frame about Beurdecux. 
 
 * This propofition came afterwards to an entire Erglfly 
 
 * army of horfe and foot, that might be able to march 
 
 * in any part of France. And as ttTthe charge of tranf- 
 ' porting and keeping fuch an army. Dm A'onfo pro- 
 
 * pounded (as I remember) that Spayne ihould bear 
 
 * two third parts, and the like of the fleet, which be- 
 
 * inj computed, he was willing to pay part downe, 
 ' «nd fo much yearly, as long as this war ihould con- 
 ^ tinue. 
 
 ' At the fame time arrived here monfieur Ligne from 
 ' the prince o{C nde, befi^es monfieur Barriere, that was 
 
 * here alfo, and fome deputies from the town of Bouf- 
 
 * deauT^ offering reafons for a war againft France, and 
 ' propounding defigns relating to Bourdeaux, and the 
 
 * parts thereabouts, wherein England might encage (as 
 
 * ihey thought) with great advantage} and this part 
 
 * was alio managed by Den A'onjo, 
 
 • Thefe
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 373 
 
 the inequality between the two crowns was 
 
 far 
 
 *- Tliefe propofitions were communicated to Oliver 
 
 * by thofe who met Don /Ilonfoxhtttu^on; but his own 
 ' inclinations being not for any conjundiion with Spayne^ 
 
 * they were only therefore difcourfed of, but the an- 
 ' fwere thereunto was delayed. 
 
 * France, during this time, did alfo make knowne 
 
 * by monfieur Bourdeaux their defires of holding a good 
 ' underftanding with Oliver, and founded his inclina- 
 
 * tions of a nearer conjuo^iion with France, and moo- 
 
 * fieur de Baas was fent immediately from the cardinal], 
 
 * and as his confident, to aflure 0/zx;^r of ii is particular 
 
 * fervice. And both the one and the other did exprefs 
 
 * the defires that France had of entering into a league 
 
 * defenfive and ofFcnfive with England, and of proceed- 
 -f ing by joint counfels towards Spayne ; and that ..if 
 -* England will either joyne their arms to France, or 
 
 * make war againft Spayne upon their own bottom? 
 ' they would contribute to the charge ; dcfuing, in the 
 
 * mean tyme, that the former treatys between thefe 
 
 * two dates may be renewed. To all this general an- 
 ' fwers were given, exprefling very good intentions 
 
 * towards France ; and 1 do not remember, that, any 
 ' thing more particular was faid at this time, nor dur- 
 
 * ing all the time that monfieur deBaas ftaycd here j 
 ' who was commanded to depart this country, upon 
 
 * intelligence, that he had intrigues here with feveral 
 
 * perfons, tending to the publick difturbaqce. 
 
 ' Don Alonfo receiving no anfwer to his propofitions, 
 
 * and perceiving a coldnefs in that bufinefs, fignified to 
 V* Oliver, that the intention of his mafter was not to 
 
 * engage England in a war againft France, in cafe the 
 
 * prefent government found it not to be for their own 
 
 * intereft; but that his chief hope v/as to maintaine a 
 ' conftant good intelligence with England. And there- 
 ' fore propounded, that the former alliances may be re- 
 
 * newed, as the firft ftep towards a nearer union. Ac- 
 ' cordingly commiflioners were afligned to treat with 
 
 B b 3 ' him
 
 374 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 far enough from being then as vifiible as it 
 
 af- 
 
 him thereupon, and feverall conferences there were 
 upon the concept of a treaty, moftly drawne out of 
 the treaty of 1630. Amongft other difficulties thefe 
 three following were the chief. 
 
 * ' I. Touching the Weft-Indies^ the debate whereof was 
 occafioned upon the firft article of the aforefaid treaty 
 of 1630, whereby it is agreed, that there (hould be a 
 peace, amity and friendfbip between the two Kings, 
 and their refpedive fubje<Stsj in all parts of the world, 
 as well in Europe as elfewhere. Upon this it was 
 fhewed, that, in contravention of this article, the 
 Englijh were treated by the Spanyards as enemies, 
 wherever they were met in America^ though fayling 
 to and from their owne plantations; and infifted that 
 fatisfa(5li6n was to be given in this, and a good foun- 
 dation of friendftiip lay'd in thofe parts for the future 
 between their refpedlive fubjeds (the Englijh there 
 being very confiderable, and whofe fafety and intereft 
 the government here ought to provide for) or elfe there 
 could be no folid or lafting peace eftabliflied between 
 thefe two ftates in Europe. 
 
 * 2. The fecond difference was touching the inquifi- 
 tion, the danger whereof all our Englijh merchants, 
 trading in Spayne, were expofed to. And in that it 
 was defired, that out of the article, which related to 
 the Englijh merchants exercife of their religion in 
 Spayne^ thofe words might be omitted (tmdo ne dent 
 fcandalum) and that liberty might be granted to the 
 
 faid merchants to have and ufe in Spaytie Englijh Bi- 
 bles, and other religious books. To thefe two Don 
 Alonjo was pleafed to anfwer, That to aflc a liberty 
 from the inquifition, and free fayling in the Wejl-In- 
 dieSf was to ask his maft^er's two eyes ; and that no- 
 thing could be done in thefe points, but according to 
 the pradlice of former times. 
 
 * 3. 7 he third difference was in relation to fome par- 
 ticulars of trade, as the King's decrying and advancing 
 
 « his
 
 OLIVER CPvOMWELL. 
 
 afterwards appeared j and Cromwell alvva3's 
 
 had 
 
 * his coin, to the infinite prejudice of the Englijh, 
 
 * The debates upon thefe articles gave no great fatif- 
 ' faction to either fide, nor increafed the confidence, 
 
 * but rather fhewed, that the principles of England and 
 
 * Spayne, at that time, were very different, and that 
 ' it would be hard to make their interefts to agree. At 
 ' the fame time there were feveral conferences alfo with 
 ' the French ambafiador, upon a treaty with France upon 
 ' the ground of the former alliances. Then it came 
 ' into debate before Oliver^ and his council!, with which 
 
 * of thefe crowns an alliance was to be thofen. Oliver 
 ' himfelf was for a war with Spayne, at leaf! in the 
 
 * IVeJi- Indie s.^ if fatisfaflion were not given for the part: 
 ' damages, and things well fettled for the future. And 
 
 * moft of the council went the fame way, and inclined 
 
 * to hold good intelligence with France j and fome of 
 ' the reafons for this opinion were : 
 
 * I, In reference to his Majefty, to wit, that by en- 
 
 * tertaining a good and confident correfpondence with 
 
 * France-, the Kmg of England and his brother might 
 ' be removed out of Fiance, and thereby a perpetuall 
 ' enmity ftated between his faid Majefty and the King 
 ' of France ; and fo all hopes of his reftitution by fuc- 
 
 * cours from Fiance taken away. And Fran.e was 
 ' looked upon as the only foreign power that Oliver 
 
 * need confider as to the King's reftitution. For, 
 
 * I. Their relation in blood might incline them to 
 
 * it, and the treatyes upon the match would give them 
 
 * greater pretences to reftore the King than any other 
 ' Itate could have. 
 
 ' 2. They could employ in this fervice, and engage 
 
 * in it the proteftants of France, which might very dan- 
 
 * geroufly divide us at home. 
 
 ' 3. There was always a great confidence between 
 
 * the French and the Scoti, which the French conflantly 
 
 * made ufe of as a back-door into England j and, as af- 
 
 B b 4 < fairs 
 
 375
 
 376 THELIFEOF 
 
 had it in his power to break loofe, and 
 
 throw 
 
 fairs flood in Scotland^ it would not be hard to fet all 
 in a flame there. And, although it was fuppofed^ 
 that if his Majefly were excluded France, he would 
 betake himfclf to Spayne, yet this was not thought 
 dangerous ; becaufe his being in Spayne feemed rather 
 difadvantageous to his retunie than otherwife, the 
 Ertgiijh being always jealous and afraid of the princi- 
 ples of Spsyfu, and who had no intereft here but the 
 papift J the prefbyterian party, whom Oliver was 
 defirous enough to engage in his affairs, having ever 
 {hewed the greateft averfion to the Spanyard. 
 * 4. In the next place, an ill underflanding with 
 Fraace lay contrary to the amity with Sweden, which 
 Oliver defired always to cherifh upon feveral confide- 
 rations. 
 
 ' 5. A good intelligence there was thought fafer for 
 the proteflants there than a war. So it was refolved 
 to take all opportunities to maintayn a good under- 
 ftanding with France^ and to fend a fleet and land 
 forces into the IVeJi- Indies^ where it was taken for 
 granted the peace was already broken by the Spa- 
 vyard, contrary to the former treatyes; and not to 
 medd'e with any thing in Europe, until the Spunyard 
 Ihould begin, unlefs the American fleet ftiould be met 
 with, which was looked upon as lawful prize. And 
 now the confideration was of joining with Fronce in 
 this war upon the grounds aforefaid, which France 
 oflfered to do. And a treaty there was touching a 
 fquadron of fhips to join with the Fi each as auxili- 
 aryes only to France, that fo no breach might be in 
 E'^rope with S pay }:e on the part of Englarid; as alfo a 
 fum of money was propounded to be given \i'y France, 
 \u zz.it. England wili declare war Z2^7i\x\^ Spayre in any 
 part of the world. But many difficulties and delays 
 falling out in this treaty, the fleet was fent away in- 
 to the Wejl-Indies. And a war followed thereupon 
 between England ^vA Spayne^ without the leaft com- 
 
 ^ munication
 
 O L I V E R C R O M W E L L. 377 
 
 throw himfelf into the oppofite fcaie, if cir- 
 
 cum- 
 
 ' munication of counfels with France, whereby i^r<2«r< 
 ' had its end for nothing. Then arrives here the mar^ 
 ' quis de Leda^ as extraordinary ambafiador from Spayne^ 
 
 * expreflirig defires of renewing the peace, but returned 
 
 * re infeBa. And now there was no more difcourfe of 
 
 * a league defenfive and ofFenfive with France^ which 
 
 * the councill were never for ; but the former peace was 
 
 * renewed with fome alterations, in ref^ e(5l of the pre- 
 
 * font tyme, which is in print ; and an article by it- 
 
 * felf for exclufion of his Majefty, his hlghnefle the 
 
 * duke of Yurke^ prefently, and his highnefle the duke 
 
 * of Gloucejler after ten years, with fome other perfons 
 ' particularly named, out of France. This was all tliat 
 
 * pafled between Oliver and the king or cardinal] of 
 
 * France, for fome years, fave very civil meffages and 
 
 * alTurances of mutuall fcrvices, as occafion fhould be. 
 
 * In the mean tyme Oliver caft with himfelf how to 
 
 * get footing on the continent, which he always much 
 
 * longed for. And there was a defigne to have drawne 
 
 * Flanders to revolt from Spayne j and, to that end, to 
 ' have dealt with fdme of the great towns to have de- 
 
 * clared themfelves a commonwealth, under the pro- 
 
 * tetSion of the prince of Conde ; and he was to be 
 
 * founded in it, how he would inclyne thereto, if 
 
 * England and Frame did affift hym therein, and (o^ 
 ' by that means, to have fatisfyed Conde to live out of 
 
 * France, and to have eafed the cardinall of the feare 
 
 * of hisj-eturne. But proper mediums being not found 
 
 * out to found the prince of Conde, and it being not 
 
 * reliflied in France, it was no further profecuted. 
 
 ' Afterwards there were propofitions of joining in the 
 
 * war againft the Spanyard in Flanders, whereupon there 
 « was a treaty made in the year 1657. The effedl Was, 
 .* that Oliver fhould fend into France or Flanders 6coo 
 
 * foot, 3C00 at the charge of England, and 3000 at the 
 
 * charge of France ; that the whole being landed, fhould 
 
 * come under the pay of France. That with thefe, and a 
 
 * French army pf horfe and foot, the king fhould that yeare 
 
 ♦ be-
 
 378 THELIFEOF 
 
 cumftances (hould alter. But, be this as it 
 
 may, 
 
 * befiege Graveling or Dunkirk ; and either being taken, 
 ' to deliver it with all the forts into the Englifo hands, 
 
 * VIZ. Dunkirk abfolutely, and Gravelir^g by way of 
 
 * caution, until Dunkirk (hould be taken and delivered. 
 
 * That the priviledges of the town and the religion 
 
 * (hould remayne in the fame (late as before j and that 
 
 * no peace or truce be made with Spayne by either 
 
 * during that yeare. The French that year took only 
 
 * Mar dyke fort, fo that the treaty was in February 1657-8 
 ' renewed for another yeare ; and, according thereto, 
 
 * Dunkirk was taken and put into the Englijh hands, 
 
 * Further treaties were intended for the joint manage- 
 O) Thar- t ment of the war in Flanders, but the death of Oliver 
 
 ^' rq ' ^ * prevented it (/>).'— . Thefe were the motives of 
 
 7S2. Cn-»zztv//'s preferring the frienddiip of i^rc«^(f, and mak- 
 
 ing war with Spain, of which the intelligent reader 
 will form his own judgment. The world, for the mod 
 part, however, has blamed his conduct in this affair, 
 as will appear by the following quotations. * Cromweiiy 
 fays Mr. Bethelt (for he, I believe, was the author of 
 the IVorld's Mi/lake in Oliver Cromwel) * contrary to our 
 
 * intereft, made an unjuft war with Spain, and an im- 
 
 * politic league with France, bringing the firft thereby 
 
 * under, and making the latter too great for Chriften- 
 
 * dome; and, by that means, broke the ballance be- 
 
 * twixt the two crowns of Spain and France^ which his 
 
 * predeceflbrs, the long parliament, had always wifely 
 
 * preferved. In this difhonefl- war with Spait?, he pre- 
 
 * tended and endeavoured to impofe a belief on the world, 
 
 * that he had nothing in his eye, but the advancement 
 
 * of the proteftant caufe, and the honour of the nation; 
 
 * but his pretences were either fraudulent, or he was 
 
 * ignorant in foreign afFairs (as I am apt to think, that 
 
 * he was not guilty of too much knowledge in them.) 
 
 * For he that had known any thing of the temper of 
 
 * the Popi(h prelacie, and the French court- policies, 
 
 * could not but fee, that the way to increafe, or pre- 
 
 ' ferve.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 379 
 
 may, honour and profit accrued hereby to 
 
 the 
 
 ' ferve, the reformed intereft in France^ was by ren- 
 
 * dering the proteftants of necefiary ufe to their King ; 
 ' for, that longer than they were fo, they could not 
 
 * be free from perfecution, and that the way to render 
 
 * them fo, was by keeping the ballance betwixt Spain 
 
 * and France even, as that which would confequently 
 < make them ufeful to their King : but by overthrowing 
 ^''the ballance in his war •w\\\\ Spain ^ and joining with 
 ^ France^ he freed the French King from his fears of 
 
 * Spain, enabled him to fubdue all faflions at home, 
 « and thereby to bring himfelf into a condition of not 
 
 * ftaiiding in need of any of them, and from thence 
 
 * hath proceeded the perfecution that hath fince been, 
 
 * and {till is, in that nation, againft the reformed there; 
 
 * fo that Oliver^ inftead of advancing the reformed in- 
 
 * tereft, hath, by an error in his politicks, been the 
 
 * author of deftroying it. The honour and advantage 
 
 * he propounded to this nation in his pulling down of 
 ' Spain, had as ill a foundation : for, if true, as was 
 
 * faid, that we were to have had Ojiend and Newport^ 
 
 * (o well a^ Dunkirk, (when we could get them) they 
 
 * bore no proportion, in any kind, to all the reft of the 
 
 * King of Spain's European dominions, which muft ne- 
 
 * cefTarily have fallen to the French King's fhare, be- 
 
 * caufe of their joining and nearnefs to him, and re- 
 
 * m.otenefs from us, and the increafing the greatnefs of 
 
 * fo near a neighbour, muft have increafed our future 
 
 * dangers (q).' Mr. Burrijh, after mentioning the ^^/old^s 
 
 offers, made to Cromwell from France and Spain, in or- Miftake, 
 der to obtain his friendfhip, fays, * in thefe circum- &c. p. 4, 
 
 * ftances, perhaps, the wifeft courfe had been to have 
 
 * fate ftill, and entertained both fides in fufpence, un- 
 
 * der favour of which the commerce of Great Britain 
 
 * could not fail to have flourifhed. But the protedlor 
 
 * was not eafy at home. Some of thofe who had been 
 
 * the means of his elevation, either from envy, or a true 
 
 * republican principle, were become his enemies j the 
 
 * na-
 
 380 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 the Englifi nation, and fucfa too as it has, 
 
 and 
 
 * nation was accuffomed'to war, and feemed to take 
 
 * pleafure in it; all which induced Crcmivell to breaic 
 
 * with feme of his neighbours, that he might find em- 
 
 * ployment abroad for thofe bufy fpirits, which, if left 
 
 * at home, would certainly have engaged in popular 
 
 * commotions. \ hus the proteftor having refolved a 
 
 * war from a motive of felf-intereft, the fame principle 
 
 * made him prefer the alliance of France to that of 
 
 * Spain 'j becaufe P/!?/'/./y> IV. was neither fo redoubtable 
 ' an enemy as Lewis KW. nor fo capable of ferving 
 
 * Crcrmvell in the quality of a friend. The principal 
 ■* dominions of Spain were fituated at a great diftance 
 
 * from England', and, as to the naval power of that 
 
 * crown, which had lately been the terror of the univerfe, 
 *■ it was now fo reduced, that when, in confequcnce of 
 ■' the forementioned treaty, monfieur de T.urenne formed 
 "* the fiege of Dunkirk with the confederate troops of 
 
 •- France and Engla-id^ a fmall fquadron of Englijh fhips 
 
 * ferved to block up the port, and prevent the garrifon 
 
 * from receiving any relief by fea. In thefe circum- 
 
 * ftances the Spanu.rds run a very great rifque of having 
 ' their flota fall into the hands of the Englifb^ and to 
 
 -* this we may add; that the ill condition of their af- 
 -*>fairs in the Weji-lnd'es^ gave the protector hopes of 
 
 * annexing Hijpar.ida to the dominions of Great Britain, 
 
 * But ,thi5 weaknefs of the Spariarih, which invited 
 ' Gpomwell into the war, and feemed to afTure him of 
 
 * fuccefs, was a very (Irong reafon why he ouwht not 
 
 * to have broke with them ; becaufe he could not conti- 
 
 * nue to deprefs the crown of S-ain without destroying 
 
 * the equality of power, that ought to fubfilt between 
 *thefeveral great ftates of Euiope^ and elevatin2 France 
 
 * to fuch -an exorbitant degree, as would enable her to 
 
 * lord it at pleafure over all her neigbours. The pro- 
 
 * te£tor knew this extremely well, and there are tboe who 
 
 * have affirmed, that, before his death, he had taken a 
 
 * refoiutioa to reconcile himfelf with the court of Madrid. 
 
 ' After
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 381 
 
 'and yet continues to enjoy. For though 
 
 the 
 
 * After having acquired Dunkirk and JamaUay during 
 
 * his alliance with France^ he had a mind to poflefs 
 
 * himfelf of Calais by the affiftance of the Spaniards ; 
 
 * but, as he did not live to eiled this, he left the French ['^^J^^^f'* 
 
 * very great gainers by the meafures they had taken y^\_ jj^ L 
 
 * with him (r).' Lord Bciingbroke cenfures Oliver in 483. 
 flrong terms likewife. Hear him. * Cromwell either 
 
 ' did not diicern, fays his lordfhip, this turn of the bair 
 
 * lance of povi^er [from Spain to France'\ or, difr 
 
 ' cerning it, he was induced by reafons of private in,- 
 
 * tereft to zCt againft the general intereft of Europe. 
 
 * Ctomvjell joined with France againft Spain^ and tho' 
 ' he got Jamaica and Dunkirk, he drove the Spaniards 
 ' into a necefiity of making a peace with France^ that 
 
 * has difturbed the peace of the world almoft fourfcore 
 ' years, and the confequences of which have well nigh 
 ' beggared in our times the nation he enflaved in his. 
 ' 1 here is a tradition, I have heard it from perfons 
 
 * who lived in thofe days, and, I believe, it came from 
 
 * 7hurtoe^ that Crcmwell v/as in treaty with Spain^ and 
 
 * ready to turn his arms againft Fiance^ when he died. 
 
 * If this fa<St was certain, as little as I honour his me- 
 
 * mory, I fhould have fome regret that he died lb foon. 
 
 * But whatever his intentions were, we muft charge 
 
 * the Pyrenean treaty, and the fatal confequences of it, 
 
 * in great meafure, to iiis account. The SparAards ab- 
 
 * hcrred the thought of marrying their Infanta to Lewis 
 
 * XIV, It was on this point that they broke the ne- 
 
 * gotiation Lionne had begun : and your lordlhip will 
 
 * perceive, that if they refumed it afterwards, and of- 
 
 * fered the marriage they had before reje£ied. Cram- (i) Letters 
 
 ' zt^//'s league with Frayice vi-as a principal inducement °^f^% '^"^T 
 
 ,. ,^ . c \ ■ r \ ■ I \ i 11.11 rr and ufe Of 
 
 * to this alteration of thejrirelol.ution (^j. Mr. Hume hiftory, vol, 
 
 joins in the cry againft Cromivell^ and peremptorily de- i. p.2;t. 
 clares, * That, if he had underftood and regarded the in- ^'''"* ^^^^ 
 
 ' tereft of his country, he would have fupported the 
 
 * declining condition of §pain againft the dangerous 
 
 * am-
 
 382 THELIFEOF 
 
 the expedition to Hifpaniola, under the 
 
 joint 
 
 * ambition of France^ and preferved the ballance of 
 ' power, on which the greatnefs and fecurity of Eng^ 
 
 * land io much depends. Had he ftudied only his own 
 ' interefts, he would have maintained an exact neutra- 
 
 * lity betwixt thufe two great monarchies ; nor would 
 ' he ever have hazarded his ill acquired and unlettled 
 ' power, by provoicing foreign enemies, who might 
 ' lend affiilance to domeftick faction, and overturn his 
 
 * tottering throne. But his magnanimous courage un- 
 (0 Hiftory ' dervalued danger : his adtive difpofition and avidity of 
 
 of Great t extenfive glory made him incapable of repofe (/).' 
 
 ii. p. 65. Thefe are the principal objedtions to Cromwell's entering 
 
 into the war with Spain^ and leaguing with France : ob- 
 jedions it muft be owned at this diitance of time, and 
 in our view of things, iextreamly plaufible, but which 
 poflibly would have been deemed but of httie force had 
 they bedn urged when thefe important affairs were under 
 deliberation. For let it be conhdcred that Cromwell 
 was at liberty to wage war with Spain, on account of 
 its cruelties to the Engiifn in America, and the reftric- 
 tions laid on their commerce. To avenge innocent 
 blood, procure fatisfaclion for injuries pall^, and fecu- 
 rity for the time to come, is worthy a fovereign, and me- 
 rits praile from all Again j with France the Protec- 
 tor had no quarrel. Calais was too old an affair to 
 ground a war on ; and the making ufe of it as a pre- 
 tence for it, would have been deemed ridiculous and un- 
 
 juft. France, 'tis true, was capable of hurting 0/f- 
 
 ver more than Spain; but it muft be very idle to make 
 it criminal in him to prefer her friendftiip for that among 
 other reafons. 'Tis fufficient the public good is not 
 facrificed to private intcrcft : to expect men in power, how 
 wife and good foever, will have liO regard to their own 
 prefervation and fafety, is perhaps too much, I do not 
 remember many inftance's of it in latter times. But the 
 great objection we fee is, the ballance of power be- 
 tween the two crowns was by Creinveii's means broken, 
 
 and
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 383 
 
 joint command of Pen and Venables, through 
 
 a 
 
 and France thereby enabled to give the law to Chrif- 
 tendom. But 0/;wr, I prefume, muft be acquitted on 
 this head, if it appears that it was imagined at that time 
 that the ballance was on the fide of .Slpa/w; that in fa(5l 
 the two crowns were much nearer on an equality than 
 the objedlors fuppofe ; that Cromwell kept it in his power 
 to turn the fcale as he thought fit ; and that the Pyre- 
 nean treaty in reality placed the two crowns in proper 
 fituations with refpedt to each other, and to their neigh- 
 bours. 
 
 1 . Spain was not then viewed iathat weak ftate which 
 (he afterwards appeared. Cromwell's parliaments were 
 not over complaifant to him, nor prone to approve his 
 adtions meerly as fuch. Yet the parliament, fays Mr. 
 Thurloe in a letter to general Montague, dated Whitehall^ 
 OSioher 25, 1656, * declared themfelves cordially and 
 unanimoufly concerning the Spanijh war, having after 
 
 two days debate declared their approbation thereof mmi- ,j^\ q,_ 
 7ie contradicente : and this before they heard one titt'e of monde's 
 your fuccefs {u).' The fame gejitleman writing to the ^'^'^^ ^^-. 
 general, Augujl 28, preceding, fays, * The Spaniard^ *^' 
 ' hath had great fuccefs in Flanders this year againft the 
 
 * French. To that of raifing the fiege o'iValencunncSy 
 ' he had added the taking of Conde, and is very likely 
 
 * to lodge himfelf this year in France \ fo that the car- 
 ' dinal hath not been able to draw any army to the fea- 
 
 * coaft, as was intended, being fcarce able to defend his (*) '''*• P* 
 
 * own country (x).' "'*• 
 
 2. There was not in fa6t that inequality between the 
 two crowns which the objectors fuppofe. It is wtll 
 known that through feveral preceding reigns, 'twas the 
 houfe of Aujlria only had been formidable j that injured 
 our royal family in the Palatinate; and alone threatned 
 the liberties of Europe. France had not yet given oc- 
 cafion to her neighbours to fear. A long war had been 
 now carried on between the two crowns, with various 
 fuccefs. \i Spain was weakned by the revolt of Portu- 
 gal
 
 3^4 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 gal and Catalonia, 'tis certain France was diftrafled with 
 domeftic contentions even in Farts itfelf, as well as 
 other parts of the kingdom : contentiens the more dan- 
 gerous, as perfons of the moft elevated rank and great- 
 eft power were concerned in them. So that Spain car- 
 ried on the war on a foot of equality, not of defence. 
 If the Prince of Ccnda had cut off their beft veterans at 
 Sjicrcy, he now himfelf headed their troops with the 
 acknov.'ledged reputation of being the beft general in 
 Europe, though Turenne figured in the field, and had 
 
 performed deeds of renown. This equality is vifible 
 
 through feveral campaigns ; but the railing of the fiege 
 of ulrras on one fide, and that of Valenciennes on the 
 other, proves it beyond doubt ; to which may be added, 
 that even after the taking of Mardyke in purfuance of 
 {y) Ram- jjjg league with England^ by Turcnne, the French met 
 
 ©f Turenne, widi fevcral loiTcs ( )» ). We feem therefore to de- 
 
 vol. i. p. . ceive ourfelves with our after knowledge, when we 
 303. 8vt>. jjjajjje Qrormvelljox overturning the ballance of power. 
 
 ^' 3. It ftiould be obferved, that Cromwell held the bal- 
 4ance of power in his own hands the more firmly, by 
 his French league. We fee from Thurhe's account with 
 what caution he engaged in it. The treaty was but for 
 a year, 'till Dutikii'k fiiould be conquered for England 
 by the help of. France., and when Cromwell had got it, 
 he was at liberty, if he faw fit, at the end of that year 
 to make a peace with Spain, and ufe this very town 
 againft France. The EngiiJ}} troops conquered little or 
 nothing for the French crown j but France by giving 
 England a footing on the continent juft on the confines 
 of the two contending parties, enabled it to hold the bal- 
 lance of power fo much the more fteadily between them j 
 -and become fo much the more forpiidable to France as 
 well as Spain. He found the fcales even, and in pof- 
 fefling himfelf of Dunkirk, he made the French give him 
 .bold of the handle of the ballance to jceep them fo. 
 4 * If any, after this, Ihould condemn Cromiceli for weak- 
 ning the Spaniards b^ making this conqueft of Dunkirk, 
 what muft they think of Charles II. who by the advice 
 .of iiis chancellor Hyde fold it to France j and thereby 
 
 threw
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. ^Sj 
 
 ihtew fo great a weight into that fcale, which then ap- 
 peared more manifeftly to preponderate. 
 
 4. The Pyrenean treaty placed the two crowns in pro- 
 per fituations with refpedt to each other, and to their 
 
 neighbours. In the treaty betv.'een the Ernperorj 
 
 Spa/n, and Holland in 1673, the States-General ftipulated 
 to * make no peace with France 'till the Catholic King 
 
 * was put in poll'effion of all that his moft Cliriftian Ma- 
 ' jefty had taken in the Low Countries fince the peace of 
 
 * the Pyrenees,' In the grand alliance between the Em- 
 peror, England and Hol/andj in 1689, it was agreed, 
 
 * That no peace ftiould be made with France, till the 
 ' pence of JVeJipha/ia, 0/nabrug, Munjier, and the Py- 
 ' rcnean were by the help of Cjod, and common force 
 
 * vindicated, and all things reftored to their former con- 
 ' dition, according to the tenor of the fame.' And 
 King fFHiiam 111, when Prince of Orange^ though juft- 
 ly warmed with refentment againft France, declared, 
 
 * That whenever Spain palFed the bounds of the Pyre- {x)Ste^\f 
 
 * nean treaty, he would become as good a Fre.chman as Wm Tenia 
 
 * he was then a Spaniard (•;).' Thefe fadts I think i'"' ^^- 
 
 /-in 7-> \ I . moirs, p. 
 
 fully Ihew, the P)renean treaty to have been well cal- 128. 8vo. 
 culated for the repofe of Europe, and for the advantage 
 of the contracting powers. However, it was not Crom- 
 weU's league that produced this treaty and its fatal con- 
 fequences, as Lord BoHn^broke fuggefts. The propofal 
 of giving the infanta to Lewis XiV. was rejected by 
 Spain, when there was no other heir to that throne; it ,^>^ seeToj 
 was accepted when a fon was born to afcend it {.'v). renn^'sLifsy 
 The confequences of this marriage were indeed fatal to "»ol-ip« 
 Europe. But they arofe from the ill conduct of i'^tf/w, ^^^' 
 and the injuiiice, ambition, and perjury of Lewis, who 
 with the zeal of a bigot, the fuperftition of a prieft, 
 and the fcniuality of an epicurean, delighted in facri- 
 iicing the blood of millions, to his own foolifh idea of 
 
 glory. 1 will conclude this note with obferving that 
 
 CromK;^.7's irrefolution and delay in choofing his fide in 
 the war fcem juftiy cenfurable ; more efpccially as he 
 negleded to clofe in with the offers made him by France, 
 even after he had determined, and fent his fleet for the 
 Weji Indies, BourdeauXy the French embaflador's letteh, 
 
 C e «rs
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 a variety of caufes was (eee) unfuccefsful ; 
 
 and 
 
 are fall of the delays he met with in his negotiation for 
 this purpofe ; and Mr. Thurloe points out the wrong 
 meafures taken on this occafwn, when he fays above, 
 ' France offered a funi of money, in cafe England would 
 
 * declare war againft Spain in any part of the world ; 
 ' but many difficulties and delays falling out in this 
 ' treaty, the fleet was fent away into the Wejl IndieSy 
 
 * and a war followed thereupon between England and 
 
 * Spain, without the leaft communication of counfells 
 ' with France, whereby France had its end for nothing.' 
 
 (eee) The expedition to Hifpaniola mifcarried.'] Crom- 
 welih inftructions to general Venables, commander of 
 the land forces fent to America^ are to be feen in Bur- 
 cheit. From thefe it appears that no particular place 
 was the object of their deftination, but much was left to 
 the prudence of the commanders. Reafons are thereih 
 mentioned for attempting the iflands, or leaving theftf, 
 to attack the main land, more efpecially Carthagena ; 
 whereby, if conquered, they might be matters of the 
 Spanijh treafures which come from Peru by way of Pa- 
 nama in the South- Sea, to Forto Bello, or Nombre de dies 
 {*^,Burchett, j,j jj^g North-Sea [b). But where, after all, the defcent 
 ^' •* '' was to be made, the generals with the commiffioners, 
 or any two of them, were, on proper confultation, to 
 determine. So that Lord Ciarendcn was much miftaken 
 in faying, * Their orders from Crcmwell were very par- 
 * ticular and very pofitive, that they fhould land at 
 (f)Vnl.vi. *" fuch a place, which was plainly enough defcribed to 
 p. 578. ■ < them (<:).' The fleet left England, December 19, 
 1654, and arrived at Barbadoes, January 29, 1654, 
 O. S. Here it was fuppofed they (hould meet with 
 many things they flood in need of. But their expec- 
 tations were not anfwered. Even a fuflicient quantity 
 of arms and ammunition were wanting. * A fad mat- 
 
 * ter,' fays Venables in a letter to Montague, written from 
 Barbadoes February 28, following, * when we muft at- 
 
 * tempt fo high witli little or nothing, or return home 
 
 * and-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL 387 
 
 and fubjecSted the nation to difgracej yet the 
 
 taking 
 
 * and do nothing ! which few of us had a great deal 
 
 * more chearfuUy hear the news of death than be guilty 
 ' of.' The progrefs and ill fuccefs of the fleet and ar- 
 my, I will relate in the words of Venables. * We left, 
 ' fays he, Barbadoes the laft of March, and came to St. 
 
 * Chri/iophers^ where we found a regiment formed ; 
 
 * and not flaying to anchor, we failed thence without 
 
 * fetting foot on (hore, and in a fortnight's time came 
 
 * to hJifpaniola^ where we landed upon Saturday the 
 
 * 1 4th of Aprily near forty miles to the weft of Santo 
 ' Domingo. The reafon was, our pilots were all ab- 
 
 * fent; the chief had outftayed his order, being fent out 
 
 * to difcover, and none with us fave an old Dutchman, 
 
 * that knew no place but that : whereas we refolved to 
 
 * have landed where Sir Francis Drake did, except forc- 
 ' ed ofF by a fort (faid to be there ;) and then in fuch 
 ' a cafe to have gone to the other. From our landing 
 
 * we marched without any guide, fave heaven, through * 
 ' woods; the ways fo narrow, that 500 men might 
 
 ' have extreamly prejudiced 20C00 by ambulhesj but 
 
 ' this courfe the enemy held not, fave twice. The 
 
 ' weather extream hot, and little water; our feet fcorch- 
 
 * ed through our fhoes, and men and horfe died of 
 
 * thirft : but if any had liquor put into their mouth';, 
 
 * prefently after they fell, they would recover, elfe die 
 
 * in an inftant. Our men the laft fortnight at fea had 
 
 * bad bread, and little of it or other vicluals, notwith- 
 
 * {landing general Penn's order ; io that they were very 
 
 * weak at landing ; and fome, inftead of three days pro- 
 
 * vilion at landing, had but one, with which they march- 
 ' ed five days, and therefore fell to eat limes, oranges^ 
 ' lemons, (ifc. which put them into fluxes and fevers. 
 ' Of the former, I had my fliare for near a fortnight, 
 
 * with cruel gtipings, that I could fcarce fland. Coh 
 
 * Butler was ordered to land to the eaft of the city, 
 
 * but could not ; and therefore he and the Chrijhpler^s 
 
 * regiment under col. HJdip were landed where we firfl 
 
 Cc a * lU*
 
 3^ 8 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 taking and fettling oi Jamaica, will always 
 
 be 
 
 * refolvcd, and were ordered by general Ptnn (whofe or- 
 
 * der I enjoined them to obey) to ftay there for us : 
 
 * but they marched away, which contrary to the firft 
 
 * refolution, with feme other reafons, drew us beyond 
 
 * their landing (where we were to receive more vi<^ua!s) 
 ' to fccure them who were ftraggling up and down for 
 
 * water. Which put the enemy upon placing of an 
 
 * ambiifh for them, which fell upon our forlorn and 
 
 * routed them ; but the van immediately beat them 
 
 * back with lofs, and purfued them near to the ciry 
 
 * walls who ihot at us. Vi<9uals we wanted, having 
 ' fafted two days every man of us ; our ammunition 
 
 * fpent ; no water j and cur men ready to faint, and 
 ' fome died ; the eagerncfs and heat of fight had drawn 
 
 * them beyond their ftrength. Whereupon it was re- 
 
 * folved by a council of war, to retreat for meat and 
 
 * ammunition ; which we did ; but our long march and 
 
 * this delay did give the enemy time to call in all the 
 
 * country to at leaft 4 or c,o00, and left our men, after 
 
 * travel' by fea, bad diet, and falling, very weak j fo 
 
 * that when we advanced the next, they fell upon our 
 
 * forlorn again, routed them, and then in the narrow 
 
 * lanes and thick woods routed mine and major general 
 
 * Heares regiments, flew my major and three of my 
 » captains, flew the major general, and wounJed his 
 
 iJ\ Or- * lieutenant colonel, who is fince dead j and were not 
 monde's ' repulfed, till the regiment of feamen (with whom I 
 State Pa- ( was) gave flop to this diforder. Never did my eves 
 p^48 °See ' ^^^ "^^" more difcouraged, being fcarce able to make 
 alfo Thor- ' them {land, when the enemy was retreated, who ne- 
 ioe, vol. lii. t ^^^ looked upon us until we were ready to faint for 
 ^cS^*~Ar.(! ' water ; they having (which I forgot to tell^ before) flopt 
 Howard's ' up all iheir wells ; fo that we had not of ten miles at 
 
 CO legion of <]^a(^^ One drop of w^ater [d).' Mr. Daniel, audi- 
 
 j p^^J_2j] tor general in this expedition, gives much the fame ac- 
 4.0. Load, count ; and then adds, ' 1 cannot omit to exprefs fome- 
 '75J' * thing concerning this great bufinefs, which I am fure 
 
 ' th«
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 389 
 
 ' the world will miftake in reportinge ; but myfelf be- 
 ' ing a prefent eye-witnefs there on the place, and a- 
 
 * mongfl: the crowd, in the midft of danger, near rha- 
 
 * jor- general's perfon, 1 have not, neither fiiall I, re- 
 
 * late any thing but what I know for certain truth. I 
 ' know a threefold cord cannot be eafily broken; but 
 
 * where they twift not equally together, th> y many 
 
 * times cut one another; and this I am fure, that in 
 ' martial affairs, where commands execute like light- 
 
 * nings, and thole variable as the winds, according as 
 
 * the prefent emergency requires, and not for confent of 
 
 * others, to the lofle of all. I well know his highnefs 
 
 * would never fubmit, in all hiS palt a£tions, to fuch 
 
 * curbs, nor can brave defigns ever fucceed with fuch 
 ' bridles, which I hope to fee amended.' 7'his feems 4 
 fenfible refle(?lion on joining commiffioners and the ad- , 
 miral in authority with the general, and thereby ren- 
 dring their advice and confent abfolutely neceflary in eve- 
 ry affair. This was one unhappy caufe of the ill fuc- 
 cefs they met with, we may well enough fuppofe. An- 
 other was the diflike of the admiral and fome of the fea 
 officers, to the land forces, as the fame gentleman hints 
 in the following paffage. ' The uncharitablenefs of 
 
 * our rear admiral, fays he, will not fuffcr my filence, 
 
 * for by that time we were by order fhipped from Hijpa- 
 ' n'lola^ he did furioufly and moft unchriftian-like fay, 
 
 * before good witnefs, where are thefe cowardly Spck- 
 ' n'lards now? VVill they not come and cut off thefe 
 
 * army rojues, that we may noe more be troubled with 
 
 * them .' And his own lieutenant, my former acquain- 
 
 * tance, being by accident aboard the fhip where 1 came 
 
 * into weak, and fo iilnot able to ftand,»after falutcs 
 
 * and fome difcourfe, told me to my face (like to his 
 
 * profeflion) we were all overboard, that they might be 
 
 * rid of us again; fpeaking the fame words to capt, 
 
 * Finder^ in his extremity of weaknefs, and alfo to /ol. 11^0°** l^^ 
 
 * others {e) ' 507. 
 On the other hand, great complaint was made of ge- 
 neral Venahles. He was looked on as covetous and nig- 
 gardly, and was poffefled but of little efteem amongft . / 
 the foldiery (/), having prohibited them from plundering 68^, * ^' ^ 
 
 C c 3 on
 
 390 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 be deemed as an effential fervice to (fff) 
 Britahij and meriting the higheft applaufe. 
 
 The 
 
 (?) Thur- on pain of death (g). A thing no way pleafmg in fuch 
 ^'J°*"'' an expedition, where every man flattered himfelf with 
 
 the hopes oF making a fortune. Such were the 
 
 caufes of the failure of the expedition to Hifpaniolai 
 caufes which will always produce like effects. For un- 
 lefs there is unanimity of counfel^ obedience to orders, 
 confidence in the commander, and fufficient ftore of pro- 
 vifions and ammunition, it can never be expelled but 
 (A) Sec Ac- that things will go amifs. It were well if this had been 
 ^nrolit^ the only aftair in which difhonor and di {grace had ac- 
 /^ Settlements crucd to the nation through the difagreement of com-^ 
 in America, manders, and the envy and ill will of the land and fea 
 6° Svo^* ^^ffi^c^rs one towards another ! Cromwetr^ genius did not 
 Lond, 1758. appear in planning this expedition {h). «■ 
 
 (fff) The taking and fettling of Jamaica, zvas an ef- 
 fential fervice to Britain.] After the difgrace received by 
 the Englijhj as mentioned in the preceding note, the ar- 
 my was reduced to thegreateft extremities. * The rains 
 ' increafing, fays the auditor Daniel^ our men weak- 
 
 * ning, all even unto death fluxing, the feamen aboard 
 
 * negle£iing, that forced us to eat all our troop horfes, 
 
 < (the enemy denying all relief, triumphing) and thefe 
 ' miferies increafing, our council refolved by feeking 
 
 * God, to purge the army. Firfl:, fackfon [adjutant- 
 
 * general] found guilty of cowardice, had his fword 
 
 < broken over his head for a coward, his commiffion 
 
 * taken away, and expulft the army, and to be fwabber 
 
 * to hofpital (hips of fick people, which was accordingly 
 
 * done. Some women found in mens apparel were pu- 
 
 * niflied, and all fufpecled whores {Barbadoes and thofe 
 
 * plantations yielding few e!fe) narrowly fought after ; 
 
 * all officers and foldiers ftridtly commanded to obferve 
 ' duty, upon greateft pains; one of major- gyeral (now 
 
 < Fortefcue) foldiers, proved to run away, han^td ; and 
 
 * indeed like a wife prudent general, all tilings by him 
 
 < prderedj yet our ficknefs increafing, it was refolved 
 
 * again
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 391 
 
 The attempt on Hifpaniola quickly reached 
 the ears of the Catholic King, who imme- 
 diately 
 
 * again to fliip, aad fo dire£lly for Jamaica (r).' (0 Thurloe, 
 
 ^enables hiinfelf fliall relate the fuccefs. ' Upon this '/"' ^' 
 
 ' difafter and our mens fears we fell to new counfeU, 
 
 * and refolvcd to try Jamaica (from which nothing di- 
 i verted our firft attempt, but that it wanted a name in 
 
 ^ the world, our men refufing to march again for Do- 
 lif^mingo) where we landed (having beaten the enemy 
 
 * from off his forts and ordnance) upon the tenth of 
 
 * May-, and find the country in our judgments equal, if 
 
 * not fuperior, to Hifpaniola : and in four miles march 
 It^ere, I faw more cattle and plantations than in forty 
 
 ' % in Hifpaniola^ and a better air, the fite more advan- 
 *tagious to intercept the Spanijh Plate fleet. The Re- 
 ' covery and William of London are come to us with 
 
 * fome bil'cuit, which we extreamly want, but the fleet 
 ' claim it as theirs ; and then we ftarve : for the enemy 
 ? here, after figning articles, have run into the woods, 
 % and drove away all the cattle into the mountains, and 
 f* left us nothing but bare walls and roots to fhelter and 
 
 * feed upon. We are getting horfe to make troopers 
 
 * and dragoons : and then wc hope well, if the Lord 
 
 * blefs a party we have fent forth under colonel Butler. 
 *■ The people have broke all their promifes all along ; 
 
 * but we have their governor and another principal ma-n /^\ Or. 
 
 * as two hoflages ; they fay the articles are too harjh {^k).' i^onde's 
 All things at laft however were fettled, and Venab'es and Papers vol. 
 Penn^ between whom there was an ill underftanding, and ^ ' ^'^°' 
 who had different parties even among the land forces, 
 
 took the firfl opportunity of returning to England, 
 Cromwell, greatly difpleafed at their whole conduct, and 
 difappointed in his high hopes, we may well fuppofe was 
 angry ; and after hearing their mutual accufations and 
 defences, committed them to the Tower, ('ertain it is, 
 many of the officers complained greatly o( Fmihles be ('') SecThur- 
 haviour, both at Hifpaniola and Jamaica (/). The Eng- '''*' '''°'- "'' 
 /'_fi) were no fooner known to be gone to this latter place, "^ • ^SS 
 C c 4 but
 
 392 THELIFEOF 
 
 diately thereupon feizing the perfons and 
 efFedts of the Englifi merchants in his do- 
 minions, 
 
 but an account was fent by Mr. Muddifcrd from Bar" 
 badoeSf of its great utility and importance. * It is ap- 
 
 * partntly, fays he, in a letter dated Ji<tie io^ ^^SS"* 
 
 * (feeing they would have an ifland) far more proper for 
 
 * their purpofes, than the other or Po>to Rice, as the 
 
 * fituation in the maps will make more vifible. It hath 
 
 * an excellent liarbour, and is accounted the moft 
 
 * healthful and plentiful of them all. It will be fooner 
 
 * filled, and is far more convenient for attempts on the 
 ' ^pani/D fleet, and more efpecially the Carthagena fleet, 
 « which mrit halt within fight of ir, as they go to the 
 
 * Havattnah. And believe it, this will more trouble 
 
 * the COL! rt of Spain thuix ten of the other ; and therefore 
 
 * it muft be exped^ed more attempts will be by the 5^^- 
 
 * niards to fupplant them. If therefore you have an 
 
 * opportunitv, prefs his highnefs and the council to fend 
 < fpeedy and great fupplies of men, arms, ammunition, 
 
 * and cloathes. 1 am confident that if this place be 
 
 * fully planted, which in three or four years may with 
 (i»)Thur- * cafe be done, his highnefs may do what he will in the 
 Joe, ^ol. iij. « Indies {m).' Cromwell was fenfible of its importance, 
 V' j^5' and iffued out a proclamation for the encouragement 
 
 of all perfons inclined to fettle there, promifing the erec- 
 tion of civil government j prote^ion againft enemies ; 
 exemption from cuftoms for a certain number of years. 
 In) Id, R. ^^^ ^'' other things requifite to induce men to tranfporc 
 733. themfelves thither («). Incredible were the hardfliips 
 
 the firll: Englifo planters, as weil as the officers and fol- 
 diers met with in the beeinning. But Cromwell -was 
 
 1 \ \i \ . .. CD , 
 
 y' "• ^■°'' continually fendmg them relief, and doing every thing 
 #£fcq. i" ^^^ power to make them eafy and happy (o). No^ 
 thing can more fully confirm this than the following let- 
 ter written by him to major-general Fortejcue, comman* 
 der of the forces there, after the departure of general 
 Ven(iblei. 
 
 § I R,
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 393 
 
 minions, caufed an open war between the 
 two nations. Cromwell^ far from being inti- 
 midated, 
 
 SIR, 
 
 * x/ O U will herewith receive inftruflions for the bet- 
 ;^ * ter carrying on of your bufinefs, which is not of 
 '• 'fmall account here, although our difcouragements have 
 *• been many ; for which we defire to humble ourfelves 
 
 * befoie the Lord, who hath forely chaftened us. I 
 
 * doe commend, in the midft of others mifcarriages, 
 ' your conftancy and faithfulnefs to your truf}, in every 
 
 * * * where you are, and taking care of a company of 
 
 < poore (heepe left by their fhepherds ; and be afTured, 
 
 * that as that which you have done hath been good in 
 «-itfe!f, and becoming an honeft man, fo it hath a 
 ' very good favour here with all good chriftians and all 
 « true EngUJhmen, and will not be forgotten by me, as 
 
 * opportunitie fhall ferve. I hope you have long before 
 ' this time received that good fupplye which went fiom 
 
 < hence in July\z9cy whereby you will perceive, that 
 
 * you have not been forgotten heere. I hope alfo the 
 
 * Ihips fent for Ntw England are before this tvme with 
 
 * you ', and let me tell you, as an encouragement to you 
 
 * and thofe with you to improve the utmoft diligence, 
 
 * and to excite your courage in this bufinefs, though not 
 
 * to occafion any negligence in prefentinge that affair, 
 
 * nor to give occafion to flacken any improvement of 
 
 * what tiie place may afford, that you will be followed 
 
 * with what neceffary fupplies, as well for comfortable 
 ' fubfiftance, as for your fecurity againft the Spaniard, 
 
 * this place may afford or you want. And therefore 
 
 < ftudy firft your fecuritie by fortifieing ; and although 
 » you have not monies for the prefent, wherewith to do 
 ' it in fuch quantities as were to be wiflied, yet your 
 
 * cafe being as that of a marchinge army, wherein eve- 
 
 * ry foldier out of principles of nature and according to 
 
 * the practice of all difcipline, ought to be at the pains 
 
 * to fecure the common quarter ; wee hope no man 
 ' gmongft you will be foe wantinge to himfelf, confi- 
 
 * deringe
 
 394 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 midated, fent immediate orders to Blake^ 
 who was then in the Mediterranean^ to ad: 
 
 again ft- 
 
 * deringe food is provided for you, as not to be willinge 
 ' to help to the utterrnoft therein ; and therefore I re- 
 
 * quire you and all with you for the fafetie of the whole, 
 
 * that this be made your principal intention. The do- 
 
 * inge of this will require, that you be verie careful 
 
 * not to fcatter, till you have begun a fecuritie in fome 
 ' one place. Next I defire you, that you would con- 
 
 * fider how to forri) fuch a body of good horfe, as may, 
 
 * if the Spaniard fhould attempt upon you at the next 
 ' comeing into the Indiei with his gallions, be in a rea- 
 
 * dinefs to march to hinder his landinge, who will hard- 
 ' ly land upon a body of horfe ; and if he fhall land, 
 
 * be in a pofture to keep the provifions of the country 
 
 * from him, or him from the provifions, if he (hall en- 
 
 * deavQur to march towards you. Wee truft wee fliall 
 
 * furnifli you with bridles, faddles, and horfe-ftioes, and 
 
 * other things neceflary for that worke, defiring you to 
 *■ the uttermoft to improve what you have already of 
 
 * thofe forts. Should it be knowne that you had 5C0 
 ' horfe well appointed, ready to march upon all occa- 
 
 * fions in that ifland, even that alone might deterre the 
 
 * Spaniard from attemptinge any thing upon you. Wee 
 
 * have fent commiffioners and inftrudions into New 
 
 * England, to trye what people may be drawn thence. 
 
 * Wee have done the like to the Engiijh windward iflands, 
 
 * and both in England, Scotland, and Ireland, you will 
 ' *■ have what men and women we can well tranfport. 
 
 * W^ee thinke, and it is much defigned amongft us, to 
 
 * ftrive with the Spaniard for the maftery of all thofe 
 ' feasj and therefore wee could heartily wifh, that the 
 
 * ifland of Providence were in our hands againe, believ- 
 ^ inge that it lyes fo advantagioufly in reference to the 
 ^ mayne, and efpeciaily for the hindrance of the Peru 
 
 * trade and Car:agena, that you would not only have 
 
 * great advantage thereby of intelligence and furprize, 
 
 * but even blocke up the fame. It is difcourfed here, 
 ~ • * that
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 395 
 
 again ft Spain, His orders were obeyed, and 
 
 that if the Spaniard doe attempt you, it is moft likely 
 it will be on the eaft end of the ifland towards Cuhay 
 as alfo Cuba upon Cuba is a place eafily attempted, and 
 hath in it a very rich copper mine. It would be good 
 for the firft, as you have opportunity, to informe 
 yourfelf, and if there be need, to make a good work 
 
 fi* thereupon, to prevent them ; and for the other, and 
 ail things of that kinde, v/ee muft leave them to your 
 judgment upon the place, to doe therein as you fhall 
 fee caufe. To conclude, as we have caufe to be hum- 
 bled for the reproof God gave us at St, Dcmingo upon 
 the account of our owne fins, as well as others j foe 
 truly upon the reports brought hither to us of the ex- 
 treame avarice, pride, and confidence, diforders and 
 debauchednefs, profanenefs and wickednefs commonly 
 pradlifed amongft the army; wee cannot oniie bewail 
 the fame, but defxre that all with you may doe ioy 
 and that a very fpecial regard may be had foe to go- 
 verne for tyme to come, as that all manner of vice 
 may be thoroughly difcountenanced and feverely puniflif 
 ed, and that fuch a frame of government may be ex- 
 ercifed, that virtue and godlinefle may receive dueen- 
 
 4/f couragement.' 
 
 He lived not indeed to fee the beneficial efFefls of 
 his care. But the Englijh nation has fufficiently expe- 
 rienced it. "Jamaica for near a century has returned an 
 immenfe treafure to her mother country, and enabled 
 her to injure Spain when necefTary, in a very fenfible 
 manner. This ftje long has done, and as it is faid, is 
 yet capable of doing much more, if properly cultivated, 
 and improved, and refcued out of the hands of monopo- 
 lizers. How far this is true, it may become thofe who 
 have the affairs of our colonies under their infpe(SiQn to 
 enquire ; but whatever be the refult, it will b<?an indif- 
 putable truth that Jamaica is one great fource of wealth 
 to Britain. 
 
 wealth.
 
 ;96 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 wealth (ggg), honor and renown, accrued 
 
 to 
 
 (ggg) WeaUh and kanor accrued to his country by Blake'^ 
 hth.-vi'MrJ] On the King of Spain's feizing the perfons 
 and effcfls of the R::7llib bv wav of retaliation for what 
 Bad pafled in ATn:ri:a, CrcmiveH publifhed a manifefta 
 iii Latin, written, as is fL'ppofed, by Milton^ fetting 
 forth his reafcus for his conduct in that affair. This 
 piece contains a great variety of inftances of the barba- 
 rity, cruelty and oppreiSon exercifed by the Spaniards 
 on the Ef^gUfn^ which are little known. Ships were 
 taken, men murthered, ard the iflands of Tortuga and 
 Providence wreRed cut of the hands of the Englijh in 
 times of ful! peace. Befides thefe abon)inable c'eeds in 
 the new world, an account is given of many hoftile a(5ts 
 againft the fame nation, by the Spania^s^ even in Eu- 
 TTpe; from all which, fays the manifefto, * We are con- 
 
 * fidej't, we have made it plain to all, who weigh things 
 
 * fairly and tmpartiJly, that neceffity, honor and juftice, 
 ' have prompted us to undertake this late expedition. 
 
 * Firfl, we have been prompted to it by ntceffity ; it 
 
 * being abfolutely neceflary to go to war with the Spn- 
 ' niardsf fmce they will not allow us to be at peace with 
 
 * them : and then honor and juftice, feeing we cannot 
 
 * pretend to either of thefe, if we fit ftiil and fuffer 
 
 * fuch infufFerable injuries to be done our countrymen, 
 (»Milton's « as thofe we have fhown to be done them in the ^e/f 
 Works vol * ^"^'" (P)'* But Cromwell refled not in words. He 
 i-p. 27-. fent orders to Blake to attack the Spaniards in the Medi- 
 
 terranran or eKewhere, ard to feize every thing he could 
 Jay his hand on belonging unto them. Biake wanted 
 nothing more. * Shortly after, cruiMng, in conjunc- 
 
 * tioh with genera! Afcntague, off of Cadiz^ to inter- 
 
 * ccpt the Spanijh Fhta, captain Stenn r, with three 
 
 * fhips of the fleet, fell in with eight ffalleo is, with 
 
 * which he dealt fo effeiEluaHy in two or three hours en- 
 
 * gagement, that one was funk, another fet on fire, 
 
 * two were forced on fhore, and two he took, having 
 
 * ^ board in money and plate, to the value of fix 
 r • , * hundred
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 397 
 
 to his country by the behaviour of that gal- 
 ' lant 
 
 * hundred thoufand pounds, and only two efcaped into 
 
 ' Gadi% [q): This aaion was on the 9th of September, i^)'^''[^^^^* 
 1656. Capt. Stayner, in his letter to the generals of 
 the fleet, written on the day of the engagement, fays, 
 
 * The {hip he took was as good as all the fleet befides, 
 
 « and the other that capt. Harman took was very rich ; (r)TTiurlo«, 
 
 * though but little filver in her (r).' ^y the calculation v°*- ^'P* 
 of the Spaniards^ there was taken and loft nine millions ^^^' 
 
 of pieces of eight, of which about five millions fell iOi^j^..^ 
 the fliare of the Englljh {s). Befides this great fum of 400. 
 money, fo ufeful x.o Cj omwell ^x. th'xs time, advantage was 
 made of the intelligence given by the young marquis of 
 Buydexy a prifoner, who was born in Lima, and un- 
 derftood well the ftate of the We/i Indies. Montague 
 fpcnt almoft a whole afternoon in difcourfe with him, 
 and obtained fuch an account from him, as he thought (f) u.p^ 
 worth tranfmitting to Thurloe (/). So intent was he on 434« 
 procuring all polhble helps fur his country. ' The next 
 
 * year admiral S/i^i-? went out with a ftrong fquadron an 
 
 * the fame defign of intercepting the Span>Jh JVeft In- 
 
 * dia fleet, and took his ftation off of Cadiz^ where re- 
 
 * ceiving intelligence that thofe fhips were arrived at 
 
 * TenMffc^ he made the beft of his way to that ifland. 
 ' The tlota lay in the bay of Santa Cruz, drawn up in 
 ' form of a half-moon, with a flrong barricado before 
 ' them J the bay itfelf defended by kyen forts difpofed 
 
 * round the fame, with two caftles at the entrance, 
 ' which were well furnilhed with ordnance: in which 
 ' pofture the Spani/h admiral thought himfelf fo fecure, 
 
 * that he fent out word by a Dutch merchant, Blake 
 
 * might come if he durji. The admiral having taken a 
 
 * view of the enemy's fituation, fent in captain Stayner 
 ' with a fquadron to attack them, who foon forcing his 
 ' paffage into the bay, was prefently iupported by Blake 
 
 * with the whole fleet. Placing (bme of his fnips fo as 
 
 * that they might fire their broadfides into the caftles 
 
 * and forts, himfelf and Stayner engaged the Spanijh 
 
 " fleet.
 
 398 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 lant admiral. Very few commanders ever 
 fhcwed like condud and bravery. Nor were 
 
 the 
 
 * fleet, and in few hours obtaining a compleat vidory, 
 ' poffefled hlmfelf of all the (hips j but being not able 
 
 ^Itt.'''^' * ^° bring them off, he fet them on fire, and they were 
 
 ^6. * * every one burnt («).' Sixteen galleons were deflroy- 
 
 («)Tb«r- ed, befides others. Moft of them had a great part of 
 
 toCy^voi.Ti. jj^gjj. loading aboard, which perifhed all with the fiiips (*•). 
 
 P'3'»' , rj,^^ j^^ intelligence from Cadiz (fays Mr. Jidaynard, 
 
 ' the Englifo conful at Lijbon, in a letter to Mr Ihurlotf 
 
 « dated June 6, 1657, N. S.) faies, that the lofle of 
 
 < thofe fliips in the Canaria goes near their hearts ; they 
 
 * thinking it a greater lofle to them than the galleons 
 ' with the plate taken formerly ; for the confequence of 
 
 * this lofle will be grcate, in refpeft they are wholly 
 ' difappointed of furniihing the Wejl India with fuch ne- 
 
 * ceflkrics as they wante \ for thofe (hips were defigned 
 ' to have gone from thence in few days, if general Blahe 
 
 * had not prevented them ; fo now they are driven to 
 
 * their lafle Ihifte to freight Hollanders^ and fend them 
 (/)Id. Ibid. « fome, and fome for the India {y).' Such were the 
 
 nava! exploits under the Proteftor ! Exploits, which Mr. 
 IValUr has celebrated in more than one of bis Poems. 
 
 ■Britain, looking with a juft difdain 
 Upon this gilded Majefty of Spain ; 
 And knowing well, that empire muft decline, 
 Whofe chief fupport, and fmewsareof coinj 
 Our nation's folid virtue did oppofe, 
 ' To the rich troublers of the world!s repofe. 
 
 And now fome months, incamping on the maiiij 
 Our naval army bad befieged Spain : 
 They that the whole world's monarchy defign'd, 
 Are to their ports by our bold fleet confin'd ; 
 From whence, our red crofs they triumphant fee^ 
 Riding without a rival on the fea. 
 
 i And
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 399 
 
 the Englip lefs fuccefsful on the continent. 
 A body of men being fent into Flanders, 
 
 joined 
 
 And again,- 
 
 The fea's our own : ■ and now all nations greet, 
 With bending fails, each veffel of our fleet : 
 Your pow'r extends as far as winds can blow, 
 Or fwelling fails upon the globe may go. 
 
 He has not ufed too much poetical licence. 
 
 B!ake, « after this glorious atchievement, returned to 
 
 * the coaft oi Spain, and having cruifed there fome time, 
 ' was coming home with the fleet to Ergland, when he 
 
 * fell ill of a fcorbutic fever, of which he died juft as he 
 ' was entring Plymouth found. Crorr.weWs parliament, 
 
 ^. upon the news of his exploit at Santa Cruz, had cr- 
 ' dered him a jewel of five hundred pound, and now 
 
 * upon his death beftowed on him a folemn and fump- 
 
 !* tuous funeral, interring him in Httiry VII.'s chap- («) Bur- 
 ■*-ple (z).' This was on the 4th oi September, 1657, c"*-",?- 
 ' When his corps was conveyed from Greenwich houfe 59*' 
 
 * by water in a barge of ftate, adorned with mourning, 
 
 * efcutcheons, ftandards, i^c. and attended by divers of 
 
 * his highnefs's privy council, the commiflioners of the 
 
 * admiralty, the officers of the army, and navy, the 
 
 * Lord Mayor and aldermen of the city of London, &c, 
 
 * In their pafl'age along the river on the farther fide of 
 
 * the bridge and at the Tower, the great guns weredif- 
 
 * charged, as alfo on this fide of the bridge, till they 
 
 * came to Wejlm'mjler in the New-Palace Yard. From- 
 
 * thence the corps was by the fame perfons of honor 
 ' condu(5ted to Henry VJl.'s chappie in the Abbey, 
 ' where it was interred in a vault made on purpofe -^ 
 
 * and at the interment, the regiments of horfe and foot 
 
 * which attended gave many great volleys of fhot. The 
 ' whole was very honourably performed, according to 
 
 * the merit of that noble perfon, who had done fo ma- 
 
 * ny eminent fervices for his country both by fea and 
 
 * land.
 
 400 THELIFEOF 
 
 joined the French under Turenne^ who tak- 
 ing (hhh) Dunkirk, immediately put it in the 
 
 pof- 
 
 (a)Mercu- < Jgnd (a).' I would not have given this detail of the 
 
 cuT No!.'' honors paid to the corps of this moft virtuous, valiant 
 
 380, p. and difinterefted man^ who loved his country, and was 
 
 i6o5. And beloved and praifed by men of all parties who had any 
 
 Fafti vol. i. ^^"^^ °^ merit: I fay,! would not have done this, were 
 
 c. 205. it not to fhew how different his treatment was now, 
 
 from what it was after the return oi Charles II. when his 
 
 body (in virtue of his Majefty's exprefs command) was 
 
 taken up and buried in a pit with others in St, ^^r- 
 
 ^flr^/'s church -yard, September 12, 1 661 : ' In which 
 
 * place, fays iVood^ it now remaineth, enjoying no other 
 
 Fafti *^bi^ * monument, but what is reared by his valour, whick 
 
 fupra*. ' time itfelf can hardly deface (/>).' This bafe adion 
 
 r 1 R "fl ^'^op Kennet being, as I fuppofe, afhamed of, veils 
 
 ^ and chroni- over, by faying only ' his body was taken up and bu- 
 
 ^ cle, p. 536. t ricd in the church-yard (<:).' What authority a late 
 
 • ond. jijgejiious writer had to fay that Blah's * remains were 
 
 {d) Biogra- with great decency re- interred in St. Margaret's church- 
 
 phia Britan- yard,' is hard to fay (d). He refers indeed to Kennet in 
 
 j»ca,p. 016. jf^g place above cited. His authority will by no means, 
 
 we fee, bear him out. Some of the other bodies 
 
 taken up, and treated thus ignominioufly at the fame 
 time, were admiral Dean's, a man of bravery, who loft 
 his life in the fervice of his country ; col. Hump. Mack- 
 worth's ; Sir (Villiam Conjiabh's ; col. Bofcawen% a Cor- 
 n'ljh gentleman, of a family diftinguiflied by its conftant 
 attachment to liberty, and flouriftiing in great reputa- 
 tion, by the well known exploits of the admiral of that 
 name; and many others too long to be here mentioned. 
 Such was the politenefs and humanity introduced by the 
 reftoration I 
 
 (hhh) Dunkirk zt'^i immediately put in pojfejjion of the 
 Protcifor.'] France and England had been but on indif- 
 ferent terms. Bowdeaux had arrived in London and en- 
 tered on a negotiation for peace. He met with various 
 <lifficuhies and delays j and during the treaty, news ar- 
 rived
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 401 
 
 pofleilion of the proted:or. Such were 
 
 the 
 
 fivcd that an embargo was laid on the Englljh.^ in the 
 ports oi France. This was by way of reprifal for fome 
 hoftile ads faid to be done by them on the fubjects and 
 pofleffions of that crown. Hereupon the treaty was at 
 a ftanJ, and Cromwell refufed ablolutely t6 conclude on 
 any thing till the embai-go was taken ofF. 1 he French 
 were forced to comply, and great was the joy expreff- 
 ed by them for the peace. Cardinal Mazarine^ in a let- 
 ter to Bourdeaux, dated Paris^ December 8, 1655, N. S. 
 writes as fo.Iows. ' You will underftand by monlleur 
 ' de Brienne all the rejoicings that were made here for 
 *- the peace. I will only tell you, that amonglt other 
 
 * figns of joy, the King hath ordered all the guns to be 
 
 * difcharged generally in all the frontier places of this 
 
 * kingdom ; a thing which was never done ; and like- 
 < wife his Majefty will have me to have the honor to 
 
 * entertain him to day to dinner in publick, and you 
 
 * may believe we fhall not forget to remember in aCOTjiurloe, 
 
 * folemn manner, the health of the lord protestor {e)*''^\'J^''^' 
 After this, in the year 1657, a league ofFenfive and de- 
 fenfive againft Spain^ was made between France and 
 England -J by which the protedior engaged to fend fix 
 thoufand foot into Flanders^ on condition that the French 
 fhould undertake the fiege of Mardyke^ Gravelin, or 
 Dunkirk, and that if either of the two former places 
 
 were firlt taken, it fhould be put into his hands, to be 
 as a hoftage till he fhould be made mafter of Dunkirk, (/) Life^jf 
 which he was to keep, reftoring the other to Fran e if), ' "■'^.""s» f 
 1 hele troops were lent mto tlanders at the jomt ex- j-__ 
 pence of the contracting powers, but on their landing 
 were taken into French pay, and took place of all the 
 regiments of Turenne's zrmy, fave the two old regiments j^„ Ji' 
 of guards {g). Mardyke the firft campaign being taken, p. 287 and 
 was delivered up to the Engiijh, who greatly complain- ^46. And 
 ed of their being ill ufed by the French, in refpeit of^^'^^"""^* 
 provifions. Cromwell was ill pleafed that Dunkirk had 
 iiot been befieged inftead of Mardykt, and therefore 
 
 D d pe-
 
 402 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 the adions of Cromwell abroad ; — adions 
 which drew the eye of by-ftanders, and pro- 
 cured 
 
 peremptorily infifted on its being undertaken early in the 
 year 1658. Mazarine durft not refufe. Turenne had 
 orders to inveft it. He obeyed, and was fc on joined by 
 the Englijh forces. Lockhart^ the Engiijh ambaflador, 
 had the command in chief of thefe, under whom was 
 Morgan^ an officer of great bravery and experience. 
 The Spaniards, on hearing of the fiege, marched to raife 
 it. This produced a battle, in which the victory fell 
 to the allied army, and Dunkirk furrendered on condi- 
 tions. The next day Levuis XIV. and all his court en- 
 tered triumphantly into the town, and then delivered it 
 up, according to treaty, to the Englijh^ J^^^ I5» 1658, 
 
 jQUS.-r Thus had Oliver his defire, of obtaining a 
 
 footing on the continent, at the expence almofl wholly 
 of France. Lockhart in his letter to Thurlce, written: 
 the day before Dunkirk was delivered into his handsj 
 has the following expreffions. ' To-morrow before 
 
 * five of the clock at night, his highnefs's forces under 
 
 * my command, will be poflbfl'ed o( Dunkirk. 1 
 
 * have a great many difputes with the cardinal, about 
 < feveral things. I have agreed he (hall have all the 
 « cannon in the town, that have the armes of France upon 
 
 * them ; but fome other things, concerning fhipping in 
 
 * the harbor, and the quartering the French guards, and 
 
 * lodging the chief officers of the army, is yett in con- 
 « troverfie ; neverthelefle I muft fay, I find him willing 
 « to hear reafon: and though the generallity of court and 
 
 * arms are even mad to fee themfelves part with what 
 
 * they call un fi bon moreeau^ or fo delicait a bit, yet he 
 
 * is ftill conftant to his promifes, and feems to be as 
 
 * glad in the generail (notwithflanding our differences in 
 ' little particulars) to give this place to his highnefs, as 
 ' I can be to receive it. The King is alfo exceeding 
 ' oblyging and civil, and hath more trevv worth in him 
 
 S'^rvli * '^^" ^ cou\<\ have imagined {h)' From this letter, 
 
 p. 173. it demonftrably appeals, that the following anecdote of 
 
 Dr.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 403 
 
 tared him an extraordinary renown! 
 
 To thefe we muft add his deeds of real 
 mepit, and worthy of the higheft praife, 
 
 VIZ, 
 
 Dr. ^elwcod'Sy though coniiJently delivered, and fre- 
 quently, from him, repeated, is an abfolute fi<3ion. 
 There was an article, fays he, between France and 
 the proteflor, that if Dunkirk came to be taken, it 
 fhould immediately be delivered up to the Englijh % 
 and his ambafTador Lockhart had orders to take pof- 
 feffion of It accordingly. When the French army be- 
 ing joined with the Englijh auxiliaries, vVas in its 
 march to invert the town, Cromwell fent one morning 
 for the French ambafTador to Whitehall, and upbraided 
 him publicly for his mailer's defigned breach of pro- 
 mife in giving fecret orders to the French general to 
 keep pofleffion of Dunkirk, in cafe it was taken, con- 
 trary to the treaty between them. The ambaflador 
 protefted he knew nothing of the matter, as indeed 
 he did not, and begged leive to affure him that there 
 was no fuch thing thought of. Upon which Cromwell 
 pulling a paper out of his pocket. Here (fays he) is 
 a copy of the cardinal's order : and I defife you todif- 
 patch immediately an exprefs to let him know, that 
 I am not to be impofed upon ; and that if he deliver 
 not up the keys of the town of Dunkirk to Lockhart 
 within an hour after it ftiail be taken, tell him I'll 
 come in perfon, and demand them at the gates oi Pa- 
 ris. There were but four perfons faid to be privy to 
 the order, the Queen mother, the cardinal, the maref- 
 chal deTurenne, and a fecretary, whofe name it is not 
 fit at this time to mention. The cardinal for a long 
 time blamed the Queen, as if fhe might poflibly have 
 blabbed it out to fome of her women : whereas it was 
 found after the fecretary's death, that he had kept a 
 fecret correfpondence with Cromwell for feveral years ; 
 and therefore it was not doubted but he had fent him (OMe^oirs, 
 the copy of the order above-mentioned (?').' ^^hat^'^^^j" 
 nvention ! Wh^t falfliood ! Excellent is the ufe of State Lond.i73S. 
 P d 2 Papers,
 
 404 THELIfEOF 
 
 *uiz. his interpofition in behalf of the Vmi^ 
 dots (in), when under perfecution from 
 
 their 
 
 Papers, were it only to detect fuch hafty, credulous, 
 
 . . pofuive writers. Burnet tells us, ' The trade of 
 
 x> . 119. England fufFered more in this, than in any former 
 war {k) j' and Fuffendorf^ if 1 remember right, fays, 
 1500 (hips were taken by the Spaniards. 'Tis not im- 
 probable. The commerce of England was at a greater 
 height now than formerly. And the Spaniards by the 
 lofs they had fuftained, were incapable of making any 
 head, unlefs by privateering, whereby indeed the mer- 
 chants of England could not but be fufFerers. This al- 
 ways will be the cafe of a commercial nation, with fu- 
 periour force, braving her enemies, and blocking up, 
 or deftroying their fleets. However, in fuch a cafe, 
 the merchants, as fufferers, muft have leave to com- 
 plain. 
 
 (ill) His ir.tcrpofilion in lehalf of the Vaudois, b'f.] 
 If proteftantifm was meerly an hatred of the pope; if 
 it confifted barely in receiving the communion in both 
 inoirsof the l^inds, or chanting C/^w^«; Marofs^ or our Sternhold's 
 Houfc of old Pfalms, it would juftly be liable to the ridicule and 
 Branden- contempt with which it has been treated, of late, by 
 («)^SeeVol- fome men of genius (/;. Or if indeed it tended to de- 
 taire'sAge of ftroy monarchical power (/«), to fubvert the laws, and 
 Lewis XIV. j|^j.Q^ all things into confufion, princes would do well 
 180.' * to be on their guard againft it. But if, on the con- 
 trary, proteftantifm, as fuch, is merely a revival of the 
 do6trine of Jefus Chrilt, whereby the knowledge and 
 worfliip of the one true God of the univerfe was efta- 
 blifhed, and piety and virtue, in their full extent, re- 
 commended, and commanded, under the fandlions of 
 rewards and punifhments in another world : if this re- 
 ligion is fimple, intelligible, friendly, and benevolent, 
 and void of every thing to amufe or corrupt, then it is 
 v/orthy of efteem. What is the real ftate of the cafe, 
 thofe only are judges who are well verfed in the writ- 
 ings of the New Teftament, which the authors above 
 
 referred
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 405 
 
 their fovereign on account of their religion, 
 
 and 
 
 referred to, I prefume, do not pretend to be. One 
 ilrong prefumption, however, in favour of proteftan- 
 tifm is, its being the conltant objeft of the hatred of 
 thofe kings and priefts who delight to trample under 
 foot, the liberties of mankind, and render all fubjecSl to 
 their own wicked wills. A dodtrine of liberty can ill 
 be digefled by men fenfible of defigns fubverfive of it. 
 Hence have arifen the perfecutions of proteftants, an(J 
 in this light have they, I think, generally been viewed. 
 Almoft every where, when in power, have the ruling 
 ecclefiaftics ftirred up princes, to crufh and extirpate a 
 race of men who conftantly oppofe themfelves to their 
 defigns. The Vaudois, who long before Luther % time, 
 (perhaps from the firft ages of Chiiftianity) had enter- 
 tained opinions contrary to thofe of the church of Romej 
 and were for the moft part a plain, honeft, well-mean- 
 ing kind of men, (that had been cruelly ufed for their 
 opinions only) * had now a new perfecutlon raifed 
 
 * againft them by the duke of Savsy. So CromwAl fent 
 
 * to Mazarine defiring him to put a flop to that ; adding 
 
 * that he knew well they had that duke in their power, 
 
 * and could reftrain him as they pleafed : and if they 
 
 * did not, he mult prefently break with them. Maza- 
 
 * rine objefted to this as unreafonable : he promifed to 
 f, do good offices ; but he could not be obliged to an- 
 
 * fwer for the eft'efls they might have. This did not 
 
 * fatisfy Cromwell: fo they obliged the duke of Savoy to 
 
 * put a ftop to that unjuft fury: and Cromwell raifed a 
 
 * great fum for the Vaudois, and fent over Morland t£> 
 
 I .fettle all their concerns, and to fupply all their lof- C'')^yf"'^'* 
 
 « fes («).' Mr. (afterwards 't\x Samuel) MorlGnd^''^^^:^^ ^' 
 
 has written * The hillory of the Evangelical Churches 
 of the valleys of Pianont:* in which, among other 
 things, is ' a mofl naked and punctual relation of the 
 late bloody malTacre, 1655, and a narrative of all the (0) F^lif ^^ 
 following tranfatSiions to the vear of our Lord 1658 (3).' ''O"'^""' 
 D d 3 From ^"^'
 
 4o6 THELIFEOF 
 
 and the generous relief he afforded them m 
 
 their 
 
 From authentic papers in this book, it appears that the 
 proteftants under the proteftion of edifls, confirmed the 
 preceding year by their fovereign, and guilty of no 
 crime, were, by an order, dated January 25, 1655, 
 obliged to quit houfes and eflates, within three days, 
 upon pain of death, in cafe they did not make it ap- 
 pear that they were become Catholics within twenty 
 days. This, though in the depth of winter, old and 
 young complied with. Soon after, a body of troops 
 was fent into the villages and diftricts of thefe unhappy 
 creatures, who plundering and fpoiling every thing that 
 came in their way, provoked the fufFerers who had no- 
 tice of it fo much, that they flood up in their own de- 
 fence, and put to flight their perfecutors. Orders here- 
 tjpon were given to afford no quarter. In confequence 
 liereof a terrible fcene was exhibited. The utmoft cru- 
 elties were exercifed upon perfons cf every age, fex and 
 condition. Hanging, burning, difmembering, ravifhing, 
 and every barbarous and cruel punifhment, the nioft dia- 
 bolic imagination could invent, was inflicted on them. 
 The Swifs Proteflant Cantons, alarmed at thefe proceed'^ 
 ings, interpofed with the duke of Savoy, in behalf of 
 thefe his much wronged fubjecls. But in vain. They 
 had little attention paid to them, and were out of hopes 
 of pj-ocuring any redrefs. The news however reach- 
 ing Cromiveily ' He was fo deeply afFedled with the poor 
 
 * people's calamities, that he was often heard to fay, that 
 
 * it lay as near, or rather nearer his heart, than if it 
 
 * had concerned his nearefl and dearefl relations in the 
 
 * world. Neither indeed were the efFe(5ts of his cha- 
 . ^ ,. * rity and chrifliai^ compafHon, at all inferiour to thofe 
 i»Edjp, 552.* his zealous, earnefl, and pathetick expreffions (/>).' 
 
 He immediately ordered a colleftion through the king- 
 dom for a fupply of their ncceffities, which, through the 
 innate generofity of the Englijh, amounted to the fum 
 of thirty eight thoufand, ninety feven pounds, feven (hil- 
 lings
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 407 
 
 their diftrefles and fufFerings. This (with 
 
 very 
 
 lings and three-pence *. The protestor contributed to- 
 wards this, out of his own pocket, two thoufand / \ j^^^, 
 
 pounds (q). -Our forefathers, we fee, were not whol- land,p.58S, 
 
 ly unacquainted with that fpirit, which the prefent age, 
 with fome reafon, values itfelf fo much upon. With 
 this liberality however Cromwell did not reft fatisfied. 
 He immediately writ to the Kings of Sweden and Den- 
 mark, to the States -General, and the Proteliant Swifs 
 Cantons, requefting them to ufe their interpofition in 
 behalf of their perlecuted brethren, and declaring that 
 if it Ihould prove ineffeclual, that he was ready to ad- 
 vife with them about fuch means as might be moft con- (;.) i^, p, 
 ducing to their redrefs and relief (r). And that he might 554. 562. 
 in the moft powerful manner effe£l it, he gave orders 
 to Mr. Morland^ May 23, 1655, to prepare himfelf, 
 
 * in order to carry a meflage from his highnefs to the 
 
 * duke of Savoy, to intreat him to recal that mercilefs 
 ' edift, and to reftorethe remnant of his poor diftrefled 
 ' fubje«5ts to their antient liberties and habitations ; as 
 
 * likewife in his way to deliver a letter from his high- 
 ' nefs to the king of France, to follicit his Majefty to 
 ' employ his power and intereft with the duke for the 
 
 * fame purpofe.' The orders were foon obeyed. The 
 letter to the French King was delivered, who returned 
 an aafwer very refpetStful ; containing aflurances of his 
 having already mediated in behalf of the proteftants in 
 piedmont, and that he would ftiil continue fo to do. ' 
 To this was added, that he had grounds to hope, that 
 
 his mediation would not be unprofitable. Morland then 
 proceeded on to Turin, where, after being nobly enter- 
 
 • Cromwell's adverfaries, who ftuck at nothing to blacken him, had 
 the boldnefs to affirm, 'That moft of the money, which was collected 
 ' for this purpofe, was returned, and applied to the levying cf a body of ' l^t'^'" 
 
 * Swifs, to be brought over to controul the army, and reduce the peo- ""^^ ^''"' 
 ' pie to an implicit obedience to his government ^^ This is a ridicu- ^"" lawful 
 lous tale, and abundantly confuted by Moriand's accounts, in which "-ember of 
 the diftribution of the charity appears to have been honeftly and exadlly Pa^'^'a-'^enl 
 made. P* :^* 
 
 D d 4 taned. 
 
 V
 
 4P? 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 very many other inftances which might b^ 
 
 men- 
 
 tained, he had audience of the duke of Savor, in the 
 prefence of Madame Royale, his mother. Here, in a 
 very eloquent and pathetic fpeech, he lamented the un- 
 heard of cruelties inflidled on the duke's proteftant fub- 
 je6ls, and faid every thing to move him to compaffion. 
 After this the proted;or's letter was delivered on the fame 
 fubje(3:. Madame Royale * hereupon told the Englijh en- 
 voy, * That as on the one fide fhe could not but ex- 
 
 * treamly applaud the fingular goodnefs and charity of 
 f his highnefs the lord protestor towards their fubje6lii, 
 
 * whofe condition had been reprefented to him lo ex- 
 
 * ceeding fad and lamentable, as fhe perceived by that 
 
 * difcourfe of his j fo on the other fide (he could not but 
 ' extreamly admire, that the malice of men fhould ever 
 
 * proceed fo far, as to cloath fuch fatherlike and tender 
 f chaftilement of their molt rebellious and infolent fub- 
 
 * je£ls, with fo black and ugly a character, to render 
 
 * them thereby odious to all neighbouring princes and 
 
 * flates, with whom they fo much defir^d to keep a 
 
 * good underflanding ami friendfhip, efpecially with fo 
 
 * ^reat and powerful a prince as his highnefs the Lord 
 , * Prote<9or ; and withall, fhe d.d not doubt, but that 
 
 * when he fhould be particularly and clearly informed 
 
 * of the truth of all paflages, he would be fo fully fa- 
 
 * tisfied with the duiie's proceedings, that he would not 
 
 * give the leaft countenance to thofe his difubedient fub- 
 
 * jedls. But however, for his highnefs's f«ke, they 
 f would not only freely pardon their rebellious fubjei^s 
 
 * for thole fo heinous crimes which they had con mit- 
 
 * ted, but aifo would accord to them fuch priviledges 
 
 * and graces, as could not but give the Lord Protector 
 fi^Morlarrf * ^ fufficient evidence how great a refpeit they bare 
 f 573. ' both to his perfon and mediafion (5"'.' In conf«fe- 
 
 quence of the Protestor's application to the pr. teftaot 
 princes and flatef, a general difpufiiion appeared to fa- 
 
 • The duke was young, and under the tuition of his mother. 
 
 vouy
 
 O L i V E R C R O M W E L L. 409 
 
 mentioned of his concern for the protectant 
 
 intereft, 
 
 your the Vaudels. And very probable 'tis, the court of 
 Xurin would have been obliged not only to have given 
 them a pardon, but proper fecurity for the enjoyment of 
 their religion and liberties. Unhappily, they were too 
 hafty in procuring themfelves a little eafe. For while 
 the Dutch ambaflador was on his journey in their be- 
 half, and Oliver had fent two perfons to join with Mor- 
 land in negotiating a peace, a treaty was concluded by- 
 means of the French ambairador Servient, and the am- 
 baffadors-of the Stvifs Proteftant Cantons; a treaty fpe- 
 cious in appearance, but produ6Hve of many woes. 
 Cromwell, however, ceafed not to take care of the in- 
 tereft of thofe poor people. For underftanding that 
 they were ftill opprefTed in many inftances, though a 
 ftqp was put to the maflacres and other notorious a£ts 
 of violence, he fent a letter to Lockhart, his amba/Tador 
 ac the court of France, dated May 26, 1658, in which 
 he defires him, * To redouble his inftances with the 
 * French King, in fuch pathetick and affedtlonate ex- 
 ' prcffions, as may be in fome meafure fuitabie to the 
 ...' greatnefs of their prefent fufferings and grievances, 
 ■ f^ which (the truth is, fays he) are almoft inexpreffible.' 
 
 In this letter is coniained a lift of their grievances, 
 
 whereof Lockhart is ordered to make his Majefty tho- 
 roughly fenfible, and to perfwade him to give fpeedy 
 and effe£tual orders to his ambaflador, who refides in (')Morland, 
 the duke's court, to atSt vigoroufly in their behalf (f). — feq.^^' 
 This detail, plainly ftiews the little exadtnefs there is 
 
 in the above-cited palfage from Burnet, 'Tis not Im- 
 
 poffible however, if Crcmivell had lived a little longer, 
 he would have fully carried his point with regard to 
 thefe men ; his connections and influence in France be- 
 ing about this time at their height. 1 will add one re- 
 lation more on this fubjedt from Clarendon, a relation - 
 honourable indeed to Crorttwell, though 1 am afraid not 
 much to be depended on j as no traces, except of the 
 
 .,tumi}it, are to be found in Lockharfs letters. * In 
 
 •..• * the
 
 410 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 intereft, and the protedion he always grant- 
 ed 
 
 * the city q^ Nifmes^ which is one ' of the faireft in the 
 
 * province of Languedoc^ and where thofe of the re- 
 ' Jigion do moft abound, there was a great fadion at 
 ' that feafon when the confuls (who are the chief ma- 
 *■ giltrates) were to be chofen. Thofe of the reformed 
 
 * religion had the confidence to fet up one of them- 
 
 * felves for that magiftracy ; which they of the Roman 
 
 * religion refolved to oppofe with all their power. The 
 
 * diflention between them made fo much noife, that the 
 
 * intendant of the province, who is the fupream mini- 
 
 * fter in all civil affairs throughout the whole province, 
 
 * went thither to prevent any diforder that might hap- 
 
 * pen. When the day of eledtion came, thofe of the 
 
 * religion pciTeffcd themfclves with many armed men of 
 
 * the Town-houfe, where the election was to be made: 
 
 * The magiftrates fent to know what their meaning 
 f was ; to which they anfwcred, * They were there to 
 
 * give their voices for the choice of the new confuls, 
 
 * and to be fure that the eledlion was fairly made.* 
 
 * The bifliop of the city, the intendant of the province, 
 
 * with all the officers of the church, and the prefent 
 ' ' magiftrates of the town, went together in their robes 
 
 * to be prefent at the election, without any fufpicion 
 
 * that there would beany force ufed. When they came 
 
 * near the gate of the Town-houfe, which was fhut, 
 « and they fuppofed would be opened when they came, 
 
 < they within poured out a volley of mufket ftiot upon 
 
 * them, by which the dean of the church, and two or 
 ' three of the magiftrates of the town, were killed upon 
 
 * the place, and very many ethers wounded ; whereof 
 
 * fome died (hortly after. In this confufion, the ma- 
 
 * giftrates put themfelves into as good a pofture to de- 
 
 * fend themfelves as they could, without any purpofe of 
 - * offending the others, till they fhould be better pro- 
 
 < vided ; in order to which they fent an exprefs to the 
 
 * court with a plain relation of the whole matter of 
 1 fact J and that there appeared to be no manner of 
 
 7 * com-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 411 
 
 cd it) yielded juft matter of praife to his 
 • ad- 
 
 * combination with thofe of the religion in other places 
 ' of the province, but that it was an infolence ia 
 
 * thofe of the place, upon the prefumption of their great 
 
 * nuir.bers, which were little inferiour to thofe of the 
 
 * catholics.' The court was glad of the occafion, and 
 ' refoived that this provocation, in which other places 
 
 * were not involved, And which nobody could excufe, 
 ' fhouW warrant all kinds of feverity in that city, even 
 
 * to the pulling down their temples, and expelling ma- 
 
 * ny of them for ever out of the city ; which, with the 
 
 < execution and forfeiture of many of the principal per- 
 
 * fons, would be a general mortification to all of the 
 
 * religion in France^ with whom they were heartily 
 
 * offended j and a part of the army was fcrdiwith or- 
 
 * dered to march towards hlifmes, to fee this executed 
 "I* with the utmoft rigour. Thofe of the religion in the 
 "^'towTi, were quickly fenfible into what condition they 
 ** had brought themfelves ; and fent with all poffible fub- 
 ^ -mifiion, to the magiftrates to excufe themfelves, and 
 "f'to impute what had been done to the rafhnefs of par- 
 « ticalar meTi, who had no order for what they did. 
 
 * The magrftrates anfwered, that they were glad they 
 
 * were fenfible of their mifcarriage; but that they 
 
 < could fay nothing upon the fubje£t, till the King's 
 
 * pleafure (hould be known ; to whom they had fent a 
 * * full relation of all that had pafTed. The others very 
 
 « well knew what the King's pleafure would be, and 
 ,^ forthv^ith fent an exprei's, one Moulins^ who had liv- 
 •« ed many years in that place, and in Montpelier, to 
 
 * Cromwelly to defire his proteftion and interpofition. 
 ' The exprefs made fo much hafte, and found fo good 
 
 "f a reception the firft hour he came, that CrcmicelL 
 
 "** after he had received the whole account, bad him re- 
 
 ' frefh himfelf after fo long a journey, and he would 
 
 < take fuch care of his bufinefs, that by the time he 
 
 * came to Paris he ftiould find it difpatched; and that 
 
 * night, fent away another meflenger to his embalTador 
 
 ' Lock'
 
 412 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 admirers (kkk), and has accordingly been 
 
 cele- 
 
 * Lockhart ; who, by the time MouUns came thither, 
 
 * had fo far prevailed with the cardinal, that orders were 
 
 * fent to Itop the troops, which were upon their march 
 
 * to ^ijmes ; and, within hv/ day's after, Mculins re- 
 ^ turned with a full pardon, and amnefty from the 
 
 * King, under the great feal of France, fo fully con- 
 
 * firmed with all circumftances, that there was never 
 
 * farther mention made of it, but all things pafied as if 
 
 * there had never been any fuch thing. So that no body 
 {») Vol. vi, * ^^^ wonder, that his memory remains flill in thofe 
 p. 651. ' parts, and with thofe people, in great veneration {u).* 
 
 1 will not vouch, as 1 hinted above, for the truth 
 
 of this relation. 'Tis certain the behaviour of the pro- 
 . teflants is mifreprefented, as will appear from the fol- 
 lowing paflage of Lcckhorfs to Thurloe, dated Paris, 
 
 January 12, 1658, N. S. * Wee were yeflerday 
 
 ' alarmed with ill news from Nifmes, one of the mofl: 
 
 * confiderable cities of the proteftants. It was reported, 
 
 * that they and the Rowan Catholicks had been by the 
 
 * ears, and that much blood had been Ihed. Their cou- 
 
 * rier arrived this morning, and informs, there hath 
 
 * been fome difpute upon the account, that the gover- 
 ' nor, by the inftigation of their bifliops, would have 
 
 * deprived the citizens of their priviledge of choofing 
 
 * their magiftrates : the Catholicks, as well as the Pro- 
 
 * teftants oppofed the governor, who had armed the 
 
 * garrifon againft this town. There is not above half 
 (*)Thur. (. 2 fcore killed of the garrifon, and the chief of the 
 
 ' * ' proteftants faved the bifhops and governor's life {x)J 
 How different this from Clarendon ! 'Tis flrange he 
 never could adhere to truth in his narratives ! 
 
 (kkk) This yielded juji matter of pro if e to his admir- 
 ers, &c.] Let us hear Mr. Morland, a gentleman, a 
 fcholar, and a clofe obferver of the adtions of the pro- 
 te6lor. In his dedication of the book, fo much made 
 ufe of in the preceding note, addrefling himfelf to 
 Oliver, he fpeaks as follows. * It is an obfervation of 
 
 * that 
 
 f. 7*7.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 413 
 
 celebrated by them. Let Us now take a 
 
 view 
 
 * that excellent prince, the duke of Rohan, that the in- 
 ^■y tereft of the chief magiftrate of Eij^land is, by all 
 
 t^ means to become head of the reformed party through- 
 sfi^out Europe 'i and it is your highnefs's glory and 
 
 *'crown, that you have formed all your counfels in 
 ^ order thereunto, and laying afide all other reafons of 
 *i*.fftate, have adhered only to this, that your ovi^n in- 
 
 *- tereft may appear one and the fame with the univerfal 
 
 * intereft of the evangelical churches in their refpeclive 
 
 * nations. The piety of which rcfolution the Lordhim- 
 
 * felf hath born witnefs to, by a continued feries of 
 >f wonderful providences and heavenly benedi(ftions that 
 <* have always accompanied you in your moft honour- 
 
 * able and heroic enterprizes ; whereas thofe other prin- 
 ^'* ces that went before you, who had little regard in 
 ^^•- the adminiftration of their government, either to the 
 
 * honeft maxims of human policy, or to the wholefome 
 ' rules of the holy Scriptures (which they ought to 
 
 * have bound about their necks, and to have graven on 
 
 * the tables of their hearts) but miferably fpent the 
 
 * beft of their powerful intereils, and precious talents, 
 
 * in perfecuting tender confciences in their own do- 
 
 * minions, and moft treacheroufly betraying the pro- 
 
 * teftant caufe in Germany, France, and other countries, 
 
 ' did at laft, to their great aftonifhment, even in the , 
 
 * height of thofe their oppreffions, and in the midft 
 
 * of all their jollities, behold with their eyes a Mene 
 f Tekel upon the walls of their palaces and banquet- 
 
 * ing houies, and of late years in all the branches of 
 
 * their families have tailed the bitter fruits of their own 
 ' unrighteous doings. This is a doom which was longr 
 
 * fince pronounced againft them by the moft pious paf- 
 ' tors and profeflbrs of foreign churches, who oft-times 
 ' heretofore have been heard to fay. That God would 
 ' one day render a recompence to that Houfe for all 
 
 * their perfidious dealings towards his poor fervants, and 
 
 * now many of thofe godly men, who have lived tp 
 
 * fee
 
 414 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 view of Cromivelfs government at home,- 
 
 m 
 
 fee the execution of thofe his righteous judgments^ 
 confidering on the other fide the -wonderful paflages of 
 divine providence leading the way to the ''extirpation 
 of that family, and to the placing of your highnefs in^ 
 the princely dignity, have of late frequently declar- 
 ed (as I myfelf have been divers times an ear witnefs) 
 with tears of joy in their eyes, that they looked on 
 you as a man miraculoujly railed up by Gid, and en- 
 dowed with an" extraordinary fpirit of wifdom and 
 courage, to plead the caufe of his afflided ones againft 
 the might}^, that they may no more opprefs. Whc 
 is there fo ignorant in thefe our days who knows not, 
 that all the peace, tranquillity, and priviledges, which 
 thofe of the reformed religion enjoy at prefent in any 
 part of the European world, does fome way or other 
 own your patronage and prote<5lion ? And who ij 
 there likewife that knows not that when iirft you 
 were called forth in the view of the world, and fin- 
 gled out as a chofen inftrument to go forth to help 
 the Lord aoainft the mig-htv, and to fight his battles 
 agamft the great perfecutors, the eftate and condition 
 of the church militant was but at a very low ebb ? 
 The mighty floods of popery and atheifm were broken 
 in upon the ifles of Great Britain and Ireland, and 
 the poor protei!anjts in ail other parts were even fink- 
 ing down under the heavy burthens laid upon their 
 Ihoulders by thofe cruel taflcmafters of the church of 
 Rome', yea, the plowers were almoft every where 
 plowing and making long furrows upon the backs of 
 the faithful ones in all the quarters and corners of their 
 habitations ! It was a time when the enemies of the 
 Lord took crafty counfcl together againft his people, 
 and were confederate againft his hidden ones (the ta- 
 bernacles of Edom and the IJhmnelttes ! Jmaieck and 
 the Philijiines, with them that dwell at Tyre ! ) they 
 faid one to another. Come and let us cut them off 
 from being a perpie, that fo their name may be had 
 
 * no
 
 , OLIVER CROMWELL. 4x5 
 
 in which there were many things truly laud^ 
 
 able. 
 
 * no more in remembrance. And the truth is, they 
 
 * had undoubtedly compafled their hellifh defigns, Had 
 
 * not the (hephcrd ot" Ij'rael awoke as a man out of 
 
 * fleep, and found out a man (I mean your highnefs) (^)Dedica- 
 « to ftand in the gap, girding you with ftrength unto *'"" ^"^ l^'^ 
 
 < the battle, and putting his own fword into your hand, thech^u"ch- 
 
 * to fmite thofe his enemies in the hinder parts, andesofPie- 
 
 ' put them to a perpetual reproach {y).' """^ P- 2« 
 
 This application of antient names of Gentile (2) and netdrfutu-' 
 Idolatrous nations, to the Rom'ijh church, and the opi rajud^o. 
 nion fo publicly avowed of Cromtveli's being raifed up '■"'"^*^'*^""* 
 by providence to defend God's true church, and con 19 "gvo.^' 
 found its enemies: thefe things, 1 fay, render probable Lond. 1747, 
 the conjedture of a very learned and judicious friend, ^"'^ ^'■• 
 that Milton intended fome lines in his Sam/on Agoni- the^P^ophe- 
 Jles^ (hould be applied to Cromzvell and his followers, cies, vol. iii. 
 and the national defertion of his caufe, his family, and P- 378- ^<'* 
 his friends. Such are the following, though mixt with °" * '^^ 
 a circumftance or two peculiar to the Hiftory of Samfon, 
 
 Chorus. 
 In feeking juft occafion to provoke 
 The Philijiine^ thy country's enemy. 
 Thou never waft remifs, I bear thee witnefs : 
 Yet Ifrael ftill ferves with all his fons. 
 
 Samson. 
 That fault I take not on me, but transfer 
 On Ijrael's governors, and heads of tribes. 
 Who feeing thofe great ac^s, which God had done 
 Singly by me againft their conquerors, 
 Acknowledg'd not, or not at all confider'd 
 Deliverance ofFer'd : I on th' other fide 
 Us'd no ambition to commend my deeds, 
 The deeds themfelves, though mute, fpoke loud the ^''^ Samfon 
 
 d„ ^rf / \ Agoniftes, 
 
 oer, ^c. [a). ^^ ' 
 
 ********* ^' 
 
 Had '
 
 4i6 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 able. His court was more free from viceV 
 
 thaii 
 
 Had Judahthzt day join'd, or one whole tribej 
 They had by this pofTefs'd the tow'rs of Gath, 
 And lorded over them whom now they ferve: 
 But what more oft in nations grown corrupt,- 
 And by their vices brought to fervitude. 
 Than to love bondage more than liberty. 
 Bondage with eafe^ than flrenuous liberty ; 
 And to defpife, or envy, or fufpec^ 
 Whom God hath of his fpecial favor rais'd 
 As their deliverer} if he ought begin, 
 A^oonSeT ^°^ frequent to defert him,"and at laft 
 ^Aes. * To heap ingratitude on worthieft deeds (^} ? 
 ********** 
 
 But I a private perfon, whom my country 
 As a league- breaker gave up bound, prefum'd 
 Single rebellion and did hoiiile adts. 
 I was no private but a perfon rais'd 
 With ftrength fufHcient and command from heaven 
 To free my country ; if their fervile minds 
 Me their deliverer fent would not receive. 
 But to their mafters gave me up for nought, 
 Th' unworthier they j whence to this day they 
 Sc?;" ferve, ^..(0 
 
 To return. We find another of his panegyrlfts 
 
 fpealcing of him in yet loftier terms, in the following 
 paflages. * He is not only a refuge for good men, and 
 
 * the very fandiuary of religion, not its fortreffe only 
 ' and fure caftle of defence ; but he hath his troops 
 
 * %ing to difarm tyrants and oppreflbrs ; his forces are 
 
 * ready to march out againft the llorms and tempefts of 
 
 * any menacing enemy. You may fee him like a cham- 
 
 * pion with a great fpirit and gauntlet, llalking forward 
 ' like a giant with lightning in his eyes, and an all- 
 ' conquering look, ftretching forth a brawney arme as 
 
 * if he meant to cut off a hundred tlioufand heads at a 
 
 * blow : you may fee him dealing with wild beafts and 
 
 « fer-
 
 OLIVERCROMV/ELL. 417 
 
 than the generality of courts are fuppofed 
 to be, nor did he cafe to countenance (lll) 
 
 and 
 
 * ferpents, and how he clears the coaft amicft a compa- 
 ' ny of devils ; how he makes a lane through them, 
 
 * and opens a paflage for God's people through all ha- 
 ' zards and difficulties, amidft all the gloomy powers 
 
 * and principalities of darknefle. You may fee angels 
 
 * heading his weapons, and his lances fent him from ^ . , 
 
 ' heaven : his graces are all zealous to be ferviceable paralleled 
 
 * in the advancement and guard ianfhip of the true fro- Monarch, 
 
 ' tejiant inter eji [d).' In fuch ftrains were thefe gene- [^^'J ^g";"* 
 
 rous actions fpoken of in l)is own times ! The fol- ' 
 
 lowing wifti of a very modern writer will be deemed 
 perhaps equally as honourable to the memory of Crom- 
 well. Jt is put into the mouth of Burnet juft after the 
 revolution. * Oh I fays he, that I might fee the day, 
 
 * when our deliverer [/-^V/Z/flw III.] fhall become, vi'hdt 
 
 * a bold ufurpcr nobly figured to himfelf in the middle 
 
 * of this century, the foul and condudlor c>f the pro- 
 
 * teftant caufe through all Europe I and, that as Rome 
 
 * hath hitherto been the centre of ilavifh impofitions W Mcnl 
 
 ' and antichriftian politicks, the court of England may ^nJ Foiit.cal 
 ' henceforth be theconftant refuge and afylum of faint- p. 255, s'vo. 
 
 * ing liberty and religion (^).' Lond. 1759, 
 (lll) His court was m re free from vice. Sic ] How* 
 
 ever it happens, men are generally prejudiced agalnft 
 the niorals and integrity of courts. Perhaps, it is 
 through ignorance, or, perhaps, through prejudice, or 
 fome other caufe equally as unreafonable. But be this 
 as it may, 'tis certain divines and poets, hiftorians and 
 moralifls, caution their readers againft the danger of 
 fuch places, and exhort them to fly fwiftly from their 
 infeiStion. And fome there have been, long verfed in . 
 them, who have declared them incompatible with vir- Whificni 
 tue(/). Quotations to fupport thefe aflertions v.'ould Life, u. 3 4. 
 be needlefs Allowances, however, ought to be made ^*'°- ^'^"<^' 
 for the language of declamation, refentment, difappoin^- ^^'^' 
 ment, and the hefjhtnings of poetical compoiiLions. 
 E 9 Though,
 
 4i8 TflELIFEOF 
 
 and encourage any of profligate manners. — • 
 
 He 
 
 Though, after all, it were well if there was not ground, 
 fully fufficient, to complain. In this refpeft, how- 
 ever, as well as many others, the court of the pro- 
 te(3or was diftinguiflied. All here had an air of fo- 
 briety and decency ; nothing of riot or debauch was 
 feen or heard of. CromueH's own manners were grave, 
 and fuch were the manners of thofe around him, tholigh 
 feafoned, on occafion, with pomp, ftate and pleafantry. 
 
 * What palace,' fays a contemporary writer, * was ever 
 
 * lefs adulterated than his f Nay, in that very place, 
 ' where pimps and panders were ufed to traffique, and 
 
 * fport in the bafe reveilings of luft, there is now fitting 
 
 * a religious covent of our befl and moft orthodox di- 
 ' vines ; and whereas formerly it was very difficult to 
 ' live at court without a prejudice to religion, it is now 
 
 * impoflible tobe a courtierwithout it. Whofoever looks 
 ' row to get preferment at court, religion muft be 
 
 * brought with him inftead of money for a place : here 
 ' are none of thofe ufual throngs of vicious and de- 
 
 * haucht fwafh bucklers, none of thofe fervile and tayl- 
 
 * (baking fpaniels, none of thofe moe hair, linfie-wool- 
 (g) Unpa- * fy, nits and lice gentlemen, no fuch changeable ca- 
 raileiedMo-t mclions (^).' Let US add hereunto the teftimon'y 
 
 »P'/o«^f ^j^ adverfary. * His own court, fays he, was regu- 
 ' lated according to a fevere difcipline j here no drunk- 
 (/') Bate? - ' ^^» "°^ whore-maiter, nor any guilty of bribery, 
 p. ipi. ' was to be found, v;ithout fevere punifhment (h).' 
 But that we may not reft wholly on, words, we will 
 produce fome fa^ts which will fully evince the truth of 
 the text. The two following paflages are related by 
 Wh'ttlock. * Being now in London^ and hearing of 
 
 * the Qiieen of Sweden^s intention to come into Eng- 
 
 * Ir/nJy I made it known to the protedlor ; but he 
 
 * would not give her any encouragement ; he put it 
 
 * all upon the ill example file would give here by her 
 
 * courfe of life, and would. not be fatisfied by me to 
 
 * the contrary.— ——Grtf^ Hannibal Stjihtcidy a lord of 
 
 » Dtn-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 419 
 
 He filled the benches with able and honeft 
 
 judges, 
 
 « Denmark^ who bad married the king's half fifter there, 
 
 * and been vice-roy of Norway, but afterwards grew 
 
 * out of favour wtth his king, came into England to fee 
 
 * the proteftor, and made his applications to me, whom 
 
 * he had been acquainted with in Germany, I brought 
 ' him to the protestor, and he ufed him with all cour- 
 
 * tefy ; he dined with him feveral times, and the pro- 
 ' tedtor was much taken with his company 5 he being 
 
 * a very ingenious man, fpake many languages, and 
 
 * Englijh perfeftly well, and had been employed in fe- 
 
 * veral great charges and ambaffies-, but he was a very 
 
 * debauched perfon ; which, when the protedlor knew, 
 
 * he would not admit him any m.ore into his converfa- 
 
 * tion ; and, not long after, he departed out of Evg- ^',; ^^""■*'^- 
 ' /«K^(i).' 6a*7. "^' 
 
 Biflicp Bvrnet informs us, that the earl of Orrery 
 told him, * That coming one day to CrcmiueU, during 
 ' the debates about his accepting the title of king, and 
 
 * telling him he had been in the city all that day, Crom' 
 ' well afked him what news he had heard there : the 
 
 * other anfwered, that he was told he was in treaty 
 
 * with the King, who was to be reftored, and to marry 
 « his daughter. Cromwell exprefling 110 indignation at 
 
 * this, lord Orrery faid, in the ftate to which things 
 < were brought, he faw not a better expedient : they 
 ' might bring him in on what terms they pleafed : and 
 « Cromwell might retain the fame authority he then had 
 
 * with Icfs trouble. Cromwell anfwered, the King can 
 
 * never forgive his father's blood. Orrery faid, he was 
 ' one of many concerned in that, but he would be alone 
 
 * in the merit of reftoring him. CW/ztur/i replied, he 
 ' was fo damnably debauched he would undo us all j 
 
 * and fo turned to another difcourfe without any emo- .-> -r- 
 
 ... , T t »yr /^ It • 1 . K^) "'-"■net, 
 
 * tion (;?). -^ Lzdy M/ry Cro?nwelf, m a letter writ- vol. i. [,. 
 
 ten to her brother Henry CromtuH, June 23, 16^6, '-;• 
 fays, that the r^afon of her father's not embracing of 
 the terms offered by the earl of IVanvkk, in confide- 
 X Ee 2 ration
 
 420 THELIFEOF 
 
 judges, and ,caufed (mmm) juftice, for the 
 moH part, to be equally and impartially ad- 
 
 miniftred, 
 
 ration of the marriage propofed between his grandfon 
 Mr. Rich, and their fifter Frances, for fome time, * was 
 
 • not fo much eftat, as fome private reafons, which 
 
 ' was a diflik to the young perfon, which he had 
 (/) Thurloe, ' ^^^"^ ^°'" reports of his being a vifious man, given 
 vol, V. p. * to play and fuch lik things, which offis was done by 
 146- * fom that had a mind to brak of the match (/).' The 
 
 reports, however, on examination, proving falfe, the 
 match Was concluded with the confent of the protedlor. 
 Thefe paflages fufficiently evince the care of Oliver 
 to avoid giving even countenance to vice ; and alfo the 
 regularity of manners in thofe who partook of his fa- 
 vour and encouragement. We may well fuppofe the 
 nation muft be improved in their morals by fuch exam- 
 ples. 
 
 (mmm) He filled the benches with able and honejl 
 judges, &c.] The hiftorians of all parties have, by the 
 (w) Claren- notoriety of the facl, been forced to pay this tribute of 
 don, vol. vi. praife to Crcmw II. I could mention many; but will 
 p. 650. content myfelf with the authorities of Clarendon and 
 («) Detec- ^^'^'^' ^^^°» though of different principles, were equally 
 tion, vol. ii. foes to the government and memory of the protedor. 
 t.7»- The former affirms, * That in matters, which did not 
 
 , Cata * <^oncern the life of his jurifdidion, he feemed to have 
 logue «f the ' g^^^^ reverence for the law, rarely interpofing between 
 Dukes, * party and party (w).' The latter aflures us * That 
 ^^p^^r^^^*- f^ejltunJier-haU wzs never replenifhed with more 
 thehomirs * Ifamed and upright judges than by him ; nor was juf- 
 thathis * tice either in law or equity, in civil cafes, more equal- 
 hafh'he- * ^^ diftributed, where he was not a party (n).' The 
 (lowed f^nce "^mes of his judges, poffibly, may not be unaccepta- 
 he began his b!e to fome readers. They were as follows: the lord- 
 fo t™pJe"-' *^'-'^^-J"ft'"s Gljn and St. John-, the juftices IVarhurton, 
 tcnu By ^^'-^^''^k^ie, Atkins, Hale, Windham; the hzrons Niche- 
 T.W. i.e.las, Parker, Hili{o). 'J he commiffioners of the great 
 Tho.Wa.K- Seal, At fiift, wfre the famous Mr. ^/ /^///^<:/f, mdring- 
 
 ten
 
 OLIVER CROMWE>LL. 421 
 
 minlftred. He fought out every where 
 
 for 
 
 isn and Lenthal'y afterwards Fienneyj Lijle and Lenthal, 
 The gentlemen of the long robe ftill mention the names 
 of fome of thefe perfons with great honour. How fol- 
 licitous Cromwell was to appoint the moft ab!e ana up- 
 right perfons to fill the important pofts of the law, will 
 
 beft appear by the following quotations. * Ciom- 
 
 well feeing him (Mr. Hale) poiTeft of fo much prac- 
 tice, and he being one of the eminenteft men of the 
 law, who was not at all afraid of doing his duty in 
 thofe critical times, refolved to take him ofF from it, 
 and raife him to the bench. Mr. Hale hw well 
 enough the fnare laid for him, and though he did not 
 much confider the prejudice it would be to himfelf, 
 to exchange the eafy and fafer profits he had by his 
 pradlice for a judge's place in the common pleas, 
 which he was required to accept of, yet he did delibe- 
 rate more on the lawfulnefs of taking a commiflion 
 from ufurpers ; but having confidercd well of this, 
 he canie to be of opinion, that it being abfolutely 
 neceflary to have juftice and property kept up at all 
 times, it was no fin to take a commiffion from ufurp- 
 ers, if he made no declaration of his acknowledging 
 their authority, which he never did. He was much 
 urged to accept of it by fome eminent men of his own 
 profeffion, who were of the King's party, as Sir Or- 
 luulo Bridgman, and Sir Geoffery Palmer ; and was 
 alfo fatisfied concerning the lawfulnefs of it, by the 
 refolution of fome famous divines, in particular Dr. 
 Shellon^ and Dr. Henchman^ who were afterwards pro- 
 moted to the fees of Canterlury and London. 'Yo thefe 
 were added the importunities of all his friends, who 
 thought, that in a time of fo much danger and op- 
 preflion, it might be no fmall fecurity to the nation, 
 to have a man of his integrity and abilities on the 
 bench : and the ufurpers themfelves held him in that 
 eftimaiion, that they were glad to have him give a 
 countenance to their courts, and, by promoting one 
 E e 3 * \\\i^
 
 422 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 for men of abilities (nnn), in order proper- 
 
 ly 
 
 * that was known to have different principles from 
 (^) Burnet's* thtm ; affected the reputation of honouring and truft- 
 Matthew "^ ' i"g "^^^ °^ eminent virtues, of what periwafion foe- 
 Hale, p. 35. * ver they might be, in relation to publick matters (p).' 
 8vo Lond. .. Another work fpeaks more plainly on this fubject. 
 
 ' He [CrcmtvellJ ftudied to feek out able and ho- 
 
 * neft men, and to employ them. And fo having heard 
 ' that my father had a very great reputation in Scet- 
 
 * land, for piety and integrity, tho' he knew him to be 
 ' aRoyaiift, he fent to him, defiring him to accept of 
 ' a judge's place, and to do juftice in his own country, 
 
 (f) Hiftory ' hoping Only that he would not ad againft his go- 
 of his own ' vernment, but he would not prefs him to fubfcribe 
 ^imes, vol, t or fweat to it [q).' How great ! how generous ! it 
 ' ^' ^^' was hardly pofllble, but a man of fuch a difpofition muft 
 be well ferved. 
 
 . (nnn) HefM^ht cut etfery where for men of abiUtieSy 
 and. gave tkitn f roper employment. 1 That princes have 
 iuch poor tools oftentimes about them is owing to their 
 own weaknefs, or negligence. They have not either 
 fenfe enough to difcern, or fortitude to refufe or repel 
 fuch as, wiihout^merit, afpire to their favour. So that 
 their miniflers are fometimes of different and contradic- 
 ' tory charac-ers, and hinder more than forward the bu- 
 iinefs in which they pretend to engage. Mobs are in 
 moft courts ; wife men are diftinguifhed alone in thofe 
 whofe princes themfelves excel. From the choice of 
 miniiiers and favourites ihe charadler of the fovereign 
 
 may be oftentimes taken. Cromwell was all eyes. 
 
 lie faw every thing, he judged of every thing ; few 
 perfcns efcaped his notice ; merit was the objedl of his 
 choice. The authorities I fhall now produce, will, I 
 am perfuaded, juftify may afiertions. The toliowing 
 anecdote is prior, indeed, in point of time, to the pro- 
 tedtorate, but 'tis properly a part of Cromu ell's hifto- 
 ry, and tends to illuftrate moft this part of his charac- 
 ter. It is given by Mr. Morrice, a gentleman of cha- 
 racter.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 423 
 
 ly to employ them: endeavouring hereby to 
 
 pro- 
 
 zQ.er, who had it from lord BnghUl. < After the 
 
 horrid murder was committed upon the King's facred 
 perfon, lord Broghill, giving up all Ireland for loft, 
 retired into England^ to a fmall eftate left him by his 
 father at Mar/ion in ^omerfe'.flnre^ where he lived till 
 164.9. During this retirement, his lordfhip lament- 
 ing the fad condition of the royal family^ and the 
 ruin of thefe kingdoms, and refledling upon the cru- 
 elties and inhumanities of the IriP) rebels, he, at laft, 
 thought it too much below his fpirit and duty to fit 
 fiill, and fee all rights thus trampled under foot by 
 ufurpers. He refolved, therefore, to attempt fome- 
 thing for the publick as well as private good ; and, 
 accordingly, under pretence of going to the ^pa wa- 
 ters in Germany^ he intended to crofs the feas, and ap- 
 ply himfelf to King Cha>les II. for a commiffion to 
 raife what forces he could to reftore his Majefty in 
 Ireland^ and to recover his own eftate, then given for 
 loft. But, in order to the accomplifliing this refolu- 
 tion, he fent to the earl of Warwick^ who had an 
 intereft in the prevailing party, defiring him to pro- 
 cure a licence for him to pafs beyond the feas to Spa ; 
 not acquainting that lord with the main intent of his 
 going, and only communicating his defign to fome 
 friends, whom he imagined to be loyal and fecret. 
 He had already made up a confiderable fum of money, 
 and was now arrived at Lond:n^ in order to profecute 
 his voyage; when a gentleman belonging to Crom- 
 u'elli who was then made general in Sir Thomas Fair' 
 
 fax's place, came to his lodgings, to let him know 
 that the general, his mafter, intended to wait upon 
 him, if he knew but the hour when he would be at 
 leizure to receive him. My lord was very much 
 furprized at this pafTage, becaufe he had never any 
 acquaintance with C'-cnAvelly nor ever exchanged one 
 word with him. Wherefbre he told the gentleman, 
 he prefumsd he was miftaken, and that he was not 
 E e 4 ' the
 
 424 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 provide for his own honour and the na- 
 tion's 
 
 the perfon to whom the general had fent hitri with 
 that meflage. The gentleman made anfwer, he was 
 fent to lord Broghill ; and, therefore, if he was that 
 lord, he was fent to him. My lord finding that there 
 was no miftake in the gentleman, owned that he 
 was the lord Broghill; but defircd the gentleman to 
 prefent his humble fervice to the general, and to let 
 him know that he would not give him the trouble 
 to come to him, but that he would wait on the ge- 
 neral, if he knew where he was, and when he might ; 
 and to that end would immediately make himfelf rea- 
 dy for it. The gentleman told my lord he would ac- 
 quaint his excellency with it, and fo took his leave. 
 His lordHiip, in the mean time, was mightily con- 
 cerned what Cromwell's bufmefs with him fhould be. 
 While he was thus mufing, Crotnwelt came to him ; 
 and, after mutual falutations, told him, he had a 
 great kindnefs and refpecl for his loidfliip, and there- 
 fore he was come to acquaint him with fomething 
 that did very nearly concern him, and to give him 
 his advice in the matter. He then proceeded to let him 
 know, that' the council of ftate was acquainted with 
 his defigns, that he was come to town in order to 
 his palling beyond fea ; but, inftead of going to the 
 Spa for his gout, was going to the King for a com- 
 miffion to ra fe men, and oppofe their government in 
 Ireland; and that under this pretence the earl of 
 JVarivick had got him a licence from the ftate to pafs 
 the Teas. As Croi:,ivell was going on, my lord inter- 
 rupted him, and told him, he prefumed his excel- 
 lency was miftaken in the matter, for he was not ca- 
 pable of doing any thing that way ; and therefore 
 defired him to believe no fuch thing. But C>cmi:c I 
 told him, he had good proof for what he faid, and 
 could fhevv copies of his letters to that purpofe, and 
 therefore defired him not to deceive himfelf; for the 
 CQuncii had ordered him Xo be clapt in the Toiver
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 4^5 
 
 tion's welfare.— Learning he favoured, 
 
 and 
 
 upon his arrival in town ; which had been executed 
 accordingly, had not he himfelf interpofed in his be- 
 half, and procured feme time to confer with him, 
 to fee whether he might not be drawn off from his 
 purpofe. Upon this, and other circomftances, my 
 lord, finding that he was difcovered, begged Crom^ 
 well's pardon, and thanked him for his kindnefs, and 
 defired him to advife him what to do. Cromwell told 
 him, that neither he, nor the council, were ftrangers 
 to his actions In the Irijh war ; and therefore the fub- 
 duing of the IriJJj rebels being left to his care, he had 
 obtained leave from the council to make an offer to 
 lord Broghill, that if he would ferve in the wars a- 
 gainft the IriJh, he fhould have a general officer's 
 command, and fhould have no oaths or engagements 
 laid upon him, nor fhould be obliged to fight againft 
 any but the IriJh. My lord did not a little wonder 
 at this large offer, and would have excufed himfelf, 
 defiring fome time to confider of it: but Cromwell 
 told him, he muft refolve prefently, for there was no 
 time to deliberate, becaufe the council, from whom 
 he came, were refolved to fend his lordfhip to the 
 Tower as foon as ever Cromwell fhould return to them, 
 in cafe this offer was not readily accepted. Lord 
 Broghill feeing no fubterfuges could any longer be 
 made ufe of, and finding his liberty and life were in 
 danger, whereby he might be rendered utterly inca- 
 pable of ferving his Majefly ; and not knowing but, 
 by accepting this offer, he might afterwards be fer- 
 viceable to the royal party, he refolved to accept of 
 it upon the conditions which Cromwell mentioned ; 
 promiftng upon his word and honour, he would faith- 
 fully aflift Cromwell in fubduing the IriJh rebellion. 
 Whereupon Cromwell affured him, he fhould have 
 thofe conditions performed to a tittle; and defired him 
 to haflen down to Brijiol, where men fhould be fent 
 {o him, a.id Oiips vvajt fcr his traufportation, and he 
 
 him"
 
 43- S^o- 
 
 Lend. 1739 
 
 ^26 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 and was munificent to fuch as excelled in 
 
 fci- 
 
 * himfelf would follow him with another army ; a!I 
 
 [r) Mo^- c yffYiich was accordingly done (r).' Broghill was 
 
 of Lord Or- worthy of CrcmweliS choice: he ferved him faithfully, 
 lery, prcy was finccrely attached to the interefts of his family, 
 
 6xedtohis^ and did every thing to fupport it. The next inftance 
 
 jt\. Lond. ' I fiiall give from Woody who chofe not, we may well 
 
 3 74»« fuppofe, to falfify in favour of the protector. ' In 
 
 ^e"^ Me^-" * i^49> f^y^ ^^> **"^ ^^' Greavef of Grays-Inn, an 
 moirsofthe* intimate acquaintance with Dr. Meric Cajaubon, 
 Boyies, p. ' brought him a mefTage from Oliver Cromwell^ then 
 lieutenant-general of the parliament's forces, to bring 
 him to Whitehall to confer with him about matters of 
 moment, but his wife being then lately dead, and not, 
 as he faid, buried, he dehied to be excufed. After- 
 wards Greaves came again, and our author [Cjfauhcn] 
 being in fome diforder for it, fearing that evil might 
 follow, he delired him to tell him the meaning of the 
 matter, but Greaves refufing, went away the fecond 
 time. At length he returned again, and told him, 
 that the lieutenant general intended his good and ad- 
 vancement, and that his particular errand was, that 
 he would make uk of his pen to write the hiftory of 
 the late war, defiring, withall, that nothing but mat- 
 ters of fa6t be impartially fet down, i^c To which 
 he returned anfwer, that he defired his humble fer- 
 vice and hearty thanks be returned for that great ho- 
 nour done unto him, and withall, that he was un- 
 capable, in feverall refpscls, for fuch an employment, 
 and could not fo impartially engage in it, but that 
 his fubje£t would force him to make fuch refleclions 
 as would be ungrateful, if not injurious to his lord- 
 fliip. NotwithHanding this anfwer, Crcr/nvell {esmed 
 fo fenfible of his worth, that tho' he could not win 
 him over to his defires, yet he acknowledged a great 
 refpedt for him, and, as a teftimony thereof, he or- 
 dered that, upon the firft demand, there fhould be de- 
 livered three or four hundred pounds by a certain book- 
 
 ' feller
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 427 
 
 feller in London (v/hofe name was Cromwell) whenfo- 
 ever his occafrons (hould require, without acknowledg- 
 ing any benefador at the receipt of it. But this of- 
 fer, as I have been informed by our author's fon John 
 Cofaubon^ he fcorned to accept, though his condition 
 was then mean. At the fame time it was propofed 
 by the faid Greaves (who belonged to the library at 
 St. "James's) that if our author would gratify him in 
 the foregoing requeft, Cromwell would reftore unto 
 him all his father's [Ifaac Cafauhn's] books, which 
 were then in the royal library there (given by King 
 James, who had invited him into £'«^/«Wj and, with- 
 al), a patent for three hundred per annwn, to be paid (j) Wood's 
 to the family fo long as the youn^eft fon of Dr. Ifaac Athena;, 
 Cafaubon fhould live. But tliis alfo was refufed (5).' """g-,"- ^ 
 
 idwortb's, that he ^' 
 
 -It appears from a letter of Dr. Cuf. 
 
 was confulted by Mr. Ihurloe (no doubt but by the 
 protedor's orders) with regard to the charaders of fuch 
 perfons in the univerfity, as were proper to be employed 
 in political and civil affairs. The doftor mentions fe- 
 vcral men of diftinguiftied learning and abilities, and 
 then adds, * many more names I could fet down j but 
 ' thefe may fuffice for your choice j and you may, if 
 ' you think good, enquire further concerning any of 
 
 * them from fome others, and, if you pleafe, from this 
 
 * gentleman, whom I have, for that purpofe, defired to 
 
 * prefent this to you, Mr. George RuJI, fellow of Chrijl'-. 
 ? Colledge, who can further inform and fatisfy you con- 
 ^ cerning them. He is an underftandmg, pious, 
 ' difcreet man, and himfelf I know to be a man of ex- 
 
 * ceeding^good parts, and a general fcholar, but one that 
 
 * feems not fo willing to divert himfelf from preaching, 
 *■ and divinity, which he hath of late intended ; other- 
 
 * wife I know his parts arc fuch, as would enable him 
 '♦ for any employment. If you pleafe to enquire fur- 
 >* ther from him, and by him fignify your further pica- 
 
 * fure to me, I Ihali be ready in this, or any thing elfe, 
 
 * that 1 am able to expreffe myfelf, 
 
 Sir, your affectionately devoted friend and fervant, 
 
 f K. CUDWORTH. 
 
 Mr.
 
 428 * T H E L I F E O F 
 
 fcience (ooo). Nor did he fail of making 
 
 ufe , 
 
 Mr. Zachary Cradock was recommended to the fccre- 
 (0 Cud- tary by thig gentleman, for the place of chaplain to the 
 tyDr.Birch, EngUjh merchants at Lijhon. He was afterwards pro- 
 prefixed to vofl of EatoTjf and greatly celebrated for his genius and 
 of\hf i^^' ^e^"""'"? (0- Dr. John Pell, eminent for his fkill in 
 telleftual ' the mathematics, in the Latin ^ Greek, Hebrew, Arabic, 
 SyCxcw,^.i. lialian, French, Spanijh, and High ind Low Dutch \zn- 
 4to Lond. gyjjges, uas appointed envoy from the prote<5tor to the 
 (J/I'rch's proteftant cantons in Swijferland (a). Mr. (afterwards 
 Life of Sir) William Petty was ordered by Oliver, to take a 
 Bo)le, p. fm-vey, and make maps of the kingdom of Ireland, for 
 Lond. 1744. which he had a falary of 365/. per ann, befides many 
 (x) Wood's other advantages which enabled him to raife a great 
 ''^fr^c ^ft^t^ (*)♦ A"'^ It is faid, however improbably, * That 
 %_%/ ' * Cre/wzf^Z/wasfo pleafed with manyofMr./ifli'i^^i's prin- 
 * ciples- laid down in the Leviathan, which tended to 
 (v)Id. c. * juftify and fupport his ufurpation, that the great place 
 ^' * of being fecretary was proffered to him (>').' 
 
 If to thefe inftances, we add Milton, Mr. Marvel, 
 and Mr. Ahrland before mentioned, together with Nat. 
 Bacon, author of the celebrated difcourfes on govern- 
 ment, who was one of CromweU\ mafters of requefts, 
 Francis OJborn, a writer of good repute, who had pub- 
 lic employments under him, and Mr. Samuel Hartlib, 
 to whom he allowed one hundred pounds a year for his 
 induftry and expences in feveral publlck (ervices ; we 
 fhall be convinced that he was not deftitute of men of 
 abilities, or negligent of employing them in a manner 
 honourable to themfelves, as well as advantagious to the 
 nation. 
 
 (000) He favoured learning, and was munificent t» 
 fuch as excelled in fcience.] We have (ecn in the two 
 preceding notes, the care of theprotedor to feled^ men 
 capable of tranfa6ting public bufinefs in an honourable 
 and ufeful manner to the community of which he had 
 taken on himfelf to be the head. Mofl of thefe were 
 well verfed in the fciences, and confequently would, 
 6 well
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 429 
 
 ufe of the methods of kindnefs and conde- 
 
 fcen- 
 
 well enough, have ferved for proofs of CromweWs fa- 
 vour to the learned. I fhall add however others, that 
 his regard to learning may be put out of a poflibility of 
 
 doubt. Oliver was chancellour of the univerfity of 
 
 Oxford, and within a year after his afluming the protec- 
 torate, * at his own charge, he beftowed on the public 
 
 * library there, twenty five antient manufcripts ; ten of 
 
 * which were in folio, and fourteen in quarto, all in 
 ' Greeks except two or three. He moreover ordered to 
 ' a private divinity reader there (newly chofen to that 
 
 ' place) an annuity of one hundred pounds per annum, , . „ 
 ' out of the exchequer, for the (aid reader's encourage- Hus Poiiti- 
 
 ' ment (z).' When the great defign was on foot of cus. No. 
 
 publifhing the Polyglott^ by Dr. Walton, the proteflor ^'^_^- ^\^ 
 permitted the paper to be imported duty free *. And whitiock, 
 'tis a hSi, attefted by his very enemies, that he hin- p- 605. 
 dered the fale of archbifliop Ujhers valuable library of 
 prints and manufcripts, to foreigners, and caufed it to 
 be purchafed, and fent over to Dublin, with an inten- 
 tion to beftow it on a new college or hall, which he i"^ f^f., 
 
 , ,° ' ._^ l^arr s L.11S 
 
 had propofed to build and endow there {^o). Dr. Parr ofUfhcr, 
 and Dr. Smith fay, the purchafe was made by the of- p. »02. 
 ficers and foldiers of the army in Ireland, but how this 
 is confiftent with Parrs faying afterwards, that ' when 
 ' this library was brought over into Irelandy the ufurper 
 ' and his fon, who then commanded in chief there, 
 ' would not beftow it on the college of Dublin/ is 
 very hard to fay. I prefume they would not have 
 claimed the right of beftowing, if they had not acquired 
 that right by purchafmg. Dr. Smith, fenfible of this, ^ 
 has varied from his original, (for he is little more than 
 a tranflator of Parr) and attributes both purchafe, re-^ 
 
 • Towards the clofe of Walton's preface we find the following words : 
 Primo autem commemorandi quorum favore Chartam a Vedtigalibus im- 
 inunem habuimus, quod quinque ab hinc annis, a Concilio fecretiori pri- 
 mo conceflum, poftea a Screniflimo D. PrtteBore ejufque Concilio, operis 
 promov^adi caufa, benigne confiimaUin et coatLauavum Cfac, 
 
 fufjd
 
 430 THE LIFE OF 
 
 fcention, in feveral refpedts, to conciliate 
 
 the 
 
 fufal of beftowing on thecollege of Dublin, zn6 inten- 
 TalobiUffe- ''°" °^ creSing a new building for its reception, to thd 
 
 rii Scriptore, ofEccrs and foldiers only (b) Stnith however allows 
 
 Thoma vvith Parr, that Crcjnwell had the merit of hindering the 
 Theoioeije exportation of this valuable library into foreign parts ; 
 Doaore&' and with aftonifliment crys out, ' Quis autem crederet 
 Ecclefis « hominem, enthufiafmi furoribus fubinde correptum, 
 Preft'^^o ' & humanioris iiteraturas oforem, cavifTe, ne thefau- 
 prefixed to * fus i^ttxtx^AngUam, non fine fumma injuria genti inu- 
 u/her's An- t, renda, exportaretur ?' His aftonifhment would have 
 °^ ^' 2^"^' ceafed, had he known the true character of the pro- 
 Folio, p. 55. teftor.——— But to go on. A reprefentation hav- 
 ing been made to the parliament of the commonwealth 
 of England, by the gentlemen of the county of Durham, 
 and fent up by the high IheriiF to the parliament, inier 
 alia, that the college and houfes of the dean and chap- 
 ter, being then empty and in decay, might be employed 
 for ereding a college, fchool, or academy for the be- 
 nefit of the northern counties, which are fo far from the 
 tmiverfities ; and that part, of the lands of the dean 
 and chapter near the city, might be fet out for pious 
 tifes : it was referred to a committee to ftate the bufi- 
 nefs and report their opinion. This was in May, 1650. 
 From this time till about feven years after, we hear no 
 more of it. But on the 15th oi May, 1657, the Lord 
 Protedor, by writ of privy feal, erefted a college at 
 Durham, confifting of one provoft or maft:er, two prtach- 
 ers or fenior feliows, and twelve other fellows. ' And 
 ' for the endowment of the faid college, the cathedral 
 
 * church and church-yard of Durham, and the feveral 
 
 * mefluages with their appurtenances thereunto belong- 
 
 * ing were granted. To thefe were added a yearly 
 
 * rent-charge of one hundred and feventeen pounds, 
 
 * fifteen {hillings and eight pence, and another of five 
 
 * hundred pounds iffuing out of the manors of Gattjhead 
 
 * and IVickham in the faid county of Durham, as alfo 
 
 * one other of two hundred eiahtv-four pounds, four 
 
 " ' * (hil-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 431 
 
 the (ppp) afFedions of his enemies to his 
 
 perfon 
 
 * fliillings and four- pence, ifluing cut of lands lately 
 
 * belonging to the biftiop or dean and chapter of that 
 
 * diocefe. Befides all thefe donations, the books prin- 
 
 * ted and manufcript belonging to the late bifliop dean 
 
 * and chapter were added, and a liberty of purchafing 
 
 ' or receiving; lands, not exceeding; the yearly value!,''' '^ 
 
 o ' o / y Memoirs 01 
 
 * of fix thoufand pounds (r).' We may fee by this, that Oliver 
 Oliver was a friend to learning, and zealous to promote it; Cromwell, 
 but whether the means inthisinftance made ufe of, were p'"|j"|t[^* 
 themoft eligible, muft be left to the reader to determine, of curious 
 —I had forgot to add, that this foundation of a college hirtorlcal 
 at Durham was oppofed by the' univerfities of Oxford ^^^^'^^^J' 
 and Cambridge, and that it was but of a fiiort duration. Lord, i-^o* 
 For on Richard's refignation, it of courfe dropped. 
 
 I will mention but one inltance more of the Protec- 
 tor's regard and encouragement of literary merit.- 
 Dr. Seth IVard, who was afterward bifhop of Exeter 
 and i9(2rwzra fucceflively, (landing candidate, in the year 
 1657, for the principalfhip of J ejus college in Oxford, 
 loft it through means of Cromwell's pre- engagement to 
 another. But upon being informed of the merit and 
 learning of /K'7r^, (who had fucceeded the very learned 
 Mr. John Greaves as aftronomy profeflbr in that uni- 
 verfity) he received and converged with him with great 
 freedom, and enquiring of the value of the principalftiip, ('O Howe's 
 promifed to allow him the like fum annually {d). This .^jj!^.''^ ^l' ^ 
 Dr. JVard became after the reftoration a thorough- ' 
 paced court- bifhop, applying himfelf to politics, and 
 adhering to the intereft of thofe to whom he owed his 
 preferments. I think he never (hewed any return of 
 kindnefs to the friends of Cromwell. 
 
 (ppp) He made ufs of the methods of kindnefs and Coh- 
 defceniion to his enemies.'^ Here are my authorities. 
 * The nobles and great men, fays Bates (for with fome 
 few of them he had an intimacy) he delighted with 
 raillery and jefting, contended with them in mimical 
 geftures, and entertained them witii merry collations, 
 
 . mufick.
 
 1U19S. 
 
 43^ T H E L I F E O F 
 
 pcrfon and government* Thefe were fome 
 
 of 
 
 mufick, hunting and hawking. When he was in 
 
 the country, he ufed once or oftner a year, to give the 
 l'\n"* "* nc'g'^bours a buck, to be run down in his park, and 
 
 money to buy wine to make merry with (^).' The 
 
 following account, we are told, was delivered by Dr. 
 Thomas Smith, and was firft published by Mr. Thomas 
 Hearne, in his Appendix to the Chrcnicon de Dunjlahle\ 
 
 * I will relate a paffage, that the marquis told me con- 
 
 * cerning the old marquis of Hartford. A little after 
 
 * the death of the lord Beauchamp his fon, in the year 
 ' 1656, (which was of unfpeakable grief to him) the 
 ' Protector fent Sir Edward Sidenhain to him, to con- 
 
 * dole with him for the great lofs he had fuftained, and 
 
 * many fine words and compliments befides. The mar- 
 
 * quifs of Hartford would have been glad Cromwell had 
 
 * fpared that ceremony ; but however received it in the 
 
 * beft manner he could ; and returned a fuitable ac- 
 
 * knowledgment for the fame. Some time after this 
 .* Crcrmvell fent again to invite the marquifs to dine 
 ' with him: which this great and brave nobleman knew 
 
 * not how to wave or excufej confidering it was in 
 ' CromwelPs power to ruin him, and all his family. 
 
 * Therefore fent him word he would wait upon his 
 ' highnefs. In a little time after he went accordingly, 
 
 * and Cromivell received him with open arms ; and at 
 ' dinner drank to him, and carved for him with the 
 ' greateft kindnefs imaginable. After dinner, he took 
 ' him by the hand, and led him into his drawing-room, 
 ' where (only they two being alone) he told the mar- 
 
 * quifs, he had defired his company, that he might 
 
 * have his advice what to do. For, faid he, I am 
 
 * not able to bear the weight of bufinefs that is upon 
 
 * me; I am weary of it; and you, my lord, are a 
 ' great and wife man, and of great experience, and 
 ' have been much verft in the bufinefs of government; 
 ^ pray advife me what I fhail do. The marquifs was 
 ' much furprized at this difcourfe of the Proteftor's, and 
 
 ' deli red
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 433 
 
 of the illuflrious adions oi Cromivell : anions 
 
 ftill 
 
 * defired again and again to be excufed : telling him, 
 
 * he had ferved King Charles all along, and been of his 
 
 * private council ; and that it no ways confifted with 
 
 * his principles, that either the Protedtor ftiould afk, or 
 
 * he (the marquis) adventure to give him any advice. 
 
 * This notwithftanding would not fatisfy Cromwell^ but 
 
 * he preft him ftill, and told him he would receive no 
 
 * excufes nor denials ; but bid the marquifs fpealc freely, 
 
 * and whatever he faid, it fhould not turn in the leaft to 
 
 * his prejudice. The marquifs feeing himfe!f thus 
 ' preft, and that he could not avoid giving an anfwer, 
 
 * faid. Sir, upon this aflurance that you have given mcj 
 
 * I will declare to your highnefs my thoughts, by which 
 ' you may continue to be great, and eftablifh your 
 ' name and family for ever. Our young mafter that is 
 
 * abroad (that is, my mafter, and the mafter of us all) 
 
 * reftore him to his crowns, and by doing this you majr 
 
 * have what you pleafe. The Protestor, no way dif- 
 
 * turbed at this, anfwered very fedately, that he had 
 
 * gone fo far, that the young gentleman could not for- 
 
 * give. The marquifs replied, that if his highnefs pleaf- 
 
 * ed, he would undertake with his mafter, for what he 
 ' had faid. He replied again, that in his circumftan- 
 
 ' ces ; he could not truft. Thus they parted, and the . ; 
 
 * marquifs had never any prejudice hereby fo long as ^,1^^^^.^ ^ 
 
 * Cromwell lived (/).' hord Clarendon fpeaks alfo- of his Memoirs 
 Cromwell's * making addrefles to fome principal noble- o^O'iver 
 
 * men of the kingdom, and fome friendly expoftulations p*^^"!'^* ' 
 
 * with them, why they referved themfelves, and would (^^ s'eevol. 
 ' have no coinmunication or acquaintance with him (g) r vi, p. ^53 
 
 • -From thefe fails, we may judge of Cr<'Awjff'//*s ad- 
 
 drefs, and his knowledge of the human heart, which 
 by flattery is fooneft of all things captivated and en- 
 fnared. His method of treating his enemies was many 
 times alfo very mild and generous. * He underftood 
 
 * fays Burnet, that one Sir Richurd Willis was chan- 
 
 * cellor Hyde^i chief confident, to whom he wrote of- 
 
 F f • t9Sl.
 
 434 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Aill more remarkable, as his reign was fliort, 
 
 and 
 
 * ten, and to whom all the party fubmitted, looking on "'■■ 
 ' him as an able and wife man, in whom they con- 
 
 * fided abfolutely. So he found a way to talk with - 
 ' him : He faid, he did not intend to hurt any of the 
 
 * party ; his defign was rather to fave them from ruin : 
 
 * they were apt after their cups to run into foo'ifh and 
 
 * ill-concerted plots, which fignified nothing but to ruin 
 
 * thofe who engaged in them : he knew they confulted 
 
 * him in every thing : all he defired of him was to > 
 
 * know all their plots, that he might fo difconcert them 
 
 * that none might ever fufFer for them : if he clapt any 
 
 * of them up in prifon, it fliould only be for a little 
 
 * tim.e : and they (hould be interrogated only about 
 ' fome trifling difcourfe, but never about the bufinefs 
 
 * they had been engaged in. He offered IVillis whate- 
 
 * ver he would accept of, and to give it when or as he 
 
 * pleafcd. He durft not afkor take above 2000 pounds 
 
 * a year. None was trufted with this but his fecretary 
 
 * Thurhe, who was a very dexterous man at getting in- 
 
 * telligence. Thus Cromwell had all the King's party 
 
 * in a net. He let them dance in it at pleafure: and 
 
 * upon occafions clapt them up for a Ihort while ; but 
 (b) Vol. i. ( nothing was ever difcovered that hurt any of them (h),* 
 ?• "** What is about to be related, will ftill more dif- 
 
 play the truth of the text. ' One day, in a gay man- 
 « ner, Oliver told Lord Broghill that an old friend of 
 
 * his wasjuft come to town. The Lord Brcgbill de- 
 
 * firing to know, whom his highnefs meant ? Ciormuell 
 
 * to his great furprize, anfwered. The marquifs of Or^ 
 
 * mond. The Lord Broghill protefting he was wholly 
 
 * ignorant of it: I know that- well enough (fays the 
 
 * ProtecStor j) however, if you have a mind to preferve 
 
 * your old acquaintance, let him know, that I am not 
 
 * ignorant either where he is, or what he is doing. 
 
 * He then told him the place where the marquifs lodged ; 
 ' and Lord Broghill having received this generous per- 
 
 * milEon to fave his friend, went diredly to him, and 
 
 ac-
 
 OLIVER CkOMWELL. 435 
 
 andjiis revenue { Q^^) fcanty.^— But his gd- 
 
 vern- 
 
 acquairited him with what had pafTed ; who finding 
 himfelf difcovered, inftantly left London.^ and with the 
 firft opportunity returned to the King. Soon after 
 Cromwell being informed that the Lady Orrri nd wzs 
 engaged in feveral practices againft the government^ 
 and correfponded with her hufbanJj for the better ac- 
 complishing of them, had refolved to ufe her with 
 great feverity j and told the Lord Broghill with a 
 frown, the firft time he faw himj you have pafled your 
 word for the quiet behaviour of a fine perfon : the 
 Lady Orin-md is in- a confpiracy with her hufband 
 againft me, though at your requeftj I perrtiit her to 
 ftay in London^ and allow her 2000/. per annum. I 
 fin^ ftie is an ungrateful vyomah, and fhall ufe her ac- 
 cordingly. Lord Broghill., who faw the Prote£1or was 
 thoroughly provoked, but knew that a foft anfwer ufu- 
 ally appeafed him, told him in the moft fubmifiire 
 manner. That he was forry the Lady Orfn nd had giv-. 
 en his highncf? any occafion to be difpleafed with her^ 
 but humbly defired to know^ what ground he had for 
 fufpecting her ? Enough: {hy% Crcmwell) I have let- 
 ters under her own hand, which were taken out of 
 her cabinet : and then throwing him a letter, bid hini 
 read it. He had no fooner perufed it, than he aftured 
 the ProtetSlor with a fmile, that what he had readj 
 was not the hand of Lady Ormonde but of Lady Ifa- 
 bella 'ihyriy between whom and the marquifs of Or- 
 rnond, there had been fome intrigues. Cromweil ha- ; 
 ftily afked him^ how he could prove that? Lotd t]^"''-^'"'f 
 
 ■ r 1 r\ in 1 • jVlcmoirs or > 
 
 Broghill anfwered very eahly ; and ihewed him fome tiie Boyies, K 
 other letters from the Lady Ifabeliai of whom he told P- 59- Bio- 
 two or three ftories, fo pleafant, as made CromiveU ^'^^^^^^ ^^^'^ 
 iofe all hisrclentment m a hearty laugh [t). gnh. ic-a, 
 
 ( QC!^) His riven.. efcaTity.'] Whoevef confiders what 
 tlromueli did at home and abroad ; the greatnefs of his 
 fleets and armies ; his fpies and intelligencers ; his am- 
 baftadbrs and envoys, and the ftate he on fome occa- 
 
 Ff 2 fions
 
 436 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 vernment, however, was far from being free 
 from blame. His edid againft the (rrr) 
 
 epifcopal 
 
 Hons afTumed; I fay, whoever confiders his government 
 
 wliich made fo great a figure in the eyes of Europe, and is 
 
 ftill ta]ked of with admiration, will be aftonifhed to find 
 
 (*) Protec- that the whole revenue of England, Scotland and /r*?- 
 
 tor'sSY^ech, land, amounted to but 1,900,000/. (yf) His enemies 
 
 iilj.^^' "moreover add, that when he afTumed the government, 
 
 ' The publick flock was five hundred thoufand pounds 
 
 « in ready money, the value of feven hundred thoufand 
 
 * pounds in ftores, and the whole army in advance, 
 
 (/) World's * ^°"^^ ^°"''» ^^^ "°"^ under two months ; fo that 
 
 Miftake in * though there might be a debt of near five hundred 
 
 Oliver t thoufand pounds upon the kingdom, he met with 
 
 Cromwell, . ^^^^^ ^^j^^ ^^^ ^,^j^^ j^^ jj^^ ^^ .^ ^^, , ^^^ ^Cowley 
 
 fays, » He found the commonwealth in a ready flock of 
 (w)Dif. ^ t about 8co,cco pounds, and left it fome two millions 
 
 cer"ning"he ' ^^^ ^" ^^^^ ^" ^^t*^ ('")•' Allowing all this to be 
 
 Government true, Cromwell snuii have been an excellent ceconomifl. 
 of Oliver For what prince almofl, could have done fo much on 
 Cromwell, f^ jj^tig ? vVe may be fu re there could have been no 
 great wafle of the public treafure on favourites, no need- 
 lefs parade, or expenfive follies, when the fum to be 
 managed for every purpofe was fo contra£led. But the 
 force of ceconomy is great; its efficacy powerful; and 
 he who fpends or gives when 'tis proper, and only when 
 *tis fo, may do things beyond the imagination of moft *. 
 (rrr) His edict aga'injl the epifcopal clergy, was very 
 cruel.] Cromwell by nature, as I have more than once 
 had an opportunity of fhewing, was generous and hu- 
 mane, kind and compaffionate; but when he was pro- 
 voked he fhewed his refentment, and made his enemies 
 («} See Note feel the weight of it. With refpe(5l to religion he was 
 i'^>- no bigot (nj; and yet, exafpcrated by the condu(5l of 
 
 the 
 
 • Turning to Thurloc, I find the following eftlmate of the charge 
 cf a year, ending the firft of November 1657. This cftimatc is foitie- 
 
 tbing 
 
 fu
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 437 
 
 epifcopal clergy was very cruel, as it depriv- 
 ed 
 
 the cavaliers, who had fo fooljfljly rifen againft him 
 under IVayJlaff, Femuddcck, and Grove in the weft, he 
 treated the cJergy of that party very rigoroufly. In a 
 declaration bearing date, Otiober i^^ 1655, we find the 
 following prohibitions. « His highnefs, by the advice of 
 
 * his council, doth publiOi, declare and order, that no 
 
 * perfon or perfons aforefaid [whofe eftates had been fe- 
 
 * queftered for delinquency, or who had been in arms 
 
 * againft the parliament] do, from and after the firft day 
 
 * o{ January 1655, keep in their houfcs and families, 
 ' as chaplains or fchool-m afters, for the education of 
 
 * their children, any fequeftered or ejedted minifter, fel- 
 
 * low of any college, or fchool-mafter, nor permit any 
 
 * of their children to be taught by fuch, upon pain of 
 
 * being proceeded againft in fuch fort, as the faid or- 
 
 * ders do direciS in fuch cafes. And that no perfon who 
 
 * hath been fequeftered or ejedied out of any benefice, 
 ' college or fchool for delinquency or fcandal, fliall, 
 
 * from and after the firft day of January^ keep any 
 
 * fchool, either public or private, nor any perfon who 
 « after that time (hall be ejedled for the caufcs aforefaid, 
 
 thing beyond what I have given from the proteflor's fpeech j but as it 
 has the air of exaftnefs it poflibly may delerve the attention of the public. 
 
 The charge at fea . . . C94.,<;oo 
 
 The charge of the army in the three kingdom* - 1,132,489 
 The government - - - 200,000 
 
 4 
 
 o 
 
 Sum Is • 2,2 '6>9^ o Q 
 
 The prefent Revenue. 
 
 /. *. i. 
 
 The aflefTment m England, Scotland and Ireland 1,464,000 4 o 
 
 The excife and cuftoms, eftimated at - - 700,000 o o 
 
 The other revenue payable into the receipt, eftimated at igS.coo o O 
 
 Sum is - 4,364,000 4 o 
 
 N. B. Cromwell had only 400,000!. from his par- 
 liament towards the war with Spain. SeeThttr- 
 loe, Voi, iv. p. 596. 
 
 Ff 31 < And
 
 438 THELIFEOF 
 
 pd them in a good meafure of their malnte-? 
 
 nance, 
 
 {e) Harkiaa 
 Mifceliany, 
 vol. V. p. 
 049. Mer- 
 c'lrius Poli- 
 ticBS, Ko. 
 45s. p. 
 i774. 
 
 ? And that no perfon, who for delinquency or fcan- 
 f dal, hath been (equeftered or cje<Ste^, ftiall from and 
 after the firft day of January aforefaid, preach in any 
 public place, or at any private meeting of any other 
 perfons than thofe of his own family, nor fhall ad- 
 minifter baptifm or the Lords Supper, or marry any 
 perfons, or ufe the book of Common-Prayer, or the 
 forms of prayer therein contained, upon pain that 
 every perfon fo oiFending in any of the premifes, (hall 
 be proceeded againft, as by the faid orders is provided 
 and directed. And to the end all perfons concerned 
 may take notice hereof, and avoid the danger of any 
 of the faid penalties, his highnefs doth charge and 
 command all fherift 's within their refpective counties, 
 cities and towns, to caufe this declaration to be pro- 
 claimed and publiftied. Neverthelefs his highnefs 
 doth declare, that, towards fuch of the faid perfons, 
 as have fince their ejection or fequefiration given, or 
 {hall hereafter give, a real teftimony of their godlinefs 
 and good affection to the prefent government, fo much 
 tendernefs (hall be ufed, as may confifl with the fafety 
 
 and'good of the nation (7).' It would be ufelefs 
 
 to fpend words in expofing the cruelty of this declara- 
 tion. Perfecution is written on the fiace of it, nor is it 
 capable of a vindication. We are told that fome of the 
 moft confiderable epifcopal clergy, on the i/Tuing forth 
 pf this decree, appljed to archbifhop UJhrr, tq ufe his 
 ntered with the Proteclor, ' That as he grante^ liberty 
 of confciencc to almoft all forts of religfea^, fo the 
 epifcopal divines might have the fame freedom of ferv- 
 ing God in their private congregauons, (fince they 
 were not permitted the public churches) according to 
 the liturgy of the church of England ; and that nei- 
 ther the minifters, nor thofe that frequented that fer- 
 vice, might be any more hindered or difturbed by his 
 foldiers. So according to their defires, continues Dr. 
 Parr, he went and ufed his utmoft endeavours with 
 
 ' Crom-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 439 
 
 nance, and of their liberty of worfhiping 
 God according as appeared beft to their own 
 
 under- 
 
 Cromvoell^ for the taking off this rcftraint, which wa« 
 at laft promifed, (though with fome difficulty) that 
 they fhould not be moiefted, provided they medled 
 not with any matters relating to his government : but 
 when the lord primate went to him a fecond time, to 
 
 get this promife ratified, and put into writing, 
 
 Cromwdl anfvvered him to this effeft, that he had fince 
 better confidered it, having advifed whith his council 
 about it, and that they thought it not fafe for him to 
 grant liberty of confcience to thofe fort of men, who 
 are reftiefs and implacable enemies to him and his go- 
 vernment; and fo took his leave of him, though with 
 good words, and outward civility: the lord primate 
 feeing it was in vain to urge it any farther, faid little 
 more to him, but returned to his lodgings very much 
 troubled, and concerned that his endeavours had met 
 with no better fuccefs ; when he was in his chamber, 
 he faid to fome of his relations and myfelf, that came 
 to fee him. This falfe man hath broken his word with 
 me, and refufes to perform what he promifed ; well, 
 he will have little caufe to glory in his wickednefs, 
 for he will not continue long; the King will return; 
 though I (hall not live to fee it, you may; the go- 
 vernment both in church and ftate is in confufion, 
 the papifts are advancing their proje<5ts, and making iP) Life of 
 fuch advantages as will hardly be prevented (/>).' ^^"' f* 
 This truly venerable primate had reafon to be out of ^ 
 humour. For whatever might have been the pradlices 
 of many of the epifcopal clergy, 'tis certain there were 
 amongft them wife, pious, leamed, and peaceable men, 
 who merited a very different treatment from this which 
 was given them by Oliver. Not to take notice that it 
 is a very barbarous thing to prohibit men the ufe of 
 thofe forms of addrefs to the Deity, which they ima- 
 gine are moft honourable and acceptable to him.— — — — 
 However, in juftice to the Protestor, it muft be faid, 
 F f 4 that
 
 44Q THE LIFE OF 
 
 underftandings. The cavaliers had hard 
 meafure from him, as they were (sss) with^ 
 
 out 
 
 ^ g^^ that notwithftanding this declaration, he winked at, or 
 
 Wdicers permitted fome worthy epifcopalians to officiate in the 
 
 Suffering's public placcs of worftiip, nor do we find that they fuf- 
 
 ofthcCler- ^gj.gj ^j^^ inconvcniences on account of it. The book^ 
 
 p. '23, 24. referred to in the margin will be deemed full authority 
 
 a6. 69. Foi. by thofe acquainted with the charaifler of their au- 
 
 Nelfon's ^'^' ^^°^^ (?)' ^° ^^^* fome tendemefs was ufed towards 
 
 Life of fuch as were not of obnoxious chara£lers, though \% 
 
 Bifljop Bull^ cannot be doubted but many innocent and worthy men 
 
 8vo L ^d' "^"^ ^^^^ received very hard meafure. 
 
 Iji,. ' (sss) The cavali.rs had hard meafure from him, being 
 
 fubjeiied to heavy taxes, &c.} Cromwell, though ari 
 
 enemy, had fhewn favour to the cavaliers in a vaiiety 
 
 of inflances, and zealoufly promoted thq a6l of oblir 
 
 •• vion whereby they obtained many folid advantages* 
 
 But they could not be quiet. 1 hey were continually 
 
 plotting how to bring in the young King, and reftore 
 
 him to what they called his right. For in the eyes of 
 
 thefe men nations and kingdoms were patrimonial eftates, 
 
 and as fuch were to pafs from father to fon, without 
 
 afking the confent of thofe who conftituted them. 
 
 What made them more forward was the difcontent 
 which had arifen among their adverfaries, on Cromitellh 
 feizing the government, and exercifmg the fuprean:^ 
 rule. For many zealous republicans now turned againf^ 
 him, and even joined with their fworn foes, to com- 
 pleat his deftrudlion. So blind is revenge ! Among 
 (r) See Not? thefe werc Overton and IFildman, men of parts and in- 
 (zzz;. tereft in the army (r). BtJt nothing was concealed froni 
 the eye of Cromwell. He feized many of the confpira,- 
 tors, and difappointed their intended infurredlions. 
 Grov£ and Penrudduck appeared however in the weft, 
 and with a fmall body of men, carried ofF the judges 
 pn the circuit at Salijbury; but being purfued, wer« 
 taken, and executed at Exeter. Had Cromwell ftopt 
 here, had he only punifhed fych as had appeared ii^ 
 
 arms.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 441 
 
 out exception, almoft, rendered fubjecfl to 
 
 heavy 
 
 arms, or truly engaged in the plot againft hiin, there 
 had been no blame. Men who will venture on fuch 
 exploits, muft take the confequences j nor is a govern- 
 ment to be blamed for making them examples. But 
 provoked, Crcmwell went much farther. He punifhed 
 the whole body of cavaliers, and made little diftin£lion 
 between them. An order was made that • all thofe who 
 ^ had ever borne arms for the King, or declared them- 
 ' felves to be of the royal party, fhould be decimated, 
 
 * tlidtis, pay a tenth part of all that efl^ate which they 
 
 * had left, to fupport the charge which the common- 
 
 * wealth was put to, by the unquietnefs of their tern- 
 
 * pers and the juft caufeof jealoufy which they had ad- 
 
 < miniftered.'' By another declaration, ' they were 
 
 ' rendered incapable to be ele£led, or give their vote in 
 ' the eledtion of any perfon or perfons to any office or 
 
 * place of truft or government, within the common - 
 
 * wealth J or to hold or execute by themfelves or depu- (j)s«eCU- 
 
 * ties, any fuch office or place till his highnefs's com- rendon, vol. 
 
 * mand was farther known (s).' And a great number of T; P" 57°- 
 perfons of quality were clapt up m prilon, agamft poihicus, 
 whom little more was to be alledged than that they had No. 276. 
 been of the royal party. This treatment could not P" 5^39* 
 but be deemed by many, hard, and unjuft. But Crom- 
 well and his council undertook to vindicate it, in a 
 declaration, publiihed O^sber 31, 1655, wherein, af- 
 ter taking notice of the events of the late war ; the 
 pun£tual performance of the articles granted to the ca- 
 valiers ; and the a6l of grace and oblivion granted to 
 them, in order to heal and cement, and take away all 
 
 feeds of difference and reparation : I fay, after taking no- 
 tice of thefe things, the declaration goes on to obferve, 
 » That there can be no other conftru(Stion made of the 
 
 * adlings of that party, to the difturbance of the pub- 
 
 * lick peace, and to the fubverfion of the government, 
 f but that they are implacable in their malice and re- 
 f venge, and never to be drawn from their adhering to 
 
 * that
 
 442 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 heavy taxes and other inconveniences, upon 
 
 ac- 
 
 « that curfed intereft, which hath been the fhedding of 
 ' fo much innocent blood, and almoft the ruin and 
 ' deftru<5tion of thefe lands.' As to the act of obli- 
 vion, againft which thefe proceedings were deemed 
 contrary, it was anfwered, * That the parliament, 
 
 * by that a(S, intended not only an oblivion of the of- 
 
 * fences of the party, [the cavaliers] but that this kind- 
 
 * nefs {hould be anfwered with obedience on their part, 
 ' and produce a real change in their principles and in- 
 
 * tereft, as to the common caufe this great conteft had 
 ' been about, for otherwife this zQ. cannot be confidered 
 
 * as obligator}' to thofe who gave it : and in this cafe 
 
 * forbearance from outward aftion will not avail, to 
 
 * intitle to the benefit of the pardon, if yet there be 
 ' malice and revenge in the heart, and fuch a leaning 
 
 * and adhering to the olc^intereft, that nothing is want- 
 ' ing in the difcovery thereof, but a fitting opportuni'y ; 
 ' for as fuch men cannot in juftice and ingenuity, claim 
 ' the benefit of an z6k of favour from the fupream ma- 
 
 * giftrate, to whom they themfelves be enemies, fo nei- 
 
 * ther is that magiftrate bound in juftice before God or 
 
 * men to give it to them, if he hath reafon to believe 
 
 * from the courfe of their converfations that they are 
 
 * fuch, and that their intentions towards the govern- 
 
 * ment, under which they live, are the fame as when 
 
 * they were in open arms againft it, and is at liberty to 
 
 * carry himfelf towards them, as if no fuch a<ft had 
 
 * been. Nay, he may proceed againft them with greater 
 
 * feverity, inafmuch as he hath ufed the laft means to 
 
 * reclaim them without fruit, and knows by experience, 
 
 * that nothing but the fword will reftrain them from 
 
 * blood and violence. Then if this be the cafe between 
 ' us and the late King's party, to wit, that they have 
 
 * notorioufly manifefted it to the confciences of all men, 
 ' that they do not only retain their old principles and 
 
 < ftill adhere to their former intereft, in dire<S oppoii- 
 
 < tion to the government eftablifhed, but have been all 
 
 * along
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 443 
 
 aecount of the raflmefs and imprudence of 
 
 fome 
 
 * along hatching new difturbances, and endeavouring as 
 ' well by fecret and bloody aflailinations, as by open 
 ' force to introduce the one, and overthrow and fub- 
 
 * vert the other ; it will not be thought ftrange upon 
 ' any account whatfoever, that we did lately fecure fo 
 
 * many of the men of that intereft, although they were 
 ' not vifibly in arms upon the late infurredtion ; nor 
 ^ that we have laid a burden upon fome of their eftates, 
 ' beyond what is impofed upon the reft of the nation, 
 
 * towards the defraying of that charge which they are 
 
 ' the occafion of, with fome other things which we . > „ . 
 
 * have found neceflary in this time of danger to direct tion, p, jz. 
 
 * concerning them, for the peace and fafety of the 4^"- Pf'n- 
 
 « whole (^j.' After this follows a clear and <^iftin<a '/^'l^'b'^Hen. 
 narrative of the plot, fupported by fuch evidence as ap- ry Hills a&i 
 
 peared to the government convincing. But what John Field, 
 
 was all this to the innocent ? Yes, proceeds the de- u"u"! *"/- 
 
 claration, * Admit that lome or that party were as m- the Lord 
 ' nocent, as they would now have it believed they were, Protcaor, 
 ^ enough hath been done by their fellows in a common * ^^' 
 
 * caufe (which hardly any of them know how to dif- 
 
 * own, which they luve, and of which they glory) to 
 
 * draw the whole party under a juft fufpicion, and the 
 
 * confequences thereof: all that are peaceably minded 
 ' in the nation are ready to fay, thefe arc the men of 
 ' whom we go in danger, and certainly it is both juft 
 
 * and neceflary, that all thofe of whom the people have 
 
 * reafon to be afraid (not only as their profeft enemies, 
 
 ' but alfo numerous) (houIJ pay for fecuring the flate («) ij, p, 
 ^ againft that danger which they are the authors of (u).' s^* 
 ' 1 hat chara<5ler of difference between them and 
 
 * the reft of the people, which is now put upon them, 
 
 * is occafioned by themfelves, not by us ; there is no- 
 
 * thing they have more induftrioufty laboured in than 
 f this, to keep themfelves feparated, and diftinguiftied 
 ' from the well-aft"e6led of this nation : to which end 
 f they have kept their converfation 9p.art, as if they 
 
 ' would
 
 444 THELIFEOF 
 
 fome of their party. Nor muft it be for- 
 gotten 
 
 * would ^oid the very beginnings of union, have bred 
 
 * and educated their children by the fequeftred and 
 
 * cjefted clergy, and very much confined their mar- 
 
 * riages and alliances within their own party, as If they 
 
 * meant to entail their quarrel, and prevent the means 
 
 * to reconcile pofterity ; which, with the great pains 
 
 * they take upon all occafions to leflen, and fupprefs the 
 ' efteem and honour of the Englijh nation, in all their 
 
 * adions and undertakings abroad, ftriving withal to 
 
 * make other nations diitinguifli their intereft from it, 
 
 * gives us ground to judge that they have feparated 
 ' tbemfelves from the body of the nation ; and there- 
 ' fore we leave it to all mankind to judge, whether we 
 ' ought not to be timely jealous of that fcparation, and 
 
 * to proceed fo againft them, as they may be at the 
 (x)DeeTa- ' charge of thofe remedies which are required againft 
 lation, &c. ' the dangers they have bred (*).* Such are the prin- 
 P- 3** ciples on wl\|ch this rigour was juftified ! Principles un- 
 
 juft and tyrannous, and fit to fupport the moft arbitrary 
 arxi deftruftive meafures! And accordingly they have 
 been made ufe of by U Eflrange profefiedly, to infti- 
 gate the magiftrate to crufh the party that o{>pofed him. 
 * That which is fawce to a goofe, fays he, is fawce 
 
 * to a gander. They that thought this proceeding law- 
 ^^ i JV" * ful and reafonable, from Cromwell to the cavaliers, 
 367. * Will certainly never think it hard m return, from a 
 C«^ See the « rightful prince to a band of traytors (y).' It were to 
 laving"an° ^^^^ \x.^v\ wifhed, fome have thought, that no fuch 
 exttaorfina- principles had been afted on in a much more modern 
 ry Tax on period, by men who profefled and gloried, in words at 
 oAne Pa- l^aft, jn aflerting the caufe of liberty (z). It is faid 
 pifts, in this declaration was drawn up by the lord commiffioner 
 Torbuck's fiennes^ once governor of Brijiol^ for the furrcnder of 
 taryDe- which he was fentenced to death by a court-martial, 
 l^tes, vol. but pardoned by the kindnefs or the Earl of EJfex^ then 
 •wii. p. iSc. j^r^} general for the parliament. Lord Clarendon tells us, 
 i-Ar. * That wh«n this declaration was fent to Cohgne^ the 
 
 ' King
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 445 
 
 gotten here to mention his inftitution of ma- 
 
 jor- 
 
 * King caufed an anfwer to be made to it upon the 
 
 * grounds that were laid down in it j and as if it was 
 
 * made by one who had been always of the parliament 
 ' fide, and who was well pleafed to fee the cavaliers 
 ' reduced to that extremity j but with fuch refk^Slions 
 ' upon the tyranny that was exercifed over the king- 
 
 * dom, and upon the foulnefs of the breach of truft the 
 ' Proteftor was guilty of, that it obliged all the nation 
 
 ' to look upon him as a deteftable enemy, who was to(j) VoJ.vi. 
 ' be removed by any way that offered itfelffa).' TheP'S7»« 
 writer of this, it feems, was his lordfhip himfelf, who has 
 alfo afTumed the merit, fuch as it is, of mofl of the 
 anfwers to the parliament's declarations before the war, ^oi's UfT 
 which have been generally given to Charles himfelf (^). vol. i. p. 
 The *• letter from a true and lawful member of par lia-'^^'!>'^^^' 
 menti and one faithfully engaged with it from the begin- "^* 
 King of the war to the end,' I believe is the anfwer in- 
 tended ; it exadlly fuiting the defcription given by his 
 lordfhip, and (hould therefore be added to the lift of his 
 writings. Sir Peter Peit^ I know, in his * Future hap- * 
 pyjlate o/" England,' fays it was attributed to Lerd 
 Ilclles ; though I cannot find it mentioned by any wri- 
 ter among his works. I will conclude this note with a 
 fpecimen of the anfwer to this declaration contained in 
 the above letter, that it may appear how deeply Crom- 
 well's proceeding was refented by the royal party. 
 
 * You have, fays the writer, cancelled all obligations of 
 ' trufl, and taken away all poflible confidence from all 
 ' men that they can ever enjoy any thing that they can 
 
 * call their own during this government; and having fo 
 « little pleafure left them in life, they will prefer the 
 
 * lofing it in fome noble attempt to free their country 
 
 * and themfelves from the bondage and fervitude they 
 
 * live under, to the dying ignobly in fome loathfome 
 
 ' prifon, when you pleafe to be afraid of them 
 
 ' When the defpair you have put them into fhall make 
 
 * them confider, that as the mifery, calamity, fervitude 
 
 * and
 
 446 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 jor-generals (ttt), who in a variety of in*- 
 
 ftances 
 
 (c) Letter 
 Irom a true 
 and livvtul 
 Member ot 
 Parliament, 
 p. 6?, 63. 
 
 * and infamy under which the three kingdoms fuffefj 
 ' proceed entirely from you, fo, that they will be de- 
 
 * termined by you. That the general hatred and de- 
 
 * teftation of you is fucb, that it is very probable that 
 ' thofe noble patriots, whofe fpirits fhall be raifed to 
 
 * deftroy you, fhali not only reap unutterable honour 
 
 * from it, but find fafety in it, either from the confu- 
 
 * fion that muft inftantly attend, or from the abhorring 
 
 * your memories to thofe that fhall furvive you. If they 
 
 * fhall perifh in or upon their attempt, what a glorieus 
 ' fame will they leave behind them? What a fweet 
 
 * odour will their memories have with the prefent and 
 
 * fucceeding ages ? Statues will be erected to them, 
 
 * and their names recorded in thofe roles, which have 
 ' preferved the Bruiiy the Horatii, the Fabii, and all 
 
 * thofe who have died out of debt to their country, by 
 
 * having paid the utmoft that they owed it ; their me- 
 ' rits will be ;:emembred, as thofe of the primitive mar- 
 
 * tyrs, and their children and kindred will be always 
 
 * looked upon as the defcendants from the liberators of 
 ' their country, and efteemed accordingly; their fate 
 
 * will be like his in the fon of Sirach, If he die, her 
 
 * fhall leave a greater name than a thogfand : and if he ( 
 
 * live, he (hall jncreafe it {c).' 
 
 (ttt) Maj'jr-generali whc lorded it over, and op- 
 prejfed the country.] At the fame time that Crrmweil had 
 determined to decimate the cavaliers, he projected a di- 
 vlfion of the kingdcm into feveral diftri£ls, over which 
 he placed officers of truft and confidence, who were to 
 infpedl into the conduct of the inhabitants, and treat 
 them according to orders received from the Protestor. 
 The number of thefe men were eleven, diftinguiihed 
 by the title of major-generals, who prefided over the 
 counties of England, in the manner following. 
 
 Kent and Surry, Colonel Kelsey. 
 
 Sujfex^ Hatnpjhirfy Berkjhire, Coloftel Ggffe. 
 
 Glax-
 
 O L I V E R C R O M W E L L. 447 
 
 fiances lorded it over and opprefled the 
 
 country. 
 
 GUuceJler^ Wilts^ Dorfet, Somerfet, Devon, Cornwall^ 
 General Disborowe. 
 
 Ox on, Bucks ^ Hertford, Cambridge , ifle of Ely, Ejex, 
 Norfolk, Suffolk, Lord Deputy Fleetwood. 
 
 London, Major-General Skippon. 
 
 Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Warwick, Leicejier, Com- 
 itiifTary-General Whalley. 
 
 Northampton, Bedford, Rutland, Huntington, Major 
 Butler. 
 
 Worcejier, Hereford, Salop, North Wales, Colonel 
 Berry. ,^ j^^ 
 
 Che/hire, Lancajhirg^ Staffordjhirey Colonel WoRSLEY. rius Politi- 
 
 Yorkjhire, Durham, Cumberland, Weflmorland, . Nor- cu', No. 
 thumberland. Lord Lambert. 281.^ p. 
 
 Weftminfler, Middlefex, the Lieutenant of the Tower, t hurl«e. 
 Colonel Barkstead (d). vol.iv.p, 
 
 117. 
 
 The commiflion given to Dijhorowe is preferved in 
 Thurloe\ coUeflions. As it may be acceptable to fome 
 readers, I will here infert it. * Oliver Lord Pro- 
 
 * te6ior of the commonwealth of -Ew^/^Wi/, Scotland znd 
 
 * Ireland, and the dominions thereunto belonging, to 
 
 * our right trufty and well beloved major-general fihn 
 ' Difbr<nue, greeting. We repofing fpecial truft and 
 
 * confidence in your fidelity, difcretion, courage, expe- 
 ' rience, and condudl in military aiFairs, do hereby con- 
 
 * ftitutc and appoint you the laid major-general Dif- 
 
 * browe to be major-general of all the militia forces 
 
 * raifed and to be raifed within the counties of Corwtya//, 
 
 * Devon, Somerfeit, Dorfett, Wilts and Gloucefier ; 
 
 * which faid forces you are by virtue of this commiflion 
 
 * to receive into your charge as major general, and the 
 
 * fame to train and exercife in arms, and to command, 
 ' lead, and conduct for the fervice of us and the com- 
 
 * monwealth, keeping them in good order and difci- 
 
 * pline. And all officers and foldiers of the faid forces 
 
 * are hereby required to obey you as their major-general 
 
 ' » for
 
 448 THELIfEOr 
 
 country. But there was yet farther rea- 
 
 (e) Thnrloe, 
 ttl. iii. p. 
 4S«. 
 
 (/) Mercu- 
 nits Politi' 
 ens, Noi . 
 aS9, p. 
 5851. 
 
 (g) Id. No. 
 »SS. p. 
 
 for the faid fervice. And you are to obferve and fol- 
 low fuch dire^5tions as you fhali from time to timtf 
 receive from ourfelf. Given at tfbitehall the 28th 
 day of A'jay, 1655. Signed Oliver P. (e)' 
 Part of the inftruftions to the major-generals were^ 
 To endeavou* to fupprefs all tumults, infurredlionsi 
 rebellion or other unlawful aflemblies which fhall be 
 in the faid counties; to difarm all papifts, and fuch 
 as have been in arms againft the parliament, and all 
 others who are dangerous to the peace of the nation ; 
 to apprehend thieves and robbers» and profecute them 
 according to law; to have a ftrict eye upon the con- 
 verfation and carriage of all difaffe£ted perfons within 
 the feveral counties ; to permit no horfe-races, cock- 
 fightings, bear or ftage-plays; to compel the idle to 
 labour, and provide employment and maintenance fof 
 the poor and impotent. To thefe were added orders 
 to encourage godiinefs and virtue in their conftant car- 
 riage and converiation, and to difcourage their contra- 
 ries; as well as to take an exacfl account of what pro- 
 ceedings had been upon the ordinance for ejecting of 
 ignorant, infufficient and fcandalous minifters and 
 fchoolmafters {/). Moreover, all perfons who had 
 borne arms againft the parliament,* or that lived dif- 
 foJuiely, or without a calling, or at a high rate, hav- 
 ing no vifible eftate anfwerable thereunto, were td 
 give bond with two furcties in fuch fums as the major- 
 generals lliould think fit (with refpec^ to their quali- 
 ties) for their own peaceable demeanor; for revea ing 
 any plots or confpiracies that came to their knowledge j 
 and for their perfonally appearing at fuch time and 
 place as the major-general or his deputy fhould ap-- 
 point, and as often as they fhould direct ; and alfd 
 that they fhould not change their places of abode with- 
 out giving notice, and declaring to the maj»r-general 
 or his deputy the place to which they were about to 
 remove {£).' It is very evident from thefe inftruc- 
 4 ivoui
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 449 
 
 fon to coijplain. He made ufe of pack'd 
 
 juries 
 
 tions that the major-generals had the country very much 
 In their power : and it appears that they made ufe of it 
 in the manner which the Proteflor intended. The ca- 
 valiers were forced to dance attendance ; to fubmit to 
 decimations ; to have their houfes fearched, and their 
 perfons imprifoned. But nothing can convey fj good 
 an idea of their actions as their own accounts, which 
 are to be found in Thurloe\ papers, one or two of which 
 
 I will infert. ^Major-general IVorJley in a letter to 
 
 fecretary Thurkej dated Stafford, December 8, 1655^ 
 writes as follows : — ^ — * Yefterday we had a meeting 
 at this town ; and I have made a "good progrefs in our 
 bufmefs. We have aflefled divers, and the reft muffc 
 expert it with all fpeed, I doubt not but before the 
 five and twentyth of this inftant. I hope we fhall 
 pay our county troope out of what we have done 
 already, and provide you a confiderable fum for other 
 ufes. We have fent out warrants to give notice to 
 the whole county, and our day of meeting, when 
 we fhall fit upon the ordinance for ejedling of fcanda- 
 lous minifters. We have difarmed the difafFected in 
 this county. Wee fhall now fall of fnapping fome of 
 our old blades, that will not let us be quiet. There 
 is fo few in that ordinance for fcandal, that they have 
 much adoe both here and in other countries to get a 
 coram. I cSrnmend that to you from the commif- 
 fioners upon their defire ; and alfoe in their name to 
 believe, that what is in their power fhall not be want- 
 ing to efFe(5t what they have received from his high- 
 
 nefs and council. P. S. Wee undcrftand that 
 
 Mr. Halfoe is taken at London : if foe, he may, I be- 
 lieve, difcover divers of cur Lancajinre and Chejhire 
 gentlemen. Wee have found an eftate of Penridock^ 
 that was executed, and have ordered it to be fequef- 
 tered ; for I have taken orders for the takeing of fecu- 
 rity for all difaffetSted perfons in that country. I hope 
 (hortly to give you a good account of the reft of the 
 G g ' countyes
 
 4SO THE L^I F EOF 
 
 juries on fome occafions, and ^^difplaced 
 
 judges 
 
 * counfyes {h)*-—D'tJbrowe^ another of thefe gentlemen, 
 (A) Thur- ^^rites as follows to the proteflor, in a letter, dated Sarum, 
 p. 300. ' Dfc. 18, 1655. — ' I have received your letter, in refe- 
 
 * rence to the lord Seymour, and have perufed his 
 ' to your highnefs ; wherein I find no more than any 
 
 * Cavalier in the weft of England fhall pretend for him- 
 
 * felf. I muft confefs I fhould be glad of a real 
 
 * change; but I humbly conceive, without fome publicque 
 
 * declaration to the world by him of the alteration of 
 
 * his fpirit and principles, and of his real engagement 
 *- to the prefent government, it will but open a door, 
 ' and give occafion to the enemy to cry cut of our par- 
 
 * tiahty; efi>ecially if favour and refpedl (hall be (hewn 
 
 * to him, and denied to others, that will doe as much, 
 ^ if not more, than he hath done. If his fpirit be fuch 
 
 * as he can cordially clofe with the people of God, (as 
 
 * capt. Bierge/s feems to hold forth) he will not be a- 
 
 * (hamed to difbwn that intereft, wherein he formerly 
 
 * engaged ; and for fatisfa6tion of friends manifeft his 
 •••integrity to the publick. However, for the prefent, 
 *^ the commiflioners underftanding your highnefs's plea- 
 *♦ fdre, fcem willing to let him alone, untill they be 
 
 * afcertained, whether there be any difference betwixt 
 
 * him and his former pra«5lices. Ycfterday we pro- 
 
 * creeded upon taxirrg 7 or 8 of this county, amongft 
 •• whom was Sir fames Thynn^ who was at the firft a 
 
 * little averfe, and did plead as much innocency as my 
 *-lbrd Seymour hath done ; but, at laft, having no re- 
 *'fuge, was conftrained to comply ; and I think of thofe 
 
 * 8, which we have already dealt withell, the Turn will 
 •"-amount to 6 or 700 /. per annum. There are four 
 
 * more to appear this morning ; and then I intend for 
 t Blan'iford, to attend the Dorjetjhire gentlemen, and 
 •" fo to Marlborough, where there are 20 more to be 
 *- fummoned. In my laft, I gave Mr. Secretary a lift 
 *'t>f fome names for Cornwall, Devon, Somerfet and 
 *^ Dorfett^ to be fhertffsi and have prefented your high- 
 
 ^ nefs
 
 OLIVE R C R O M W E L L. 4^1 
 
 * nefs with 3 for WiltSy the two former being df thei 
 
 * laft parliament, and figning the recognition. For 
 
 ' Gloucefter I muft crave leave till I come upon the.., _, , .. 
 
 * place (/). But finmg the Cavaliers was not thcvol. iv. pi 
 
 fole bufinefs of the major-generals; other employ- 3*4* 
 ment they had, as we find in another letter from 
 Disbrowe to the protedor, dated JVells^ Jan. 7, 1655. 
 
 — — — * I had not tyme by my laft to give your highnefs 
 
 * an account of all my proceeds, therefore fliall take 
 
 * the boldnefs atprefentto acquaint youf highnefle, that 
 
 * at Brijfol intimation was given me by fome honeft ^g^n\ 
 
 * people, that fundry of the aldermen ahd juftices were ■> .-■ » 
 
 * enemies to the publique intereft, retayninge theif 
 
 * old malignant principles, difcountenancinge the 
 
 * godly, and upholding the bofe and prophane 
 
 * which indeed is a difeafe predominatinge in moft 
 
 * corporations. Now I judged it my duty to declare 
 
 * againft fuch, wherefoever I find them, but refolved to 
 
 * do it with as little noyfe as I could ; and in order 
 
 * thereunto I made my repair to Mr. Mayor, and ac- 
 
 * quainted him, that fuch of his bretherene I undcr- 
 
 * (tood were foe and foe; and defired him from me to 
 
 * advife them tacitly to refigne, otherwife I (hould be 
 
 * neceflitated to make them pUblique examples. Where- 
 ' upon Mr. Mayor engaged to deale faithfully with 
 ' them, and, as [ underftand, they have taken my ad- 
 
 * vice, which will make way for honefter men. Therd 
 
 * were alfo articles of delinquency proved againfl: nine 
 
 * of the maglftrates of Tewkibury, and particularly a- 
 
 * gainft ///'// their towne clarke : I have alfo difmified 
 
 * them, and four of the common councell of Glouajier, 
 
 « for adheringe to the ScotU King's intereft (i).' One ^^''^^^l' 
 
 inftance more of the behaviour of thefe major-generals 
 will give the reader a tolerable good view of them. It 
 is contained in a letter from major-gfeneral Haynes to 
 Thurloe, dated Bury, Augujl 15, 1 655. — ;— * I am 
 
 * going into Norfolke to morrow, where we (hall make 
 
 * the moft ufe of it 5 [a letter from his highnefs] and 
 ' I hope it will quicken them in their endeavours upon 
 
 * the eledion-day at hand, in which they have beerl ' 
 ' much difcouraged by the potencie of the adverfe par-
 
 452 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 judges for refufing (uuu) to follow his di- 
 
 re(3:ions. 
 
 * ty% Yett all the ftrength can be gott is endeavoured 
 ' to crowde in my lord-deputy [Fleetwood] amongft 
 ' them, that the honeft people may have feme one in 
 ' parliament to addrefs themfelves to. I am doing my 
 
 * moft to avoid the eledlion of John Hubbert of Nor- 
 
 * iv'uh, and Mr. Pb. JVoodhoufe^ againft whom you have 
 (r\ Thuri e ' fonj^ihing already by you from major Harvy^ which 
 Id. v^^*' ' '^'s hoped, if they fhould carry it here, will not pafs 
 311. « with you {/).' Thefe proceedings of the major- 
 generals, founded on no law, but the will of the pro- 
 tedor, rendered them generally odious, and raifed a 
 mighty clamour againft them in the kingdom. A par- 
 liament being called they were fpoken againft, even by 
 court dependants, and focn afterwards aboliflied by 
 Cromwelly as unacceptable and burthenfome to the 
 people. From henceforth we read of no more decima- 
 tions. 
 
 (uuu) He pack'djuriei on occafton^ and difpbced judges 
 for refufing to follow his dire^ions, ] Here are my 
 proofs. * When judge Hale was on a circuit, he 
 
 * underftood that the protestor had ordered a jury to 
 
 * be returned for a tryal in which he was more than 
 
 * ordinarily concerned ; upon this information he ex- 
 
 * amined the (he riff about it, who knew nothing of it; 
 
 * for he faid he referred all fuch things to the under- 
 
 * (beriff, and having next afked the under-fheriff con- 
 
 * cerning it, he found the jury had been returned by 
 
 * order from Cromwell; upon which he fliewed the fta- 
 
 * tute that all juries ought to be returned by the fheriff 
 
 * or his lawful officer j and this not being done accord- 
 
 * ing to law, he difmiffed the jury, and would not try 
 
 * the caufe : upon which the prote(aor was highly dif- 
 
 * pleafed with him, and at his return from the circuit, 
 
 * he told him in anger, he was not fit to be a judge, to 
 (m) Hale's * which all the anfwer he made was. That it was very 
 tefc, P..43. * true(;7/).* 
 
 That
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 453 
 
 redions.— -He committed men illegally 
 
 to 
 
 That this may be true is rendered very probable by 
 letters to Thurloe, part of which I will here tranfcribe. 
 The firft is from Mr. Dove, high-flierifF of Wilts, dated 
 Sarum, March 29, 1655, relating to the intended try- 
 
 als for rebellion againll the protedor. ' 1 under- 
 
 ' ftand a commiflion of Oyer and Terminer is iflued out 
 
 * for tryall of the rebels in the weft ; and ther is a mif- 
 
 * truft of my under- fheriffe. Sir, I refolve, that noe 
 
 * one man fhall be returned in the one or other juries, 
 
 * but fuch as may be confided in, and of the honeft 
 
 * well afFe£led party to his highnefs, and the prefent 
 
 * government. Yf there be but enough to be found of 
 ' them through the whole county (which I hope there 
 ' is) it is and will be my greateft care for that bufmefs 
 
 ' to fee it punctually done, and not truft my under- (») Thurfof , 
 ' fheriff'e therewith («}.' I fuppofe he was as good asy"'*'"'?* 
 his word, for both the juries I find highly commended * 
 by the follicitor, and other of his highnefs's agents, in 
 their accounts of the trials of the unhappy fufferers. — 
 Colonel Lilburne, in a letter to the fecretary, dated 
 Torkey Jpril 10, 1655, has the following paflage, on a 
 like fubjedl, * As for jurors, happily the law may 
 « give liberty to choofe them without the liberties of 
 ' this city, both fadt and a6l rifeing in the county, and 
 
 * then we fhall doe pretty well : but, if othervvife, there 
 
 * (hall be no diligence or care wanting to pick upp fuch 
 
 * as are right (<?).' Pra£lices of this nature could(o)W. p» 
 
 not but be dangerous to the fubjed. What is faid 3^0' 
 
 in the text concerning Oliver's difplacing of judges, 
 is founded on the authority of IVbitlock. * Baron Thorpe, 
 
 * and judge Newdigate, fays he, were put out of their 
 
 * places, for not obferving the protedor's pleafure in all 
 
 * his commands (/>).' I know not, whether I ought to, . ^e^o. 
 infert under this head the difplacing IFIntlock and /if^VZ-jfais, p.eas^ 
 drington, commiffioners of the great Seal, for refunng 
 
 to proceed according to an ordinance made ' for the 
 
 * better regulating and limiting the jurifdidtion of the 
 
 G g 3 High
 
 454 THELIFEOF 
 
 to prlfon, and permitted them not to enjoy 
 (www) the benefit of the laws. He caufed 
 
 men 
 
 « High Court of Chancery.' Poffibly the protedor, 
 however he might be miftaken, really thought his regu- 
 lation for the public good, and therefore could not be 
 blamed for difmifling fuch as were not to be prevailed 
 
 on to concur with him therein. Thefe gentlemen, 
 
 however, as they were deemed by the protector men 
 of honour and abilities, were employed in other de- 
 partments, and enjoyed his countenance and encourage- 
 ment. His fpeech, on the taking away the Teal from 
 thefe commiffioners, was remarkable. * The protector, 
 
 * in the council-chamber, very gravely told us, fays 
 
 * Whiilock, that he was forry fome of us could not fa^ 
 
 * tisfy our own confciences, to execute the ordinance 
 
 * concerning the Chancery, which they were informed 
 
 * had much good in it to the publick, but he confefled, 
 
 * that every one was to fatisfy himfeif in matters to be 
 
 * performed by him> and that he had not the worfe 
 
 * opinion of any man for refufing to do that whereof 
 
 * he was doubtful ; but in this particular the affairs of 
 
 * the commonwealth did require a conformity of the 
 
 * officers thereof, and their obedience to authority, and 
 
 * (being fome of us refufed to execute this adl, as was 
 ' enjoyned) they were compelled thereby to put this charge 
 
 * of the cuflody of the great Seal into the hands of fome 
 
 * others, who might be fatisfied that it was their duty 
 f ) W ^ to perform this command, and to put the ordinance 
 lU. '^' ' ^" execution (j) ! ' I have faid the protedor poffibly 
 
 was not to be blamed for his condud in this affair : the 
 reader, however, muft judge of this. 
 
 (www) He committed men illegally to prifon^ and per- 
 
 . mitted them not the lenrfit of the lawi.'] The author of 
 
 ' the World's Miftake in Oliver Cromwell' will fupply 
 
 me with fufficient proofs of this. ' To prove, fays he, 
 
 * that OHver\ time was full of oppreffion and injuftice, 
 *• I fhall but inflance, in a few of many particulars, and 
 
 * begin with Joht\ Lilburne^ not th^t \ think him in any 
 '' / " ■ ' ^ kind
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 455^ 
 
 men to be tried before new created tribu- 
 nals, 
 
 ' kind one that deferved favour or refp^ft, but that 
 
 ' equal juftice is due to the worft, (o well as to the 
 
 ' beft men, and that he comes firft in order of time. ' 
 
 ' I. yohfty in 1649, was, by order of the then par-*^ 
 
 * liament, tryed for his life, with an intent, I believe, 
 
 * of taking him away, but the jury not finding him 
 
 * guilty, he was immediately, according to law, gene*- 
 
 * roufly fet at liberty by thofe that had quarrel enough 
 
 * againft him. This example in the parliament, of 
 ' keeping to the laws in the cafe of one, who was a 
 
 * profefled implacable enemy to them, ought to have 
 
 * been copied by Cromzvell ; but,- in the contrary, to 
 ' fliew that there was a difference betwixt his and his 
 ' predeceflbrs (the long parliament's) principles, when 
 
 * the law had again, upon a fecond trial (occafioned by 
 ' Oliver) cleared Lilburne, the parliament's fubmitting 
 ' to the law was no example to him ; for, contrary to 
 ' law, he kept him in prifon, untill he was fo far fpent 
 ' in a confumption, that he only turned him out to 
 
 * dye. 
 
 ^^ * 2. Mr. Conie^s cafe is fo notorious that it needs but 
 *- little more than naming : he was a prifoner at Crom- 
 
 * well's fuit, and being brought to the King's-Bench 
 ' barr by a Habeas Corpus^ had his counfell taken from 
 ' the barr, and fent to the Toiver for no other reafon> 
 
 * than the pleading of their client's caufe; an adl: of 
 ' violence, that, I believe, the whole ftory of England 
 ' doth not parallel.' This was on the i8th of Aiay, 
 1655. The gentlemen thus committed, ^q.x& Maynard^ 
 Tw'fden and IVlndham^ men of great eminence in their j.^^.^"^':''* 
 profeffion, who could find no releafe from their impri- tjcus. No.* 
 Ibnment, but by humbly petitioning the prote£lor (rj.^gg. p. 
 But to go on. 53S4» 
 
 ' 3dly, Sir Henry Vane, above any one perfon, was 
 ' the author of Oliver s advancement, and did fo Ions 
 
 * and cordially efpoufe his intereft, that he prejudiced 
 
 * hirofelf (in the opinion of fome) by it, yet fo ungrate- 
 
 G g 4 » ful •
 
 456 THELIFEOF 
 
 nals, and adjudged to death without the 
 . verdii^ 
 
 ful was this monfter of ingratitude, that he ftudled to 
 deftroy him, both in life and eftate, becaufe he could 
 not adhere to him in his perjury and falfenefs. The 
 occafion he took was this : he appointing a day of 
 humiliation, and feeking of God for him, invited all 
 God's people in his declaration, to ofFer him their 
 advife in the weighty affairs then upon his fhoulders ; 
 Sir Henry taking a rife from hence offered his ad- 
 vice by a treatife called the Healing ^ejUon ; but 
 Crormvell, angry at being taken at his word, feized, 
 imprifoned, and endeavoured to proceed further a- 
 gainft him, for doing only what he invited him to 
 
 do. 
 
 ' 4thly, In Richard's afiembly, certain prifoners in 
 \\\tTower, under the then lieutenant, and fome fent 
 thence to yerfey^ and other places beyond the fea, 
 complained of falfe imprifonment. Their goaler was 
 fent for, and being required to fhew by what autho- 
 rity he kept thefe perfons in hold, produccth a pa- 
 per all under O/r'tw's own hand, as followeth. Sir, I 
 pray you feize fuch and fuch perfons, and all others 
 whom you fhall jut^ge dangerous men j do it quickly, 
 and you fhall have a warrant after it is done. The 
 nature of this warrant was by Richard's affembly de- 
 bated, and having firft Richard's own counfell's opi- 
 nion in the cafe, as ferjeant Maynard^ ^c. they vot- 
 ed the commitments of the complainants to be ille- 
 gal, unjuft and tyrannical ; and that, firfl, becaufe 
 the warrant by which they were committed, was un- 
 der the hand of the then (as they called him) chief 
 magiftrate, who, by law, ought not to commit any 
 by his own warrant. Secondly, Becaufe no caufe was 
 fhewn in the warrant; and thirdly (in the cafe of 
 thofe fent out of the reach of a Habeas Corpus, which 
 in law is a banifhment) Becaufe no EngUJhman ought 
 to be banifhed by any lefs authority than an a£t of 
 parliahjent. And, therefore, for thefe reafons they 
 
 * vote4
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 457 
 
 verdid of a jury. Thefe courts were ftiled 
 
 High 
 
 * voted farther, that the prifoners fhould be fet at liber- 
 
 * ty without paying any fees or charges. But the turn- 
 
 * ing out and punifhing the lieutenant by the afTembly 
 
 * (for obeying fo unjuft a warrant) was prevented by m aT'*^'^' 
 
 * their fudden diflblution (f).' Mod: of the fads here p.' x2— 14. 
 recited are well known to thofe verfed in this part of 
 
 the Englijh hiftory, and may be eftablifhed on the beft 
 authorities. But on confulting the Journals of the 
 parliament, here referred to, I find a miftalce relating 
 
 to the commitments by Oliver. On Saturday the 
 
 26th of Feh. 1658, fay the Journals, Mr. Terill < re- 
 ported from the grand committee of the houfe for 
 grievances and courts of juftice, the flate of the cafe, 
 concerning Mr. 'John Portmans, a prifoner in the 
 Tower, as it appeared to the committee ; viz. That 
 the lieutenant of the Tower, the third of February^ 
 1657, received a letter from the late lord proteftor, 
 early in the morning, dire£ling him to apprehend Mr. 
 John Portmans (amongft others) forthwith : that the 
 fame day, in the afternoon, a warrant was fent to the 
 lieutenant of the Tower, under the hand of the late 
 lord protestor, to require and authorize him to ap- 
 prehend and imprifon Mr. Portmans : that the fame 
 night, or fhortly after, upon that warrant, Mr. Port' 
 mam was taken by a lieutenant and about fix foldiers, 
 under the command, and by the order and diredlion, 
 of the lieutenant of the Tower ; and hath ever 
 fithence remained a prifoner there, without any tryal, 
 
 or other proceedings had againfl him.* ' On the 
 
 26th of March following, the warrant for the com- 
 mitment and detaining major-general Overton in the 
 Ifle of Jerfey was read ; and was figned Oliver P. ; 
 and direded to the governor of the ifle of Jerfey or 
 his deputy ; and was in thefe words ; vi%. Thefe are 
 to will and require you forthwith to receive into your 
 charge the bodies of Robert Overton, major Norwood, 
 and Sir Thomas Armjlrong., and — — — IVefton, efq; 
 
 and
 
 458 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 High Courts (xxx) of juftice, the terror of 
 
 the 
 
 * and them detain, under fecure Imprifonment, in the 
 
 * caftle of Jiffeyt until you (hall receive further orders 
 
 * from us : and, for fo doing, this {hall be your war- 
 
 * rant. Given at TVhitchally the 8th oi January, 1657. 
 
 * Thefe commitments were voted by the houfe illegal 
 
 * and unjuft, and the gentlemen were ordered to be dif- 
 
 ' charged from their imprifonment.' It appears al- 
 
 fo from the Journal of the fame day, that the commit- 
 tee found, * that divers commoners of England had, by 
 
 * illegal warrants, been committed to prifon into the! 
 
 * iflands of Jerfey^ and other the iflands belonging to 
 
 * this commonwealth, out of the reach of the Habeas 
 
 * Corpus* Thus we fee that Cromweliy who had op- 
 pofed and puniQied Charles for his illegal a<5ls, became an 
 imitator of him, and, in fome of thefe inftances, went even 
 beyond him : for I queftion whether all Charles's reign 
 can produce fo daring a violation of the right of the 
 fubje^l, as his imprifoning^^^war^and his brethren, for 
 pleading in behalf of Coney their client : nor is there a 
 greater, than the imprifoning and banifhing men on his 
 own warrant, and depriving them of the benefit of the 
 laws made for their relief. Vain, indeed, might the 
 unhappy fufFerers have faid, were the efforts made againft 
 the King, when the efFed of them was flill flavery and 
 oppreflion ! 
 
 ' (xxx) The high courts of jujiict-l The erection of a 
 high court of juftice for the trial of Charles gave rife 
 to many others. When the nature of the fuppofed 
 crime was fuch as fell not under the cognizance of the 
 common law ; when the perfons accufed were of a qua- 
 lity which might incline a jury to treat them with com- 
 paflion and regard ; or when they had been engaged in 
 actions popular, though illeg=il, it was then thought 
 proper by thofe in power to erecl high courts of juftice, 
 in order that offenders might not efcape punifhment, 
 Thefe courts were conftituted of commiffioners named 
 \f^ the government, who performed the feveral offices 
 
 of
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 459 
 
 the Royajifts, as their enemies were their 
 
 of judges and juries, and determined concerning the 
 law and the faft. The Attorney-General generally ma- 
 naged the evidence againft the prifoners, and few efcaped 
 who were cited before thefe tribunals. The Duke of 
 Hamiitony and the lords Holland and Capel^ Chrijiopher 
 Love and Mr. Gibbons^ with fome others, were fen- 
 tenced to die by courts thus conflituted, who, probably, 
 before another kind of judicature, would have met wit!) 
 a milder treatment, though, as the laws then were, 
 
 they could not but be deemed offenders. Whetj 
 
 Cromwell came to the government, he made ufe of the 
 fame methods of trial on feverai occafions : and in the 
 year 1656, the parliament pafled * an a6l for the fecu? 
 rity of his highnefs the lord protestor his perfon, an4 
 continuance of the nation in peace and fafety.' In 
 the preamble it is faid, * Forafmuch as the profperity 
 
 and fafety of this nation very much dependeth, 
 
 under God, upon the fecurity and prefervation of the 
 perfon of his highnefs ; and, for that it hath mani- 
 feftly appeared, that divers wicked plots and means 
 
 have been of late devifed and laid to the great 
 
 endangering his highnefs perfon, and the embroyling 
 this commonwealth in new and inteftine wars and 
 feditions j therefore be it enadled, that if any perfon 
 fhall attempt, compafs or imagine the death of the 
 lord protestor, and declare it by open deed j or fhall 
 advifedly and malitioufly proclaim, declare, pubiifh 
 or promote Charles Stuart^ or any other perfon claim- 
 ing from the late King ; or fhall aid and affift, hold 
 intelligence with, or contribute money towards the 
 affiftance of the faid Charles Stuart, his brothers ox 
 mother, ^c. then all and every the offences above- 
 mentioned fhall be adjudged to be high treafon : and 
 that in all fuch cafes, and upon all fuch occafions, 
 the lord chancellor, the lord keeper, or lords com- 
 miilioners of the gr^at feal of England for the time 
 being, are authorifed and recjuircd from time to time.
 
 46o T H E L I F E O F 
 
 judges ! If to all thefe things we add 
 
 the 
 
 * by warrant from his highnefs to ifTue out one or more 
 
 * commiffion or commiffions, under the great feal of 
 
 ' Englandy to — i^c or any fcventeen or more 
 
 ' of them: which faid commiflBoners (hall have autho- 
 
 * rity to hear, examine and determine all matters, 
 
 * crimes and offences aforefaid j and alfo to hear and 
 
 * determine all mifprifions of the treafons in this a<St 
 
 * mentioned, and to take order for charging the ofFend- 
 
 * er or offenders, with all or any the crimes aforefaid, 
 
 * and for the receiving their perfonal anfwer there- 
 
 * unto } and for examination of witneffes upon oath, 
 
 * and thereupon, or upon the confeflion of the party, 
 
 * or, in default of fuch anfwer, to proceed to conviction 
 
 * and final fentence, as in cafes of high treafon, and 
 
 * mifprifion of treafon, according to jufiice and the 
 ' merits of the caufe Commiffioners were alfo ap- 
 
 * pointed for the fame purpofe in Scotland and Ireland. 
 
 * This a<St was to continue in force unto the 
 
 * end of the lafl feflion of the next parliament, and no 
 (0 Scobcl. t longer (/).' By this lafl claufe it feems fufEciently 
 
 evident that the framers of this law were fenfible of its 
 feverity and ill confequences. However, this feemed 
 to give a fan£lion to it. But what is unrcafonable ne- 
 ver fatisfies. It was urged that trials by juries were 
 the birthrights of Engtijhmen ; that all trials for trea- 
 fon were to be had and ufed only according to the due 
 order and courfe of the common laws of the realm, 
 and not otherwife, upon inqueft and prefentment by 
 the oaths of twelve good and lawful men, upon good 
 and probable evidence and witnefs ; and that if any 
 thing be done to the contrary, it (hall be void in law, 
 redreffed and holden for error and nought : and if any 
 ftatute be made to the contrary, that fliall be holden for 
 none. That to proceed againft any without legal in- 
 di(ftment, prefentment and trial, in the way of the 
 high courts of juftice, was very unequitable ; the com- 
 miffioners themfelves being both grand and petty jury, 
 
 and
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 461 
 
 the violation of the privileges of (yyy) 
 
 par- 
 
 and judges likewife, if not parties interefted, to whom 
 no peremptory or legal challenges could be made ; and, 
 finally, that fuch proceedings were contrary to Magna 
 Charta; the petition of right; the declarations of the W ^^^ ^^ 
 parliament : and to an article in the inftrument of go- Gerard, 
 vernment which was fworn to by the prote<5tor him- Vowel, and 
 
 felf(«). How good foever thefe pleas might have P''"^^^^^'^' 
 
 been, they were not fuffered to be of ufe to the pri- vol. of state 
 foners. Judges are generally well enough fatisfied of Tryals, 
 the authority by which they aft, and will not have it ^°^* '73'^» 
 queftioned. 1 o demur to the jurifdiftion, or refufe to 
 anfwer, is equivalent to the cleareft proof of guilt, and 
 judgment is accordingly given. However, the protec- 
 tor had his end by this method of proceeding. ' He 
 
 * thought it more efFeftual, fays JVhitlock^ than the ordi- 
 
 * nary courfe of tryals at the common law, and would 
 
 ' the more terrify the offenders [x) :' and terrify it did j [.f^jj p.^673' 
 for, on the eredtion of the laft high court of juftice, 
 according to Clarendon, ' it put all thofe who knew how 
 ' liable they themfelves were, under a terrible confter- 
 
 * nation. Whitlock would not fit when nominated 
 as a commiflioner, it being, as he fays, againfl his 
 judgment. This is to his reputation. 
 
 (yyy) TThe violation of the privileges of parliament^ 
 &c.] Cromzvell feems to have bad honeft intentions^ 
 when he adopted the form of chufing members of par- 
 liament, which his old mailers had prefcribed. • He 
 
 * did not obferve, therefore, the old courfe in fending 
 
 * writs out to all the little boroughs throughout Eng' 
 
 * land, which ufe to fend burgefTes (by which method 
 
 * fomefingle counties fend more members to theparlia- 
 
 * ment than fix other counties do) he took a more 
 < equal way, by appointing more knights for every (hire 
 
 * to be chofen, and fewer burgefles i whereby the num- 
 
 * ber of the whole was much IcfTened j and yet, the 
 ' people being left to their own election, it was not, 
 
 * by him, thought an ill temperament, and was then 
 
 * ge-
 
 462 T H E L I F E OF 
 
 . parliament, fo much itfid fo juftly com- 
 '-..q plained 
 
 (j) Claren. i generally looked upon as an alteration fit to be more 
 p?4Qc°'^ ' * warrantably made, and in a better time (y).' Indeed, 
 at firft %ht, it appears that very little room was, or 
 could be given in this way, for bribery and corruption, 
 whether from private hands or the publick exchequer. 
 The firft fpeech to the parliament that met September 3, 
 1654, was calculated to footh the members, as well as 
 , give them great hopes from the new government. After 
 
 having told them what things he had already done, and 
 what a profpeft there was, through their means, of ad- 
 vancing the happinefs of the nation, the prote^or ad* 
 ded, ' Having faid this, and, perhaps, omitted many 
 
 * other material things through the frailty of my me- 
 ' * mory, I (hail exercife plainnefs and freedom with you, 
 
 ' in telling ^ou, that I have not fpoken thefe things zs 
 
 * one that afiumes to bimfelf dominion over you ; but 
 
 * as one that doth refolve to be a fellow fervaot with 
 ' you, to the intereft of thefe great affairs, and to the 
 
 * people of thefe nations.' The parliament, after fom« 
 needful preliminaries, fell upon buiinefs. On the 5th 
 of Sepember it was refolved by them that the houfe 
 do take the matter of the government into debate the 
 firft bufinefs to morrow morning. On that day it was 
 again refolved upon the queftion, that the fubje<Sl-mat- 
 ter of the debate to morrow morning fliall be, whether 
 the houfe (hall approve the government fhall be in one 
 fingle perfon and a parliament. Accordingly, on the 
 three following days, this important fubje^l was de- 
 bated, wherein the courtiers and republicans exerted 
 
 fc)Jonmals. themfelves (z). Cromwell was alarmed at thefe pro- 
 ceedings, and, on the 12th of the fame month, fent a 
 meflage to the parliament, defiring them to meet him 
 in the painted chan>ber. The members being come, 
 he made, according to his cuftom, a long fpeech, ex- 
 preffing his refentment at their condu6l, telling them 
 what he expected from them, or elfe what they niuft 
 truft to. Among others we find the following paf- 
 
 fagiesr
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 463 
 
 plained of, by writers of different parties 
 
 and 
 
 fages. * At that meeting Qhe opening of the parlia-r 
 mentj I did acquaint you what the firft rife was of 
 this government which hath called you hither ; and, 
 in the authority of which you came hither. Among 
 other things that I told you of then, I faid you were 
 a free parliament, and fo you are, whilft you own the 
 government and authority that called you hither ; for, 
 certainly, that word implied a reciprocation, or it 
 implied nothing at all. Indeed there was a recipro- 
 cation implied and exprefledj and, I think, your ac- 
 tions and carriages ought to befuitable : but I fee it 
 will be neceflary for me now a little to magnify my 
 
 office ; which I have not been apt to do. 1 had 
 
 this thought within myfelf, that it had not been difr 
 honeft, nor diflionourable, nor againft true liberty, no 
 not of parliaments, when a parliament was fo chofen> 
 in purfuance of, in conformity to, and with fuch an 
 approbation and confent to the government, fo that 
 he that runs might read by what authority you came 
 hither, that an owning of your call, and of the au- 
 thority bringing you hither, might have been required 
 before your entrance into the houfe ; but this was de- 
 clined, and hath not been done, becaufe I am per- 
 fwaded fcarce aoy man could reafonably doubt you 
 came with contrary minds. And I have reafon to be- 
 lieve the people that fent you leaft doubted thereof aC 
 all ; and therefore I muft deal plainly with you : what 
 I forbore upon a juft confidence at firft, you neceffi- 
 tate me unto now ; that, feeing the authority that 
 called you is fo little valued, and fo much flighted, 
 till fome fuch affurance be given and made known, 
 that the fundamental intereft of the government be 
 fettled and approved, according to the provifo con- 
 tained in the return, and fuch a confent teftified as 
 will make it appear that the fame is accepted, I have 
 caufed a flop to be put to your entrance into the par- 
 liament hcufe. I am forry,. I am forry, and I could' 
 
 * be
 
 464 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 and perfwafions, we fhall be able to form 
 
 fomc 
 
 * be forry to the death, that there is caufe for this : but 
 
 * there it caufe, and if things be not fatisfied that are 
 
 * reafonably demanded, I, for my part, fhall do that 
 
 * which becomes me, feeking my counfel from God. 
 
 * There is therefore fomewhat to be offered to you, 
 
 * that, I hope, will anfwer, being underflood with the 
 
 * qualifications that I have told you of j reforming cir- 
 
 * cumflantials, and agreeing in the fubftance and fun- 
 
 * damentals, which is the government fettled, and is 
 
 * exprefled in the indenture not to be altered. The 
 
 * making your minds known in that, by your giving 
 
 * your afTent and fubfcription to it, is that which will 
 
 * let you in to atSl thofe things as a parliament, which 
 
 * are for the good of the people. And this thing fhew- 
 ' ed to you, and figned as aforefaid, doth determine 
 
 * the controverfy, and may give a happy progrefs and 
 
 * ifTue to this parliament. The place where you may 
 (*) Parlla- ' comc thus and fign, as many as God fhall make free 
 ternary c thercunto, is in the Lobby without the parliament 
 
 vol. xx! p. * ^ooT (a).' In this flrain fpoke the protestor, 
 
 349. 368. who, agreeably to his threats, caufed a flop to be put 
 
 to their entrance into the parliament houfe, by guards, 
 till fuch time as they had fubfcribed the following re- 
 cognition : ' I do hereby freely promife and engage, to 
 ' be true and faithful to the lord prote(^or, and the 
 
 * commonwealth of England, Scotland znd Ireland -, and 
 
 * Ihall not, according to the tenor of the indenture, 
 ' whereby I am returned to ferve in this prefent parlia- 
 
 * ment, propofe, or give my confent, to alter the go- 
 
 * vernment, as it is fettled in one perfon and a parlia- 
 (*) Journals. < ment (^).' This was immediately fubfcribed by the 
 
 fpeaker, Lenthall, and many others ; and after its being 
 
 explained * to comprehend not the whole inflrument 
 
 ' of government, but only what concerned the govern- 
 
 ' ment of the commonwealth, as it was then fettled 
 
 ... ic * *" °"^ perfon and a parliament {c).' Much the great- 
 
 *cr part of the houfe followed the example. However, 
 
 2 this
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 465. 
 
 fome tolerable judgment of his illegal and 
 tyrannical adtions. 
 
 Pof- 
 
 this a6l ftuck deep in the minds of the members; be- 
 tween whom and the protedtor there was fo little good 
 will that he difmifled them at the end of five months, 
 the term fixed by the inftrument of government for their 
 fitting, with a fpeech full of reproaches. Mr. Ludlcw, 
 and many others, fpeak loudly againit thefe proceed- 
 ings of Cromwelli and fcruple not to tax them with ty- 
 ranny. * So foon, fays he, as this vifible hand of - 
 
 * violence appeared to be upon them [in the affair of 
 ' the recognition] moft of the eminent aflertors of the 
 ' liberty of their country withdrew themfelves, being 
 
 * perfwadrd they Ihould better difcharge their duty to 
 
 * the nation by this way of expreffing their abhorrence 
 
 * of his tyrannical proceedings, than by furrendering 
 
 * their liberties under their own hands, and then treat- 
 
 *'ing with him who was pofTefTed of the fword, to \J^ "oh ii. 
 
 * recover fome part of them again f^).' Ano-p. 501. 
 
 ther contemporary fpeaks in a like ftraiti. ' Thefe 
 
 * grave, neceflary and important debates, fays he, were 
 
 * no fooner entered into, than in contempt of all pri- 
 ' vileges of parliament, Which will not allow matters 
 
 * in debate to be taken notice of, the Protedor, like a 
 
 * King, Jsfa?ti ifnputie qutslibet facere, id eji^ regem ejfe, 
 
 * fummons them into his prefence, with the highefl and 
 ' fliarpeft 'language, reproaches them for difputing his 
 ' authority, by whom they were called together ; re- 
 ' quires tliem to renounce and difclaim that liberty, be- 
 ' fbre they proceeded to farther confultation, and to that 
 ' purpofe delivered an inltrument, without fubfcribing 
 ' to which, the band of foldiers which guarded the door 
 
 * of the parliament houfe, would not fuffer any man 
 
 * to enter, whereupon a major part of the parliament 
 
 * departed to their houfes, and they only went in who 
 
 * fubmitted to the conditions, which many afterwards 
 
 * did, who in deteftation of the violence, at that time 
 
 * had forborne to fubfcribe. Thus he, who without 
 
 H h « tbc
 
 466 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * the confent or privity of a dozen perfons, had aflume^ 
 
 * to himfelf the title and fiile of Proteclor of three 
 ' kingdoms, and therefore found a genera! fubmiffion, 
 
 * becaufe he had bound himfelf within a fliort time to 
 ' call a parliament, that might fettle the government, 
 
 * when it was now met and poflefled of the power i« 
 ' was to have, becaufe they came together upon his 
 
 * call, would not fuffer them to queftion any thing he 
 
 * had done, or what he (hould do hereafter, their fub- 
 
 * mifiion (as he faid) to bis aurhority of fummoning 
 
 * them, being a tacit acknowledgment of his power, 
 
 * which he would not endure to be argued againft, with- 
 ' out calling to mind (befides the pradice of thefe laft 
 
 f*) Utter * J'i years) that by ths exprefs letter of the law, any 
 from a true « fcMraint from altering or revoking an ordinance or a£l 
 and iav»ful « ^jf parliament itfelf, is void, being a<»ain{i the iurif- 
 
 Member of ,. ^\ , , ,. , ^ , t-. i • 
 
 parliament, * cidtion and power or parliament {e}/ But this 
 
 p« 54- treatment was nothing when compared with that which 
 he gave many members returned to the parliament 5^^- 
 temter 17, 1656. After it was deemed expedient (by 
 reafon of the SponiP) war) to call a parliament to meet ar 
 this time, every art was made ufe of ufual on thofe oc- 
 cafions, money excepted, to procure a choice of fuch 
 members as might fall in with the views of the Protec- 
 tor. Scotland and Ireland were in his own hands, and 
 - ,s i-]jy,i the members fcnt from thence vpere to be depended on, 
 loe, vol. V. three only of the latter excepted, who met not with 
 P-+77- a,pprobatum {f). In England things went not fo well. 
 mivcof t"eI'or though, it is faid, iZi oi Crcmwells kinfmen, de- 
 JatePaxlia- pendants, placemen or officers, were chofen (^), y?t 
 menr, in the ^gj.g ^ great number of zealous republicans and antj- 
 Uic Harki- courtiers, of different principles, returned, who wanted 
 an Mifcel- not Will or ability to give much interruption to the bu- 
 lany, p. 44c. fjj^gfj and defigns of the government. This was well 
 known, and therefore without ceremony, admiffion was 
 given to none who produced not a certificate, figned by 
 the clerk of the commonwealth in chancery, * that he 
 ih) Jour- * was returned to ferve in this prefent parliament, and 
 naU. And * approved by the council, [Oliver's'^ {h).' This uas 
 Thudoc, undoubtedly an high aft of tyranny, and furpafled any 
 453' ' tl'.i^g '0 b? a^it\ with in oqr hiftories. The gentlemen 
 ." . unap-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 467 
 
 unapj^oved were about one hundred ; fifty fix of whom 
 fent a letter to the Speaker, Sir Thomas tViddrington, 
 which was read in the houie the next day, in thefe 
 words. * Sir, We whofe names are fubfcribed (with 
 ' others) being chofcn, and accordingly returned to ferve 
 
 * with you in this parh'ament ; and, in difchar^e of our 
 
 * truft, offering to go into the houfe, were, at the lobby 
 ' door, kept back by foldiers : which, ]eft v/e (hould be 
 
 * wanting to our duty to you, and to our country, wc 
 
 * have thought it expedient to reprefent unto you, to be 
 
 * communicated to the houfe, that we may be admitted 
 
 * thereinto/ After the reading this letter it was ordered 
 
 * That the clerk of the commonwealth in chancery be 
 
 * ordered to attend the houfe to morrow morninc^, with 
 
 * all the indentures of returns of ki>ights, citizens, and 
 « burgeffes, phofen to ferve in this parliament/ The 
 deputy of the clerk of the commonwealth attended then 
 with the returns, which being examined, confirmed the 
 truth of what the fecluded members had written. — The 
 houfe being acquainted that the clerk of the common- 
 wealth was himfelf at the door: he was called in; and 
 by order of the houfe, Mr. Speaker acquainted him, 
 
 < That upon the perufal of the indentures, it appears, 
 
 * divers perfons are elecfted, which are not returned to 
 
 * the houfe : and he was demanded by what order ic 
 ' was done. He returns this anfwer : that he received 
 ' an order from his highnefs's council, that he fhould 
 
 * deliver tickets to all fuch perfons, and fuch only, as 
 
 * being returned to ferve in parliament, fhould be cer- 
 
 * tified unto him, from the council, as perfons by them 
 
 * approved : and that he did receive feveral orders of 
 
 < approbation for feveral perfons ; and fo he made out 
 
 * the tickets.' Being demanded whether he had the or- 
 der itfelf : anfwered he knew not whether it were at the 
 door. But being withdrawn ; and again brought in by 
 theferjeantj he delivered in the order, fubfcribed by 
 Mr. JeJJirp^ clerk of the council. This order being 
 read, it was refolved the next day, * That this houfe 
 
 * doth defire the council to give unto this houfe on 
 ^ A^cnday x\cxty their reafons, why thofe members, who 
 « are return$4 from the feveral counties and boroughs 
 
 H h 2 « fo^
 
 468 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 * for members, are not approved ; and why they ara 
 
 * not admitted to come into the houfe.' Accordingly on 
 Mondoy. the iiA of September ^ * 1 he lord commiflioner 
 ' Fieties reported by word of mouth, from the council, 
 
 * their anfwer to the order made by the houfe, to this 
 
 * efFed^ : Whereas the parliament did defire the council 
 
 * to give unto them, their reafons, why thofe mem- 
 ' bers who are returned for the feveral counties and bo- 
 ^ roughs for members are not approved ; and why they 
 ? are not admitted into the houfe ; the council have 
 
 * commanded me to return this humble anfwer : That 
 
 * whereas by a claufe in the government it is ordered, 
 ' that the clerk, called the clerk of the commonweakh, 
 ' ^c. as in the one and twentieth article j and by ano- 
 
 * ther claufe in the government, it is ordained. That 
 f the perfon§ who fliall be eleificd to ferve in parliament, 
 
 * fliall be fuch, as are perfons of known integrity, fear- 
 
 * ing God, and of good converfation : That the coun- 
 
 * cil in purfuarure of their duty, and according to th« 
 ' trufl repofed in them, have examined the faid returns, 
 
 * and have not refufed to approve any who have ap- 
 ' peared to them to be perfons of integrity to the go- 
 
 * vemment, fearing God, and of good converfation : 
 
 * and thofe who are not approved, his highnefs batlr 
 ' given order to fome perfons to take care that they do 
 
 * not come into the houfe.' This was very plain 
 
 language, and perfecily well underftood by the mem- 
 bers. As it appeared therefore in vain to contend with 
 the mafter of legion<^, as there might be little difpofi- 
 tion, it was refolved on the queftioo by a majority of 
 125 to 29, * That the perfons who have been returned*, 
 ' from the feveral counties, cities, and boroughs, te 
 
 * ferve in this parliament, and have not bten approved, 
 
 * be referred to make their application to the council" 
 
 * for an approbation j and that the houfe do proceeo 
 t») Journals. * with the great affairs of the nation (/).' Thus ended 
 
 this afFair in parliament. But the fecluded memr 
 bers, far enough from being fatisfied with this de- 
 termination, made an appeal to the public in a 
 remonilrance which does honor to their courage and 
 abilities. Some parts of it. 1 will here infert.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 469 
 
 We believe, fay they, the rumour is now gone through 
 the nation, that armed men imployed by the Lord 
 Prote<5t:or Have prevented the free meeting and fitting 
 of the intended parliament, and have forcibly fhuc 
 out of doors fuch n>embers as he and his council fup- 
 pofe would not be frighted, or flattered to betray their 
 country, and give up their religion, lives and eftates 
 to be at his will, to ferve his lawlefs ambition. But 
 we fear that the flavery, rapines, oppreffions, cruel- 
 ties, murders and confufions that are comprehended 
 in this one horrid fadt, are not fo fenfibly difcerned, 
 or fo much laid to heart is the cafe requires ; and we 
 doubt not but, as the common practice of the man 
 hath been, the name of God, and religion, and for- 
 mal fafts and prayers, will be made ufe of to colour 
 over the blacknefs of the fa6t;we do therefore in 
 faithfulnefs unto God, and our country hereby remon- 
 ftrate; Firft, That whereas by the fundamental lav/s 
 of this nation, the people ought not to be bound by 
 any laws but fuch as are freely confented unto by their 
 deputies in parliament, and it is a moft wicked ufiir- 
 pation, even againft the very laws of nature, for any 
 man to impofe his will or difcretion upon another as 
 a rule, unlefs there be fome pa6t, or agreement be- 
 tween the parties for that intent. And whereas by 
 the mercy of God only in preferving the fundamen- 
 tal law and liberty, the good people of England have 
 beyond memory of any record preferved their eftates, 
 families and lives, which had been otherwife deftroy- 
 ed, at the will of every wicked tyrant; and by keep- 
 ing this only, as their undoubted right, they have 
 been kept from being brutifli flaves to the lufts of their 
 kings, who would otherwife have defpoiled them of 
 their perfons, lives, and eftates, by their proclama- 
 tions, and the orders of themfelvcs, and their cour- 
 tiers as they pleafed : and by virtue of this their un- 
 doubted right the people have commonly difputed, re- 
 ' fifted, and made void the proclamations of their 
 ' king?;, and the orders of their council-table, where 
 '' they have crofled the laws unto which they have 
 ^ coftfented in their parliaments. Now the Lord Pro- 
 H h 3 * tector
 
 47^ 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 te£lor hath by force of arms invaded this fundamental 
 right and liberty, and violently prevented the meet- 
 ing of the peoples chofen deputies in parliament. 
 And he and his council boldly declare, That none of 
 the peoples deputies /hall meet in parliament, unlefe 
 they agree to the meafure of their phantafies, hu- 
 mours, or lufts ; they now render the people fuch 
 fools or beafts, as know not who are fit to be trufted 
 by them with their lives, eftates, and families. But 
 he and his council that daily devour their eftates, and 
 liberties, will judge who are fit to counfel and ad- 
 vife about laws to preferve their eftates and liberties ; 
 thus doth he now openly afiTume a power to pack an 
 aflembly of his confident^, parafites and confederates, 
 and to call them a parliament, that he may thence 
 pretend that the people have confented to become hi* 
 ' flaves, and to have their perfons and eftates at his dif- 
 
 ■ cretion. And if the people {hall tamely fubmit to 
 fuch a power, who can doubt but he can pack fuch a 
 
 ' number as will obey all his commands, and confent 
 
 ' to his taking of what part of our eftates he pleafeth, 
 
 ' and to impofe what yokes he thinks fit to make u* 
 
 ■ draw in. Secondly, And whereas the parliament of 
 ' England, confiftii g of the peoples chofen deputies, 
 ' always have been, and ought to be the ordainers, and 
 ' creators of dignities, offices, and authorities in this na- 
 ' tion, and have always of right exercifed the power of 
 
 * difpofing even the kingly office, and authority of en- 
 
 * larging and reftraining the kingly power, and of 
 ' queftioning, making void, or confirming all com- 
 ' miffions, proclamations, charters, and patents of any 
 ' of our former kings ; and have queftioned, cenfured 
 ' and judged even the perfons of our kings for abufing 
 ' their trufts, and invading the peoples laws, rights, 
 
 * and liberties ; and by this means the higheft officers, 
 
 * and the kings themfelves have acknowledged their 
 ' power to be oniy trufted to them for the peoples wel- 
 
 * fare ; and they have always dreaded the peoples par- 
 
 * liaments who could call them to an account for any 
 
 * injuftice, or violence done upon the perfon, or eftat« 
 ' of any man j and hereby the people were fecured un- 
 
 » der
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 471 
 
 * der the laws from the rapine, and oppreflion of the 
 
 * hioheft grandees, and courtiers ; even the kings them- 
 
 * felves, fearing the peoples complaints in their parlia- 
 
 * ments and well knowing the peoples cuftom to 
 
 * choofe for their deputies the moft known champions 
 
 * for their liberties, againft the arbitrary powers, and 
 
 * injuftice of the kings and their courtiers ; and none of 
 ' the moft wicked kings in their higheft hope to erect 
 
 * a tyranny, ever daring fince members were fent to 
 
 * parliaments by ele<5tions, to throw afide by force as 
 
 * many of the chofen members as they thought would 
 
 * not ferve their ends; they knowing it to be the un- 
 
 * doubted right of the people to truft whom they think 
 
 * fit, and as much the right of every man duly choferi 
 
 * and trufted to meet and vote in parliament without 
 ' afking their leave or begging their tickets. And al- 
 
 * though here hath been frequently fecret defigns for 
 
 * many years to fubvert religion, liberty and property 
 » in this nation, and to that end the defigns of tyranny 
 
 * have attempted to deftroy, fometimes the beinL"", and 
 
 * fometimes the power, privileges and freedom of par- 
 
 * liaments, yet the mercy of God hath almoft miracu- 
 
 * loufly prel'erved the being, privileges and authority 
 
 * of parliaments, and therein religion, liberty and pro- 
 
 * perty, until the time of the L^rd Protestor. But 
 
 * now he hath aflumed an abfolute arbitrary fovereignty 
 
 * (as if he came down from the throne of God) to 
 
 * create in himfelf, and his confederates, fuch powers 
 '^ and authorities, as muft not be under the cognizance 
 
 * of the peoples parliaments. His proclamations he 
 
 * declares ihall be binding laws to parliaments them* 
 
 * felves, he takes tjpon him to be above the whole body 
 ■^of the people of England, and to judge and cenfure 
 ^the whole body, and every member of it, by no other 
 -* rule or law than his pleaiur^, as if he were their ab- 
 
 < folute lord, and had bought all the people o( Eng^ 
 
 < land for his flaves. Doubtlefs, if he Would pretend 
 
 * only to have conquered England at his own expenc^, 
 "* and were there as much truth as there is falfhood iii 
 
 * that pretence, yet- he could not but - know that the 
 
 * right of the peoples deputies in parliament to their 
 
 H h 4 ' antieht
 
 472 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 antient powers and privileges, would remain good 
 againft him, as againft their publiclc capital enemy, 
 whom every man ought to dellroy, until by fome 
 agreement with the body of the people in parliament, 
 fome fort of governing power in him were fubmitted 
 unto, that hereby he might ceafe to be a publick ene- 
 my and deftroyer, and become a king or governor 
 according to the conditions accepted by the people, 
 and if he would fo pretend, he could not be fo dif- 
 charged from his publick enmity by any conditions or 
 agreement made with a part of the peoples chofen de- 
 puties, whilft he (hut out the other part; for no part 
 of the reprefentative body are trufted to confent to 
 any thing in the nation's behalf, if the whole have not 
 their free liberty of debating, and voting in the mat- 
 ters propounded. If he would pretend no higher than 
 to be our conqueror, who for peace and his own fafe- 
 ty's fake was content to ceafe from being a publick 
 enemy, and to be admitted a governor, he could not 
 compafs thofe ends by forcibly excluding (as now he 
 hath done) whom he pleaf^d of the reprefentative 
 body of the people, who were to fubmit to him in 
 the people's behalf; therefore either takes upon him to 
 be fuch a conqueror as fcorns the peoples acceptance 
 of him by their reprefentative as their governor, and 
 fears not to remain a publick enemy, or elfe he takes 
 himfelf to be fuch an unheard-of fovereign, that 
 againft him the people have no claim of right, or pro- 
 perty in themfelves, or any thing elfe ; for he hath 
 now declared that the people's choice cannot give any 
 man a right to fit in parliament, but the right muft be 
 derived from his gracious will and pleafure, with that 
 of hiscounfellors ; and his clerks ticket only muft be 
 their evidence for it. Thus hath he exalted himfelf 
 to a throne like unto God's, as if he were of himfelf, 
 and his power from himfelf, and we were all made 
 for him, to be commanded and difpofed of by him, 
 to work for him, and ferve his pleafure and ambition. 
 Seeing therefore this total fubverfion of all law and 
 right, and the diftraciions, mif#ries, blood and con- 
 fvfions, that will be the moft certain confequences of
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 473 
 
 * it, and withall, remembring the late cfFufion of blood 
 
 * upon no other account than to fecure religion, liberty 
 
 * and property, and the freedom, power and privileges 
 ' of parliaments, as the bulwarks thereof; and that by 
 
 * thoie very hands who now overturn the very founda- 
 
 * tions of all liberty, right and property, and of the be- 
 ' ings of parliaments ; and our very fouls trembling at 
 ' the loud cries of that fea of blood, and at the horrid 
 
 * clamours of the many falfified oaths and promifes 
 
 fj made upon the fame account.' ' For the acquitting 
 
 *;j therefore of their fouls, they folemnly protefted and re- 
 f, Cionftrated unto all the good people of £«^/fl«^, that 
 
 * the violent exclufion of the people's deputies in parlia- 
 ' ment, doth change the ftate of the people from free- 
 ' dom into meer Ilavery ; that fuch members of parlia- 
 ' ment as (hall approve the forcibje exclufion complain- 
 ' ed of, or (hall fit, vote and a£t, while many members 
 
 * are by force (hut out, are betrayers of the liberties of ^ 
 ' England, and adherents to the capital enemies of the 
 
 * commonwealth ; and that the prefent aflembly at 
 
 * JFeJiniinjhry being under the awe and terror of the 
 ■f. Lord Protestor, is not the reprefentative body of Eng- 
 
 • ^ land, nor can tax or tallage be juftly or lawfully raifed /o whft- 
 ' by them(i)/ lock, p. 
 
 ^ This remonftrance being * printed was fent in great ^5»- 
 vfi white boxes fome looo of them, to be left in feveral 
 
 * houies in London, and by them to be delivered out ' . 
 ' when called for.' But the court having private in- 
 telligence of the matter, * got four or five of the boxes 
 
 * from the owners of the houfes,' and thereby prevented 
 
 their being difperfed according to the intention of the (0 Thor!oe, 
 
 fubfcribers (/). 1 am forry to add,' that many of the "^l^ "' ^' 
 
 gentlemen, who put their hands to this admirable remon- ^ 
 ftrance, were but meer talkers, and foon found a way to 
 ingratiate themfelves with the Prote«Stor, take their feats 
 in the houfe, and fervilely adore him whom in fuch ter- 
 rible colours they here blacken ! So uncertain are ths 
 figns of patriotifm I But in juftice it muft be faid that 
 . fhere were others of them who were true to their prin- 
 rjfiples, and above being worked on by fear or flattery. 
 ^fShek at Ifflgfh, iir^ virtue of an article in the. Ilumblg 
 ' ■ Pe-
 
 <n 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 Poffibly, however, fome perfons will find 
 
 an 
 
 , Peilticn pnd Advice, which fequirec^^ that thofe perfons 
 
 * who were legally cbofen by a free eledtion of the peo- 
 
 * pie to ferve in parliament, (hould not be excluded from 
 
 * fitting therein, bi^ by judgment and confent of the 
 
 * houfe whereof they were members,' were alfo admit,- 
 ted to their feats ^^2'7i.77;;y 20, 1657, O. S. The oath 
 taken by them on this occafion, was in thefe words. 
 
 * I A. B. do, in the prefence, and by the name of God 
 
 * Almighty, promife and fwear, that, to the uttermoft 
 
 * ©f my power, in my place, I will uphold and main- 
 
 * tain the true reformed, proteftant, chriftian religion, 
 
 * in the purity thereof, as it is contained in the Holy 
 
 * Scriptures of the Old and New Teftament, and en- 
 
 * courage the profeifion and profeflbrs of the fame ; and 
 ' that I will be true and faithful to the Lord Proteflor 
 
 * of the commonwealth oi England, Scct'and and Irtlandy 
 
 * and the dominions and territories thereunto belonging, 
 
 * as chief magiflrate thereof ; and fliall not contrive or 
 
 * defign, or attempt any thing againft the perfon or 
 ' lawful authority of the Lord Proteftor ; and (hall en- 
 
 * deavour, as much as in me lies, as a member of par- 
 fw) Jojjr- * liament, the prefervation of the rights and liberties of 
 •als. c the people (;7.).' Thus was the wife taken in his 
 
 own craftinefs ! Men under a deep fenfe of injury, 
 were now admitted into the houfe, who, it might have 
 beei forefeen, would ufe their utmoft endeavour to 
 embarrafs and perplex that government, which they had 
 looked on and treated as ufurped and tyrannical. It 
 muft not be omitted that this parliament was difTolved 
 
 alfo in great refentment by ,the protedlor. Thefe 
 
 were the high and arbitrary proceedings of Cromvcell ; 
 (ff^ Liberty proceedings which might eafily induce a very ingenious 
 and Right J writer to obferve that * he who hated the tyrant, ad- 
 ^*"^'P' * mired the tyranny (»).' For what more odious in the 
 Load. 1747. teign of the conquered King, than thefe \ What more 
 oppofite to the principles of liberty and freedom ? ' In 
 
 * the reign, or rather under the tyranny, of this fingla 
 
 • hand.
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 475 
 
 an apology for fome of thefe (zzz) pro- 
 ceedings, 
 
 * hand, the whole govetnment and adminiftration con- 
 
 * tradidted the national conftitution ; but this contra- 
 
 * diction, was planned by a craft and policy as dexterous, 
 
 * as it was new ; and carried on by a genius as bold, 
 
 * as cunning. Cr-cmwell, when mounted to the head of 
 
 * afFairs, found the materials of liberty and freedom 
 ' rooted in the people, but faw, that thefe materials were 
 ' without form, without orders, and without laws, to 
 ' bind and fecure them. The people were powerful, 
 '* but ignorant and divided ; divided in opinion, and ig- 
 
 * norant of true government and real fecurity. Crom- 
 
 * well therefore applied himfeJf to the times ; encou- 
 ' raged, difcountenanced, prote6led and opprefled by 
 
 * turns, different fe6ts and parties; and thus artfully 
 
 * keeping them divided in their religious and civil views, 
 
 * prevented the nation from uniting in any thing that 
 ' was natural and proper to freedom and liberty. The 
 
 * fame army which had conquered for the people, he ,g\ y^^^r^ 
 
 * taught by mutilation, augmentation, largelTes and pri- and Right, 
 
 * vileges, to opprefs the people (o).' How far this P*'^'* P* 
 
 ' is a juft reprefentation, the foregoing notes will enable 
 
 the reader to determine. 
 
 (zzz) Some may find an apology — in the fituation and 
 (ircumjiances of the Protector.'^ * Civil war is naturally 
 ' more fubje6t to rigour, fays Mr. Afcham^ than other 
 
 * wars : becaufe they who yelierday were enemies, would 
 < be inhabitants always. The conqueror fufpeils that 
 
 * thefe will be the firft infringers of his new laws ; the 
 ' violation of which ought at the beginning to be fevere- 
 
 * lieft cenfured, as of dangerous confequence.— — — • 
 
 * Wherefore for thefe reafons though the ufurper thought (/■) Confu- 
 *■ not of eftabliftiing bimfelf in an abfolute jurifdi<Slion, p°"^,^".^ 
 
 * yet at laft he will find himfelf obliged to fecure his ofGovera- 
 
 * conqueft by the fame means he obtained it, And mems, p. 
 « Dido gave Mntai the true re^fon of the fame cafe ipV V I*T* 
 
 ® ^^^ Load, 1 6, J. 
 
 Res
 
 476 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 xreedlngs, in the fituation and circumftanccs 
 
 of 
 
 Res dura & regrti novltas'me talia cogunt 
 
 Moliri, & late fines cuftode tueri. Virg. 
 
 My cruel fate. 
 
 And doubts attending; an unfettled ftate, 
 
 Force me to guard roy coafts • Dryden. 
 
 This had long before, been taught by Machiavel, in 
 the following words : * When a prince would keep his 
 ' fubjeds united and faithful, he mud not heed the re- 
 ' proacb of cruelty j for if he makes a few examples of 
 
 * juftice, he a£b with lefs cruelty than thofe who, 
 
 * through an excefs of mercy, fufter many diforders to 
 
 * arife, which occafion rapine and murder. Now thefe 
 
 * are prejudicial to the whole focicty ; whereas particular 
 ' executions, which are ordered by the prince, afFe6l 
 
 * only particular men. Befides, all new governments 
 Iq) Pr'mce, « are expofed to fo many dangers, that it is impoiSble 
 *Y7- Con- « £q,. 2 ^^^ prince to avoid the fcandal of being cruel/ 
 meUdeU Thris Virgil toikes Dido fay, 
 
 Houffay's 
 
 iiotesonthe ^ y^^ /J 
 
 place. ' \j/ » 
 
 If ever any prince upon earth bad rcafon to a£l on 
 thefe principles, it was Cromwell. Without fome afts 
 of fcverity what could he have done? How tottering 
 would have been his throne ? How precarious his life? 
 The cavaliers, the prefbyterians, the republicans, and 
 the fifth-monarchy- men were all his foes, and even his 
 mofl intimate friends did not approve his management 
 
 in a variety of refpeds- Mr. St. jfohn, between 
 
 whom and the Protestor there had been the neareft uni- 
 on, highly difliked his fetting up himfelf. * He, [St. 
 ' 'John] fays Mr. Thurlae, was fo far from advifing OH- 
 ' ViT to fctup hinafclf, that to the beft of my kno«r- 
 * ledge and obfervation he was a great enemy to it, and 
 ^ < haih oiten lo me fpake againft it. And as for that 
 
 * called
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 477 
 
 of the Protedor. -Had he accepted the 
 
 king^ 
 
 called the Iji/irument of Government, 1 never fpake with 
 my Lord St. Jrjhn, either about the whole, or any 
 part of it (nor ever heard that any body elfe did) un- 
 til feme months after it was publifhed in print, when 
 going tovifit him after a long and dangerous ficknefs, 
 he told me, he had j-aii then read our govern- 
 
 ment j and talcing it up in his hand's, he cafl it from 
 him in great diflike, and fayed, is this all the fruit the 
 nation fhali have of their warre ? or words to that 
 purpofe; and then tooke occafion to fpeak mtrch a- 
 gainft it. And as he had nothinge to doe in fettinge 
 Up this government, foe neither was there, (oe farr as 
 I knowe or have heard, any communication of coun- 
 fells between Oliver and him, mediately or ymnre- 
 diately, touchirrge the management of any part of the 
 publique affairs, my Lord St. "John always refufinge to v 
 
 meddle in any thinge, but what concerned his place 
 as a judge ; and in that he refufed to proceed upon any 
 of the laws made under that government j for which 
 he was complayned of to the counfell, and it was im- 
 puted to his example, that the judges refufed to acS 
 upon the Taft high court of iuifice. Nor was hee 
 (to my knowledge) advifed with in the Petition and 
 Advice. The truth is, that my Lord St. ^fchn was fo 
 far from being a confident, that feme, who loved and 
 valued him, had fomething to doe to prcferve him (r) Thur- 
 under that government (r).' In a letter to //^wry Joe. vol. vii. 
 Cromweli dued i6 December, 1656, he fays, * His- high- P" 9''^* 
 ncffe meetes with his tryals here at home of all forts, 
 beinge under daylye exercifes from one hand or other ; 
 and 1 wiftl he may not have occafion to fay. My fa- 
 miliar friends, in whom I trufted, have lifted up the , > « i " 
 heele againft me (j).' It appears alfo from a variety p. 708. 
 of Mr. becretary's letters, that the Proteftor's govern- 
 ment was clogged with great difficulties, and that the 
 oppofition made to it was fierce and violent. In a letter 
 ^ Henry Cromwell, then major-general of the army in 
 
 Ire-
 
 47S T H E L I F E O F 
 
 kingihip, which was offered by his parlia- 
 ment, 
 
 Ii^land^ dated 20th May^ 1 656, he fays, * Blefled be God, 
 
 * that all things remain quieti in Ireland-, foe they doe al- 
 
 * foe here. Both is very much againfl: the intentions of 
 ' enemies of all forts, whohave their daily meetinges for 
 
 * begcttinge trouble. The Spanyard, cavaleir, papifts 
 
 * and levellers, are all come into a confederacy. Wh^ 
 
 * monftrous birth fhis wombe u'ill bring forth, I cannot 
 
 * tell. They threaten hard, but I perceive they are not 
 (f)Vol. T. * yet quite ready. The commonwealths men looke alfo 
 P-45' < for a fudden turne, and hope they (hall play next (t).* 
 
 In another letter written to the fame 16 JaKe, 1656, he 
 fays, * Wee are yet very much troubled with the fifth- 
 ' monarchy-men and the levellers, whohave their con- 
 
 * ftant meetinge to put us in blood. By the levellers, 
 
 * I meane thofe, who pretend to a republique or popular 
 
 fb) U p. ' forme of government. It is certain it doth behove 
 
 JZ2. ' US to have a watchful eye upon that intereft (a).'— — 
 
 There was reafon for it. Jigernon Sydney (a name ever 
 venerable !) called Cromweil, as he faid on his tryal, ' 
 (x) T*TaU * A tyrant every day of his life, and aded againft him 
 T ?l' i^«. ' too (*).' And to fuch a height of refentment had 
 
 Folio, 165^. v/ b .••• 
 
 fome warm men or the party earned jt, as to jom with 
 their old and fworn foes in order to deftroy him. ' The 
 
 * levellers, Mr. Thurloe tells the fame gentleman, in a 
 
 * letter dated December g, 1 656, are very buiffie, and 
 
 * are in perfect conjunction with the Kinge of Spayne. 
 *■ The part they have ^rft undertaken, is to aflafinate 
 
 * my Lord Protedor, and have laid the way of doing 
 
 * it. This I know with as much certeintye, as that 
 
 * your lordfhip is in // eland. I truft the Lord will dif- 
 
 * fapoint them, as he hath done ; but wee fee hereby 
 
 (jr)Vol. lu « the fpirit of thefe men (>).' ^With regard to his 
 
 '* ^** parliaments after his afTuming the protectorate, they 
 
 were compofed of men, a good part of whom were his 
 ill-willers. * In the debates, concerning Cromwell^s ac- 
 < cepting the crown, fome of the cavalier party, or ra- 
 
 * ther their children, came to bear fome (hare. They 
 
 ' were
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL^ 479 
 
 ment, a firmer fettlenaent and a milder ad- 
 
 mini- 
 
 were then all zealous commonweaJths-mcn, accord- 
 ing to the clire6tions feiit them from thofe about the 
 King. Their bufinefs was to oppofe Cromwell on all 
 demands, and fo to weaken him at home, and expofe 
 him abroad. When fome of the other party took no- 
 tice of this great change, from being the abettors of 
 prerogative to become the patrons of liberty, they 
 pretended their education in the court, and their ob- 
 ligation to it had engaged them that way ; but now 
 fince that was out of doors, they had the common 
 principles of human nature and the love of liberty in 
 them. By this means, as the old republicans aflifted 
 and prote<5ted them, fo at the fame time they ftrength- 
 ned the fadtion againfl Cromwell. But thefe very men 
 at the reftoration (hook ofF this difguife, and reverted 
 to their old principles for a high prerogative and ab- 
 folute power. They faid they were for liberty, when 
 it was a mean to diftrefs one who they thought had no 
 right to govern ; but when the government returned to 
 its old channel, they were ftill z% firm to all preroga- Cj;) Burnet, 
 live notions^ and as great enemies to liberty as ever (z).' vol. i, p. 70. 
 -In certain conjun£lures this may again happen. 
 
 notwithftanding the fmooth talk of coalition or extinc- 
 tion of parties ! 
 
 Mr, Maid/lone fpeaking of the Protestor's flrfl par- 
 liament, fays, * The houfe confiding of many difo- 
 
 * bliged perfons (fome upon the king's account, and 
 
 * others upon a pretence of right to fit upon the for- 
 
 * mer foundation, as not being legally, though forcea- 
 
 * bly, diffolved ; and others judging that the powers 
 
 * given by the infirument of government to the Pro- 
 
 * tedlor were too large; profefling that though they were 
 
 * willing to truft him, yet they would not truft his fuc- 
 ' ceflbrs with fo large a jurifdi£lion) fell into high ani- 
 ' mofities ; and after five months fpent in framing ano- 
 
 * ther inftrument inftead of the former (which they faid 
 i they could not fwallow without cl^ewing) they were 
 
 ' by
 
 ^So THELIFEOF 
 
 miniftration might have taken place: but hrr 
 
 moft 
 
 («)ThBrloe,' by the Proteflor difTolved (d).' lAx. IVkiilock informs 
 vol.1, p. nsj « That this parliament continued their debates touch- 
 ' ^' « ing the government, wherein many things were fpokcn," 
 
 * which gave great offence to the Protedor and his" 
 
 * council, and caufe of fufpicion that no good was to 
 (*}P. 610. * be e?£pc<fted from' them {b).' Many of thefe fan^ 
 
 meOi in fpight of court influence, were chofen in the 
 next parliament, and Crgmwe'l, that matters might go 
 on the more fmoothly, ordered them to be denied ad- 
 mittance. In purfuance however of the humhle Peti- 
 tion and Advice^ as before mentioned, they afterwards 
 took their feats, and gave the Protector great vexation' 
 by fpurning at the new eredled houfe of Lords, and 
 controverting their title. I need not add that the go- 
 vernment was continually alarmed with plots and con- 
 fpiracies, and that juries were but ill difpofed to do juf- 
 
 tice on ftate criminals. Thefe are fome of the chief 
 
 arguments that may be urged in favour of the violent" 
 and illegal a£ts oi CromwelL His fituation and circum- 
 itanccs were perplexed and dangerous, and would he 
 feeure himfclf, or thofe who depended on him, fevericy* 
 aad rigour feemed requifite. * What would vott- 
 
 * have ene in my ftation doi* faid he to fome who talked 
 
 * to him about his excefles and ufurpation. He was 
 
 * well anfwered, fays Mr. Gordon, Sir, we would have 
 
 * nobody in your ftation. To vindicate murder conti- 
 
 * nues this writer, frort*- the neceffity of committing it, 
 
 * in order to conceal robbery ; is to argue like a mur-' 
 ' derer and a robber ; but it is honeft logic, to reply, 
 ^. Db not rf)b,* and then you need not be tempted to 
 
 * murder; but- if you will do one, and confequently 
 ' both,, remember that* punifhment does or ought to fol- 
 ' low crigies, artd the more crimes the more punilh- 
 
 * menf. If, by a repetition of crimes^ you become too 
 
 * mighty to be punilhed, you muft be content to be ac- 
 
 * curfed and abhorred as an enemy to human race ; you' 
 
 * muft tjxpedl to hav« all men for- your Enemies, as your 
 
 ' ar»
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 481 
 
 moft intimate friends (aaaa) oppofing, he, 
 
 con- 
 
 * are an enemy to all men ; and fmce you make fport of 
 
 * the lives and liberties of men, you muft not wonder, 
 
 * nor have you a right to complain, if they have all of W Difcour- 
 ' them memories and feeling, and fome of them coii- [" °" J^?' 
 
 Cr ' tUS vol. 1V» 
 
 * rage and fwords (r ).' It would be injuftice however to p. ^07. 
 Cromwell^ not to add, that his feverities were but few, 120-0. 
 and thofe exercifed only on real criminals, as the laws ^'^"^•'''55' 
 then ftood. 
 
 (aaaa) He refufcd the offered king/kip.'] Cromwell 
 was m enemy to the name or office of King. He had 
 helped to pull down and punifli Charles, but he was dif- 
 pofed enough to fit on the throne. The times then 
 would not bear it. But in a few years he thought fe- 
 rioufly of the affair, and was inclined to try t!-e expe- 
 riment. Prudence however retrained him. But when 
 he had got a parliament to his mind, as that called in 
 1656, in the beginning was, it was no longer to be de- 
 layed. * The feitlement of the nation was deliberated 
 ' on, and a writing framed, which the parliament ftiled 
 
 * The humble petition and advice cf the parliament of Eno;- 
 
 * land, Scotland and Ireland to his highnefs.' * The 
 
 * firft bufinefs of it v/as, fays Whitlock, for the Protec- 
 
 * tor to have the title of King.' * This petition and 
 ' advice was prefented to his highnefs by the houfe, 
 
 * and hedefired that a committee might be appointed to 
 
 ' confer with him about it {d).^ Accordingly a com- C*^ ^- ^^S' 
 mittee was appointed, who on the i6:h of Jpril, 1657, 
 
 * Had audience of his highnefs, and gave him fuch rea- 
 
 * fons as he declared to be weighty, and to require de- 
 ' liberation, and therefore defired fome time till the 
 
 ' next afternoon to give anfv.er to them (.?).' In tlii- (f)Journals, 
 conference it was urged by the lawyers, particularly by 
 the lord chief juftice Glnne, * That the office of a 
 
 * King was a lawful office, and a title too, approved of 
 
 * by the word of God : that it was an office that had 
 
 * been exercifed in the nation, from the time of its 
 
 * being a nation, and that there never had been a quar- 
 
 1 i ' rtl
 
 82 THELIFEOF 
 
 contrary to his own inclinations and fuppofed 
 
 intereft, 
 
 * rel with the office, but the male adminiftration. > 
 
 The name of King, laid he, is a name known by the 
 law, and the parliament doth defire that your high- 
 nefs would aflume that title. Thefe are the grounds 
 why the parliament make it their humble advice and 
 requeft to your highnefs, that you would be pleafed to 
 aflume that title ; and I think there is fomeihing more 
 in it : you are now Lord Proteftor of the three na- 
 tions by the Injirumenf, and there is a claufe of this 
 government that you fliould govern according to law, 
 and your highnefs is fworn to that government. The 
 parliament doth apprehend that it is almoft impoffible 
 for your highnefs to anfwer the expe<Elation of the peo- 
 ple to be governed by the laws, becaufe you are fo tied 
 up, that neither they can rationally cail for it, nor you 
 confcientioufly do it, and fo there is neither Lord Pro- 
 tector, nor the people upon a fure eftablifhment. For 
 here flands the cafe : a King hath run through Co ma- 
 ny ages in this nation, and hath governed the nation 
 by that title and ftyle, that it is known to the law ; 
 for the law of the nation is no otherwife, than what 
 hath been a cuftom to be pradtifed, as is approved by 
 the people to be good. 1 hat's the law, and nothing 
 elfe, excepting a<5ls of parliament. And now they 
 have been governed by that title, and by that minifter, 
 ' and by that ofiice, if fo be your highnefs fhould do 
 any act, and one ihould come and fay. My Lord Pro- 
 testor, why are you fworn to govern by the law, ard 
 
 you do thus and thus as Lord ProteCior ? Do I ? 
 
 Why how am I bound to do? Why, the King 
 
 could not have done fo. Why, but 1 am not King, 
 
 • 1 am not bound to do as the King, I am Lord Pro- 
 
 • tector; (hew me that the law doth require me to do 
 it as Protedtor; if I have not a£led as Protector, Ihev/ 
 
 ' me where the law is. Why you put any one to a 
 
 ' flumble in that cafe. 
 
 « This 
 8
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 4S3 
 
 intercft, declined it; and after experiencing 
 
 many 
 
 * This is one thing that I humbly conceive, did flick 
 in the parliament as to that particular. Another thing 
 is this: you are Proteftor, which is a new office not 
 known to the law, and made out of doors : you are 
 called upon, that you would be pleafed to accept the 
 office of a King, that is, by the whole people. It's 
 the firft government that fince thefe troubles hath 
 been tendred by a general and univerfal confent of the 
 people. Another thing is this, — If any man fhould 
 find fault with them and fay, why how came you to 
 make governments in this cafe ? the anfwer is,— We 
 are a parliament, and liave your' fufi^rage ; you have 
 ever trufted us with ail your votes, and we will juf- 
 tify it : but befides we have not done it neither j we 
 
 have but fettled it upon the old foundations. Then 
 
 the kingfhip ; however fome may pretend a King's 
 prerogative is fo large we know it not, it is not 
 bounded. But the parliament are not of that opi- 
 nion. — The King's prerogative is known by law : if 
 he ftiould expatiate it beyond the duty, that is the evil 
 of the man : but in TVeJiminJier-hiW the King's prero- 
 gative was under the courts of juflice, and was bound- 
 ed as well as any acre of land, or any thing a man 
 hath, as much as any controverfy betvi'een party and 
 
 party. And therefore the office being lawful in its 
 
 nature, known to the nation, certain in itfel^, and '"^Q ^'i?^^^' 
 confined and regulated by the law, and the other of- p/je.'^And 
 fice not being fo, that was a great ground of the rea- Parlitmen- 
 fon why the parliament did fo much inllfl: upon this ^^Y^''^"*^^' 
 
 office, not as circumftantial, but asefTential (/)' -g" * '* 
 
 Vv'hat foice there is in all this the gentlemen of the long 
 robe can beft determ'ne. 'Tis certain it would not have 
 been judged found doctrine by thofe who poflefled the 
 fupreani authority of the commonwealth of England, 
 
 after the death of Charles. Lord Eroghill., after 
 
 mentioning fome things of a like nature, proceeded to 
 
 the advantages which would accrue to his highnefs and 
 
 I i 2 the
 
 @ 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 4^4- many troubles and vexations in his govern- 
 
 " ment. 
 
 (f)S«e Cla- 
 rendon, vol. 
 Ti. p. 589. 
 
 the people in accepting the crown which was then ten- 
 dered. — ' By your highnefs's bearing the title of King,- 
 faid he, all thofe that obey and ferve you, are fecured 
 by a law made lonz before any of our differences had 
 a being, in the lid Hen. 7 (^), where a full provifioir 
 is made for the fafcty of thofe who {ball ferve who- 
 ever is King : 'tis by that law that hitherto our ene- 
 mies have pleaded indemnity; and by your affuming 
 what is now defired, that law which hitherto they 
 pretended for their difobedience, ties them even by 
 their own profeffion and principles to obedience. And 
 I hope taking off all pretences from fo numerous a 
 party may not be a thing unworthy conflderation.' 
 That law feems very rational ; for it doth not provide 
 for any particular perfon or family, but for the peace 
 and fafety of the people, by obeying whoever is in that 
 office and bears that title. The end of all govern- 
 ment is to give the people juftice and fafety ; and the 
 beft means to attain that end is to fettle a fupream 
 magiftrate. It would therefore feem very irrational, 
 that the people having attained the end, (bould de- 
 dine that end only to follow the means, which are but 
 conducing to that end ; fo that if the title and office 
 of King, be vefted in your high: efs, and that there- 
 by the people enjoy their rights and peace, it wou'd 
 be little lefs than madnefs, for any of ihem to caft off 
 thofe bleffings, only in order to obtain the fame ends 
 under another perfon. There is, added h;s lordQiip, 
 at prefent hut a divorce between the pretending King 
 and the imperial crown of thefe nations ; and we 
 know that jjerfons divorced may marry again ; but if 
 the perfon be married to another, it cpts off all hope; 
 Thefe mav be fome of thofe reafons, which invited 
 the parliament to make that defire, and give that ad- 
 vice to your highnefs <f affuming the title of King. 
 Ihere is another, and -a very itron^ <.n?, which is, 
 that now they have a^uaily given you that advice j 
 
 ' and
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 485 
 
 ment, he died (of a double tertian ague) on 
 
 the 
 
 * and the advices of parliaments are things which al- 
 
 * ways ought, and therefore I am corfidt^nt will carry 
 « with them very great force and authority: nor doth 
 ' this advice come Tingly, but accompanied with many 
 
 * other excellent things, in reference to our civil and 
 ' fpiritual liberties, w'hich ycmr highnefs hath borne a 
 
 * juft and fignal tcftimony to. It is alfo a parliament, 
 ' who have given unqueflionablc proofs of their affec- 
 
 * tion to your highnefs; and who, if liftned to in this ,^^Claren- 
 ' particular, will be thereby encouraged to give you don, p. 27. 
 
 * more (/?).' Thcfe arguments no doubt had great ^"*^P' 2^- 
 
 force with Ctomive'.l^ who long ago had thought much (,) geenoie 
 on the fubjefl (/). To fettle and fecure the peace of(w\v). 
 the nation, to conciliate the minds of the adverfe party, 
 
 and eftablifh himfelf and family on the throne in a legal 
 manner, were indeed worthy both the ambition and 
 public-fpiritednefs of the man. But his fituation re- 
 quired caution ; he had difficulties to encounter, and ^' 
 therefore took time to ballance. This will be beft ex- 
 plained by the following quotations. Mr. Maidjione 
 tells us, ' That the Protedor would have clofed with 
 
 * the parliament, as he thought, in this affair, not out 
 ' of luft to that title, (I am perfwaded, fays he,) but 
 
 * out of an apprehenfion that it would have fecured, 
 
 * in a better way, the nation's fettlement : but the party, 
 ' to whom the Protestor ever profeffed to owe himfelf 
 ' (being of the generality of his (landing friends) rofe 
 
 * fo high in oppolition to it (by reafon of the fc.nndal, 
 ' that thereby would tall upon his perfon and profefiion) 
 
 * as it diverted him, and occafioned him to take in- 
 
 * veftiture in his government, though from them, yet '•x) Thurloe 
 
 * under his former title of Protector (^).* It appears vol. i. p. 
 
 from a letter of 7/6i/r/o^'s to Her:ry Cromwell^ dated 21 ^^5- 
 April, 1657, that the Prote£tor deliberated much on 
 
 the affair, and kept every body in fufpirnce about it. 
 ' Certainly, fays he, his highnefs hath very great dif- 
 
 * ficulties in his owne minJe, although he hath had the 
 
 113 * cleareft
 
 4^6 T H E L I F E O P 
 
 the third of Sefiemher^ one thoufand fix hun-? 
 
 dred 
 
 r Thorlce, 
 voL vj. p. 
 
 *9- 
 
 clearefl call that ever man had ; and for ought I fee, 
 the parliament will not be perfwaded, that there can 
 be any fettleaaent any other way. The title is not 
 the queftion, but it's the office, which is kncwne to 
 the laws and this people. They know their duty to 
 a Kinge, and his to them^ Whatever eUe there is 
 will be wholly new, anS^Dffnothing elfe but a proba- 
 tioner, and upon the next occafion will be changed 
 againe. Befide?, they fay, the name Prote£lor, came 
 in by the fword out of parliament, and will nsver be 
 the ground of any fettlement j nor will there be a free 
 parliament (be long as that continues ; and as it fa- 
 vours of the fword row, foe it will at laft bringe all 
 thinges to be military. Thefe and other confidera- 
 tions, make men, who are for fettlement, fleady in 
 their refolutions as to this government now in hand ; 
 not that they luft after a Kinge, or are peevifli upon 
 any account of oppofition ; but they would lay foun- 
 dations of libertye and freedome, which they judge 
 this the next way to. My Lord Deputy \^FkctwcQd'\ 
 and General Dejbroijue^ oppofe themfelves with all 
 earneflnefs againft this title, but think the other 
 things in the petition and advice are very honed:. The 
 other gentleman \_Lan:tat I fuppofej ftands at dif- 
 tance, has given over his oppofition, and lets thinges 
 take their owne courfe. Many of the foldiers are not 
 only content, but are very well fatisfied with this 
 change. Some indeed grumble, but that's the moft, 
 for ought I can perceive. And furely whatever refo- 
 lutions his highnefs takes, they will be his owne, there 
 beinge nothing from without, that fhould be any con- 
 
 ftreint upon him, either to take or refufe it (/).' . 
 
 On the 5th of May the Secretary informs the fame gen- 
 tleman, that Fleetwo-d and Dejbrowe feemed to be very 
 much fixed againft the Protestor's beinge King, * And 
 ' fays he, fpeak of nothing but giving over their c m- 
 ' mands : and all imployment, if he doth accept that 
 
 ' title J
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 487 
 
 drcd fifty-eight j aged fomewhat more than 
 iifty-nine years and four months. By Eliza- 
 
 bethj 
 
 * title; others alfo, fpeak the fame language; fo that ["^ ^^"''". 
 
 * our difficulties are many (/w).' p.261. ' 
 But Cnmwfll, who had been ufed to difficulty and op- 
 
 pofition, was not eafiiy to be daunted. He took thofe 
 meafures which prudence fuggefted, and endeavoured to 
 win over his old friends by rallery and perfwafion. From 
 time to time he delayed giving his anfwer on this im- 
 portant fubje6l, and tried by * all polfible means, fays 
 
 * Ludlow., to prevail with the officers of the army to 
 
 * approve his defign ; and knowing that lieutenant-gene- 
 
 * ral Fleetwood and col. Deflrowe were particularly ar 
 
 * verfe to it, he invited himfelf to dine perfonally with 
 
 * the colonel, and carried the lieutenant-general with 
 
 * him, where he began to droll with them about mo- 
 
 * narchy, and fpealcing {lightly of it, faid it was but a 
 
 * feather in a man's cap, and therefore wondered that 
 ' men would not pleafe children, and permit them to 
 ' enjoy their rattle. But he received from them, as 
 
 * col. Dejbrowe fince told me, fuch an anfwer as was 
 
 * not at all futable to his expedlations or defircs. For 
 
 * they aflured him there was more in this matter than 
 
 * he perceived ; that thofe who put him upon it were 
 
 * no enemies to Charles Stuart ; and that if he accepted 
 ^ of it, he would infallibly draw ruin on himfelf and 
 
 * friends. Having thus founded their inclinations, that 
 ' he might conclude in the manner he had begun, he 
 
 * told them they were a couple of fcrupulous fellows, 
 ' and fo departed. The next day he fent a meflage to 
 
 * the houfe, to require their attendance in the painted 
 
 * chamber the next morning, defigning as all men be- 
 
 * lieved, there to declare his acceptance of the crown. 
 
 * But in the mean time meeting with col. Deforowe in 
 ' the great walk of the park, and acquainting him with 
 ' his refolution, the colonel made anfwer, that he then 
 
 * gave the caufe and CromiveWs family alfo for loft ; 
 ^ adding, that though he was refolvcd never to act 
 
 I i 4. ' iigaiuf^
 
 488 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 betb^ his only wife, he had feveral children, 
 of whom fix furvived him, 'viz. two fons 
 
 and 
 
 ' againd him, yet he would not a£l for him after that 
 
 * time ; fo after feme other difcourfe upon the fame 
 *i, tiibjecl, Dejbrcwe went home, and there found col. 
 
 * Pride^ whom Crcr^wcU had knighted with a faggot- 
 ' ftick; and having imparted to him the defignof 6'jom- 
 ' ^veU to accept the crown. Pride anfv/ered he fhall 
 
 * not : Why, faid the colonel, how wilt thou hinder 
 io' "" p*"'' ' '^•'' '^° which Pride replied, get me a petition drawn, 
 586. * 2nd I will prevent it (/r)-' A petition was drawn, 
 
 and by colonel Mafcn, in the nzxRe^ fivers officers of 
 (e) Journals, xhe army, delivered to the. boufe, Alay Sy 1657 (0). 
 The contents of it were to this putpofe.:. * That they 
 ' had hazarded their lives againft monarchy, and were 
 ' ftiil ready fo to do, in defence of the liberties of the 
 ' nation : that having obferved in fome men great en- 
 ' deavours to bring the nation again under their old 
 
 * fervitude, by preffing their general to take upon him 
 
 * the title and government of a King, in order to de- 
 ' firoy him, and weaken the hands of thofe who were 
 
 \ ' faithful to the publick ; they therefoie humbly defired 
 
 ^ * that they would difcountenance all fuch perfons and 
 
 ^ ' endeavours, and continue ftedfaft to the old caufe, 
 
 for the prefervation of which, they for their parts, 
 
 were moft ready--to lay down their lives. This pe- 
 
 tition^astubfcribed by two colonels, feven lieuten- 
 3Df-'coloriels, eight majors, and fixteen captains, who 
 with fuch offcers in the houfe as were of the fame 
 opinion, made up the majority of thofe relating to 
 that part of the army which was then quartered about 
 the town. It's difficult to determine whether the houfe 
 or CronmeU was more furprized at this unexpected 
 addrefs ; but certainly both were infinitely diiturbed 
 at it. As foon as the notice of it was brought to 
 Crcmwe'.lj he fent for lieutenant-general Fieeiwcod.^ 
 and told him, that he wondered he would fufFer fuch 
 a petition to proceed fo far, which he might have 
 
 ' hin-
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 489 
 
 and four daughters, i. Richard his fuc- 
 c^lTor, married to the eldeft daughter of 
 
 , Richard 
 
 * hindered, fince he knew it to be his refolution not to 
 
 * accept the crown without the confent of the army ; 
 ' and therefore defired him to haften to the houfe, -and 
 
 * to put them ofF from doing any thing farther therein. 
 
 * The lieutenant-genera! immediately went thither, and 
 
 * told them that the petition ought not to be debated, 
 ' much lefs to be anfwered at this time, the contents of 
 
 * it being to defire them not to prefs the Protedlor to 
 
 * be King, whereas the prefent bufinefs was to receive 
 
 * his anfwer to what had been formerly offered him, 
 ' and therefore defired that the debate of it might be 
 
 * put off, till they had received his anfwer. To this 
 
 * the houfe having confented, they received a meflage 
 
 * from C>o/:zve!l, that inftead -of meeting him rn the 
 
 * painted chamber, which was the place where he ufed 
 
 * to give his confent, they would meet him in the ban- 
 ' quetting-houfe : fo the m.embers came to Whiiehall^ 
 
 * and Cromwell with great oftentation of his felf denyal (/>) LudW, 
 
 * re f ufed the title of King (/>).' Tiiis refufal wason^g*"-P' 
 the I zth oi May, 1657. The conclufion of the fpeech 
 made by the Prote(51or on this memorable occafion, was 
 
 in thefe words : ' I fliould not be an honeft man, if 
 
 * I fhould not tell you, that I cannot accept of the 
 
 * government, nor undertake the trouble and charge of 
 
 * it; which I have a little more experimented than 
 
 * every body, what troubles and difficulties do befall 
 
 * men under fuch trufts, and in fuch undertakings : I 
 
 * fay, I am perfwaded to return this anfwer to you ; 
 
 * that I cannot undertake this government, with the 
 
 * title of King: and that is my anfwer to this great and 
 
 * weighty bufinefs (y).' Mr. lhurl:e^ account of («) journal. 
 
 this affair, written foon after it was tranfadted, to Henry 
 CrcmwcUt as it in a good meafure cor.firms the above 
 relation oi Ludlcw's, will, I believe, not be unaccepta- 
 ble to the reader. ' His Kighneffe, faith he, hath de- 
 
 * clared that he could not give his confent to the par- 
 
 ' liament's
 
 490 T H E L I F E O F 
 
 *Sxf^' ^^<^^^^^ ^^jor, Efq*; 2. Henry, who mar- 
 ried a daughter of Sir Francis Rujfel of Ci?//>- 
 
 penbam 
 
 * liament's advice, becaufe of the title Kinge. I 
 
 * perceive this bath ftrucke a great dampe upon the 
 
 * fpirits of fome, and much raifed and elevated others. 
 ' His Highnefle was pleafed upon the IVednefday and 
 
 * Thursday before, to declare to feveral of the houfe, 
 
 * that he was refolved to accept it with that title ; but 
 
 * juft in the very nicke of ^yme he took other refolu- 
 
 * tions, the three great men profeflinge their great un- 
 
 * frfenefle to aft, and fayd, that ymmediately after his 
 
 * acceptance thereof, they muft withdraw from ail pub- 
 ' lick ymployment, and foe they believed would feverall 
 
 * other officers of quality, that had been engaged all 
 « alonge in this warre. Befides, the very morning the 
 
 * houfe expefled his Highnefle would have come to 
 
 * have given his confent to the bill, fome 26 or 27 
 
 * officers came with a petition to the parliament, to de- 
 ' fire them not to prefTe his Highneffe any farther about 
 ' kingfliip- "The petition was brought to the barr by 
 
 * lieutenant-colonel Mafon, who was the cheife man, 
 
 * who promoted it, and went up and down from man 
 
 * to man to get hands thereunto. The petition was 
 
 * not read, but layed by, and fome moved, that the 
 
 * houfe would take it into their conflderaiion, as a 
 
 * breach of priviledge; but that was neither thought 
 (r) Vol. vi. « fit to be hearkned unto. It is hard to guefle what 
 p- »8i. « ^ill be done next (r).' However, it was on the 22d 
 
 of May refolved by the parliament that, inftead of the 
 paragraph relating to the title of King in the humble 
 petition and advice, the following claufe ftiould be in- 
 serted ; v'lT.' * That ycur Highnefs would be pleafed, 
 
 * by and under the name and ftyle of Lord Protestor 
 
 * of the commonwealth of England^ Sc'tland and Ire- 
 
 * land, and the dominions and territories thereunto be- 
 
 * loncing, to hold and exercife the office of chief ma- 
 
 * giftrate of thefe nations j and to govern according to 
 ' this petition and advice, in all things therein con- 
 
 * talned j
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 491 
 
 penham in Cambridge ftnre. His daughters 
 were, i. Bridget^ married to commifTary 
 general Irefon, and afterwards to lieutenant- 
 
 gene- 
 
 ? tained ; and in all other things accordino; to the laws ^')\°^^!^^' 
 
 r I r ■ I L •/- / w /^ 1 And Thur- 
 
 < of theie nations and not otherwile {s). On the loc, voi.vL 
 
 25th, the humble petition and advice being prefented p- s*^* 
 
 by the parliament, was folemnly fworn to by his High- 
 
 nefs, who with great pomp was then anew inaugurat- v^u-^^i^ i,t, 
 
 ed (t) Thus Cromzvell was baulked in his hopes of account of 
 
 the diadem by his near relations and intimate friends ! '* ^^ ^^^ 
 Men of principle we may fuppofe, who chofe rather ^"^" 
 to difoblige him, and forfeit their employments than to 
 build again what they had deftroyed. Rare examples 
 
 of integrity. Had the crown been placed on the head 
 
 of the Prote(Slor, in purfuance of the advice of the par- 
 liament, 'tis not improbable it might have flrengthned 
 his own government, and enabled him to tranfmit to (^ See the 
 pofterity many very valuajjle priviledges (i<). But for humble Pe- 
 want of this, his hoofe of peers was of no weight ; his ^''°" ^^^ 
 army was neceflary, but troublefome ; and he was per- 
 petually expofed to the clamours or confpiracies of fe- 
 
 veral factions, Certain 'tis, it was eligible in his own 
 
 eye, and in the eye of Thurloe^ and therefore it may 
 
 well be fuppo^ed they faw many advantages in it.- 
 
 It appears at firft fight that it would have reftored the 
 jconftitution, as founded on an original contract. As 
 mention has been made more than once of CromweiTs 
 houfe of lords, 'tis proper the reader (hould have fome 
 information concerning them. I he fecond article of 
 the petition and advice recommended the calling of par- 
 liaments confifting of two houfes. This fuited well 
 with the title of King, which was at firft intended for 
 the Protedor ; and probably, if that had been alTumed, 
 many of the antient nobility and gentry would have 
 been pleafed to have had feats in the upper houfe. But 
 though the crown was refufed, the proje6l of a houfe of 
 lords was continued. The number was not to exceed 
 
 feventy.
 
 492 
 
 THE LIFE OF 
 
 general Fleetwood. 2. Elizabeth, wife to 
 yohn Cleypole, Efq; 3. Mary, married to 
 jord Fauconberg. 4. FranceSy wife to Mr, 
 
 Ricbf 
 
 feventy, nor to be lefs than forty. Their nomination,' 
 v/as placed in the Protedor, wiih the approbation of 
 the houfe of commons. Cromwell vj?ls under fome dif- 
 ficulty about the choice. Some were fit, but not wil- 
 ling to ferve; others willin;: and defirous, but very un- 
 fit. At length, on the loth oi December, 1657, ano- 
 ther houfe was nominated, and writs ifliied out for fum- 
 moning the members of it ; who on the 20th of Ja- 
 r.uary following, fat in that which w^s formerly the 
 houfe of lords. The number of the members of this 
 houfe were fixty two, among whom were the earls of 
 Manzhejler, Mulgrave, and l-Varivick ; the lords ^ay and 
 Ssle, Fauccnherg, TVhatton, Eure, and Howard, after- 
 wards earl oi Carhjle-, the vifcount Lijle, eldelt fon of 
 the earl of Le'tcejier, the lord Broghlll, and the earl of 
 C<j^//;' befides many gentlemen of the beft families, 
 fuch as Montague, KuJJ'A, Hohart, Orjlcw, St. John, 
 Pierpcint, Creiv, Pophum, Hampden, and others. In- 
 termixed with thefe were men who had rifen by their 
 own valour and intercfl from very fmall beginnings and 
 mean employments; of which fort were Jones, Pride, 
 Plewfon, Barkjlead, Wkalley, Goff, Berry and Cooper. 
 To thefe were added the Protector's two fons, his fons 
 in-law Cleypcle and FUetwo'^d, the commiffioners of the 
 Great Seal, and of the treafury, with others of near 
 relation to the court (*). All the old nobility, lord 
 Eure excepted, refufed to fit in this new afi'embly, on 
 account, 1 fuppofe, of the mean original of fome of the 
 company, or of the authority hy which they were convened. 
 — However, they did nothing of any importance. The 
 fecluded members being admitted inio the houfe of 
 
 (*) WalkVs Ntw Catalogue X)f Lords, &c. and fecond Narrative of 
 the late Parliament, &c. printed in the 5th year of England's flavery 
 under its new monarchy, ^.to. 1658. 
 
 *'^ com-
 
 OLIVERCROMWELL. 493 
 
 Rich^ grandfon of the Earl of IVarwick, and 
 afterwards to Sir yobn RuJ'el, of Chippenham, 
 in Cambridge/hire. 
 
 In 
 
 commons, as before obferved, turned al! things againft 
 the court ; refufed any inrercourfe with the new houfe of 
 lords, and behaved io ill in the eye of the protector, 
 
 that, in great heat, he diflblved them. This was 
 
 the laft parliament that fat during Crcmwe'd's life, * he 
 
 * being compelled to wreftle with the difficulties of his 
 
 * place, fays Mr. Maidf.one, fo well as he could, with- • * 
 
 * out parliamentary alnftance, and in it met with fo 
 
 * great a burden, as (I doubt not to fay it, drank up his 
 
 * fpirits, of which his natural conftitution yielded a 
 
 * vaftftocke) and brought him to his grave («).' This (*|T^"^'?r» 
 ' feems to confirm what Burnet fays, * that it was ge- ' *' 
 
 * neraily believed that his life and all his arts were 
 
 * exhaulled at once, and that if he had lived much (.v) vol. i. 
 
 * longer, he could not have held things togetl^er (a-).'p. 68. 
 Mr. Cowiy obferves, ' that he feemed evidently to be 
 
 ' near the end of his deceitful glories, and his own ar-Vj,)Difcourfe 
 
 * my grew at lafl as weary of him as the refi of the on the go- 
 
 * people {y)' In another place he tells us, * it was be- ^ernmentof 
 
 * lieved Crcmwell died with grief and difcontent, becaufe cromwell 
 ' he could not attain to the honeft name of a king, and p. 96. 
 
 * the old formality of a crown, though he had before 
 
 * exceeded the power by a wicked ufurpation.' 
 
 That care, anxiety, difappointment and vexation prey 
 on the fpirits, aad wafte the conftitution, is known to 
 all J that thefe were the lot of Crcmwell, as they are 
 of moft of thofe who are placed on the pinnacle of 
 glory, and attentive to their duty and their fame, may 
 very eafily be conceived by fuch as have read the fore- 
 going notes; that the government of Crcmwell was 
 greatly embarrafied by the madnefs of parties, the 
 eftrangcment of friends, and the want of money to pay 
 the armies which it was necefl'ary to keep on foot: I fay 
 that this was fo, is too evident to be denied. But bad 
 
 the
 
 494 THELIFEOF 
 
 In his death he difplayed his wonted 
 (bbbb) firmnefs and enthufiafm. His bo- 
 dy was buried with more than regal mag- 
 nificence (*) in Wejiminfter- Abbey, from 
 
 whence^ 
 
 the life of the proteSor been prolonged, 'tis not impof- 
 fible he might have got the better of his difficulties^ 
 and maintained his poft in fpight of all oppofition. 
 For we are to remember it was Cromwell who had dared 
 to feize the government; to raife money by his own au- 
 thority ; to create and difiblve parliaments ; to combat 
 with Kings, and to fcatter terror through the nations. — 
 By what means he would have done this, whether by 
 («) Thur- fecuring Fleetwood and De/brows, to whom he owed his 
 * "'difappointment, in afluming the crovrn, and calling ano- 
 ther parliament, muft be left to the conjefture of the 
 reader. The latter he cer^inly had thoughts of before 
 his ficknefs {%). 
 
 (bbbbJ In his death he difplayed his wonted fi-mnefs 
 and enthufiafin\ ' When the fy mptoms of death, fays 
 ' Mr. Ludlow^ were apparent upon him, and many mi- 
 ' niflers and others aflembled in a chamber at iVbhe- 
 
 * hall, praying for him, whilft he manifefted fo little 
 
 * remorfe of confcience for hrs betraying the publick 
 
 * caufe, and facrificing it to the idol of his own ambi- 
 ' tion, that fome of his laft words were rather be- 
 
 * coming a mediator than a fmner, recommending to 
 
 * God the condition of the nation that he had fo in- 
 
 * famoufly cheated, and expreffing a great care of the 
 
 * people whom he had fo manifcftly defpifed. But he 
 ' feemed, above all, concerned for the reproaches he 
 
 * faid men would caft upon his name, in trampling on 
 
 * his afhes when dead. In this temper of mind he de- 
 (a) Vol. ii. c parted this life (^) ' — I fancy Mr. Ludlovj had in his eye 
 ^ *' the following expreffions which CromiveU is faid to have 
 
 made ufe of in his ficknefs, in a prayer addrefled to theSu- 
 
 l*) The expcnce: of his funeral are faid to have anaounted to 6o,co:^ 1. 
 
 pr;m?
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 495 
 
 whence, after the reftoration, it was re- 
 moved, and treated with all poflible indig- 
 nity. His charadler has been very diffe- 
 rently 
 
 f)c^*^ 
 
 preme Being. *Lord, although I am a miferable and _ . 
 
 * wretched creature, I am in covenant with thee, ' 
 
 * through grace, and I may, I will come to thee for 
 ' thy people, thou haft made me (though very unwor- 
 
 * thy) a mean inftrument to do them fome good, and 
 
 * thee fervice ; and many of them have fet too high a i 
 ' value upon mee, though others wifh, and would be / 
 
 * glad of my death ; but Lord, however thou doft ' 
 
 * difpofe of mee, continue and go on to do good for(^} Collec- 
 
 * them. Give them confiftency of judgment, one'i°i ©^ ^'- 
 ' heart, and mutual love, and go on to deliver ^^^^^^^^1^^^^^^ 
 
 * and with the work of reformation, and make theing his late 
 
 * name of Chrift glorious in the world. Teach thofe, f^'S^^nefle, 
 ' who look too much upon thy inftruments, to depend^'^^l^j^^^jl^^, 
 
 * more upon thyfelf ; pardon fuch as defire to tramplenefs, by one 
 
 * upon the duft of a poor worm, for they arc thy peo-'^^'"'*^ . 
 
 * pie too {b).' This was all in charader. "^^0^2^°^°^.'* 
 
 or three more of his expreflions, when death was in his bar. 4C0. 
 view, will ftiew us in what temper he left the world. ^<"^'^- ?•**• 
 
 * Lord, thou knoweft, if I do defire to live, it is toL? j'^ ^ ^ 
 
 * fhew forth thy praife, and declare thy works (*)' See the quo- 
 
 Again he faid, ' I would be wiilmg to live to be fur-t«ti"n/'ota 
 
 * ther ferviceable to God and his people, but my workjj*^"|-'p, 
 
 ' is done, yet God will be with his people.' Thefe 
 
 fayings feem to evince the greatnefs of his mind ; the 
 main thing he had in view, to have been the publick 
 good J and ftrongly confirm what is faid to have been 
 the avowed opinion of the moft excellent TiHotfany 
 
 * That at lafl CromweWs enthufiafm got the better of 
 
 * his hypocrify.* The night before his death, and 
 
 iiot before, lord Fauconberg fays, he declared his Ton 
 Richard \\\% fucceffbr, in prefcncc of four or five of his ^'^1^')."'^^°=' 
 
 .... » r vol. VII. 
 
 council (<:;. p. 37^. 
 
 His
 
 496 THE LIFE OF 
 
 rently (cccc) reprefented by different per- 
 
 fons ; 
 
 (ccCc) His charaSter has been very differently repre- 
 fented.'] Mr. Thurlop, in a letter to H. Cromwell^ the 
 day after bis father's deceafe, tells him, it * is not to be 
 ' (aid, what afFedlion the army and all people fhew to 
 ' his late bighnefs ; his name is already precious. Ne- 
 ' ver was there any man foe prayed for as he was duringe ^ 
 
 * his ficlcner, folemne afTemblies meetinge every day, 
 ' to befeech the Lord for the continuance of his life ; 
 ' foe that he is gone to heaven, embalmed with the 
 ' tears of his people, and upon the wings of the pray- 
 ' ers of the faints. He lived defired, and dyed lament- 
 
 !•€, vol?vii. ' ^^» every body bemoaning themfelves, ard faying, a 
 
 P-375' * great man is fallen in Ijrael {d).'' Lord Fauconberg 
 
 ftiles him ' the greateft perfonage and inftrument of 
 
 ... * happinefs, not only our own but indeed any age elfe 
 
 p, 37J. ' ever produced {e).' ' I do believe, fays Mr. Maid- 
 
 * Jicne, if his ftory were impartially tranfmitted, and 
 
 * the unprejudiced world well pofleft with it, (he would 
 
 * add him to her nine worthies, and make up that 
 
 * number a Decemviri, fie lived and died in comfort- 
 ' able communion with God, as judicious perfons near 
 
 tn Id vol * ^'"^ ^^" obferved. He was that Mordecai that fought 
 
 I. p. 766. ' the welfare of his peop'e {/)' Thefe are high 
 
 eulogiums from his friends, and, doubtlefs, proceeded 
 , , . - from the afFeftion and gratitude of thofe who uttered 
 
 iffi -App or 
 
 Left-is XIV. ths"^- Mr. Voltaire ftiles Crotnwdl * an ufurper worthy 
 vol. i. i2mo. * to reign (f ) i' and tells us, * he died in the midft of 
 P'70' * the projects he was forming to ftrengthen his own 
 
 * power, and increafe the glory of his nation.'- And 
 
 * that he left behind him the reputation of' a dextrous 
 
 * villain, an intrepid commander, a bloody ufurper, 
 (i)Id. p. 77, * and a fovereign that knew the art of governing {hy 
 
 Ma7.ar.nc^ who had abje(Stly courted Cromive I dur- 
 ing life, and received the law in almolt all things from 
 him, after his death, is faid to have characterized him 
 (i) Vol. VI. as * a fortunate fool (/).' >Lord Clarendon does him lefs 
 ^' 5J- injuftice, I am perfwaded, moft readers will think, 
 
 whe.A
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 497 
 
 fons ; though his memory was celebrated 
 
 by 
 
 when he defcribes him ' as a brave wicked maa.' I 
 will add no more but the following defcription of this 
 extraordinary man, drawn by a celebrated and illuftrious 
 pen. * Europe, fays he, had granted the furname of 
 ' Great to three fovereigns, who feigned almoft at the 
 l^fame time, namely, Cromwell^ Lewis XIV. and Pre- 
 *■ derick-IViUiam. To Cromwell^ for having facrificed, 
 4 every civil duty to the defire of reigning; for hav-. 
 *»ing proftituted his talents, which, inftead of being 
 •' ufeful to his country, were fubfervient only to his' 
 ' amlbition J for having concealed his impoftures under 
 ' the mask of fanaticifm ; for having enflaved his coun- 
 ' try under a pretence of fighting for her liberties; for 
 •< becoming the executioner of his King, whom he fa- 
 '^crificed to his fury: to Crcmwell, a bold, cunning, 
 *''and ambitious man, but unjuft, violent, and void of 
 •"virtue j a man, in fine, who had great qualities, but 
 
 * never a good one. Cromwell, therefore, did not de- 
 
 * ferve the furnarhe of Great, which is due only to 
 
 * virtue-, and -it would be degrading Lewis HIV. and 
 ^'-^Fredericklf^tiliain^to compare them to fuch a ri- (i) \fcmoirs 
 ' var(;f).' • What degradation it might be io Frederick- "f Branden- 
 Will.am to compare him with the protestor, I pretend ^""^S^P- 15 3- 
 noj to fay : but, with all due fubmiffion, if Cromwell 
 
 did not deferve the furname of Great, much lefs did 
 Lewis XIV". What were the faults imputed to Crcm' 
 well? Diflimulation, hypocrify, bringing Charles to 
 the block, and ingratitude towards the Long parlia- 
 ment. Let thefe crimes be weighed in the niceft: 
 
 balance, they muft' be light as air when oppofed to thofe 
 of Lewis, who was an adulterer, who was not afiiamed 
 to confefs that he waged war meerly for his glory (dif- 
 daining fo much as even to avow any reafonable pre- 
 tence for overrunning Holland, and fubje6ling its inha- 
 bitants to innumerable woes) and wafted the fineft 
 country with fire and fword. Two cities and twenty- 
 ^ve ^towns in flames at one time, were a fpc6tacle fuf- 
 K k ficient
 
 495 T H E L I F E Q'F 
 
 by the fineft pens (dddd) of his age; and 
 
 he 
 
 (/) Voltaire's ficlent to Imprint the worft ideas of the Immoxt&l Lewis^, 
 ^^^^^ and the godlike Tureme (/}. Where, but among batn^. 
 vui. i. V ' barians, was fuch a fcene ever exhibited ?•■' Nor^ 
 
 154. was this zW—Leiuis broke through all oaths and trea-, 
 
 tie5, every thing facred. Nothing, in a vi^ord, was ever> 
 equal to his villany. Witnefs bis wars in Flandersy his 
 breach of the Partition Treaty, and, above all, his reyo-. 
 cation of theedid of Nantz (at the inftigatiqn of priefts) 
 whereby thoufands of his innocent fubjc£ls were ruined, 
 his kingdom impoveri/hed, and its manufa£^ures car- 
 ried abroad. Was there any thing in Cromiveh's cha- 
 lafler to be compared with all this ?- — —Cromwell, with 
 all his faults, had many real virtues. Not fo Lewii :. 
 he was a bigot ; he was prieft-ridden ; fuperftitious ;■< 
 with little perfonal valour, and m.uch vanity,; who, b^t 
 for his love and encouragement of the fine art$, would 
 have been ranked with the Nero!, thp Caligulas, the 
 Dom'itians^ the tyrants and deftroyers of mankind. He 
 did not deferve then * the furname of Great, \yhich is 
 *' due only to virtue.' The painting out fuch enemies 
 of liberty and mankind in the fineft colours, by the 
 . fineft pens, is the greateft reproach of letters, and moft^ 
 dangerous to the interefis of common humanity ; and 
 y/hat, I hope, will juftify the warrrith of tj)efe refiedlions. 
 , (dddd) His iKcmory teas celebraisd by. thi finefi pens 
 of his ^^^.] The v^fes. of Mr. Iffal/er, Dryaen and_ 
 Sprat], afterwards biifRop of Rcchejier, are well knowt\,f 
 ^efides thefe, I have now before m? a pamphlet, io;*] 
 bHgiae^"aV titled, * Mufarum Cantabrigienfium Lu£lus & Gratuia^, 
 pud johan- * tio i IIlc in Funcrc Oliveri AngHa?, Scotize & Hiber-^ 
 nem Field, ( j^jg, Prote(3:oris j Hjec de Ricardi fucceffione feliciffi-. 
 dembe Ty-' ' Hia ad eundem {tn)J In the firft copy of verfes, by 
 pographum. Tucktiey, mafter of Bu Johri's college, England is in- 
 ffi^' troduced fpeaKing.in the following ftrains ; 
 
 Ergojaccs, Duxmagne? Jaces, Pater aim? ? ;jec ult^^^ 
 Pcrmiuis circum vidlriciii tempora laurum ft
 
 OLIVER CROMWELL. 499 
 
 he left behind him a never-dying fame. 
 
 Serpere ? Pacificos an dedignaris honores ? 
 
 At Populi miferefce tui, quibus ipfe falutem 
 
 impertire foles, & qui tua fceptra colebant 
 
 Obfequio afFedluque pari. Sed Carmina nulla 
 
 Non exorandas potuerunt fledtere Parcas. 
 
 Occidit Anglorum decus ingens, occidit, eheu ! 
 
 Gentis Prefidium ! Quis me jam vindicet armis ? 
 
 Quis poterit nimium dubiis fuccurrere rebus r 
 
 Saepius ilia Patrem, Patrem triftiffima dixit, 
 
 Effuditque iftas non exaudita querelas. ^ 
 
 Dr. IVhichcot celebrates his mild government and 
 peaceful end in thefe lines : 
 
 Sobrius aufculta veterum quid pagina narrat. 
 Fata trahunt homines cruciatibus ingeniofos. 
 Decumbunt tremuli non ficca morte Tyranni, 
 Arte fua pereant femper (juftiffima Lex eft) 
 Artifices nequam, quos inclementia pulfat. 
 At Pater hie Patriae non eft tormenta minatus, 
 Annofufque expirat, & alta in pace quiefcit. 
 
 Horton, Minjhul^ Seaman^ celebrate his charailer in 
 the higheft terms, as did TVorthlngton, Dillingham, Ar~ 
 rowjmithy and others. Dr. Cudwortb has an Hebrew 
 poem in this collection. There was alfo publifhed on 
 this occafion, * Beatis Manibus invicSliffimi Herois Oli- 
 ' varii Magni, magnse Britanniae Proteftoris Parentatio, („) Mercu- 
 ' Scripta ab Equite Poiono,' which I have not feen («). "■'"' Poiiti- 
 
 Thus was the fame of Cromwell founded abroad ; '^"g' ^°' 
 thus was he lamented on his deceafe. At the reftora- 
 tion, indeed, his aflies were trampled on (5), and his (0) Sec Ap. 
 memory was branded j but time, the great friend to P^ndix. 
 truth, has, in fome meafure, cleared up his charader, 
 and done juftice to his abilities ; and, if he cannot be 
 j-anked amongft the beft, he, undoubtedly, is to be 
 placed amongft the greateft of princes. 
 
 K k 2 A P P E N-
 
 Jfojsw^ adi i
 
 ( So» ) 
 
 t» ,11 nO" 1 1 
 
 A p p E N D I :k: 
 
 O F 
 
 ORIGINAL PAPERS, . 
 
 (jopy of a maniifcrlpt paper ^ written^, it is probable y about the 
 ' end of the year 1 647, noWy with many other original and 
 
 valuable papers relating to the civil-warSy in the pojfejfton 
 *^^tf Hans Wintrop Mortimer, Efq^ of Lincoln's-Inn j 
 
 nahkh paper i belonged formerly to col. Saunders of Derby- 
 
 fliire, colonel of a regiment of h:rfey &c, 
 
 THE freedome wee were borne to is fo juftly due to 
 every Englijhmany that whoever (hall remember the 
 vehemency wherewith the people did thirft after a parlia- 
 ment before they had this ; the zeale wherewith they con- 
 tributed to the late warre for defence of this freedome ; 
 and the fuccefs wherewith it hath pleafed God to blefle 
 thofe endeavours ; will foone be fatisfied, that there is no 
 better caufe in the world to engage upon: and therefore, 
 the caufe wee undertake at prefent, for %vhich wee carry our 
 lives in our hands, beinge the very fame, will certaynly 
 need no apology for itfelf, the only thinge that may feemc 
 ftrange in thefe our a£lings, being the irregular manner 
 of profecuting our undoubted rights. 
 
 - ' Herein wee defire it may be confidered, That all ordi- 
 nary means, and fome extraordinary, have beene already 
 attempted, and, after much patience, proved altogether 
 fruitlefs ; 
 
 That the parlament hath made noe other ufe of the 
 many fignal opportunities put into their hands, than to 
 continue their fitting at IVeflminJler, and dividing the pub* 
 lie treafure amongft themfelves : 
 
 Kk 3 Tha;
 
 502 A P P E - N D I X. 
 
 That the chiefe officers of the army, (though pretend- 
 ing to keepe up the forces under them for the people's 
 good, and to fee the fame accompliflied in a fhort timr) 
 have yet made noe other ufe of their power, than to con- 
 tinue and enlarge their own commands : 
 
 That befides our being diflapointed of the fruit fo lorrg 
 expected, and being made more flaves every day than other 
 to committees, and fundry other arbitrary courfes ; even 
 in the moft legal proceedings wee find foe much corrup- 
 tion, tedioufnefle, chargablene/le, and obfcurity praflifed 
 ^nd abetted by officers of all forts, that the law itfelf it 
 become noe protection to us in our properties or liberties : 
 
 Wee find that barbarous courfe ftill maintained of inv- 
 prifoning men for debt, thereby hindering them from the 
 ufe of their lawful callings ; though they have nothingc 
 elfe wherewith to fatisfy their creditors, or to prefervc 
 fhemfelves, and their families from ftarvinge : 
 
 Wee find that the reftraininge men's perfons att pleafure, 
 without caufe rendered, and during pleafure, v/as never 
 more frequent : 
 
 Wee find that tythes, whofe beginninge was fupcrftl- 
 tious, and is found by experience to opprefs the poor huC- 
 bandman, and to be vexatious to all manner of people, 
 and prejudicial to the commonwealth ; were never foe rl- 
 goroufly and cruelly exacted as at prefent : 
 
 Wee find taxes to be multiplied without number, or 
 hopes of end, and excife foe cruelly exacted, that noe man 
 knows "what is, or what fhall be his owne; and ^though 
 many millions of moneys haih been levied and payed, both 
 voluntarily and by compulfion, yet noe accompt is given 
 how they have beene expended ; but the public debts are 
 dayly encreafed inftead of beinge fatisfied, and fuch vail 
 fums of money payed dayly out of the public treafurie for 
 interefl unto fome with uferers, as is almoft incredible : 
 
 Wee find the trade of the nation (which the parlament 
 promifed at the firft to advance) to be generally decayed, 
 that without fpeedy remedy the nation cannot long fubfift: 
 
 Wee find the poore to be wholly difreguarded and op- 
 prefled, and thoufands of families fuffered to beg their 
 bread, and many to perifh with hunger : 
 
 But herein our condition hath beene rendered moft def- 
 '{Serate, that Wee have not beene fuffered to reprefent our 
 
 mifc-
 
 A F^ P E N D I X. 50^ 
 
 folferles to the parlament, and petition for redrefs ; but 
 perfons have beene imprifoned for petitioning, and orders 
 ifllied out from parlament to fupprefs petitions : Confi- 
 dering therefore this deplorable eftate of the common- 
 wealth, and the apparent dimger of being imbroyled a- 
 gaine each in others blood, unlefs a fpeedy fettlement pre- 
 vent it ; and confidering not only, that wee have attempt- 
 ed all regular wayes to procure reliefe for our longe op- 
 brefleJ country, but alfo that wee cannot with fafeiy any 
 longer offer our grievances arid defires to parlament in pe- 
 titions ; and like wife confideringe that our flavery under 
 arbitrary power is occafioned by the want of a fettlement 
 of a juft and equal government, which if it were efta- 
 blifhed would fpeedily eafe us of all our common bur- 
 thens ; wee cannot bcthinke ourielves of a more probable 
 temedy, than to put ourfelves^ and invite our countrymen 
 to joine with us, in a pofture of defence, whereby wee 
 may be fecure from danger, and from being prevented of 
 our good intentions by the oppofition of fuch as have de- 
 fjgned our flavery, while wee propound to all our dear 
 countrymen (who are fure to bee concerned in fufFeringe 
 as much as if they were in office) fome certaine grounds 
 of comnion right and freedoine, wherein they and wee 
 ihight feereafon to agree amongfl ourfelves, andthereupoa 
 to eflablifh a firme and prefent peace. 
 
 The particulars wee offer are as foiloweth. , 
 
 1. That a period of time be fet, wherein this prefent 
 parlament fliail certainly end. 
 
 2. That the people be equally proportioned for the 
 choice of the deputies in all future parlaments ; and that 
 they doe of coiirfe meete upon a certaine day (once at 
 leaft in two years) for that end. 
 
 3. That a contrail be drawne and fealed betweene the 
 people and their feveral deputies refpeftively, upon the 
 day of the eleilions, wherein the bounds, limits, and ex- 
 tent of their truft ftiall be clearly expreiTed. As that they 
 bee impowered with fufficient authoritic for fexecutinge, aU 
 teringeandrepealingeoflawes; forerediingeand abolifliinge, 
 judicatories ; for appointinge, removing and callinge to ac- 
 count rhagiPirates, and oScers of all degrees ; for make- 
 inge warre and peace, and treating with fovereigne ftates. 
 And that their power do not extend to the bindinge of any 
 
 K k 4. man
 
 i^o4 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 man in matters of religion, or in the way of God's wor- 
 ihip; nor to compell the perfon of any innocent man to 
 ferve againft his will either by fea or land ; nor to the 
 makinge of any law, that fhall be either evidently perni- 
 cious to the people, or not equally obligatory unto all pcr- 
 fons without exception. 
 
 4. That for the fecurity of all parties, who have a£ted 
 on any fide in the late public differences fince the year 
 1640, and for preventinge all contentions amongft them ; 
 the people may agree amongft themfelves, that no future 
 parlaments fhall queflion. or moleft any perfon for any 
 thinge fayed or done in reference to thefe public diffe- 
 rences. 
 
 5. That the great officers of the nation, as well civil 
 as military, be often removed, and others put into their 
 room, either every yeare, or every fecond yeare at fartheft ; 
 to the end the perfons employed may difcharge themfelves 
 with greater care, when they know themfelves lyable to 
 a fpeedy account, and that other men may be encouraged 
 to deferve preferment when they fee the prefent incumbents 
 not affixed to their offices as to freeholds. 
 
 6. That all determinating committees (except fuch as 
 are neceffary to be kept up for the managing of forces by 
 fea and land) the chancery, and all other arbitrary courts, 
 be forthwith diffolved ; or at leaft all power taken from 
 them, which they have hitherto exercifed over men's per- 
 fons or eftates : and henceforvi'ard, as well ordinances as 
 a«Sts of parlament be executed in the antient way of tryals 
 by juries. 
 
 7. That the huge volumes of fiatute laws and ordinan- 
 ces, with the penalties therein impofed, as well corporal 
 as pecuniary, be well revifed ; and fuch only left in force, 
 as Ihall be found fit for the commonwealth ; efpecially that 
 men's lives be more precious than formerly, and that lef- 
 fer punifhment than death, and more ufeful to the pub- 
 lic, be found out for fmaller offences : that all lawes, writs, 
 commiffions, pleadinges and records be in the Englijh 
 tongue ; and that proceedinges be reduced to a more cer- 
 taine charge, and a more expeditious way than formerly : 
 That no fees at all be exa^led of the people in courts of 
 juftice; but that the public minifters of ftate be wholly 
 maintained out of the public treafury. 
 
 8. That
 
 APPEND r X. 505 
 
 8. That eftatcs of all kinds, real and perfonal, be made 
 lyable to debts ; but noe imprifonment at all by way of 
 punilhment, nor in order to makinge fatisfa^lion, which 
 poflibly can never be made, but only by way of fecurity 
 in order to a tryal for fome criminal fa<5t, to be determin- 
 ed within fome fhort and certaine fpace of timej and that 
 this power of reftraininge mens perfons be very cautioufly 
 allow^ed, to which end the benefit of Habeas Corpus to be 
 in noe cafe denied by thofe whom it concerns to grant 
 them. 
 
 9. That tythes be wholly taken aw^ay, the parifhoners 
 from whom they are due paying in lieu thereof to thei 
 ftate where they are not appropriate, and to the owners 
 where they are, moderate and certaine rent-charge out of 
 their lands : the minifters to be maintained, either by the 
 voluntary contribution of fuch a"s defire to hear them, or 
 elfe by fome fettled penfions out of the public treafury. 
 
 10. That as fpeedy and as perfet£t an account as maybe, 
 be given and publiflied for the fatisfaftion of the people 
 how thofe vaft fums of money have been difpofed of, that 
 have been difburfed, voluntarily and otherwife, fince the 
 beginning of thefe troubles. 
 
 1 1. That foe foone as public occafions will pofiibly per- 
 mit, the impofition of excife, and all other taxes upon 
 the people be wholly taken away, and that in the mean 
 time all care and diligence be ufed in taking away thofe 
 occafions, and in the hufbandly managing of the public 
 revenues J and to that end that a ballance be made and de- 
 clared of all public revenues and expences, and that a 
 courfe be taken for paying all public debts and damage?, 
 fo far as may be, and that the debts upon intercft be dif- 
 charged by fale of fuch lands and goods as are eyther pro- 
 perly beionginge or any wayes accrued to the flate, and 
 that they be fold to the beft advantage. 
 
 12. Ihat there be no lefs care taken for the growing 
 wealth of the nation, confiftinge originally in trade, which 
 being our Itrength and glory, ought by mitigating the 
 cuftoms, and by all other good meanes, to be cheriflicd & 
 pronioted. 
 
 13. That (though reftoring peace and commerce be the 
 furell way of providinge for the poor) yet fome more ef- 
 feftual courfe may be found out than hitherto hath beene 
 
 . ^ for
 
 5o6 APPENDIX; 
 
 for the fettinge thofe to worke who are able, forbringiri^s 
 Up of children to profitable employments, and for reliev- 
 inge fuch as are palt their labor, efpecially fuch as became 
 fo in the fervice of their country duringe the late warre. 
 
 14. That the affairs of Ireland be taken into a more 
 ferious confideration than heretofore, and that a peace- 
 able way for reducing that nation may be once endeavoured; 
 and in cafe that fucceed not, the war to be profecuted with 
 vigour and unanimity, as by God's bleflinge wee may 
 promife to ourfelves a fpccdy end of thofe troubles, a time- 
 ly reliefe to many famifhing families there, and better in- 
 tend the affairs of England. 
 
 Nowconfidering that the fettlement of the nations peace 
 and freedome, hath beene conftantly declared by the par- 
 lament to be their only end in engaginge in this laft warre ; 
 and confidering the many promifes folemn vowes and 
 oathes made by them to the people, to confirme them irt 
 the belief of their fincere intentions therein, wee fhould 
 hope to find no oppofitlon from them in our defires. But 
 however wee cannot but be confident, that the fouldiery 
 of the army (who folemnly engaged at Nezvmarket in 
 *Jtine !aft ["June 5, 1647] to procure the fame things in 
 effect for the people, which are here propounded,) will fo 
 remember that folemn engagement as to fhew their ready 
 concurrence with us ; and wee hope it will be clear to 
 them, that there is noe other poflible way to provide that 
 fufficient indemnity (the want whereof firft occafioned 
 their refufal to difband) than what is here propounded ; 
 neither that there is any probable way to fecure the arrears 
 of the fupernumeraries, (who are difbanded contrary to 
 the folemn engagement) or of thofe continuing in armes. 
 And at ieafl wee cannot but promife ourfelves the affift- 
 ance of all the commons, who are not blinded by fome 
 felf-intereft, or engaged to continue the prefent confuming 
 diftraitions by virtue of fome affet or employment de- 
 pcndinge thereon. 
 
 But however wee intending wrong to noe man, nor any 
 private advantage to ourfelves, and the caufe for which 
 we appear beinge foe clearly juft, wee repofe our confi- 
 S^ice in the molt high God, to protect us from the rna- 
 Jite and rage, both of all feifseekinge ambitious men, who 
 affe^l lofdlineflc and liranny, and have dcfigned the peo- 
 ple's
 
 APPENDIX. 507 
 
 pie's flavery, and a perpetuation of their own rule, and oi' 
 all fuch mercenary vafl'als as they fhall hire to deftroy us, 
 and keepe the yoke of flavery upon the people's necks. 
 And wee doe hereby promife and engage to all our coun- 
 trymen, that whcnfoever the fettlement of the peace and 
 freedome herein propounded (hall be efFeded (all delayes 
 wherein wee (hall to our utmoft poffibilities prevent) wee 
 Ihall gladly and chearfully return to our private habitations, 
 and callings, enjoying only our equal fhare of freedome 
 with all others in the nation. 
 
 Copy df a letter from O. Cromwell to (then) major Saun- 
 ders o/" Derbyfliire, dated June I'j^ i-6^S ; Juperfcrihed ^'l^^^^^^^ 
 * For your felfe \ and endorjed in major Saunders'/ hand wintr'oi* 
 writing as felloweth^ ' The I,, generaUs order fcr toke'ing Mmtiinex^ 
 ' Sir Trevor Williams, and Mr. Motgzn.^Jheriffeef^^'ii 
 ' Monmouthlhire,' 
 
 ^^^•. . . ■■■"■ 
 
 T Send you this enclofed by it felfe, becaufe it's of greatef 
 •*■ moment. The other you may communicate to Mr. 
 Riimjey as far as you thinke fitt, and I have written. I 
 would not have him or other honeft men bee difcouraged 
 that I thinke itt not fitt at prefent to enter into contefts, 
 itt u-ill be good to yeeild a little for publicke advantaa;e, 
 and truly that is my end, wherein I defire you to fatiafic 
 ihem. 
 
 I have fent as my letter mentions, to have you remove 
 out of Brecknokjiitire-i indeed into that part of Glamorgan- 
 Jheire w*^*" lyeth next Munmouihjheire^ for this end. 
 
 Wee have plaine difcoveries that Sir Trevor IVilliams of 
 Langevie about two miles from Ujke in thecountye of Mun- 
 Viou'.h was very deepe in the plott of betrayinge Chtpjioue 
 caflle, foe that wee are out of doubt of his guiltynefle 
 thereof. 
 
 I doe hereby authorize you to ftize him, as alfo the 
 high fherifFe of Munmouih Mr. Morgan^ whoe was in the 
 fame plott. 
 
 But becaufe Sir Trevor William', is the more dangerous 
 man by farr, I would have you to feize him firft, and 
 the other will eafilye bee had. To the end you may 
 
 not
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 not be fruftrated, and that you bee not deceaved^ I thinke 
 £tt to give you feme carafters of the man, and fome in- 
 timations how things ftand. Hee is a man (as I am in«- 
 formed) full of craft and fubtiltye, very bould and refo- 
 lute, hath a houfe at Langevie well ftored with armes, 
 and very ftronge, his neighbours about him very malig- 
 nant and much for him, whoe are apt to refcue him if ap- 
 prehended, much more to difcover any thinge w'^'' may 
 prevent itt. Hee is full of iealofie, ;^artly out of guilt, 
 but much more becaufe hee doubts fome that were in the 
 bufinefTe have difcovered him, which indeed they have, 
 and alfoe becaufe hee knows that his fervant is brought hi- 
 ther, and a minifter to bee examined here, whoe are abl6 
 to difcover the whole plott. Iff you ftiould march directly 
 into that countye and neere him, itts ods hee either forte- 
 fyes his houfe, or gives you the flip, foe alfoe if you fhould 
 goe to his houfe and not finde him there, or if you at- 
 tempt to take him and mifTe to efFe£t itt, or if you make 
 any knowen enquirye after him, itt wil be difcovered. 
 
 Wherefore to the firft you have a faire pretence of goe- 
 inge out of Brecknock Jhe'ire to quarter about Newport and 
 CarUcn, which is not above 4 or 5 miles from his houfe. 
 You may fend to col. Herbert^ whofe houfe lyeth in 
 Mumnouthfoeire^ whoe will certenly acquaint you where 
 hee is. You are alfoe to fend to capt Nicolas, whoe is at 
 Chepjlowe^ to require him to affift you if hee fhould gett 
 into his houfe, and fland upon his guard, Sam. Jones^ 
 whoe is quarterm"^ to col. Herbirfs troupe, wil be very 
 affiflinge to you if you fend to him to meete you att your 
 quarters; both by lettinge you know where hee is, and 
 alfoe in a!l matters of intelligence. If theire fhal be neede 
 capt. Burge his troupe now quarteringe in Glamorganjheire 
 (hal be dire<Sled to rereave orders from you. You per- 
 ctave by all this, that wee are (it may beej a little too 
 much follicitous in this bufinefTe, it's our fault, and in- 
 deed fuch a temper caufeth us often to overa<5t bufinefTe, 
 wherefore without more adoe wee leave itt to you, and 
 you to the guidance of God herein, and refl 
 
 June I'j^ 1648. Yours O. CroMWELL. 
 
 Tf you feize him bring & lett him bee brought with a 
 fironge guard to mee. If capt. Nicolas fheuld light on him 
 
 at
 
 APPENDIX.^ 509 
 
 at Chepftovce^ doe you ftrengthen him with a good guard to 
 bring him. • . 
 
 If you feize his perfon, difarme his houfe, but lett not 
 his armes bee imbeziled. 
 
 If you need capt. Burge his troupe, it quarters betweene 
 Newport and Cardiffe. 
 
 Cromwell went into Wales the beginning-* of :.'!^<7r, 1648 ; 
 Chepjiou) caftle was furprized for the King about the fame 
 time, but retaken the 25th. It does not appear whether 
 Sir Irewr Williams was fecured, or not. 
 
 ■ The fix following letters are in the pojfejfwn c/Theo- 
 dofius Forreft, Efq-, o/George-ftreet, Yorke- 
 Buildings, London. • 
 
 Deereji Robin, 
 
 J^ Owe (blefled bee God) I can write, and thou receave, 
 rreely. I never in my life fawe more deepe fenfe, 
 and leffe will to (hewe itt unchriftianly, then in that, w***- 
 thou diddeft write to us when wee were at Windfor, and 
 thou ni the middeft of thy tentation, w^" indeed (by 
 what wee underftood of itt) was a great one. and occa- 
 Jioned the greater, by the letter the generall fent thee, of 
 W*^" thou waft not miftaken, when thou dideft challenge 
 mee to bee the pener. How good has God beene to dff- 
 pole all to mercy, and although itt was trouble for the pre- 
 ient, yett glory is come out of itt, for w^h wee prayfe the 
 Lord With thee, and for thee, and truly thy carriage has 
 biene fuch, as occafions much honor to the name of God, 
 and too religion, Goe onn in the ftrength of the Lord 
 and the Lord bee ftjH v,ith thee. But (deere Robin) this 
 bufineffe hath beene (I truft) a mightye providence to this 
 poore kingdome, and too us all. The houfe of comons 
 IS very fenfible of the Kg» dealinges, and of our bre- 
 threns, ,n this late tranfadion. You fbould doe well fif 
 you have any thing that may difcover iuglinge) to fearch 
 Itt out and lett us knowe itt,^-tt may bee tf fdmirabie ufe 
 a th.s tyme, becaufe wee (hall (I hope) inftantly goe upon* 
 bufinelTes in relation to them, tendinge' to preven? danger^ 
 1 he houfe of comons has this day voted as follows. Firft 
 
 that
 
 519 ArPPENDIX. 
 
 tbat they will make noe more addrefles to the K. 2. Nonet 
 ftall applye to him w^'out leave of the two houfes upoi»:?' 
 paine of beinge guilty of high treafon. ^dly^ They will 
 receave nothinge from the Kinge, nor fhall any other 
 bringe any thinge to them from * him, nor receave any 
 thinge from the Kinge. LafHy the members of both hou- 
 fes, whoe were of the committee of both kingdoms, are 
 eftabiifhed in all that power in themfelves for England, and 
 Ireland, w'=^ they had to ad with both kingdoms, and Sr.'j 
 John Evelin of Wilts is a^ded in the roome of Mr. Re-s 
 corder, and Rath. F, Fienis in the roome of Sir Phillip' 
 Stapleton, and my Lord of Ketity in the roome of the Earl 
 of Efex. 1 thinke it good you take notice of. this, the 
 fooner the better. 
 
 Lett us knowe- how its with you in point of ftrength, 
 and what you neede from us, fome of us thinke the 
 Kinge well with you, and that itt concernes us to keepe 
 that ifland in great fecuritye, becaufe of the French, et. 
 And if foe, where can the Kinge bee better. If you have 
 more force you will fuer of full provifion for them. The 
 IrfMrd blefle thee, pray for . '^ 
 
 r Thy deere friend and fervant ;^ 
 
 My L'' Wharton's fan. 3d. "^ 
 
 Beere term at night, 1647. O. Ck^mwelI^ 
 
 For Col. Robert Hamcnd Governor 
 . of the ifle cS Wight theife 
 
 For the fervice of the kingdom haft paft haft. ] 
 
 Oliver CROMWilLi!^ 
 
 SIR, 
 
 "VXyEE have received yo'. letter of the 28th inrtant, 
 ^ wherein you dcfire to have the approbation of this 
 committee concerning the fower gentlemen by you ap- 
 pointed to watch in their courfes at the Kinges chamber^ 
 dare. Wee thinke it fitt that in this bufinefli); you fhould' 
 make your application to the houfes, from whom wee 
 d,oubt not you will receive orders in that particular. For 
 the money appointed for the fortification of the caftlc it 
 was tp be turnilhed by the conoxnittce of the army by the
 
 it' P P EN D IX. 5a 
 
 appolntm' of this committe w'** accordingly they prefently 
 did, & defired them to fend thither with all fpeed, and of 
 this, informacon hath beene given to the gentleman you 
 mention, who follicits yo' bulinefle w"^^ is all that can be 
 done at this committee for it. 
 
 Derl>y Houfe Signed in the name & by the war- 
 
 31°. "January rant of the committee at Derby Houfe 
 
 1647. by your affectionate friend 
 
 To Colonel Robert Hammond W. Say & Seal£. 
 
 Gpvernour of the ifle oi Wight 
 Thefe are 
 
 Sr, 
 
 'yOU fee by thefe inclofed votes how great a burthen 
 '*• the parliam' hath laid uppon mee. I doe hereby fend 
 to you, That you would inftantiie fend mee a lift of fuch 
 as are att prefent about the Kinge who are pfons fitt to be 
 conhded in, if you have any in the ifland worthy of that 
 truft, I would defire you to fend their nafties alfo in the 
 fame lifl:: and if you cannot fill upp the number of thir- 
 tie with you, which 1 Ihould be glad you could, then I 
 defire you to fend mee the qualitie of thofe that will be 
 wanting, that foe they may be fupplyed from hence : It 
 will be neceflarie. That you haften this bufinefle feeing 
 the parllam' experts a fpeedy h efFeiStuall obfervance of 
 their command herein. I propofe foe foone as I have re- 
 ceived yo"" lifl: to make the number uppe, and lay it be- 
 fore the parliam' to receive their approbation and allow- 
 ance for my indempnitie ; you fee by the votes. That the 
 number of thirtie (of all fortes) gentlemen andtheir fer- 
 vants, cookes, butlers, etc. may not bee exceeded, and 
 ^ therefore itt will bee fitt. That a refpefl bee had to all 
 Y occafions and neceffities of the houfehold j wifliing yoi^ 
 all fuccefle in yo' great truft and charge : 
 
 1 reft J Yo'' afiured fiien4 
 
 ^ieenjlreete. 5°. 
 
 l elf ritarij 164.7. T. FAIRFAX. 
 
 J'or Colonell Robert Hamond Gpverno' .yu 
 
 of the ifle of Wight. Sr,
 
 ytn a:: PI f: en d: i x. 
 
 W 
 
 Sr. 
 'ER hax'c received informacon that' there are now 
 fome defines, in agitation concerninz, the Kings e/czpg, 
 who is to be carried \x\:o France ; and that thtr^ are two of 
 thofe y' nou; at rid the King upcn whow they rely Ur eie£i- 
 ing thh tfca^. Who thejr are we cannot difcover, nor 
 yet what gfGdnis they have to expe£l their {etvict in it. 
 Yet wee thought fitt to -give you this advertizement that 
 you might the more carefully watch againft it. 
 
 Darbie Houfe Sighed in the name & by y* war- 
 
 13®. Martij rant of the com--"= at Derby Houfe 
 
 1647. by yo' very loveing ffriend 
 
 Noit'rHUMBERL.AKO. 
 
 L i 
 
 ?^o(e, all thofe parts that are in 'I^afic, are in cypher in 
 the origln'al, afid were decyphered hyCol. Hamm:nd. 
 
 |S.U R relation is fo nigh upon the beft accompt, that 
 ^^'^ nothing can concerne you or us, but wee believe they 
 are of a fnutua^concernm^ And therefore wee. hold our- 
 felves much obliged to tranfrriitt you this inclofed (coming 
 from a fufe.hand to us) not onely as relating to yours or 
 o'' particular, but likewife as a matter of vaft importance 
 to the publfck. 
 
 Itt hath pleafed God (and wee are perfwaded in much 
 fhercy) £ven miraculoufly to difpofe the hearts of yo'' 
 f/einds in the army, as one man (together with the con- 
 currence of the godly from all parts) to interpofe in this 
 tt;eatie, yet In fuch wife both for matter & manner, as, 
 we believe,' will not onely refrefhthe bowells of the faints, 
 and all otHfer faithful people of this kingdome. But bee of 
 fatisfadlion to every honed member of parliam' when 
 tendred to them and made publick w'** wil bee w'''in a 
 very few daies ; and confidering of what-a confequence the 
 eicape of the King from you (in the interim) maie proove. 
 Wee haft this difpatch to yow together w''' o"^ moft ear- 
 neft requeft, That (as yow tender the intereft of this na- 
 
 tion>
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 tion, of God's people, or of aine morall men : or'as you 
 fender the ending of England's troubles, or defire the juf- 
 tice & righteoufnefs male take place) you would f;e to the 
 fecuring of that perfon from efcape, whether by retorning 
 of him to the cattle, or fuch other waie as in thy wifdom 
 and honefty fhall feeme mecteil. Wee are confident you 
 will receive in few daies a duplicate of this defire, & an 
 affurance from the generall & army to ftand by you in 
 itt: and in the meane time for o' parts (though itt maie not 
 be very confiderable to yow) wee doe hereby ingage to 
 owne yow with o"" lives & fortunes therein, w*^*^ wee fliould 
 not foe forwardly exprefie, but that wee are impelled to 
 the premifes in dutie & confcience to God and man. 
 The Lord (yo" & o'^ God) bee your widome and in ail 
 things, however wee have done of duty & Witnefl'ed the 
 afFedtions of Deare Hamond 
 
 Yo"^ moft intire^ h faithfull 
 JVindfor. 14"' ^ber brethren, friends, & fervants. 
 1648. 
 
 H. Tretoni. 
 T. Harrison. 
 John DiSBROwEi 
 *E. Grosvener. 
 
 sn 
 
 S I Ri 
 
 Ince our laft wee have received againe advertifem' from 
 a good hand that the defigne holdes for the King's ef- 
 cape ; and to efcape all fufpicion from you, he intends to 
 
 S 
 
 * Grofvener I belieVe to be the name, though there is rome doubt. 
 What renders it more probable is, that there tvas a colonel EJward Grofve* 
 nor, quarter mafter of the army, chofen member of parliament for VVeft- 
 minfter, in 1656, and again in Richard's parliament, January 7,-j, 165S, 
 O. S. See Wood's Fafti, vol. ii. c. 79. and Mercuriits foliticus, No. 550. 
 p. 176. 
 
 In * A narrative of the late parliament (fo called) begun at Weftminfter 
 ' September 17, 1636, &c, with an account of the places of profit, fal- 
 ' leries and advantages which they hold and receive under the prcfer.t power,' 
 Sec. appears, < CoUonel Grofvenor, as quarter-mafter general, 419 1. 10 s. od. 
 ^ per annum, and it's faid hath captain of hoife pay j and the better to car- 
 , ry it in the choice at Weftminfter, the foldiers weie bid pull off tht:ir red 
 , coats and put on others, and to givetiieir votes for him, which is contrary 
 
 to the eighteenth article of the old decayed inftrument of governtnerrt, 
 
 which allows none that is not worth 200 1. to choofe parliament men.' 
 
 L 1 walke
 
 514 APPENDIX. 
 
 walke out on foote a mile or two, as ufually in the day 
 time, & there horfes are layd in the ifle to carry him to a 
 boate. If he cannot do this, then either over the houfe 
 in the night, or at fome privat window in the night he 
 intends his paflage ; which wee thought fitt againe to give 
 you notice of, that you may make luch ufe of it for pre- 
 vention, as you Ihall fee caufe. 
 
 Darby Houfe Signed in the name & by the war- 
 
 i8 Novemb, rant of the committee of lords & 
 
 1648. commons at £)flri';' Houfe, by 
 
 Your very afFedionate friend 
 
 P. S. Wee defire you to communicate Salisbury. 
 this to the commiflion" there j and alfo 
 if you (hall finde the Kinge hath efcaped 
 to give us notice with all poflible fpeed. 
 
 For Collonel Robert Hammond Gover- 
 no*^ of the ifle of Wight. 
 
 The three following letters are In the pof- 
 fjfton ^/^RobertSymmer, £y^jo/ Mount 
 Street, Grofvenor Square. 
 
 Deere Nortcn, 
 T Have fent my fonn over to thee, beinge willinge to an- 
 -■• fwere providence, and although I confefle I have had 
 an cfFer of a very great propofition from a father of his 
 daughter, yett truly I rather encline to this in my thoughts, 
 becaufe though the other bee very farr greater, yett 1 fee 
 different tyes, and not that affurance of godlynefle, yett 
 indeed fairnefs. I confefle that which is tould mee con- 
 cerning eftate of Mr. M. is more then I can looke for as 
 thinoes now fland. 
 
 If God pleafe to bring itt about, the ccnfideration of 
 pietye in the parents, and fuch hopes of the gentlewoeman 
 in that refpe(5^, make the bufinefle to mee a great mercy, 
 concerninge w^'' I defier to waite upon God. 
 
 I am confident of thy love, and defier thinges may be 
 
 eai-
 
 APPENDIX. 515 
 
 carried with privacie. The Lord doe his will, thats beflr, 
 to w^"" fubmittinge I reft your humble fervant, 
 
 Feb. 25, 1647. O. Cromwell. 
 
 For my noble friend Col. Richard 
 Nirton^ theife. 
 
 Deere Dick, 
 TTT had beene a favour indeed to have mett you heere 
 "*• at Farnham, but I heere you are a man of great bu- 
 
 finefle. Therefore I fay noe more, if it be a favor to 
 
 the houfe of commons to enioy you, what is itt to mee ? 
 But in good earneft when wi . . . you and your brother 
 Rujfel be a lit ... . honeft and attend your charge fuerly 
 fo. . [fomej expedl itt, efpecially the good fellowes wh . . . 
 chofe you. 
 
 I have mett w''> M"" Malor, wee fpent two or 3 bowers 
 together laft night. I perceave the gentleman is very 
 wile and honeft, and indeed much to be vallewed, fome- 
 thinges of comon fame did a little fticke, I glad .... heard 
 his doubts, and gave fuch anfware as was next att hand, 
 I beleive to fome fatisfa6tinn, never the lefTe 1 exceedingly 
 liked the gentlemans plainnefle, and free dealinge w'*" mee. 
 
 1 knowe God has beene above all ill reports, and will in 
 his owne tyme vindicate mee, I have noe caufe to cum- 
 plaine. I fee nothinge but that this particular bufinelTe be- 
 twecne him and mee miy go onn, The Lords will be 
 donn. For newes out of the north there is little, only 
 the Mai. partye is prevailinge in thepar^"' of 5. They are 
 earneft for a warr, the mlnifters oppofe, as yelt. 
 
 Mr. Marjhall is returned, whoe fayis foe. And foe doe 
 many of our letters, their ^reat committee of dangers have 
 
 2 malig. for one right. Its fayd they have voted an armie 
 of 40COO in par'"' foe fome of yefterdayes letters, but I 
 account my newes ill beflowed, becaufe upon an idle per- 
 fon. 
 
 I fhall take fpeedy courfe in the bufinefs concerninge my 
 tenants, for w*^** thankes, my fervice to your lady, 1 am 
 really Your aftedlionate fervant 
 
 March 1^^ 1648. O.Cromwell. 
 
 Farnham. 
 
 For my noble friend Col. Richard 
 Norton, theife, L 1 2 Dscrs
 
 5i6 APPENDIX. 
 
 Dtere Norton^ 
 
 t Could not in my laft give you a perfeft account of what 
 -■■ paffed betweene mee and Mr. Ji4. becaufe wee were to 
 have a conclufion of our fpeed that morninge after I wrote 
 my letter to you, which wee had, and havinge had a full 
 enterview of one anothers mindes, wee parted with this, 
 that both would confider with our relations, and accord- 
 inge to fatisfa6lions given there, acquaint each other with 
 our mindes. 
 
 I cannot tell how better to doe itt, to receave or give (a- 
 tisfac^ion then by you, whoe (as I remember) in your laft, 
 fayd that if thinges did ftick betweene us, you would ufe 
 your endeavor towards a clofe. 
 
 The thinges infifled upon were theife, (as .htake itt) 
 Mr, Maicr defired 400 p. annum of inheritance lyinge in 
 Cambridge Jheire^ and Norfolke^ to bee przefently fettled, 
 and to be for maintenance, wherein I defired to bee ad- 
 vifed by my wife. 
 
 I offered the land ia Hampplre, for prefent mainte- 
 nance, w*^** I dare fay with copfes and ordinarie fells will 
 be comtnur.ibus annis 5C0'' p. cnnum, befides 500'' per aK~ 
 fjum, in tennants handes houldinge but for one life, and 
 about 300'' />. ann. fomefor two lives, fome for three lives. 
 But as to this if the latter bee not liked off I fiiall bee 
 willing a farther conference bee had in thefirft. 
 
 In point of jounclure I (hail give fati>fa6tion. And as 
 to the fettlemesit of landes given mee by the par'"* fatif- 
 fa£tion to be given in like manner, accorainge as wee dif* 
 CQurfed. 
 
 In what elfe was demarided of mee I am willing (foe 
 farr as I remember any demand was) to give fatisfadlion. 
 
 Only I havinge beene enlormed by Mr. Robihfon that 
 Mr. Maiot did upon a former match offer to fettle the 
 manner wherein hee li'-ed, and to give 20CO*' in monie, 
 I did infift upon that, and doe defire itt may not tee with 
 difBcultye, the moniel fball neede for my two little wenche3j 
 and therby I fha.l free mv fonn from beinge charged with 
 them. Mr. Motor parts w-'' nothing in prafent but that 
 iponie, favinge their board, w^*" I fhoulde not bee unwil- 
 linge to give them to enioy the comfort of their focietye.
 
 APPENDIX. 517 
 
 w=^ itts reafon hee fmarte for, if hee will robb mee al- 
 together of them- Truly the land to bee fettled both 
 wl at the par'"' gives mee, and my owne, is very little 
 lefle then 3000" per annum all thinges confidered, if I bee 
 rightly informed. And a lawyer of Lincoln^ Inn have- 
 inge fearched all the marques of lVorceJier\ writinges, 
 w^** were taken at Ragland and fent for by the par'"" and 
 this gentleman appointed by the committee to fearch the 
 fayd writinges, aflures mee, there is noe fcruple concerninge 
 the title, and itt foe fell out that this gentleman whoe 
 fearched was my owne lawyer, a very godly able man, 
 and my deere friend, w"^*" I reckon noe fmale mercy, hee 
 is alfo pofleft of the writinges for mee. 
 
 I thought fict to give you this account, defiringe you to 
 make fi4ch ufe of itt as God (hall diredl you, and I doubt 
 not but you will doe the part of, a friend betweene two 
 friendes, I account myfelfe one, and I have heard you fay 
 Mr. Maior was entirely foe to you. What the good plea- 
 fure of God is I (hall waite, there is only reft, praefent 
 my fervice to your lady, to Mr. Maior^ et. 
 
 I reft 
 
 Jprll the 3'' 1648. Your afFe£tionate fervant, 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 
 I defier you to carrie this bufinefs with all privacie, I 
 befeech you to doe foe as you love mee, lett me entreat 
 you not to loofe a day herein, that I may knowe Mr. 
 Maior s minde for I thinke I may be att leizure for a 
 weeke to atte'nde this bufmefle to give and take fatisfac-^ 
 tion, from w^'' perhaps I may bee Ihutt up afterwards by 
 jmployment. 1 know thou art an idle fellowe, but pre- 
 thee negleft mee not now, delay may bee very inconve- 
 nient to mee, I much rely upon you. Lett me here from 
 you in two or 3 days. I confefl'e the principall confide- 
 iration as to mee is the abfolute fettlement of the mannor 
 where he lives, w^"* he would doe but conditionally in 
 cafe he prove to have noe fonn, and but 3000" in cafe he 
 have a fonn. But as to this I hope farther reafon may work 
 \^m to more. 
 
 L 1 ^ N.B.U
 
 5i8 APPENDIX. 
 
 N. B. In a (heet lift * of the names of the members 
 
 * yet living of both houfes of parliament forceably feclud- 
 ' ed by the army in 1648, iffc' appears Southampton., col. 
 Richard Norton Efq; Knight, ^^. He was chofen Knight 
 
 ^^"^'irft"' ^^ ^^ ^hire for Southampton, in the room of Sir Henry 
 \l\.\x.^?'Jf^^^'Opt K-nt. who deceafed in 1644, in virtue of writs 
 40. iflued 0£f. 24, and Nov. 10, 1 645. 
 
 In another lift intitled * A more exacS: and neceflary ca- 
 ' talogue of penfioners in the long parliament than is ex- 
 ' tant,' appears Richard Norton, colonel, governor of 
 Southampton. 
 
 And in a third intitled * A perfeft lift of the lords of 
 ' the other houje, and of the knights, citizens and bur- 
 ' gefles, and barons of the Cinque Ports, now aflembled 
 
 * in this prefent parliament holden at IVrJimirJler, for the 
 
 * commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, "Jan. 
 
 * 27,1658,' ^^^czxs conniy oi Southampton, Richard Nor- 
 ton of Southwickc, Ef^^ 
 
 Sir Gregory Norton, one of Charles I. judges, was of Suf- 
 fex or Kent, and, as I apprehend, of a different family from 
 the colonel. 
 
 The following feventeen letters were tranfcribedfrom 
 the originals which ivere found at Pufey, the 
 feat of the Tranches, in Berkftiire *, by the hon. 
 Horace Walpole, Efq\ 
 
 For my very lovinge Friend Mr. Robinfon, Preacher at 
 Southampton. Theife. 
 
 Sr. 
 
 T Thanke you for your kinde letter, as to the bufinefle 
 
 * you mention I defire to ufe this playenneffe with you. 
 When the laft overture was betweene mee and Mr. Ma- 
 jor, by the mediation of coll. Norton, after the meetinge 
 I Iiad with Mr. Major att Farhham, 1 deiired the coll. 
 (firidinge as I thought fome fcruples and hefitation in Mr. 
 
 * John Dunch of Pufey, in Berks, fon of Sam. Dunch of North Bad- 
 difiey in Hampfliire, Efq; married Anne, Daughter and coheirefs of Rich- 
 ard Major, of Hurfley, Efqi— Wood's Fafti, vol. ii. c. 120. 
 
 ■ ' Major)
 
 APPENDIX. 519 
 
 Major) to knowe of him whether his minde was free to 
 the thinge or not. Coll. Norton gave me this account, 
 that Mr. Major^ by reafon of fome matters as they then 
 ftood, was not very free thereunto, whereupon I did ac- 
 quiefce fubmittinge to the providence of God. Upon 
 your revivinge of the bufinefle to mee, & your letter, I 
 thinke fitt to returne you this anfware, & to fay in plain- 
 nefl'e of fpirit to you. That upon your teftimonie of the 
 gentlewoeman's worth h the common report of the pye- 
 tye of the familye I {hall be willinge to entertayne the re- 
 newinge of the motion upon fuch confiderations as may 
 bee to mutual! fatisfadlion, only I thinke that a fpcedye 
 refolution will be very convenient to both partes. The 
 Lord direiSl all to his glory. I defter your prayers therein, 
 and reft 
 
 Your very afFe<5lionate friend, 
 
 Feb. V 1648. 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 
 'For my very vjorthye Friend Richard Major, Efq\ Thcife, 
 I 
 Sr. 
 
 1 Receaved fome intimations formerly & by the laft re- 
 •* turne from Southampton a letter from Mr. Robin/on con- 
 cernynge the reviveinge the laft yeare's motion touchinge 
 my fonne & your daughter. Mr. Robinfon was alfoe pleaf- 
 ed to fend inclofed in his a letter from you to him, bear- 
 ing date the 5*'' of this inftant February, wherin I finde 
 your willingenefTe to entertaine any good meanes for the 
 compleatinge of that bufinefle. From v.'hence I take en- 
 coragment to fend my fonn to wayte upon you & by him 
 to lett you knowe that my defires are (if providence foe 
 difpofe) very full & free to the thinge, if upon an enter- 
 view theire prove alfoe a freedom in the younge perfons 
 thereunto. What liberty you will give heerein I wholly 
 fubmit to you. I thought fitt in my letter to Mr. Ro- 
 binfon to mention fomewhat of expedition, becaufe indeed 
 I knowe not how foone I may be called into the fei!d, or 
 other occafions may remove mee from hence, havinge for 
 
 L 1 4 the
 
 520 
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 the prefent fome liberty of ftay in London. The Lord di-r 
 reel all to his glorye. I reft 
 
 Fib. 12**' 1648. Y' very humble fervant, 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 For my very wortlye Friend Richard ^4ajor, Efq-^ Iheife, 
 
 Sr. 
 T Receaved yours by Mr. Siapletcn together with an ac- 
 ^ count of the kinde reception & the many civiiityes af- 
 forded them, efpecilly to my fonn in the libertye given 
 him to waite upon your worthye daughter, the report of 
 whofe vertue and gcdlynefTe has foe great a place in my 
 hart that I thinke fitt not to negleit any thinge on my 
 part which may conduce to confummate a clofe of the bufi- 
 neiTe, if God pleafe to difpofe the youngeones harts there- 
 unto & other fuiteable orderinge affaires towards mutuall 
 fatisfailion appeare in the difpenfation of providence, for 
 which purpofe and to the end matters may be brought to 
 as neere an ifTue as they are capable off (not beinge at 
 libertye by reafon of publicke occafions to waite upon 
 you, nor, as I, underftand your health permittinge) I 
 thought fitt to fend this gentleman Mr. Stapleton inftrufted 
 with my minde to fee how neere wee may come to an un- 
 derftandinge one of another therein, & although I could 
 have wiihed the confideration of thinges had beene be- 
 tweene us two itt beinge of fo neere concern mente, yet 
 providence for the prefent not allowinge, I defier you to 
 give him credence on my behalfe. S^ all thinges which 
 yourfelfe & I had in conference att Famham doe not oc- 
 curr to my meraorie thorough multiplicitye of bufinefTe in- 
 terveninge, I hope I (hall with a very free hart teftifie my 
 readynelTe to that which may bee expefled from mee. I 
 have noe more at prefent but defiringe the Lord to order 
 this affair to his glory & the comfort of his fervants. I refi 
 
 Feb. 26, 1648. Your humble fervant 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 
 (No
 
 APPENDIX. 521 
 
 (No DIreflion.) (In another hand but figned by himfelf.) 
 
 Sr. 
 
 V^Ours I have recieved, & have given further inftru<^ions 
 •* to this bearer Mr. Stapylton to treate with you about 
 the bufinefTe in agitation betweene your daughter and my 
 fonne. I am ingag'd to you for ali your civility's, & re- 
 fpe£ts already manifefted. I truft there will bee a right un- 
 derftanding betweene us and a good conclufion ; and 
 though I cannot particularly remember the thinges fpokeii 
 ofF at Farnham, to which your letter feemes to referre 
 mee ; yet 1 doubt not but I have fent the offer of fuch 
 thinges now, which will give mutuall fatisfacfiion to us 
 both. My attendance upon put^Iique affairs will not give 
 mee leave to come downe unto you myfelfe; I have fent 
 unto you this gentleman with my mind. I falute M"^' 
 Major, though unknowne, with the reft of your family. 
 I commit you, with the progreffe of the bufineffe to the 
 Lord J and reft 
 
 S' 
 March the S'** Your aflured friend to ferve you 
 
 1648. 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 
 I 
 
 (No Direction, but wrote on the Back, L, G. Crom- 
 
 well'j Litter of Exceptions ) 
 
 Sr. 
 
 Receaved your paper by the handes of M' Stap'ilton. I 
 defier your leave to returne my diffatisfaftion there- 
 with. I (hall not neede to premife how much I have de- 
 fired (I hope upon the beft groundes) to match with you, 
 the fame defier ftill continuees in me, if providence fee 
 itt fitt. But I may not be foe much wantinge to myfelfe 
 nor familye as not to have fome equallit'e of confideration 
 towards itt. 1 have t^o younge daughters to beftowe if 
 God give them life, & oportunitye. Accordinge to your 
 offer I have nothinge for them, nothing at all in hand, if 
 my fonne dye, what confideration is there to mee ? And 
 yet a jounfture parted, with, if Ihee dye there is little, 
 
 if
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 if you have an heire male then but 3000]^. without tyme 
 aflertained. But for theife thinges I doubt not but one 
 enterview betweene you & my felfe they might bee accom- 
 modated to mutual fatisfadlion, and in relation to theife I 
 thinke wee fhould hardly part, or have many wordes, foe 
 much doe I defier a cloafure with you. But to deale freely 
 with you, the fettlinge of the mannor oi HurJIey as you 
 propofe itt flickes foe much with mee that either I under- 
 itand you not, or elfe it much fayles my expedtation. As 
 you offer itt there is 400 j^. pr, annum charged upon itt. 
 For the 150 £. to your lady for her life as a joundure I 
 ftick not att that, but the 2^0 £. pr. annum untill Mr. 
 Ludloue's leafe expicrs the teanure whereof I knowe not, 
 & foe much of the 250 £. pr. annum as exceeds that leafe 
 in anual valew for fome tyme alfoe after the expiration of 
 the {^ leafe, gives fuch a maime to the mannor of Hurjley 
 as indeed renders the reft of the manor very inconfidera- 
 ble. Sr. if I concurr to denye myfelfe in point of prefent 
 monies as alfoe in the other thinges mentioned as afore- 
 faid, I may and I doe expe£l the mannor of Hurjley to bee 
 fettled without any charge upon itt after your deceafe fav- 
 inge your ladyes joundure of 150^^. per annum, which if 
 you (hould thinke fitt to encreafe I fhould not fland upon 
 itt : your own eftate is beft known to you, but fucrlye 
 your perfonall edate beinge free for you to difpofe, will 
 with fome fmale matter of addition begitt a neerenefTe of 
 equallitye, if 1 heere well from others, & if the difference 
 in that were not very confiderable I fhould not infift upon 
 itt. What you demand of me is very high in all pointes, 
 I am willinge to fettle as you defier in every thingc favinge 
 for prefent maintenance 400 ;^. p. annum^ 2^0 £. p. an- 
 num I would have fomewhat free to be thanked by them 
 for. The 300 j^. p. annum of my ould land for a jounc- 
 ture after my wives deceafe. I fhall fettle, and in the 
 meanetyrae out of other landes att your election, & trulye 
 Sr. if that bee not good nor will any landes 1 doubt, I 
 doe not much diftrufl your principles in other thinges have 
 aSed you towards confidence. You demand in cafe my 
 fonn have none ilTue male but only daughters, then the 
 lands in Hantjkelre, Monmouth and Glcucejfierjheire to de- 
 fcend to the daughters, or 3000^^. a peice ; the firfl woud 
 inofl unequall, the latter is too high, they will be well 
 
 provided
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 provided for by beinge inheritrixes to their mother, & I 
 am willinge to 2000^. a peice to bee charged upon thofe 
 landes. 
 
 Sr. I cannot but with very many thankes acknowledge 
 your good opinion of mee & of my fonn, as alfoe your 
 great civilities towards him & your daughter's good re- 
 fpecSts (whofe goodnefTe though known to mee only at 
 fuch a diflance by the report of others) I much valew, & 
 indeed that caufeth mee foe cheerfully to denye myfelfe as 
 I doe in the point of monies, & foe willingly to complye 
 in other thinges, but if I fhould not infift as before, I 
 fhould in a greater meafure denye both my owne reafon 
 & the advife of my freindes then were meete which I may 
 not doe. Indeed Sr. I have not cloafed with a farr greater 
 offer of ef^ate, but rather chofe to fix heere, I hope I • 
 have not beene wantingeto providence in this, 1 have made 
 myfelfe plaine to you, defiring you will make my fonn the 
 meffinger of your pleafure & refolution herein as fpeedilye 
 as with conveniency you may. I take leave & refl 
 
 Your affectionate fervant 
 
 I defler my fervice may be pre- 
 fented to your lady & daughters. O. Cromwell. 
 
 March 14, 1648. 
 
 For my worthy Friend Richard Major, Efq, at Hurfley. 
 Jheife. 
 
 Sr. 
 
 \7 O U will pardon the brevitye of theife lines, the hafte 
 * I am in by reafon of bufmeffes occafions it. To tef- 
 tifye theearneft defier 1 have to fee a happy period to this 
 treatye betweene us, I give you to underlfand that i agree 
 to 150^. pr. avnum out of the 300^. pr. annum of my 
 ould land, for your daughters joundlure over the 150^^. 
 where you pleafe. 
 
 400 j^. p. annum, for prefent maintenance where you 
 fhall choofe either in Hant/hire, Ghucejier or Monmouth- 
 Jhehe. 
 
 Thofe lands fettled upon my fon & his heires males by 
 your daughter, & in cafe of daughters only 20Qo£. a 
 peice charged upon thofe landes. 
 
 400j^.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ^00 f. p. annum free to raife portions for my two daugh- 
 ters. 1 expe<ft the mannor of Hurjley to be fetled upon 
 your eldeft daughter & her heires, the heires of her body. 
 
 Your lady a jounfture of 150^^. p. annum out of itt. 
 
 For compenfation to your younger daughter I agree to 
 leave itt in your power after your deceafe to charge it 
 with as much as will buye inn the leafe of the Ferme at 
 Jllingion by a juft computation. 
 
 I expeft foe long as they live with you their diet as you 
 exprefied, or in cafe of voluntarie partinge 150^^. p. an- 
 num, 5000 ^. in cafe you have a fonn to bee payed in 
 two yeares next followinge. 
 
 In cafe your daughter die without iflue lOCOj^. within 
 fix months. Sr. if this fatisfie I defier a fpeedye refolu- 
 tion, I fhould the rather defier foe becaufe of what your 
 kinfman can fatisfie you in. The Lord bleffe you & your 
 familye to whome I defier my afFedions and fervice may 
 bee prefented. I reft 
 
 Your humble fervant 
 
 March 25"* 1649. 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 
 For my efleemed good Friend Richard Major, Efq^ 
 Iheife at Hurfley. 
 
 Sr. 
 T Receaved yours of the 28''' inftant. I defier the mat- 
 ^ ter of compenfation may bee as in may laft to you, you 
 propofe another way, which trulye feemes to mee very 
 inconvenient, I have agreed to all other thinges as you 
 take mee (& that rightly) repeating particulars in your pa- 
 per. The Lord difpofe this great bufineffe (greate betweene 
 you & mee) for good. You mention to fend by the poft 
 on Tufeday. I fhall fpeede thinges heere as I may, 1 am 
 dcfigned for Ireland, which wil be fpeedye. I fhould bee 
 very glad to fee thinges fetled before I goe, if the Lord/ 
 will. My fervice to all your familye. I reft 
 
 Sr. 
 
 March 30^'' 1649. Your afFeftionate 
 
 (Name torn oiF.) 
 For
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 For my worthy Friend Richard Major, Efq; at Hurfley. 
 
 Theife. 
 
 Sr. 
 
 1 Receaved ycur papers inclofed in your letter although I 
 •^ knowe not howe to make foe good ufe of them aa 
 Dtherv/ife might have beene to have faved expence oftyme 
 if the arreft of your lavi^yer had not fallen out at this 
 tyme. I conceave a draught to your fatisfa(5iion by your 
 owne lawyer would have faved much tyme, which to mee 
 is precious. I hope you will fend fome up perfccSlye in- 
 ftruded. I fiiall endeavour to fpeed what is to be donu 
 on my part, not knowing how foone I may bee fent downe 
 towards my charge for Ireland. And I hope to perform 
 punctually with you. Sr. my fonn had a great defier to 
 come downe & waite upon your daughter. I perceave 
 bee minds that more then to attend buiineffes heere. I 
 Ihould bee glad to fee him fettled and al thinges finiflied 
 before I goe. I truft not to bee wantinge therein. The 
 Lord diredt all our hartes into his good pleafure. I reft 
 
 Sr. 
 
 My fervice to your Your affedionate fervant 
 
 lady & family. 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 
 Jpril 6, 1649. 
 
 Por my worthye Friend Richard Major, Efq-y Theife. 
 
 Sr. 
 
 XzOur kindfman Mr. Barton and myfelfe repayringe to 
 ^ our councell for the perfe£linge this bufmefle foe much 
 concerninge us, did upon Saturday this 15'** of y^r/7/ drawe 
 our councell to a meetinge whereupon confideration had 
 of my letter to yourfelfe expreffinge my confent to perti- 
 culars which Mr. Barton brought to your councell, Mr. 
 Hales of Lincolnes Inn ; upon the readinge that which ex- 
 prefleth the way of your fetlinge HurJIey, your kindfman 
 cxprefled a fence of yours contrarie to the paper under my 
 hand as alfoe to that under your hand of the 28''^ oi March 
 which was the fame with mine, as to that penicular, and 
 
 I
 
 APPENDIX* 
 
 I knowe nothinge of doubt in that which I am to doe 
 but doe agree itt all to your kindfman his fatisfadlion, not 
 is there much material! difference fave in this, wherein 
 both my paper fent by you to your councell and yours of 
 the 28''' doe in all litterall and all equitable conftru6lion 
 agree, viz. to fettle an eftate in fee fimple upon your 
 daughter after your deceafe, which Mr Barton affirmes 
 not to be your meaninge, although hee has not (as to mee) 
 formerlye made this any objeftion nor can the words beare 
 itt, nor have I any thinge more confiderable in lewe of 
 what I part with then this. And I have appealed to yours 
 or any counfel in England whether it bee not juft and e- 
 qual that I infift thereupon. And this mifunderftandinge 
 (if it bee yours as it is your kindfman's) putt a flop to the 
 bufineffe, fo that our counfel could not proceede untill 
 your pleafure herein were known, wherefore itt was thought 
 iitt to defier Mr. Barton to have recourfe to you to knowe 
 your minde, hee alledginge hee had noe authoritye to un- 
 derftand that expreflion foe, but the contrarie, which was 
 thought not a little ftrange even by your owne councell, 
 I confefle I did apprehend wee fliould bee incident to mif- 
 takes treatinge att fuch a diftance, although I may take 
 the boldneffe to fay there is nothinge expeded from mee, 
 but I agree itt to your kindfman's fenfe to a tittle. Sr. I 
 defired to knowe what commiflion your kindfman had to 
 heipe this doubt by an expedient who denied to have any, 
 but did think it were better for you to part with fome mo- 
 nie, and keepe the power in your owne handes, as to the 
 land, to difpofe thereof as you (hould fee caufe, where- 
 upon an overture was made and himfelfe & your councell 
 defired to drawe itt up ; the efFeft whereof this enclofed 
 paper conteynes, and although I (hould not like change of 
 agreements, yet to (hew how much I defier the perfecting 
 of this bufinefle, if you like thereof (though this bee farr 
 the worfe bargaine, I Ihall fubmitt thereunto your coun- 
 cell thinkinge that thinges may bee fettled this way with 
 more clearnefle & lefl'e intricafie. There is mention made 
 of QCOj^. pr. annum to bee refcrved, but itt comes to but 
 about 800 j^. my landes in Glamorgan fneire being but little 
 above 400^. pr. annum, and the 400 j^. p. annum out my 
 manour in Gloucejler & Munmouth Jhe'ire. I wifti a cleere 
 underftandinge may bee betweene us. Truly I would not 
 
 wil-
 
 APPENDIX. 527 
 
 willinglye miftake, defiringe to waite upon providence In 
 this bufinefle. I reft 
 
 Sr. 
 Jp. If'*" 1 649. Your afFe£lionate friend & fervant 
 
 I defier my fervice may bee pre- O. Cromwell. 
 
 fonted to your lady & daughters. 
 
 For my very loving Brother Richard Major, E/qy 
 att Hurflye. Theife. 
 
 (Rec" 27 July^ i649./>. MefTenger 
 Lovlnge Brother, exprefle from Nttvbery.) 
 
 T Receaved your letter by major Longe, and doe in anfware 
 ■*■ thereunto accordinge to my beft underftandinge, with 
 a due confideration of thofe gentlemen whoe have abid the 
 brunt of the fervice. I am very glad to heere of your 
 welfare, & that our children have fo good leifure to make 
 a journie to eate cherries, it's very excufeable in my daugh- 
 ter, 1 hope (he may have a very good pretence for it. I 
 afllire you Sr. I wifh her very well & I beleive fhee knowes 
 itt. I pray you tell her from mee, I expedl (hee write* 
 often to mee, by which I fhall underftand how all your 
 familye doth, & fhee will be kept in fome cxercife. I 
 have delivered my fonn up to you, & I hope you will 
 councell him, he will neede itt and indeed 1 beleive he 
 likes well what you fay, & will be advifed by you, I wifh 
 he may be ferious the tymes requier itt. I hope my fifter 
 is in health, to whome I delier my very hartye affections 
 and fervice may bee prefented, as alfo to my cozen Ann 
 to whom I wifh a good hufband. I defire my affections 
 may be prefented to all your familye, to which I wifh a 
 bleffinge from the Lorde, I hope I fhall have your pray- 
 ers in the bufinefle to which I am called. My wife I truft 
 wil be with you before itt bee longe in her way towards 
 Brijioll. Sr. difcompofe not your thoughts nor eflate for 
 what you are to pay mee. Lett me knowe wherein I may 
 complye with your occafions and minde, and be confident 
 you will finde mee to you as your owne heart wifhinge 
 
 your
 
 528 APPENDIX. 
 
 your profperitye & contentment very fynceerlye with the 
 remembrance of my love. I reft ^\. 
 
 Your afFeiSionate brother & fervant" 
 Bri/oU, 
 
 July 19'"^ 1649. ^* CROMWEtt. 
 
 (On the back of the foregoing letter, befides {hort hand, 
 there is an account in Mr. Major's band, of his flieep and 
 other cattle.) 
 
 Fdr my beloved Brother Richard Major, j?,'^; atHiid- ' 
 lye in tbe County of Hzmpton. 7he;fe. 
 
 jyeere Brother^ 
 
 T Am not often at leifure, nor nowe to falute my freinde?, 
 -*■ yet unwillinglye to loofe this opportunitye, I take itt 
 only to lett you knowe that you and your familye are of- 
 ten in my prayers. I wifh the younge ones well, though 
 they vouchfafe not to write to mee. As for Dick I doe 
 not much expert itt from him, knowinge his idlenefle, but 
 I am angrie with my daughter as a promife breaker, pray 
 you tell her foe, but I hope fhee will redeeme heifdfe. 
 
 It has pleafed the Lord to give us (fince the taking of 
 Wexford & K^ojfe) a good intereft in Mu^ier by the accefs 
 of Corke and Toughall, which are both fubmitted, their 
 commiffioners are nowe with mee. Diverfe other lefler 
 guarrifons are come in alfoe. The Lord is wonderfull in 
 theife thinges, it's his hand aloane does them ; O that all 
 the praife might be afcribed to him. I have beene crazie 
 in my health, but the Lord is pleafed to fuftaine mee. I 
 begg your prayers. I defier you to call upon my fonn to 
 minde the thinges of God more & more, alas what pro- 
 fitt is their in the thinges of this world, except they bee 
 enjoyed in Chrift they are /nares. I wifh he may enjoy 
 his wife foe and fhee him, I wifh I may enjoy them both 
 foe. My fervice to my deere fifter cozen Ann^ my blef- 
 linge to my children, and love to my cozen Barton and 
 the reft. Sr. 
 
 I, am 
 J?£^, No. 13*'' 1649. Youraifeftiottate brother & fervant 
 
 ReC* 12° Dec. 49. O. Cromwell. 
 
 • Ftt
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 For my very lovtnge Brother Richard Major, Efq\ ait 
 Hurftlye/» Hampfheir. Theife. 
 
 (This direilion is in a Woman's hand : underneath are 
 wrote in Mr. Major % hand thefe words; 15° May / 
 "Wrote in behalfe of Mr. Bonny, &c. of Dorfett.) 
 
 Deere Brother, 
 
 P O R mee to write unto you the flate of our afFaires heere 
 were more then indeed I have leifure well to doe, and 
 therefore I hope you doe not expe^ itt from me feeinge 
 when I write to the par'"' I ufually am (as becomes mee) 
 very particular with them, and ufually from thence the 
 knowledge thereof is fpread. Only this lett mee fay (which 
 is the bell intelligence to friendes that are trulye chriftian) 
 the Lord is pleafed ftill to vouchfafe us hij^prefence, & to 
 profper his owne worke in our handes which to us is the 
 more eminent becaufe trulye wee are a companie of poore 
 weake and. worthlefTe creatures. Trulye our worke is 
 neither from our braines, nor from our courage and ftrength, 
 but wee followe the Lord whoe gceth before and gather 
 what hee fkatterethj that foe all may appeare to bee from 
 him. The takinge of the cittye of Kilkenny hath beene 
 one of our laft workes, which indeed I beleive hath beene 
 a grate difcompofeinge the enemie, its foe much in their 
 bowells, wee have taken many confiderable places latelye 
 without much lofTe. What can wee fay to theife thinges. 
 If God bee for us, whoe can be againft us, whoe ean 
 fight againft the Lord h profper ? Whoe can refift his 
 will ? 1 he Lord keepe us in his love. I defier your pray- 
 ers, your familye is often in mine, I rejoyced to heere 
 how it hath pleafed the Lord to deale with my daughter, 
 the Lord blelfe her and fan£lifie all his difpenfations to them 
 and us, I have committed my fonn to you, I pray coun- 
 cell him. Some letters I have lately had from him, have 
 a good favor, the Lord treafure up grace there, that out 
 of that treafurie hee may bringe forth good thinges. Sr. 
 I defier my very entyer afFedlion may be prefented to my 
 deere filler, my cozen Ann, and the reft of my cozens, 
 M m and 
 
 529
 
 530 APPENDIX. 
 
 and to idle Dick Norton when you fee him. Sr. I 
 reft-:, i : 
 
 Your moft loving brother 
 j^p. y« i"* 1650. 
 
 Carrkk. O. CromwELL, 
 
 For my very lovwge Brother Richard Major, Efq; att his 
 Houfe at Hurflye. Theije. 
 
 Deere Brother, 
 
 'T^HE exceedinge croude of bufineffe I had att London 
 -■■ is the befl excufe I can make for my filence this way. 
 Indeed Sr. my heart beareth me witnefle, I want noe af- 
 fection to you or yours, you are all often in my poore 
 prayers. I fliould be glad to heere how the little bratt 
 doth. I could chide both father and the mother for theire 
 neglecSls of mee, ? knowe my fonn is idle, butt I had bet- 
 ter thoughts oi Dolly I doubt now her hufband hath fpoyled 
 her, I pray tell her foe from mee. If I had as good lei- 
 fure as they, I Ihould write fometimes. If my daughter 
 bee breed inge I will excufe her, but not for her nurferie, 
 the Lord blefle them. I hope you give my fonn good 
 councell, I beleive he needes itt. Hee is in the dangerous 
 time of his age, and its a very vaine world, O how good 
 itt is to clofe with Chrift betimes, there is nothinge elfe 
 worth the lookinge after. I befeech you call upon him, 
 I hope you will difcharge my dutye and your owne love : 
 you fee how I am imployed, I neede pittye, I knowe what 
 1 feele, great place and bufinefle in the world is not worth 
 the lookinge after, I fhould have no comfort in mine, 
 but that my hope is in the Lord's prefence, I have not 
 fought theife thinges, truly I have beene called to them 
 by the Lord, and therefore am not without fonie good 
 afTureance that hee will inablehis poore worme, and weake 
 fervant to doe his will, & to fullfill my generation. In 
 this I begg your prayers, defiringe to be lovinglye remem- 
 bred to my deere fifter, to our fonn & daughter, my cozen 
 Jinn and the good family. I reft 
 
 Your very affe6iionate brother 
 ^i^wiik, July 17, 1650. 
 
 O. Cromwell.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 For my lovinge Brother Richard Mayor, Efq'j at Hurfley. 
 'Jbeife, In Hantflieire mere Winchefter. 
 
 H 
 
 Deere Brother^ 
 Avinge foe good an occafion as the impartlnge foe 
 great a mercie as the Lord hath voutchfafed unto us 
 in Scotland I would not omitt the impartlnge thereof to 
 you, though I bee full of bufinefle. Upon Wedenfd. wee 
 fought the Scottijh armie : They were in number accord- 
 inge to all computation above twentye thoufand, wee 
 hardly eleven thoufand, havinge greate ficknefles upon 
 our armiC) after much apealinge to God, the fight Jafted 
 above an hower, wee killed (as moft thinke) three thou- 
 fand, tooke neere ten thoufand prifoners, all their traine, 
 about thirtyc gunns great and fmale befides bullet, match 
 and powder, very confiderable officers, about two hundred 
 colors, above ten thoufand armes, loft not thirtie men. 
 This is the Lords doeing, and it is marvelous in our eyes. 
 Good Sr. give God all the glorie, ftirr up all yours & all 
 about you to doe foe, pray for your aftecSlionate brother 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 
 I defier my love may bee prefented to my deere fifter 
 and to all your familie. I pray tell Dolll doe not forgett 
 her nor her little bratt, jfhee writes very cuninglye & com- 
 plenientally to mee, I expeiS a letter of plaine dealinge 
 fr6m her ; fhee is too modelt to tell mee whether (bee breedes 
 or not. I wifli a bleflinge upon her & her hufband, the 
 Lord make them fruitfull in all that's good, they are att 
 
 ♦leifure to write often but indeed they are both idle 5c wor- 
 
 ^ thie of blame. 
 
 Dunbarr, Sept. 4''" 1650. 
 
 (No DireiSlion.) 
 Deere Brother, 
 
 Was glad to receave a letter from you, for indeed any 
 thinge that comes from you is very welcome to mee. 
 I belcive your expectation of my fonn's cominge is de- 
 M m 2 ferred. 
 
 I
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 fcrrcd. I wifh hee may fee a happie deliverye of his wife 
 firft, for whom I frequently pray. ? 
 
 I heere my fonn hath exceeded his allowance, and is in 
 debt; truly I cannot comend him therein, wifdom lequire- 
 inge his livinge within cojnpafle and callinge for it his 
 handes : And in my judgment the reputation arifinge from 
 thence would havebeene more real honour then what is at- 
 tained the other way. I beleive vain men will fpeake well 
 of him that does ill. I defier to bee underftood that I 
 grudge him not laudible recreations, nor an honorable car- 
 riage of himfelfe in them, nor is any matter of charge 
 like to fall to my fliare, a fticlc with mee. Truly I can 
 finde in my heart to allow him not only a fufficiency but 
 more for his good, but if pleafure and felfe fattisfadlion 
 bee made the bufmeffe of a man's life, foe much coft layd 
 cut uppon it, foe much tyme fpent in itt as rather anfwers 
 appetite then the will of God, or is comely before his 
 Saints, I fcruple to (cede this humor and God forbid that 
 his being my fonn {hould bee his allowance to live not plea- 
 fmglye to our Heavenly Father, whoe hath raifed mee out,of 
 the duft to what I am. I defier your faythfullneffe (hee 
 beinge alfoe your concernment as well as mine) to advife 
 him to approve himfelf to the Lord in his courfe of life, 
 and to fearch his ftatutes for a rule to confcience, & to 
 feeke grace from Chrift to enable to walke therein. This 
 hath life in itt, and will come to fomwhat ; what is a 
 poore creature without this ? This will not abridge of law- 
 full pleafures but teach fuch an ufe of them as will have 
 the peace of a good confcience goinge alonge with itt. 
 Sr. I write what is in my heart ; I pray you comunicate 
 my minde herein to my fonn and be his remembrancer in 
 theife thinges. Truly I love him, hee is deere to me ; 
 foe is his wife, and for their fakes doe I thus write. They 
 fhall rot want comfort nor incoragment from mee fo far 
 as I may afford itt; but indeed I cannot thinke I doe well 
 to feede a voluptuous humor in my fonn, if he ftiould make 
 pleafures the bufmefle of his life in a time when fome pre- 
 cious Sain<Sls are bleeding and breathinge out their lafl for 
 the good and fafetye of the reft. Memorable is the fpeech 
 of Urijah to David^ 2'* Cron. iV^ / 1'**. 
 
 Sr. I befeech you beleive I heere fay not this to fave my 
 purfe for I (hall willinglye do what is convenient to fatif- 
 
 fie
 
 A:P P E N D I X. 
 
 fie his occafions as I have opportunitye, but as I pray hee • 
 may not walke in a courfe not pleafing to the Lord, foe 
 thinke itt lyeth upon mee to give him (in love) the beft 
 councell I may, and know not how better to conveigh it 
 to him then by foe good a hand as yours. 
 
 Sr. I pray you acquaint him with theife thoughts of 
 mine, and remember my love to my daughter for whofe 
 lake I fhall be induced to doe any reafonable thinge. I 
 pray for her happie deliverance frequently and earncftly. 
 
 I am forrie to heere my baylye in Hantjhe'tre fhould do 
 to my fonn as is intimated by your letter. I afllire you 
 I fhall not allowe any fuch thinge. If there bee any fuf- 
 pition of his abufe of the woode I defier it may be looked 
 after and inquired into, that foe if things appeare true he 
 may bee removed, although indeed I muft needs fay he 
 had the repute of a godly manby diverfe that knew him 
 when I placed him there : 
 
 Sr. I defier my hartye afFe<5lion may bee prefented to my 
 fifler, my cozen Ann and her hufband though unknown. 
 
 I praife the Lord I have obteyncd muqh mercye in refpeft 
 of my health, the Lord give mee a truly thankfull hart. 
 I defier your prayers, & reft 
 
 Your very afFeflionate brother and fervant 
 June i^i^ 
 1651. O.Cromwell. 
 
 For my lovinge Brother Richard Major, Ef^\ at Hurf- 
 lye in Hantfheirc. Theife, 
 
 Deere Brother, 
 
 1 Receaved your lovinge letter for which I thanke you, 
 •■■ and fuerly were itt fitt to proceed in that bufinefle, you 
 fliould not in the leaft have beene putt upon any thinge 
 but the trouble, for indeed the land in EJfex, with fome 
 monie in my hand & fome other remnants Ihould have 
 gone towards itt. But indeed I am foe unwillinge to bee 
 a feeker after the world, havinge had fo much favor from 
 the Lord in givinge me foe much without feekinge, & foe 
 unwillinge that men ihould think mee foe, which they 
 will though you only appeare in itt (for they will by one 
 M m 3 meanes 
 
 533
 
 534 APPENDIX. 
 
 meancs or other knowe it) that indeed I dare not meddle, 
 nor procecde therein. Thus I have tould you my plain 
 thoughts. My hartye love I prefent to you & my fifter, 
 my bleiUnge and love to deere Doll & the little one, with 
 love to all. I refl 
 
 Your lovinge brother 
 ^<z)' the 4*'' 1654. 
 
 Oliver P. 
 
 For my lovinge Friend John Dunch, Efq; 
 
 Sr. ' 
 
 T Defier to fpeake with you, & heeringe a report from 
 -*■ Hurjlye that you was goinge to y^ father's in Berke^ 
 /heire, I fend this exprc'lTe to you defiring you to come to 
 mee to Hampton Court: with my refpcds to y"^ father, 
 I reft 
 
 Y' lovinge friend 
 ' /fug, 2j^^ 1657, 
 
 Oliver P. 
 
 Copi/iS 
 
 T»nS9i
 
 APPENDIX. 53 
 
 Copies of original Letters and Papers of Oliver 
 Crohiweirj in the Briti(h Mufeum : Copied 
 by leave of a Committee, by the Rev. A. Gif- 
 ford, D. D. for the UJe of the Author. 
 
 J Copy of Oliver Cromweirj Letter to his Daughter Ireton, 
 exaiily taken from the Original. 
 
 Deere Daughter, 
 
 I Write not to thy hufband, partly to avoyd trouble, for 
 one line of mine begitts many of his, w^^ I doubt 
 makes him fitt up too late, partly becaufe I am my felfe in- 
 difpofed att this tyme, havinge fome other confiderations. 
 Your friends att Ely are well, your fifter Clapole is (I truft 
 in mercye) exercifed with fome perplexed thoughts, fhee 
 fees her owne vanitye, and carnal minde, bewaiiinge itt, 
 fhee feekes after (as I hope alfoe) that w'^'' will fatisfie, 
 and thus to bee a feeker, is to bee of the beft fe<5t next a 
 finder, and fuch an one fiiall ever)' faythfuU humble feeker 
 bee att the end. Happie feeker, happie finder. Whoe 
 ever tafled that the Lord is gracious, without fome fence 
 of felf vanitye, and badnefie ? Whoe ever taded that gra- 
 cioufnefl'e of his, and could goe lefTe in defier, and lefle 
 then preffinge after full enjoyment. Deere hart prefle on j 
 lett not hufband lett not any thinge coole thy affedlions 
 after Chrift. I hope hee wil be an occafion to enflanie 
 _?hem. That w"* is beft worthy of love in thy hufband, 
 is that of the image of Chrift hee beares, looke on that, 
 and love it beft and all the reft for that, I pray for thee, 
 and him, doe foe for me. My fervice and deere affedtions 
 to the generall, an generalefle, I heere fhe is very kind 
 to thee, it adds to all other obligations. My love to all, |I 
 am thy deerc father 
 
 .-"; Tjj -J Oliver Cromwell. 
 
 Oacb.2s,' 
 
 1 646, The Superfcription, 
 
 For hys beloved daughter Bridget Ireton at 
 Cornbury, the Gen'» quarters, theife. 
 
 Thii is a true copy taken Septemb. 14, 1759, A^'" Harl. 
 Mjf. No. 6988. M m 4 For
 
 A P P E InR D I Xi 
 
 For the Honor able Will® Lenthall, Efq\ Speaker «f the 
 Parlwrnent, Theife. 
 
 Sr. 3W 
 
 1 Befeech you upon that fcoare of favor (if I be not 
 ■* too bould to call it friendfhip) which I have ever had 
 from you, lett me defier you to promote my partners hum- 
 ble fuite to the houfe, and obtaine (as farr as pofliblyc 
 you may) fome jufl fatisfaftion for him, I knovir his fuf- 
 feringes for the publick have beene great, befides the lofTe 
 of his callinge by his attendance heere : His afFecStions haue 
 beene true, and conflant, and I beleive his decay great in 
 his eftate, it vi^il be juftice and charitye to him, and I 
 fhall acknowledge itt as a fauor to 
 
 Your moft humble fervant 
 July 10, 
 1649. O.Cromwell. 
 
 This is exa^ly copied from the original in Harl. MJf. 6988. 
 Sept. 13, 1759. 
 
 To Colonel Hacker. (Wfote in another Hand.) 
 
 Sr. 
 
 1 Have the beft confideration I can for the praefent in this 
 -* bufmefTe, and although I beleiue capt. Huhbert is a 
 worthy man, and heere foe much, yett as the cafe fland?, 
 I cannott with fatisfa{3ion to my felfe, and fome others re- 
 voake the commiflion I had given to capt. Empfon^ w'^'out 
 offence to them, and reflection upon my owne judgment, 
 I pray lett capt. Huhbert knowe, I fhall not be unminde- 
 full of him, and that noe difrefpedt is intended to him. 
 But indeed I was not fatisfied with your laft fpeech to mee 
 about Empforjf that hee was a better praecher then a fight- 
 er or fouldier, or words to that efFeCt. Truly I thinke hee 
 that prayes & praeches befl will fight beft, I know nothing 
 will giue like courage and confidence as the knowledge of 
 God in Chrift will, and I blefs God to fee any in this ar- 
 myc able and willinge to impart the knowledge they have 
 
 for
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 for the good of others. And lexpecl itt be encoraged by all 
 cheife officer? in this armye efpecially, and I hope you 
 will do foe. I pray receave capt. Empfon lovinglye, I dare 
 afiure you hee is a good man and a good officer, I wcud 
 wee had noe worfe. I reft 
 
 Your louinge freind 
 Dec. 25, 1.650. 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 
 An exa£l copy from Harl. MJf. No. 5. 7502. 18 Sept. 
 «759' : 
 
 My Deer/Ji, 
 
 T Could not fatisfie my fcife to omitt this poaft, although 
 -■■ I have not much to write, yet indeed I love to write to 
 my deere whoe is very much in my heart, it joyes mee to 
 heere thy foule profpereth, the Lord increafe his favors to 
 thee more and more. The great good thy foule can wi(h 
 is that the Lord lift upon thee, the light of his countenance 
 which is better then life. The Lord blefle all thy good 
 councell and example to thofe about thee, and heere all 
 thy prayers, and accept thee alwayes. I am glad to heere 
 thy fonn and daughter are with thee. I hope thou wilt 
 have fome good oportunitye of good advife to him, Pre- 
 fent my duty to my mother, my love to all the familye. 
 Still pray for thine 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 Edinburgh 3d of May, 165 i. 
 
 ExaiiJy copyedfrom the original in Harl, MJf. 7502. No. 6. 
 Sept. 19, 1759. 
 
 Biblio'
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 Bibliotheca Slosniana, Mice. 345. pag. 126. 
 
 Sr, 
 
 T Defire you to fend mee the refons of the Scoits to in- 
 ■*■ force ther* defier of uniformity in religion exprefled in 
 
 ther • 8 artidt " ■ - 
 
 1 would perufe i 
 wil befpeedily. 
 
 ther • 8 article, 1 mean that which I had before of you, 
 1 would perufe itt againft wee fall upon that debate which 
 
 Yours Ol. Cromwell. 
 
 To his loving friend Mr. TVtllinghamy att 
 his houfe in Swithim Lane. 
 
 * Whether the Icjl letter is an c or r I am nitt cerfain, the 
 rejliiexa^ly copied, Sept. 22, 1759. 
 
 Inthepo[feJfion <?/* James Lamb> ^£^; of Fair ford, 
 in Glouceflerfhire. 
 
 For y* Hono^lf the Copi^ittee for the army thefe. 
 . Gentl. !s ^ipA, 
 
 "IT was not a little wonder "to "^me to fee that you fliould 
 * fend Mr. Symonds fo great a journey abeut a bufinefs 
 importinge fo little as far as it relates to me, when as if 
 iry poore opinion may not be rejefted by you, I have to 
 offer to that w'^*' I thinke the moft noble end, to witt the 
 comemoracon of that great mercie att Dunbar y & the gra- 
 tuitie to the army, w<=^ might better be expreffed upon the 
 meddal by engraving as on the one fide the pailiam' w''' 
 I heare was. intended h will do fingularly well, fo on the 
 other fide an army w'*^ this infcription over the head of it. 
 The Lord of Hofts, -W^^ was o'' word that day; where- 
 fore if I may begg it as a favo' from you I moft earneftly 
 befeech you if I may doe it w^'out offence that it may be 
 foe, & if you thinke not fitt to have it as I offer, you 
 may alter it as you fee caufe, only I doe thinke I may 
 truely fay it wil be verie thankfully acknowledged by me, 
 if you will fpare the having my efiigies in it. 
 
 The gentlemans paynes & trouble hither have been verie 
 
 great, & I fhall make it my fecond fuite unto you that 
 
 6 you
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 you will pleafe to conferr upon him that imploym* jn yo"^ 
 fervice w'^'' Nicholas Briott had before him, indeed the man 
 is ingenious & worthie of incouragem^ I may not pre- 
 fume much, but if at my requeft & for my fake he may 
 obteyne this favo% I fhall putt it upon the accompt of 
 my obligacons w'** are not a few, & I hope fhal be found 
 readie gratefully to acknowledge & to approve myfelf, 
 Gentl. 
 
 Edlnhurgh^ 4th Yo"" moft reall ferv% 
 
 oi Feb. 1650. 
 
 O. Cromwell. 
 
 An oval medal in filver of general Cromwell in profile,- 
 was ftruck, '\v\, commemoration of the vidory at Dunbar^ 
 as it is thought, by his own appointment; being the firft 
 drawn for him from the life, by Simon ; and is remarkable 
 for his likenefs when lieutenant-general j as it does appear, 
 by comparing it with a pidure drawn of him by IValker^ 
 his painter, about that time. The profile of this medal, 
 diifering in fome refpedls from a medal copied by Simon 
 a I fo from a curious limning dxTiVfnhy Samuel Cooper , the 
 original whereof is preferved in the coUecS^ion of the duke 
 
 of Devonjhire.- But thefe are frequently feen in filver, 
 
 and fometimes in gold ; and when fairly flruck, and well 
 preferred, do great honour to the ingenious artift who 
 
 engraved thefe curious and memorable medals. See 
 
 Medals, great feals, impreffions, from the elaborate works 
 of Thomas Simon, chief engraver of the mint to King 
 Charles I. to the Commonwealth, the Lord Prote(£lQr Crom- 
 well., and in the reign of King Charles II. to 1665. Bjr 
 George Vertue, 4to 1753- P* ^3* 
 
 In the PoJpJJion of the Rev. Dr. Birch. 
 
 Copy ef Oliver Cromwell'i Letter to Mr. Cotton, 
 Odob. 2, 1651, 
 
 TVorthy Sir and my Chrijiian Friend, 
 T Receaved yours a few dayes fithence, it was welcome 
 ••■ to mee, becaufe figned by you, whome I love and ho- 
 nour in the Lord, But more to fee fome of the fame 
 
 grounds
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 grounds of our ac^inges flirringe in you, that have in us 
 to quiet us in our worke, and fupport us therein, which 
 hath had greateft difficultye in our engagement v/ith Scjt- 
 land, by reafon wee have had to doe with fome, whoe 
 were (I verily thinke) godly, but through weaknefTe and 
 the fubtiltie of Sathan, involved in intereft againfl: the 
 Lord, and his people. With what tendernefle wee have 
 proceeded with fuch, and that in fynceritie, our papers 
 (which I fuppofeyou have feen) will in part manifeft, and 
 I give you fome comfortable ****** aflurance off. The 
 Lord hath marveloufly appeared even againft them. And 
 now againe when all the power was devolved into the 
 Scot'ijh Kinge, and the malignant partie, they invadinge 
 England, the Lord rayned upon them fuch fnares as the 
 enclofed will fhew, only the narrative is fhort in this, 
 that of their whole armie when the narrative was framed, 
 not five of their whole armie returned. Surely Sr. the 
 Lord is greatly to bee feared, as to be praifed. Wee need 
 your prayers in this as much as ever, how flball wee be- 
 have ourfelves after fuch mercyes ? What is the Lord a 
 doeinge? What prophefies are now fulfillinge? Who is 
 a God like ours ? To knowe his will, to doe his will are 
 both of him. 
 
 I tooke this libertye from bufinelTe to falute you thus'lh 
 a word, truly I am ready to ferve you, and the reft of our 
 brethren and the churches with you, I am a poor weake 
 creature, and not worthy the name of a worme, yet ac- 
 cepted to ferve the Lord and his people ; indeed my dear 
 friend between you and mee you know not mee, my 
 weaknelTes, my inordinate paffions, my unfkilfulnefie, and 
 every way unfitneffe to my worke, yett, yett, the Lord 
 who will have mercye on whome hee will, does as you 
 fee. Pray for mee, falute all chriftian friends though un- 
 known. I reft -> 
 Your affedionate friend to ferve you, V 
 
 057.2,1651. L^J^^:.-A 
 
 O. Cromwell;. 
 
 For my efteemed friend Mr. Cotton 
 paftor to the church at Bojion in New 
 England. Theife. 
 
 Cppy
 
 A P P E N D I X. 
 
 Copy of, a Litter to L. General Fleetwood (who married 
 Bridget, eldejl Daughter cf O. Cromwell, and f'Vidow 
 of General Ireton,) in ihe Pojf.ffion of Mrs. Cook cfNtvf- 
 ijigtou in Middlefex, Graud Daughter of that General. 
 
 Deere' Charles, 
 
 A Lthcugh I doe not foe often (as is defired by me) ac- 
 ■^^ quaint you howe itt is with mee, yett I doubt not 
 of your prayers in my behalfe that in all thinges I may 
 walke as becometh the Gofpell. Truly I never more 
 needed all helps from my chrifiian friends than nowe, 
 fayne would I have my fervice accepted of the Saindls (if 
 the Lord will) but it is not foe, beinge of different judg- 
 ments, and of each fort, moft feekinge to propagate their 
 owne, thatfpiritof kindnelle that is to them all, is hardly 
 accepted of any. I hope I can fay it my life has beenc 
 a v/iliinge a facrifice and I hope is, for them all. Yett 
 it much falls out as when the two Hebrews were rebuked, 
 you know upon whom they turned their difpieafure ; but 
 the Lord is wife, and will I trurt make manifeft that I 
 am no enemie, Oh how eafy is mercye to bee abufed. 
 Perfwade friends wi^^h you to be very fober. If the day 
 of the Lord be fo neere (as fome fay) how (hould our mo- 
 deration appeare. If every one (inftead of contending) 
 would juftifie his forme by love and meeknefle, wifdom 
 would be juftilied of her children, but alas I am in my 
 tentation ready ta fay, Oh would I had winges like a dove, 
 then would I, ^c. but this I feare is my haft. I bleffe 
 the Lord I have fomewhat kee^es me alive fome fparkes 
 of the light of his countenance, and fome fynceritye above 
 mans judgment, excufe me thus unbowellinge my felfe 
 to you, pray for mee and defire my freindes to doe foe 
 »lfo, my love to thy deere wife whom indeed I entyerly 
 love, both naturally, and uppn the beft account, and my 
 bleffinge (if it be worth any thinge) upon thy little babe. 
 Sr. George Jfcoi/gh havinge occafions with you defired my 
 letters to you on his behalfe ; if bee come or fend, I pray 
 you (hew him what favour you can. Indeed his fgrvices 
 have been confiderable for the ftate, and I doubt hee hath 
 not been anfwered with fuitable rcf^-edt. Therefore again 
 5 I 
 
 541
 
 542 APPENDIX. 
 
 I defier you, and the commifljoners to take him into a 
 very particular care & heipe him foe farr as iuftice and 
 reafon will any waves afFord. Remember my harty af- 
 fections to all the officers. The Lord blefle you all, 
 ioeprayeth 
 Auguji 22^'', Your truly lovinge father, 
 
 1653- 
 
 O. Cromwell, 
 All heere love you, and are in 
 health, your children and all. 
 
 Communi- Xhe following was taken from the impreffion from a cop- 
 Nkoiaf P^*" p'^^6 gi'^ found in a leaden canifter, lying on the 
 
 Munckiey, breaft of the corpfe, when the grave and coffin of Oli- 
 of Lincoln's ,Dgy Crmiwell were broke open by order of the govern- 
 ""' ^' rhent after the reftoration, in order to have his body 
 hanged up at Tyburn. 
 The plate and canifter were preferved by ferjeant Norfolk, 
 then ferjeant at arms to the houfe of commons, who 
 left it to his only daughter and child Mary, who mar- 
 ried Hope Gifford, Efq; J. C. at Colchejler^ whofe only 
 daughter and child Mary, married Sir Anthony Abdy of 
 Felix-Hall, Ejjex, near Kehedon, Bart, who left it to 
 his third wjfe, by whofe permiffion Dr. Mortimer, S. R. 
 Seer, obtained the impreffion from the original plate in 
 the year 1739. 
 
 * Oliverius Protector Reipublicas Anglije, Scotiae, ct 
 
 * Hibernise, Natus 25° Aprilis Anno 1^99^, Inaugura- 
 
 * tus 16" Decembris 1653, Mortuus 3° Septembris Anno 
 
 * 1658°, hicfitus eft.' 
 
 Jan. 30. O. S. ** The odious carcafles of 0. Cromwell, 
 
 * ti- IretcHy and y. Bra^Jhaw drawn upon fledges to Ty- 
 
 * burn, and being pulled out of their coffins, there hanged 
 
 * at the feveral angles of that triple tree till ixixx fet. Then 
 ' taken down, beheaded, and their loathfome truncks 
 
 * thrown inio a deep hole under the gallowes. Their 
 
 * heads were afterwards fet upon poles on the top of IVeJi- 
 "< minJier-HalL^ Gefla Britannoritnif at the end oiWhaV' 
 i'jn-^ Almanack for i66j. 
 
 The
 
 APPENDIX. 543 
 
 The mafon's receipt for taking up the corpfe ; from a 
 copy under Dr. Cromwell Mortimer^ hand, taken from the 
 original receipt. 
 
 * May the 4th day, 1661, Rec* then in full of the 
 
 • worfhipful ferjeant Norfolke^ fiveteen fhillinges, for tak- 
 
 * ing up the corpes of Cromelli 8c lerton & Bra/aiv, 
 
 ' Rec. by mee John Lewis.* 
 
 FINIS.
 
 L
 
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