' — \ri '^ 9^1 Vfe. It ^1 >^f iin ^^(ETi iBi si ^ i 0^ C^S ■LIBRARY//. ^mi OJIIVJJO^ ^<^0J1W3J0' Or .ilFO% AflVHHHA^' ...iFO/?,|// •'ERV/y, ^lOSANGElfjv 4^^-L 133NVS01^^ %a3AINni\^ ^^OJIWDJ-^- E-UNIVERiV^ ^vV^-O^' ^'^_ .^^ 0FCA1IF0% ,OFCALIFO% 130NVS01^ ^Aa3AlNn-3WV ^r/AJjvjian-# -LIBRARYO^^ .N^t•LIBRARY6// fOJIlVIJO"^ %Oi\mi^ A^\[-l;MVPR% "" ^F7]]^)KVS01^ FCALiFO% ^//^- ^^ ;jl^ AJivaaiH^"^' ^^.wyaii^^'^ ^ILIBRARVQ. ..t-LIBRAl EIINIVER.V// .>;lOSANGELf. 130NVS01^^ %d3AINn3\\V^ LLIBRARY6iA <^ILIBRARY^^ 1 L nr s -cs iCr- Ui. Brought from the Lords, 12 February 1850. R E P O R FROM THE SELECT COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS, APPOINTED TO CONSIDER The best Means which Great Britain can adopt for the Final Extinction of the African Slave Trade; AND TO REPORT THEREON TO THE HOUSE ; TOGETHEti WITH THE MINUTES OF EVIDENCE, AND AN APPENDIX AND INDEX THERETO. Session 1849. Ordered, by The House of Commons, to be Printed, 15 February 1850, 53- MINUTES OF EVIDENCE p. i APPENDIX p. 345 INDEX p. 551 [ iii ] R E P O R r. ■ .J BY THE LORDS COMMITTEES appointed a Select Committee to consider the best Means which Great Britain can adopt for the Final Extinction of the African Slave Trade. ORDERED TO REPORT, That the Committee have met, and considered the Subject INIatter referred to them, and have come to the following Resolutions ; viz. That the Evidence which has been given before this Committee has led them to the conclusion, that although the efforts of Great Britain have not suppressed the Slave Trade, and although it is doubtful ■whether the number of Slaves exported during the last two years is not greater than in some preceding years, that upon the whole a large reduction of the Trade has been effected, and its probable increase has been prevented. That all the Evidence goes to prove that the prevalent impression as to the general unhealthiness of the Cruising Squadron is without foundation ; and further, that the withdrawal of the Cruisers from the Coast of Africa would cause a great immediate increase in the Slave Trade, and would inflict most serious injury on the legitimate commerce of Africa. That the Committee see reason to believe that certain alterations in the equipment and directions of the Cruising Squadron, which would be attended with httle or no additional expense, would add greatly to its efficiency. But on this and other points, the Committee are of opinion that further Evidence should be taken before any practical suggestions can be offered to The House ; they have therefore resolved, on account of the advanced period of the Session, to report to your Lordships the foregoing Resolutions, and to recommend that the Committee should be re-appointed in the next Session, to pursue the consideration of the subject, and to report finally to The House. And the Committee have directed the Minutes op Evidence taken before them, together with an Appendix and Index thereto, to be laid before your Lordships. 23 Julij 1849. 849008 53. IV LIST OF WITNESSES. PAGE Die Luna, 23* Aprilis 1849. Thomas Staveley, Esquire - - 1 Die Mercurii, 25° Aprilis 1849. The Right Honourable the Lord How- den, K.H.- Henry Lander, Esquire - _ - Die Lunec, 30" Aprilis 1849. The Reverend John Miller Captain William Winniett, r.n. Mr. Frederick Robert Augustus Glover Die Mercurii, 2° Maii 1849. The Reverend Henry Townsend Die Mercurii, 9° Maii 1849. The Right Honourable Stephen Lush- ington, D.c. L. Die Luna, 14' Maii 1849. Norman William Macdonald, Esquire The Rev. Charles Frederick Childe - Mr. George Nicol - - . . Mr. Thomas Maxwell - - - The Reverend Joseph Angus, m.a. The Reverend John Clarke Die Mercurii, 16<> Maii 1849. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b. Die Jovis, 17° Maii 1849. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b. 129 Norman William Macdonald, Esquire 148 12 30 36 50 57 59 75 87 96 98 101 103 106 109 Die Martis, 22° Maii 1849. Jose Estevano Cliffe, m.h. Die Jovis, 24° Maii 1849. Augustino - - - . Charles Herring, Esquire Sir George Stephen - - - - 149 162 164 172 PAGE Die Luna, 11° Junii 1849. The Reverend Thomas Peyton - - 175 Die Luna, IS" Junii 1849. Robert Stokes, Esquire - - - 185 Die Jovis, 21" Jurdi 1849. Captain Henry James Matson, R.N. - 197 Die Veneris, 22° Junii 1849. Ralph Dawson, Esquire - Robert Hesketh, Esquire Commander Thomas Chaloner, r.n. 211 222 227 Die Luna, ^b" Junii 1849. Captain Edward Harris Butterfield, r.n. 230 Captain John Beacroft - - _ 235 Die Mercurii, 4° Julii 1849. Commander John Hay, r.n. - - 244 Captain George Sprigg, r.n. - - 248 James Macqueen, Esquire - - 257 Die Jovis, 5° Julii 1849. James Macqueen, Esquire - - 258 Captain John Adams, r.n. - - 279 Captain Thomas Edivard Symonds, r.n. 284 Captain Henry Chads, r.n. - - 288 Commander Thomas Henry Lysao-ht, r.n. 294 Die Veneris, 6° Julii 1849. Commander Thomas Henry Lysaght, KN. 296 Captain Henry Chads, r.n. - - 302 Commander Edmund Fishbourne, r.n. 306 Captain Henry Dundas Trotter, r.n. - 314 Captain the Honourable Joseph Den- man, r.n. 320 Captain Wilmot Horton, b.n. - - 340 [ ' ] MINUTES OF EVIDENCE. Die Lunce, 23° Aprilis, 1 849- THE LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD in the Chair. THOMAS STAVELEY, Esquire, is called in, and examined as follows : \. ARE you prepared to state to the Committee the foundation of the present T. Staveley, Esq. arrangements with regard to the attempts to suppre;ss the Slave Trade on the , . IT o.„ African Coast? — I will endeavour to do so. During the war, which ended in 1815, ' Great Britain, as your Lordships are aware, was enabled by her naval victories to exercise paramount belhgerent rights over all the seas, and she occupied, by conquest, a great portion of the colonies of slave-trading nations, and by these means she possessed great control over the Slave Trade of other countries ; but when Peace was concluded, in 1815, the belhgerent right of search of Great Britain on the High Seas came to an end, and by the conditions of Peace she restored many colonies to their former owners ; but there was a strong desire on the part of the British nation that those events which had restored peace and happiness to Europe should not be the cause of renewed war and of increased wretchedness to Africa ; and the British Government was urged, by manifestations of public opinion out of doors, and by repeated Addresses to the Crown from the two Houses of Parliament, to endeavour to prevent, by negotiation with Foreign Powers, the evils which were likely to arise from the cessation of those means for repressing the Slave Trade which the circumstances of the war had afforded. At the Congress of Vienna, in 1815, England had, in conjunction with France, Austria, Prussia, Russia, Portugal, Spain and Sweden, signed a declara- tion condemnatory of the Slave Trade ; and, in compliance with the never-vary- ing desires and requests of Parliament and of the country upon this subject, the British Government has, during the last 33 yeai's, been almost incessantly engaged in negotiation with Foreign Powers, with a view to inducing them to consent to, and to co-operate in effecting, the suppression of the Slave Trade. Those long-continued endeavours have been attended with great success ; and whereas, when those negotiations began. Slave Trade was stigmatized by no Foreign Power, except Denmark, the United States and France, and was legalized by many, it has now been denounced as an abominable crime by almost every Christian nation ; and almost every State by which it could be carried on has either prohibited the crime, and attached severe punishment to the commis- sion of it, or has, by the engagements of Treaty, bound itself to do so ; and whereas, during many years after the return of Peace, Slave 'J'rade was carried on to a great extent under the flags of France, of Spain, of the Netherlands, and of Portugal, the French and the Dutch have entirely caased to be slave-traders, the Spaniards and Portuguese have very nearly discontinued the practice, while France has gone a step further, and has emancipated her slaves, and Portugal has appointed a commission to prepare a law for abolishing the condition of slavery in all her colonial possessions. The Slave Trade at present may be said to be chiefly confined to the Brazils. 2. When you say that it is principally " confined to Brazil," do you inten- tionally leave out Cuba? — Yes ; it appears from our official reports to be now principally confined to Brazil, though not entirely. There is some little Slave Trade still carried on with Cuba, but it appears to be in a very depressed state. I have a list of the existing Treaties between Great Britain and foreign civilized powers, if the Committee wish it to be put in. [6'tc Paper, No. 1, Appendix F.] 53. A There 2 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE T. Stavrkv, Esq. There are three kinds of Treaties which this country has entered into with such — ~ Foreign Powers for the suppression of the Slave Trade. 33d April 1843. ^ ^yjjj ^,^^ describe what the three classes are ? — The first class gives to each party a mutual right of search of the merchant vessels of the other party within certain geograj)hical limits, and a right of detention of such merchant vessels as may be found eitiier with slaves on board or equipped for the Slave Trade ; and these Treaties define what circumstances in a vessel shall constitute prima facie an equipment for the Slave Trade. Those Treaties constitute also Mixed Courts, composed of Commissioners of each nation, those courts being posted within the territories of each of the parties at such places as are likely to be most convenient for the adjudication of captured vessels. Such are the Treaties that England has with the Netherlands, with Sweden, Brazil, Spain, Portugal, the Argentine Confederation, and with the Republics of Uruquay, of BoUvia, of Chili, and of the Equator. 4. How do you reconcile that statement with the fact, that it is held that we cannot interfere with a Brazihan vessel, though the Treaty with Brazil is of the first class ? — We do interfere with a Brazilian vessel, but have no power as to persons. 5. But supposing that there is resistance ? — We capture the vessel and cargo, and dispose of them, but we cannot deal with the crew after capture. 6. You may shoot them in fighting-, but you can do nothing when they have struck their flag ? — Vou cannot punish them by any existing English law. 7. What is the second class of Treaties? — The second class of Treaties are Treaties by which a mutual right of search is, in hke manner as in the first class, granted within specified geographical limits, together with the right of detention under similar circumstances ; but by that second class of Treaties, a captured vessel, instead of being tried before a Mixed Court of Commission, composed of Judges of the two nations, is handed over to the tribunals of the country under whose flag she has been captured. Under this class come the first Treaties which England had with France (now suspended by the Convention of 1845j, and the Treaties she has with Denmark, with Sardinia, with the Hanse Towns, Tuscany, the Two Sicilies, Hayti, Venezuela, Mexico, Austria, Russia and Prussia. 8. How do you deal with cases of vessels captured with no flag at all ? — They are dealt with bv the Vice- Admiralty Court as having no national character. 9. How do you deal with the persons found on board : — We have no power over them. 1 0. Has any endeavour at any time been made to obtain from Foreign Powers which prohibit the Slave Trade, and make the carrying it on by their own subjects a crime, permission to punish persons found on board slave-trading vessels, where those vessels bear no flag ? — Applications have been made to Foreign Governments, and some Foreign Governments have passed laws to punish slave- trading by their own subjects, but they have not ceded the right to Great Britain under Treaties to punish their subjects. 1 1 . Has there been a definite proposal to any foreign Government that they should give us such a right ? — I do not think that there has. 12. Lord Palmerston referred to the Queen's Advocate for his opinion as to whether, in case of resistance by a Brazilian crew, and capture, it would be com- petent to England to punish them, either by any existing law, or by any law which the Legislature might pass? — The question put to the Queen's Advocate by Lord Palmerston was, 1 believe, whether certain persons who had been taken from a slave- vessel and brought to England, could be sent to Brazil to be tried for breach of Brazihan law. 13. Can you state the answer of the Queen's advocate?— The answer was, I beheve, that we had no power under the existing law. 1 4. AA'as he not also asked whether it was competent to the Legislature of this couutrj' to pass a law giving that power? — I am not sure. 15. You have mentioned two classes of Treaties ; will you now describe the third ?— The third class of Treaties consists of two, namely, the Treaty we now have with France, and the Treaty we now have with the United States, under which Treaties no mutual right of search is granted, but each partv en2;ages to maintain a certain force upon the Coast of Africa, for the purpose of w^atching its own merchant flag, and preventing any vessels under that flag from being employed in the prosecution of the Slave 'Trade. The first and second classes of Treaties which I have mentioned do not impose upon either of the Contract- ing ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADK. -> ing Parties any specific obligation to maintain any given force, or indeed any force t St I at all, upon the Coast of Africa ; they are Treaties giving powers, and not -' ^^ involving any specific obligation of that kind. The Treaty with France and the 23d April 1849. Treaty with America do contain a specific obligation ; and that was a necessary "" result of that kind of Treaty ; because where a Foreign Power grants to England a right of search and a power of seizure, the English Government is the best Judge what amount of force is necessary to carry that examination and seizure into operation ; but where no power is granted to Great Britain over the flag of another country, then it becomes necessary that that other country should itself exercise a proper police over its own merchant flag ; and (ireat Britain could not have asked another country to take upon itself that obligation, unless, at least for form's sake, a corresponding obligation had been undertaken by Great Britain. The Treaty with I'rance, concluded in JVIay 1845, suspends, for a certain time, the previous Treaties of 1831 and 1833. The Treaties of 1831 and 1833 "ave a mutual right of search ; they did not constitute Mixed Commissions, but provided that ships captured under those Treaties should be sent to be tried by the tribunals of the country under whose flag they were taken. That mutual right of search was by the Treaty of 1 845 suspended for a certain number of years, and there was substituted for it an engagement, which is contained in Article 1st, that each party shall maintain a certain force. Article Isl of the Treaty says, that, "in order that the flags of Her Majesty the Queen of Great Britain and of His Majesty the King of the French may not, contrary to the law of nations, and the laws in force in the two countries, be usurped to cover the Slave Trade, and in order to provide for the more effectual suppression of that traffic, the King of the French engages to station on the West Coast of Africa, from Cape Verde to 16" 30' of south latitude, a naval force of at leastj26 cruisers, consisting of sailing and steam-vessels, and the Queen of Great Britain engages to station on the same part of the West Coast of Africa a naval force of not less than 26 cruisers." This Treaty is not permanent. The 7th Article says, that a declaration is to be made immediately after the squadrons shall be on the coast; and the 10th Article says, that three months after the declaration mentioned in Article 7, the present Convention shall come into execution. " The duration of it is fixed at 10 years," (that would be till 1856, the Convention having come into execution in March 1 846.) " The previous Conventions shall be suspended," (that is, the Conventions of 1831 and 1833.) "In the course of the fifth year," (that is in the course of the year 1851 J "the High Con- tracting Parties will concert together anew, and will decide, according to circumstances, whether it is fitting either to put again in force the whole or part of the said Conventions," (that is, the Conventions of 1831 and 1833), " or to modify or to abrogate the whole or part of the present Convention. At the end of the 10th year," (that is in 1856) "unless the previous Con- ventions shall have been put again in force, they shall be considered as definitively abrogated ; and the High Contracting Parties further engage to con- tinue to concert together for ensuring the suppression of the Slave Trade by all the means which may appear to them most useful and most efficacious, until the time when this traffic shall be completely abolished." The object of this Con- vention was to suspend the right of search, but to give to the two parties at the end of five and at the end of 10 years an opportunity of re-considering whether that right of search should be re-established or not. 16. Has any application been made by the French Government with reference to those Treaties? — There has, with reference to the Convention of 1845. 1 7. Will you state what was the nature of that application, and what has been the reply ? — The French Government have recently proposed to Her Majesty's Government, that they (the French Government) should be allowed to reduce their amount of naval force which by that Convention they are bound to keep on the West Coast of Africa. They have stated as their reason for makinf]f this proposal, that, under the Convention of 1845, the functions of the French squadron are chiefly limited to preventing the Slave Trade under the French Hag ; that the French Government have no Treaty for a mutual right of search with Spain, with Portugal, or with lirazil, the three countries whose flags are considered most employed for the Slave Trade ; that, therefore, with regard to the Slave Trade carried on under the flags of those three countries, their squadron can be of no use. They say that it was thought when the Convention of 1845 was made, that the French law gave great powers of dealing with 53- A 2 slave- M INUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE T staveUy.Esq. slave-trading vessels as pirates, but that decisions of their tribunals upon con- — - troverted cases of captures, made under that impression, have in so many cases aad April 1849. been adverse to the captors, that they have been obUged to change the instruc- tions which they had originally given to their squadron, and under those cir- cumstances they represent that the number of 26 crmsers, which they are bound by the Convention to maintain, is greater than can be necessary lor any purposes which their squadron can accomplish, and they have, therefore, proposed that bv mutual a-reement they should be allowed to reduce their number to 12, promising that if bv any change of circumstances a larger number should be required t'liey would be ready to increase that amount. Her Majesty's Govern- ment have acquiesced in this apphcation, upon the condition, that if Slave Trade should be again carried on under the French flag, the French Government would make such addition to their cruisers on the Coast of Africa as might be necessary for preventing such an abuse of their flag. 1 8 Was it not suggested to the French Government that there was another course which they might pursue, namely, to endeavour to induce those powers with whom we had Treaties authorizing the right of search, to make similar Treaties with themselves?—! apprehend that Her Majesty's Government could not have made that suggestion, when the French Government object to allow their vessels to be searched by those of any other country, and have on that account sought to get rid of their Conventions with us for the mutual right of search. in. Is there not in the French Treaty of 1845 a clause which prescribes the proportion between the two forces ?— The clause prescribes that the cruisers of France shall be at the least 26 in number, and that the cruisers of England shall be not less than 26, , . , , j. 20. Are you able to state to the Committee upon what principle the number of 26 was fixed ?— No, I am not. 2 1 . The 26 vessels so employed are to be employed upon the Coast of Africa ? Upon the West Coast of Africa, within specified hmits. 22. Tiiere are others employed upon the Coast of Brazil, and upon the Eastern Coast of Africa?— Yes; but not under a treaty-engagement with any other power. 23. Do you know the number of those usually employed upon the Coast of Brazil and upon the Eastern Coast of Africa? — I do not ; it varies a great deal. There are no cruisers now stationed, I believe, upon the Coast of Brazil expressly for the suppression of slave-trading; latterly our ships have been more employed in other parts. 24. Will you proceed with your description of the third class of Treaties? — The engagement with the United States is contained in the Treaty of Washing- ton, concluded in August 1842 ; that Treaty says, in Article 8, that the two parties " mutually stipulate that each shall prepare, equip and maintain in service, on the Coast of Africa, a sufficient and adequate squadron, or naval force of vessels, of suitable numbers and descriptions, to carry in all not less than 80 guns, to enforce, separately and respectively, the laws, rights and obligations of each of the two countries for the suppression of the Slave Trade, the said squadrons to be independent of each other, but the two Governments stipulating, nevertheless, to give such orders to the officers commanding their respective forces as shall enable them most effectually to act in concert and co-operation, upon mutual consultation, as exigencies may arise, for the attainment of the true object of this Article." Then Article 1 1 says, that " The 8th Article of this Treaty shall be in force for five years from the date of the exchange of the ratifications," (which was in October 1842), " and afterwards until one or the other party shall signify a wish to terminate it." Therefore, the agreement with America about the Slave Trade is, that each party shall keep a sufficient force on the Coast of Africa to prevent merchant vessels under its flag from carrying on the Slave Trade, that force not being less than a force of 80 guns. That engagement was absolute until 1847, and it continues onward until one or other of the two parties intimate a wish to put an end to it. 25. What powers with respect to the vessels of Foreign States have the Americans ? — They have none, that I am aware of, with respect to vessels engaged in the Slave Trade. 26. Do not the Americans take some vessels r — Only their own vessels. 27. How do the Americans deal with vessels which have no flag at all? — 1 do not know how they deal with them. 28^ Have ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 5 28. Have they declared the Slave Trade to be piracy by their own law ? — Tiiey T. Staveley, Esq. have ; but that law applies only to their own citizens. — -- 29. You have now stated the whole of the existing Treaties?— Yes. Thus, '^ ^" ^ * ^' Great Britain has now Treaties of some sort or other with almost every naval power, except Hanover and Greece, in Europe, and one or two of the smaller States in South America. Her JNIajesty's Government have signed a Treaty with Belgium for a mutual right of search, and the ratifications are shortly expected to be exchanged. The Greek Government has intimated its willingness to enter into a Treaty also, and a Treaty has been sent out to Greece for that purpose, but it has not yet been concluded. Hanover has not yet acceded to the proposal for a like ireaty. England concluded in 1841 a Treaty with France, Austria, Prussia and Russia, for the suppression of the Slave Trade, to which those parties agreed to invite all other naval powers which had not already con- tracted Treaties to accede. That Treaty was not ratified by France ; but it was ratified by Austria, Russia and Prussia. It is in virtue of that Treaty that Her Majesty's Government have invited the accession of Belgium, Greece and Hanover. The great advantage of getting all States that have flags to enter into such an engagement is, that the slave-traders, when they are driven from the shelter of one flag, may not take refuge under the fraudulent assumption of another flag, although, in point of fact, the country to which that flag belongs has no direct participation whatever in the Slave Trade. It is lor that purpose that the British Government have laboured to engage States in the Treaty, although those States | were not at all likely themselves to take any share in the trafiic. Bel'ore Great Britain got the right of search with France, there was a great deal of traffic carried on under the French flag; that traffic was put an end to in 1831 and 1833 by the Treaties with France, which gaveGreat Britain power to examine and detain French slave-traders, and also by the laws, which were then passed in France, prohibit- ing the traffic. Our Treaties at that time with Spain and Portugal were incomplete, for they gave great Britain no eft'ectual power of search, and no power of deten- tion south of the Line, and they gave no power of detention in cases of vessels only equipped for the Slave Trade ; therefore, the whole traffic south of the Line was open to them, and even north of the Line a ship could not be detained, unless she had actually got her slave-cargo on board, although she was known to be waiting for that cargo. In 1835 Her Majesty's Government concluded a Treaty with Spain, which gave Great Britain a right of detention in case of equipment solely, though no slaves were on board, and which extended the right of search and detention withinall geographical iimiits, where it was likely that the Slave Trade should be carried on. That Treaty was pretty effectual for a time in checkins the Slave Trade under the Spanish flag ; but still the Portuguese flag enjoyed a total impunity south of the Line, and exemption from detention north of the Line, except when slaves were on board. In 1839, after ineffectually endeavouring to obtain a Treaty and concessions from Portugal, an Act was passed, giving by law all necessary powers to British cruisers ; and the result was, that in 1842 the Portuguese Government concluded a Treaty, almost precisely similar to that which had been concluded with Spain, giving sufficient and complete powers within the requisite geographical limits. Then there remained Brazil ; the Treaty with Brazil (of 1826) was argued by the Brazilian Government to be temporary, in as far as regarded the mutual right of search, and the appointment of Aiixed Com- missions ; but they did not contend that the Article by which the Brazilian Government agreed that Brazilian subjects engaged in the Slave Trade should be treated and dealt with as pirates, was a temporary Article ; and in virtue of that stipulation, and to give it effect, an Act of Parhament was passed in 1845 (8 & 9 Vict. c. 122), giving to British cruisers all the powers necessary for carry- ing that Article into effect : the result has been, that a great number of Brazilian vessels have been captured, and another form of Slave Trade, which has sprung up lately, has also been much checked. The Act gave power to deal with vessels sailing without any flag; for the slave-traders, in order to avoid being brought before the Mixed Commissions under Treaties which made them liable under certain flags to those tribunals, and to avoid being sent to tribunals of the different countries if they were found under other flags, have latterly adopted the plan of sailing with- out flags or papers ; so that when a vessel is taken, she cannot be sent to any Mixed Commission, because she belongs to no nation, and she cannot be sent to any national tribunal for the same reason. The law passed in 1839 (2 & 3 Vict. c. 73), enables you to send such vessels to the Admiralty Courts as vessels having no 53. A 3 nationality. 6 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE T. Siaveky, Esq. nationality. Now, the effect of the last Treaty with France, of course, is, that the —— British cruisers on the coast of Africa cannot meddle with any vessel sailing with 23d Apnl 1849. i;rg,jpi, papers. The mere hoisting a flag at the mast-head does not exempt a vessel from being boarded, because it proves nothing , it is the possession of papers, proving nationality, which alone can give the privilege of nationality ; but Mhen a boat from one of our cruisers boarding a ship under French colours finds that she is Frencli property, and is entitled to the privilege of a French vessel, even if found to have slaves on board, our cruisers could do nothino- ; thereibre, the whole poUce of the Coast of Africa, as far as regards the prevention of the Slave Trade under the French flag, must be exercisL'd exclusively by French cruisers. There is reason to believe that they have very effectually exercised that police ; there is no reason to suppose that any Slave Trade is carried on under the French flag ; but the French cruisers have little else to do ; for the French objecting upon political grounds, and from feelings of national pride, to allowing their vessels to be searched by those of any other country, of course cannot themselves obtain any right of search from other countries, and the only classes of vessels which they can meddle with are vessels under their own flag, or vessels having no flag ; but they have, it is believed, done all that their power enabled them to do. There has been a very good understanding, and very cordial co-operation, between the cruisers ot the two nations employed upon that service. 30. Under the general law of nations, what is done as to ships sailing without colours and without papers ? — That I cannot say. 31. Are vou quite sure that you are right in attributing those powers to the Act of 1839 ; are not they powers that we have always asserted and exercised? — No, I think not, as regards vessels engaged in the Slave Trade. 32. Were they first conferred by the Act of 1839 ? — I think so. 33. The object of that Act of 1839 was to extend and enforce the punishment for equipment for the Slave Trade to vessels seized under any flag ? — Yes, and » also to vessels having no flag. The Portuguese also have some cruisers which are • now actively engaged in the suppression of the Slave Trade ; and in a part of their colonies the Governors have co-operated very honestly for that purpose. Not- withstanding the engagement with the United States, and the presence of their squadron, L'nited States' vessels are very much employed in assisting the Slave Trade ; they go out to the Coast of Africa as American vessels, and they carry with them articles of equipment, things which can in a very short time be so arranged as to fit the vessels for receiving slaves. As long as they continue to wear the garb of American nationality, our cruisers cannot meddle with them ; but they have a number of Spanish, Portuguese or Brazilian passengers on board, and when they get upon the coast, if they find that a cargo of slaves is ready in the barracoons, in a very few hours they embark the slaves, having prepared the vessel for the purpose ; then the American papers are put away ; the American master and crew become passengers, and the Spanish, Portuguese or Brazilian passengers assume the character of master and crew ; and the Portuguese, or Brazilian, or the Spanish flag is hoisted, and away they go, taking their chance of making the run, and escaping being intercepted. The motive for this is, that on the outward passage they escape molestation altogether, unless they fall in with an American cruiser, and even in that case, till they have slaves on board, the American cruiser cannot, by the American law, detain them ; he may search them, but he cannot detain them ; and then when they have on board the slaves which would enable the American cruiser to detain them, and which would subject them to be treated as pirates by the American law, they escape the Iial)ility to that severe punishment which attaches to the crew, and they then, if met and captured by a British vessel under the Spanish, Portuguese, or Brazilian colours, are only liable to have the vessel confiscated, and the slaves set frte, but the crew are not subject to any punishment. This is the state of things M ith respect to our Treaties with foreign civilized States. 34. With regard to America, has it not been suggested by the Government, either that some new law should fee passed, or that some existing law should be put in force against the Americans carrying on the Slave Trade on the Coast of Africa?- I believe that a representation was made to the United States' Govern- ment in 1847, drawing their attention to the extensive use which was made of the United States' flag, and to the frequent employment of United States' vessels for purposes connected « ith the Slave Trade, aiid suggesting for their consi- deration whether some law might not be passed to make penal the sale of United States' ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. ^ States' vessels for slave jjurposes ; it appeared to Her Majesty's Government T. Staveku, Esq, that such a law, if rigidly enforced, would tend much to put down those practices. 35. Can you state whether any result has come from that representation to the "^^ ''^P"' '^49« American Government? — I believe not. '^6. Can you now give the Committee an account of the Treaties with the native powers on the Coast of Africa ? — Her Majesty's Government have concluded a considerable number of Treaties with the native chiefs on the Western Coast of Africa, by which those chiefs bind themselves to prevent slaves being exported from the territories under their control (there have been 24 of these Treaties ^ concluded, the first in 1840, and the last in 1848) ; and Her Majesty's Govern- ment are still actively engaged in negotiating similar Treaties, whenever they tind it practicable to do so. 37. What are the general engagements of those Treaties, are they all exactly similar ? — -They are nearly similar, not precisely similar. 38. Do they involve in all cases the payment of a sum of money by this country? — Not in all cases; where the Slave Trade has existed, and has been given up in consequence of the engagement, then something is given to them. 39. How far is it supposed that those Treaties have been faiihfuUy observed by the native powers ?— They have been generally very well observed, but not always. 40. But their great value does not depend upon the native powers observing them, but upon their giving no rights ? — Yes, but not upon that alone. 41. What is the nature of the rights given by those Treaties ? — The right to put down by force any Slave Trade which may be carried on through or from the ^ territories of the chiefs who contract the engagement ; and to seize the boats of such chiefs found anywhere carrying on the Slave Trade ; and to land and destroy barracoons and slave factories when the chiefs shall fail, or be unable, to do so themselves. It is also stipulated, that no European or other person shall be permitted to reside within the territory of such chiefs for the purpose of carrying on the Slave Trade in any vvay. 42. Will you put in one of the forms of those Treaties ? — There are two forms, both of which I will put in [See Paper, No. 2] ; the one giving the rights before mentioned, and the other stipulating, in addition, that any Europeans or other persons who may be engaged in the Slave Trade at the time of making the Treaty, shall be expelled the country ; and that houses, stores or buildings theretofore employed as slave factories, if not convened to lawful purposes within three months, shall be destroyed. This latter form is only used when slave-trading is actually carried on at the time of making the Treaty. 43. And those forms have been gradually brought to the point of giving us the powers found practically necessary? — Yes, quite so. 44. Can you tell the Committee to what extent of the slave-exporting coast those Ti-eaties now apply ? — I cannot very accurately tell the precise extent of coast. Here is a list of the Treaties with the native chiefs, giving the extent of territory, as far as the Foreign Office is enabled to do so. It is the same as that which will be found in the Appendix to the Re]iort of the Select Committee on the Slave Trade, 1848, with two additional Treaties, which have been received since that list was made. — [The same is delivered in. Fide Appendix. — See Paper, No. 3.] — I can also deliver in a memorandum [See Paper, No. 4], prepared at the Foreign Office, showing what have been and what are now the chief slave- trading places on the West Coast of Africa, and the proportionate amount which has been carried on during the last two years in each of the jjrincipal slave- trading districts. The calculation has been made by marking on a chart the places where upwards of 100 slavers, captured by Her Majesty's cruisers in 1847 and 1848, were seized, and which were nearly all so close into the land as to lead to the inference that the slavers were bound to or coming from the part of the coast otF which they were found. 4,5. Can you state whether those Treaties have been generally well observed ? — They have been generally well observed : there is a recent exception. 46. Can you state any instance where any proceedings have been taken in con- sequence of a violation of the obligations entered into by the parties to those Treaties ? — There is a recent case, the case of the (jallinas. 47. Will you state the facts of that case? — It was found that at the Gallinas the Slave Trade had been resumed in spite of the Treaty which the chiefs have entered into with this country ; the consequence has been, that in the month of 53. A 4 February 8 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE T. StaveUn, Esq. February last the British Commodore on the West African Station declared war ai^ainst the C'hief's of the Gallinas, destroyed all tlie barracoons and slave factories aad April 1849. ^^^^ ^^,pj.g ^•Q^^^^^\ there, and instituted a strict blockade of that part of the coast; the commandini; officers of both the French and American naval forces expressed to Commodore Hotham their satisfaction at these measures, which were likely, in their opinion, to fully effect their object. 48. Mhen was that? — It was in February of this year; a notice of this blockade was inserted in the " Gazette" a short time ago. 4Q. Do the existing Treaties generally give us the right of landing and destroy- in"- the barracoons ? — Yes, in every case. There is another Treaty which I have omitted to mention ; a Treaty which has recently been signed vpith Liberia, the ratifications of which, however, have not yet been exchanged. The Liberian territory was at first confined, I believe, to the country between Cape Mount and Trade Town ; but the Liberians have since obtained, by purchase, a consi- derable accession of territory along the coast, and one of their great objects is the suppression of the Slave Trade. They have succeeded in driving out Slave Trade entirely from a considerable extent of coast where, before they got pos- session, it was very much carried on ; they are still further endeavouring to extend their territories, and especially to acquire possession of any points which are now peculiarly the seats of the Slave Trade. .50. That Treaty is not yet ratified?— It is not yet ratified ; it has been sent out to Liberia for that purpose. 51. It has been negotiated with the present Government of Liberia? — Yes, with the President of the Republic. 52. Can you state the distance along the coast over which our native Treaties extend?— No, I cannot state it exactly; but it is shown, as nearly as I can supply the information, in the Paper containing the " List of Treaties," just delivered in. Ij^. Have any recent Treaties of an important character been effected with any of the native chieftains ? — There is the one with King Pepple and the Chiefs of the River Bonny (the last on the Hst), which I think important. 54. What was the date of it ?— The 2d of November 1848. 55. It has just come into operation ? — Yes ; up to that time we had never been able to induce King Pepple to agree to a Treaty. 56. Have we met with refusals in many instances ? — In some instances. 57. Have those refusals been overcome by perseverance ? — In some cases they have ; this is an instance of it. 58. Is the Bonny Treaty a Treaty for which any presents were given ? — Yes. 59. Is a subsidy given in the case of many of those Treaties ? — In most of them a small present is given ; sometimes a single present on the conclusion of the Treaty, and sometimes a present given periodically during a specified number of years. 60. Through whom do we negotiate those Treaties? — Through our naval officers, who treat directly with the native chiefs. 61. Have we any consuls along that coast? — Not at present. 62. Has there been any question as to the appointment of consuls ? —Yes ; there is now a question as to appointing a consul in the Bights of Benin and Biafra, and it is proposed that his jurisdiction, if the appointment takes place, should extend to the territory of Dahomey. 63. When you say that it is " a question," with whom do you mean? — I mean that it is under consideration. 64. Has it been recommended by the Foreign OfSce ? — Yes. 65. With what department is it under consideration? — At present with the Treasury, as a question of expense. 66. The Foreign Office having recommended it ? — The Foreign Office having recommended it. 67. Have they recommended the appointment of any particular person r — They have recommended the appointment of Mr. Becroft, who has been for a long time acting as the Governor of Fernando Po. 68. Mr. Becroft is an Englishman? — Yes, and, from all accounts, a very active and intelligent man ; a man who would be very useful as a consular agent in that part of Africa, with which he is very well acquainted, having been resident at Fernando Po for many vears. 6q. What ON THE AFKICAN SLAVE TRADE. 69. What would lie have to do ? — He is said to have great weight and influence T. Staveley, Esq. with the native chiefs, which would be employed in stimulating and encouraging — — legitimate trade, and in suppressing the Slave Trade, and also in settling differ- ^'^'^ ^P"' '^'*^- ences and disputes, which are now not unfrequently arising between the masters of British merchant vessels and the native chiefs. 70. Is it sui)|)osed that the existence of such officers as consuls there is im- portant to British commerce, by promoting the increase of legitimate trade? — It has been represented to the Foreign Office that such appointments would be highly useful. 71. By what parties? — By merchants, and by our naval officers who have been stationed in those parts. 72. Are you aware of any principal posts of the Slave Trade where at present Treaties are refused us by the native powers ? — I know of none at present on that part of the African coast, except, I think, in Dahomey : the King of Dahomey still declines to sign a Treaty for the suppression of the Slave Trade ; but he is said to be very well disposed towards the English at present, and he has promised to take the matter into consideration. A Treaty of friendship has been lately concluded with him by the G overnor of the Gold Coast. 73. And it is expected at the Foreign Office that a Treaty for the suppression of the Slave Trade may be obtained ?— It is expected that the appointment of Mr. Becroft as consul in the Bights of Benin and Biafra, and also the appoint- ment of another consular agent, who would be in correspondence with Mr. Becroft, and who would reside near the King of Dahomey, may together be the means of inducing him to enter into a Slave Trade Treaty. If he could find that legitimate commerce would give him a sufficient revenue, there is reason to believe that he would gladly give up the Slave Trade ; he himself, it is said, would not desire to continue the Slave Trade, if he could be compensated for giving it up. 74. What is the largest sum given in any case to any native chief with whom there is a Treaty ? — It has never been to any great extent ; one sum is 2,000 dollars annually in goods for five years. 75. Can you state what relation that bears to the sum which the chiefs may have been supposed to make by the Slave Trade ? — No, I cannot. 7t). Has any inquiry been made as to the supposed profits of those different chiefs arising out of the Slave Trade ? — I am not aware that there has. 77- If that Treaty with the King of Dahomey was concluded, we should have Treaties with all the native chiefs at the pnncipal points of the Slave Trade ? — I think with all, or nearly all on that part of the coast. 78. The Republic of Liberia has been acknowledged recently? — Yes. 79. You said that stipulations had been made for the payment of subsidies to the native chiefs ; through whom are those subsidies paid ? — They are generally paid through our naval officers, and only paid upon a certificate being given by merchants resident upon the spot, that those Treaties have been faithfully fulfilled. 80. How is that money repaid to the naval officers; is it by the Treasury, or upon the Naval Estimates ? — By the Treasury ; but the presents are generally sent out in goods. 81. In what portion of the Estimates does it appear? — I believe under the head of Presents to African (Tiiefs. 82. The Foreign Office has received Reports this year from Vice-Admiral Dacres ? — Yes. 83. And from Sir Charles Hotham ? — Yes. 84. Have you those? — I have. 85. Will you put in those Reports?— I will do so. — [:]. a 4 the ,6 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEK Right Hon. the European Spanish and Portuguese ; you see it instantly ; you could not live LordH(mden,K.H. -^^-jtii t^em a week without seeing the difference socially, and in every way. h T~\ fi ^ •■>**• 'I'he next district, coming northward, you said was a sugar-growing dis- a5 th April i»4 0- ^^.^_' ?_Ygg^ but It grows coffee also. The district of St. Paul's is a magnificent district : it was one'of the first settled, and it is a fine district, and a fine popu- lation, far superior to most other races in Hrazil ; they have a great pride about them as being tlie aristocrats of the land, and of the antiquity of their colonization, and their superior energy and education. 157. Are they to any extent of pure Portuguese blood, or are they mixed with the Indian? — There is a great deal of mixed blood in Brazil ; it is mixed with some Indian, and mixed a great deal more with African blood; I know many members of the Chambers of Brazil who are more than tinctured : the most eloquent man, and one of the best lawyers, in Brazil, is a brown Mulatto ; his wife is nearly black, and I have seen them both in the first society. 158. There is not the same prejudice against colour that there is in North America <" — No, certainly not ; but still there is some. 15Q. Is there any difference in public estimation between a cross of the Portuguese and Indian, and a cross of the Portuguese and African blood ? — Not when it comes to be a degree or two removed from slavery ; there is a prejudice which seems inherent in the white man with respect to the real African ; but if he is one degree removed from the freed- man, there is no law in Brazil to bar him from anv of the dignities of the State. There may be a social feeling which might prevent his election or nomination to office ; but there is no legal impedi- ment that bars him from anything when once removed from the actual African freed-raan. The freed-man himself, by the constitution, can vote in the primary Assemblies, though he cannot be an elector or a deputy ; his son may be anything. 1 f)0. There is not only no legal disqualification, as in North America, but there is no such amount of public feeling as amounts to a bar against him?— I should say much less than in North America ; but it exists. 161. Are the Africans deprived of civil rights in any degree ? — No, not when the sons of freed-men. 162. You mentioned 15,000 as what you estimated to be the number of slaves in Rio Grande ; have we any Returns which show at all the supposed annual importation of the last few years r — I think the Consular Returns give that ; if so, they are at the Foreign Office, because I sent those Returns home. I think, however, there must be considerable uncertainty in all these Consular Returns as to the importation of slaves. 163. Referring again to the district of San Paulo; can you give the Com- mittee the names of the places at which the slaves are generally introduced into that district ? — 1 do not think there are many slaves brought direct ; Santos is the great port, and there are vessels fitted out from Santos ; but I should say that almost all the slaves that are imported into the province of San Paulo are brought from Rio Janeiro, or coastwise from the north. 164. By land? — By land, or by coasting vessels. 165. Is there any reason, from the nature of the trade, or any other circum- stance, which accounts for their not bringing them direct: — 'Ihere are many more facihties for landing slaves in the neighbourhood of Uio Janeiro from the configuration of the land, and from the immediate connivance of the authorities, and from most of the great capitalists being settled there : there is an immense number of slaves brought into the vicinity of Rio which are not meant im- mediately for the consumption of the province, and who are then taken north and west and south to the localities where they are wanted. 1 66. I hey are not seasoned or trained in any way at Rio first, but shipped off at once? — Shipped off at once, or marched off at once. 167. If met with when shipped coastwise, would they be liable to be seized? — They would be liable to seizuie by our vessels, though this is strongly contested by the Brazilian Government. 168. 1 here have been insurrections at Bahia and some other places, but never at Rio Janeiro ; do you attribute that to the different race of slaves imported there ? — I do. I attribute it almost entirely to the race; first of all, from their very superior intellectual qualities, which make them more impatient of bondage. Besides that, they are almost all of one race at Bahia ; they all understand each other. They are bound by common ties of blood and tradition ; they have no local ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. local fends, no family differences, no national or superstitious hatred, which is the Right Hon. case with the mixed races imported at Rio. Many of the races of Africa which LordHo\uden,K.H. are imported into Rio do not speak the same language, nor are they of the same , . T „ religion. They are not allowed at Rio to speak their own languages ; they are ^ ^ ' at Bahia ; they converse in their own language, and their language is one and the same, and such means of secret communion gives them immense facility of acting together. 169. What language do they speak at Rio? — They are obliged to speak Portuguese ; they pick it up as quickly as they can : of course they do speak their own language when they are not watched ; but there is a law against speaking their own language, though it may not be always enforced ; there is an immense number of tongues and nationahties among the slaves which are brought over which is a great safeguard of Brazil against that danger of insurrection which would appear to be hanging over it every day. Many races of imported Africans hate each other, and will not trust each other ; they bring along with them all the national dishkes and remembrances of old feuds and wars that they have in their own country. 170. In St. Domingo do they forget those differences, or do they keep them up ? --Ido not know. In St. Domingo there is a generation of blacks who have grown up there. In Brazil the slaves are continually brought in, and die off. The mortality in the first two or three years after importation, for some reason or another, is immense ; they have not time to become acclimated, so as to fuse into one language — I am speaking of the agricultural slaves of the interior — when they do, they all speak Portuguese : at one step removed from their original parents, they do not speak their own language ; but the importations do little more than fill up the generations that pass away. 171. Do you know the proportion of children to the whole number of negroes imported? — Ihere is no exact return, but I can safely say that it is extremely small : with regard to any statistics in Brazil, it is almost impossible to give an answer. First of all, accounts are seldom kept ; and, secondly, when they are kept, they are in such disorder, and framed on such doubtful data, as to render it almost impossible to arrive at any certainty in figures. 172. Has your Lordship any idea of the number of slaves employed in the second district of which you spoke in St. Paul's? — No ; I do not think it would be possible for any person, even upon the spot, to give any correct information upon it. The very population of Brazil is a matter of the greatest dispute. There are two millions difference in the appreciation of it even in the statistical accounts, such as they are, in the country. I have never heard the most exaggerated view of the population stated at more than seven millions ; I conceive it to be hardly five. 173. In the next district, going northwards, does very much the same state of thing prevail as you have described in the district of St. Paul's? — Yes; the next to St. Paul's is the Rio Janeiro district, which is almost exclusively coffee. 1 74. Does that materially alter the condition of the labouring population ? — Very materially, as far as their labour goes, and consequent comfort ; for the labour attending coffee is infinitely less irksome than that attending sugar ; indeed I may go back to what I said about the Mina slaves ; that may be one reason for the Mina slaves being brought into Bahia, as they are so much finer men, and are able to support the exigencies of sugar cultivation much better than others. 175. But do you attribute the great mortality actually to the labour; or is it your opinion rather that it is in the seasoning that the greater numbers die ? — I should say that there was considerable mortality contingent upon sugar labour, for this reason, that it is so uncertain and so continuous, and requires such concentrated exertion at particular times. I should say, from all that has come under my own observation, that the Brazilians are by no means cruel to their slaves, at least not deliberately cruel, but they are cruel from the fact of over-working them, in consequence of what they consider to be the exigencies of cultivation, and of particular circumstances, at particular times, attending the elaboration of sugar. 176. They regard them as the means of producing a certain result? — Yes ; but there is this to be said, which I do not give as an excuse, but merely as a reason : from the want of the best machinery, of careful prevision, of skilful practice, 53. C and l8 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE !!^H^'*J^°"k' hi ^"*^' °^ scientific knowledge, the Brazilian planters are not so independent as ' ■ ■ they might otherwise be of those atmospherical causes which act so much upon S5th April 1849. the elaboration of sugar, and which call for such great exertions as correctives. Now, in order not to lose their crops at particular times, they are obliged to have an amount of labour not only great in its intensity, but in its continuity. 1 am assured that if particular processes are abandoned for a certain time, even the time for sleeping or the time for eating, and unless they continually keep the action of labour upon them, they lose the produce altogether ; and that like exi- gencies re-produce themselves three or four times in the act of making sugar. Of course I can only give a hearsay opinion upon this, because I am not a sugar cultivator, nor have even seen it made. 177. There is no increase in the black race by the process of generation? — I should say, very little ; and I think now less than ever, for this reason ; there is an immense mortality among the slaves in the first two or three years after they arrive ; in addition to that, one of the great objects, of course, is to get clear of our cruisers, and they find that the men are less fragile articles than the women, and bear the hardships to which they are subjected in the middle passage better, for which reason they now do not bring over that proportion of the sexes which they used to do ; while there was a just proportion of the sexes, the proprietor got another produce besides the agricultural produce, and he looked to the animal produce as well as to the agricultural one ; therefore he took care of his slaves ; but now it is not so ; there are so few women brought over, that the generating process is not thought of, and the men are worked out. 178. So that the bringing over so much fewer women has a double bad effect ; in addition to its bad efliect, morally it induces the owners to work out the men ? —Yes. 179. So that at this time there is hardly any natural up-growth of black people in Brazil ?— I might say very much the contrary if I spoke merely from what came under my own immediate observation ; for, as I said in the beginning, I must call your Lordship's attention to the fact that my own personal information applies much more to Rio Janeiro and to the great towns than it can possibly do to the interior. The domestic slaves at Kio are of a very different class, both in comfort and in contented appearance, from any other slaves in the country ; I think they are extremely well treated, and they increase and multiply ; they are a gay and happy race ; they propagate, and have a great number of children ; but these blacks, and their children, are small in numbers when compared to the sum total of slaves in Brazil, and I believe that in the interior there is little or no increase, by breeding, of the black population. 180. You are speaking, not of coffee plantation negroes, but of domestic negroes? — Yes; my remark does not apply so much, but it does apply also in part, to the coffee plantation ; that is the next degree to the domestic negro population in point of comfort. 181. Taking next the cotton produce, can you inform the Committee how that cultivation is carried on ? — As to that, I know" less than I do about the other, because it is farther off" ; the country is so immense in extent, that it is impossible for a person in my situation to travel for pleasure ; even to get information, it requires sometimes three months to write to Para, and to receive an answer to a question ; but the cotton cultivation I do not believe to be severe. 182. Is the mortality great in the rice and cotton districts ? — The mortality in all rice districts is always greater than anywhere else ; the mortality between the rice district of Valencia, in Spain, and the neighbouring district of Murcia, is very remarkable ; but with regard to the Brazilian rice, I should say not more particularly than in other spots of similar culture anywhere. 183. The cotton cultivation is not generally unhealthy? — No. 184. You mentioned one district fertile in crops and dye-woods ? — Para ; it is fertile in everything, of course, excepting wheat ; although nearly under the equator, it is one of the most producing parts of the world. 185. Is that cultivated entirely by Africans? — Not entirely ; there is some free labour there, and Indian labour. 1 86. Is the Indian labour free labour? — Yes ; but the Brazihans disHke Indians ; the Indians get a little money, and run away again. That province is backed up by about 60 tribes of Indians, the greater part nearly unknown as to their statis- tics ; those people go and come again, as it suits them There are no slaves importi'd ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. ig imported direct into Para, or into Maranhain ; there are very few imported Rigl't Hon. direct even into Pernambuco. LordHmvden,K.H. 1S7. Are tliere any imported between Maranham and Rio? — Yes, Baliia is 2';thA~riri8 q next to Rio in its importations of slaves. 188. At Bahia they are imported direct from the northern part of the i\frican coast ? — From the north of the line, chiefly ; that has been the traditional course of the trade, and trade runs very much in grooves. That has always been the part of Africa which has supplied the district of Bahia. 189. Your Lordship did not mention the mining districts in your sketch of the produce of Brazil? — They lie at the back of the province of Rio, looking up northerly and westwardly. igo. Are they worked by African labour? — Almost entirely. 191. Is the mortality there very great? — I do not think it is from any parti- cular species of labour to which the slaves are subjected ; but the mortality of the slaves, from some reason or another, independent of the work, is immense in Brazil ; for a year or two after they come, they die in a most extraordinary proportion. It is an evident fact, that the climate of Brazil, tropical as it is, and apparently analogous to that of a great part of Africa, from some natural causes does not agree readily with the constitution of the negro. 192. Has your Lordship had any means satisfactory to your own mind of coming to a conclusion as to the reason of that ; is it owing to regret at separation from their own country, or to diseases which they suffer upon the middle passage, or unsuitableness of food upon the passage ?— I cannot say that it is regret for their own country, for I can state a curious fact ; 1 never asked a slave whether he wished to go back to his own country, who said that he did ; but then, of course, my questions could not be put to them unless they were slaves that had been there lor some time, and who spoke the language of the country, which enabled me to converse with them. 193. During the first year or two, when they are quite strange in the country, do not they regret their separation from their own country? — I never met with any slaves just imported. 194. At the time when they expressed to you that they did not wish to go back to their own country, they had passed the period at which so many of them die ? — The slaves to whom I put the question were slaves employed on a coffee plantation. 195. Has your Lordship any idea of the number of slaves employed in the mining operations ? — No, I cannot state it at all ; you can get no statistical information to be depended on upon that subjecf, or on any subject connected with the distribution of Africans. 1 96. The slaves that go to the mines are principally imported at the port of Rio Janeiro ? — Yes, at a place called Macah6, to the north of Rio. 197. Have they any Indian slaves in Brazil ? — No slaves. 198. They never made them slaves? — No; they have no Indian slaves in Brazil now, though the first South American conquerors made no scruple in making slaves of the Indians. 1 gg. What was the price of a slave when you left Rio ? — There are various races and prices ; very fine slaves were worth about 60 /. There is also a great difierence in the price of slaves, according to the way in which they are paid for ; you can pay in ready money, or you may pay by credit ; but, generally speaking, slaves sent into the country for agricultural labour are paid for by instalments ; and of those slaves the price rises so much every year, till they are entirely paid for; therefore a slave that would cost 60/. at Rio, would probably rise 5/. or 6 /. every six months, as long as credit was given ; so that if he was not paid for for 18 months, he would cost 75/. 200. When you say 60 /., that would be a slave for agricultural purposes, a newly imported slave ? — Yes, a very fine young man, fit for labour, or for learning a trade. 201 . Do you know whgther that price is larger or smaller than the price three or four years previously to your arrival at Rio '.' — Certainly less. 202. Do you know whether during those three or four years the sugar culti- vation in the neighbourhood of Rio increased or decreased ?— There is very little sugar in the province of Rio ; it is almost all coffee ; the coflfee cultivation has increased. 53. c 2 203. There 20 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Right Hon. 203. There is sugar further north in Bahia and Pern ambuco? — Yes ; I should Lordhowden,K.H. say that the sugar cultivation has increased more than the coffee. 2<;ih aTT 8 "°^' "^'^^ price of slaves has fallen since the year 1844 or 1845 ? — Certainly. ' 20,5. The demand was greater, but the supply even more than kept up with the demand? — Yes. 20^5. Did you understand that there had been a great increase in the demand for slaves in consequence of the alteration of the law with respect to the importa- tion of sugar into this country ? — I have been assured that there has been a great increase in the importation of machinery connected with sugar cultivation in Brazil in the last two or three years ; that machinery comes from the United States or from England ; I believe not direct from England, but it may be English machinery coming through the United States ; 1 have been assured that there was a considerable increase in the machinery connected with sugar cultivation imported in 1847. :;07. Slaves being an essential part of the machinery for the manufacture of sugar, was the demand for slaves, as you understood, increased in consequence of the alteration of the Sugar Duties in this country ?— Yes, according to my information. 208. Are you aware that any extensive change has been taking place in Brazil from sugar cultivation to coffee ? —No, I should say not. 209. Were you there at the time when the change in the Sugar Duties was made in this country r — No, just after. 210. Are there many Briiish subjects owners of mines in Brazil ? — There is British capital employed in mining quite ostensibly ; the great mines in Brazil, called Congo Socco, belonged to an English company, and, if not abandoned, I believe belongs to one still. 211. Are there any English agents employed there? — Yes; there was a gentleman who went out to the mining districts while I was at Rio ; I believe he had been in Parliament ; a Mr. CoUett ; he went out to look after a mine, and report on its state. 212. What was the amount of our naval force appropriated to the suppression of the Slave Trade upon the coast of Brazil when you were there ? — When I was first there, there was none at all, it vvas all in the Plate ; when I left it, the " Grecian" was, I think, the only ship that uas on the Brazilian coast. 213. Do you attribute the increase of the Slave Trade to the temporary with- drawing of our ships from the Brazilian station ?— Yes, I think that is very likely. 214. Were any slavers tatcen during the time that you were at Rio ? — The very day before I arrived at Bahia there was a slaver taken, and sent in by a captain in the navy, without accompanying her in his own sloop ; the slaver came in, and anchored in the bay, and she was attempted to be cut out in the night by five boats ; there was a most gallant defence made by the officer in charge, a Mr. D'Aguilar, and the assailants were driven away, with many killed and wounded ; there was a Brazilian frigate there at that moment, the "Constitution;" the captain of the frigate behaved extremely well, and he had this vessel anchored under his guns to protect the vessel till the cruiser came in the next day ; 1 am glad to mention this to the honour of the Brazilian commander ; 1 went on board her, and it was a most frightful sight ; a dozen of those poor creatures were dying, and the only means of saving them would have been to send them ashore, but they were not allowed to be sent ashore ; they went again across the Atlantic to Sierra Leone, a longer passage than they had made, and in the teeth of the trade-wind ; many were dying daily, and there was a contagious disease aboard. 215. If the Government of Brazil were anxious to keep its engagements with the British Government, has it the means of enforcing then- performance upon its own subjects ? — The state of Brazil, with regard to that question, is very extra- ordinary ; the direction of affairs there is indirectly, almost entirely, in the hands of men who are, in fact, foreigners ; there are about 40,000 Portuguese there, men who are either naturalized Brazilians, or under the protection of the Portu- guese flag; a great number of them were naturalized at the time of the declaration of independence, when they were asked the question, and nothing further, whether tljey cliose to be Brazilians or not, and they said yes ; the laws of naturalization are very elastic there ; a residence of three years, and a marriage with a Brazilian woman, is sufficient, by a petition to the legislature, to naturalize ; these Portuguese have objects of interest and sources of profits which the ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 21 the Brazilians have not, and they are the only people that do anything with Right Hon. enerijy. " LordHoujden,K.H. 2\6. Do you mean by " Brazilians," those who have been born in Brazil of . — T" Portuguese parentage ? — Yes, colonists born and bred in Brazil. ^^' ^ ^^^' 217. Do jou include those of mixed blood? — I am speaking of those who have been born in Portugal and those born in Brazil ; there is a marked difference between the two; a Portuguese does not mean a Brazilian; they abhor each other ; a Portuguese, in Brazilian phraseology, means a man born in Portugal, and naturalized or not, as the case may be. 2 1 8. A Brazilian means a person either of pure blood or of mixed blood? — A Brazilian means a colonist, a man born and bred in Brazil ; he may be of pure blood or not. ■i\g. Do you exclude those of mixed blood? — I exclude those of colonial origin from the category I have mentioned as Portuguese ; the Portuguese are the only persons of white skin who do anything in Rio ; they begin by driving a cart ; they then make a little money ; they then get to be overseers ; they then get to be clerks ; they then get to be bankers or merchants ; they then get to be money-lenders, and then they get to be great capitalists and great slave-holders; these are the people who lend money when it is wanted; the Ministers and the Deputies are almost all in pecuniary difficulties : the Ministers when they are in want of money almost immediately go to the capitalist, who is ten to one a slave-dealer ; besides which, slaves not being paid for by ready-money, but by credit, the slave-dealers hold mortgages on at least one-half of the whole real property in Brazil ; so that one way or another they have thrown a net over the whole country, both governors and governed. The Portuguese, notwithstanding their power and influence, perhaps because of it, are the objects of profound dislike ; they are the victims of almost all the insurrections ; whenever there is an insurrection, the first cry is always to cut the throats of the Portuguese ; it is these people who very often prevent the Executive Government from coming to terms with our Government. 220. Where are the principal residences of those Portuguese capitalists ? — At Rio, Pernambuco and Bahia. 22 I . They do not live through the country ? — No, they live in the great towns upon the coast. 222. Do you attribute the difficulties which the Brazilian Government expe- rience, in bondjide carrying into effect their treaties with this country respecting the Slave Trade, rather to the Portuguese capitalists than to the Brazilians ? — Very much more. 223. The Government is under the influence of those people? — Yes, the Government is poor, and they are rich. 224. Do those people regard Brazil as their permanent home, or are they there only for a time, intending to return to Portugal r — A great number of them return, but a greater number, from marriage and connexions, regard Brazil as their per- manent home ; the greatest of these, Fonseca, has once or twice thought of giving up slave-dealing, considering that he had amassed sufficient riches. 225. Do they reside in Brazil with their families, or do they form temporary con- nexions ? — They reside with their families ; they marry Brazilian women ; they are naturalized Brazilians; but they are born in Portugal ; a few are not natu- ralized, and are under the protection of their own minister. 22C. "When you say that there is a great dislike to tliem, do you mean by all classes?— I mean between the Brazilians and the Portuguese. 227. By all classes of the Brazihans? — Yes, it is a general feeling. 228. Do they mix in society together freely ? — There is a great slave-dealer, Pinto Fonseca, who they say is worth 300,000 /. ; and a person, who was named Prime Minister a short time ago, and who owed him a sum of money, did every- thing he could to induce his daughter to marry this great slave-dealer, and cancel the debt; but she did not like him, and refused him, and independently married another man ; they mix in society, but not from love or sympathy. 229. Are the changes of Government more or less under the influence of the Portuguese ; is it a division of party at all ? — They have influence of a great many sorts ; put a dozen Rothschilds together, and you will soon find how variegated is their influence ; it is proportionably so in Brazil. 230. Are they a numerous party? — 1 am told that there are 40,000 of them, naturalized and non-naturalized. 53- C3 231. Is 22 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Itighi Hon. 23 1 . Is the present insurrection now going on in Brazil chiefly directed against LordHoxjcden,K.H. the Portuguese ?— Whenever there is an insurrection at all, the word is, " Death " : to the Portuguese,'' because they are the monied people, and they are the cre- 25 1 .' pn 1 4 9. ^jjpj.g^ ^^^ ^j^gy ,^j,g foreigners, whom the Brazilians hate. •J32. Are they oreat slave-holders, as well as great slave-dealers ; h?.ve they large property cultivated by slaves ? — They have some property in land, but that is not generally their line ; it is dealing, generally speaking, in some kind of merchandize, human or otherwise. 233. Would they be objects of very ureat antipathy to the slaves, in case a rising took place among the slaves ?— No, not particularly ; the white man generally is the object of antipathy. 234. It would be rather against their masters ? — Perhaps not ; very often thev have a sort of feeling for their masters, which is very extraordinary, even when they have not treated their slaves remarkably well ; when there has been a general intention of insurrection or massacre, there has been that sort of feehng, whatever it may be called or proceeds from, towards their masters, that they have warned them of the approaching danger : there was an insurrection the other day at Pellotas, in Rio Grande, and it was discovered by a slave telling his master, whom he wished to be saved, though he, with the other conspirators, had made up their minds to massacre every other white man. 235. Are there any apprehensions prevalent among the white population from the great increase of newly-imported slaves throughout the country ? — Before I went out to Brazil, I was led to suppose that there was a general feeling of personal fear with reference to the increase of the population, and that it was working with serious effect upon the Brazilians; I am sorry to say that, as far as my means of discovery went, I do not think that my information bears that expectation out ; what they count upon as preventives to successful insurrection is, first of all, the great mortality among the slaves; secondly, the manner in which the slaves are scattered over all parts of an immense extent of country, and then they are so divided in language, in religion, and in national feeling, they so mistrust each other, and are not only so ignorant, but so debased in quality of intellect, that, according to these arguments by which the slaveholders console themselves, there is little possibility contemplated by them of any com- bined movement being made successfully among the slaves. I do not think that, except in some towns seaward, where, of course, the slaves are more accu- mulated, any great feeling of disquietude exists; and I think as yet it is not sufficient to produce any serious effect in checking the slave importation into Brazil. 236. Would not the apprehension, if it should exist, be felt not by the parties who import the slaves, and the great capitalists at the principal towns, but by the whites scattered in remote districts ? — The fazendeiros, or planters, do not appear to live in any fear of their slaves ; I have heard that it is otherwise at Cuba ; my information does not enable me to say so with regard to Brazil. 237. Are the Insurance Companies maintained by the Portuguese, of whom you have spoken? — Yes ; aU the pecuniary action of the country is in the hands of the Portuguese. 238. Is there any established rate of insurance upon the importation of slaves? — I cannot tell what the rate is ; it varies according to circumstances. 239. Is it a high rate ? — That depends very much upon the information what the state of our squadron is, and other risks or hindrances ; of course our squa- dron being upon the Plate, and not immediately off the different ports, tends somewhat to diminish the risk, and lower the insurance. 240. Are there organized companies for that purpose? — Yes. 241. At Kio Janeiro, Bahia and Pernambuco? — I beheve so; certaintly at Rio. 242. But they are not able to carry their affairs into public court, even in the countrj- ? — No ; because there is a law against slave-deaUng in Brazil if it were only executed. 243. If the Government were really desirous to put down the importation of slaves upon that extent of coast, have they the organized force to do it ? — It is impossible to say what an energetic will may not do, but it certainly would be difficult ; first of all it would be necessary to pay the officials, because those officials not being paid, allow themselves to be paid by the slave-dealer in the way of fees ; it is the same case exactly as that of the contraband merchandize whicii ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 23 which finds its way into Spain ; firstly, it brings enormous gainf5 ; and secondly, ^¥'' H"\ those who are employed to keep it out, tind it rather their interest to let it in. LordHdHo spirits of the ON THE AFRICAN SLAVK TRADE. 29 the slave-dealers, and had stimulated very much the trader — 1 have no know- Right Hon. ledge of this particular fact. LordHou:(len,K.H. 310. In the debates on the Slave Trade in the Chamber in Brazil, do the , ' T advocates and defenders of the Slave Trade try to give a kind of philanthropic ' ' colour to it ? — The abolitionists take very high grounds, as a matter of principle and morality ; but they also say that it is the curse of Brazil, and is destroying Brazil ; its defenders make a j)lea of uncompromising necessity, and of our having no right to legislate for them ; but there is not much debate upon the question ; the abolitionist speeches are often pretexts of opposition rather than the expres- sions of any real philanthropy. 311. There is no genuine anti-slavery feeling there ?--I think not, except in the breasts of a chosen few : at the same time, as I said before, there are enlightened people who really do fear that the country will be African, instead of American, some time or another ; and that the peoi)le will lapse into complete barbarism, and become a second St. Domingo, if the importation of blacks be not stopped. 312. Have you any notion how the increase of the black population, arising from importations and from births, is, as compared with the increase of the white population ?— They both increase very slowly ; the importations of slaves into Brazil do not, at the present moment, very much more than make up the losses by death. ';^\^. You do not suppose that there is a rapid increase of the black population ? — There has been latterly an increase of slaves by importation ; but the increase of slaves by generation is very trifling throughout the empire. 314. Is the increase of the white population slow also? — Very slow. 315. To what do you attribute that as to the whites ?— They are evidently not a prolific race. 316. Is it owing to the very demoralized state of society ?— I do not think that reason sufficiently accounts for it. 317. But it is peculiarly demoralized, is it not, especially amongst the Indo- Portuguese population ? — There exists in the interior a great deal of what you may call polygamy ; still I think the population ought to go on taster than it does when you look at the progress of other American States. 318. Are the Committee to understand, from your statement, that there is an increasing alarm with respect to the proportion of the black population r - I do not know that there is ; what I said about the increasing alarm was in answer to a question as to what would be the case supposing the importation of slaves was thrown open, and that there was to come an enormous glut all at once ; that would probably be the case at the beginning of a free importation. 319. You said that there was no great amount of dread on the part of persons living throughout the country ? — There is a very considerable dread, not among the agriculturists of the interior, but among the inhabitants of Bahia, because they have, two or three times, nearly had all their throats cut, and the difference of the black and white population cooped up in one spot is nearly as five to one. 3'20. Have you met with any very great objections to stopping the Slave Trade from the supposed failure of the experiment of free labour in our West India Islands? — Yes, I think that has had an effect ; I have heard the fact stated and insisted on. 321. Does your Lordship know whether the slaves receive any instruction? — I should say very little indeed. 322. Any religious instruction ? — Very little; though they are mostly baptized. ■;^2'^. They are nominally Koman Catholics after a short time? — Yes, that is the religion of the country ; there is a considerable free black population in Rio who pretend to be very religious, and an abominable set they are ; they have all the vices of the slave, with an insolence which they take for inde- pendence. 324. Are there any free blacks who hold estates ? — There are a few blacks who hold small properties, and they are the worst masters in Brazil. 325. Is there any brown population springing up from the mixture of the races ? — Yes, very large. 1 326. Possessing property ?— Yes, property and intellect ; some of the most rising men in Brazil are mulattoes ; probably they will be those who will take advantage of any movement that is made by the black population, and direct it, and conliscate it to their sole advantage. 53- D .■> 327- Do 30 MlNUtES OK EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Right Hon. 327. Do they rather go ^vith the Brazilians or with the slaves ? — They hate Lo!iiHvivden,K.H. both, and go with neither ; ihey will take advantage of whatever may happen ; 2 -til ApriTiSAo Slid, putting one foot on the black head, and another foot on the white head, ' endeavovir to raise themselves to power in any social and political revolution of which the iMina slaves will probably be the working men. 328. Are there black slave-holders? — Yes, and the hardest masters in the empire. 329. Is there much social inferiority? — Not much social inferiority between the mulatto and the white man. 330. Why should there be enmity between them? — It is so throughout the whole world, where there is any distinctions of skin : there is nothing generates so much marked feeling as almost invisible differences of colour between black and white; I should say that direct opposition of colour was more favourable to kindly feelings, there is less jealousy. 331. Will a white woman marry a black man? — Yes, a free black, some of whom are tolerably rich : the first man in Brazil, in point of legal knowledge, and one of the best speakers in the Chambers, is a mulatto. He always talks of " we " ; he talks of himself as one of the race, as of one with hopes and aspira- tions ; but the black blood in this case is on the female side. 332. He speaks of "we," meaning thereby niulattoes ? — Yes, once removed from the pure African libertus, there is no legal barrier ; the lihertimis may aspire to anything socially ; there may be a barrier, but it depends upon individual feeling ; politically there is none. 333. Is there any very strong enmity against this country, arising out of our efforts to suppress the Slave Trade ? — 1 think there is an enmity ai^ainst us. 334. Very much attributable to that? — I think it is attributable to that; but it is attributable also to the tone which their indifference to their engagements has obliged us to assume towards them : they are proud and sensitive, like all the South American colonies who have lately assumed nationalities. What ren- ders it difficult to deal with Governments in that hemisphere is, their sensitive- ness and susceptibility upon, all subjects : you have no idea that you have offended them ; but you find afterwards, perhaps by chance, that you have put your finger upon some sore place, and you are obliged to think afterwards upon what part of the body it has been. 335. Does the Act of 1845 rankle very much in their minds? — It rankles not only as regards the Slave Trade, but it hurts their pride, because they think they have been insulted : it is an Act that has offended their nationality, and I believe that they dislike it still more for that reason than for the obstructions it causes to the Slave Trade. HENRY LAN DOR, Esquire, is called in, and examined as follows : //. Landor, Esq. 336. YOU havc been some time resident upon the African coast? — About a year. 337. In what capacity ? — As colonial surgeon. 338. In what year was it that you were there ? — I went in January 1847, and remained there till April last year. 339. Where were you actually resident upon the African coast? — At Cape Coast Castle. 340. You were there in your capacity of surgeon ? — Yes, at the fort ; but I was sent to different forts along the coast. 341. To "hat forts ? — As far as Accra. 342. What distance up and down the coast did that take you ? — From Accra to Cape Coast, about 100 miles, and then from Cape Coast to Dixcove ; that is my iiinit. 343. While you were there, had you an opportunity of observing for yourself the state of things upon the coast, especially as to the traffic in slaves? — There is no traffic in slaves upon that coast. 344. But there has been in times past ? — Not since the abolition of slavery by the Act, 40 years ago. 345. Had you any opportunity of observing anything as to the Slave Trade from Africa during that time ? — Nothing at all, as it is now carried on ; my obser- vation extends to the present state of the negroes upon that coast. 346. Will ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. oj 346. Will you state anything concerning that which bears upon the matter H. Landor. Esq upon which the Committee are inquiring?— If reference be made to the state of the trade 40 years ago, M'hen the English had the trade, it will be found that that ^^^^ "^P"' '^49- part of the coast was the great mart of the Slave Trade, and great numbers of ~ slaves were shipped from there ; now there is not one. 347. To what do you attribute the change?— To the moral influence of the English Government upon the coast. 348. As fixed at those forts r — Yes ; that influence extends from Cape Mesu- rado, which is near the settlement of Liberia, all through the Kroo country, as far as Little Popoe. 349. Does it extend any distance inland ? — A great distance. 350. Can you mention any remarkable proof of its influence inland ? — Yes ; during the time of the Ashantee war, when Sir Charles Macarthy was killed by the Ashantees, one of the greatest of the chiefs of the King of Ashantee came over to the Enghsh, being threatened with death by the King of Ashantee, and brought all his people with him, and was of great assistance to the Englisli in that war; some years after that, during the time of Governor M'Lean, this chief was known to have offered human sacrifices ; Governor M'Lean sent an ordi- nary summons, drawn up in the form of an E^nglish summons, by a militiaman. to this powerful chief, ordering him to come down to Cape Coast to be tried ; he appeared in great pomp, with all his umbrellas of state, and all his chiefs with him, but he was proved guilty, and ordered to pay a fine. I believe, of 80 ounces ; he was not detained ; he was sent back to his own district, and told to remit the money, which he did : now there really was no force in the hands of the English to compel that man to do it ; it was entirely owing to the moral influence of the English Government, which is so great, that when 1 was there, a slave of a chief, much more powerful than that man, King Oto, summoned his master before the judicial assessor, and he came to have his cause tried. 351. Then your impression is, that the establishment of forts upon the coast is of great service in extending British influence along the coast ? — Together with the system of judicial assessors ; the judicial assessor is a magistrate appointed, not to administer British law, but to assist the chiefs in the administration of native law, substituting British where he can, by agreement with the chief, not by force. 3.52. Appointed by whom ? — The British Government. 353. How far does that system extend at present along the coast? — From Dixcove to Prampram, a little bej'ond Accra. 3.54. Throughout that coast the Slave Trade has been stopped entirely ? — Much further than that, to Little Popoe. 355. To what do you attribute that stopping of the Slave Trade ^ — The Danish forts extend to Little Popoe; wherever European forts extend it is stopped. 356. What is the expense of maintaining one of those forts ? — The expense of the whole government of the Gold Coast is less than of one of the steam- frigates upon the coast; all that is granted by the Treasury is, I believe, 4,000/. 357. Four thousand pounds a year? — Yes, that is all that is granted by the British Government; there is an income raised by a tax of one per cent, upon all imports. 358. What does that raise in addition to the 4,000/. a year? — 1 cannot speak accurately as to the amount? — the Governor of the Gold Coast is in London, and can give all that information. 359. That expense covers the whole of the British establishment upon the Gold Coast ? — It does ; there is a Treaty now going on for the purchase of the Danish forts upon the coast ; they are offered very cheap, I believe. 360. From your knowledge practically of the coast, is there any limit to the degree to which such forts might be extended along the coast ? — No limit ; there is also a Treaty concluded with the King of Dahomev to re-establish a fort at Whydah. 361. From your knowledge of the country, do you believe that the native chieftains would generally be ready to concede the erection of forts? — All of them ; all the inhabitants of the country would, from their experience of the security to life and peace which the influence of the English gives ; the King of Appolonia a little time ago, before he was seized by the English expedition, exercised great cruelty to his slaves in a manner really astonishing ; he used to 53. D 4 square 32 MINI TES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE H. Lamhr. Esq. square tlieir beads ; he used to cut oft' their noses, and their ears, and their chins, "~~ „ and they used to go about the country, called, " King's blocks." '^ ^^^ _' ^62. Was that as a punishment '? — For his amusement ; and it is the common custom of the great chiefs to ornament their houses and their great drums with skulls ; a great chief will have three or four circles of skulls round bis palace ; when he v^ants a complement of skulls, he will send a detachment to his next neighbour's territory, and seize as many people as he requires, and cut their heads oft'. ^6;^. Whnt is the establishment of men which is required to maintain a fort ? — Cape Coast I'ort is a large one ; there are 80 soldiers, with a Captain and Lieutenant, and non-commissioned officers. 364. Are those black or white ? — The soldiers are black, and the officers are white ; but such an establishment as that is not requisite all along the coast ; a fort like a martello tower is quite enough, one at a distance of every hundred miles. 365. Containing how many men ? — A corporal and a dozen soldiers. 366. And those might be all black men ? -Those would be all black men. 367. Have you any idea what would be the expense of maintaining a fort upon that scale ''. — No ; the means of raising an income are not difficult ; it would bo very easy when the Danish Forts are in the hands of the liinglish to place an import dutv of 'id. a gallon on rum: now there were upwards of 3,000,000 of gallons of rum imported into the British settlements alone last year, and a duty of 3 c?. a gallon would not be felt. 3()8. Do you imagine that the chiefs along the coast where the Slave Trade vents are, would permit the erection of such forts?— The King of Dahomey would. 3(19. Do you imagine that it would be allowed along the rest of the coast whence slaves are imported? — If you will carry your eye along the coast, you will see that the territories of Dahomey extend to Badagry, and beyond that there is no great potentate all the way to the Great Rivers. 370. Then you come to Bonny and Calabar? — Yes; it would be impossible to establish forts at present along the Delta, which is so extremely unhealthy. 371. Is there any Slave Trade carried on in that Delta? — Yes; it is the greatest mart of the Slave Trade ; it is not carried on upon the coast, but up the rivers ; there are an immense number of arms of those rivers running out upon the coast. 372. How far from the coast are the barracoons placed? — -Close upon the coast. 373. The vessels run in and embark the slaves, and go off at once ? — They can load a vessel in a few hours. 374. "Would it be a very serious interruption to the Slave Trade if the barra- coons were forced to be built somewhere further inland r — I cannot speak from any personal knowledge of that. 375. It would make a dift'erence in the number of hours necessary to march the men down? — It would. 376. What is the health at present of the occupants of Cape Coast Fort ?^- The mortality is about 25 per cent, per annum. 377. Is that amongst the blacks, as well as the whites ? — No, amongst the whites. 378. What is it amongst the blacks ? —Amongst the blacks the mortality is very small. 379. Has the rate of deaths among the whites diminished? — Not at all. 380. Have you had any opportunities of seeing- what the effect of the climate was upon the higher grounds in the neighbourhood? — I do not think it makes any dift'erence ; Cajie (.'oast itself is upon a stratum of stratified granite ; there are no swamps there, and no large rivers for many miles on each side, yet the mortality is quite as great as it is at Badagry. 38 1. Your impression is, that the high lands in that part of Africa would be equally unhealthy with the low lands ? — Equally unhealthy. 382. Would that make any practical difficulty in maintaining the forts, or could it be done by the West India regiments without the presence of whites ? — All the West India regimenis are officered by whites. 383. You say that a small fort would require only a coi])oral and a dozen soldiers ? ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TUADE. 33 soldiers ? — Yes ; but it is necessary that it should be understood that it is not H. Landor, Esq. entirely to the force of troops that we are to look ; but the influence to be — — extended through the country must be founded upon a sound administration of ^-^''^ ^P"' ^^'•9" justice. All the blacks in their disputes would come to the English judge, because ' they are certain of his incorruptibility and impartiality. 384. Those forts would require the occasional support of a visit from a man- of-war? — It would not matter if there were no man-of-war; if there was a small steamer placed at the disposal of the governor of the whole territory, so that he might occasionally visit them, it would be just as effectual. 385. In fact, it would want the presence of the power of England in some way or other to give support to those insulated forts ? — Yes ; the King of Dahomey is extremely anxious that he should be placed under the protection of Great Britain. 386. Is there not another considerable chief at the back of Badagry, at Ab- beokuta, who is very anxious for English connexion ? — Yes ; there are English missions there ; the Church Missionary Society have missionaries there. 387. You say that the unhealthiness is greatly increased lower down ?-- Greatly increased in the Delta of the rivers. 388. Would it not be desirable there to have the smaller forts of which you spoke, where there should be no resident whites ? — My view is, that the forts should be extended gradually, not to give the natives an idea that power was going to be used against them, not to excite their jealousy. 389. Do you propose the establishment of forts of that kind along the whole coast ? — Not at all. 390. The extent of the coast being about 2,000 miles, would it not be rather a large undertaking to establish forts all along it ? — Of course it would for the whole 2,000 miles ; but if the Government succeeded by that system in sup- pressing slavery as far as the rivers, it would be a great thing. 3C)i. You say that Cape Coast Castle is a great centre of influence ; how far does it extend ? — From Cape Mesurado to Little Popoe. 392. What is the distance ? — It must be a distance of 500 miles. 393. So that four such settlements in the same proportion would extend over 2,000 miles ? — Yes ; there is no claim of territory. 394. Besides the British influence at Cape Coast Castle, is there any other reason why this, which was the great mart of the Slave Trade in old times, has ceased to be so ? — The very great increase of the trade in palm-oil. 395. Has that grown up as the Slave Trade has been checked? — The two trades go on together both at Ahguay and again at Badagry. 396. Is there any reason why they should not go on together ? — None ; palm- oil is mostly collected by women ; the nuts are collected, and the oil is boiled from the nuts. 397. Is it not a great convenience to bring the palm-oil upon the heads of the very slaves who are to be exported ? — I do not think it is much the custom to do that ; it is mostly carried by women. 398. Do not the palm-trees mostly grow upon the coast? — The palm-oil tree, which is much like the date-palm, grows at some distance inland. 399. The collection of slaves for sale would interfere with such peaceful pursuits ? — Of course it would. 400. It would be a great interruption to the production of palm-oil if the col- lection of slaves was going on at the same time ?— Certainly ; but most of the slaves are brought from a distance. 401. Are not most of the slaves captured in battle?— A great many are domestic slaves in the country, who are sold just as we sell our extra stock of cattle ; there is a report by Mr. Cruikshank of his mission to Dahomey, which, I believe, is in the Colonial Office, in which the amount of income which the King of Dahomey derives from the head money for the slaves is stated ; I believe it is as high as 300,000/. a year. 402. Is not there evidence that the slaves do not cost above five to ten dollars a-piece?— That is not correct now; when I was on the coast a slave was worth 32 dollars ; but since that time the Slave Trade has increased by many thou- sands a year, and I heard only this morning that three months ago the average price of slaves at Ahguay was 200 dollars. * ,5.5, E 403. Have 34 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE H. Landor, Esq. 403. Have you that fact upon evidence which you could produce? — It was rfh i~~T 8 ^°'*^ ™^ ^y Governor Winniett, the Governor of Cape Coast Castle, "^ ' 4<'4- Have you ever seen any slaves that had been liberated ? — They are not liberated at Cape Coast ; they are taken to Sierra Leone. 405. Is there any other commerce, except that of palm-oil, in the district which you visited?-— Ground nut-oil and gold-dust, and ivory, and maize. 406. Is there any amount of civilized black population around the fort at Cape Coast which has .adopted in any measure the arts and refinements of civiUzed life ? — They are very slow to learn the arts and refinements of civilized life ; they do not feel their necessity : in a country like Africa, where the land is so productive, and it takes only a few weeks' labour in the year for a man to maintain himself, he has no inducement to learn the arts of civilized life ; he requires nothing but a small cloth to cover him, and he can obtain food for himself with a very few weeks' work. 407. Comparing the native population in the neighbourhood of the forts with the population at Sierra Leone, is there any difference with respect to their civilization ? — I have never been at Sierra Leone ; but they cultivate the land upon a much better principle at Sierra Leone, because the land bears a much greater value in proportion to the population. 408. You say that the negro in that part of the country only requires a cloth to cover him ; is it the fact that the negroes employed about the fort, who are in the habit of seeing the soldiers and the Europeans there, are in a state of nature ? — They are : according to my observation in diflferent colonies, the Europeans are far more ready to adopt native customs than the natives are to adopt European customs. 40(). Then the presence of those forts upon the coast appears to have done very little towards the civilization of the natives? — Perhaps we apply different meanings to the word " civihzation." 410. In the appreciation of European comforts, for example? — In the appre- ciation of European comforts it has done nothing, because European comforts would be extreme discomforts in a country like that ; but in as far as regards law, justice, order and protection to life and property, there is a very great advance on the coast. 411. Is there any education going on ? — There are missionaries there who have schools, and there are many children educated, but the answer is, " Cui bono ? What is education to do for negroes ?" they have no written language, and they have no literature. 4» 2. Might not they learn a written language ?^They learn very little English ; there are so few English ; in the whole British settlements there are not more than 40 EngHsh. 413. Then the advantage of those forts to the natives is pretty nearly summed up in the fact of their getting justice dealt out to them ? — Very nearly. 414. And security for order, and the extinction of the Slave Trade? — And protection from the inroads and forays of their neighbours. 415. What was the military force at Cape Coast Castle?— The military force upon the coast was about 100 of the West India regiment, and a ISIilitia force of about half that amount. 416. Was that sufficient to keep the peace for 500 miles ?— Sufficient to keep the peace, and sufficient to form the nucleus of an expedition to seize the King of Appolonia. 417. From the prestige of the Enghsh name? — Yes; the volunteers of the expedition amounted to (i,000 or 7,000 people. 418. In fact, they obtained protection of life and property? — Certainly. 419. Did none of those volunteers who went against the King of Appolonia take the opportunity of making slaves of some of his people ? — No. 420. Are you quite sure that no accident of that kind occurred?— Quite sure. 421. Are the inhabitants upon the coast which is under the King of Dahomey exposed to forays from their neighbours ? — They are towards the Kong mountains. 422. The King of Dahomey cannot protect them against them? — No; the King of Dahomey is the last of the Negro Pagan kingdoms ; beyond that, towards the interior, are the .Mahometan kingdoms. There is no communica- tion between the Mahometan negroes and the King of Dahomey. 423. Is ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 35 423. Is there a great difference between the Mahometan negroes and the Pagan h. Landor, Esq ones ; do you think that the one class are superior to the other ? - I think the ' Pagan negroes are superior to the Mahometan, as far as 1 have seen, in reference ^^^th April 1849. to dociUty of character, not in arts, perhaps, and traffic. " 424. Is that from their being different races ?• — I doubt whether they were originally a different race ; but the Kong mountains are a great natural boundary, which served to prevent the Mahometan conquests extending. 425. But the inhabitants belonging to the King of Dahomey are exposed to violence and aga;ression ? — Yes. 426. Yet the King of Dahomey is a very powerful chief? — Not only a very powerful chief, but a highly talented man. 427. But he cannot protect those subjects of his ? — He protects them to a cer- tain distance ; he met with a great defeat in some of those Mahometan countries ; it is very difficult to arrive at the truth of those things ; after this defeat he forbad the name of that people and country to be mentioned, and therefore nobody in the kingdom dares allude to it. 428. But powerful as he is, he was defeated by his neighbours, and yet you think that the presence of an English fort upon that length of coast would be sufficient to keep under those Mahometan negroes ? — Not the Mahometan negroes ; the Mahometan negroes cannot come to the coast until they have acquired the kingdom of Dahomey. 429. Then from whom do the aggressions proceed upon the King of Dahomey's subjects? — They have proceeded from the hostile Mahometan negroes beyond the mountains ; but that is a great distance from the coast. 430. The question was, whether the inhabitants of the coast subject to the King of Dahomey are exposed now to aggression ? — Certainly not. 431. Is the climate 100 miles in the interior more healthy than upon the coast ?^ — The missionaries say that the climate of Coomasie, which is the capital of Ashantee, is more healthy than the climate upon the coast. 432. You do not know it of your own knowledge ? — I do not. 433. And at Abbcokuta it is a healthy climate, is it not? — They say it is ; but there are so few Europeans there, that there is no fair test ; it is all healthy to the natives. 434. "What do you consider that the unhealthiness proceeds from ; is it from the water ? — It is not known what it arises from ; it is just as unhealthy on the high land as on the low ; I do not think the highest land anywhere near Cape Coast rises more than 300 or 400 feet. 435. Are there any high mountains.^ — No high mountains nearer than the Kong mountains. 436. Have you anything further to state to the Committee ? — I would suggest that, perhaps, something might be. done to improve the state of the people by manumitting the domestic slaves. Mr. Cruikshank induced the chiefs to agree that the slaves of a man who died in debt should not be sold for his debts ; that they should have the power of paying their own redemption money. Now, a great number of domestic slaves on the coast would become free, if the means were provided for them of earning the price of their redemption. 437. That was a semi kind of slavery, which consisted in an engagement under the name of pawns ; is that system still in operation upon the Gold Coast ? — It is still in existence. The negroes are the greatest gamblers in the world ; they will stake all their property, and their wives and children, and themselves. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Ordered, That this Committee be adjourned to Monday, Two o'clock. 53. E 2 Die 36 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEl'ORE SELECT COMMITTEE Die Limce, 30° Aprilis 1849. THE LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD in the Chair. Reverend JOHN MILLER examined. Rev. John Miller. 438. YOU are a native of the United States ? —I am. —-" 439. Are you resident there ? — Yes. 3 oti pu 1 - 19. ^^^ You have been sent to England by Mr. Clay, or by the American Colo- nization Society ? — I have not a very formal official connexion with that Society. I am a traveller ; and promised on leaving America that I would give informa- tion wherever I thought it valuable, and use influence wherever I thought it of any account, in behalf of that Republic ; and for that end I received an in- formal authority from the Colonization Society, signed by Mr. Clay, which I have in my pocket. 441. From what sources is your knowledge of the Settlement of Liberia derived? — From two chief sources ; one, documentary evidence of the condition of things in Liberia ; and the other, personal knowledge of the gradual creation of the Colony by the Society in America. 442. What is the origin of the Colony? — To go back to its earliest origin: a pious clergyman in one of the Northern States conceived the idea that Africa had a great advantage over the Pagan nations, in having a large body of her own race in the bosom of civilization, and he conceived the plan of a society to buy a terri- tory for them on the coast of Africa, and to pay their passage over. 443. What were the objects and motives of the founders of the Colony? — - Their motives Avere rather of a mixed character ; but the great motive of those who had most to do with the founding of the Colony was the civilization of Africa, and the improvement of the condition of the coloured people in the United States. 444. The improvement of the coloured people of the United States, in what way ? — By transferring them to a position where they would improve and thrive more. 445. What induced them to fix upon the particular coast now called Liberia for their Settlement ? — They made inquiries. It was after careful measures to obtain information, and after thinking of other regions, that the conclusion, from the whole, was, that the coast of Western Africa was the most eligible spot. That was recommended to them by the consideration that it would introduce arts and religion into that continent. Besides, they had had the example of Britain at Sierra Leone. 44(1. In what year was this Settlement first effected ? — The Society was formed in 1816; the first expedition went out in 1820. Four years elapsed before anything effective was done. 447. Then it has been until the last year in connexion with the American Colonization Society, has it ? — It has. 448. Supported from America ? — Yes. 44g. To what number has the population been estimated to increase in that time; what is the present estimate of the population? — The President, in his inaugural address gives the population at 80,000, according to his best knowledge. 450. Are those 80,000 men who have all been transported from America, or are any of them native Africans born on the coast ? — By no means all from America ; by far the largest part are natives who have been attracted into the Colony. 451. Who have come from their own native tribes in Africa, to settle under the protection of the Colony? — Yes. In the same inaugural address the Presi- dent speaks of them as persons who have given in their adhesion to the Con- stitution of the Repubhc. 452. And settled within its limits ? — Yes. 4.53. How have its present limits been defined ? — By repeated purchases and Treaties. > 454. From ON THE AFRICAN' SLAVE TRADE. o- 454. From Native powers ? — Yes. In further explanation of tlie orif^in of Rn: John Miller. the Liberian Colony, I will hand in a paper extracted from the American Christian Record. 3otli April 1849. The same is read as follows : The American Colonization Society was organized in the city of Washino^ton, in December 1S16, by patriotic and benevolent gentlemen from various parts of th country. The object of the Society, as expressed in the constitution, is •' to promote and execute a plan for colonizing, with their own consent, the free people of colour residing in our own country, in Africa, or such other place as Congress shall deem expedient." The principles which influenced its founders, and which continue to actuate the sincere colonizationist, are embraced in the following specifications ; viz. First, To rescue tlie free coloured people of the United States from their political and social disadvantages. Second, To place them in a country where they may enjoy the benefits of a free Govern- ment, with all the blessings which it brings in its train. Third, To aiford slave-owners, who may wish to liberate their slaves, an asylum for their reception. Fourth, To arrest and destroy the African Slave Trade. Fifth, To spread civilization, sound morals and true religion throughout the continent of Africa. How far the Society has been successful in carrying out its philanthropic and benevolent principles may be judged from the following facts. The first company of emigrants was sent out by the Society in 1820, and located at Sherbro', while a Settlement had been formed by the enterprize of a single black man from New England.* Land was purchased, and a Colony formed on this barbarous coast, dependent on the skill and energy of one man, who was encouraged by the favour of only a few friends in this country. In 1824 the Colony was placed under a regular form of government. Since that time its progress has been onward ; and this dependent and feeble Colony is now supplanted by the independent Republic of Liberia. The Society and its auxiliaries, amidst all the diflaculties wiih which they have been surrounded, have sent over 7,101 emigrants. The whole number now under the jurisdiction of the Republic, according to the computation of their President in his last message, is 80,000. Of the emigrants from this country, at the close of the year 1843, 1,687 were free-born ; 97 purchased their freedom, and 2,290 were euiancipated with a view of going to Liberia, and at the time the total number of deaths in the colony had been 2,198. The deaths in Liberia, according to the report of the Colonial Physician, who went from Baltimore, were, in 1842, proportionally less than in this country, being three per cent, at Cape Palmas, the most Southern point, while it is tour per cent, in Baltimore. Since 1842, the number of deaths has been de- creasing, while the population is increasing. All the facts connected with the Colony show distinctly that Liberia is the black man's country. The territory already extends 320 miles along the coast, and from 20 to .50 toward the interior. The Slave Trade has been arrested on this coast ; and the nations beyond the limits of the Republic are participating in the privileges of their schools and missionary operations. 455. What is the extent of Liberia ? — Between 320 and 350 miles. 456. But is not there an intermediate piece included in that, of about 40 miles, which does not belong to the settlement ? — They have purchased now all the positions on which there is any slaving carried on, and all the territory, except some very small patches, amounting in all now to about 20 miles in length on the coast. 457. What is the shape of the Liberian territory ? — It is a strip along the coast, the mean width of which is about 40 miles. 458. The depth from the coast is 40 miles ?— Yes. 459. What has induced them to adopt that particular shape of territory? — Principally a wish to suppress the Slave Trade ; their recent purchases have been all ruled by that motive. 460. Why are they so anxious to suppi"ess the Slave Trade? — From a sense of interest to the Republic, and to carry out the wishes of its founders. 461. In what way do you imagine it to promote the interests of the Republic? — A trade is springing up in place of the Slave Trade, of which the Republic reaps the advantage. 462. Have they reason to think that the two trades, the Slave Trade and the other trade, are hostile to one another, and could not co-exist? — I think so; besides, there is another motive ; their national dangers, such as they are, are connected with the Slave Trade ; they have been put in peril by the Slave Trade from attacks which it has instigated on the part of the Natives. 463. Have they had to maintain any war with any of the Native tribes ? — They have, in the early history of the colony, and very dangerous wars ; but they are decreasing. 464. What are their provisions for defence?— A militia, and a small sailing force. 465. How • Paul CufFee. Tliey moved from this point afterwards to where Momo now stands, on account of its superior healthiness. 53- E 3 38 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev. John Miller. 465. How is the militia organized ? — It is a volunteer force, entirely organized ~" by the government of the Republic ; but they are at no other expense for it than ^° P*^' '^^' to furnish arms and accoutrements, except when in active service. 4(16. Do you know what number of men it comprises ? — I do not. 467. Are they all armed r — As far as I know ; my impression is that it embraces all the adult male population among the emigrants. 468. Is there any evidence that what is now Liberia was a very bad part of the coast for the Slave Trade r — There is very remarkable evidence ; that at a very early period it was pretty well settled, and somewhat cultivated, and that the Slave Trade desolated it. There are evidences in the wild jungles that existed when it was first colonized, that there had been previous native agriculture, which had been swept away by the Slave Trade ; and that what existed as jungle at the time of its first being visited by the colonists, had been previously cultivated. Perhaps your Lordships will allow me to read a very short paper. In May 1825, Mr. Ashmun, the former distinguished Governor, purchased for the colony a fine tract on the St. Paul's. Of this he says : " Along this beautiful river were for- " merly scattered in Africa's better days innumerable native hamlets ; and till " within the last 20 years nearly the whole river-board for one or two miles back " was under that slight culture which obtains among the natives of the country. " But the population has been wasted by the rage for trading in slaves, with " which the constant presence of slaving vessels and the introduction of foreign " luxuries have inspired them. The south bank of this river, and all the inter- " vening country between it and the Mesurado, have been from this cause nearly " desolated of inhabitants ; a few detached and solitary plantations, scattered at " long intei-vals through the tract, just serve to interrupt the silence and relieve " the gloom which reigns over the whole region." The moral desolation he found to be still more complete. He writes, " The two slaving stations of Cape " Mount and Cape INIesurado (the very first purchases of the Colony), have for " several ages desolated, of everything valuable, the intervening very fertile and " beautiful tract of country. The forests have remained untouched, all moral " virtue has been extinguished in the people, and their industry annihilated by " this one ruinous cause.'' 469. Is there any evidence to show that the same result would not have been obtained by the ordinary principles of trade without this settlement ? —There is this evidence ; the unorganized trade of chance visitors was the very thing that brought the slave traffic. The ownership of the soil and regular government upon it seem now to be the power that brings that tratfic to an end. The slaving has disappeared round Cape Coast Castle and all the points of trade just in pro- portion as they have assumed the aspect of regular settlements. 470. Has the Slave Trade been brought actually to an end upon the whole coast of Liberia ? — I suppose it would be safe to say that only one slaving station remains, and there is a strong probability that bv this time that has been essen- tially broken up. Your Lordships know that the territory was settled by numerous petty tribes, and the purchases have been very numerous, and some of them very recent ; so that the breaking up of the Slave Trade on the part lately purchased has been very recent ; and in one case, perhaps, it would be safest to say imper- fect, not yet complete. 471. By what means has the Slave Trade been expelled from the Liberia coast ; has it been by force ? — I suppose four reasons may be given ; first, that the natives show a considerable sense of obligation by their Treaties. 472. Do you mean Treaties to put down the Slave Trade ? — Treaties seUing their lands ; Treaties by which they made over the lands which the colonists had purchased ; secondly, that the miUtia force of the Republic, with the small armed vessels, have lieretofore been able to take possession of and break up the slaving stations ; thirdly, that the natives in very frequent cases have felt it to be their interest to be protected from the Slave Trade ; they have found their tribes wast- ing by it, and they have gathered round ihe Colony as a means of shelter ; fourthly, that their taste for the luxuries of civilized life has been supplied by a more legi- timate trade. 473. Do the colonists hold their land by title-deeds granted by the Native Chieftains ?— They do. 474. What sort of price have they paid for the land .' — There is a rough esti- mate that the land has cost them about 133 dollars per mile in length along the coast : OV THE AFRICAN' SLAVE TRADE. .39 coast : I have the papers here ; the deeds of sale mentioning the price in a large Rei-. John Milter. number of instances. 475. What is the revenue arising from America? — Their revenue last year, 3-th April 1849. or I should rather say the whole revenue of the Society, has been 50,000 dollars, that is about 10,000/. ; but a large part of that is spent in agencies in the United States, in distributing documents, in securing favour for tlie enterprise there ; so that part only of that sum goes to the Colony in the purchase of territory, and paying the passage of emigrants. 476. From what means do they support their cruisers ? — The Government supports the cruisers ; they ai'e very small and very imperfect ; the whole expense of the Government is paid now by duties and monopolies, and one or two narrow sources of revenue. 477. You said that they destroyed the slave stations ; do you mean barracoons and places of that description, where slaves are kept for sale ? — Yes. 478. Are those situated on the territory of the Republic, or on the territory of neighbouring states ? — They buy the territory, and then break up the barracoons. 479. 'J hey begin by buying the territory ? — Yes; they never have interfered and broken up the barracoons till after the purchase of the territory. 4S0. How far have Christian missions co-operated in bringing the natives into the Colony? — Christian missions, distinctly so called, have had very little to do with it ; the pastors that the colonists themselves support of their little churches have had a good deal to do with it ; but there has been a wonderful mortality among the white missions. I have brought together in a paper some very con- clusive testimonies to that eftect; they have been wasted away remarkably. On this subject I will hand in an extract from the 25th Annual Report of the Vermont Colonization Society. The same is read, as follows : During the 400 years under review, frequent attempts were made to establish Christian missions, but they all failed. The Portuguese Roman Catholics began a mission at Elmina in 1482; their stations were numerous along tlie whole coast; but they made no impression, except upon their immediate dependents. Protestant missions were commenced by the Moravians in 1736, and continued till 1770; five attempts cost 11 lives, and eflected nothing. English attempts have been numerous, but unavailing. That of Capt^iin Beaver, at Biilania Island, in 1792, failed in two years, with the loss of more than 100 lives. The mission to the Foulahs in 1795 found insuperable obstacles to success, and returned home without commencing its labours. The three stations commenced by the London, Edinburgh and Glasgow Societies in 1797, were extinct in three years, and five of the six missionaries dead. The Church Missionary Society sent out a company of missionaries in 1804, and attempted to maintain 10 stations; but the hostility of the natives, who preferred the Slave Tiaders to them, compelled them to take refuge in the colony of Sierra Leone, where, under the protec- tion of a colony, they could labour with safety and hope. Since the settlement of Liberia, attempts to sustain missions, without colonial protection, have repeatedly been made, but they have failed in every instance, except the mission at the Gaboon river, which was established in 1842, as to the fafe of which, time must decide. The missionaries sent to Africa hitherto have been mostly white men ; but it is capable of proof, and has been shown by Governor Pinney, that the average missionary life of white missionaries in Africa has been less than two years and a half, while that of coloured labourers, even from this country, has been 10 or 12 times as long. 481. Have they any coloured missionaries? — Yes; their pastors now are coloured men. 482. Mr. Roberts, the present President, is a coloured man?— He is. 483. Was Mr. Roberts formerly a slave ? — I have heard it stated; but I think he was not. 484. But he was an emigrant from America ? — He was a coloured boy of 18, engaged in the trade of a barber in the States. 48,5. From what part of the Union did he come? — From Virginia ; his culti- vation, and his ability as a diplomatist, he has got in Liberia. 486. By wliat power was he raised to the chief place in Liberia? — First, as Governor, by the Society,* and then voted in by his fellow-citizens as President. 487. What gives the right to vote in Liberia?- — I have the Constitution here; it is a brief instrument, which I will put in — [^The same was delivered iii. — Vide Appendix.] * His ability first displayed itself when left temporarily in charge by an absent Governor. 53- !•• 4 40 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rn> Juhu Miller. Appendix.]— My impression is, that every citizen of a certain age lias a right to ' r , vote. 30 P" ' 4 9- ^^gg_ Q|- ^-iiat class chiefly are the emigrants from America? — Chiefly eman- cipatefj slaves. 489. At whose expense have they gone, at the expense of the Society, at their own expense, or at tliat of their masters ? — In all ways ; chiefly, however, at the expense of the Society. 490. How is it possible that men who go out in the condition of just emanci- pated slaves should be capable of the work of civilization which you attribute to them on the coast of Africa r — T would mention, first, the fact, that in thirty years' experience they have been elevated; they do I'ise in the scale of civilization. Uut then, I think, it is very important lo state, that they are emancipated gene- rally by conscientious masters ; and on that very account and in that very connexion they have been under a good deal of training. 491. "Where did they get their men to act as their President, their Congress, their Judges, and their professional men at their first starting as a Republic ? — They have been chiefly made upon the soil ; they are the growth of Liberia, bome of tlie more enterprising have re-visited the United States to get in- struction. 492. That is to say they are emancipated slaves from the United States, who in Liberia have shown superior ability, and have been raised there to those posts? — Most of them have been emancipated slaves; and nearly all of them have been raised in character in Liberia. 493. You mentioned that they came from all parts of the Union ; is that so ? — From all parts. 494. Have as many come from the Southern States as from the Northern ? — More from the Southern States than from the Northern. 49.5. What is the system used in sending them over'? — The Society is at the expense of 50 dollars for each person ; and that 50 dollars pays their passage, and supports them six months through the acclimating fever, with food and medical attendance, and shelter in houses after they get to Liberia. 496. You say ''the accUmating fever"; is that almost universal.'^ — Almost universal. 497. With the black as well as the white ?— Yes, though unspeakably less severe. 408. Is it in many cases fatal to the black emigrants from America? — The returns of statistics show a mortality of 3 per cent, under the African fever ; though this is an improvement ; it was once greater ; they have learned to treat the fever more skilfully. 499. But it is universally passed through r — Nearly in every case. 500. Does that deter any Africans in America from wishing to go ? — I think it does ; there are fictitious objections that many of them have. 501. In point of fact, is there a readiness to settle in Liberia amongst the black population in America? — Very much the reverse. 502. A great unwillingness to go? — A great unwillingness. 503. To what do you attribute that? — I suppose the great reason is, an un- willingness to expatriate themselves, and to leave their homes ; but they support that natural unwillingness by a great many prejudices of all kinds ; objections which have no foundation ; they imagine it to be a scheme in operation to get rid of the superfluous coloured race; whereas, really, the most of those who have gone have been valuable servants set free to go. 504. At the same time you would admit that it would be a great escape from a very difficult social question to the whites in America if they could transplant their blacks there? — 1 suppose there is a general conviction that the state of things in reference to the coloured race in America is a very unhappy one, and that if this enterprise can help to bring it to an end, it would be so far well ; but the greatest friends of the cause, and its best friends, have the good of Africa and the immediate benefit of the coloured man in view. 505. When you say that " the state of things is an unhappy one,'' do you mean a dangerous one to the white inhabitants of the United States ? — I mean an ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. ^1 an evil to both classes ; that the coloured men do not thrive there as they do in Rev. John Miller. Liberia, and that the relation is an unhappy one to both classes.* 506. What is called the Abolition party has been unfriendly to Liberia, generally ^°''* ''^'"'' ^^'^^•^' speaking, have not they? — The larger number of them have been. ' ,507. They treat it as a scheme for getting rid of the more enterprising negroes, that the less enterprising may be more safely oppressed at home? — Yes, that charge is brought in some cases ; important men, however, have been both Abolitionists and Colonizationists ; in some cases officers of the Colonization Society are also Abolitionists. 508. But, generally speaking, the strongest anti-abolitionists are also tlie warmest supporters of Liberia ?- -Yes ; I wish to qualify that, however; some of them, i. e. some of the strongest anti-abolitionists are also the strongest pro- slavery men, and the strongest pro-slavery men are also warm opponents of the colonization cause as well. 509. Mr. Calhoun takes that line ? — Mr. Calhoun opposes the general colo- nization movement. 510. Has the Society had to buy slaves from their masters, with a view to their being sent to Liberia ? — In no instance. 511. Does it export females as well as males? — Households ; families. 512. Is there any rule as to the proportion of the sexes to be so exported ? — No ; but if it were seen that a disproportion of males were going, it would be considered by the Society a decided evil 513. Is the prejudice against the colonization decreasing among the black race ? — Decidedly ; they have sent over, in many instances, agents to examine Liberia, who have returned with favourable reports, which have led to a number of free-coloured people paying their own passage over. 514. After reaching the Colony, how are they provided for? — There are houses belonging to the Society provided for their shelter, and rations are measured out to them till they can get upon their farms, and support them- selves, and a faiin of a certain number of acres is given to each emigrant. 515. What do they raise upon those farms? — They I'aise yams and cassada. If your Lordships will allow, 1 will, however, give a statement from one of their own newspapers, edited by a coloured man, " The Liberia Herald." " For the " information of friends who are constantly asking in regard to the production " of Liberia, we have thought proper to give a list of such animals, fruits and " vegetables, as are in general use with us in their appropriate seasons ;" and then follows the list. — "Domesticated: Cows, bullocks, swine, sheep, goats, " ducks, fowls, pigeons, turkeys (few). — Wild : Deer of difierent kinds in " abundance, red, black, brown and grayi.sh ; partridges, pigeons, goats, cows, " doves, hedge-hogs, red squirrels, summer ducks, rice-birds, ground-doves, &c. — " Fi-uit : Water-melon, musk-melon, mango-plums, orange, rose-apples, sour- " sop, guava, tamarind, plantain, bananas, grannadilla, hmes, lemons. — Fish : " scaled and shell ; mullet, whiting, perch, bream, pike, baracouta, mackerel, " cursalli, herring, drum, catfish, grippers, oysters, crabs, carp, s,\ii\.~V egetahles : " Sweet potatoes, arrow-root, turnips, carrots, shilote, cymblain, chiota, paupau, " Lima beans, ochra, peas, radishes, beets, cabbages, snaps, cucumbers, greens, " salads, cassavas, yams, corn ijaaize) " 516. What other sources of wealth have they? — They trade with the natives in ebony and ivory and gold, in small quantities. 517. Is there any palm-oil trade? — Palm-oil also ; and camwood is also an important article. 518. Wliat is it which has principally taken the place of the Slave Trade as a source of profit r — Dye-woods, and these other articles of trade with the native, 5 1 9. What are the present staples of Liberia ? — The staples of Liberia may be considered the articles I have mentioned, in connexion with coffee, which, probably, will become the great staple of Liberia. They are setting out plan- tations, coffee-trees in large numbers, and some of the coffee has already been consigned to America, and been sold. " A standing advertisement in the " Liberia • Colonization can hardly liecorae individually a .selfish scheme, for individuals lose by it to the amount of the value of the servant whom they allow to go ; and that value throunhoiit the south is still very great. "While, therefore, whole States will in the eixi he relieved l)y emancipation, individuals lose by it, and therefore only the more conscientious so far have ciig;igcd in colonization. 53- F 42 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev. John Miller. " Liberia paper offers 15 cents, a pound for it." The British traders along the coast are buying it. " Coffee will, doubtless, become one of the most vaUiable soth April 1840. " productions of Liberia; it requires but httle care or labour in its cultivation. " At three years old the trees frequently begin to yield; at four years old " they give the cultivator a handsome income ; 12 lbs. to the tree is an average " crop." 520. How much is 1.5 cents in English money? — Sevenpence halfpenny. This is a proof of the estimation in which it is held by British traders along that coast. 521. What is meant by a "standing advertisement"? — I suppose what is meant by that is, that for a series of months at the time that the report was made, such standing advertisement had appeared in the Liberia paper. 522. Is there now any otHcial connexion or hold upon Liberia, either on the part of the Colonization Society, or of the United States of America ? — None by the United States of America at all. They never had any ; and none by the Colonization Society ; no official control. Some useful stipulations have been made in the Treaty between the Colonization Society and Liberia in respect to the Slave Trade, and with respect to immigration, and one or two other points. I will give in a copy of the agreement between the Society and the Colony — [The same is delivered in. — Vide Appendix.] 523. Are there any special advantages which will accrue to Great Britain from keeping up a correspondence with Liberia? — The productions of Great Britain might be purchased more directly here in the British market. They have hitherto been bought largely by the Liberians from America at second hand, such as cotton manufactures and woollens, Staffordshire ware and hardware, and other articles ; besides, there is reason to believe that a great deal of injurious secresy is observed in regard to the articles suited for the palm-oil trade, &,c., and that greater commercial intelligence, on the part of this country in regard to the African coast, would make that trade healthier and more useful, and would prevent the monopoly which discourages young traders, and diminishes the number of traders, and makes the trade injuriously profitable in a few liands. 524. Does the Colony now carry on any palm-oil trade to any considerable amount ? — The amount cannot be so great as on the lower part of the coast ; but it is increasing. 525. Does the palm-oil tree grow in the territory of Liberia ? — It does. .'526. In the upper parts of it? — I believe in all parts of the territory. 527. Is there any other point connected with the probable trade with Great Britain, upon which you can speak ? — I would speak of the coffee trade as likely very soon to become of decided importance, and that the market of Liberia generally, as it opens, promises to become a valuable market for any nation. 528. Could not they cultivate indigo there ? — Indigo is mentioned as one of the productions ; I \\ ill give in some sliort documents, stating the whole character of the productions of the soil. ,520. Has any indigo grown there been tested as to its colour? — I have not information u|)on that point. 530. There is a trade of very great abundance with this country in cocoa-nut oil ; do they cultivate cocoa-nuts for oil in Liberia ? — I have not heard of that ; ground-nuts are used to make oil, and sacks of ground-nuts in considerable quantities have been already sent to the United States. 531. Do not cocoa-nut trees grow in great abundance? — Yes ; but I have not heard of any use being made of the oil ; on this general subject I will deliver in an extract of a letter from Dr. Lugenbeel, Physician to the Colony ; also an extract from the " Liberia Herald," edited by a coloured man. The same were read, as follows : Extract of Letter from Dr. Lugenbeel. Most of tlir usual productions of tropical climates thrive well in Liberia. The coffee-tree will grow as freely and yield as abundantly as perhaps in any other part of the world ; and I am <;lad to see that tlie colonists are beginning to appreciate the advantages that may result from attention to the cultivation of this useful and profitable article. At some i'liture period, no doubt, coffee will be the principal staple production of Liberia, and the most profitable article of exportation ; the trees attain a much larger size than those in the West Indies, ON THE Al'KrCAN SLAVE TRADE. ^3 Indies, :ind tliey bear imicli more abuiKhmtly ; they do not require nuicli cultivation ; indeed, Rev. John Miller. they frequently grow wild in the woods on this part of the coast; the sugar-cane grows luxuriantly ; but at present sugar cannot be made as cheaply in the Colony as it can be 30th April 1849. purchasetl from abroad, and I am apprehensive that the colonists will never be able to 1 compete with some other countries in the |)rodi;ction of tliis article. If they had the neces- sary apparatus, however, they could easily produce enough (or home coiisuniplion, at less expense than it now costs when purchased from trading vessels ; at present very little rice is raised by the colonists, as it can be bought from the natives for less than the cultivation, of it would cost. Indian corn can be raised in the Colony, not very pl(;ntifidly, however, but in sutlicient quantities, I think, to supply the families of those who will take the trouble to cultivate it. Sweet potatoes can be raised in the greatest abundance during any season of the year, and on almost every kind of soil : I have seen them iirowing freely in the sand within sixty yards of the ocean. I have scarcely ever dined in Liberia without having this excellent vegetable on the table. Cassadas and yams can be produced in almost any quan- tities ; and when properly prepared for the table they are very good and nutritious vegetables. Plantains, bananas, and all other fruits peculiar to tropical climates, thrive well in Liberia. Tomatoes, egg plants, okra, beans, and nearly all the other usual garden vegetables, can be raised easdy. Irish potatoes are, however, out of the question ; nor do cabbages thrive well. We have plenty of greens, but few cabbage heads. Although very little cotton has yet been produced m the Colony, yet it has been clearly ascertained that, with proper cultivation, the cotton-tree will grow well, and yield abundantly. Several kinds of cotton-trees grow wild in the forest. Extract from the Liberia Herald. Already may be seen rich fields of rice, sugar cane, and other productions adorning the banks of the St. Paul's and St. John's Rivera. The cultivation of ginger, pepper, arrow-root, ground-inits and coffee arc engrossing all minds : these articles will be for e.\portation, and will well repay the cultivator for any outlay it may be necessary for him to make, while they are coming to perfection. Coffee, the most valuable of all our productions, will recjuire some four years to grow before it will give the cultivator any income ; but it will be recollected that after that time the tree, with little or no labour bestowed on it, will yield two crops a year. The quality of Liberia coffee, by competent judges, is pronounced to be equal to any in the world. In numerous instances we have seen trees full of coffee only three years old. The other articles, if planted at the commencement of the rainy season, will arrive at matu- rity in less than one year from the time of planting. Orders have come from Sinoe for seed-ginger, and we are gratified to learn that a supply has been sent down. 532. Has Liberia much intercourse with the interior.'' — I suppose not much of the kind rel'erred to in the question ; there are no regular routes of conimuni- cation with the interior ; though there is a good deal of trade, yet there have been no extended explorations from Liberia yet. 533. There are no regular caravans passing into the interior.'^ — No regular caravans as yet. ,'534. In short, no regular relations of trade have been established as yet ? — No very systematic relations. 535- Is not there found considerable danger to the natives of Liberia in their intercourse with the neighbouring tribes ? — More or less danger. ,530. Have there been any instances of kidnapj)ing the free natives of Liberia, by neighbouring chiefs ? — There have been, in which the militia of Liberia has been set in motion to retake men captured from the ("olony. 537. Have they been successful H — Yes ; President Roberts, not very long ago, went upon such an expedition, and was successful in re-capturing some servants that had been stolen. ,538. Uo you know what the result of that expedition was as regards the captures ; in vi'hat way they were punished ? — I have not heard from the United .States the particulars of that expedition ; but I heard a gentleman in Liverpool say, the other day, that in securing the re- capture, they had i)een obliged to lire a native village : upon this subject I will hand in an extract from the Reverend Mr. Tracy's book on " Missions, &c." The same was read, as follows : To show how firm and well-acknowledged is the authority of the fiee Government in Liberia, Mr. Tracy stated one fact oi'tliis kind. It is well known that many of the native chiefs of the territories bordering on Liberia have come in and sold their land, and cheerfully submitted to the civil jurisdiction of Liberia; and such is the fame and force of Liberian law, such the prestige of the authority of the President of this Rejiublic, that a distant chief, having no connexion with Liberia, and no way under its jurisdiction, came to the President, and solicited a counnission as a justice of the peace ; the parchment was given him, bearing the great seal of the Republic ; he returned with it to his people, and commenced business as a justice of the peace. The result was, that his authority was acknowledged by every one, and his sentences did not even require a constable to execute them. jj. F 2 539. What 44 MINUTElB OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev. John Miller. 539- What Would be the punishment of a Slave Trader, who was caught within the territory of Liberia, purchasing or kidnapping negroes? — The Republic of 30th April 1S49. Liberia is but about Is months old, and all their laws they have had to make ; " here is a bundle of them — [producing the sanie.l I do not know the details of the law in that respect. 540. Is the sugar-cane cultivated in any part of Liberia? — Not to any extent ; there is this difficulty, that the sugar requires expensive machinery, and on that account it is not, relatively to other productions, profitable. 541. Is the chmate favourable to it? — Yes; they grow sugar-cane with ease there. I have here an extract from the Liberian Herald upon that subject. " Mr. Cyrus Willis, of Mdlsburg, has made this season more than 3.000 pounds " of beautiful sugar, and a quantity of excellent syrup. Owing to a severe acci- " dent which befel JMr. Willis just as he was ready to commence grinding, and " which kept him in his bed several weeks, he was unable to manufacture " all of his large field of cane, and which lessens considerably the quantity of " sugar and syi'up he expected to make. From the quantity of beautiful cane " he had, it was supposed that it would yield easily 8,000 pounds of sugar, and " a considerable quantity of syrup." 542. Do they purchase sugar in Liberia from any other part of the world ? — They have purchased sugar from other parts of the world. 543. But it can be cultivated there? — It can; but on account of the low prices, it has to be manufactured on a wholesale plan, requiring expensive machinery, in order to be profitable. 544. Have you ever lived in Liberia yourself ? — Never; I have never been there. 545. Do you speak merely from documentary evidence which you have col- lected? — From documentary evidence. 546. Collected in the States ? — Yes. .547. From the Colonization ISociety chiefly ? — From various sources ; but from the Society chiefly. ^^48. Have you anv evidence as to the moral state of Liberia ? — We have letters from oflicers of the navy who have visited the coast, and other documents, showing that in very many respects the morality of Liberia is remarkable ; that the attention paid to the Sabbath is singularly great ; and that in respect to temperance, the morals of the Colony are very high. 549. Have there been any provisions made for education in Liberia ? — ^By the law of the State every parent must educate his children ; and there are a number of scltools provided for that purpose. .S.OO. You were asked about laws about the Slave Trade ; have the people of Liberia recently manifested any special disposition with regard to the Slave 'i'rade ?— They have by the Acts of their Legislature, and they have, in the steps which they have taken to purchase additional territory, shown a decided wish to break up the Slave Trade ; and their legislation has very anxiously been directed to that object. 551. tlave you any testimony from the emigrants themselves as to the moral and religious state of the Colony? — Yes; I will put in some brief evidence of that kind, consisting of an extract from the Declaration of Independence. The same is delivered in, and is as follows : Thus far our highest hopes have been realized. Liberia is already the happy home of thousands, who were once the doomed victims of oppression; and, if'left unmolested to go on with her natural and spontaneous growth, if lier movements be left free from the paralysing intrigues of jealous, an;bitious and unscrupulous avarice, she will throw open a wider and yet a wider door for thousands, who are now looking with an anxious eye for some land of rest. Our courts of jusdce are open equally to the stranger and the citizen for the redress of grievances, for the remedy of injuries, and for the punishment of crime. (Jur numerous and weU-attended schools attest our eflbrts and our desire for the improve- ment of our children. Our churches, for the worship of our Creator, everywhere to be seen, bear testimony to our piety, and to our acknowledgment of His providence. The native African, bowing down with us before the altar of the living God, declares that from us, feeble as we are, the light of Christianity has gone forth, while upon that curse of curses, the Slave Trade, a deadly blight has fallen, as far as our influence extends. Witness.l ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 45 Witness.] In reference to the morals of the Colony, I will add also this very i?"'- John Miller. distinct statement : By an authentic document, in the nature of a report, rendered this year (1837) to the Boston Union, for the rcHef and improvement of the coloured race, we. are enabled to run a statistical parallel between the people of the Colony of Liberia in Africa, and the free people of colour in the city of Boston in America. In Liberia more than one in every four of the inhabitants are church members: in iJoston less thi'.n one in every seven of the coloured people are church members. In Liberia there are 580 pledged members of Temperance Societies : in Boston there is not one, as appears frcm the tabular view. In Liberia every child of sufficient age, of the families of the coh)nists, was regular at =chool : in Boston the proportion was so small and so uncertain as to be really not comparable. In Boston a primary school for coloured children had to be discontinued for want of scholars : in Liberia fifteen schools (1837) could not satisfy the people, clamorous for the education of themselves and their offspring. In Liberia ihe inhabitants support, both by their pecuniary and by their literary conti ibutions, an ably conducted paper; they can not only generally read, but can geueraliy write and compose in a correct and manly style, as our quotations therefrom abundantly testify. In Boston a majority of all classes of them attend public worship very irregularly: in Liberia the people are a peculiarly church-going people." 552. What form of Christianity principally prevails among them? — There are about 25 churches ; the majority of the churches are Methodist : there are also Baptist and Presbyterian. I have just received from a friend an extract from a letter received yesterday from America, in which the intelligence is con- veyed, that an episcopal mission has just been established under the auspices of Dr. Potter, Bishop of Pennsylvania : it was to be presided over by a black man from {South Carolina ; there has also been churches of that denomination established at Cape Palmas, which is a Maryland Colony. 553. Have the slave traders themselves shown any particular opposition to the Colony, or fear of etfect upon their trade ? — Very decided. Most of the early obstacles which the Colony had to encounter were put in their way by slave traders, and the dilBculty which they had in efiecting their very first purchase arose entirely from the foreign slave traders on the coast poisoning the minds of the natives against them. Their difficulty in breaking up the factory at New Cesters, their last purchase made within not many months, arose from the foreign slaving interest there. To show the attitude which slave traders take towards the Colony, 1 will mention a fact which occurred in 1838 : a gentleman of Connecticut, largely engaged in ship-building, and a successful business man, had occasion to visit Cuba that year ; passing up the river in a boat, there was a large company of slaves just imported from Africa on board, in all the squalor, sickness and nakedness incident to their " terrible middle passage." He entered into a conversation with the trader who had imported them, and in the course of his questions inquired whether the British were likely to suppress the traffic ; the answer was, " No ; nothing can hinder it but such settlements as the Colony of Liberia ; you Yankees are likely to shut us out entirely." 554. What is it that has kept Liberia, in fact, from spreading faster ? — A lack of money. 555. Anything else ? — At an earlier period a lack of emigrants; but now the willingness to emigrate is very much beyond the means of the Society to buy territory, and send them over. 556. Would there be money found in America to send them over, if there were a larger territory for them to occupy when there ? — There would be much more money reserved to send them over, if the purchase of territory could be looked alter in some other way. 557. But the territory is not fully occupied yet, is it '.'—No; so much territory has been purchased for an object connected with the suppression of the Slave Trade; they have gone further than their immediate wants, so far as homes lor the emigrants were concerned, in order to suppress the Slave Trade. 558. Do you know how many acres they give to each emigrant?— They give five acres ; more for each child, and then sell at one dollar an acre as much more as he will buy. 550. Then, what you require funds for now is, to provide means of passage for the emigrants ? — iunds are needed for two objects ; if we extend the Colony upon the coast, to buy more territory, and to pay the passage of more emigrants. 560. Can emigrants of a suitable kind be had to any indefinitely large extent ? —1 think that question may be answered in the affirmative. A letter was received in London within the last three weeks, saying that assurances had been 53. F 3- §»ven 3oih April 1849. 4^ MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev- Ju/iii Millei . given in Washington, tliat 10,000 emancipated slaves could be obtained if the —7" Society would furnish the means of sending them. 3 ot pri 1 4 9. ^Q J (^Q^^ij ^g obtained from whom, from their masters ? — From their masters ; that there was a sufficient number of masters interested in the Colony, and conscientiously willing to manumit their slaves, to furnish the number of 10,000; evidence was laid before members during the late meeting at Washington of a sufficient kind to satisfy the mind of the writer of that letter. 562. At what length do the Americans estimate the Slave Trading Coast of ^Vestern Africa? — I have seen various estimates, making about 4,000 miles the length of the Slave Trading Coast. 563. Do you mean on the west coast alone, or taking west and east ? — On the west coast alone. I have here an extract from the First Annual Report of the Illinois State Colonization Society: "The whole Slave Trading Coast of " ^Vestern Africa is estimated at 4,000 miles, which, if in the market at 1331 " dollars a mile, the estimated value of the tract which the American Coloniza- " tion Society is now attempting to purchase, would cost 533,333 dollars ; the " expense, including interest on the first cost for two years, of our squadron of " 80 guns, which the United States is bound, by the Ashburton Treaty, to keep "on the African Coast, for the suppression of the Slave Trade, is 613,272 " dollars, being enough to buy the whole 4,000 miles, and leave a surplus of " 79,939 dollars, while the annual expense of the British squadrons employed in " watching the Slave Trade for several years past has been estimated at about " two millions and a half of dollars." 564. Have the colonists in Liberia found any difficulty at present in extending their frontier ? — They have found difficulty, but they have never entirely failed in making the purchases that they wanted. 56.5. What average price have they given per mile? — About 133 dollars per mile in length along the coast. 566. Is it probable that they could easily buy 350 miles more of territory at the same price which they have given for what they have purchased ? — I think so, from their past experience, if the European ports and settlements should not prevent. In their negociations they Avere subject to some difficulty from the traders. As soon as it was known that they wanted land, efforts were made by the traders to prevent their getting it ; but they succeeded, by watching their opportunity, and by repeated negociation, in effecting all the important pur- chases. 567. Would not there be danger to the Colony if they were to extend their territory along the coast at present ? — There might seem some reason to fear it ; but they have been able heretofore, when they have been weaker than they pro- bably will be, they have been able in their weakest condition to repel the attacks of the natives ; and they are stronger by far in their position now than they ever were. There have been remarkable dispositions on the part of the native tribes to cluster about them, and to come within the rule of the Colony. 568. If any power like Great Britain were to form a Treaty with them for putting down the Slave Trade on a certain extent of coast, and as a condition of that were to grant them a subsidy, for instance, towards the expense of acquiring the coast, would they be willing to do that ? — They would rejoice in an offer of that kind. It might be made of a gradual character. It might be a kind of premium per mile offered to the Colony for possessing itself of the coast, and breaking up the Slave Trade. 569. But is it not the fact, that, except at particular points of the coast, there is no Slave Trade carried on ; except where there are creeks, and in rivers where they can ship the slaves conveniently ?— Those are the most dangerous places ; but the Slave Trade has shown itself moveable ; when it has been broken up at one point, it has in repeated instances taken refuge in others, and it seems neces- sary to occupy the whole of the coast in order to protect the Colony at those exposed places. 570. How far is it from the frontiers of the Colony to the GaUinas ? — I do not know the exact distance. It is estimated that if the territory between Liberia and Sierra Leone, on which the Gallinas is found, were purchased and occupied by the Colony, the whole line of civilized coast would then be over 700 miles, including Sierra Leone. 571. \Vhat is the name of the slave factory which has been lately purchased ? — New ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 47 — New Cesters ; that is to the south of Cape Mesurado, a point that was very Rev. John Miller. much infested by slave traders. " ~" 572. That is as far to the south of the Colony as Gallinas is to the north of it ? 3° ' P" ^ 4 9- —Yes. 573. You say that the native tribes come in for protection ; in what position are the natives who join the Colony ; are they admitted as parts of the Colony in any way r — The natives who have joined the Colony have done so frequently by Treaty ; they have bound themselves to abstain from the Slave Trade, and, on the other hand, have asked as a stipulation from the Colony that they would furnish the means of education, and protect them in different ways. I Avill give in some Treaties of that kind. Governor Russwurm, the able coloured chief magistrate of the Alaryland settlement of Cape Palmas, who recently arrived in Baltimore, in the " Liberia Packet," stated, " that six Kings of various tribes, " to the leeward, owning territory along the coast for fully 100 miles in length, " and extending a considerable distance into the interior, had, after repeated " and earnest solicitations to purchase, but always refused on account of the " limited means at his disposal for such an object, actually met, united together, " and made a formal cession, without fee or reward, of their entire land, and the " privileges thereof, to the same for ever (binding themselves, as is usual in all " similar Treaties, to abstain from participating directly or indirectly in the Slave " Trade, under penalty of death), so that they might be under the jurisdiction and " protection of the laws and customs of the Colony. Previously to this, a " French man-of-war had visited them, in order to enter into a treaty of com- " merce, promising them the friendship and high consideration of the (then) " Kingdom of France, but to no effect ; they could not be induced to enter into " the proposed foreign alliance. Another example was, that of Ballasada, King " of the Goulah people, a tribe of about 50,000 strong, situated about 150 miles " up the St. Paul's River. These people had left their own towns, and moved *' down the river in close proximity to the American settlements, so that they '* might be under the healthy influence of the Republic of Liberia, and secure " from the wars of the neighbouring tribes, made often upon each other, in order " to procure victims to supply the demand of the accursed traffic in flesh and " blood. Again, so anxious were the natives for missionaries. Sabbath and public " day-school teachers, that several Kings and Princes had sent to the colony " repeatedly for, as they call them, ' God man and Book man,' to come among " them, and teach their people, that they might become ' white men, same like " you.' One of these Kings had so far manifested his renewed requests to be " sincere, that he built, at his own expense, a large and comfortable church and " schoolhouse, and was anxiously awaiting the arrival of the long looked-for " ' Merica man.'" — [ Vide Appendix for specimen of Treaty.] 574. Where the native tribes bind themselves to abstain from the Slave Trade under the penalty of death, would that penalty be exacted by the government of Liberia, if they were detected engaging in the Slave Trade? — I have my doubts whether it would be with great stringency ; there is a penalty of the same kind in the United States against the Slave Trade, making it piracy. I suppose in aggravated cases the penalty would be enforced ; I have no doubt that it would, but 1 suppose with less certainty than the penalty for murder. 575. Supposing there were a suspicion that any of those native tribes who had entered into such a Treaty, were engaged in the Slave Trade, what measures would the government of Liberia be disposed to take to put it down?— The most active measures of investigation, and, if need be, setting in motion the militia, to use force in the case. 576. They would use force? — They would use force, certainly. ,')77. The Republic of Liberia has recently been in treaty for the purchase of the Gallinas?— It has. 578. Has that purchase been completed ; have they actually bought it ? — The news of the arrival of the " Amazon" has just reached this country, and the par- ticulars with reference to the actual closing of the negociations which had been begun by President Roberts before he came to this country, have not reached my eye, or the public in any shape, I believe ; and I am not sure whether they have reached this country. 579. Do you know whether, previously to the Treaty for purchase, any attempt had been made by the Government of Liberia to enter into a treaty with the chiefs of Gallinasj for the purpose of putting down the Slave Trade .'—President rq_ F 4 Roberts 4^ MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev. Joint Miller. Roberts has had that point anxiously in view for a long time, and was trying to — — negociate with the people before he came to this country. It was in that negocia- 3 0th April 1 84 9. ^jpj^ ^j^^j. j^g learnt the price at which he could successfully treat for it. 580. Therefore the negociation of the Treaty merged in the purchase? — Yes. 581. Do you know whether Pedro Blanco is still at Galhnas r — lam not aware. 582. You have intended to convey to the Committee, that by some such sub- sidizing Treaty the objects of Great Britain as to putting down the Slave Trade might be obtained at a much less cost of life and of money r — Yes, the whole expense of Liberia ; for all that has been done from the very outset has been not yet 200,000/., about 800,000 dollars. 583. The purchase of land hardly exceeds 10,000 / , does it? — No. .584. Can you give the Committee any facts which show that Liberia has practically an advantage over other civilized settlements in Africa for putting down the Slave Trade? — In the first place, it is now by far the largest in respect to actually acquired territory; but the most important advantage that it seems to have, is the emigration that it can look to from America ; and America seems to be the only part of the world now that can supply freely that kind of Christian emigration which is needed for settlements in Africa. 585. Is the mind of the American emancipated slaves found to be of that order that would fit them to become legislators, governors and so forth, in that country } — After the preparation that they may have in Liberia, experience thus far has proved that it is. 586. Is there any academy or college in Liberia? — No college; there are schools that have been established ; they have some incipient measures for a college, but none has been established yet. 587. Is there anything which shows that Liberia is likely to become an indigenous power, not supported by foreign aid? — Yes; there is a tendency on the part of free people of colour in the United States to go there, paying their own passage. 588. Is that increasing ? — It is increasing; and there are natural causes at work which promise that immigration would pour over there in the end, just as from Ireland now to America ; there have entered America, during the last year, from Europe, over 300,000 souls, from the influence of just those causes which are beginning more and more to be felt by the coloured people in the United States, in inducing them to go to Liberia ; Liberia is becoming daily more attractive. 589. Can you state to the Committee any reason why the Liberian Settlement has taken a greater hold upon Africa than the settlement of Sierra Leone, con- nected as it is with England itself? — I think the most evident reason is, that Liberia has this source of christian colonization, which is constantly pouring in settlers ; whereas, on the other hand. Sierra Leone has been made chiefly by re-captured Africans, who were not christians, and were just fresh from the coast. 590. In the United States are there any colleges or schools where the negroes are educated before they go to Liberia ? — That is not done to the extent it ought to be, or to any very great extent. 591. Can a free negro in America go to a college or to a school to which a white could go? — In one or two places he could, but not generally. 592. What is the face of the country of Liberia; is it mountainous?— It is undulating ; and back from the shore there are hills. 593. What is the height of them ? — I can hardly venture to say. 594. Is it intersected by various rivers and streams ? — Small rivers. 595. Is there sufficient moisture ? — The state of the climate and of the soil, as regards cultivation, is certainly very fine ; there are two crops per annum of many of the more nutritious roots and other productions ; and really one temptation of the emigrants is the ease with which, by scratching the soil, and putting in the roots or the seed, they can secure the means of living; the soil is certainly fertile : on this subject of climate, I will hand in an extract of a letter from Dr. Lugenbeel. The same was read, as follows : In regard to the climate, I may say that it is altogether very pleasant. The temperature is e.xceedingly uniform, and the warmth of the atmosphere is generally much less than 1 have ON THE AFRICAN SLAVK TRADE. 49 I have frequently experienced it in the district of Columbia. I have scarcely ever known Rev. John Miller. the mercury in the thermometer to ri?e above 86 degrees ; the extreme limits may be set down at 72 and 87 degrees of Fahrenheit; I have never known the mercury to sink below 30ih April 1849. the former, nor to rise above the latter number. The variation in the heat, as indicated by the thermometer, is seldom more than four or five degrees during the 24 hours of a day. There is, properly, no real distinction in regard to seasons ; but, as more rain fills durino- the half of the year beginning with May than during the other half beginning with November, the former is usually called the wet or rainy season, and the latter the dry season ; tiiere is not, however, any month during the whole year in which we do not have more or less rain, nor is there any month in which we do not have some fine clear weather. I have seen garden vegetables perishing for the want of rain during the months of July and August, and I have seen pretty copious showers of rain during the months of January and February : during what is called the rainy season the temperature of the atmosphere is generally 5 or 6 degrees less than during the dry season ; the thermometer usually standing at from 76 to 80 degrees during the day in the rainy season, and from 80 to 86 degrees in the dry season. 596. Are there any whites now residing in Liberia? — Very few; the physician is a white man ; but a coloured man, a brother of the President, is preparing to take his place. 597. Where has he been educated? — In the United States. 598. Do you know whether there are any white men now in England who have been living in the colony at all? — There is none that I now think of. 599. Is there any difference of conditions among the people, or are they all small cultivators ? — There is some wealth amongst the people. There are differences in their condition. Some are traders, and some have what for Liberia might be called a fortune already. 600. What is a Liberian fortune? — I suppose 2,000/. ; 10,000 dollars. 601. How has that been accumulated '^~ By trade. 602. When they have so accumulated it, do they show a disposition to remain there, or to quit the country? — Decidedly to remain. There is a wonderful expression of that feeling in all the letters they have written ; a thankfulness that they ever went to Liberia, and a thorough resolution to remain. I will put in an address from the colonists to the free people of colour in the United States, in which they express their views and feelings in regard to going there. [The same is delivered in. — Vide Appendix.] 603. Are there labourers who work for those who have capital, for pay ? — Yes. One means of elevating the natives is by bringing them into the house- holds of the emigrants, and on their farms as servants. 604. Has that been practically carried to any extent?— To a considerable extent. 605. Have any of those who are merely labourers in Liberia emigrated from America, or are the labourers entirely the native population ? — Many of those who have emigrated from America are as yet mere labourers. 606. Do you know what wages able-bodied men get upon the average ? — I do not. There are notices among these papers of the want of mechanics of different kinds, and that they could secure high wages if they would go to Liberia. 607. Are Kroomen employed at Liberia ? — There are Kroomen on the territory of Liberia ; they seem to prefer being employed on the ships of war off the coast, and other ships that sail in ; but in some instances they are employed in other ways. 608. Have you ever heard of coloured men who have emigrated from America to Liberia being dissatisfied with their position in Liberia, and returning to the United States ? —There have been cases of persons dissatisfied with their position, but very rarely ; and though the packet is running constantly, cases of permanent return are much rarer still. 6og. When the Liberians make a purchase of land, what do they do ; do they send a colony there to occupy it? — Not regularly; the colonists who land at Monrovia, or at any point on the coast, distribute them.selves as they please in different parts of the territory ; and, on the other hand, new territory that is purchased is occupied indiscriminately by emigrants removing from the position that they before held, or by new emigrants, as the case may be. 610. Does not it occur to the Society that if they extend very much the line of coast occupied by the Liberians, without extending proportionately the means of occupation of that territory, they are not carrying their purpose into effect ? - .53- G It 50 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev. John Miller. 30th April 1 849. It is the judgment of the Society, and their experience as far as they have gone, that it is safer to bear that inconvenience of length of territory, rather than the inconvenience of such a close neighbourhood of slave traders ; that they gain by breaking up the Slave Trade. 611. How do they effect the breaking up of the Slave Trade ; if they send no population and no force, how do they expel the Slave Trade from the territory they purchase ? — They expel it by sending the militia force, and by the use of a naval force ; their own and any that may help them on the coast ; and they do occupy those territories in a number of instances. fii2. And they break up the slave barracoons? — Yes. 613. Is the health of the imported blacks good, after passing through the acclimating fever }■ — It is thought now by the physician, Dr. Lugenbeel, that after the acclimating fever is thoroughly passed, the climate has proved itself fully as favourable, if not more favourable, to the constitution of the black man, than the climate which he leaves in America. 614. Have they any towns either occupied or laid out in the territory of Liberia ? — Besides Monrovia, the other ports are Marshall on the Junk River, Edina on the St. John's River, Bassa Cove and GrenviUe on the Sinon River. The more inland towns, and their adjoining settlements, are Caldwell, New Georgia, Millsburgh and Bexley, called after Lord Bexley. 61.5. Those are regularly cleared and built upon as towns? — Yes; Edina is called after Edinburgh ; that city assisted in the emigration. 616. Is there any harbour in Liberia? — There is Monrovia, which is the har- bour used for shipping. The other ports, Marshall on the Junk River, Edina on the St. John's River, and Bassa Cove and Grenville on the Sinon River, are all ports which can be entered by vessels of some tonnage. The Witness is directed to withdraw. TV. Captain Winniett, R.N. Captain WILLIAM WINNIETT, R.N., is called in, and examined as follows : 617. YOU have been employed for some time as Governor on the Gold Coast ? — Yes. 618. How long were you there ? — Two years and ten months. 619. When did your Governorship commence, and when did it end? — It commenced in October 1845 ; I embarked on the 20th December 1845 ; I was shipwrecked in going out, in consequence of which, I did not arrive till April 1846. 620. And you were actually on the Coast from April 1846 till when? — Till the 1st of last February. 62 ) . What were, strictly speaking, your duties during your command there : — I made an official visit, in the first instance, to the King of Dahomey. 622. From Cape Coast Castle? — Yes. 623. For what purpose did you visit him? — For the purpose of executing two Treaties, one for the suppression of the Slave Trade, and the other for amity and commerce. 624. When you went from Cape Coast Castle to Dahomey, did you go by sea to Whydah ? — Yes. 625. From Whydah you went straight inland to Dahomey ? — Yes. 626. Did you succeed in getting the Treaties executed?— The one for amity and commerce I did. 627. But not the other, the one for the abolition of the Slave Trade ? — No ; the King said that he required 12 months to consider. 62S. Was that, as far as you could judge, his own objection, or an objection dictated to him by others? — It was his own objection. The reason he gave was, that it required time to consult with his captains and chiefs ; that he should recommend their growing coffee and cotton, and making palm-oil. 629. Then your impression is, that he was himself persuaded of the profitable- ness of such a Treaty, but required time to be able to carry it out ? — Certainly, I was impressed with that idea. 630. Has anything which you have subsequently heard tended to alter that impression ?— No ; he has all along had a very great wish to be placed under the protection of the British Government, and he would, I believe, sacrifice almost anything to effect that purpose. (131. What ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 5I 63 1 . What do you mean by " being placed under the protection of the British Captain Government" ?— For the British to re-estabhsh the fort at Whydah, and to have ^- ^i^^i^tt, R.N. a Governor there, and occasionally to visit him at Dahomey. , 7 77 . 632. How far is Dahomey from Whydah ? — One hundred miles. 6^'^. His territory extends to Whydah? — Yes; he has a President residing; at Whydah. 634. Whydah is a great place for slave-trading ? — It is. During the time that I was there waiting for a man-of-war to bring me up, there were two or three slavers wrecked on the coast ; they landed, and passed the liouse where I was livJjig. 635. How long is it since the fort at Whydah was abandoned ? — It is a great many years ; I should say 30 or 40 years ago. 6;^6. Do you know on what ground it was abandoned? — I do not. 637. Then your impression is, that the King of Dahomey would be willing to aid in abolishing the Slave Trade in his territory ? — If he had a sufficient sum which he proposed should be allowed him in compensation for his present revenue. For a period of 12 years, the amount of the exportation of slaves from the territory of the King of Dahomey was nearly 8,000 annually ; in addition to this number, another thousand at least are annually brought down from the interior, and are kept in slavery in the towns and villages upon the coast, where they enjoy, when well-conducted, a very considerable share of hberty ; they are subject to exportation for acts of disobedience, as well as for social offences of an aggravated nature. This annual supply of slaves is chiefly de- rived from a systematic course of slave-hunting. The King generally accompanies his army to these slave-hunts, which he pursues for two or three months every year. The ordinary plan is, to send out traders to act as spies ; they carry their petty merchandize into the interior, and make their observations upon their means of defence. The trader returns after a lapse of two or three months, and guides the King's army, and instructs the leaders how they may surround and surprise the unsuspecting inhabitants, who are often thus captured. Resistance is always punished by death. A selection is then made of a portion of the slaves, who are reserved for the King's employment, and the others are sent down to the slave merchant. The King has an export duty of five dollars a head for every slave that is exported, at the rate of 4s. 2d. a dollar, so that from the export duty alone the King derives an annual sum of 40,000 dollars ; but this is not all ; the native dealer who brings the slaves to the merchant has also to pay duties on each slave at the different cutsom-house stations on their road to the barracoons. The amount paid at these stations it is more difficult to ascertain, as many of the slaves are the King's own property ; a sum of not less than 20,000 dollars may be set down for this item ; if we estimate the annual number of slaves sold by the King himself at 3,000, and reckon them at the present price of 80 dollars a head, we have an additional item of 240,000 dollars, thus making in all a revenue of 300,000 dollars derived annually from the Slave Trade. 638. Do you mean that those are the King's own that he sells? — Yes. 639. Is not 80 dollars a very extravagant price for a slave in Africa?— No, I think not at present. 640. Are you aware yourself that good slaves in Dahomey do bear that price r — At the present time it is fully that sum ; Mr. Cruikshank, the gentleman entrusted to convey the presents to Her Majesty from the King of Dahomey, is of the same opinion. 641 . Has the price increased of late ? — I think it has. 642. Do you know what the price was when you first went into that country ? —I think the price when I first went into the country in 1837 was not more than 10/. sterhng; at Whydah it was about 8Z. sterling. The expense of conveying each slave on board the vessel was not more than 2Z. or 2/. 10*. 643. What was the price at that time in the Havannah ? — Fifty or sixty pounds for a good slave. 644. The difference paid the expense and loss of Ufe upon the voyage ? — Yes. 645. It has risen from 10/. to what price ?— Eighty dollars. 646. How much is that ? — Four shillings and two-pence is a dollar. 647. You mean to say that a slave costs 10 1, on embarkation ? — Yes, certainly not less. 53. G 2 648. That 52 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain 648. That was the price in 1849; what was the price in the beginning of W. Wmniett, R.N. jg^g ? — j think it must have been something the same. 30th April 1840 ^49- ^^ hat was it in 1847 ?— In 1847 1 think I have heard that it was lower. ' Ships of the squadron very seldom called at Cape Coast Castle, and therefore I had not an opportunity of ascertaining positively. 650. Will you proceed with your statement with respect to the King of Dahomey? — When I visited the King, he gave me to understand that he and his army were at all times ready to fight the Queen of England's enemies, and to do anything that the English Government wished him, except doing away with the Slave Trade ; the King is wilhng also to permit Englishmen to form plantations in his country. 65 1 . You have stated that the King of Dahomey is anxious to be on good terms with the Queen of England ; what could we give him as an equivalent for that 300,000 dollars which he derives annually from the Slave Trade ?— There has been a sura offered, but a very small one, not more tlian 500/. sterling annually for seven years. 652. If in these razzias the King of Dahomey takes 8,000 slaves, how comes it that he only sells 3,000 ; what becomes of the other 5,000 ?— The other 5,000 are kept for his troops. 653. He distributes his plunder amongst his captains and the troops for them to sell ?— Yes. 654. Then he keeps 3,000 to himself? — He keeps 3,000, or perhaps more. 6.55. Is this slave-hunt in his own territory ?— No, it is not ; they go to war on the different tribes around his dominions. 656. Is there any declaration of war beforehand, or do they march where they will ? — They march where they will, generally concealing the object, and the position which they are going to take up, so as to surprise the villages and towns. 657. .A.nd your impression is, that the greater number of the slaves are there-, fore furnished by those slave-hunt wars ? —Certainly. 658. Are there any of the slaves who are sold by their creditors as debtors? — I never heard of a case ; it may be so. 659. What is the extent of the King of Dahomey's dominion in the direction opposite to Whydah? — It extends very near Badagry and Lagos, and ihose places. 6t)0. How far inland ? — I do not know how far inland ; a very little way beyond his capital. 6(Si. How far is he from the Ashantees?— A long way; it is a difficult part of the country ; I was at Ashantee also the other day. 662. His roads are into the interior ?— Yes. 663. Along the whole line of his territory r --Yes. 664. You went yourself to Dahomey ? — I did. 66.5. What sort of state did you find Dahomey in as to merchandize and settled houses? — I always found that the further you go into the country, the more fertile the grounds, and in excellent order ; I found the inhabitants ex- ceedingly peaceable, and exceedingly well-disposed to the English Government ; indeed, I found this feeling in almost every part of the coast I have travelled. 666. Does Dahomey lie near to the range of mountains which stretches north- ward and southward ? — No, it does not ; perhaps a distance of 40 or 50 miles. 667. Is any resistance made to those slave-hunts, which you described as being regularly conducted for two or three months every year ; is any resistance made to themby the chiefs ? — No ; they are overpowered with the force which the King of Dahomey sends against them; he has, upon one or two occasions, produced me models of the different forts that his female troops have captured ; he has not so many female troops as he has male, and it is those in whom he places the greatest confidence. 668. Who are engaged in his army ? — Yes, there are nearly 8,000 of them. I was present at a review of 8,000 women. 669. Do they fight better than the men ? — Very much. I was amazed at the fortifications that they stormed, and regularly carried by storm, of which they had models. 670. Are they protected by armour? — From the wrist up to the elbow. 671. What weapons do they carry ? — Muskets and swords, 672. Are they foot soldiers or horse ? — All foot. 673. Does ox THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 53 673. Does the King himself command in chief upon the occasion of those raids ? Captain — Occasionally. ^^- Winniett, R.N. 674. He sends out his captains and generals at all times ?~Yes, his captains ooth jTriTiSao and generals. ' 675. Are tiiey women? — They are women, those attached to the female part of his army. Of course, he has male troops also. 676. Do you know the proportion between the female troops and the others? — ^There were more male than female. There are 8,000 female. He requested that Her Majesty would kindly make him a present of 2,000 war-caps for his female troops, and She very kindly sent them to him. 677. You mentioned the friendly feeling which has existed towards the English ; have you been aware of any prohibitions against English goods passing through the territory of Dahomey ?— No. I heard of a message which he sent down to the coast of Whydah upon one occasion, when an Englishman had received an insult from a Frenchman, and he gave him to understand that he had not been in the habit of taking white men's heads off; but if either Frenchmen, Portu- guese or Sardinians, ever attempted to interfere with any person attached to the English Government, he would take their heads off as soon as he would take off the head of one of his own slaves. 678. Do you know in what districts those slave raids are habitually carried on ; do you know the districts he invades ?— I do not. 679. Are they distant from Dahomey ? — Immediately round the neighbour- hood of Dahomey, not exceeding 20 or 30 miles ; it may be more. 680. Do you know what he would expect in the way of subsidy for abolition of the Slave Trade ? — I should certainly say at least 200,000 dollars. I do not think he would take one farthing less. 08 1. What articles of commerce have the inhabitants of Dahomey to trade with ? — They have nothing but gold-dust, ivory and palm-oil. Gold-dust is their only trade. They purchase the English manufactured goods that come out in vessels. 682. Do they grow coffee ? — Not at all. C83. Do they grow sugar ? — Not at all. 684. Do they grow indigo? — Not at all. They make very little palm-oil, I came home in a ship, the first ship that was loaded at Whydah. The noted slaver Domingo loaded her ; this is the first vessel that has been loaded with palm-oil. 685. Do you think that it is the presence of the Slave Trade which prevents the up-growth of a legitimate trade?- I do. 686. So that if the Slave Trade was checked, a legitimate trade would spring up in its stead ? — Certainly. 687. Does the palm-oil come from the interior? — Yes. 688. Do the slaves exported from Whydah bring it? — They do. 689. Then it would appear that the Slave Trade and the trade in palm-oil are carried on simultaneously with advantage ? — Yes. 690. They assist each other? — I think they do. 691. In what way do you think that the one trade prevents the other ; why do you think that the cessation of the Slave Trade would tend to promote legitimate trade?— I think if the Slave Trade was done away, you would have more labour to grow coffee, as 1 wished the King to do, and cotton, and to make palm-oil ; although they have not any scarcity of labour, for those slaves that they do not sell, they keep on the coast for the purpose of working their plan- tations. 69.2. Can you trace any reason for the preference you sjieak of as existing in favour of the British?— It is a feeling that he has always had towards the British Government. He considers them, as he has often remarked to me, so far supe- rior to any other nation in the world ; there is the same feeling on the part of the King of Ashantee. 69.3. When you said that what he required was the restoration of the fort of Whydah, you meant over and above the grant of money as subsidy ?— Yes. 694. What is the annual cost of the maintenance of such coast forts now to the British nation ?— It is very trilling ; I have not exceeded the grant of 4,000 /. a year, and 1 have kept them in very good order. 695. How many forts have you?— 1 built a new fort at Accra; I put the forts at Annamaboe and Dixcove in a thorough state of repair, each fortification 53, G 3 mounting 54 MINUTES OV EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain mounting from 24 to 30 pieces of ordnance, and all the buildings attached to it, fV. Winniett, R.N. which, when I lirst went out, were in a perfect state of ruin ; they were falling , ' r J. down ; in fact, not inhabitable. 30 pri 1 49- g^g ^^ ^^j^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^^ ^j^^^ done? — I have done it all for 1,150?. 697. What number of troops does it take to occupy those forts? — The bar- racks at Accra will contain 75 and 3 officers : the hospital that I built will con- tain 30 patients. 6g8. The 75 being black troops from the West India regiment ? — Yes. 699. Are the three officers black or white ? — White. 700. Do you find that the health of the white officers suffers very much from the climate ? — Very much; seven died during the time that I was out there upon the coast alone. 701. Did your health suffer while you were there? — In the first instance ; you are quite sure, on arriving at the Gold Coast, to have an attack of fever, what they call the " seasoning," and two out of five is the average that die. After you get through the " seasoning," you are comparatively safe for five or seven years, with the exception of having an attack of fever and ague. 702. You are speaking now of the effect of the climate on white men ? — Yes. 703. Is the effect of the climate, as far as your observation goes, the same on our black troops from the West India Islands ? — No, it is not. 704. Do they go through the " seasoning" fever? — No, they do not ; they occasionally have fever. They are often confined with the Guinea worm. 705. Are the troops in our West India regiment native Africans ? — Yes, they have been captured slaves. 706. Do you know any instance of coloured people born in our West India Islands settling on the Cape Coast, or the Gold Coast? — The missionary, Mr. Freeman, I think, is a West Indian, and he is the superintendent of the Wesleyan Missionary Society at present, on the Gold Coast. 707. Do they suffer as much or more than Englishmen? — Not more; they suffer quite as much as the English on first coming to the Gold Coast. 708. But they do not die in the same per-centage ? — They do not ; indeed there are not several instances of West Indians from the Wesleyan Missionary Society. 709. Have you any means of forming any judgment as to how far the system of the occupation of forts upon that coast might be extended ? — Yes ; I have on one or two occasions corresponded with the Secretary of State on that very subject ; and it is my firm opinion that slavery will never be done away, excepting by blockading the Bight of Benin, and building forts along the line of coast. 1 do not mean simply blockading by not allowing Spanish or Portuguese vessels to go there ; but I mean to say, that in two years, or two years and a half, by blockading the coast thoroughly, you must do away with slavery ; because it would compel the King of Dahomey to come into our views ; for they cannot do without English manufactured goods, and I think that in two or three years he would certainly come into our views in respect to the sum of money. But it must be such a blockade by steamers as not to allow anything to pass, and at the same time erecting forts every 10 or 20 miles ; something in the same shape as the forts on the coast of Sussex, the Martello towers. 710. To what length would you extend the line of forts? — I would extend them down certainly below Popo. There is a question, I believe, as to the purchase of the Danish settlements ; they are extremely anxious for the Enghsh Government to purchase the Danish settlements ; and they have already com- municated with Earl Grey upon the subject, and I am happy to find that there is a probability that it will take place. If the Danish settlements were not purchased, we could not extend our forts further than Prampram, which is about 132 miles to the east of Cape Coast. 71 1. Would not the Danish Government co-operate with ours in endeavouring to suppress the Slave Trade ? — No ; I would not trust either the Danish or the Dutch Government. 712. But you cannot establish a blockade without first declaring war against the King of Dahomey. When you say a blockade, do you mean a blockade strictly so called, or a blockade merely against slavers ? — No ; I would say a blockade strictly so called, so as not to allow anything to pass or land on shore. 7 '3. Tq ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 55 713. To stop all legitimate trade?— Yes, until he came into the views which Captain have been held out to him. IV. IVinniett, R.N. 714. From your experience of that coast, you think that an extension of the . — r forts might be carried out at a very trifling national expense ? —Yes ; it has 3 ot Apn 18 49. proved so on the Gold Coast. We did away with slavery there by building fortifications and forts along the line of coast, and there is not a slave sent from the whole line of coast now, 250 miles, and during my government there was not anything like a slave embarked. 715. That formerly was a nest of slave-trading? — Perfectly so. 716. And you attribute the cessation of the Slave Trade there to the occupa- tion of British forts ? — Certainly ; that is the opinion of every person who has been out there, and that you could prevent the Slave Trade by that and block- ading with steamers and boats sufficient; for one steamer is of more use on the coast than a number of sailing vessels. 717. Is it difficult to obtain sites for such forts at Whydah, for instance? — The King of Dahomey has offered them to us ; and he is exceedingly anxious to establish schools in his dominions. 718. Then he does not foresee that the consequence of building forts would be the stopping of the Slave Trade ? — He did not make that remark. 719. You said that he was exceedingly anxious to be put under British pro- tection ? — Exceedingly so. 720. And he would consider the establishment of those forts as a proof that he was under British protection ? — I think so. 721. What object can he have in being under British protection ; nobody is coming near him to hurt him ? — I do not know his object ; but he certainly has a very great wish for it. The only tribe that could at all interfere with him would be the King of Ashantee ; but I think he is equally powerful, judging from his forces, as the King of Ashantee. 722. By being under British protection, does he understand receiving a British pension ? — By being compensated for the loss of slavery, of course. He thinks that he could not possibly support his army and support his State without having sufficient to compensate him for the loss of his present revenue. 723. In fact, the distribution of 5,000 slaves a year amongst his troops, female and male, must be their payment. Are not they paid in slaves ? — They are paid in cowries, in gold-dust, and in doubloons. 724. But they hkewise receive slaves? — Yes. 725. Of course we could not conveniently act upon both principles, by forming a treaty with him, and giving him a subsidy, and at the same time declaring war against him, and blockading his coast, and preventing all commerce with his people ? — I do not think he would consider it a declaration of war, if it were explained to him. We should say, " We will offer you so much money ; if you do not come into our views about slavery, we shall blockade the coast." 726. How do you propose to deal with the ships of neutral powers, unless you are at war with him ; how could you turn back a French vessel, unless you at the same time announced that you were at war with the King of Dahomey ? — I should think they would have the same good feeling towards supjiressing the Slave Trade ; they might either go above Whydah or below it ; I am speaking of the Bight of Benin. 727. In the second treaty of which you spoke, which the King of Dahomey rejected, was there a distinct offer of money on the part of the Queen of Eng- land ? — Yes, there was ; I found those treaties in my office when I arrived at Cape Coast Castle ; they had never been taken to the King of Dahomey ; I at once proceeded to him, with the hope that it might be of service ; such was the result. The treaty for amity and commerce he at once entered into, and felt great delight, as he said, in taking the English under his protection and care ; but that he should require a certain time to consider as to the Slave Trade, and that at the end of 12 months he would be prepared to give an answer. At the end of 12 months, by the direction of Lord Grey, I despatched an officer to him, with a present from the Queen, and he stated, that he thought the sum offered was too small for him to give up so large a revenue ; that he would have no way of supporting himself, and appeared much distressed and excited. 728. And upon that it went off ? — It did. 729. If we made a treaty with him, what extent of coast should we command 53. G 4 under 5b MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain under that treaty ? — A considerable extent ; there are Ahguah, Badagry, Ardra, Jr. Winnieu, R.N. ^qJ Qjjg qp ^^.q other small places. aoih April 1840. 73*^- '^'^^ Danish settlements are between Ahguah and Whydah? — Yes. 731. Have the Danes any force in their forts? — Not any of consequence, except at British Accra. 73 J. What amount of force have they there ? — They have about 35 or 36 men, and a fort with 25 or 30 small pieces of ordnance upon it. 733. Did you get any light upon the reason for having that female army from the King of Dahomey ? — He gave me to understand that he could place greater confidence in them ; that he kept them only around his person ; that in all his castles (he had three) there was never a man allowed to enter ; they were what he called his body-guard. 734. Were they regularly trained as soldiers ? — Yes. 735. Of what age were they ?— All young women ; not one beyond 35. 736. After that, do they quit the service, and marry? — He pensioned them off, and took care of them ; he said he was bound to take care of them after they were of no use. 737. Were they allowed to marry whilst in his service ? — I\o. 738. Were they pressed into the service ? — No ; all voluntary. 739. Natives of his own country ? — Yes ; remarkably fine women, standing five feet eight, nine and ten. 740. Could the forts he maintained without the maintenance of the blockade squadron ? — Yes. 741. Where would they be provisioned from in the event of a misunderstanding with the people : — There are always plenty of provisions along the coast ; I have suggested to Lord Grey the necessity of having a steamer upon the coast, in order to visit the different forts along the line ; the present mode of travelling is most difiicult. 742. Would there be any increased difficulty in maintaining the forts if they went further south, from the unhealthiness of the country in the Bight of Benin? — No ; I do not think it is more unhealthy there than it is along the line of coast anywhere. 743. Comparing the cost of maintaining a ship of the blockading squadron with the cost of maintaining one of those Cape Coast forts, what is the relative proportion ? — Take a sloop-of-v/ar ; the expense of maintaining the crew of a sloop-of-war for a year, I would say, would nearly maintain the forts along the whole line of coast. 744. Do you consider that, without a hostile blockade, the occupation of a fort at Whydah would enable you to stop the Slave Trade at that port ? — Most certainly ; if you had a fort at Whydah, there would not be a slave shipped within range of tlie guns. 745. Supposing we had a fort built at each of the principal marts of the Slave Trade, your opinion is, that the same result would follow ? — It must, certainly. 746. Must the forts be connected one with another ? — They should be from 10 to 20 miles ; the greatest distance should be 20 miles. 747. Have you laid these statements before Lord Grey in papers? — I shall be called upon to do so, I think, very soon ; I have had an interview with Lord Grey, and also with Mr. Hawes. 748. Have you seen the barracoons at Whydah ? — Yes. 749. At what distance are they from the coast ?— Immediately on the coast. 750. Are they at the mouth of any river, or on the borders of any lagoons ? — No, I have never seen one ; I went down a lagoon, from Ahguali to Whydah. 751. Are the barracoons accessible to vessels only in tine weather ? — At all times. 752. But they are not upon a sheltered coast ; they are not at the mouth of a river, or at the edge of a lagoon ? — No, but I am quite aware that they would never attempt to take oft' the slaves ; except it was such a sea that they could embark them ; but in an hour and a half, or two hours, they can embark 200 slaves if the weather is fine ; they will only come in when the weather is fine. 753. Supposing that by virtue of a treaty the barracoons as they now exist were destroyed, could the slave traders, with equal advantage to their trade, build them upon some spot less accessible to our boats further inland? — I think so; I do not think it would interfere at all in the embarkation of slaves to burn the barracoons, because they couid at all times have shelter for them. 754- It ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. c- 754. It would induce them probably to build those barracoons higher up ?— Captain Further in the interior. JV. Wimnett, R.N. 755; But it would be no impediment in the way of their embarking the othAliFiS 756. It would make a difference in point of time ? — In point of time it would ; but it is so instantaneous, that you can scarcely account for their getting the information. 757. In the event of the erection of a fort at the port of Whydah, what would there be to prevent the slaves being shipped some way up the river, and then saihng by the fort? — It is not a river, it is a plain line of coast. 7,58. What would prevent their being shipped at some other port in the Dahomey territory; Popo, for instance? — It would not prevent their being shipped there; I am only speaking of the town of Whydah. If the fortifications are built along the line of coast, and steamers blocking off, for instance 10 to 20 miles, and boats between them, nothing could escape them. 759. You think that if we had a fort at Whydah, another fort 20 miles east, and another fort 20 miles west, no slaves would be shipped in the intervening space? — 1 think so. 760. Why would that be the result, as there would be many places out of the reach of our guns ? — Those forts would have 25 or 30 troops, with officers, and we should patrol the beach, just as you do in looking out for smugglers upon the coast of Kent, and we should always have a telescope on the top of those towers, watching for the apjiroach of any vessel. 76 1 . Then it amounts to this, that you must have an active police patrolling the whole coast r— The troops attached to the different fortifications. 762. You said that you have entirely suppressed the Slave Trade on the Gold Coast ; is that by means of the forts which you have along the coast ? — Yes. 763. How many forts have you along the whole of the Gold Coast ?— The Western Fort is at Dix Cove, which is rather a large fortification, where boats can go in and get water, and where we can land in our own boat ; and from Dix Cove I think there are live fortifications. 764. There are some Danish forts between; do they interfere, or do they assist ? — I am sorry to say, that I believe they assist by furnishing canoes for shipping the slaves. 765. You said that you went to the King of Ashantee ; are there any remarks which your visit suggests bearing upon that subject ? — There are not ; his is a warlike tribe ; he does not traffic in slaves at all. 766. Is his principally a Mahommedan tribe? — Yes. 767. Is the King of Dahomey a Mahommedan? — Yes. 768. Do they make slaves of Mahommedans ? — No, I believe they do not. 769. Amongst whom are those slaves taken in the slave raids distributed, who do not form the King's own perquisites ? — About 8,000 are sent annually, and another thousand are taken for field labourers, and his other labourers employed about his castles. 770. But they all belong to the King?— Yes. 77 1 . And he sells 3,000 of those ?— Yes, I have heard about that number. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Mr. FREDERICK ROBERT AUGUSTUS GLOVER is called m, and examined as follows : 772. YOU have been for some time upon the coast of Africa? — I was there Mr. about eight months. ^- ^-^^/over. 773. In what year?^ — ^In 1824. 774. In what capacity ? — I was Aide-de-Camp and Acting Secretary to General Turner. 775. As such, you had an opportunity of observing the operations at that time of the Slave Trade upon that coast ? — Yes ; I did not make any particular inquiry at that time, but I saw what was going on. 776. Have you turned your attention since to the attempts made by Great Britain to check and stop "the Slave Trade upon the coast?— Yes ; I saw that all my General's prognostications were realized, unfortunately. 777- What prognostications do you particularly allude to?— That unless there was a greater use of steam, they would never succeed in putting down the trade. 53. H 778. Was 5^ MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Mr. 778. Was it General Turner's view that steam was the only thing that would F. R. A. Clover, put it down ?— That that would be the chief agent to be employed. 50th April 1849. '^'''' ^'^^ ^^^^ ^^^ °^ Steamers become so common in 1824? — Yes, there was * a steamer built to go out, called the " African" vessel. 780. That was General Turner's judgment, from his own observation upon the coast ? — It was. 781. Have you any suggestions or plan which you have at all matured which you would think it expedient to lay before the Committee, by the adoption of which you think, from your knowledge of the coast, that the efficiency of the squadron would be increased ? — It depends upon circumstances. If the principle is laid down that it is absolutely wrong for one man to deal with the life of another without his consent, then you may do something ; but if that principle is denied, you have a right to interfere, and you can do nothing. If those African Kings have a right to make people slaves, and a right to sell them, we cannot touch them ; but if the abstract principle is denied, then, I think, there are means of getting at them. 782. Have you any suggestions to make as to any means by which the efficiency of the squadron, as at present conducted, can be increased ? — No. I could not presume to make any, not being a sailor, or connected with the Admiralty ; but 1 maintain the opinion that General Turner put forth, that every ship employed there ought to be a steamer. There are great difficulties attending it, no doubt ; for example, there is the heat of the climate ; but the heat of the chmate is not so great an objection as people think, because the difference between the hot air above, on deck, and the hot air below, is not so great to the stoker as it is in this country. 783. You could get black stokers, as they do in the Red Sea, and they do not suffer at all? — I should think so ; but I was answering the objection as to the employment of white stokers. 784. You must have a white engineer? — I should think it would be more beneficial to the white engineer to serve in that country than to serve in a cold country, for here he is obliged constantly to pass from heat to cold. 785. Can j'ou suggest any mode by which a proportion of the emancipated Africans at Sierra Leone could l)e made to assist in carrying out the purpose of Great Uritain of suppressing the Slave Trade ? — As the principal shipment of slaves takes place from all the rivers' mouths, and it is not possible for the crews of the Queen's ships to row guard, and to watch the exit of the rivers properly, you might have the Sierra Leone liberated people to colonize at the mouths of the rivers, and they should be encouraged by certain rewards to row guard at night. 786. That might be carried on in connexion with the African forts held by this country ? — No ; because the African forts are very few, and they are not at the rivers' mouths. 787. But, supposing that forts were built at the rivers' mouths, you would then have nests of those Africans round them? — Yes. I anticipate that this would be the means of causing forts to be built. You might take from Sierra Leone two or three thousand men, with their wives, and hold out inducements, by giving them lands. 78b'. When you speak of " rowing guard," do you mean rowing guard in the rivers ? — Yes, in the neighbourhood where the barracoons are. 789. Yon know that there are many parts of the coast of Africa where slaves are shipped from barracoons which are not built at the mouths of rivers, or in any sheltered spot at all ? — Yes ; but if you get rid of the river marts, that is something, and you must plant your stations wherever you know those people use the coast. 7Q0. For instance, the Slave Trade carried on to the north of the Portuguese possessions is carried on mainly from the open coast ? — Yes ; but you can put vour men in some convenient place. 791. Perhaps you are aware that the system of cruising in open boats has been carried to a great length in the last two or three years by the squadron ? — Yes ; but you can scarcely expect to be able always to carry it on with the same vigour. 792. It has been cai'ried on with great success? — Yes ; but it is not to be expected that you can always follow it out with white men. 703. Have vou ever calculated the number of steamers that would be necessary to ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 59 to make an efficient police upon the coast ? — I cannot say that 1 have ; I thought first of all there should be a sufficient number to catch everything that is going at the present moment. 794. You would not consider it necessary to have as many steamers as there are now sailing-vessels ? — I think we have not half enough now. 795. Do you know how many we have now upon the west coast ? — I think I saw a list the other day of 22 or 23. 796. You think there should be more ? — I think, under existing circumstances, it requires a great many more ; but if the plan I have now suggested were carried out, I think you would be able in three or four years to make a consider- able reduction, or at all events you would be able to watch with few ships those parts of the coast where the settlements would be made, and to have more of your ships disengaged to watch the open road parts. 797. Has it ever occurred to you to consider the expense of keeping up a fleet of 20 or 25 steamers upon the coast of Africa? — Yes, I think I know what it would cost pretty nearly. 798. How much would it cost ? — I dare say it would cost two-thirds of a miUion. 799. That is, including the expenses of fuel, and very large incidental expenses? — Yes ; but I think that would not be necessary for more than a year ; at present, I believe the expense is upwards of 300,000 /. ; I think it is better to incur a greater expense for one year, and have done with it. 800. Practically, do you think that, even supposing the suppression was carried to the greatest conceivable extent for one year, that would be sufficient to knock the Slave Trade on the head for ever ? — It depends upon the mode in which it is carried out ; if you carried all your power into the field, and determined to put a stop to it, route qui coule, you would put a stop to it in one year. 801. Would not it revive again?— Not if you took the ships, and took pos- session of the crews. 802. What would you do with the crews ? — I would make convicts of them, as they make convicts of the poor slaves, whom they have no right to touch. 803. You would deal with the subjects of a foreign crown as you would with British subjects ? — I think every person caught in the act of selling his brother should forfeit all claim, according to the law of nations ; it is called piracy on the high seas, and, if so, they forfeit their lives. 804. Are you aware that it is anywhere so called according to the law of nations? — I have always understood so; that was the understanding when I was at Sierra Leone. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Ordered, That this Committee be adjourned to Wednesday, Two o'clock. F.R. Mr. A. Glover, 30tli April 1849. Die Mercurii, 2^ Mail, 1 849. THE LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD in the Chair. The Reverend HENRY TOWNSEND is called in, and examined as follows : 805. YOU are a Clergyman of the Church of England?— I am. 806. What year were you in Africa?— I left the Coast of Africa in April 1848. 807. When did you go to it? — 1 went to it the last time in the end of 1844 ; I arrived at Sierra Leone in the end of 1844. 808. Had you been in Africa before ?— Yes ; I have been three times to Africa. 809. Will you mention the different times you have been in Africa, the length of time you stayed, and the places you were at?— I went, first, in 1836, to Sierra Leone, and returned to England early in 1840, and returned again to Sierra Leone at the end of 1840 ; 1 returned to England at the end of 1843, and went 53. H 2 Ijack The Reverend Henry Toxmisend. 2d May 1849. 6o MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Reverend back again to Sierra Leone at the end of 1844, not remaining at Sierra Leone, Henry Tjmnseiid. ^jyj proceeding from thence to Badagry. where I arrived in January 1:^45. This 2d iMay 1849. ^^^ ^y second visit to Badagry; I visited it from Sierra Leone in the end of 1842, returning to Sierra Leone in 1843. 810. You went to that country in connexion with the Church Missionary Society?— Yes. 811. And with a view to conducting its missions amongst the natives of Africa? — Yes ; among the Egbas, a province of the Yoruba country. 8 1 2. Did you originally go out with a view to the liberated negroes of Sierra Leone ?— Not the liberated negroes only ; our intentions were, if possible, to establish a mission for the benefit of the country ; of course, including the liberated Africans who may be there. 813. You went from Sierra Leone to Badagry? — From Sierra Leone to Badagry. 8 1 4. That was by sea ? — Yes. 815. And from Badagry to Abbeokuta by land? — Yes. 816. How far up the country is Abbeokuta ? — It is 56 geographical miles, as far as I could learn. 817. In what negro state is Abbeokuta; under what king? — They are under their own chiefs, separated now from the Yoruba kingdom, on account of the slave wars, which have upset their usual mode of government. 818. How long did you reside actually at Abbeokuta?— Eighteen months. 8ig. Is Abbeokuta a very strong position? — Very strong. 820. Is there any water communication from the sea with it? — Within a very short distance by canoes ; it ceases to be navigable about four or five miles from Abbeokuta, as far as I could learn. 821. Abbeokuta is the capital of the Egba country ? — Yes. 822. "What is the estimated population? — We thought there were 50,000 in this one town of Abbeokuta. 823. In what way do the inhabitants of the town maintain themselves? — Some by trade, some by agriculture, some by weaving cloth, and other matters of the like nature. 8J4. When you say " trade," will you state the nature of the trade? — A trade in the buying and selling of whatever the country produces; also in those tilings that they purchase from white men with the slaves, and also in slaves. The Slave Trade is only part of the trade of the country; it is only the means by which they obtain European articles. 82,5. Is that the only means by which they obtain European articles ? — There is a factory at Badagry, which is very small, and produces very little results upon the interior of the country, because it takes but little of the produce of the interior. 826. How do they obtain the slaves with which they traffic with the whites ? — They are obtained by kidnapping chiefly. 827. Kidnapping in their own district ? — No ; they are divided into small tribes, and though they maybe all included under one kingdom, and speak but one language, yet they are under distinct and separate governments, which governments were formerly united under one king; but in consequence of the weakness of their king and the slave-wars, they became disunited, and now make war upon each other ; that is, one party will go and make an attack upon another ; or it may be, that they are trading together in a friendly way, and some rascally chief or other takes advantage of a number of peaceable persons coming to the town, and he seizes them, and the laws of the country are not sufficiently strong to put a stop to it. Then a retaliation ensues. It is entirely the result of one party stealing another party. 828. You say that the laws of the country are not strong enough to put a stop to it; are there any laws that condemn it? — I should think so; I knowof alaw being passed to stop kidnapping at Abbeokuta. 829. What is the form of government at Abbeokuta? — There is a senior chief, and he has a sort of council. 830. Of how many? — I do not know what number; there are a number of chiefs ; it is not so fixed and settled as it is in this country. 831. How is this council appointed ? — There is a system which they call " Oboni." It is a secret affair, and I do not know how it is constituted. 832. But they are distinctly constituted ; they are not merely the leading men ? — Thev ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 6l — They are distinctly constituted, but with them also may be associated other The Reverend persons of standing ; they always endeavour to get persons of standing into this Henry Tovmsend. system of theirs, which they call " Oboni." Indeed they wanted me to become a member of it ; but it is something connected with their idolatrous system, "^ ^^'^^ ' which I do not understand. There are secrets which they will not reveal. 833. Then the King's power is checked by the assent or dissent of this council ? — Yes, and also by the people. At this assembly that I speak of, where a law was passed against kidnapping, I was present, and there was a vast assembly of people, not merely the chiefs, not merely the Oboni people, but all persons whatsoever, except females, who expressed their approbation or otherwise at the various speeches made by the chiefs. 834. And then, was the law adopted by acclamation or by vote, or how ? — I think this was the mode of their proceeding: the junior chief speaks first, and gives his opinion ; and then they proceed, until it comes to the last, the senior chief, and he gives the decision. ^:^S- This was a law directed against allowing their own people to kidnap from other tribes? — Yes. 836. Was it debated, and were there contrary opinions pronounced? — There were some contrary opinions ; but 1 was not present the Avhole of the time ; there were certainly some contrary opinions ; because one of the chiefs then present, in the course of a fortnight, broke the law. 837. Can you tell the Committee briefly the grounds upon which such a law was passed ; was it upon moral grounds, or grounds of expediency, or regard to the English, or upon what ground? — I think the reasons, as far as I could ascer- tain, were both moral grounds and grounds of expediency. They thought it expedient, and they thought it right; indeed they know the Slave Trade is wrong. 838. On the expediency ground what argument was used? — That it produced war in the country, wliich produced evil results ; such as loss of life and property, and discord. 839. Did they speak of it as interrupting other modes of trade ? — I do not remember that that reason was advanced ; bat doubtless it entered into their thoughts. Speaking with them at other times, they speak of it as an interruption to their traffic, and as an evil in every respect. 840. Are those people liable to be kidnapped by the neighbouring tribes them- selves ? — Certainly they are. 841. Whom did this assembly represent; did they represent one tribe, or a congregation of tribes ? — One tribe only ; the Egba tribe. 842. Is the profession, so to speak, of a slave trader separate from others at Abbeokuta ; are there separate slave merchants, or is it that any man kidnaps when he can ? — The kidnapper may be separate from the merchant : the man who kidnaps sells his slaves to a trader ; sometimes a merchant or trader turns kid- napper ; but generally the kidnapper is a lawless young man of no occupation. 843. Are there regular slave merchants ? — Yes. 844. Do they obtain their slaves in any other way than by kidnapping ? — They purchase from the interior of the country ; but then, of course, they are obtained in the same manner there. 84,5. Do they send emissaries into the interior of the country to purchase? — They do ; suppose myself to be an African residing in Africa, I proceed to the next market town, and I purchase anything that I see, according to my own opinion of what may be most advantageous for trade. 846. Are you aware how far in the interior from Abbeokuta they send to pur- chase slaves f— I think generally but a short distance. They proceed in this mode : they have a regular chain of market towns ; those persons of Abbeokuta go to a town called Tjaye, and there they meet other traders that come down the country ; and there those that come down sell their slaves, and those who come up from Abbeokuta, and meet them, purchase their slaves ; this is done in the open market. 847. No questions are asked, when kidnapping is prohibited, as to how the slaves have been obtained ? — Not at all. 848. How are the slaves brought from one of those market towns to another; are they marched down in strings, or do they bring commodities upon their backs, or in what way are they brought? — I have never seen them in strings ; I have 53. ' 11 3 seen 02 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Reverend seen individual slaves brought ; it may be that they have carried some little Henri/ Toivnscnd. article. "d ftia^S ^4?" Supposing one of the purchasers to bring his slaves to Abbeokuta, what ' ' then becomes of them ? — If he does not sell them immediately, he keeps them for a time in his house, and treats them generally with the greatest kindness. He does nothing to them, any more than just keeping them safely. 850. He does not employ them for any work ? — I think not, unless he means to keep them as domestic slaves. 851. Where does he look for liis market ; by sending them to the coast, or by sending them to others who take them to the coast ? — They generally go to a market town somewhere between Abbeokuta and Lagos, otherwise they Ccury them to Badagry. 852. The taking them to that market town between Abbeokuta and Lagos is with a view to their embarkation at Lagos ? — They carry them there with a view to sell them to the Lagos people, who then sell them to the white trader. 8.53. Have you any idea of the proportion between the traffic in slaves and the traffic in other articles carried on in Abbeokuta ? — I can form no conception of it. 854. Is it the principal merchandize of the place ? — I should say not; indeed not in any part of Africa ; because it is only one ai'ticle, and it produces trade in other articles ; if a slave is sold, a certain amount of goods are received for that slave, and those goods form an article of commerce afterwards. 855. Is it your impression that a brisk traffic in slaves tends to promote other traffic, or is it a hindrance to legitimate traffic? — I think it is a hindrance, and a very great one, because when they sell slaves, and purchase goods with their slaves, then, of course, they do not want goods by any other means, because their markets are supplied by the sale of the slaves with the goods that are in demand. 856. You mean that it takes away the stimulus to produce other articles fit for merchandize r — Certainly it does. 857. Does it in any other way tend to prevent the up-growth of legitimate commerce ? — By interrupting lawful trade, by shutting up the roads through their wars. 858. How does it interrupt lawful trade? — By producing wars amongst the people. A party who wished to kidnap, or to revenge any offence which he might have received, would way-lay people on the road, and then, of course, they are not able to pass, for whatever time it may be, until means are used to open the road again; consequently there can be no traffic upon that road of any kind. 859. In point of fact, do you find a general sense of insecurity of person and property arising from the internal Slave Trade ? — Very great insecurity. 860. Are the people themselves conscious of it?— Very conscious of it; and not only so, but most desirous of getting rid of the Slave Trade. 861. Then if they are desirous of getting rid of it, through whose influence is it kept up ? — I judge (whether rightly or wrongly I am not able to prove) entirely through the white slave traders. 862. Through whose influence in the native society? — The first link in the chain is the wMte slave trader ; he makes a demand for slaves, and he produces commodities which the natives want as the payment for slaves ; then, of course, that encourages those Africans, who are evil disposed, to make war upon others, or to kidnap others, as it may happen, in order to supply the market with slaves ; consequently I place it to the fountain head, and say that the white slave traders are the cause of the whole Slave Trade in Africa. 863. Would there be no Slave Trade for the purpose of supplying themselves with slaves for domestic purposes ? — I should suppose not, or to a very limited extent. 864. How is the service in their houses and their agricultural labour per- formed? — Sometimes by slaves, sometimes by freemen ; a freeman will frequently work on his own farm. 865. Will a freeman w-ork for wages on another man's farm? — That has never been done, but we can hire them for wages. 866. So that at present any labour that is performed beyond what their own hands can perform is performed by slaves ? — Not always, because they assist each other without wages. For instance, if a man wishes to build a house, he calls his friends together to help him, whether slaves or free ; there is no regard paid to that. 867. Dq ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 6^ 867. Do they ever use any of their own tribe as slaves ?— I think not. They T/w Reverend are in a sort of slavery ; they are made pawns. Henri/ TaxvHseud. 868. For debt ?— For debt. ^^ m7~'j 86g. Are they, when in that condition, ever sold to the foreign slave traders ^__y_j^9- for exportation ? — Never ; it would be perfectly illegal. 870. There is no such case as a father selling his son ? — Unless for crime done, and then the father does so to save the son's life, it may be. 871. He sells him to a foreign slave trader ? — He sells him to the first person he meets with. The object in that case would be to get rid of him ; to get him out of the country. 872. Is there a great demand for foreign commodities ? — A very great demand, I should think. 873. Is that demand limited by the means of paying for them, or is it limited by the desire to enjoy their use? — I scarce can say what limit there is to it; they desire, doubtless, many articles that they do not possess. 874. Supposing they were to find means of purchasing much more largely than they now have, do you suppose that the demand for English commodities would greatly increase ? — I think if the Slave Trade were not there, and they had lawful traffic, and with it they were taught the use of European articles, the demand would greatly increase ; but, perhaps, under existing circumstances, it could not greatly increase. 875. At the present moment, the cheapest mode by which they can purchase European commodities is by traffic in slaves, is it not ? — I believe it is the only means. 876. We do not take from them any other commodity r — Nothing. There is only one factory there that had anything, or could have anything, to do with any lawful trade, and that is at Badagry ; and they only purchase palm-oil, and that is not a commodity which exists to any great extent far in the interior. They would purchase ivory, of course ; but ivory is a commodity that is not very often obtained in the country, consequently it has but very little effect upon the market. 877. What would be the effect upon legitimate trade of the Slave Trade being- left uninterrupted by our cruisers ? — I think it would be the destruction of all other trade but the Slave Trade. 878. The importation of foreign goods would be greatly increased, would it not ? — By the Slave Trade. 879. The quantity of foreign goods so imported would not satisfy entirely the African market, would it? — I should think it would satisfy the African market; but it would do more than that ; it would increase wars; it would increase the in- security of property; it would render agriculture almost impossible. A man surely would not work on his farm if he was afraid that a man was lurking somewhere near to make him a slave, which would be the case. The increase of the Slave Trade would increase the insecurity of life and property ; consequently they could not produce anything but the barest necessaries of life. 8'8o. Where does the head of the tribe live, at Abbeokuta, or on the coast ? — The head of the Egba tribe lives at Abbeokuta. 881. Has he any relations with the white slave traders on the coast at Lagos ? —Not at all. 882. He gives no encouragement to them ? — I should say not; he may deal in slaves. I do not mean to say that he does not ; but I think his desire is to upset the Slave Trade. 883. Is Badagry within his authority ? — Not at all. 884. Nor Lagos ?— No. 885. Is there no part of his territory touching the sea ? — No part. 886. Then, as far as the foreign Slave Trade is concerned, his trade in slaves is dependent upon permission to pass through some territories lying between himself and the sea? — He goes to a market town between Lagos and Bagadry, and sells the slaves. There is a common place of meeting for the slaves. He does not go to Lagos. 887. If the tribe intervening between his territory and the sea were by force or by persuasion induced to give up the Slave Trade, would that &eal up his Slave Trade?— Certainly it would. 888. Therefore it would be sufficient, as far as his portion of the Slave Trade is concerned, to persuade the tribe occupying the intermediate piece of land to 53. H 4 P^t 64 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Reverend put down the Slave Trade, without entering into any negotiation with the chief Henry Toxunsend. of Abbeokuta ? — It would bs a very great check to the trade ; but I think it would burst through afterwards ; because where there is a check to the Slave sd May 1849. 'Yrad^e merelj% withovit introducing lawful traffic, the demands of the people for ' European productions \\\\\ create a necessity for a renewal of the Slave Trade. 889. Supposing a treaty were made with the chiefs of Lagos and Badagry, and of the whole territory intervening between Abbeokuta and the sea, which em- powered the British to destroy the barracoons as often as they might be set up, and supposing a watch were set upon this part of the coast, could the people of Abbeokuta, by any other contrivance, export slaves from Lagos ?— Unless they took another route to the sea by way of Whydah, passing through the King of Dahomey's dominions. 890. But the same means of prevention, if applied to the King of Dahomey, would hold good there also ? — Then, of course, they could not export a slave by any possibility. 891. You have stated that Abbeokuta is a town of 50,000 inhabitants; will you describe the residences of the people ? — They build their houses generally in squares. 892. Are they placed in parallel lines, so as to form a street ? — No, they are not ; they are placed just as it happens ; the next to it may not be parallel with it, or it may be parallel to it. 893. What materials are they built of? — Generally of mud from the ground ; a sort of cob. 894. Have they windows ? — Generally not ; they have light from the centre, from the open court-yard. 895. There are four sides to the houses?— Yes; there are no windows or doors on the outside, except one general entrance to the interior of the house, which is an open yard ; from that open yard they get access to every part of the house. 8g6. When you were at Abbeokuta did you build a house ? — I did. 897. Of what materials did you build it ? — The same materials; clay dug from the soil. 898. Did you build it yourself ? — The natives built it for me, under my superintendence . 899. How did you get them to do it ? — By paying them wages ; I called them together ; they were afraid to come at first ; but when they found that I paid them wages regularly, they came in in vast numbers ; indeed, far more than we could employ. 900. What is the mode of payment ? — In cowries ; we paid them about 200 cowries a day ; from 160 to 200 a day per male labourer. 901 . For one individual ? — Yes. 902. Of which sex were your workpeople? — Both sexes, men and women ; the men did the harder part of the work, digging the clay, and the women generally carried it ; and, in building the walls, the men built them, while the women would supply them with material. 903. How did you form your roof ? — With rough wood gathered from the forests. qo4. Did you cut it in shape ? — A good deal of it we had cut by sawyers ; others we put up in the rough state. 90,5. Had you windows? — We had windows. 906. Were" those windows made by the natives ?— No, they were not ; I carried them out with me, and put them into the house. 907. During the time you were there, had any of those persons become improved carpenters or improved builders ? — We had carpenters from Sierra Leone, and some of those natives that were there wished to learn the English mode of building, and one we sent to Sierra Leone for the express purpose of being taught. On one occasion, I was appUed to by those natives to be taught to saw timber into planks, and things of that sort. 908. Did you build a church or a chapel ? — Yes, in the same way we built a church. 909. Was it of more stories than one ; was there any gallery ? — There was no gallery ; the roof was so constructed as to give good ventilation, but the walls were only about seven feet high. 910. Did you acquire any land ?- The chiefs gave us land to build on. 911. Did ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 6< pn. Did you obtain any land for farming purposes ?— None whatever; we The Reverend had no use for it. ^enr^, Toxvnsend. g^2. Was not some land farmed? — Not by us. 913. Did not you offer a reward for cultivating ground?— That was in 2d May 1849. Badagry ; my companion did so in Badagry. 914. You mentioned that you attribute the interruption of the lawful trade to the wars caused by the Slave Trade, and to insecurity of person and property ; did you, while you were in that country, see any thing of wars caused in that way ?— I saw, frequently, w^ar caused by the Slave Trade ; when I say, " caused by the Slave Trade," I believe that it was caused by the Slave Trade, although the natives would give some other reason to me. 915. You were there when war actually did take place ? — Yes. 916. And you were able to see that it was either caused or kept alive by the Slave Trade r — Yes, entirely ; my own servants have been fired at by persons who have lurked upon the road to kidnap them ; persons have been killed in the same paity with my own servants, who have been traversing from Abbeokuta to Badagry, or Badagry to Abbeokuta. 917. Do you know instances of persons who were kidnapped from their fami- lies ? — I have known many instances. 918. Have you met with any instances where persons who have been liberated by the cruisers after being kidnapped, returned to their country from Sierra Leone ?— Many, before I went there; hundreds, indeed. 919. How were they received back ; did the Abbeokuta people welcome them back ? — They were very kindly received. 920. Were they most anxious and thankful to return ? — It was their own earnest wish. 921. In spite of the danger of kidnapping? — In spite of the danger of kid- napping. 922. How did they go from Sierra Leone to Abbeokuta ? — By sea to Badagry, and thence to Abbeokuta ; some of them landed at Lagos, but they were prevented by the Slave Trade there. 923. Their danger consisted in making the journey from the coast to Abbeo- kuta?— Yes. 924. Abbeokuta itself was originally an assemblage of different races for mutual defence ? — Just so. 92.5. Is it close under the Kong mountains ? — We do not know ; we do not know what is beyond it, consequently I cannot say. 926. But there are mountains which lie immediately above it? — Yes ; granite hills ; I cannot call them mountains. 927. You mentioned having built a church, and so forth ; how did you pay the labourers who built it ? — By cowries. 928. Is the habit of working for wages common at Abbeokuta? — Not before we went. 929. Was the work done by domestic slaves ? — Not entirely so; the freemen would work for themselves at agricultural labour, and they would have their own domestic slaves, or, it may be, they would have some friends to help them ; they would assist each other. " 1 will work for you to-day ; you will work for me to-morrow." 930. When you say that the habit of working for wages did not exist before you went there, do you mean that you introduced it, so that the natives adopted it ?— I do not say that the natives have adopted it ; there is an exception to their not employing persons for wages in the case of those that carry burdens from one town to another in their trading transactions ; they may be freemen, or they may be slaves, but they are hired, and do their work for wages. 931 . If the masters employ their own slaves in carrying, do you mean that they would pay them wages ? — No. Supposing a man has a number of slaves ; he allows them to go out, and labour for themselves, and they bring him a portion of their wages ; I do not know what portion, but they pay him something. 932. If they have been obtained by kidnapping, what is there to prevent them from going off when they are so trusted ? — I scarcely conceive that those domestic slaves would do so ; many of them are the results of kidnapping, but not all; it may be that they are happy ; I do not think that domestic slavery is a state of great degradation and misery in Africa, by any means. 933. Cut those that are not "procured by kidnapping, hoM' are they procured ? ■ 53. 1 -By 66 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Reverend —By birth, a very large number ; but perhaps a great number were procured by Htnry Tovmsend. j^idnapping in years that are past, and they are in hopes of obtaining their free- ad May 1849. dom. They frequently purchase their own freedom, or it frequently happens that their friends come from a distance, and purchase their freedom. 934. Is there a fair proportion between the male and female domestic slaves in Abbeokuta? — I should think not. We do not know a slave from a freeman ourselves by any external appearance. 9 J5. You do not know whether they are in the habit of breeding slaves within their families ?— Certainly not with that intention. 936. Are the slaves allowed to marry ? — Yes, always, if they can obtain wives. 937. Is there anything degrading in the condition of a slave ? — I'here is something degrading ; they are of a lower caste. 938. What position did those who came back from Sierra Leone take in Abbeokuta ; were they looked up to by the others ? — They were for a time, till they very foolishly lost their position by submitting a little to some of the country customs. ')39- What is the state of Agriculture in the neighbourhood of Abbeokuta, as far as you have observed ? —They cultivate a very large quantity of yams, Indian corn, and a grain known by the Enghsli as Guinea corn; also beans of various kinds, in large quantities. 940. Are any of those for exportation, or are they all for domestic consumption ? — Some for exportation ; they trade with Lagos in those things ; they supply Lagos with provisions generally. 941. Are there any cattle ? -A few, not many. 942. Any sheep ? — .\ large number of sheep and goats. 943. Is the soil fertile ? — I think it is ; I am not a judge of those things. 944. Do you imagine it to be capable of the production of many valuable articles ? —Yes; cotton, indigo and ginger, and other things. 94^5. Has coffee been tried ? — I think it is wild in the woods ; they have not tried it. 946. Is not one great article which they wish to introduce, tobacco? — Yes; it grows wild there, but they do not know how to cure it. 947. The teaching them to cure tobacco would enable them to grow tobacco themselves r — It would ; I proposed it to the chief himself, and he seemed to be very glad; he thought it would be a thing too good to be expected. 948. VVhat beasts of burden have they r — They use their horses for carrying themselves, but never for any other purpose. 049. Have they any donkeys or mules ? — I have seen a few donkeys, but not many. 950. But if they have occasion to transport from one part of the country to another any quantity of merchandize, they are obliged to make use of the backs of men - — Always men carry it, and it is not considered a degrading occupation ; they are paid wages for it. 9/5 1. Is the country so difficult as to make it more convenient to use men than to use beasts of burden ? — There is nothing in the nature of the country to prevent their using horses, but that has been the custom. 952. Have they any camels in that part? — No; one was brought there as a great curiosity once. 953. Are there roads ? — The roads are mere footpaths. 954. You mentioned that you were in connexion with the Church Missionary Society ; have there been any natives converted to Christianity at Abbeokuta ? — Very many. 95.5. And baptized? — Some baptized. 9.56. Are they living in communion with the Church ? — They are. 957. Of what class in native society are they ? — Of all classes. 958. Are there any amongst the chiefs r — We have not had a decided convert from among the chiefs ; we have made some impression upon some of the chiefs. 959. When you say that a large number have been converted to Christianity, can you state about how many? — I believe, as far as I can ascertain, the number is 160 who have made a profession, but they are not baptized ; five were baptized by myself CI am speaking of adults), and there are three others have been baptized by this time, I suppose. 1 heard that they were to be baptized. qGo. Have ON THE AFRICAN SLAVK TRADE. 67 960. Have you attempted to establish schools? — We have, with considerable The Reverend succesr, amongst the adult population. Henry Townsend. ofii . Have you ever formed any idea of what the effect would be of increasing 2d May 1840 the forts in the hands of the British along the coast ? — I think it would be a very good plan for the suppression of the Slave Trade. 962. In what estimation are the English held in Abbeokuta? — They are highly respected. 9t)3. When you say " highly respected," do you mean in comparison with other white people ? — In comparison with other Europeans ; Europeans are generally respected, but the English more than any others. 964. Can you trace that to any particular reasons? — To the efforts of the English to suppress the Slave Trade. 965. Are the nature and object of those efforts commonly understood among the natives? — They are understood at Abbeokuta, I think, but not beyond it. 966. Is the intention of the British in maintaining cruisers on the coast under- stood at Abbeokuta?— I think it is. 967. Have you heard any opinions expressed among the natives respecting it ? — 1 have. 968. To what effect? — I have heard the chiefs there especially speak of it; they think the English are very foolish, because they say, " You are trying to suppress the Slave Trade, and the very heart of the Slave Trade you leave untouched ;" they say, " Look at Lagos ; unless you destroy Lagos, you cannot destroy the Slave Trade, and yet you send your ships, and you never permit your ships to touch that place, and yet you say you wish to suppress the Slave Trade." 969. They perceive the inconsistency of maintaining cruisers, and not by force destroying the marts of the Slave Trade? — Just so. 970. Are you able to give any opinion as to what would be the effect upon the minds of the natives of the destruction of the barracoons along the coast in which the slaves are kept, and in which the merchant has his stores for carrying on the trade? — I think it would depend very much upon the manner in which it was done ; I think if it were done considerately, the natives would rejoice at it; but if it were done with the intention to acquire territory, or anything of that sort, it would produce a very bad impression upon the minds of the people. 971. Are the slave traders, who carry on the trade with the white traders, held in disesteem amongst the other natives ? — No ; but I have heard the natives express their horror at a white slave trader being amongst them. When I first went to the country, the natives, seeing me a white man, thought I was a slave trader, and ran away from me ; but when they were told that 1 was not a slave trader, but an EngUshman, they returned, and received me with the greatest kindness. 972. Have you had any opportunity of ascertaining whether there is an im- pression amongst the natives that the employment of the cruisers has increased greatly the horrors of the Slave Trade?— Not in Africa; that is never enter- tained for a moment. 973. Have you had an opportunity of testing the salubrity or insalubrity of the climate of Abbeokuta ?— I am inclined to the opinion, that it is more health- ful than Sierra Leone ; though we have had no proper experience of it. 974. In point of fact, there have been no English residents, except yourself? —Except myself and my wife ; and one cannot form a proper judgment from two persons. 975. Have you had an attack of fever ?~Yes, in Sierra Leone. 976. Soon after you first landed ?— About 12 months after I first landed. 977. After that, did you feel seasoned to the climate ?— It gradually subsided, and I regained strength. 97«. And you enjoyed good health at Abbeokuta? — Yes. 979 Your wife's health was ruined by exposure when you first reached Abbeokuta, was not it? — No; it arose from a severe cold, and from not perhaps taking sufficient precaution ;. a sudden shower of rain came on, and chilled the atmosphere very much, and she was chilled by it, which brought on a bowel complaint at Abbeokuta. 980. Is there any European Missionary now at Abbeokuta?— One. 98 1 . Who is in charge of the mission there ?— Mr. Miiller has taken my place, a German. _ „ 12 982. Hqw 68 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Reverend 982. How long has he been there ? — Rather more than 12 months. Henry Toiunsetid. ^83. Did he go there direct, or from Sierra Leone? — Direct from England; , M 8 ^^ h^s heen at Sierra Leone. ________' 984. Do you know how his health has stood it? — Very well indeed ; I saw a letter from him, which arrived this morning ; he is exceedingly well there. 985. Has he had the African fever?— He had it at Sierra Leone. 986. Since that, he has had good health ? — Very good health indeed. 987. You know Mr. Crowther, who was a missionary there ? — Yes. 988. How long was Mr. Crowther in England ? — I think, rather more than 12 months. 989. You knew him well ? — I knew him well in Abbeokuta. 990. Where was he a native ? — Of the Yoruba country ; not of Egba, but of Yoruba proper. 991. He has had some advantages of education in England? — Yes. 992. What has been the result of those ?— The result is, that he is able to go forth to his work well prepared, and to translate the Scriptures into his own tongue. 993. Does he show what we should call a good ordinary capacity? — Very good. 994. Is it your impression, from what you have seen of him, that there is nothing in the African mind incapable of cultivation ? — I should say not ; I think that Mr. Crowther is only a common specimen of the country. 995. Does your experience in the mission there, convince you that the African mind is capable of development under training and instruction ? — Certainly, I think it is verj' capable of improvement. 996. Do you find a readiness to listen to Christian teaching? — Very great. 997. What did you find to be the principal hindrances to your mission ? — In practice, the Slave Trade is the chief one ; the Slave Trade in Africa, as a hind- rance, is just what caste is in India. 998. Will you explain your meaning?— It produces an occupation which is immoral in its nature, and prevents free intercourse with the people ; and it also hinders us in traversing the country as we would otherwise ; but I think its immorality is one of the great hindrances to the spread of Christianity. 999. Its immorality, in what way? — In its producing war and revenge. 1000. Does it minister greatly to a species of polygamy amongst the chiefs and the richer men ? — I think it does very much so. 1001. Is that, in fact, very much connected with the Slave Trade? — It is ; the natives have told me that polygamy did not exist to the extent to which it does exist now, but that it has resulted from the Slave Trade in this way, that a man has gone to war, and he has made captives of men and women, and the women frequently he has preserved to be his wives ; the men he has sold into slavery ; consequently the female part of the population exceeds, I suppose, the male population at Abbeokuta. 1002. Are the children of such women free? — Not so. 1003. In what language did you convey your instructions? — In the native language, the Yoruba language. 1 004. What character did you use ? — The Roman character. 1005. Is there a dictionary and grammar of the language ? — No, there is not ; we have only been attempting to prepare those things. 1006. You said that you conceived that the efforts made by Englishmen to suppress the Slave Trade, was one of the causes of the respect felt for the English by the natives ; is that respect felt by the richer classes in Abbeokuta, who are themselves interested in the Slave Trade r — 1 should say by the entire |)opulation, including all classes. There are some bad people there, as there are in all places, who have no respect for any one ; but the mass of the people, including all classes of society, have great respect for the English. 1007. What proportion of persons in the population of Abbeokuta do you suppose have an interest in the Slave Trade ? — It is very difficult to explain the nature of the Slave Trade in a country Uke that ; a large number of people deal in slaves who would be very glad to cease dealing in slaves if another thing were offered to them instead. 1008. Have they so expressed themselves ? — They have so expressed them- selves ; consequently, though there are a large majority of the people who indulge in the Slave Trade, stUl we are not to take that as showing the number of per- sons ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. Qg sons who are in favour of the Slave Trade. The simple fact that a man is a ^^^ Rtvtrend dealer in slaves does not prove that he likes the Slave Trade. ^^"''^ Tow,isend. 1009. As the first effect of the operations in suppressing the Slave Trade, by ^d M7y~84q closing the ports, would be to stop the Slave Trade without substituting any other trade in its place at Abbeokuta, would not the people look with some repugnance upon any measure which tended to that effect ?— 1 think so, unless some means were adopted to supply the country with such necessaries as they require. I think that the introduction of lawful commerce must go hand in hand with the suppression of the Slave Trade. 1010. Have you been at Abbeokuta since the massacre of the slaves at Lagos in the end of 1846.^ — I very much question whether there was any massacre of slaves there at all. 1011. Do you know any thing about that report yourself? — I have heard it in England, but I never heard of it in Africa. 1012. Were you in Africa at the time fixed for it, in October 1846 r — I was in Abbeokuta, just arrived there ; and I never heard of a massacre of any slaves at Lagos. 1013. How far is it from Abbeokuta to Lagos? — Something between 40 and 50 miles. 1014. With frequent intercourse? — Yes. 1015. Do you feel, in your own mind, any doubt that you would have heard of it if any such thing had happened? — Not the slightest doubt; indeed, I think we can account for it ; a large number of persons fell in a civil war at Lagos, I think, in the year 1845. I think there must be some mistake; that they have taken this civil war to be a massacre of slaves, or something of that sort. 1016. Will you state the reasons why you do not credit that report ? — We had the ex-king of Lagos at Badagry ; his name is Akitoye ; a rival chief took pos- session of the country ; he was obliged to fly and take I'efuge in Badagry, and there were constant communications kept up with him by some people in his favour at Lagos, for his desire was to obtain his position again in Lagos ; and I never heard from him, nor yet from any one in connexion with him, anything of that report ; and I know that no one at Badagry ever heard, in any shape what- ever, that such a thing took place. I was not resident at Badagry at that time, but our missionary, who was resident at Badagry at that time, Mr. Gollmer, is now in London. 1017. You are speaking of the end of the year 1846? — Yes. 1018. Was there such intercourse between Lagos and Abbeokuta while you were there as would certainly have led to your knowing of such an occurrence if it had taken place?— There was constant intercourse. loig. Therefore, to your own mind, the fact of your not hearing of it, dis- proves it? — Quite so ; I am persuaded in my own mind that it is not true, upon the grounds I have stated, that I did not hear of it, for I heard of other things that were passing. 1020. Did you hear of a shipment of slaves when it occurred? — Frequently ; if such an event as the massacre of 2,000 slaves had occurred, it would have been spoken of throughout the whole country in every direction. 1021. If the person to Avhom those slaves belonged could not sell them to a slave trader, to send them to Brazil or Cuba, would not he send them to the interior ? — No native would have so many slaves in his possession. 1022. Although the same price could not be obtained in the interior as would be obtained from the white slave trader, still he could have obtained some price ? — I never considered such a state of things ; I am so thoroughly persuaded that an African will not kill slaves in that manner, that I never entertained the thought ; it is so contrary to their disposition to kill people ; they are not blood- thirsty. 1023. Are there any persons in easy circumstances at Abbeokuta?— Very many. 1024. And who have not slaves?— No, I should say not without slaves or pawns. 1025. It is the common custom of persons who can afford to keep servants to buy slaves for the purpose ? — Yes . 1026. Then if you were to succeed in suppressing the Slave Trade beyond sea, do you think that would tend materially to put an end to the internal Slave Trade 53' I 3 "^^ 70 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Reverend of Africa? — I think it would ; but that is not a very great evil; in Africa the Henry Townsend. domestic slavery is nothing more than the common servitude that exists in any "^ ^ ^ ^' 1027. The people of Abbeokuta object to be made slaves themselves, and defend themselves against those who wish to make them slaves, but they still carry on the Slave Trade ? — Yes ; there are mutual causes of quarrel between them, arising out of the Slave Trade ; a member of a family has been kidnapped some three or four years ago ; the man determines to revenge it ; he does so, and then they return again and kidnap some other member of the family. 1028. This practically prevents the cultivation of the land, from the feeling of insecurity to ])erson and property, and from the interruption it causes to the transit of goods ? — Just so ; I know instances of people being kidnapped in their farms, and being obliged to abandon their farms and the produce of their farms, and I know individuals who have been driven away. 1029. Are you able to state to the Committee at all whether you consider that coast Slave Trade with the whites to be the principal thing that maintains that kidnapping system ? — 1 think it is. 1030. Would there not be a great internal Slave Trade, if there was no exportation by the white slave traders ? — I do not know from what motive it could be carried on. 1031. For domestic slaves? — I think not ; indeed, were there only domestic slavery in the country, there would scarcely be any necessity to interfere in it, because there is no practical evil connected with it. There is a great deal of danger attached to slave wars at the present time, and they would scarcely encounter the danger for the sake of getting domestic slaves. 1032. Were you able to ascertain whether the impression upon the native mind was, that the presence of the British cruisers much checked the Slave Trade ?— I do not know that they have ever considered the question. 1033. Were you yourself able to form any judgment upon that? — I should say that it did greatly check the Slave Trade ; 1 know that it afforded us that protection by which we were enabled to carry on our operations ; without that protection we could not. 1 034. Protection fiom whom ? — From the influence of the slave traders indi- rectly exercised against us. 1035. The slave traders being jealous of your residence at Abbeokuta? — Not at Abbeokuta. I will just mention what occurred, that your Lordships may be able to judge. When we were at Badagry we received notice from the chiefs that they were about to export slaves from Badagry, and that we were not to interfere with their doings. 1036. You, the missionaries? — We the missionaries. Another chief came to us with a notice, that we should quit the country ; not merely that we should be silent, but that we should quit the country, because the slave merchants ■wanted to come to Badagry. We were therefore obliged to call for the assist- ance of the cruisers ; and they came, and we were enabled thereby to dwell ia security in the country. 1037. Is the being sold as a slave the punishment of any particular crimes ? — I am not aware. 1038. Do they punish for crimes in any other way except by selling ; do they inflict capital punishment ? —Yes, for murder they kill ; but more generally in Abbeokuta they fine heavily ; they frequently flog, and they frequently imprison. 1039. Do they mutilate people by cutting off their hands, or other members of their body? — I have never seen a person so mutilated. 1 040. You said that you did not know any white slave traders ? — I have only seen one of them. 1041 . Of what nation are they generally ? — I believe they are Brazilians. 1042. Did you ever know, while you were there, any Englishmen engaged in the Slave Trade ? — Not any. 1043. Nor did you hear of any? — No. 1044. You mentioned that it was only in consequence of the interference of the British cruisers that the chiefs were induced to allow you to continue your residence in Badagry ? — Yes. There are two parties in Bagadry, the Euglish party and the Portuguese party, as they call themselves ; and the Portuguese party, being the stronger party, tried to expel us ; but the English party were desirous ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 7» desirous that we should remain. The Portuguese party had, in point of fact, no The Reverend right to interfere with the English party ; they had a separate jurisdiction, and Henry Townsend. sejiaraie portions of the town assigned to those parties. The English chief had an undoubted right to receive Englishmen, in the same manner as the Portuguese ^^ ^'^^ '^'*^' chief had to receive the Portuguese ; but it having been proved that the pressure of Englishmen in the English town hindered the Portuguese from coming to the Portuguese town, the Portuguese party wished to expel us, contrary to the usages and customs of their own country. 1045. Of whom is the English party composed ? — A certain number of chiefs, one of whom is called the English chief. 1 046. Were the chiefs in the Portuguese interest much more numerous or more powerful than the chiefs in the English interest ?— Not in number ; they were more powerful at that time ; I scarcely think they are now. 1047. 'I'o what do they owe their power? — To their influence among the people ; if they are rich, they are generally powerful. 1 048. When you speak of chiefs, do you mean only men in easier circumstances than their neighbours ? — No, I mean chiefs appointed by the people, or by here- ditary right. 1049. ^^"'6 there many such in one single town ? — Many ; there are some eight or nine in Badagry. 105(', In point of fact, at the time of which you speak, there had been internal dissension at La^os ? — Yes, at Lagos. 1U51. After a trial of strength, one chief had been dispossessed and another appointed ? — Yes; but you must not confound Lagos with Badagry. 1052. Had the chief, who was dispossessed, opposed the Slave Trade at Lagos ? — I am not clear as to that ; while he was chief at Lagos he comiuunicated with the Wesleyan Missionary at Badagry, stating his desire to introduce lawful traffic into Lagos (1 am merely stating what 1 have heard). This chief's name was Aketoye. There was some private quarrel between him and another chief, which caused a civil war. This other chief was the stronger man of the two, and after some 21 days' fighting in the capital itself, the Lagos king was expelled the country. 1053. And then did the new chief send to Badagry to get you expelled ? — I am not sure whether the chief sent ; but we must separate the chief from the slave traders. The slave traders wished to trade in Badagry ; whether they were from Lagos or not, I do not know ; I rather think they were not from Lagos, but from an independent party entirely, who wished to establish a factory at Badagry, or somewhere near it, and that they were afraid of our being there ; or perhaps it was, that the chiefs at Badagry who were in the Slave Trade interest wanted to invite the Slave Trade there ; I do not know. It is difficult for us to know their secret movements ; but we see the effects produced. 1054. Therefore, the objfct of getting rid of you was to have the coast clear for introducing the Slave Trade ? — It was. I could mention another circumstance that took place. The Wesleyans wished to send a young man as a schoolmaster to a small village a short distance from Badagry. In this village there was a slave merchant, The young man was not able to remain, because the slave merchant had influence with the chief's to expel him again. That will show your Lordships that it is impossible that we can co-exist in one place. 1055. You think that wherever the Slave Tr-ade takes place, it excludes the possibihty of introducing Christianity and civilization '.'-Certainly, I think so. 1056. Would they interfere with your missionary labours, if it were not for the interference of Englishmen generally against the Slave Trade ? — They would nominally allow us "to be with them, "but practically they would expel us in this way, because they would pi'oduce such convulsions in the country that it would be impossible for us to live there, and it would be impossible also for the white mer- chant to trade in lawful commodities, because the slave trader would destroy the source of those commodities, the agricultural people. By his offering a bribe for the Slave Trade, he would offer a bribe to a person to go and catch the first man that he met. 1057. Are you aware that south of the line the Slave Trade was carried on freely up to within a very short jieriod, and that such effects did not i-esult from it?— Those effects must result, if it is carried un to any extent. It is impossible that the Slave Trade and lawful trade can co-exist. Perhaps the Slave Trade south of the line had existence only in one little spot. In such a case, of course, 5Z- ' 4 '^ 72 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Reverend it is possible ; but if it extensivelj' prevailed over a large country, I do not Henry Toxvnscud. ^i^i^i- j^ jg possible for the two trades to co-exist. 2d May 1840. 1058. Are you looking forward to a return to Africa yourself? — Yes. ^ 1059. Have you any apprehensions as to the eflect of that return upon your constitution? — It will, doubtless , destroy my constitution in time; but I have no apprehension of immediate danger. 1060. Have you any further information to give to the Committee upon the subject of their present inquiry? — I might mention that I have two or three times seen slave-trading expeditions go forth, and seen them return with their captives. 1 have seen animosity prevail between Badagry and Lagos, and I have seen the people of Badagry going forth in their war-canoes to kidnap a small village belonging to Lagos ; and I have seen the same parties returning with their captives. They went and destroyed the town at night, I believe, by fire, and caught the people as they were endeavouring to escape from the tiames, and I saw them returning with their captives in their canoes. 1061. What was done with them ? — They were sold. 1062. To white traders? — Yes; sometimes they are redeemed by their relatfons. 1063. For cowries ?- Yes ; there is a strong disposition amongst the people to redeem their own relations from slavery ; there is not that brutality amongst the Africans that people in England imagine ; there is no desire to inflict punishment ; the desire is to obtain gain, so that if they can sell their slaves to their own relations they will do it. 1064. Do they give more for redeeming the slaves than the slave dealers do? — They take advantage of the desire of a person to redeem his own relation. 1065. Do you know at all the prices that slaves fetched while you were in the country? — On one occasion, an individual, not knowing me or my character, brought two slaves to sell to me ; I asked the price, and the female who brought them said 32 and 33 dollars : they were young- girls, one somewhere about 12 years of age. Persons of that age, or rather older, would fetch the highest price ; afterwards, when I wanted to redeem an individual from slavery, I had to pay 50 dollars, and he was a man of 40 years of age, and not so valuable. 1066. What made the difference in the price ? — In the latter case the value of slaves had greatly increased. I will give another instance : the chief himself of Abbeokuta wished to redeem one of his relations, and he had to pay 70 dollars. 1067. Was that from the value of the slave ? — From the value. 1C168. When they redeem their relations, do they give more than the market price of the slaves ? — They do generally, but not to that great amount ; at the same time that this took place, I made particular inquiries to ascertain the value of slaves. 1 believe I was requested to do so by the Church Missionary Society, and I found that the price had greatly increased ; one cause, and the chief apparent cause to the minds of the natives, was, that they could not procure slaves ; that was the reason assigned to me : therefore the value of the slaves had greatly increased, from 30 to 60 dollars a head. 1069. Wherein was the increased difficulty of procuring them? — The care- fulness of the people to avoid placing themselves in tiiat position to render them liable to seizure. 1070. Uid that rise of price quicken the attempts of the kidnappers? — I am not sure that it did ; I have heard the natives of Abbeokuta say that the number of slaves had greatly decreased ; that the number of slaves formerly exported from that part of the country was very much greater than at present ; that arises from the change in the habits of the population, from the people dwelling more securely together in large towns, such as Abbeokuta, where it is almost impossible to attack them ; consequently they are only able to go and kidnap one or two individuals at a time ; whereas, formerly, they used to kidnap one or two hundred at a time. 1071. It has been stated in evidence, that many more slaves are now exported than were formerl}' from the coast ; have you any means of giving an opinion upon that point r — I can only speak of those places where I have resided. 1072. You have reason to think that the number has diminished there ? — I think so. 1073. ^-^0 y^^ apprehend that the demand has increased, and that the white merchant is willing to give a higher price than he formerly gave ? — I do not know ; ON THK AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 73 know ; there has never been a glut of slaves in the market ; I never heard of a ^^^ Reierend glut in the market, consequently the natives never, knew of such a thing as ^^"'^ Townsend. carrying a slave to sell, and his not being purchased, unless he was sickly or 2d M^Saq old. ■ ^ ^^' 1074. Do you suppose that the operations of the squadron on the coast have never created a glut at the point of export ?— Very hkely they may have done so. 107,5. Would not that glut be felt at Abbeokuta?— I am not quite sure that it would be felt there ; I have not sufficient experience to justify me in stating, but I know from what I have heard people say, that at Lagos the slave traders have a large number of slaves kept in store there. I have heard again, that they buy them not so freely as they have done before, but I never heard of their entirely ceasing to buy them ; but they are kept there in store with the hope of being able to ship them ; indeed they are always able to sliip them after waiting three or four months, and to find an opportunity of escaping the vi2;ilance of the cruisers. 1076. Though they might not refuse to buy them at all, probably the having many slaves in store would induce them to give a smaller price ? — Very likely. 1077. Have you ever heard that complained of at Abbeokuta? — No, I have not been there sufficiently long to be able to know how far that may be the case. 1078. Is it the impression of the natives at Abbeokuta that the efforts we have hitherto made for the suppression of the Slave Trade have been very inefficient ? — They think that we are very foolish not to extend our measures to the destruction of the slave barracoons. 1079. Do they think that the efforts we have made have had no effect at all ? — 1 never heard them say so. 1080. Is it your impression that they consider them a failure, or that they regard them as having checked the trade ? — 1 am not aware that they have ever stated their opinions upon this point. 1081. What is your own impression, from your residence there; is it your belief, that the withdrawal of the cruisers would at once stimulate greatly the Slave Trade? — Certainly, I think so. 1082. And therefore stimulate the internal Slave Trade, and the duration of the war, which you have described ? — Just so. 1083. If they respect us for our efforts for the suppression of the Slave Trade, is not it most likely that they attribute some results to our efforts ? — They see some results in the return of their own people, and in consequence of that they respect us. They feel that they have received very great blessings from the English ; they appreciate the efforts of the English ; they would be very glad to get rid of the Slave Trade, but they are not able to get rid of the Slave Trade. It must be remembered that the country is suppUed with the necessaries of life (if I may call them so) entirely by the Slave Trade ; and unless they can obtain those things by some other means, the Slave Trade, in one form or another, will continue ; consequently, I conceive that means must be used for the suppression of the Slave Trade ; unless those means are maintained, we shall never see it entirely cease ; those means are the suppression of the Trade by the cruisers, and also the introduction of lawful commerce into the country simulta- neously. If you were to remove the cruisers from the coast of Africa, you would let loose the Slave Trade, and the people there would not be able to stem it ; though they maybe desirous, they would not be able; they have not strength to do it, and it would ruin the lawful commerce ; therefore both must be combined, otherwise it will not succeed. 1 084. The natives of Africa feel that it is necessary for them to possess certain commodities which are introduced by ihe European traders, and if they cannot purchase those commodities by giving slaves for them, that being prohibited and prevented, then they will turn their minds to industry to produce commodities which they can give in exchange ? — I conceive the case to be this: there are certain things rendered necessary to the people by circumstances, for instance, just as it is in England. Tea is one of the necessaries of life to us now, though it was not so originally ; so with the African, there are certain, things that are obtained from European countries which are necessary to him, and he does not know how to obtain them except by the Slave Trade, 53. K 1085. What 74 MINUTES OK EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Reverend 1085. What are those articles in particular? — Cloth, guns, gunpowder, rum, Heiiiy Tou-nsend. beads, and various other things, and tobacco. 1086. And cotton goods ?— Yes, and velvets, and things of that sort. 2d May 1849. 1087. Can you speak, from your own observ^ation, or from the reports of others, as to any improvement which has taken place of late j^ears amongst the population in the neighbourhood of Badagry ? — I should say that there was a great improvement in their clothing. I have heard an English factor there state, that when he went first to the place before we went there, the people were almost in a state of nudity ; but since that, on account of the trade with the English, they are able to purchase clothes, and now they are very decently clad ; but I think their moral condition is very little improved ; they are so much mixed up with the Slave Trade. 1088. Has their material wealth improved ? — I think it has very much. 1089. Is that entirely owing to the Slave Trade? — Not entirely owing to the Slave Trade ; they are demoralized by the Slave Trade, and have been for a long- time past demorahzed by the Slave Trade ; but now they have obtained wealth by the two trades combined. 1090. Is it the Slave Trade that has increased, or the other trade that has increased in Badagry ? — The other trade has increased in Badagrry. 1091. You mentioned that the great exchange in Africa for European goods consists of slaves ; do you know how those European goods reach the coast of Africa ? — I can scarcely say ; I have never resided at a slaving port ; but I have heard that the American ships bring a large quantity of goods. 1092. The American ships bring out large quantities of goods of English manufacture ? — I believe they are English goods. 1093. They are sold to the slave traders on the spot ? — Yes, and the slave traders themselves bring them as well. 1094. How does the slave trader pay the American ? — By bills, I presume. 1095. Bills on whom?— I do not know. One slave trader I know brought a quantity of goods for himself, because the ships are not seizable unless they are fitted for the Slave Trade. 1096. Is it a frequent occurrence to find cargoes of goods on board slavers on that line of coast ? — The goods are placed in vessels which are not seizable. When a vessel is sent to Africa full of merchandize, the vessel is not seizable. 1097. Are not there certain articles which if found on board determine its character as a slave-trading vessel ? — Yes. They take care that those articles shall not be in the ship ; they will take merchandize, such as any other person might take. 1098. Supposing a slaver to take out from Brazil a quantity of British goods, legitimate articles of trade, to the coast of Africa, intending to fit his vessel out for a return voyage with slaves, how would he manage with respect to those articles which he must have on board for his slave cargo, but which he could not venture to have found on board on going out to the coast? — I have no actual knowledge of it, but from what I have heard I should suppose that they would have the materials necessary to fit the ship for the Slave Trade on shore ready for shipment. It would be easy for him, after landing the entire cargo, to send water-casks on board, and he would do that in so short a space of time that he would escape detection. 1099. Do you think that is a frequent practice? — I think it is a frequent practice. There is one remark which I should have made, which is, that the internal Slave Trade is carried on by money, and no one can buy a slave in Abbeokuta except for money. 1 100. V\ hen did you leave Abbeokuta ? — In March 1848 ; 1 left the coast in April 1848. 1101. Were you aware that any increase in the demand for slaves took place about the commencement of the year 1847, or in the course of the year 1847 ? — No, it did not come to my knowledge. I think the Slave Trade is very much checked at Lagos ; my impression is, that the cruising system has produced a very considerable impression there ; but happening just at a time when slaves were scarce, the eftect is not so apparent to us. The slaves in the interior were scarce, and the cruising system operated very beneficially for the suppression of the Slave Trade at Laaos at the same time ; but of course we were not made acquainted with its effects so much, on account of the supply of slaves being very limited. ) 102. In ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 75 1 lOii. In what territory is Lagos r — It is independent ; they are of the Yoruba The Reverend ♦ pjKg Henry Towiisend. 1 103. Do you know the number of inhabitants ? — I do not know ; I do not ^d Mav 1840 know whether it is known ; but it is a matter of fact, that at Lagos frequently British subjects are in slavery ; they are kidnapped, and brought down and sold. 1 104. From Sierra Leone? — No ; some of those persons who return to their own country ; I have heard of the case of an individual to-day, who is a member of our church at Abbeokuta, who was kidnapped and sold, and at the time when the letter was written was in slavery at Lagos. 1 105. In the event of the exportation of slaves being- prevented, what do you think would become of the captives taken in war ; would it lead, in your opinion, to their being put to death ? — I should think certainly not; the people are not blood-thirsty. 1106. You think it would not have that tendency?—! think it would not; I have frequently noticed the great kindness of the people to their captives ; I know an instance of Mr. Crowther's own brother ; he was captured in war ; he was wounded, but he was permitted to be at large, in order to find his brother at Abbeokuta. 1107. Would not their favour towards the English, for their endeavours to suppress the Slave Trade, be materially increased if, when cargoes of slaves were taken from the slavers, instead of sending them to Sierra Leone, measures were taken, as far as possible, to send individuals back to their own country? — 1 do not know ; I have never considered that ; 1 think you must let all things take their own natural course, and that, if they take their own natural course, they will have a more beneficial effect than if forced by us. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Ordered, That this Committee be adjourned to Wednesday next, Two o'clock. Die Mercurh, 9"" Maii 1 849. THE LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD in the Chair. The Right Honourable STEPHEN LUSHINGTON, D. C. L., is called in, and examined as follows : 1 108. WILL you have the goodness to state to the Committee the part which The Right Hon. you took in forming the scheme upon which the cruisers were stationed upon S. LiishitigUm, the coast of Africa ? — If the Committee mean with reference to the Convention -O- C- L. which I negotiated with the Due de Broglie, I will state what occurred upon that ^j,^ May 1849. occasion. The state of the case was this : At that time it was well known that the French nation were exceedingly dissatisfied with the exercise of the right of search which had been granted by Treaty to this country over French ships ; and it Mas also well known to us that, in point of fact, the French commercial marine had hardly ever engaged in that trade ; indeed, I should .^ay so little, that it was scarcely possible, for some years antecedently to the year 18-i5, to have found a single instance in which the French commercial marine had been so engaged. Then it became a matter of discussion, our Government being desirous of conciliating the French Government, provided it could be done without detriment to the suppression of the Slave 1 rade, in what mode that object could be eflTected ; it appeared to me that the first point was to get an admission by the Due de Broglie, and by his Government, of the right to visit, as distin- guished from the right to search which I considered to be a right of the utmost importance to the country ; and after some negotiation, and sending back to France, the Due de Broglie assented to that proposition ; and one of the articles of the Treaty is, a direct admission of the right of the cruisers of this country r.'i. K 2 to ^6 MINUTES OF EVinENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Right Hon. to visit, for the purpose of ascertaining whether the flag which the vessel bears ^' Z)"c"f' ""' ^^' properly speaking, its national flag or not. " ■ 1 I oq. Will you have the goodness to state exactly the distinction between the gtb May 1849. right of visit and the right of search ?— The right of visit is simply this ; it beini» — . perfectly clear that any vessel may hoist any flag, whether she is entitled to it or not, it is a right for the cruisers of this countrj^ and which we are ready to concede to the cruisers of others, to go on board a vessel, when there is rea- sonable suspicion that she is not entitled to that flag, for the sole and only purpose of ascertaining whether she is entitled or not ; that is the right of visit ; the right of search is a very difierent one. 1 1 1 0. What amount of investigation does the right of visit entitle us to make, in order to ascertain that point ; how is it to be ascertained ? — By personal inspection of the papers of the ship, according to the circumstances of the case ; because, supposing a vessel to be perfectly free from all suspicion, it would instantly be known to the officer who is deputed to make that visit, that she was a French vessel or a United States vessel, or whatever it might be. Our right of visit would never be exercised without circumstances leading to suspicion ; for instance, no cruiser of any nation would ever think of A^isiting a vessel on the broad Atlantic, where there is no Slave Trade, or no trade carried on, prohibited in any way by the law of his own country ; it is only under circumstances of extreme suspicion that the right to visit would be exercised, and it is perfectly distinct from the right to search, because the moment you have ascertained the character of the vessel, supposing it to be a French vessel laden with slaves, you cannot touch her ; if you had a right to search, you would afterwards, under the circumstances, have a riglit to detain. 1111. What is the right to search in addition to the right to visit ? — During the existence of peace, the right of search does not prevail by the law of nations ; every vessel bearing the flag of its own country is considered to be free from molestation of every species by any other country : the right of search can only be exercised in virtue of a Treaty conceding the right ; and it always is conceded under certain regulations, according to which it sliall be exercised. 1112. "N^'ill you state, whether you found that the French Government re- cognized any distinction between the right of visit and the right of search ? — Most clearly. 1113. How do they designate the two rights? — If the Committee have the Treaty before them, they will see that the right to visit is there defined in very jDrecise terms, and is totally distinct from what is known by the right to search. 1 1 14. Do not they call them both droit dt visile} — Yes; I do not know that there is any French word by which you can express the difference, but using the English term the " right to visit," is totally distinct from the " right to search.'' 1115. You were giving the Committee an account of the negotiation; will you have the goodness to proceed w^ith that ? — Having obtained that first point with the entire consent of the Due de Broglie, who I beheve was as anxious, I may be allow ed to say, for the suppression of the Slave Trade as any man possibly could be, the next question was to consider how we could supply the want of the right of search over French vessels, giving that up as obnoxious to the French nation, and yet getting something which should answer the same purpose. The plan suggested was this : to consider what would be necessary to make an eff'ectual blockade of the ^Vest Coast of Africa ; and in order to inquire into that subject, and enable us to form an opinion, three French officers of great experience came from France, and were met in England by five officers, all experienced in the suppression of the African Slave Trade; then we requested their opinion as to whether any, and if any, what force would be sufficient effectually to blockade the coast. \\ e desired them to take time for consideration, and 1 think they took either seven or eight days ; they had all the charts before them ; and they then reported to us, that by a certain force, consisting of French and English cruisers, an effectual blockade might be established ; but I entertained consi- derable doubt in my own mind as to the efficacy of the French cruisers, not from want of will on their part, but from want of power, because they had no Treaties which enabled them to search ; and, therefore, I proposed to the Due de Broglie a large augmentation of the original suggestion of the naval captains of both nations ; he immediately assented to it, and therefore the force became fixed at twenty-six vessels on each side, amounting to fifty-two ; the original number being increased, I think, by either eisht or ten, I am not positive which. We ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. ^y We then conceived that, by means of making Treaties with the natives, the naval The Right Hon. force, especially of Fiance, would he assisted in acting in the suppression of the ■S'. l.ushingtun, Slave Trade ; that by blockading the ports, if anything was done against the D.C.L. 'ireaties, enabling us to take measures which otherwise might be considered ^j^ \[av~i8iQ contrary to the law of nations, we had efiected all that could be done under the ' circumstances. 1 ] 1 6. Are ) ou able to state to the Committee any points in which the ex- pectations that were entertained by yourself and the Due de Broglie have been defeated? — I think I can. In the first place, the French force has not been so effectual as it was apprehended both by the Due de Broglie and myself that it might be. It was not .so successful, for this reason, that they attempted to exercise rights, as 1 have been informed and verily believe to be true, which they were not entitled to exercise by the strict law of nations, and claims were made by the Brazilian Government and by Brazilian s-ubjects against them for several captures made in the Slave Trade ; and they found themselves under the necessity of paying some of those demands, which very greatly discouraged both the French Government, and of course the cruisers, in prosecuting their exertions to put down the Slave Trade. That 1 apprehend to have been one of the reasons. Then I think that a second reason was, th.at there was more difficulty experienced in making those Treaties with the native powers than was originally anticipated. I conceive, also, that the Convention was calculated to meet what was then the existing effective demand for slaves. But when the measure of 184G passed this House, then the practical effective demand for slaves rose immediately ; and though the force provided was calculated to resist a certain weight, it was not calculated to resist that weight doubled and quadrupled ; and, therefore, I think that the provisions of the 'iVeaty have not been effectual. 1117. Do you attribute the present amount of the Slave Trade very much to the effect of the Act of 1846 ? — To my mind it is abundantly clear ; I cannot conceive that it possibly can be otherwise ; for what was the state of things ? the Slave Trade was profitable to a certain extent, even antecedently to the year 1 846 ; then by allowing the importation of Cuba and Brazilian sugar direct, you gave an advantage to the planters in the Brazils and in Cuba which they never possessed before ; and they could only avail themselves of that advantage by the augmen- tation of the number of their slaves, for they always worked them to the utmost possibility that human nature could carry labour. Then, as the growing sugar became more profitable to them, and the effective demand for labour increased, so did the effective demand increase for slaves, and so it will go on to do ; as the effective demand for labour increases, the effective demand for slaves must increase. 1118. Why would you say that the effective demand must augment ?— In the first place, I will answer it in this way : the effective demand for sugar in this country beyond all question has gone on advancing, and it now amounts to about, speaking within compass, one-fourth of the whole of the sugar produced from cane-juice throughout the world, that is the consumption in Great Britain and Ireland alone, leaving the other three-fourths for all other countries. No«', as the pojailation increases upon the Continent, and as their means of wealth are developed, of course the demand for sugar will increase ; and as it increases, as there are no other sources from which they can be supplied with any quantity worth speaking of except the Brazils and Cuba, and as those two countries are almost inexhaustible in their power of supply, it necessarily follows that there will be an increased demand for sugar from those two countries lor the Continent. 1119. Why do you say that there is no other country from which a supply can be derived, because no other countries can supply it equally cheaply? — For this reason : with reference to our own colonies, I think it is quite clear that they cannot compete at all with the sugar grown either in the Brazils or in Cuba, for two reasons. In the first place, I apprehend, speaking generally, not of every colony, but of the greater number ; our colonies are not of so rich a soil as Cuba especially is. Another reason is, that I do not believe that sugar grown by free persons can ever stand in competition with sugar grown by Slave Trade labour ; I do not say Avith slave labour, because my opinion is that our colonies can compete with slave labour. They would and did compete with Guadaloupe and Martinique, and might have done it to the end; but they cannot compete with Slave Trade labour. 53. K 3 1120. What 78 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Right Hon. 11.20. Wliat is the reason why you conceive that Slave Trade labour is so S. Liishineion, much Superior to slave labour ! — I think so, for this reason : that I believe that D.C.L. to maintain slaves, so as to have an increase of their numbers, and consequently qthAlav'iSjQ to regulate the quantity of labour which they undergo, so as to produce that _______■ increase, is infinitely more expensive than it is to import the slaves, and work them out as you do post-horses. And for another reason : there are several plantations in Cuba where there are no females at all ; there is no extra expense in maintaining either women or children ; they are worked out exactly in the same way that horses used to be worked in this country in coaches. 1 should add, that it is very difficult in a sugar-growing country to keep up the slave population, in our own colonies it is clear that the slave population was decreasing before emancipation ; the best proof of it is found in this acknow- ledged fact, that in the year 1823, when Sir Fowell Buxton made liis motion in the House of Commons, Mr. Canning then made a speech, in which, after a great deal of pains and consideration, and diminishing very considerably the estimate which had been laid before him, he stated that the population was diminishing, and that the effect of protracting emancipation for an indefinite period would be, that the slave population would go on decreasing. There is no doubt that that was so, up to the time when the emancipation took place in 1834 ; and if it had not taken place by this time, it is as clear as daylight that the population of those countries would not now be adequate even to produce the present quantity of sugar. 1121. That was Mr. Canning's calculation before the event?— I do not beHeve it was his own calculation. As far as my memory serves me now, he obtained from every quarter that he could estimates of the decrease of the population in each of our colonies ; having received them, he cut them down, that he might not make a statement to the House of Commons which could not be substantiated. The amount of decrease of the population was very diff'erent in different colonies ; for instance, in Demerara, the decrease of the population was very rapid ; in Jamaica it was less so ; and in Barbadoes there was none at all ; it depended upon the circumstances of the colony. 1122. In those colonies in which the decrease was greatest, is not there a great quantity of virgin soil, and consequently they worked the slaves more than in those in which the population was greater, and the quantity of new soil was not so great? — I think so. Speaking of the impossibility of competing between free-labour sugar in our colonies and slave grown sugar, 1 should like to mention this circumstance to. the Committee : my eldest brother has a very considerable property in the island of Jamaica ; one estate produced at one time 3,000/ or 4,000/. a year, and he let it to a Liverpool Company, a new Company, to make an experiment, to try what they could do in carrying on agriculture there. The Company have laid out a very large sum of money under an agent, Mr. Smith, who is Mr. Bernal's agent also, a most able, active and energetic man ; but the Company find that it is impossible to get an adequate return, and have now to give up the lease of the estate. I can put the C'ommittee in possession of the Report made at the Liverpool meeting, when the Company resolved not to go on. 1 1 23. You stated that the population of our West India Islands was decreasing before emancipation ; are you aware whether the population of Martinique and Guadaloupe has decreased, where they have had no importations of fresh slaves for many years ? — I have not the mean.^ of ascertaining as to Guadaloupe and Mar- tinique ; there is a great distinction between French and English islands ; in Guadaloupe and Martinique the jjlanters are more frequently resident, instead of cultivating their estates by agents. 1124. That was always the case in the French colonies? — Always, as I believe. 1 t25. Having been so much engaged in planting the original number of the squadron, you naturally watch its result with interest ? — Certainly. 1 1 26. In your opinion, has it failed of its purpose, from any defects in working out the scheme which was then laid down? — I think it has been ineffectual in the attainment of the purposes for which it was intended, thus far, it has not sup- pressed the Slave Trade ; but I think that, independently of all other circumstances, it has prevented its natural increase ; it has kept it down ; and so far, I think it has been successful ; but I admit that, from the facts I have stated, it has not attained ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 7y attained its end ; and more especially since the year 1846, the Slave Trade has The Right Hon. increased to a very larp-e amount, as all accounts show. '^'- l-uMngton, 1127. Have you been led to the opinion that there is any fundamental error ' ' ' in the idea of blockading the coast with cruisers, or that it has been insufficiently gth May 1849. done? — I do not think there was any fundamental error, because I am sure it was impossible to take greater pains to ascertain the state of things; we had the most competent witnesses ; we had eii^ht of them from both nations; they had all the charts before them, and they pointed out the places that it would be necessary to blockade ; taking the whole coast in round numbers as 3,200 miles, there were very large districts in which the Slave Trade never appeared at all, and f believe never will appear at all; in the Tooth countrv', for instance. 1 128. From your examination of those officers, should you imagine that persons who were wholly unused to the work of blockading the coast would, though naval officers, be capable of giving much important information upon the subject? — Certainly not. ii2y. You would not necessarily attach much weight even to the ojfinion of the Admiral commanding the station, unless he had been himst4f actually engaged in the details of the coast service 1 — Nothing but personal experience of the state of the coast would enable a person to speak satisfactorily. 1 130. The plan you laid down was that the cruisers should prevent the em- barkation of slaves by cruising near the shore?— As nearly as they could conve- niently. 1131. It was not with the idea of intercepting them far out at sea with their cargo on board ? — No. 1132. Supposing that the Admiral commanding on the station, being quite unused to the work, .should have thought that the best way would be to intercept the slaves at sea, and therefore placed his squadron 70 miles Irom shore, with the view of intercepting them there ; would he, in your opinion, be qualified to con- duct the scheme which you and others laid down ? — Certainly not ; 1 believe it would be impossible to suppress the trade by cruising 70 or 80 miles from shore, as impossible as it would be to blockade the coast oi Brazil itself. ] 133. So that the entire failure of such an attempt would not, in your judg- ment, afford any presumption against the success of your jilan ? — No. 1 134. How near did you intend the vessels to keep to the shore ? — it is im- possible to an.swer that question precisely ; but as near to the places where slaves were about to be shipjied on board the slave traders as could be done with safety, especially the mouths of the rivers. 1 135. You are aware that that makes a very great difference in the health of the crew ? — I am well aware that the health of the crew, unless it is attended to with the greatest care and punctuality, and even then there may be accidents, is aiiected in the neighbourhood of the mouths of rivers ; but yet I have known instances where the crews have been perfectly healthy from the exercise of great care and vigilance ; and in one case, I believe, a vessel did not lose a single man in five years. 1136. Did A'ou contemplate that the crews of the vessels stationed at the mouths of those rivers should be employed in boats cruising about ?— To a hmited extent, becau.se it was considered doul)tful whether attempts could be made to suppress the trade in that mode without very gieat sacrifice of life. 1 137. VV hen you speak of the .sacrifice of life, you mean, suj^posicg the boats to be manned with white men ?— -Yes. 11 ■'.8. But vou would see no difficulty in that scheme by having the boats manned with native black men, in co-operation with our cruLsers .'■ — iSone what- ever ; they are not affected by the climate. 1 1 3g. Would you use those black men to board and take slavers, and to engage in personal conflict with Europeans? — 1 certainly apprehend that black men might be enijjloyed with a very reasonable prospect of success in the suppression of the Slave Trade by boats on the rivers, and otherwise. 1140. For what purposes would you employ those boats with black men? — The black men, I consider^ must be placed in the position of British sailors ; that is to say, they must be on the ship's books, and treated as l^ritish sailors on board our vessels, and then we should have a right to employ them exactly as we should to employ our own sailors. So much for the right. Then as to the mode of employing them ; 1 think they might be efficiently employed in going up the rivers 53. K 4 ^" 8o MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Eight lion, in suppressing the Slave Trade by the capture of slaves, in a manner which could S. Litshingiun, not be done successfully by us without a great sacrifice of white life. ^•CL- 1141. Do you think that the British flag might be entrusted to black men 9th May i84(j. commanded by black officers ?— 1 do not go the length of sajing without a British officer with them. 1 142. You contemplate the employment of black men just as the Lascar crews are employed in the Indian navy in the Gulf? — Yes. The reason I say that a white officer should be present would be this : that I do not think at present you have any persons of colour that you could safely and entirely trust in a matter of that kind. 1 143. Has your attention been called to the question of destroying the barra- coons as a means of putting down the Slave Trade?— Very often. 1144. Will you have the goodness to state your impression, first as to the practicability of that plan, and then as to the effect of it, if practicable ? — Perhaps the first preliminary point is the right to do it, where you have no 'i'reaty. 1145. Where there is a Treaty, there is no question? — Where there is a Treaty, there is no question. Where there is no Treaty, it is a question of great difficulty in point of national law. There is no doubt whatever that amongst nations who profess to be bound by the law of nations, it would be an aggression, and unjustifiable to go upon any part of their territory for any purpose whatever, even for the purpose of suppressing the Slave Trade. But, on the other hand, these are barbarian powers, who never have acknowledged the law of nations at all ; they are not bound by that law, and will not treat you according to that law. Then arises a question of great difficulty, whether you are bound, not merely to act towards them according to the principles of justice and equity, but whether you are bound by the technical rules and regulations of the law of nations. It is a question of great doubt. It is a question in itself of so much doubt that, in order to prevent any difficulty whatever arising with our cruisers when, as Lord Canning knows, I had the honour of being employed in framing the Instructions for our cruisers, I did frame them in conformity with the strict law of nations, so as not to give them the liberty to destroy barracoons without permission. I am not prepared to say that Great Britain is not at liberty to exercise the right. After a very great deal of consideration, I am not prepared to negative that right ; and it is upon the principle 1 stated, that they are barbarian [jowers, who are bound by no law towards you, and are carrying on a trade acknowledged by the great majority of nations now to be an illegal trade ; by so large a majority that Sir William Grant held, during the war time, that if a vessel carrying on the Slave Trade was brought in for adjudication, prima facie that vessel was a good prize, and could only be restored on proving that the country to which it belonged permitted and carried on the Slave Trade. Then with regard to the second part of the question, I certainly think that the destruction of the barracoons would be one of the most effectual modes of putting an end to the Slave Trade, because the power of transhipping slaves is a power which varies according to the number of cruisers upon the station, and their proximity to the places whence slaves are shipped, and according to various circumstances creating difficulty or affording facility. Therefore they keep the slaves together to avail themselves of any oppor- tunity of shipping them. If you deprive them of the means of keeping them together, that goes a great way to render the shipping of those slaves more dan- gerous and difficult, and consequently less likely to be a profitable trade to those who engage in it. 1 1 46. Are not the barracoons places in which they keep the goods which they give in exchange for slaves ? — Certainly. 1 147. Might it not be ',•^Ty easy to keep the goods in one place, and the slaves in another.'' — No doubt it v.ould. 1 148. If it were necessary to have the goods and the slaves in the same place, might not the barracoons be placed 10 or 15 miles back in the country, where it would be impossible to reach them with a boat's crew r — Ko doubt the barra- coons might be placed 10 or 15 miles back in the country, and there it would be impossible to reach them with a boat's crew ; but that would cause very great difficulty to the Slave Trade. 1149. Is not the embarking of the slaves altogether a question of time? — It is very much a question of time. 1 150. In considering the point as to our right to destroy barracoons upon the territory j)th May 1849, ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 8 1 territory of a barbarous chief who is not bound by the law of nations, you dis- The Right Hon. cussed that point solely as it arises between England and the Chief; but if S. Lushingtoni a barracoon is destroyed, containing the property of subjects of some third D.C.h. power, a new question arises? — Certainly. 1 151. Namely, a question between England and that third power ?— Certainly. 1152. For instance, in the case of a Spanish slave trader, who may have a magazine of goods on shore at Gallinas, if a barracoon is destroyed there by English boats containing the Spaniard's ])roperty, it is perfectly possible that the Spanish Government may claim from the English Government indemnity to the Spaniard ; how would you view that question of international right ? — I view that question in this way : I think that if the Spanish Government claimed from the English Government property belonging to a Spaniard in a barracoon, and that property was in no way whatever connected with the Slave Trade, there would be just ground for our making indemnity for the loss ; but if it were property engaged in the Slave Trade, under the existing Treaty with Spain for the total prohibition of the Slave Trade to its subjects, I do not think that that would be a just and equitable claim. 1153. The right, however, to destroy the barracoon would have to be rested upon the ground, that the property was intended to be employed in the Slave Trade ; it would be necessary to prove that point ? — I think it would be neces- sary to prove from surrounding circumstances that there was strong probabiUty, almost amounting to a certainty, that the property was so engaged; but'l anticipate no difficulty in that, because I conceive it to be perfectly well known, that when property of that description is in a barracoon, it is engaged and about to be employed in the Slave Trade. 1 1 54. In fact, the onus prohandi would rest upon the party to prove that it was not so intended, there being prima facie evidence that it was so ?— I think the circumstances are so strong that no Government would venture to prefer a claim, upon the ground that the property was Spanish property engaged in the Slave Trade, in any place where I can possibly anticipate the destruction of a barracoon. I 1,55. Do you think that that view of our rights would be admitted in the United States, for instance?— With respect to the United States, 1 do not think that the United States would press any such claim ; I think that whenever the United States have anything like a fair claim, they do press iheir claim to the very utmost extent to which any Government can press it ; but I think, also, that they would feel themselves ashamed of pressing a claim of this description, and would stop. 1156. Instating that we should have a right to destroy barracoons containing property intended for the Slave Trade, you assumed that we had a treaty for- bidding the Slave Trade with the power whose subjects were thus engaged, and to whom the goods belonged ; how would the case stand if at the present moment a magazine were found containing Slave Trade goods belonging to a Brazilian slave dealer, against whom we have an Act of Parliament ? —And against whom we have a Treaty. 1157. Whether that Treaty is acknowledged or not by both parties? — I do not entertain any doubt about that Treaty being a binding Treaty, and that all that has been done, whether it has been done by Act of Parliament or not, is perfectly justified by the Brazilians not having observed the terms of the Treaty. Where there are two contracting powers bound by a Treaty, if one of the contracting powers violates that Treaty, that gives to the other nation the right to exercise even war itself in enforcing the Treaty, and, consequently, any measure short of war. 1158. Vou were understood to say that the success of maintaining the cruisers upon the coast of Africa had not been to the full what the devisers of the scheme had hoped for ; will you state what your impression would be of the effect of withdrawing the cruisers in consequence of that failure ? — 1 think the conse- quences would be very serious. In the first place, I think the consequence would lie an increase of the Slave Trade to an almost indefinite extent. In the second place, I think that legitimate commerce with Africa, which I consider to be a valuable commerce and an increasing commerce, would be considerably diminished. In the third place, I think it would be a finishing blow to all hope whatever of cultivating our West India colonies with any advantage. In the fourth place, I think that the renewal of the Slave Trade to a great extent 53. L would 82 MINUTES OF EVIDEN'CF. DEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Right Hon. w'ould be very destructive of all the efforts that have been made to inti-oduce S. Lusht,^,m, Christianity and civilization into the country. " '159- You say that one eti'ect would be to destroy the legitimate trade; will gth May 1849. you state why you think that the existence of the Slave Trade is incompatible with legitimate trade ? — I think so, first, because from the information I have always received, wherever the Slave Trade flourished, it was very difficult for legitimate trade to be maintained at the same period. I know that there has been a considerable difference of opinion upon that subject; but that is the result of all the information that I have had during the many years my attention has been called to this subject. Again, I think so for another reason ; I think that rt tradB like the Slave Trade, which is attended with very large profits at times, and losses at other times, in the nature of a lottery, is a trade which naturally incites many persons to engage in it, on the ground of that very uncer- tainty of profit and loss. That is another motive which operates with great strength upon barbarians, and it operates with very considerable strength upon all persons engaged in traffic, as I think everybody will know who considers a little to what adventurous traffics the capital of this country has been attracted, where there has been a possibility of large gains, though the loss has been very great in the long ruu. I should say, perhaps, that was one of the causes which carried the cultivation of the West Indies to the extent to which it went ; it was the large prizes in certain cases ; though, perhaps, upon the whole, the return made for the capital vvas very low, taking the whole. 1 1 60. Another effect which you stated that you should apprehend from the withdrawal of the squadron from the coast, would be the destruction of the efforts made to introduce Christianity and civilization into the country ; did you refer to that as interfering with the personal safety of those engaged in that work? — As to personal safety, it would depend upon circumstances. In with- drawing the squadron for the suppression of the Slave Trade, I do not contemplate that you would withdraw your whole force, and leave the trade and your settlements there entirely unprotected ; I cannot conceive that such a notion would be in the breast of anybody ; but supposing you think a certain number of ships necessary for the protection of our possessions there, still I think there might be danger to persons living there ; for instance, in Badagry, which I con- sider now to be very much advancing in prosperity. I refer to the settlement in Badagry, formed by a number of blacks, who are all of the Wesleyan connexion, and who at this moment have, I think, two or three Wesleyan Missionaries living with them there. I think you would endanger the success of all those measures the moment the squadron was withdrawn. 1161. You mentioned, also, considerable danger of injury to our West India colonies ; in what way would it affect them ? — It would render it perfectly hope- less to attempt to carry on cultivation in our West India colonies, inasmuch as the number of slaves exported would be so great that it would increase the cultivation of the Brazils and Cuba to an extent I cannot at all designate ; but certainly to so large an extent, the number of slaves sent becoming greater, and therefore their price cheaper, in consequence of the withdrawing of our squadron, that no man can say to what extent it might go. Then, if you increase the cul- tivation of the Brazils and Cuba, you render the production of sugar cheaper in the Brazils and Cuba, and of course you render it more difficult for our colonies to compete against such low-priced sugars. 1 162. You said that the effect of the withdrawal of our squadron would be to increase the Slave Trade to an indefinite amount. You are probably av^^are that, prior to 1835, south of the Line, the trade was carried on unlimitedly by the Portuguese? — It was. 1 it)3. If the blockade system were interrupted, do you suppose that the Slave Trade would be carried on to a greater extent than it was then ? — I do ; because you are now admitting the Brazilian and Cuban sugars ; consequently the Brazilian and Cuban sugars, there being an effective demand for them in this country, are constantly increasing ; the lower the price, the greater the demand ; and therefore it will answer the purpose to import slaves. In 1835 the importa- tion of foreign sugar was in effect, though not in words, totally prohibited. 1 164. In short, then, the quantity would only be limited by the slow increase of capital in the empire of the Brazils ? — I think it is hardly possible to put a limitation to the quantity of sugar that would be consumed here and on the Con- tinent, ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 8'' tiiienl, provided the demand was an effective demand. Sugar is an article, as The Khht Hon. everybody knows, that is in use amongst the poorest persons ; and the consump- s. Lusliingion, tion of it is Hmited by nothing but the price ; they want it for a variety of pur- U.C.L. poses which they cannot afford now; if you were to lower the price of sugar a oth r77~i84.q halfpenny or a penny a pound, the consumption would immediately increase to a ' * great extent ; it is almost impossible to conceive to what extent the consumption is increased by the diminution of price. I know myself, when I represented the Tower Handets, I took some pains to ascertain how the consumption was affected by the increase or diminution of the price amongst the inhabitants, comprising no less than 400,000 persons in that district, and T found that even a penny or two-pence a pound in tea made a great difference in the sale of teas, amongst the lower orders, by the grocers. 1165. Increased demand for sugar would excite increased cultivation; but increased cultivation must depend upon increased capital, and the capital in that country cannot be presumed to increase very rapidly? — No; but American capital is immediately attracted into Cuba ; and at the present moment, a large proportion of the cultivation in Cuba is carried on by American capital ; now, although Spanish capital might grow slowly, American capital is large, and to the transit of American capital from the United States to Cuba there is no impedi- ment at all. 1 166. You are aw-are that one argument for the withdrawal of the cruisers has been the increased horrors of the Slave Trade, under the effect of the cruising system ; have you turned your attention to that subject? — Yes. 1167. Will you state your impression upon the fact of the case, as to whether the horrors of the passage are greatly increased by that cause, in your judgment ? — I believe that, to a certain extent, they have been so increased ; but, on the other hand, I know perfectly well that there is no limit to the cupidity of the slave trader, that he is not in the slightest degree regulated by anything except his own pecuniary advantage, and that all considerations of humanity are totally laid aside ; and, therefore, though I think that, to a certain extent, the sufferings of the negroes may have been increased, yet 1 do not think that it is to the extent that some persons believe. I would mention to the Committee, as a proof of the averment, how totally destitute the slave traders are of any regard for human life at all, that I recollect, about 25 or 30 years ago, there was actually an association in the Brazils to fit out vessels, not for the Slave Trade, but to capture the Brazilian Slave Trade vessels as they came in, to cut the throats of the crews on board, and destroy the vessels, and land the slaves. 1 168. In one respect, have not the operations of the squadron diminished the sufferings of the slaves, by causing the passage to be made quicker, by forcing the slavers to employ fast sailing vessels? — I have not a doubt that that cause has operated to mitigate their sufferings ; at the same time, I am not inclined to deny that instances have been found of slaves being packed so exceedingly close that I must presume it to be an increase of suffering ; or, in other words, it is this, that it would not have been the interest of the slave trader to have packed them so closely if the cruisers had not been there ; if it had been his interest, I have no doubt he would have done it. ii6g. You are familiar with the Act passed in 1845, commonly called the Brazil Act ?— Yes. 1170. In your judgment, was there anything in that Act contrary to the law of nations? — Certainly not, in my opinion. 1171. By the Treaty with us, the Brazilians are bound to put down the Slave Trade ? — 1 hey are. 1 172. All the slaves recently imported for several years past since that Treaty have been introduced unlawfully ? — Contrary to the provisions of the Treaty, certainly. 1173. Are you of opinion that all the slaves that have been introduced into Brazil since that Treaty are entitled to their freedom, and that we, as a nation, are entitled to require them to be set free ? — That requires to be stated in plain terms, to prevent misapprehension. No doubt all persons so imported are imported contrary to the Treaty, and we have a right to complain of the breach of the Treaty, and to complain of slaves having been so imported ; but I cannot say that with regard to that set of slaves, we have any right to demand that they should be set free, save on account of their having been imported against the 'Jreaty generally. But there is another set of slaves that have been kept as ^^. L 2 slaves J54 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Right Hon. slaves against an express provision of the Treaty with the Brazils, namely, those S. Lushington, ^.\^q have been captured by the cruisers, in which case the slaves, by the peculiar I>CL . provisions of the Treaty, are to be emancipated ; whereas, instead of that, they gth May 1849. have been made slaves of; so that our right stands thus : we have a right to complain of any persons being imported into the Brazils as a breach of the general Treaty, and that has been done ; but we have a special right under the Treaty to demand the freedom of those who, the slavers having been condemned, have been made slaves contrary to an express article of the Treaty. 1 1 74. Would not the breach of the Treaty, speaking of it now not as a matter of expediency, but as a matter of right, be a casus btlli ?— I think so. 1 1 7 J. Would a breach of such Treaties be, in your judgment, a sufficient reason for excluding the produce of such nations from the privileges of favoured nations, speaking of it as a matter of right ? — As a matter of right, it stands thus : if two nations enter into a contract together, and one nation does not keep that contract, as there is no judge or arbitrator between two nations, of necessity, if the other thinks fit to compel the observance of it by force, it becomes a casus belli. 1 176. In the event of a British cruiser seizing a Brazilian vessel, and that vessel resisting search, is there any power of punishing the crew after the capture of the vessel ? — None. 1177. -'^'■^ there any measures which you would suggest for making the pre- sent system more effectual ? — It has occurred to me that an Act of Parliament might be passed to the following effect, for the punishment by imprisonment or transportation of all persons found on board vessels engaged in the Slave Trade, and lawfully condemned for a breach of Treaty ; but with this express provision, that it should be competent to the nation to which they belonged to demand those persons at any time that they pleased, either before or after trial. 1178. Such an Act of Parliament would not be a violation of the law of nations ? — I cannot conceive how it should be a violation, because it would only be carried into effect in those cases where the nation, by not demanding their own subjects, acceded to that proceeding to punish. The condition should be positive, that immediately upon the demand, without reference to guilt or innocence, the person should be delivered to the government to Avhich he belongs. 1 1 79. Would you make it imperative to inform the government to which the persons belonged that you were going to try them, or would you let them make their own case known to their government ? — It would not be necessary under the limitations which I have stated, because the vessel would be condemned by the Mixed Commission, and the foreign nation would have a Commissioner there who would be cognizant of the fact. 1 180. VVhat would you do in cases where there would be no Mixed Commis- sion, as at present, under our Act of Parliament, with regard to the Brazilian Slave Trade ? — In that case, I should not hesitate to pursue the same course with regard to Brazilians, because I consider the Treaty as an existing Treaty, which we have a right to enforce through the medium of an Act of Parliament ; and if they do not choose to carry into effect their own provisions, I do not see why this country is to stop in its measures in order to compel them so to do. 1181. Would not there be a part of our machinery wanting in the case of the Brazilians, which would not be wanting in the case of nations with whom we have Treaties acknowledged by both countries ? — There would not be the same machinery, undoubtedly ; but the reason why there would not be the same machinery, would be from the default of that very nation which might require it. 1182. In fact, you consider the Act of 1845 as an attempt to enforce the obligations which Brazil has contracted towards this country in a milder form than we should be entitled to require ?— Precisely so. 1 1 83. Have you any opinion of the probable efficiency of such a plan, or how far nations, according to the usual plans by which you have seen them to be governed in such cases, would, as a matter of course, demand their own subjects ? — My opinion is, speaking of most nations, that they would not demand them back, and for this reason, that in almost all cases where we should be likely to find the subjects of a state engaged in the Slave Trade, their own laws impose punishments upon their subjects engaged in it ; and then we should have a perfect right to say to Portugal, or to Spain, or to Brazil, " Why do not you enforce vour ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 85 your Jaws when we give up your subjects?" I do not mean to say that you would The Right Hon. compel them so to do ; in jioint of fact, Portugal does to a certain extent punish 'S. LushirgUm, such persons now. Dc.L . 1 1 84. If the Treaty gives you a right to search a vessel, and to seize the slaves gth May 1849. in the vessel, and to put to death those who so resist .your searching and proceed- ing to take away the slaves, and if the resistance of those persons is unlawful under the Treaty, and if it be unlawful to attempt to take your life upon the high seas, is not that an act of piracy ? — No, not precisely that ; that opens a very difficult question, and it is this: whatever is agreed upon by Treaty between two contracting parties, is binding as between those two parties ; supposing, for instance, instead of our Treaty being what it is with the Brazilians, it were sim- ply this, that slave trading committed by either party should be deemed piracy, yet you would want an Act of Parliament in this country to enable you to punish it. The State itself, though competent to make a Treaty, is not competent to make a felony. 1 1 85. Is not it unlawful to take a man's life upon the high seas, and is not that of itself an act of piracy by the law of nations ? — That is too broad a question to answer without distinctions. 1 1 86. That was not the case that came into question in the case of the Felici- dado? — In the case of the Felicidado, I am of opinion that the decision of the majority of the Judges was right. I am of opinion that there was no crime of murder committed there, according to our law, because the seizure was not strictly according to the Treaty ; but supposing it had been according to the Treaty, I do not apprehend that the Judges meant to give any opinion what would be the case, if such a state of things occurred. 1 1 87. Then the Committee understand that you are clearly of opinion, that there would be no invasion of the law of nations in our passing an Act enabling us to punish the subjects of other nations as well as our own, provided we allow those other nations to claim those subjects ? — Nations with whom we are in treaty ; it does not apply to the United States or France. 1 1 88. It would apply to the Brazils, and to Spain and Portugal ? — Yes. 1189. Are you of opinion that such an Act would produce a considerable effect in facilitating the suppression of the Slave Trade ? — I believe it would produce a most beneficial effect. In all the communications I have liad with officers who have served upon the coast, they have all said that if there was a power of im- prisonment even, a power of punishment in any way, it would go further to prevent the Slave Trade than anything else whatever. I 190. Speaking of that plan, you see no difficulty or objection to passing such an Act ? — In my own opinion not. 1191. If any State by Treaty has contracted an international obHgation with another country, and its own municipal law does not make that a crime which by Treaty is considered a crime, are we not entitled to claim from that State the enactment of a law to carry that obligation into efiect 2 — Certainly, I think so. I I ()'i. Would the refusal to pass such a law be a casus belli ? — It is a provision of the Treaty which has not been carried into effect ; therefore it is a violation of tlie Treaty. 1193. If the existing state of the law in the country prevents their carrying it into effect, they must make their laws conformable to the Treaty ? — Yes ; at the same time the governing power would be very cautious how they made a Treaty which depended upon the passing of a future law, because they may not have the power to do it. Supposing this country was to enter into a Treaty, agreeing to do a certain thing which required to be done by Parliament, Parliament might refuse to do it. 1194. Have you considered the effect of the present mode of paying bounty to the cruisers employed in this service?— I have had many opportunities of considering it. 1 195. Will you state to the Committee whether, as the result of those oppor- tunities of considering it, it appears to you to be well contrived for the purpose of interfering with the Slave Trade 'I — No doubt it operates as a very considerable encouragement to the cruisers so employed. 1 196. Is not the bounty now paid according to the number of slaves actually taken on board the vessel ? — And the tonnage too. 1 1 97. Is it more advantageous to take them after the slaves are embarked, than to prevent their embarking ?• — No doubt it is. 53- L3 iiyS. Is 86 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMirfEE The Right Hon. 1 198. Is it vour opinion that it is a greater object to prevent their embarking S. Lushingtun, tlie slaves, than to take them when embarked ? — Certainly it is so ; at the same DJCJ.. time, I cannot think that argument would weigh very greatly, because there is a Dih May 1849. bounty upon taking pirates ; and I can hardly conceive that it would have that effect in that case. 1 199. "Would it not be desirable to frame a law, so as to give additional encou- ragement to the prevention of slaves being put on board altogether, rather than giving this encouragement for the mere capture of slaves on board ? — Certainly it would, if a law could so be framed, and encouragement so given. 1200. Do you consider that the Slave Trade may be regarded as piracy abso- lutely, according to international law, or only where it is made so by Treaty or by Convention ? — It is not piracy by international law. 1201. "What punishment do \'ou think, then, can be awarded to the crime of piracy when made so, not according to international law, but merely according to Treaty, when no specific punishment is provided for it ? — I should think it competent to this country to impose such a punishment upon the commission of piracy, according to Treaty, as would seem to be just and reasonable, and likely to suppress the offence. 1202. Do you think this country would be entitled to go to the extent of assigning punishment to persons engaged in the Slave Trade, as well as adjudging confiscation of the ship? — I do ; under the limits I have stated in answer to previous questions ; namely, as relating to the subjects of those powers with whom you have Treaties. 1203. You have stated that the want of Treaties with African chiefs and with European powers was the I'eason of the non-efiiciency of the P'rench part of the squadron ; has not the French part of the squadron recently been diminished ? — • 1 believe it has, by consent. 1 204. Therefore the number of cruisers is not now what you intended it to be when you made your Treaty with the Due de Broglie ? — Certainly not. 1205. That is a reason for the non-success of the squadron, in addition to those you mentioned before? — The diminution of the force, of course, diminishes its efficiency. 1206. In fact, the force has never been so efl^ective as you and the Due de Broglie intended it to be, on account of the want of those Treaties ? —Certainly ; but we contemplated that some time would elapse before the machinery could be got to work. We could not suppose that immediately the squadron was sta- tioned there, w'e should all at once make all the arrangements necessary to the suppression of the trade. Some time would necessarily elapse for the working together of the squadrons. Their w^orking, together was a very important matter, because, though a French cruiser would not be authorized to detain a Brazilian vessel, she would be authorized to visit it, and if it was a slave trader, some time would elapse before it would be allowed to proceed, and then notice might be given to a British cruiser. 1207. Do you know how many Treaties exist with African chiefs? — Forty- two, as appears by a Return laid before the House of Commons. 1208. But they are not so effectual as you contemplated ? — Certainly not. 1 209. What are the reasons which have prevented their being; more effectual ? — I am afraid that in certain instances we have not been perfectly punctual in keeping our part of the Treaty as to making presents, and the African nation are a peculiar people ; they value punctuality in a very different mode from what we do here, because if punctuality is not observed, they think the whole Treaty never will be observed. They are a suspicious race of people. Ordered, That this Committee be adjourned to Monday next, Two o'clock. Die ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 87 Die Limce, 14" Mail 1849. THE LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD in the Chair. NORMAN WILLIAM MACDONALD, Esquire, is called in, and examined as follows : 1210. IN what year did you go to Sierra Leone as Governor ? — 1 was in the ^v. iy_ Macdmahl colony when I got the commission, upon the death of my predecessor, Governor Es(j. Ferguson ; I succeeded Governor Ferguson about three years and a half ago. 1211. When did you first go to the colony of Sierra Leone?— In the year Ht'i May 1849. 1830. 1212. And you have been there since without intermission ?~With the excep- tion of occasional leaves of absence. 1213. In what capacity did you go ? — Second writer in the Secretary's office. 1214. You succeeded to the governorship in 1846? — In December 1845, I think. 1215. Has your residence at Sierra Leone given you any opportunities of ascertaining the state of the native tribes in the neighbourhood? — Yes, it has. l2i(S. As well as of studying the African character in the colony itself? — Yes. 1217. To what extent in the surrounding country has your residence there enabled you to form observations of that kind ? — I have visited the neighbouring rivers ; 1 have been up Port Logo and the Rokelle Rivers, in the immediate neighbourhood of the colony ; I have also been up the Rio Noonez and the Rio Poiigas, about 120 or 150 miles to the northward of the colony. 1218. Have you been able to make any observations of your own as to the present state of the Slave Trade upon the African coast r — I can only give your Lordships my own opinion upon the matter ; my own official duties did not bring me in contact with any of those proceedings ; there is a court established especially for entertaining this question, a Court of Mixed Commission ; and with tlie exception of occasional cases of kidnapping from the colony, I have had no official transactions myself relating to this subject. 1 2 I q. But from what has reached you, you are generally aware of the statistics of the Slave Trade ? — Yes. 1220. As to which of the export slave stations are you best informed? — One in the immediate neighbourhood of Sierra Leone, in the Gallinas. 1221. Can you tell the Committee what it is which seems to constitute a place a favourable position for the continuance of the Slave Trade? — Facilities for easy shipment of the slaves ; and those rivers are generally selected which are rather difficult of access to men-of-war. 1222. Those are essential to the place being a successful slave station ? — Yes ; and also where the individuals resident on shore engaged in the traffic can secure themselves against the attacks of the natives. 1223. Will you state to the Committee whether, in the event of the Slave Trade being driven from any particular point, it is easy for those engaged in it to transfer the same trade to another place ? — I do not think it is possible, unless they can secure the before-mentioned objects. 1224. You think it would be useless for them to attempt to transfer the trade to any position which did not combine those advantages '? — Yes. 1225. At the same time it is not essential that it should be a river ; there are many slave-trading posts where there are no rivers ? — True ; but they have means on shore ; wherever they place their slave establishment it is essential that there should be a means of easy shipment, because they ship the slaves, and water and everything, in two to three hours. 1226. How far does your knowledge of the coast extend?— I have only been up to Rio Noonez and Rio Pongas to the North ; I have never been to the South. I 227. Have you any means, from information upon which you can depend, of telling the Committee how far, in the event of the trade being driven from the ^.^.^ L 4 Gallinas, 88 MINUTES OF KVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE N. IV- Macdonald, Gallinas, there are other posts in the neighbourhood to which it could be trans- ■Es?- ferred ? — I have no information upon that point, th M i84q 1228. But from your general knowledge of it you imagine that the driving it ' from any established post would be a very serious damage to the trade? — I think that wherever they have been disturbed — for instance, wherever they have been burnt out — they have never attempted to establish the trade anywhere else ; they wait, and recommence it at the same place when an opportunity oifers of their doing so ; that has been done at the Gallinas ; after Captain Denman burnt the barracoon, the trade was re-established there after a short time. 1229. In your judgment, if a fort were maintained at the Gallinas with a view to aid in the suppression of the Slave Trade there, it would not be easy for the parties engaged in it to transfer it elsewhere ?— I do not think they could transfer it elsewhere, unless they could select some spot that would enable them to carry it on as advantageously. 1 230. Practically, you believe, from past experience, that that would be diffi- cult ? — I believe so. 1231. From your experience of Sierra Leone, can you tell the Committee whether you think there would be any great difficulty or expense in maintaining such small establishments along different parts of the coast; what may be called armed factories ? — No, because I think they would eventually pay themselves ; once destroy the Slave Trade, and legitimate trade will immediately follow. 1232. From your answer, the Committee infer that you imagine that the two cannot exist together? — They cannot ; it is impossible. 1 233. You are decidedly of opinion, from what you have seen of Sierra Leone, that they cannot exist together ? —It is impossible ; at Gallinas, one of the largest marts of the Slave Trade, there is no legitimate trade carried on. 1234. Do j'ou think that the Gallinas is well calculated to be a port for legiti- mate trade ? — Certainly. 1235. And you attribute the absence of legitimate trade there to the presence of the Slave Trade ? — Entirely. 1 236. Have you considered at all the expense at which such armed factories might be maintained ? — No ; I should not like to hazard an opinion upon that subject. 1 237. From your knowledge of the materials which England has at its disposal at Sierra Leone, do you imagine that anything like a native African corps could be formed by such means ? — I think so ; if you once destroy the germ of the Slave Trade, and root it out, anything else which the Government might choose to establish would be easily done. 1238. You have been several years resident in Sierra Leone ; did your health suffer during your residence ? — It did not suffer more than I should have expected, nor more than I conceive that it would have suffered elsewhere ; I have been nearly 20 years upon the coast, and I have enjoyed very good health there. 1 239. Do you attribute that to any personal peculiarity, or to great care on your part, or knowing how to manage yourself? — I neither took too much care nor too httle of myself; I did not commit any excesses of any sort ; but I went out in all weathers. 1240. From your observation while you were on the coast, do you attribute a good deal of what is suffered to the want of care ? — I think a great deal. 1241. Have you, yourself, had anything of the African fever? — I had in 1830, but not since. 1242. You had it as a seasoning fever? — As a seasoning fever merely. 1 243. Shortly after your arrival in the country ? — Yes ; I arrived there in March 1830, and 1 had the lever in October of the same year. I have had other shght attacks of intermittent ague fever, but I have had no remittent fever, which is the fatal fever ; epidemics have visited the place two or three times during my residence there, but I have as yet fortunately escaped. 1 244. You have had many opportunities of observing the African character ? — I have. 1245. And its capability of improvement under education? — To a certain extent ; 1 think it will not Ijear over-teaching, but it is capable of very great improvement. 1246. Was not the colony of Sierra Leone itself formerly one of the great nests of the Slave Trade ? — Yes. 1247. -"^"d now the Slave Trade is unknown there? — Wholly unknown. 1248. You ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 89 1248. You are aware of the questions which have arisen as to extending the N. IV. Macdonald, trade of the colony at Sierra Leone? — I was not aware that any question had ^^9- arisen recently. ~ — 1249. You are aware that the Government repudiated General Turner's pur- ' - ay 1 4 9. chases ? — Yes ; some years ago. 1 250. You said that the Slave Trade interfered with the legitimate trade in the districts ; in what manner does it so interfere ? — It entirely destroys it. 1-251. How does it operate so to destroy it?' — The profits of the one are so enormous, that the trade with the lesser profit cannot exist. 1 -252. They can purchase more goods with slaves than they can with any other article?— I do not know that, but the return is so enormous ; the slaves compa- ratively cost little, and the return makes that ti'affic so profitable that no other traffic can thrive with it. 1253. It is more advantageous to the African? — To the African who deals in it; for instance, the chief who disposes of 100 slaves to Pedro Blanco or any other slave-dealer, gets so enormous a return for those 100 slaves, that he will not enter into any legitimate trade, because that will not pay him so well so long as he can procure Africans to sell. 1254. The Slave Trade is as advantageous to the chiefs as it is to the Portu- guese? — Decidedly ; it is advantageous to all parties implicated in it ; so much so, that they will not engage in legitimate trade because it does not pay them so well ; but if you destroy the Slave Trade, they are all willing enough to go into legitimate trade ; when they cannot get the profits of the Slave Trade, they are sensible enough to turn their attention to other trade. 1255. When you say "all parties concerned," you mean the slave-trader and the chief? — Yes. 1256. You do not refer to the population ?— No ; I am only talking of the profits which the chiefs and dealers get. 1257. Do you mean the Committee to understand that the chiefs would not get as large a profit by legitimate commerce as they do by slaves, if such com- merce were instituted ? — i think they could not at first. 1258. Do not you think that when such a trade was established, they would get larger profits ? — They would eventually get remunerating and sufficient profits. 1259. Now they sell their capital in selling their slaves ? — Yes. 1260. Whereas they would get more, ultimately, by employing their people and selling the produce ? — Yes. 126J . Do they sell their own people ? — No, not as a general rule. 1 262. In what sense do you mean that they sell their capital in selling the slaves, which they derive from other countries ? — Because, although the slaves, in many instances, and generally speaking, are caught, and are the result of wars, still they sometimes purchase them ; hence they become their capital ; they occasionally sell their own capital, when they sell any slave who has com- mitted such a fault as, by the laws of the country, is punishable either by death or by being sold. The chiefs, however, rarely sell their domestic slaves. 1263. Is there any want of population on the maritime coast? — I cannot answer that ; I am not sufficiently acquainted with the population of the coast ; the slaves, as I apprehend, are brought from the interior. 1264. From what distance in the interior, do you suppose ?— It depends entirely upon the part of the coast from which they are shipped ; from 50 to 100 or 200 miles from the interior. 1265. They come down in great caravans? — They come down in parties of from 50 to 100 or 200, and probably more. 1266. Do they pay dues to the several states through which they pass ? — I do not know, but I should think it more than probable that they do. 1 267. And they are directed, when purchased in the interior of the country, to that portion of the coast where it is thought most convenient to ship them ? — Yes ; and the chiefs at the different slave establishments have their own parties in the country collecting slaves, and bringing them down to their own towns for shipment. 1268. The trade is carried on by great Portuguese traders, with considerable capital, is not it? — I presume so. 1269. They are well aware at the markets, in the interior of the country, of what is passing upon the coast at all periods '? — I should say that they were. 53- M 1270. Do 90 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE N. W. Macdonald, 1 270. Do you know that to be the fact ? — I do not know it of my own know- ^'"i- ledge, but I think it more than probable they do. 14U1 M i>" 1 84.0 1271. And they would therefore direct those caravans according to the position of our cruisers upon the coast? — I do not know that ; from what I have heard, the mode of proceeding with the chiefs engaged in the Slave Trade is this : that either they make war upon their neighbours to collect slaves, or they have their emissaries in the interior of the country catching them, or collecting them by any means in their powei'. 1272. Kidnapping? — Kidnapping. 1273. Having thus kidnapped them, do you suppose that the Portuguese slave-trader has his agent for the purchase of them ? — I am not aware of the entire minutiae of the traffic. 1274. Have you been led to converse with any slaves who have been taken and liberated at Sierra Leone, through interpreters ? — I have conversed with a few of them. 1275. Do you find, generally, an anxiety in them to return to their own country ? — Some of them are anxious to get back, and many of them try to get back, and leave the colony with this object. 1276. Are they allowed to go back if they please? — They never ask permis- sion to go back ; I have never known any instance where they have asked to be allowed to go back ; but after being located in the villages, numbers have been known to leave the colony, and attempt to reach their own country. 1277. Is there any impediment offered to their going back to their own country?—! do not know that there is ; the only impediment would be the want of the means of getting them to their own country. The Government have not the power to send them to their own country. 1278. But they would be allowed to go if they asked leave to return to their own country; they would not be prevented? — No; I would, however, rather advise them not to go, because they would never reach their own country. They either die or are re-caught and sold again. 1279. Will you state to the Committee what the course is when a cargo of liberated Africans arrives at Sierra Leone ?— At present, when a cargo of libe- rated Africans is landed, they are placed in an asylum there (the liberated African department), and are kept there. As soon as they are adjudicated, — that is to saj"", as soon as the vessel in which they are im])orted is condemned, which takes about a fortnight, — they then have the option offered to them of emigrating to the West Indies or remaining at Sierra Leone ; and if they prefer remaining in the colony, they are free to go and locate themselves in any part of the colony that they like ; that is the present system. 1280. Is there any apprenticing them to settlers in the colony? — Not as the general rule. 1281. In what cases are they apprenticed? — When they are too young to be allowed to go abroad upon their own resources ; boys and girls. 12S2. Have you found much trouble in managing those who are landed? — None at all ; they are exceedingly docile. 1283. Have you any suggestion to make to the Committee, with a view to make them nmre useful when they are so liberated ? — No. I have already submitted to Earl (h'ey improvements in the mode hitherto adopted in educating the liberated Africans, which his Lordship has been pleased to entertain. 1284. When they are landed they are wholly uncivilized ? — Perfectly so. 1285. And they are sent to school r — Yes. 1286. Are any methods taken for their instruction and civilization? — Yes; all children old enough to go to school, under the age of 12 years, are sent to schools in the villages. 1287. Is anything done for those who are older than that? — Those who are too old to go to school (and who are not apprenticed) are located upon their own resources ; that is the order of Her Majesty's Government. 1288. In what way are they generally employed ? — By their own country people. 1289. As freemen for wages? — Certainly; there are none but freemen in the colony ; they take them into their houses till they get a house built of their own, in erecting which they assist each other invariably. 1290. Are they soon reconciled to residing at Sierra Leone? — Yes. 1291. Had you the means of judging of their happiness there? — I have been a very great deal amongst them, and I heardthe opinions of those who had emiirrated to the West Indies, and had returned ; and I invariably found tlieni feel ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 91 feel more satisfied with their lot in Sierra Leone than they were over in the N. IV. MacJonald, West Indies. Esq. 1292. Have they given reasons for that preference ? — They stated to me, when . I asked them at Sierra Leone, that they were more comfortable at Sierra Leone ; ^''^^ ^^ ^^'^' that they like to sit down quietly, as they call it, at Sierra Leone. 1293. What is the state of morals at Sierra Leone? — Good, generally speaking. 1 294. Is that owing in a great degree to religious instruction ? — Yes, to the labours of the missionaries. 1295. They are, for the most part, professing Christians? — They are ; there are a very great number of Dissenters amongst them. 1296. But they are earnest in their way? — They are. I 297. Have any of them taken to trade ?— Great numbers. 1298. In point of fact, is the trade of Sierra Leone rapidly falling into the hands of the liberated Africans? — Very much, particularly the produce trade. 1299. Is it increasing? — Very much. 1 300. What is the state of Free Town .'' — Very good indeed ; it contains 15,000 inhabitants. (301. How are its police regulations managed ? — The police are all Govern- ment servants, with a code of local regulations for their guidance, and are under the orders of the executive. 1302. Do they employ natives as their agents in carrying out the police of the town ? — The police are all liberated Africans. 1303. In what Government departments are the liberated Africans employed? — In very few, except as messengers ; there are no liberated African clerks in any of the Government offices, with the exception of the liberated African department, in which there is a person of the name of Dixon, a liberated African, employed as clerk. 1 304. Are those born in the colony, of black blood, a better class than the liberated Africans ? — On the whole, I do not think them so well behaved. 1305. Are they more intelligent? — They have not proved themselves so. 1306. Then do you consider them to be a deterioration of the original stock ? — It is hard to say whether it would be attributable to that, but the colony-born boys are certainly not such good boys as the imported liberated African boys. 1307. To what do you mainly ascribe that? — I have not studied the subject sufficiently to enable me to give any decided opinion respecting it. 1308. Is there a coloured population growing up there to any amount? — There are a few, but not many., 1309. Are the sexes tolerably equally divided in the coloured population? — Yes, 1 think so. 1310. How comes that to be the case, inasmuch as the majority of the liberated Africans are men ? — The preponderance may be a little in favour of the men, but I think that, upon the whole, there is a very fair division of sexes. 1311. When you speak of the commerce being principally in the hands of the liberated Africans, what commerce do you refer to ? — The internal or produce trade ; the produce brought from the interior to Sierra Leone, as well as raised in the colony. 1312. For export ? — Yes; they sell a great deal of jjroduce to the resident European merchants and transient traders. 1313. Is there any jealousy of intercourse with Sierra Leone along the coast ? ■- — Not that I am aware of. 1314. Is there free communication between the Gallinas and Sierra Leone? — Yes, daily, almost. 1315. What does the trade consist of?^ — Hides, gold, wax, palm-oil, ivory, arrow-root, ginger and pepper, &c. 1316. Cotton ?— Not yet. 1317. Coffee? — No, not as an article of commerce, yet. 1318. Ground-nuts? — Yes, ground-nuts, and teak timber. 1319. Is the land in the neighbourhood of the colony fit for the cultivation of cotton and coffee?— The land in the colony itself is very favourable to the culti- vation of coffee. 1320. Why has not it been grown ? — It requires a large amount of capital, and none of the inhabitants have had that amount of money to lay out upon it. 53. M 2 1321. Does g2 illNUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE N. fV. MacdonaU 1321. Does the trade of the liberated Africans extend far into the interior? — • Esq. They go up the rivers ; they visit all the rivers in the neighbourhood of Sierra 7 — Leone with their ventures. Htli May 184 9. ^^^^ j^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^ ^j^^j^, market very much injured by the Slave Trade? — No, they never go to a mart where the Slave Trade exists. 1323. Can they afford to sell their European goods as cheaply as the slave- trader can afford to sell his ? — They do not go to the same market. 1324. Are they not liable to be carried off by the slave-traders? — Sometimes; for instance, some of them trade to the Gallinas and to Sherboro, where there are British factories ; they go there for the purchase of rice, and they sometimes will go beyond that, and they get into trouble occasionally, but very rarely. 1325. Might not the British factories in Sherboro be employed as a means of suppressing the Slave Trade at the Gallinas ? — They might, on the part of the Government. What is called a factory there, is merely a residence for the agent to collect produce. 1326. The slave factories at the GaUinas have been destroyed ?~ Lately, by Sir Charles Hotham. 1327. In carrying on their trade in the interior, are they never attacked by natives, and their goods taken from them ? — Occasionally. 1328. Is the trade hindered from want of protection along the mouths of the rivers; and would there be more trade if they were not liable to those attacks? — There is a very good trade in those rivers ; but the natives are very glad to make any excuses now and then for getting other men's goods. But unless the indi- vidual himself has committed some breach of the country law, it rarely happens that they wilfully interfere with a British subject, because the moment a com- plaint is lodged with the Government it is taken up. Of course, if an individual commits any infringement of their own laws, and becomes himself amenable for the loss of his property, it is a different thing. 1329. Do the tribes that live far in the interior sell slaves? — I think all African tribes sell slaves. 1 330. You mentioned the seizing of the goods of the liberated Africans when engaged in trade; do they never seize their persons ? — They do occasionally, but very rarely ; it must be generally from some misconduct on the part of the individual. 1331. What is the number of inhabitants at Sierra Leone? — Between forty and fifty thousand. 1332. Can you state the number of Christians and the number of heathens? — I should not like to venture to state those numbers ; the information could be obtained from the blue book from the Colonial Office ; I should not like to tax my memory. 1333. Can you give the Committee any idea of the proportions in which they are divided, as between the different Christian sects ? — I should not like to give an opinion upon that ; the majority of the inhabitants profess Christianity ; at the same time, a great number of liberated Africans are Mahomedans. 1334. Are there any Roman Catholics in the colony? — None. A Roman Catholic clergyman visited the colony, about four or five years ago, and he went down the coast, and established a mission there, I believe ; but it was very shortly broken up, and abandoned. 1335. You stated to the Committee that the children of those born in the colony were, upon the whole, less manageable than those brought in ; have you any means of judging whether that is from the latter being cleverer, and more accustomed to liberty of action, and so more difiicult to control, or from what that difference arises ? — Their own parents exercise little or no control over them, and I believe that my opinion is borne out by the opinion of the clergyman of the Church Missionary Society; they invariably prefer the liberated Africans to colony-born boys as scholars ; they hold them in higher estimation. 1336. Are they better-conditioned? — They are better-disposed boys than the colony-born boys. 1337. Are they preferred because they are more tractable? — They are more tractable. The colony-born boy, almost as a boy, is entirely independent of all parental control. 1338. Are the liberated Africans quicker and apter to learn than the others ? — I should say not ; I have never had any of them under my own teaching; but I know this as a fact, that the colony-born boys are not sought after. 1339. Should ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 93 »339- Should you^ say that you could observe any marked distinction in the ^ w. Macdonald, mental capacity of those born in the colony, as compared with those born out Esq. of it ? — I think the colony-born boys are sharp shrewd boys ; hut I think their dispositions are not at all so good as those of the liberated Africans. ^4-*^^ ^''^y '^+9- 1340. Do you perceive in those that have been liberated a depressed and bowed ' condition of mind ? — No. 1341. Not even when they are first landed ? — When they are first landed they are in a very bad state of health. 1342. They have had much physical sufiferlng ? — A great deal ; but if you see them three or four months afterwards, they are entirely different persons ; they are in good spirits, and as their bodily health improves, their mental health, of course, developes itself more. The colony-born boy apes a good deal the man- ners and customs of the European ; he looks down upon the liberated African boys ; he looks down even, in a certain measure, upon his own parents, and is entirely independent of their control, considering himself as free-born, superior to his own parents, Uberated Africans. 1343. Then it is not that there is any mental incapacity about them ; but the difference arises from the circumstances under which they are born and brought up? — Yes; they are restless under control; more so, in my opinion, than the liberated Africans. 1 344. As they grow up, are they persons who rise into situations in the colony, and important commercial positions ? — No ; our native merchants are men brought in as liberated Africans, and who from industry have made their own way. 1345. Do they soon learn the English language? — They pick it up very soon. 1346. They speak a great variety of languages ? — Yes, there are various tribes ; many of them speak three or four different languages. 1347. What is the extent of Sierra Leone? — It is about 30 miles by 40. 1348. Are the limits accurately defined ?— Very much so ; there is a beautiful chart published by the Church Missionary Society here, from a large statistical plan in the Colonial Office. 1349. Do you yourself see any advantages that would attend extending the colony ? — I do ; I think that by extending the colony backwards into the Quiah country, which borders upon the colony, w^e should secure for the colony a large tract of very beautiful alluvial soil ; Sierra Leone is entirely mountainous. 1350. Would it be very easy to obtain possession of it? — I think it could be obtained with very little difficulty. 1351- Would there be any considerable expense in doing it? — Nothing beyond either the actual purchase outright, or a certain sum per annum ; so many bars. 13,52. Could you extend it down the sea-coast towards the Gallinas, or towards Sherboro? — We could. 1353- I^y purchase ? — By cession or by purchase. 1 354. Do you think that such an extension of the colony would have any effect in checking the Slave Trade in the neighbourhood ? — Decidedly. 1355. In what way ? — If it were extended southwards, we should, by obtain- ing possession of the Sherboro and Gallinas, be able to put down the Slave Trade there. 1356. Is there not a part of Sierra Leone which runs up the river to the east of the BuUom country ? — There is a portion of the colony l^elonging to the North Bulloms ceded to the Government ; the colony is bounded on the east by the River Bunce. 1357. What is the extent so ceded ? — The Bunce is a mere inlet from the river Sierra Leone ; I do not know the exact length of the territory so ceded, but one boundary is Cumro-bey Creek ; and the other is the Ka-ku-pa Creek. 1358. Do you want more extent on account of the population ; is the popula- tion increasing so fast that more extent is required ? — No ; I think if the soil were better, it is sufficient for the amount of the population ; but it is a bad soil ; it is very mountainous, and largely impregnated with iron. 13,59. You would endeavour to get a better soil? — Yes. 1360. And to take a firmer hold on Africa? — Yes ; because the further you extend your influence, the more you can do to suppress the Slave Trade and to encourage civilization. M 3 13G1. It g4 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE N. IV. Macdonald, 1 36 1 . It might afford additional means of civilizing and establishing ti'ade in Esq. Africa ? — Yes. 1362. The expense to this country would become less as the colony became 1411 May 184 9. j,jg|-jgj. ^,j^ jjjQj.g Self-supporting ?— Decidedly. 1363. Did you find any disposition, on the part of the natives, to come in and place themselves under our protection? — I do not know; their view of placing themselves under our protection is, that they would have to give up their own territory. 1364. Have any immigrants from the interior come into Sierra Leone? — We have lots of Mandingo men, and Foolahs and other classes, who come there and remain in the colony. 1365. Do they come and remain, or do they come merely to trade, and go back after making money ? — A great many come to trade, but a great many remain and live with their country people. 1 366. Had they increased during the time that you were resident there, and had they children born to them? — Yes. 1367. Did you see any difference between those children so born, and the children of the liberated Africans ? — No ; those are all Mahoraedans ; I do not think they send any of them to the schools in the colony ; they send them away into their own country. 1 368. Do they send them for education, or do they send them away altogether ? — They send them away for education ; they have also masters of their own in the colony, who are their priests. 1369. Are they better-conditioned than the children of the liberated Africans ; more docile, and more tractable? — I have never had anything to do with those children ; they are not placed under the care of the clergymen of the Church Missionary Society, or the Wesleyans ; their jiarents remain firm to their own faith, as Mahomedans, and will not send their children to be educated in the schools of the colony. 1370. Are they as industrious as their parents ? — Those children are very few in number ; I have no means of judging of their industry. 1371. You do not know them sufficiently to institute any comparison between them and the children of the liberated Africans ? — No ; they never were brought prominently forward in any way ; they do not do any work, bringing them in contact or comparison with the rest of the coloured inhabitants of the colony. 1372. What becomes of the children of the liberated Africans; do they sup- port themselves by their industry? — Yes, when old enough. '373- Do t'ley become wealthy? — Comparatively so ; a great many of them. 1374. Upon what tenure are lands held in the colony? — They get grants of land for nothing. 1375. But the land is of a barren nature? — Yes, comparatively so ; it is very stony, and impregnated with iron. 1376. Which tends to lower their love of agriculture? — Yes ; the natives are rather rude agriculturists, generally speaking. 1377. Which you attribute in a considerable degree to the unremunerating nature of the soil ? — I think so. 1378. Have there been any instances in which any neighbouring native chiefs have submitted their quarrels or disputes to the arbitration or adjudication of English officers at Sierra Leone ? — I have been sent myself by a former Governor to settle disputes. 1379. At the request of the native powers ? —Not exactly at the request of the native powers. 1380. Do you think, that whereas they now have to resort to war in cases of disputes, they would prefer settling their disputes by the arbitration of a British officer? — Whenever a disturbance takes place in the immediate neighbourhood of Sierra Leone, the Governor invariably writes to both parties, offering to mediate, and in many instances it is successful. 1381. Do they willingly accept the mediation of the British Government ? — Sometimes they do; not always. In one instance, in my own case, they positively refused it. 1382. Do you think it might be an important means of extending our influence in the interior, if the native tribe would willingly accept our mediation in their disputes ? — I think in many cases they would do so ; I think, generally speaking, they would; but I have known instances where they refused it. 1383. Might ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADK, 95 1383. Might not influence acquired in this manner be advantageously used for ^y ^ Macdonald getting the cliief's to enter into treaties and engagements for the suppression of Esq. the Slave Trade ? — Yes, I think so. 1 364. Have you had opportunities of forming an opinion, whether the liberated '"^ ^^'^^ ^^Ad' Africans prefer living under British rule when they have experience of it, or " whether they prefer returning to their own countries ? — They prefer remaining under British rule, decidedly. 13S5. Do you think the natives in our immediate neighbourhood evince any preierence for British rule over the rule of their own chiefs r — That is a question that I cannot very well answer, for this reason, that it has never been tried. But I will give one instance as regards their desire to be under British rule, whicii was in the case of the chiefs on the BuUom shore : an old chief on the Bullom shore. Bey Sherbro, a very short time before I came home, came with the other members of his family, and voluntarily begged me to accept the sovereignty of the entire Bullom shore, in order that the country might be placed under the British ; but of course I could not accept the sovereignty of the land ; they begged very hard that I should, because a family of the name of Dala Moodu, who were strangers in the land, had established themselves in the Bullom, and were exterminating the real sovereigns of the territory, and getting the country entirely under their own dominion ; and that family had so entirely broken the spirit of the people, that, as a last resource, they appealed to me, and voluntarily Ijroffered the whole of that piece of land on the opposite side of the river. 1386. Was this Dala Moodu family a neighbouring tribe? — They were not Bullom people ; they were strangers ; they were allowed many years ago to sit down at a little place called Madina, on the other side of the river ; they were a clever intriguing famil}^ and by degrees got a large portion of the territory under their dominion, and committed very great excesses ; so much so, that at last the old chiefs rose and came to me to complain. I, myself, was aware of the intriguing character of this family, and had on more than one occasion been obliged to put down their proceedings. The Bullom chiefs begged that I would accept, as governor of the colony for Her Majesty, the sovereignty of the whole of that territory. 1387. Do the neighbouring tribes to Sierra Leone live in a tolerably happy condition ? — Yes. 1388. Are they peaceful ? — They are very peaceable, as far as the colony is concerned. 1389. Do you find that they are improving in their condition ? — I cannot say that I see any difference from what 1 saw when I first went out there ; our com- munication is not very considerable with them ; they are always engaged in some squabbles amongst themselves ; there are so many petty chieftains there, they are always intriguing. 1 390. Do not the stronger of those petty chieftains often oppress the weaker ? — Often. 1 391 . Would, then, the weaker chieftains, under those oppressions, be thankful for British interference ? — Yes, they would. 1392. Would not, in turn, tliose stronger chieftains be occasionally oppressed by others stronger than themselves ? — Yes ; but they would go far beyond the range of our mediation. 1393. In that way, might there not be a considerable extension of British influence amongst the native tribes ? — Undoubtedly. 1394. By which means, by degrees, the present wars might be exchanged for pacific arrangements ? — Decidedly. 1 395. The carrying out of such plans would entirely depend upon the increased strength of the colony? — Yes. 1396. The colony has gone on increasing in strength of late years, as its means of export have increased l — Certainly. 1 397. Can you give the Committee any statement of the imports and exports ? — I have no papers with me, but it can be obtained at the Colonial Office. 1398. You mentioned that the liberated Africans have become the chief organs of commerce; have the liberated Africans at Sierra Leone in any case been known to become slave-traders ? — I think there have been one or two solitary instances. 1 399. How were they regarded by their brethren in the colony ; was it with ^2. "" M 4 abhorrence ? 06 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE A'. ;)'. Macdonnld, abhorrence r — Yes ; they were executed ; it was at a time when slave-dealing E.sg. was visited with the punishment of death. i4thMa~~i8d 1400. You say that different tribes come there; of course, the liberated . Africans must be from different countries and have different languages ; do they associate together, or have tliey party feuds ? — They have feuds occasionally, but they are compelled to associate together. 140. But they do in a certain measure form separate classes? — Yes; for instance, there is an " Aceo Town" and an " Ebo Town," and other towns, but still they mix together and intermarry. 1402. The health of Sierra Leone has improved? — Yes. 1403. To what do you attribute that improvement ?— Clearing the land ; I think that is one cause ; but the seasons have changed very much since I have been out there. 1404. You mentioned the state of the agriculture ; have any pains been taken to instruct the liberated Africans in agriculture ? — No ; but I believe that the Government have turned their attention to that subject, and that hereafter the industrial system, with instruction in agriculture, will form a prominent feature in the education of the liberated Africans. 1405. Is there any trial by jury at Sierra Leone? — Yes; exactly the same as in the courts of law here. 1406. The jurymen are liberated Africans ? — Yes. 1407. Do they find any difficulty in conducting those trials ? — Sometimes they give extraordinary verdicts. 1408. Have you a grand and petit jury? — Yes. 1409. Do they display intelligence in their conduct as jurymen? — Upon the whole they do. 1410. Have you pleaders ? — Yes; but not Africans. 1411. European pleaders ? — Yes. 141 2. How long must a man be in the colony before he is put upon a jury ? — I do not know that there is any legal time fixed, but at all events he must understand English. 1413. Are the judges natives? — No; the chief justice is a coloured gentleman from Trinidad, and the assistant judges are the members of council ex officio. 1414. Is he a Mulatto ? — Yes, a native of Trinidad. 1415. Have they built any ships there? — No; they build very good boats, but they have not attempted ship-building yet. 1416. Have you any mechanics, or people that can build houses? — Yes; the houses in the colony are very good houses, built by native carpenters and native masons ; the workpeople there want, however, to be taught the improvements that have taken place in their respective crafts. 1417. Are the houses built of stone? — Stone and w^ood. 1418. With bricks? — No; because there is excellent stone upon the spot much cheaper than by importing bricks. The Witness is directed to withdraw. The Reverend CHARLES FREDERICK CHILDE is called in, and examined as follows : Rev C F Childe H^Q- YOU are a ClergjTnan of the Church of England ? — I am. ' 1420. And have been engaged several years in tuition ? — Twelve and a half. 1421. Where? — Two and a half as Head Master of W^alsall Grammar School, and ten at the Church Missionary College at Islington. 1422. As so engaged, you have had passing under your observation a large number of young men? — A large number of boys and young men. 1423. Of whom you had the principal charge? — Yes. 1424. Amongst those at the Church Missionary College you have had some Africans ? — Four. 1425. WiU you mention their names? — The Reverend Samuel Crowther, Thomas Macaulay, George Nicol and Thomas Maxwell. 1426. Two of those have returned to Africa? — They have; Crowther and Macaulay. 1427. Crowther was a liberated African? — He was. 1428. He had been a slave ?— Yes. !420. He ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADK. 97 Rev. C. F. Ckilde. 1429. He has been ordained by the Bishop of London ? — He has. 1430. And those who are now in England, under your charge, are the two last you named? — Yes. i4ih May 18.19. 1431. They were not liberated Africans, but born in the colony? — Yes. 1432. Will you tell the Committee whether you have had any means of judging as to any difference of character between the colony-born and the liberated? — I have had but those specimens, and can hardly judge from them. M33- Were the colony-born less docile and tractable than the liberated ? — Not at all. 1434. How long have these two young men, who are now coming before the Committee, been under your charge r— At two difierent periods ; about two years. They first came to Islington five years ago, remained 16 months, and then returned to Sierra Leone. 143.5. In what capacity did they go back to Sierra Leone? — As tutors ; the one in the Grammar-school, the other in the Fourah Bay Institution. 1436. And whilst there, did they conduct themselves entirely to your satis- faction? — Yes; from 1845 to 1848 they conducted themselves to the satisfaction of the Committee. 1437. And have now returned to this country, for what purpose? — To be pre- sented to the Bishop of London for Holy Orders on Trinity Sunday next. 1438. Have they made any progress in the Latin language? — Some progress. 143Q. Have they in the Greek ? — Yes, decidedly. 1440. Can they read the Greek Testament ? — Very well. 1441. In general theological knowledge what progress have they made ? — The average progress of onr other theological students, quite. They have read the Evidences, i.e., Paley, Butler, &c.. Church History, Pearson on the Creed, Hooker, &c. 1442. Comparing the young men of African blood, who have come under your charge, with those of European (you having had both German and English), is there any marked difference in their mental capacities ? — Taking those four as an average, I am inclined to say that it is in favour of the Africans. 1443. Amongst those four, was any one plainly pre-eminent ? — Macaulay, I should say, in native power. 1444. In what particularly was he pre-eminent ? — There was more of European stamina about him, in which the others are rather deficient. 1445. Where, among the four, should you class the two who are to appear before the Committee to-day ? — Nicol, second to Macaulay. 14^6. And Maxwell? — Last. 1447. Has Nicol studied mathematics as well ? — He has ; but mathematics at Islington are quite a subordinate part of the course, as compared with theological study. It was, however, the wish of the Committee that as much attention as the case allowed should be directed to mathematics. Nicol has gone throudi six books of Euclid, and algebra, as far as quadratic and cubic equations ; the elements of trigonometry and statics, in a po])ular manner; and after ordination, it is contemplated that he should proceed to the differential calculus. 1448. Have you found any singular indolence amongst the four who have come under your care ? — Quite the contrary ; they have been distinguished by an ardent thirst for knowledge. There is even a literary ambition, which I have sometimes thought it necessary to check, lest it should interfere with higher objects. 1449. Has their power been as great in original composition, in which, of course, you have tested them, as in acquiring original information ? — I think not. 1450. That has marked them all ? — That has marked them all. 1451. Have you had an opportunity of watching their morals and strength of character ? — Yes. 1452. In that respect, how should you class them as compared with European youths ? — At least on a par. 1453- You said that you could hardly answer about their turn for abstract sciences ? — No, I could not answer that, respecting the body ; but, in general, I have no fear about their succeeding in anything to which their mind is applied. The Witness is directed to withdraw. .^3. N Mr. 98 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Mr. GEORGE NICOL was called in, and examined as follows : Mr. G. Nkol. ,454, YOU are a native of Africa ?— Yes. i4thMa^i849. ^455- You have been in England before this time? — Yes, in 1844 and 1845. i4/)6. How long did you sta)^ at that time ? — Sixteen months. 1457. At the Church Missionary College r — Yes. 1458. And then you went back to Sierra Leone ? — Yes. 1459. In ^hat way were you engaged when you were there? — As a tutor in the Fourah Bay Institution. 1460. What had you to teach? — Mathematics and Natural Philosophy. 1461. ^yith what books did you teach ?— Euchd's Elements, Hind's Algebra, Joyce's Scientific Dialogues. 1462. ^\'hom had you to teach ? — Nine youths. 1463. Were they the sons of hberated Africans, and born in the colony ? — Yes, all born there. 1464. What is your age ? — Twenty-four. 1465. W^ere your parents liberated Africans ?— Yes, some 30 years ago they were brought by a slaver. 1466. You saw a good deal of the children of the liberated Africans while you lived in the colony? — Yes. 1467. Are they generally a well-behaved set? — Generally well-behaved. 1468. Is it not said in the colony that they are less obedient boys brought there, and set free ? — There is some difference between the children born there and those who have been brought in as slaves ; those that have been brought in as slaves are more obedient, and I must confess very industrious also ; I think 1 may account for it by their being put to work and instructed in different trades and occupations when they are located in the different villages, and I think some of our friends who were born there are rather indulged by their parents in some cases. 1469. Is there any difference in the capacity of those born in the colony j are they quicker and sharper ? — I should say they are sharper ; I think that results from the fact that when they are three or four years of age, they are taken to school, and trained up. 1470. Do you know whether the liberated Africans living in the colony would wish to return to their own country ? — Yes, there is a great desire. 1471. Why do they desire it? — I have conversed with those who have been converted, and the reason they give me is this, that they might go back and see their parents, and instruct them in the same truths of the Christian religion in which they have been instructed. 1472. Then it is not from a preference of the state of things at home, but from a wish to make the state of things at home such as it is in the colony ? — Yes. 1473. Is that a general wish amongst those who have adopted Christianity? — A general wish. 1474. Do manv, in point of fact, go back to their own country ?— There are a great many at Abbeokuta now, at the new mission just formed by our Society. 1475. Would not one who went back be liable again to be kidnapped, and made a slave of? — If they go beyond certain boundaries out of the influence of their chiefs, I think there is danger of their being kidnapped ; we have known a few cases where some of the Sierra Leone people who went back to their own country travelled beyond the limits, and have been kidnapped, and sold again into slavery. 1476. The fear of being kidnapped prevents others from returning to their own country ?■ — Yes ; therefore they say they will not go unless missionaries go with them ; and the influence of the British Government extends over that part of the country for their protection. 1477. The liberated Africans are of many different tribes? — Yes. 1478. Do they live in harmony when they come to the colony? — Very great harmony indeed ; we have great reason for thankfulness that although there are not less than 40 different tribes, yet they live in harmony and peace together. 1479. The old national quarrels do not survive? — No. 1480. Do they at first understand one another's languages? — No; they all speak English. 1481. They ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE- 99 1481. They pick it up ?— Yes. Mr. G. Nkol. 1482. In Sierra Leone they all speak English? — Yes. 1483. Do they speak English in their own families amongst themselves, or Hth May 1819. do they speak their own language ?— If the husband and wife are of the same ' tribe, then they speak the language of their tribe at home ; if they are of different tribes, they speak English. In my own case, my father is a Timanee and my mother is a Susoo, and they speak nothing but English at home. 1484. Is there much resemblance between those two languages, the Timanee and the Susoo? — I can hardly say. 1485. W hat led to your being connected with the Church Missionary Society ; were you trained up for it by your parents? — IMy parents sent me to a school established at Gloucester by the Church Missionary Society, with the view that I might be brought up, and be able to instruct others also. 1486. In what way do your parents get their livelihood? — My father is a sawj^er by trade. 14S7. Is he a master sawi'er, or does he work for hire? — He works for himself 1488. Has he capital? — No, he has not capital. 1489. Does he employ any men under him? — No; there are four of them who join together, and carry on their work. 1490. Does he live in Free Town, or in one of the villages ? — In one of the villages in Sierra Leone, in Gloucester ; three miles from Free Town. 1491. Are native-born Africans subject to fever at Sierra Leone? — Yes, we are all subject to fever. 1^)92. But not so much as Europeans ? — Not so much. 1493. After your return from England, did you suffer from fever when you went back to Sierra Leone ? — No, not very seriously. 1494. But you had an attack of fever? — I had a headache. 1495. You are hoping to be ordained on Trinity Sunday by the Bishop of London, and after that to return to Sierra Leone ? — Yes. 1496. And to reside in the colony? — I can hardly say that yet ; it depends upon the Committee. 1497. You put yourself at the disposal of the Committee ? — Yes. 1498. And if sent out on a mission into the interior, you would be ready to go ? — Yes. 1499. Should you have any fear of being yourself kidnapped if you went into the interior of Africa ? — If I made any tour in Africa, I would first get an intro- duction to the chiefs ; they always give an introduction to other chiefs in the interior ; and when you go under their protection, you may go as far as you like. 1.500. Are there any native physicians? — Yes, we have native country phy- sicians. 1501. Where is the Susoo tribe ? — The Susoo tribe is between the Gambia and the Sierra Leone River ; it extends far into the interior towards Koranko ; it is divided into two parts, the waterside Susoo and the interior Susoo ; there is very little difference in the structure of the language. 1.502. Have you made acquaintance with many adults from the Southern part of Africa who have been liberated and have come to Sierra Leone ? — We have very few tribes in Sierra Leone that come from Congo and Loango. 1503. Do you perceive any difi'erence in the intelligence of those that come from the North and !rom the South ; are those that come from the North more intelhgent, or do you perceive no difference? — If there is a difference, I should say that it is in favour of those North of the Line ; they are more intelhgent ; for instance, the Susoos and the Mandingoes are very intelligent races ; and the Yarubas also are veiy intelligent. 1504. From what you have heard amongst the Africans there, do you know what are the main things which prevent the spread of civilization ? — The Slave Trade. 1505. How does it do so ? — Because the Slave Trade prevents the people from cultivating the soil, and from laying out their villages, and cutting roads and putting everything in order ; they live in small huts, and in the midst of large forests, only for the purpose of hiding themselves from the attacks of their enemies ; they do not cultivate the ground as they ought, nor have they good houses ; I have been myself in the Timanee country, and have seen small 53. x 2 miserable lOU MIXUTFS OF EVIDENCE BEFOHI- SKLKCT COMMITTFE Hr. G. Nkol. miserable huts ; they have those mere temporary huts in order that they may not lose much when their enemies come upon them ; because suddenly a chief may 14th M;iy 1849. come who has more power than his fellow chief; in that case he burns down the whole village, and their rice-farms and every thin^ that they have, and takes the natives all slaves : with regard to furniture, they have nothing of the kind ; they have only a few bowls, cut out of wood, that they use in their houses. 1506. Do you attribute that to the insecurity caused by the Slave Trade? — Yes, the insecurity of any property that they might have. 1507. You have been in the Timanee country? — Yes. 1508. Do yon know whether, in the 1 imanee country, there would be a readiness to turn to some other trade if the Slave Trade was stopped ? — Yes ; 1 conversed with the chiefs, and they are ready to have their children instructed. I should say the Slave Trade is not carried on there to the same extent as in other places, because the British protection extends over all those parts. 1509. Do you know anything of the parts where the Slave Trade does prevail ? — Yes, at Lagos. 1.510. Have you been yourself at Lagos ? — No. 1511. Then in what way is your knowledge derived? — By information from those who come from there ; old men and women who came from those parts. 1512. Did you gather these facts from them ? — Yes. 1513. Tliat the Slave Trade in that neighbourhood caused insecurity? — Yes ; and this is shown even among the Timanees ; although they do not make slaves of those Timanees who are near the colony of Sierra Leone, yet they make war among themselves, and when they do so, they destroy all their farms and culti- vated grounds. 1514. The colony of Sierra Leone is very much divided in religious matters, is not it? — Yes; there are different denominations. 151,5. A great many? — Yes. 1516. Do you know in what proportions they are divided? — The Church has the largest proportion. 1517. There are very few African clergymen in the Church as yet ? — There is but one, Mr. Crowther, at Abbeokuta. 1518. Amongst the Wesleyans are there many of their ministers who are Africans ? — They have three. 1519. Amongst the other Dissenters are there many? — The Baptists have one. 1.520. Do they send any African missionaries into the interior? — No. 1521. The difficulty of sending missionaries into the interior, you think, is principally connected with the Slave Trade ? — ^Yes, as there is no security. 1522. If there was not the danger of war and of kidnapping, you think there would be no difficulty and no danger ? —No. 1523. When you went to the Timanees, did you go upon that errand? — I went with two European missionaries for the purpose of examining into the condition of the people, to see whether a new mission could be established among them. 1 5 24. Did you find great readiness to receive you ? — Very great. 152,5. Amongst the liberated Africans is there a readiness to receive Chris- tianity ? — Yes. 1526. Is it merely because they look upon it as a rise in this world ? — I should not think so; I should think, in most cases, from gratitude to God for bringing them out of slavery. 1,527. Do the liberated Africans bring many native superstitions with them ? — Yes. 1528. Do they readily leave them? — Yes. 1.529. Are those who have become Christians a moral race ? —Yes, very moral indeed ; but I should say that there are some that do not give up their super- stitious customs. 1530. Are there many who are heathens still among the liberated Africans ? — There are some heathens still worshipping idols, but they do it in secret ; they keep their idols in their houses. 1531. Is not there a large portion that worship in the country fashion?— Not a very large portion ; some have idols cut out of wood, and kept in thei houses. 1532. Why ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. |yj i.-SSS. Why do they keep them in their houses ; are they ashamed of it?— Some Mr. G. Nkol. of them are ashamed of being known to be idolaters. 1533- Would they be prevented from putting tiiem out openly ? — No ; but the ^^^^ ^^^' ^^'^9- generality of the people are all Christians, and they would be ashamed to bring them out. 1534. Are the liberated Africans generally industrious people? — Yes, they have earned wealth now ; they are now very comfortable, very many of them. ^53.5- 1^0 those that live in Sierra Leone feel the advantage of living under the British Government, rather than under that of the natives ? — Yes, a great advan- tage indeed. 1.536. That is generally felt amongst them ? — Yes. 1537. Has that led to any free natives coming in to live in the colony? — Yes ; there are many Timanees and Susoos, and Mandingoes come in to trade and to reside there. 1538. So that if the colony was extended inland, and made larger and richer, it would gradually draw many to itself? — I should think so. 1539. i^o you know whether the slave-trading tribes near are hostile to Sierra Leone?— Not that 1 am aware of. 1540. There are 15,000 inhabitants in Free Town? — Yes. 1541. How is Free Town laid out? — There are very fine broad streets indeed. 1 542. What kind of houses are they ? — Like your villas here, detached houses, European houses belonging to the wealthy native merchants. 1.543. By whom are they built? — Built by natives. 1544. Are those houses well furnished? — Well furnished. 1,54.5. Are they clean inside? — Very clean. 1,546. Have you any sewers in your town ? — No. 1547. Have you any native surgeons that have been regularly educated ? — No. 1.548. Are your midwives men or women? — Women. 1.549. Have you any native coppersmiths ? — We have native blacksmiths. 1.5.50. Ironmongers? — 1 cannot say. 1.5.51. Do you use wheeled carriages ? — Yes, there are carriages. 1.5.52. Where are they made ?— They are brought from England. 1553. Are there horses in the colony ? — Yes. 1554. Are they bred in the colony ?— In the interior, and brought down for sale. 155.5. Are your horses shod? — Yes. 1536. You have native blacksmiths? — Yes. 1557. Are there fisheries? — Yes, in abundance. 1558. Is it boat fishing? — Yes, boat fishing. J.559- ^11 the sea ? — Yes, the fishermen go out to sea. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Mr. THOMAS MAXWELL is called in, and examined as follows: 1560. WERE you born in the colony of Sierra Leone? — Yes. Mr. T. .Vou'tot//. 1561 . Of what tribe were your parents natives ? — Both of them Bornou. 1562. Where is Bornou? — In the interior of Africa, near Lake Tchad. 1563. At what age were your parents taken from Bornou? — Between 30 and 40 years of age. 1564. Have you heard them give any account of their capture? — Yes. 156,5. Will you give the Committee the particulars? — It was owing to an inva- sion which took place, 'ihe Foulahs, or Foulatahs, invaded Bornou, and after a long war between the two tribes, the Bornous and the Foulahs, the land was taken. My father and several of his companions fled from the country, and hid themselves in the bush ; some of the Foulahs frightening them out of the place where they hid themselves, they came out, and then they were taken and bound. The account of my father is, that two of his elder brothers were killed on the spot, in his presence, and he was taken and bound and sold into slavery. Pass- ing from one country to another, he was brought down to the coast, where he was sold to a slave- dealer. 1566. At what place? — He was sold at Lagos, and shipped at Badagry. 53' N 3 ^ 1567. Was 102 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Mr. T. Maxwell. '^^^~- Was he sent from the country, where he was originally taken prisoner, _! — to Badagry, by the parties who took him, or was he sold to others r — He was sold 14th Way 1849. from one party to another ; he was passed into several hands before he came into the hands of Europeans. 1.568. But all with the view of being sent down to the coast? — Yes. 1569. Then the ship was taken by the English?— The ship was taken by the English, and brought to Sierra Leone, and he was liberated. 1570. Whereabouts was the ship taken; was it taken far from land, or near Badagry ? — Far from land. 1.571. Did you hear anything of the sufferings of the slaves on board from your father? — Yes ■ they suffered extremely on board ; they were bound hand and foot, and scarcely any water was given them ; and whenever any of the slaves cried aloud for water, they were punished for so doing. Tbis happened 30 years ago ; it is about 32 years since my father was enslaved. 1572. Have you heard your father say, whether the war, of which you have spoken, at Bornou, was mainly for the sake of getting slaves? — He did not say- that. 1573. Does he keep up any intercourse with his own country? — No ; there is no possibility of communication between Sierra Leone and Bornou. 1.574. Has he ever wished to return to it? — Yes; but considering the diffi- culties, he has been afraid to make any attempt. 1.575. ^^ hat would make him wish to return? — Affection for his native land ; attachment to the country of his birth. 1576. What are the difficulties which would prevent him? — Several of the tribes not being favourable to travellers, they are likely to suffer injury in the way. 1577. To be taken as slaves ? — Yes ; to be made slaves again. 1578. They would be in danger of being kidnapped?— Yes. 1579. What is your father's trade at Sierra Leone ? — A labourer. 1580. Is he an agricultural labourer ? — Yes. 15S1. Does he work for wages? — No; he has land of his own, and keeps cattle. 1582. Was your mother from Bornou? — Yes; she Avas taken at the same time as my father, and she was in the same vessel, and captured and liberated at the same time. 1583. Did they become Christians soon after settling in the colony?— No; not till after a long time. 1,584. But they are now both Christians? — My mother has embraced the Christian religion, but my father, I am sorry to say, has not, for he is a Maho- medan. The religion of Bornou is Mahomedanism. 1585. Was your father a chief in that country? — No, he was not. 1586. AVas your mother a Mahomedan before she became a Christian? — No- 1587. Are Mahomedans taken as slaves ? — It was owing to the war, and when- ever captives were taken they were sold into slavery. 1.588. Are the Foulahs all Mahomedans ? — They are. 1589. Then it was one Mahomedan tribe making war on another ? — Yes. 1590. Is your father worse thought of in the colony for not having become a Chiistian? — No, he is not at all worse thought of. 1591. Your mother became a Christian since they were married ? — Yes, it was of late ; since I myself became a convert to the truth, that my mother became a Christian. 1592. Then your parents, being Mahomedans, sent you to a Christian school? —Yes. 1593. And there you were taught Christianity ?—Yes^ 1594. And then vour mother became a Christian? — Yes. 1 59,5. Now you are looking to going back to the colony ordained ? — I hope so. 1596. To settle in the colony ?— It depends upon circumstances; wherever the Committee of the Church Missionary Society send me. 1597. You are ready to go anywhere.^ — Yes. 1598. Are there many Mahomedans in the colony? — Very few of the Bornou tribe, but of the Yaruba tribe there are many. 1 599. Is there a mosque in the colony ?— At one time there was, but not now. 1600. Is ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. IO3 1600. Is there any moollah or priest ? — Some of the Foulahs come into the Mr. T. Maxuiell. colon)^, and pretend to be priests of the people, and to teach them. 1601. Do you see a difference between the young who are born in the colony ^''■^'^ ^^^y '^49- and the young brought in in ships? — A great deal of difference. ' 1602. In what respect r — Those that are brought into the colony from the slave ships, being thrown upon their own resources, become experienced in a great measure ; and being more industrious, they fare better than the children that are born in the colony ; but we hope that there will be a change in the con- dition of the colony -born in course of time. 1603. Are the colony-born quicker and cleverer than the others? — Yes. 1604. But less industrious and less docile ? — Less industrious. J 605. Do the colony-born make fortunes and get on as well in life as those who are brought in ? — Vei-y few of them do ; but those that are brought from the country are very industrious indeed. 1606. You said that you would go wherever the Committee of the Church Missionary Society send you ? — Yes ; I am a servant of the Society now, and I am quite at their disposal. 1607. Are you bound to them by any obhgation when you go back ; supposing you wished, when you got back, not to serve them, are you free to serve them or not serve them, as you like? — I hope I shall continue faithful to them. 1608. Are you free to do as you like, supposing, when you go back, you should not wish to serve the Society ? — I do not consider myself so at all. i6og. By what do you consider yourself bound ?— Having given up myself to serve the Society, and considering how much they have done for me, I consider myself bound by the principles of gratitude to serve them 1610. But you have no other obligation, no obligation of law ? — No obligation of law. 1611. Your obligation is a feeling of gratitude to them for the advantages of your education? — Quite so. 1612. Why were you chosen to be brought to England for education? — In order to become useful to my country. 1613. Do you know why one was chosen rather than another? — I look upon it as the Providence of God working on my behalf; for I do not consider myself at all better than ray countrymen in the colony. 1614. You do not know why you were chosen ? — I look upon it only as the Providence of God working on my behalf. The Witness is directed to withdraw. The Reverend JOSEPH ANGUS, M. A., is called in, and examined as follows : 1615. ARE you engaged in the Baptist Missionary Society? — I am Secretary Rev. J. Angus, to that Society. M.A. 1616. You have not yourself been in Africa? — I have not been in Africa — — myself. 1617. But your position as Secretary has given you considerable knowledge of the proceedings of that Society ?— Quite so. 1618. Have the Baptists a mission in Africa? — They have three missions; one at Fernando Po ; one at Bimbia ; and one at the Cameroons River. 1619. How long have they had those missions ? —The earliest since 1840 ; our mission in Fernando Po was commenced in that year. 1620. Have you European missionaries engaged at those stations ? — There are four, and several natives of Jamaica. 1621. Have you received from them accounts of what is the state of things on the coast, and in the interior of Africa? — With the coast we are more par- ticularly conversant, especially from the Bonny River, in the North, to the Gaboon, in the South, a distance, I suppose, of 500 or 600 miles. 1622. Have you found the health of the European missionaries suffer much in your mission ? — They have suffered very much from the climate, but not more, I think, in mortahty than was the case in the earlier history of our Jamaica mission. With your Lordships' leave, I should like to give in a few sanitary statistics, illustrative of the health and labours of our missionaries on that part 53- ^ 4 of 104 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Jtet. J. Angus, of the coast. Of 21 European missionaries and their wives sent to Africa since M.A. 1840, three have died, two have returned through ill-health, and five from other 14th May 1849. ^^"^^® ■' ^^ ^^^^^ remain. Of 24 natives of Jamaica, 10 of whom were artisans, or their wives, and the rest teachers, three have died, and five have returned through ill-health ; 1 1 from deficiency of mental or spiritual qualifications, and five remain ; so that the mortality, as shown by this list, is on the side of the natives of Jamaica ; fewer Europeans in proportion have died than Jamaica teachers. ih23. Have they converted many natives in the neighbourhood of the station? — We have altogether about 3.50 inquirers at the three stations, of whom about 120 are in full fellowship in connexion with the different churches. 1624. Is it your impression that that is a fair representation? — I think that is a fair representation of the comparative mortality between the two classes. 1625. So that you would think that the Jamaica-born African black was not more Ukely to live on the coast of Africa than the European ? — Not on tlie whole. 1626. Do they suffer from the same kinds of disease, the African fever? — Not generally; most of the Jamaica teachers have suffered from inflammatory dis- eases, pleurisy and inflammation of the lungs ; the Europeans suffering chiefly from low fever. The fact is, that both classes suff'er with equal frequency, but in the case of the Jamaica teachers less severely, though we find that their compa- rative want of energy of character is very greatly against them in sickness. They sink under disease much more rapidly than a strong-minded European. Euro- peans in Jamaica suff'er from ardent bilious fever ; in Africa, from a succession of weakening attacks of low fever and ague ; once a month is a very common interval ; a few days will take away as much strength as it will require months to regain. 1627. Have you any missionaries now at home who have actually themselves been engaged in the work on the coast of Africa? — We have two, one of whom is here to-day; and a second, also, who was employed as a medical missionary at Fernando Po. 1628. Does your experience in directing these missions on the coast enable j'ou to tell the Committee what are the principal hindrances to the spread of Christianity? — Of course, the moral state of the people is among the first; the prevalence of human sacrifices and Devil worship ; internal slavery, and other causes of that kind. 1629 Have the missions been thwarted by the effects of the Slave Trade itself? — Very seriously. 1630. Do you give that a high place amongst the obstacles ? — Surely, and not only the Slave Trade, but internal slaverv, and the state of the people in reference to it. 1631. Do not you attribute the internal Slave Trade to the export Slave Trade ? — In a great measure, but not exclusively. The Bushmen are, many of them, the slaves of the chiefs, even where the Slave Trade has been abolished. 1632. Does the internal slavery produce the same insecurity of life?— It does. The life of a slave is deemed of very little value. Lives are taken to a fearful extent, on the death, for example, of a king or chief, and very often without the least scruple, in revenge for some personal insult. 1633. Can you state what your impression would be as to the safety of your own missions if the cruisers were « ithdrawn ; would they be as safe as they now are? — I think not quite equally safe, but nearly so, excepting that indirectly the presence of a British force in the neighbourhood is beneficial. 1 634. Do you rate that high ? — I think it is less important in our case than in most others. We have, in fact, studiously separated ourselves in our mission from all connexion with any other principles than peace principles. Though our Society does not recognize or act upon those principles professedly, yet it so happens that our missionaries have nearly all approved of them ; and have therefore been received with cordiality and confidence by the people generally. 1635. Was not one of your mission houses once attacked by the natives ? — We have suffered at the Cameroons from thieving attacks, but from nothing more serious. 1636. Are you cognizant of an attack having been made upon one of the Wesleyan mission houses ? — I am not. 1G37. Has UN THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 105 1637. Has the French settlement at the Gaboon been any obstacle to your Rev. success at the Cameroons ?— Not to us at all; I have understood that it has been to the American missionaries on that part of the coast. The French have taken a very decided part against the missionaries there. 1638. You have no station there? -No; our missionaries have visited the river, but we have no station there. 1639. Is there any statement which you wish to make to the Committee? — If your Lordship will allow me to add a word or two on facts connected with the welfare of Africa, and illustrative of the importance of missionary effort, I should be glad to do so. I may state that when first our attention was turned to Africa, we intended to have commenced a station up the Niger, at thecouHuence of the Tchad and the Niger ; but the want of communication between Fernando Po and that part of the country prevented our doing it. VVe deemed it unwise to go into the interior without an opportunity of frequent intercourse with liome; we therefore settled at Fernando Po, and in that vicinity we have several stations, the principal of which is at the town of Clarence. There a very marked change has taken place in the state of the people, especially in domestic and private life ; many of the parents not only keep their houses clean, hut also clothe their children ; and as several respectable houses have lately been built at Clarence, and otliers are in progress, the town is beginning to exhibit an improved appear- ance externally. The congregations now present a decent appearance. Our missionaries have introduced English seeds, tropical fruits, and several important tropical trees ; the bread-fruit, the mango, the Avocado pear, and various others; and we have recently received information telling us that those trees were bearing • fruit for the first time upon that coast. Garments sufficient to clothe 20,000 per- sons have been sent out, and have been eagerly received by the people ; a sugar- mill was sent out last year, and various agricultural implements. At the same time, our missionaries have written, I suppose for the first time also, the Kernan- dian language, the Isulu, or the Bimbian, and the Diwalla, or Cameroons. Por- tions of the Scriptures have been printed in all three, and grammars and dictionaries also. I will give the results of the mission in a statistical form, comparing the state of Clarence and Fernando Po in 1842 and 1S45. The same is delivered in, and read as follows : M.A. 14th May 1849. Early in 1842. 873 108 30 120 180 12 12 93 Clarence, Fernando Po, in 1842 and 1845. Population of Clarence (10 whites) Number of families - - - (^ases of Concubinage Children between two and twelve - Attend day-school . _ - ,, Sunday school - - - „ Public worship Can read the Scriptures Read imperfectly . - - Write Members and Inquirers Towards the Close of 1845. 1,027 201 12 166 100 350 450 144 222 41 289 The increase of population is nearly one-fourth, as in 1842 there were 192 Kroomen, and in 18J5 but 50. Efforts of this kind I should deem of the highest importance. 1640. Would there be any difficulty in purchasing land along the coast from the native chiefs? — Not at all ; our Society already holds land at Bimbia, in the Cameroons, and at Fernando Po. 1 641 . When your Society purchases of the native chiefs, what understanding is there between you and them as to the sovereignty? — The sovereignty, of course, ■we do not purchase; we buy land, and specify in the deed of conveyance the use ; thai it is for the erection of chapels, schoolhouses and so on, in order to instruct and civilize the people. We state that in the deed, in order that there may be no suspicion of improper motives or purposes connected with the trans- action. 53. O 1642. Have 10b MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev. J. Angus, 1642. Have you ever found any inconvenience from not having the more M.A. extended power which an absolute possession of the soil would give you 1 — We 14th M 8 ourselves have not ; at Fernando Po we have purchased nominally the rights '^ ^" of sovereignty. Her Majesty's Government obtained them, and we purchased them of the Government, indirectly. The Government sold all their rights and property there to the West African Company, and we bou C. Hoi/icm, same thing repeatedly. k.^[\Ji. 1829. iJow far inland do the Portuguese territories extend ? — I am not aware. I S30. Can you inform the Committee how many vessels are stationed in tlie itiil-. May 1849. Bjoiit of Benin?- There were live in 1848; there are now four; but three of those vessels are steam-vessels. 1831. What local knowledge have you of that part of the coast yourself? — Merely from having visited it during my tours of inspection. 1 832. How many miles would that cover ? —Three hundred and seventy-five miles. 1 833. For that you have four vessels, three of which are steamers ? — I left the station with four vessels, and three of those were steamers, the senior officer being in a steam-vessel, the " Cyclops." 1 834. IIow many miles of coast do you conceive a steamer could pretty well secure? — I can answer that question by saying that, in communication with Lord Auckland, 1 told his Lordship that the force would bear a diminution of one-third, provided he would exchange the rest for steam-vessels. 1 835- Can you inform the Committee upon what parts of the Bight the Slave Trade is now prosecuted ? — On the whole of the Bight of Benin, or between the River Quarra and Cape St. Paul. I 836. What should you say was the most western point of the Bight of Benin from which slaves are now exported? — Cape St. Paul is the last. 1 837. And Lagos you would take as the most eastern point ? — Shipments have been made further eastward. 1838. Are not those inconsiderable compared with Lagos ? — Yes, they may be inconsiderable compared with Lagos. 1839. Taking Lagos as the most eastern point, what distance should you say it would be to the westernmost point, whicli you say is Cape St. Paul?— We must take the whole Bight of Benin ; it would not do to leave a point un- guarded. 1840. Cape St. Paul is the extreme west? — Yes. 1841. From Cape St. Paul to Lagos how many miles is it along the coast? — That would be about 130 miles. 1842. Does that include the principal stations ? — Yes. 1843. With four or five vessels, that would give 33 or 26 miles to each vessel to guard ? — But that would not include all the depots ; there would be Palmerino again. 1844. Would it not include the chief depots?— As many slaves are embarked from Palmerino as anywhere ; we do not know where they are embarked from, except that there are generally four or five suspicious-looking vessels lying off Lagos ; we suppose it, therefore, to be the head-quai'ters. 1845. Is the Committee to understand that you are strongly of opinion that, taking for example that line of coast, there would not be a better chance of stopping the trade by the cruisers lying near the shore, with 26 or 33 miles to watch, than by their being 50 miles from the shore, chasing one another sometimes for a long time before they discover that they are doing so, and drifting in all the currents which you have described as besetting that sea ? — To watch the Bight of Benin would give 120 miles of slave coast for each ship, supposing there to be four vessels to watch. 1 846. Could not the trade between Lagos on the one side, and Cape St. Paul on the other, be eradicated by a sufficient guard of cruisers ? — In that way you could stop, though you would not eradicate the Slave Trade between those points, but without producing the slightest advantage to the great cause. 1847. Do you mean to say that such a guard would only drive the trade to another point ? — You would not impede the Slave Trade in any way ; the slaves, instead of marching to the right, would march to the left. 1 848. How many slave factories are established between Lagos and Cape Lopez ? — I am unable to say. 1 849. Can you give the Committee any particulars respecting their situation or extent ? —There is one great slave depot, Sangatanga, which is close to the River Nazareth, and then, as I have already mentioned, there are 17 in the Bight of Benin. 18.50. Can you give the Committee any detailed account of them? — I cannot. 1851. Can ON THE AFUICAN SLAVE TIIADE. '2J Comnxidorc 1851. Can you tell the Committee how many slave factories there arc between Cape Lopez and the Congo ?— I do not think there is an officer on the African ^"' j^- ^^'>^"""> squadron who can answer that question ; they are built out of sight, and we have •^— no means of knowing where they are. 16th Muy 184;). 1852. I do not refer only to the barracoons for receiving slaves, but establish- ments for the goods with which to buy negroes, what may be called central depots ? — We have no means of knowing, except that there are Mayumba and Loanga, and Kilonga and Banda I-'oint ; we know that there are depots there, because they are villages at which the factors live ; but as we sail along the coast, we see the different slave-traders' colours hoisted from among the trees ; therefore we conclude factories are there, and we see them within 20 miles of each other. 1853. Can you tell the Committee what is the state of the River Congo, as respects the Slave Trade ? — I believe it to be the great focus of the southern Slave Trade; that is to say, the slaves are purchased at Embonna, and sent from thence into the Portuguese possessions. 1854. Are not the Congo slaves great favourites in Brazil ? — According to the purposes for which they are required. 1 855. Can you inform the Committee what number you suppose to be exported from the Congo? — I am not aware. 1856. You have mentioned that you think that to be the great mart for the southern Slave Trade ; will you tell the Committee whether you think the .Slave Trade in Congo would be prevented if cruisers wei'e constantly kept off the mouth of the river, so as to seize every vessel which arrived equipped, or if they arrived without equipments, and were equipped in the river, that they should be seized as they attempted to sail out with slaves? — I think I can answer that question satisfactorily, because a trial has been made ; we have had a cruiser anchored off the place in the most convenient spot for intercepting vessels which might come down the river ; but such is the strength of the current, and the strength of the wind, which occasionally blows down that river, that a vessel comes down, sails by with the strength of the current, and, taking advantage of approaching night, is out of sight almost before the cruiser is under weigh ; therefore it is literally impossible to watch the Congo. I believe, and I am supported in that opinion by officers of practical experience, as far as the Congo is concerned, that such are the difficulties about it, the number of creeks, and the number of places of embarking, that it would take five men-of-war to watch the Congo alone. 1 857. What is the state of the Slave Trade, south of the Congo, to Little Fish Bay ? — Very active- 1 858. Can you name the various factories along that line of coast, or give any particulars to the Committee concerning them ? — They begin at St. Bras ; Morro Point is a very active place ; Novo lledondo ; then there is Elephant Bay ; and they say occasionally Little Fish Bay ; but the officer in command of the Portu- guese ships, at my in'^tigation, sent a vessel along the coast, with a view of destroying those barracoons ; he came back, and as I learnt from the letter of the Commodore, he was unable to trace any existence of the Slave Trade ; they obtained intelligence of his coming, and removed the slaves and removed their goods, and he found nothing but empty sheds, or perhaps a few articles of legal commerce thrown in as a blind. 1859. ^^^ "^ot you aware that the Portuguese Commodore has recently made an expedition in the neighbourhood of Loango, and burnt several barracoons r — I am aware of it, but that was to the north of St. Paul de Loanda ; these are to the south ; he intended to continue the same system to the south, but he was deterred from doing it by the Governor-general opposing him. i8(io. Still, in spite of that opposition, and in conformity with directions he received from his own Government, did not he undertake an expedition, and practically destroy bari-acoons in the neighbourhood of St. Paul de Loanda? — He destroyed some of the barracoons, and he did in reality a great deal more than we had any right to expect from him, recollecting that he was single-handed and unsupported. 186). Ls not It your opinion that if he were supported by the Governor there, as well as by his government at home, the Portuguese might put an end to the Slave Trade on that part of the coast?— Yes ; if the Portuguese Government would bear out those officers who are willing to act as he is, they might put it down, and that would be the only means of doing so upon the coast. 53. Q 2 i86j. To 124 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFOUE SELECT COMMITTEE Commodore 1 862. To wliat extent of coast would tliat apply ? — To the Portuguese posses- Sir c. Hoi/iam, sioiis ; but then there are conditions to be attached to that again ; 1 should have J__ added, that we should bear in mind the possibility of their being physically too 16th May 1849. ^^'^''^^ to undertake an expedition of the kind. 1 863. Are the Committee to understand you to say that, with the hearty con- currence of the Portuguese Government at home, and on the spot, it would be in their power to stop the Slave Trade in their territories? — Yes, confining my answer to the question which has been put to me. 1 864. What do ycu mean by saying that they would be physically too weak to undertake the expedition? — I referred to their not having the power to undertake such an expedition. 181)5. From what quarter would you expect resistance? — From the natives, supported and backed by the slave-dealers. There is ground for supposing, as the Portuguese Commodore, in his despatch, which I forwarded to the Admiralty, stated to me, that if he were supported by the English Government, he felt no doubt that he would be able to eradicate the Slave Trade from that part of the coast ; therefore, falling back upon his words, I say that 1 think they might be able to do it. 1866. Will you tell the Committee to what extent of the coast that would apply ; would not it apply to the River Congo? — Certainly not. 1867. How far would it apply?— It would apply from Ambriz to their southern boundary, which I do not know ; it was beyond the limits of my station. I S68. Does it extend beyond the district you have pointed out to the Com- mittee, as being the chief nest of the slave-trading factories south of the Line ? — It does. i86(j. If it were possible to put an end to the Slave Trade in the Portuguese possessions, would it not be a great discouragement to the trade generally ? — It would be an immense discouragement. 1870. Would it tend to increase it in other parts? — It would drive it to another part of the coast of Africa ; I now give my private opinion, for which, of course, I have no special grounds, but from information which is accessible to anybody ; I cannot see, supposing we put it down in the Bight of Benin, and in the Portuguese possessions, and on the North coast, what there is to prevent its going North of that again, even as far as Tangiers, and South as far as the Orange River. 1871. In fact, South of the Portuguese possessions, between them and the Cape of Good Hope, is not it a very desert coast, and very thinly peopled ? — It has not been well surveyed ; travellers have declared that there is no water ; but I see no reason for believing that to be the case. 1872. Is there not reason to beUeve that it is a thinly-peopled country along the whole of that coast. South of the Portuguese possessions, as far as the Cape of Good Hope? — I have always heard so; but INIr. Cliffe, in his evidence, stated to the Committee of the House of Commons, that Benguela slaves were bought at some place in the Mozambique with the Benguela mark on their foreheads ; therefore they were marched across. i 873. Would not it be very difficult to march them from the populous parts of Africa, through that desert part lying to the south of that great peninsula ? — Anything I could say would be merely matter of opinion; in default of evidence, I do not see wliat there is to prevent it. 1874. Would you mention what captures were made during the time you were in command ? — The following captures were made during the period of my command : 21 in the Sierra Leone division, 37 in the Bights' division, and 1 II in the South division ; these naturally regulated the position and arrangements of the different ciuisers ; therefore, when we had double the number of cruisers on the South coast, it was in consequence of the immense shipments that were made there. i 875. hi the course of your proceedings did you not destroy the slave factories at the Gallinas with the slave goods in them? — I did. 1876. How many slave factories were ttiere at that time there ? — There were six at Dombocoiro, and two at Soliman. 1877. About what extent of building was there at each? — The largest factory was at Dombocorro ; the arrangement was remarkably good ; it vvas a square with a stockade, not strong enough to resist European troops, but quite strong enouffh m. ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 105 enough for the people of that country ; the factory containing the goods was Commodore upon each side ; in the middle were the barracoons, built for the purpose of S/r C. Hotha holding slaves ; I should think that those barracoons would have held together ^' ^' ^• about 1,800 persons; I am speaking particularly of Domhocorro. g^l^ ^7~ g 1878. Were the storehouses full of goods? — The storehouses at Dombocorro were full of goods. 1879. But not at the Gallinas ? — At other places they were partially so. 1 880. What description of goods wei'e they ? — At Soliraan, I am informed by Captain Jones, to wdiom that service was entrusted, that the storehouses were nearly filled with goods; but Soliman was distant 12 or 14 miles from Dombo- corro, which is at the Gallinas; the goods consisted of cloth, spirits, tobacco, copper pans, guns, powder, and baize stuffs. i88i. Can you tell the Committee at what you estimated the value of the goods there prepared to be embarked in the Slave Trade ? — I should not like to venture to do so. 1S82. flow many slaves do you suppose could be exported from the GaUinas in a twelvemonth ? — Captain Denman's evidence upon that would be better than mine, because he would give the highest amount of slaves exported, inasmuch as the trade was more active in his time ; during my command till the last three or four months, very little was done from the Gallinas ; then I am sorry to say three vessels escaped. 1883. Does not the Gallinas Slave Trade almost exclusively go to Cuba? — I have always been informed so. 1884. What mode of cruising was adopted by Commander Dixon in charge of that station? — He kept his vessel constantly cruising in-shore. 1 885. Was it entirely optional for him to do the one or the other, as he thought best ? — Quite so. 1886. Did the other divisional officers keep their ships cruising in-shore? — I believe Commander Murray, who had been on that station 18 months under my orders, has invariably done the same. 1887. 1^0 you think Commander Dixon's plan was the most effective for that station ? — Commander Murray's plan was the better one, inasmuch as he arranged it, and Commander Dixon followed the steps of his predecessor. 1888. Are you aware that while Cuba maintained such great estabhshments capable of exporting so many slaves for the last three or four years, less than 2,000 slaves have been landed in Cuba? — I have always heard so ; but I have had merely access to the Blue-book. i88g. Would not you consider that as a great proof of the success of the squadron ? — Again I give my own private opinion ; but I believe the case to be, that the local Government have seen reason to be alarmed at the increase of the slaves, and that we are indebted to the exertions of the local Government for the temporary suppression of the Slave Trade, and ought to give the largest share of credit to them. 1 8(jo. How many slaves did you deliver yourself upon the occasion of your destroying the barracoons at the Gallinas ? — The most we ever had was 25 ; some of them escaped, and altogether 14 most pitiable objects, almost skeletons, and whom we could scarcely keep alive, were brought on board. i8gi. Do you mean the C'ommittee to infer that those whom you recovered were those who were too sick to be driven off by the slave-dealers? — Pre- cisely so. i8()2. And that they formed but a small proportion of the whole number? — A very small proportion. 1893. What measures did you take, or were you able to take any measures, for the deliverance of the rest ? — At the first moment of our landing 1 sent a scouring party, under an officer, with directions to proceed to a certain distance, a mile or so, out into the woods ; when they came back without success, I paused. On the following day a negotiation was set on foot by the black chiefs, through the medium of a neutral chief, and after a conversation of half an hour, he asked me in plain terms whether I would give him up the goods, and accept the slaves ; this placed the matter in the light of a barter, which would have been neither creditable to myself nor the officers under me; and what is more important, in my judgment, highly discreditable to this country. 1 therefore refused to under- take anything of the kind ; directed him to return to his employers, and in two hours afterwards set fire to the factory, and burnt everything in it to the ground. 53. Q 3 ' 1^94- Are 126 MINUTES OK EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Commodore 1 894. Are the Committee to understand that you did not feel at liberty to "^ j/ ij°jj""'' purchase the deliverance of the slaves by allowing them to take the goods? — It " " is necessary for me to explain, in answer to that question, how I should have 161I1 May 1843. been circumstanced. The cjuestion was not personal ; if it had been, it would have been a very easy matter for me to have made over my share of the prize- money to a piiliiic establishment in this country, and washed my hands of any obloquy which might be thrown upon me ; but I was the guarantee for tlie pay- ment of every officer and seamen there ; and what was more, I w-as actionable for any deed of mine which might withhold money, which, according to law, was due to them ; I therefore was in the position of a man who was either to receive it or not ; I had no other mode open to me, and, acting for England, I refused to receive it. 1 89,5. You mentioned that you had sent a communication to Lord Auckland, to the effect that a smaller number of vessels would be required if steamers were employed ? ~I did ; it was a private communication. 1 896. Was it with reference to the •whole coast, or only the Bight of Benin ? — With reference to the whole coast ; it was done in consequence of finding the slavers outsailing, on various occasions, our vessels. Finding w^e could not com- pete with them, I should have been glad to make any exchange which would have ensured success. I therefore proposed it to the late First Lord of the Admiralty. 1897. Is not one of the main opportunities of embarking the slaves when the cruiser leaves her station for water and the like ? — It is. 1898. Would not that be avoided by having a number of steam-tenders, and would it not then be easy for them to replace one another, so as not to leave a place unwatched ; — It would be very desirable to adopt any system which would effect that. 1 899. Have you considered what would be the effect upon the trade of a large employment of steamers by F>ngland ? — I have. 1900. Is it your impression that it would stop the trade ?— I have considered that subject in all its bearinsrs, and I am sorry to say that I am not prepared to suggest any means by the employment of a force, either steam or otherwise, which would effect the object which all educated persons have so long desired. 1901. Will you state to the Committee in what way you think the traders would be able to avoid the effect of a Steam Preventive Navy r — As 1 have stated in my despatch, if England, with the employment of her best means, has never been able to keep out illicit produce from this country, how can we possibly hope to succeed in a similar endeavour in Africa r 1 902. Is not it a very different thing when we are watching an exporting coast, where the goods to be exported are men, from trying to keep out such articles as we find it difficult to keeji out from the coast of England ? — 1 do not see that there is the difference which your Lordship supposes. 1903. Practically speaking, is not it found to be a very different thing to blockade the receiving coast of Brazil from the exporting coast of Africa ? — Entirely, in consequence of the advantages which the coast of Brazil offers. 1904. Still your reason for believing that that course would fail, is not because you think it would lead to the employment of superior steamers by the Brazilian slave-traders ? — That is a separate question ; the question so put would be answered, that, naturally speaking, the Brazilians w"0uld meet any increase of steamers upon our part by an increase of steamers upon theirs, and that a nation who can spend with facility three millions in the purchase of slaves, and in the Slave Trade, would find no sort of difficulty in hiring or buying, or engaging vessels sufficient for that purpose. 1905. Are not the vessels Avhich are now employed for carrying the slaves across from the southern part of Africa to Brazil very poor and inferior vessels? — They originally were so, but they improved every six months till lately ; some of the vessels wliich we captured were quite equal to those which sail out of the Bight of Benin. 190(1. What should you estimate, speaking roughly, to have been the cost of building those ships in Brazil?— I have been accustomed to estimate them at 7 1, a ton. 1907. And they average about 100 tons, do not they ? — The average upon the •whole of the captures, during my command, would be about 130 tons. 1908. So that the expense would be between 700/. and 800/.? — Exactly so. 1909. On ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 127 1900. On the other hand, what would be the estimate that you would form of Commodore the expense of fitting out a steamer at Brazil, including the expense of providing ^ir L. Hotham, her with engines?—! have no means of knowing ; I do not think that even an '__!_ " engineer could answer that question, who has not visited the United States, so i6th May 1849. great is the variety of expense which is incurred in fitting up steam-vessels. — — : 1910. Is not it your impression that, to take a large margin, it could not he done under ten times the expense ? — Without considering the subject carefully, I do not think myself competent to answer that question. 1911. Would it be contrary to your own impressions if you learned it had been estimated at about 7,000 /. ? — I have no idea that it would cost as much as that. Our Government paid for the " Casique," with her engines and everything, as prize money, 1,700/. ; that was after a valuation; I applied to the Admiralty to know whether, in the event of a capture of an advantageous steamer being made, they would direct me to purchase her ; I was enjoined to do so, with the understanding that she was to be bought at one-third less than her original cost ; therelore, supposing the same rule to have been observed in all cases, if you add one-third of 1,700/., you have about their value. She was a vessel which would have carried 900 slaves. 1912. Was she built at Rio? — She was built in North America, and sent to Rio. 1913. Had she high-pressure engines ? —Yes , 1914. That would make the cost of a steamer about five times the cost of the present vessels ? — About that. 191.^. Is not the purchase-money paid for slaves upon the coast of Africa very little? — It varies; I believe it to vary from 3Z. up to 15/., according to the position, and according to the facility that they have of getting their slaves awaj'. 1916. But still, would not the money paid out for the cargo be comparatively unimportant, when compared with the greater cost of the ship?— Certainly. 1917. Would not, therefore, the risk be increased very largely if they were driven to employ a much more expensive ship for the transit of the negroes? — It would be so ; the " Providentia," having succeeded on four or five different occasions, has, it is said, paid herself. 1918. That being the case, would not the trade receive a serious injury by any thing which compelled tlie traders to use a much more expensive kind of vessel ? — I do not think so ; the capital is so enormous, snd there are so many people, I believe, of all countries interested in the success of this adventure, that they would always find a sufficient amount of capital by raising the price of the slave, which would be at their command, to meet any obstacle which you might raise on the other side. 1919. But might not the price of the slave be so raised, that the Brazilian landowner could not afford to buy him ? — The landowner must take him at the merchant's price ; he has no competition open to him ; he must have the slave ; without him he cannot cultivate the land. 1 1)20. Is not almost all the land in Brazil, in point of fact, already mortgaged to slave importers ?— I have always heard so. 1921. You say they could not cultivate the land in Brazil without the slave ; Mould you, therefore, regard the stoppage of the exportation of Africans to Brazil at this moment as tantamount to destroying the prosperity of Brazil H — In the present condition of Brazil, without having the proper means of creating a black population, I should certainly think so. 1922. Is there any other way in which you can conceive that this difticulty couid be remedied, except by a large importation of blacks from Africa?— The obvious way of meeting that difficuUy would be to import a sufficient number of females to meet the wants of the country. At present, from all I have heard, tlie population is principally male ; I have had good means of information upon that subject; and I believe the state of morality in the Brazils to be more frightful than we can contemplate. 1923. You say that you have means of information upon the point; what do you believe to be, in point of fact, the proportion of males and females of the black race in Brazil r — I do not know. 1924. Should you be surprised to hear, that at the largest estimate it was three to one in favour of the males ? — I should be very much astonished to hear it. 53. Q4 1925. Are 128 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Commodore ^9'25- Are you awarc that those who are conducting English raining property Sir C. Hotham, jj^ Brazil, provide that there shall be among the blacks working upon their ^ " • ■ estates a proportion of either one woman to three men, or one woman to five i6th May 1849. men as the minimum ? — I am not aware of that. 1926. You would see no other way of promoting the up-growth of Brazil than by importation, which should enable them to reproduce their black labourers in the country ? — Precisely so ; I think that is the thing to be hoped for. 1927. Would j'ou consider any interference with the trade which prevented that, was, in fact tantamount to destroying the prosperity of Brazil?— I should, inasmuch as a white man cannot expose himself to the sun in that country ; therefore they are dependent entirely upon black labour. 192S. Are the Committee, then, to understand that, in your opinion, the evil which would be done to civilization and to this country by such an interference with Brazil ought to be seriously set against the evils of the Slave Trade? — I think the suppression of the Slave Trade is the primary consideration, and I hope that we are prepared to make any sacrifice to obtain it ; but in my despatch I wrote with the feelings of a Brazilian, and I then said, I could not very well see how they would agree to suppress the Slave Trade unconditionally, when such a course would lead to their inevitable ruin. 1929. In the despatch to which you refer, did you not propose to conduct a negotiation with Brazil upon the principle first of sanctioning the importation of slaves till a fixed period? — I did. 1 930. Would not that, in your judgment, be an entire going back from the principle which Britain has always hitherto avowed of not allowing the Slave Trade under any circumstances? — I am quite aware that when I wrote " to sanction the importation of slaves till a fixed period," I laid myself open to a great deal of obloquy, and a great deal of angry feeling on the part of those Avho had been long connected with the suppression of the Slave Trade. At the same time I was not prepared nor willing to disguise that which 1 felt ; in other language, therefore, I came straight to the point, and I made use of the words " importation of slaves ;" I now say that we cannot suppress the Slave Trade with our present means, and that I am not prepared to suggest the adoption of any other means which can conduce to the object we have in view. I then think, as we cannot do it, it would be more reasonable and more wise to propose some measure which will conciliate the Brazilians, which will at the same time tend to the prosperity of that countiy, not leaving out of sight the morality of the people, and at the same time bring about the object we desire. 1931. Has not Great Britain declared the Slave Trade to be a great crime? — - 1 believe Great Britain has done so. 1932. Would it be consistent, then, with either morality or high national character to legalise under certain circumstances what it has pronounced under all circumstances to be a great crime ? — The position that we have placed our- selves in is a most awkward one ; we are now arrived at a point when we cannot possibly go forward, and we can make no movement except in retreat ; therefore, in my judgment, we must make some proposal to the Brazilian Government to bring about the object which every body desires, or at once proceed to war, because the declaration of a commercial blockade, in its legal sense, is a declaration of war. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Ordered, That this Committee be adjourned till To-morrow, Two o'clock. Die ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. log Die Joins, \T Mail 1849, THE LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD in the Chair. Commodore Sir CHARLES HOTHAM, K.C.B., further examined. 1933. IN your evidence yesterday, did you intend the Committee to under- Commodore stand it as your opinion upon the past operations of the squadron, that they have &«> C- Hmham, not carried out the purpose intended by this country ? — I did. KA.^. J 934. And that you went on to say that you thought it not possible that they ^^^\^ ^'^^y ^^ should carry it out? — I intended to say that I could suggest to the Committee no modification or plan which would enable it to be carried out. 1935. Did you intend the Committee to understand that you arrived at that conclusion, first and chiefly, upon the general principles which govern naval tactics, and the system of blockading coasts ? — That was very much my in- tention. 1936. And that what you saw upon the spot, and gathered from your divisional officers, tended to confirm the opinion which you had reached first, upon more general principles ?— It did. ^937- Were the Committee to understand you to say that latterly it was left very much to the discretion of the divisional officers whether they should cruise near the shore, or whether they should cruise at a distance from the shore ? — More so than at first ; in the first instance, I expressed my wish upon the subject, whether they should cruise in-shore, or whether they should cruise off, but latterly I left it alone. 1 938. Can you state whether the result of your leaving it alone was, that more ships practically cruised in-shore when they were left to the discretion of the divisional officers, than had done so originally, when you laid down rules yourself on the subject ?— Without referring back to the logs, and the track chart, I cannot. 1 939. Are the Committee to understand that there was no change of so marked a character as to impress it upon your memory without making such reference ? — We captured more slavers the last year; but I think that arose from other circumstances, such as obtaining a knowledge of their haunts, ascertaining their movements better, and changing the position of the cruisers oftener ; also from knowing the season of the slavers arriving upon the coast, but not from any great alteration in the system of cruising. 1940. Did you send a despatch to the Admiralty, dated Ascension, 5th of December 1848?— I did. 1941. Will you be kind enough to put in that despatch? The same is delivered in, and is as follows : Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. (Received 26 March 1849.) Sir, " Penelope," Ascension, 5 December 1848. 1. I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch dated 30th September 1848, with "a copy of the evidence taken before, and of the report made by, the Select Committee of the House of Commons " which has been sitting duiing the recent Session of ParHament, for the purpose of consideiing " the best means which Great Britain can adopt for providing for the final extinction of the Slave Trade," and desiring me to transmit to you any remarks thereon that I mis,ht think fit. 2. Their Lordships will no doubt have observed that the evidence of the several witnesses, and especially of the naval ufficers, is conflicting and contradictory ; and were I to attempt to criticise and compare their opinions, 1 should be led into a discussion tedious m itself, and probably difficult for their Lordships to understand. I therefore propose to confine myself to a statement of the modes and shifts at present adopted by the slave-dealers, detail the configuration of the coast, and ofler some general remaiks on the difficulties which present themselves in the attempts hitherto made to suppress the Slave Trade. But as the subject is intimately connected with the condition and prospects of the Brazilian empire, as the means which that Government possess to enforce a prohibitory law cannot be left out of the account, I trust their Lordships will i;ot consider that 1 am exercising an ^2. R uiidue I30 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Commodore undue discretion in extending my observations beyond the limits given in their instructions; Sir C. Hotham, and including, in one despatch, the opinions which I have formed on this important question. K.C.B. 3.1 have already transmitted to their Lordships a chart, explanatory of the facilities offered to the dealers in transporting and shipping slaves on different parts of the coast; the course 17th May 1849. Qf tj^g internal waters is also inserted ; and in the margin * I have set forth the line of country ■ where the Slave Trade is actively conducted. If the whole distance is divided by -24, it will give 91 miles for each cruiser to watch. 4. Generally speaking, there are no established points for shipment. Information is given by neutrals and canoes to the vessel waiting off the coast, of the exact position of each cruiser, and arrangements are then made for her further operations. The quantity of pro- visions and water carried by our vessels is perfectly well known ; and if circumstances are not propitious, she waits off the coast until the man-of-war is compelled to quit her station, then makes her point, and in two hours receives a full cargo. In the Bight of Benin this precaution is considered unnecessary. The trade from Lagos and Whydah is conducted by vessels in every way superior to our sloops of war ; and the practice latterly has been to steer direct for their port, ship their slaves, and take their chance, feeling sure that the pro- bability of success is greatly in their favour. 5. To show their confidence, i must mention two anecdotes. On the capture of the " Gentil Africano " by the " Styx," on the night of the 18th of February, Captain Chads inquired of the master why he did not use greater exertions ; he was told, " The night was so dark I took you for a brig ; in that case there was no occasion to hurry." By a recent letter I am informed that a full slaver came down the Congo, and ran boldly past the " Pluto " steamer, lying at its mouth, in the certainty of escape. 6. From Cape Lopez to Little Fish Bay there is not a foot of ground untrod and un- occupied by the slave-dealers ; the slaves are run from point to point, and ii is within these latitudes that the great shipments for Kio Janeiro are made. The class of vessels hitherto employed has been of an inferior construction ; a certain number are sent across, and if one out of five escapes, a fair profit is divided amongst the proprietors of lottery stock. It appears, however, that this system is undergoing a change ; latterly the vessels captured have rivalled those sailing out of Bahia. 7. The dealers at Gallinas,Shebar, and in the north, formerly supplied the Havana trade; during 1846 and 1847, few, if any, slaves were exported from those marts; the accounts of this year, I fear, will show that Brazilian vessels have been chartered for Cuba and Porto Rico, 8. The slave, like any other marketable commodity, is chosen for his merits ; the residents at Bahia prefer the Lagos and Whydah negro for sedan chair carrying and for agricultural purposes ; but as domestic servants they give the preference to the Congo. The inhabitants of Cagnabac and those islands abhor slavery, and generally commit suicide ; the best-tempered and most manageable negro is imported from the Congo. Embomma is the grand focus of the Slave Trade ; nearly all the blacks exported between Mayumba and Benguela Velha come from here. 9. Supposing that 50,000 slaves were imported last year into Brazil, I should imagine that 10,000 sailed out of the Bight of Benin for Bahia; and 39,000 taken from the south and east coasts for Rio de Janeiro and the southern provinces. 1 doubt whether one cargo for tlie Brazils left the Gallinas or Shebar, but possibly 1,000 from the Pongos, Nunez and Bissagos Islands. These numbers naturally regulate the distribution of our cruisers. At present, to watch and suard the coast, we have nominally -24 cruisers, being one for each 91 miles, in reality never more than 22; and deductions are again to be made for ships recruiting at St. Helena, negotiating Treaties, or employed in the protection of our trade. 10. Boat-service has always been sanctioned on every part of the station except from Sierra Leone to Cape Palmas ; there humanity required that men should not be exposed to the effects of a pestilential climate ; the losses from this cause in 1847, amongst the boat's crews of " Siren" and " Wanderer," called loudly for a remedy. 11. No assistance has been given by the French; they cannot legally capture Brazilian vessels, and appear to decline interfering with those who are unfurnished with papers. 12. Independent of the facilities offered by the topography of the coast, great assistance to the dealer is obtained through the medium of neutrals. The Americans and Sardinians are the principal movers ; their vessels bring the cargoes required for the purchase of slaves, with an additional master and Brazilian crew ; their water is stowed and slave-deck laid under the legitimate cargo, and every preparation made for the shipment of slaves ; the f)apers are correct, and they anchor off the ports, and there remain, until the cruiser is either ed off by chase, or compelled to quit her station for water, seize their opportunity, shift the flag, and sail under a Brazilian master. The same vessel frequently repeats this trick, the sale being only nominal, unless capture should ensue. So long as this is allowed, 1 am From Cape St. Paul to tlie River Quorra - . - 375 miles. From Cape Roxo to Cape Palmas .... 770 „ From Cape Lopez to Little Fish Bay - - . - 1,060 „ Total 2,1 9r, ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 131 am of opinion tliat the entire suppression of Slave Trade by our present means is imprac- Commodore ticable. ^^^ C. Hotham, 13. Neither do I think that a blockade of this extensive coast is feasible. The question C.B. is independent of local knowledae ; it is one on which old and experienced seamen are most 1 jTj « competent to decide ; it is summed up in a few words — whether it is possible, with a squadron ■' ^' of 24 vessels, or even say 48 vessels, to blockade or guard a line of coast 2,195 miles in extent. I am confident that, viewing the subject with the eye of a seaman, and laying aside other feelings, the Captains in Her Majesty's navy would by a large majority decide that it is impracticable. If a strange sail is descried from the mast-head after 2 o'clock p.m., and endeavours to escape, there are very few if any vessels in Her Majesty's service who can close her sufficiently to continue the chase after dark; therefore the captures by sailing ships are to be made between day-light and 2 p.m., being eight hours out of the twenty-four. During the night, even with a full moon, the distance commanded in this climate is very small, and the known position of the boats having been conveyed to the slave-vessel, she runs in and ships at such an hour as may enable her to obtain an offing before day-light. In the harmattans and fogs, the cruiser may accidentally stumble on a slaver; but during that season the wind is generally light, and a chase would be protracted. Supposing that we employ steam-vessels, they will of course do the same, and anything like a blockade will be more difficult than it is now ; steam against steam, taking into con- sideration the length of the night, and the absence of the steam cruiser for coals, will afford additional advantage to the Slave Trade. 14. For the sake of argument, we will admit that success is obtained, that they are com- pelled to leave their present haunts ; still I cannot satisfy myself that the Slave Trade would be put down. What is to prevent it being transferred to the coast north of the French settlements ? Formerly Goree was one of the largest marts ; or from Little Fish Bay to the Cape of Good Hope ; there is no difficulty about water ; by digging in the sand a supply can be obtained, or it can be conveyed by negroes employed in the domestic trade. I say nothing about the East Coast, because I have never visited it ; but I am persuaded that there is no idea more fallacious than the supposition that the abode of Slave Trade is limited. 15. In some of the proposed resolutions stress is laid upon the extension of" legitimate commerce ;" but it appears to me that sufficient consideration has not been given to the paucity of African produce. Some say, " Suppress the Slave Trade, and establish legiti- mate commerce," and the Bight of Benin and Gold Coast are cited. Wherever there is produce, the conclusion is valuable ; but where the supply is small, the question is more difficult. 16. The Portuguese are the great culprits, and the trade is most active between St. Paul de Loanda and Little Fish Bay. The quantity of palm and ground-nut oil grown in their possessions is inconsiderable. Their exports are gum, ivory, urchelle, bees-wax and hides. Valuable copper is found near Ambriz, but not in sufficient quantities to form an article of commerce ; on this point Mr. Tobin's evidence is extremely miportant. Therefore there is not a sufficient quantity of produce to exchange for manufactured goods, and slaves are substituted. The labour attending the cultivation and manufacture of palm and ground-nut oil is comparatively trifling, and there is a speedy return ; but no one will voluntarily lock up his capital, and cultivate coffee, sugar and tobacco, for which the land is admirably adapted, when he can get a quicker profit on slaves. Besides, there is a great uncertainty and competition attending plantations, and hitherto, wherever it has been tried, the experiment has been unsuccessful ; the Portuguese are bad colonists; their aim is to make a sum of money, and return to Europe as quickly as possible, and no one thinks of establishing himself permanently in Africa. 1 fear but little increase of trade can be expected in Angola. 17. A great stress is laid upon the conclusion of Treaties with the native chiefs. As a means of forcibly destroying barracoons and factories it is an important auxiliary, but no chief will enter into such an agreement who is interested in the traffic ; therefore, in reality, but little good is obtained. 18. The plan under which we have been hitherto acting has entirely failed ; it matters little whether we keep our ships in-shore, or allow them to cruise ; it never could succeed ; it is a point to be decided by seamen, and requires neither African experience or local know- ledge. Hitherto, with a large expenditure of money, and good arrangements, we have never been able to guard the shores of England, and prevent the entry of contraband goods ; and why should we expect better results abroad ? I am persuaded that if we blocked the whole coast, slaves would be conveyed by canoes at night to a vessel 40 or 50 miles from the land ; do what we may, an armed force with their present powers can never put it down. 19. It appears that some of the Committee were of opinion that a general declaration on the part of Europe and the United States, that Slave Trade is piracy, would materially tend to its final extinction. I observe also that it has been suggested to "authorize the cruisers of any nation sailing under its recognized flag, I0 inflict summarily such punishment upon the captain, or, if not ascertained, upon any three other persons serving with any ships found with slaves on board." I anxiously hope that this clause may never form part of our sea code of laws, and that it may never fall to the lot of a British captain to perform so unworthy a duty, 20. Apart, however, from tliis, should be considered the efl^ect which a declaration that 53. R 2 ^^^ 132 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Commodore the Slave Trade is piracy would have upon its continuance ; there is no doubt that it would Sir C. HotJiam, tend to check it, but England must be prepared to maintain her present force — it will bear A'. C.B. no diminution. She must be prepared to watch the coast of Africa from Tangiers to tlie northern boundary of the colony of the Cape of Good Hope. Ananoements will be made 17th May 1849. (.Q provide slaves in other parts of Africa: she will obtain complete success for one year, being the time required to enter upon the new system ; after that the ramifications of the Slave Trade will have extended to quarters where legitimate commerce is at present flourishing ; it cannot be considered otherwise than a question of pounds, shillings and pence. As we augment the difficulties, so will the price of the slave rise, and the profits increase, for men will always be found willing to embark in any adventure offering excitement and gain. Nevertheless, I consider that if the cruising or blockade system is to be maintained, it is of essential importance to attach personal penalties to those who engage in Slave Trade; and this should be accompanied by powers to the officers in command to destroy factories con- tainino- goods belonging to parties known to promote the traffic, without reference to a treaty with the native chiefs, attaching to him the responsibility of proving that the owner or pro- prietor abetted the Slave Trade. 21. I have already said that the consideration of the best means of suppression cannot be taken alone; it is intimately blended with the future prospects of the Brazilian empire ; and the friends and promoters of civilization and commerce are bound to identify the two subjects, and not hastily rush on to a measure in principle tending to retard its advance- ment, disunite the empire, and establish anarchy and confusion. Brazil is vast and disjointed ; at present, little more than the sea-coast is inhabited, and it difl'ers from other countries in the variety of its productions and temperature. On the most fertile parts the heat is excessive, and prevents European labour; it enervates and degene- rates tlie constitution of the Brazilian, and renders the cultivation of the country dependent on the negro, who alone in that climate is physically able to endure exposure to the sun. The cottons of Pernambuco, the sugar and coffee of Bahia and Rio de Janeiro, are brought to the market by black labour; and it may safely be asserted, that without this aid the whole country would become a wilderness. 22. To expect the Brazilian Government unconditionally to suppress the Slave Trade, is to look for an impossibility. Their decree would be the signal for raising the republican flag in Pernambuco and Bahia, who, now connected together by a frail thread, would break it, rather than submit to ruin. 23. But the case would be different if we met them half-way, and instead of saying, " we will compel you forthwith to put slavery down," placed oui'selves in their position, and nego- tiated with their interests and feelings in view as well as our own. There is reason to hope, that if time were given to Brazil to establish a proportion between the sexes, and prepare for the abandonment of foreign slavery, and the institution of domestic, according to the principle observed in the United States, that a satisfactory negotiation would be effected. With the state of our West Indian colonies before their eyes, they never can consent to an immediate relinquishment of foreign slavery. With our prese;it proceedings the nation at large are discontented ; but I entertain a confident belief that there is an important party, particularly amongst the younger men, who have the same desire as ourselves. At present, our proceedings unite the whole population against us; it is not unreasonable for them to dislike the seizure and condemnation of their vessels by a friendly power ; the mass see the result, and do not inquire whether it is according to treaty, or by force of arms. 24. I think a negotiation might be opened with Brazil on these grounds : 1st. To sanction the importation of slaves until a fixed period. 2dly. To require them to frame laws proportioning the sexes, regulating the number to be carried according to the tonnage, &c., and generally for the ease and comfort of the negroes. 3dly. To require the presence of English and Brazilian Commissioners at slave marts, to be fixed and recognized on the coast of Africa and at the landing ports in Brazils. 4thly. To pass a law awarding the penalties of piracy to any Brazilian vessel found on the high seas without Government papers. othly. To declare that after the fixed period slave importation shall cease, and its further prosecution be considered piracy; and that a systematic breach of treaty would be visited by blockade of their principal ports. 6thly. To destroy all the slave factories in Africa, except at the recognized ports. The time appears to be arrived when some such scheme as this would be accepted. 25. In the year 1846 I had a conversation with Senhor Cavalcante, then Minister of Marine, and one of the ablest men in that country. He expressed these opinions :—" You cannot expect us to assist England, or consent to stop the trade, whilst you are seizing Brazilian vessels, insulting our flag, and illegally condemning them. Do not think 1 am in favour of the Slave Trade ; I do not possess one slave on my property. I wish to see it su)ipressed ; it does the Brazilian no good ; the Portuguese manage it, and are the great gainers." Senhor Cavalcante represents an important section of the people, and had no interest in saying what he did not think. 26. Of all countries, England is most concerned in the welfare of Brazil, whether on account of her commerce or the establishment of monarchy and regular government. English capital is largely employed in that empire, and invested in its funds; and if by a postponement of a few years we can establish our desire, extinguish foreign slavery, and, at the ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 133 the same time, avoid giving a blow dangerous to that country, and liable to produce a Commodore dismemberment, I think that it is advisable that the alternative should be offered before we Sir C. Hotham resort to stronger measures, the end of which no man can foresee. K. C. B. 27. Without desiring to disparage the great question of slavery suppression, I consider that the civilization and happiness of the Brazilian empire are equally important. I would ^7^^ ^^'^y i849- hesitate to endeavour to extirpate slavery on the ruin of a young and risinn- nation • and I would afford time for her to consolidate her institutions and establish the natural propor- tion of sexes. I have been led on, by the nature of the subject, further than I had intended ; but before I conclude this despatch I must take occasion to mention the pleasure I have derived in reading the encomiums passed by the late Mr. Macaulay on my predecessor, the late Com- modore Jones. The records of the station show the anxiety and zeal he put forth in the service of the public ; he endeavoured to fulfd his instructions to the letter, and paid the penalty of his assiduity with his life. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotiiam. 1942. Did j'ou, in that despatch, express your opinion generally upon the system of cruisers, and your suggestions as to what you thought the only way in which England could effect her great purpose ? — Evidence was sent out to me by the authorities of the Admiralty, and I was instructed to give their Lordships any opinion, or to offer any comments that I might think proper, upon that evidence ; therefore it became incumbent upon me not only to examine the whole most minutely, but also, in some degree, to offer a counter plan, inasmuch as it would have been very unbecoming in me, on the one hand, to have declared that the Government scheme had totally failed, without, on the other, being in some way prepared to suggest something else. At the same time I must take occasion to say, that I was very far from supposing that my plan would be adopted, nor did I think it at all necessary that it should be ; I merely threw it out as a duty that had devolved upon me, and left the rest to higher and more competent authorities. 1943. But the Committee are to understand that you put them in possession of your own opinion upon the subject, as in duty bound ? — I did. 1 944. Was the first of the suggestions which you so made to them, that you would sanction the importation of slaves till a fixed period ? — It was. 1945. Was the first reason upon which you founded that recommendation the impossibility of suppressing the Slave Trade by the cruisers? — Yes. 1946. But did you, besides that, give a second reason, namely, that it would not be, in your judgment, convenient suddenly to suppress the Slave Trade ? — I wished to combine every feeling that Mas passing in my mind in the same despatch ; I saw very clearly that it was impossible, by any means of coercion, that England could put forth to suppress the Slave Trade ; always bearing in mind, that I considered it feasible for the Brazilians to ship slaves from any part of the West Coast of Africa, either north or south ; that the whole country being open to them, it was not possible for any amount of ships which this country could employ forcibly to suppress it. Therefore, looking round, I did not see that any other road was open to us, but to endeavour to find something which, to a certain extent, would enlist the feeling of the population of the Brazils on our side, and I therefore drew out this plan, which 1 nmst again take occasion to remark was merely written for the authorities of the Admiralty, and not, as I had imagined, to be laid before the Committee, or brought in any manner before the public. 1947. Are the Committee to understand that one reason which induced you to entertain that view was the hope of engaging a party in Brazil in favour of ultimate abolition ? — That was my view. U)48. Do you not give another reason also in your despatch ; do yon not state in your despatch, that you consider the welfare of Brazil essentially bound up with the continuation of the Slave Trade, at least for a time? — I never intended to convey that meaning by my expressions ; 1 intended to convey that such, in my opinion, was the climate of the Brazils, and such was the nature and constitution of the Brazilians, and such would be the nature and constitution of any white people residing in that country, that it was essential to them to have tlie assistance of a black population, and that, without that assistance, their land would become a v,ilderuess, and iall into neglect, and the country into juin. 53* R 3 1949 Are 134 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Commodore 194Q. Are the Committee to understand that your agument was this: that Sir C. Hotham, without black labour the whole country would become a wilderness ? — Those • were my words, i-th May 1849. 1950. And did you not give as a further reason, that black labour could ' ^ not be obtained at present in Brazil, except by the continuance of the Slave Trade ? — The meaning which I intended to convey was, that I apprehended that the population of the Brazils consisted largely of males, that immorality and vice of every description was thereby produced, and that the morality of the country would be greatly improved by the importation of women, and that the country itself would derive great benefit from it, because they would be able to produce a sufficient population to feed the wants of their own country. Therefore, it had nothing to do with the importation of slaves after a certain period. 1951. In the despatch you use these words : " The consideration of the best " means of suppression cannot be taken alone ; it is intimately blended Aviththe " future prospects of the Brazilian empire, and the friends and promoters of " civilization and commerce are bound to identify ilie two subjects." Do you mean, in those words, to say that we must as it were set the probable evil done to commerce against the greater evil done by the Slave Trade ; that, not reearding the Slave Trade fer se, we must look at the question of its suppression as balanced by the injuiy which may be done to commerce ; is that a correct representation of your views? — No; quite the contrary ; I distinctly declared that we were bound, in my opinion, to make every sacrifice to suppress the Slave Trade. 1952. But in the despatch having reference to the measure that you contem- plated, did you not intend to convey that it was possible to unite the two ? — That it would be more prudent, and perhaps more politic, if, without doing an injury to our cause, to the great cause of the suppression of the Slave Trade, we could unite with it what would be a great benefit to the nation with whom we were treating. 1953. When you speak of combining the two measures, are the Committee to understand you to mean, that you would allow the Slave Trade for a limited time as a means of ultimately suppressing it ? — If I could see any other means of suppressing the Slave Trade, I should be too glad to relinquish that which would occasion even one month's slavery ; but I see no other means of doing it, except by making a concession ; in our present position, I do not see that we have anything else open to us. 1954. is it your impression that, without the cordial co-operation of Brazil, it will at any time be possible for us to succeed in our object of suppressing the Slave Trade ? — The position of Brazil is, in my opinion, difiicult ; nominally a monarchy, she is weaker than a republic, and pressed by interests which totally prevent the government, whatever their feeUngs may be, adopting any measure which might tend to the suppression of the Slave Trade. One of the great causes put forward by those parties, is the insult offered to their flag by our captures, under an Act of Parhament, not passed with their sanction, but passed in defiance of their protest ; therefore, it is impossible, as it appears to me, for any Brazilian government to come down to the House of Assembly, and propose any terms to us, until we do sometliing which may strengthen the government sufficiently to meet those parties. 1955. But without that co-operation of Brazil, in some manner obtained, do you think it possible to suppress the Slave Trade?— I do not think it is. 1956. Do you think, under the circumstances stated by you, that it was positively necessarjr to offer to Brazil some advantageous terms, to induce her to suppress the Slave Trade ultimately ; terms which Avould enable her to make preparations for that event, and that after that event there should be a total suppression of the importation of slaves into that country ? — With those feelings and those ideas, I wrote this despatch. 1957. With those feelings, will you state what you suggested? — With those feelings, I suggested that a negotiation might be opened with Brazil on these grounds — to sanction the importation of slaves until a fixed period ; to require tliem to frame laws proportioning the sexes, regulating the number to be carried according to the tonnage, &c., and generally for the ease and comfort of the negroes ; to require the presence of English and Brazilian Commissioners at slave marts, to be fixed and recognized on the coast of Africa, and at the landing ports ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. ports in Brazil ; to pass a law awarding the penalties of piracy to any Brazilian Commodore vessel found on the high seas without government papers ; to declare that after SirC.Hotham, the fixed period, slave importation shall cease, and its further prosecution be ' ' considered piracy, and that a systematic breach of Treaty would be visited by a i7tli May 1849. blockade of their principal ports ; lastly, to destroy all slave factories in Africa, except at the recognized ports ; at the ports that have been determined by the Brazihan and English Commissioners ; so that in reality, supposing the term fixed, it would give us after that time much greater powers than we enjoy now ; it would enable us to declare the Slave Trade piracy, and it would strengthen the Brazilian government most materially. 1958. Are the Committee to understand your principal recommendation to have been to sanction the importation of slaves until a fixed period, with the view of the ultimate suppression of the trade? — It was so. 1959. Was it your impression, that without the aid which would be thus obtained, the whole Brazilian country would become a wilderness?— I meant to say, that supposing any efforts on our part could forcibly suppress the Slave Trade, and that you could deprive Brazil of black labour, the whole country would become a wilderness. 1960. Did you consider this to concern especially the interests of England? — I considered that the welfare of Brazil was more bound up with the interests of England than any other country. 1961. Are the Committee to understand that you therefore felt that it was highly important for the interests of England, that the importation of slaves should be sanctioned until a fixed period ? — In making that proposal, I did not take the interests of England into consideration. 1962. Was it not your opinion that you " would hesitate to endeavour to extirpate slavery on the ruin of a young and rising nation " ? — I wrote that. 1963. And without disparaging the great question of slavery, did you not consider the civilization and happiness of the Brazilian Empire equally import- ant ? — I thought so, and still think so. 1964. Did you then mean, that in your opinion that civilization and that happiness were to be weighed in the scale against the evils of a temporary sanc- tion of the Slave Trade? — I meant, that such was the chmate of Brazil, that it was impossible for white people to cultivate the country, and therefore they were dependent entirely upon the blacks ; T wrote in that despatch, that I hoped they would adopt the principle observed in the United States. Therefore, there was no question of slave importation into the country, except with a view to its own ultimate suppression ; but it was in my mind, that without the assistance of domestic slaves, Brazil in her present position could not exist. 1 965. Do you not further say, that you would require the Brazilians to frame laws proportioning the sexes, and regulating the number to be carried according to tonnage? — 1 did. 1966. Would not such interference with their internal customs be equally likely to affect the point of national honour as the present interference? — That again can only be determined upon trial ; it is absolutely impossible for any foreigner, particularly a man who has now been absent two years and a half from Brazil, to speak practically upon a question which can only be referred to our Minister in the country, and who alone can give a satisfactory answer to it. 1 967. Did you not say further, that you would require the Brazilians " to pass a law, awarding the penalties of piracy to any BraziUan vessel found on the high seas without government papers " ? — I said that. 1968. Will you point out to the Committee, why you think that the Brazilian government, which you say is impotent to perform its present Treaties, will be able to perform the Treaties which you recommend?— On perusing very care- fully Mr. Bandinell's evidence, I saw there that which I did not know before, that on one occasion the Brazilian Government had made a direct proposition to Mr. Hamilton, and Mr. Bandinell regretted that it had not been entertained. Therefore, as the Brazilian Government had made such an overture, I do not at all see why they should not be disposed to comply with our wishes, more especially when they themselves are aware that if the continuance of the importation of slaves is not suppressed, their own country must be ultimately endangered. 1969. The question was not whether the Government would have made such 53. R 4 a Treaty, 136 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Commodore a Treaty, but why you thought that the Government would he able to enforce its Sir C. Ilotham, Treaty when made ? — To that I must give the same answer which I gave before, • ■ that it is impossible for a foreigner practically to answer a question of that kind. i7;h May 1843. JQ70. Was it your fifth recommendation, that the Brazilians should be required to declare that, after the fixed period, slave importation shall cease ? — It was so. 1971. Did the Committee rightly understand you to say, that the Brazilian Government could not now enforce such a law ? — Under present circumstances, no Brazilian Government would be strong enough to propose the ultimate suppres- sion of the importation of slaves into that country. 1972. Will you point out to the Committee wherein it appears to you that it would be easier for the government to enforce, after that fixed period, the cessa- tion of the Slave Trade than it is at the present time ? — Because they would have the gratifying offer of Great Britain proposing to withdraw her squadron, to hold in their hand. 1973. Would not, in your opinion, the withdrawal of the squadron be the signal for a greatly increased exportation of slaves from Africa? — I should think so, but I cannot answer that question with any degree of confidence ; it is purely a commercial question, with which I am not cognizant. 1974. Are you aware that it has been given in evidence that the demand for slaves in Brazil is much greater than the supply ? — I am not aware of that. 1975. Are you aware that it has been given in evidence, that there are large tracts of country in Brazil which would be brought into cultivation if slave-labour were obtainable ? — I cannot say that I am aware of that. 1976. Is it your own belief, that the withdrawal of the cruisers would not greatly increase the number of slaves exported from Africa .' — As I said before, that is a commercial question, with which I would rather not deal ; I should not feel myself competent to deal with it. 1977. Are the Committee to understand, that you have not, as Commander-in- Chief upon that station, had opportunities of observing the trade, so as to be able to form an opinion whether the cruisers repressed the number exported or not ? — I cannot say ; but ray impressions are, that the Brazilians have always obtained the number they required. 1978. Have you any reason to believe, that one consequence of maintaining the squadron has been to raise the price of slaves in the Brazils ? — I think that is very likely. 1979. But it is not your opinion that a much lower price, in consequence of a greater supply, would increase the number purchased ?— I think the effect of with- drawing the squadron would be to bring small speculators into the market, who would undersell the capitalists at present tiiere ; therefore the trade would change hands, and would probably be conducted with a greater degree of cruelty, because there would be smaller vessels, and it would be worse done than at present. ] 980. But it is not your impression that it would increase the number imported into Brazil ? — I am not competent to answer that question. iqSi. Supposing the same number to be annually imported during the time when the importation is sanctioned, do you anticipate at the close of that time, on the part of the Brazilians, a willing acquiescence in the ceasing of the trade .^ — Certainly not, on the part of those engaged in it ; for the rest I am unable to answer. 1982. Is not that which makes the trade so popular in Brazil the necessity of obtaining labour r — I should think so. iQb'3. If the regulation suggested by yourself were carried into effect, would not the principal importations be females ? — I should think certainly not ; because the effect I apprehend to be this, that the speculators obtaining a higher price for the males would bring to the very number that the law permitted, and that there- fore the great object would be to stipulate for the proportion of women. 1984. Are then the Committee to understand that your suggestion was not intended to equahze the numbers of the sexes now in Brazil, but was limited to the regulation of the proportions in future importations ? — Those were my ideas. 1985. Then the nuniber that would be imported being assumed to be some- thing like equal to what it is at present, and the larger projiortion of those being females, would not the labour market for many years be less supplied than it has been hitherto ? — The first thing to be taken into account would be the term of years that vou would give them ; secondlv, vou must take into account the youths that ON THE AFEICAN SLAVE TRADE. that are growing up, because a large number of youths are now imported into Commodore Brazil ; those would be ready to supply the market. Sir C. Hot/mm, 1 986. Would it not require a considerable time for the progeny of those newly- ^- ^ ■^• ajipointed negroes to be fit for work? — Clearly so. J„^l, Ml7iS±r) 19S7. In the meantime, therefore, would there not be a smaller supply of male 1 labour ? — There must be a diminution of male labour during that period. 1988. On what grounds, then, can the Committee hope that there will be less anxiety to obtain slaves, when the sujjply of slave labour had been rendered less efficient ?; — I see no reason why there should not be amongst the speculators and traders in slaves the same anxiety [as 1 said before) existing at that period to import slaves as there is at the present moment. But, judging from a conversa- tion which I had with SenhorCavalcante, then IMinister of the Marine, one of the ablest men in the country, I apprehend that the Brazilians are very much less interested in it than the Portuguese, and that, therefore, you would be more likely to obtain support from a portion of the Brazilian population. 1989. The question had reference not to the slave-traders, but to those who buy slaves of the traders ; will you kindly address your answer with reference to that part of the population ? — I have already said that I supposed there must be a diminution of the slaves during that time, but I endeavoured to meet the ques- tion by saying, that as the Portuguese were the great speculators, they were, in point of fact, much more interested in it than the Brazilians, and that the Brazi- lian opposition would naturally not be so powerful as if the whole of the inha- bitants of Brazil were combined against it. 1990. But if the sole interest of the Portuguese traders in the trnde arises from the fact that a supply of labourers is wanted by the Brazilian landowners, will you explain why the trade should flag when the landowners' need of labourers had been increased ?— I am not prepared to go into the depths of that question. Jt is a question which can only be answered by natives of the country, and upon which foreigners can only form some slight opinion from information which they may gather from those most competent to give it. 1991 . Do you happen to know the price of slaves in Brazil before the Treaty of 1830?— I do not. 1 992. It is stated in evidence that the price of slaves, before the Treaty of 1830, was 400 milreas a-piece, and that within a year from the conclusion of the Treaty the same slaves were sold for 650 milreas. Would you attribute that rise to the operations of the Treaty, and of the cruisers ? — I should be far more disposed to attribute it to commercial operations in Brazil ; certainly, not in any great degree to the exertions of the cruisers. 1 993. Can you point out to the Committee to what commercial arrangements you refer ? — I cannot ; but my motive for saying so is that the slave-dealers themselves have invariably given the same opinion. 1994. Do you think that is a subject upon which the evidence of slave-traders is of peculiar value ? — I think so, because I apprehend that their object would be to endeavour to persuade us that by our exertions their profits had been lowered. 1995. Might it not be their immediate interest to convince us that our cruisers had produced little effect, and might as well therefore be withdrawn ? — I never could see the subject in that light, although I am aware that many persons enter- tained similar views. 'I'he slave- dealers being in communication, as is often the case with the commanders of our vessels, would, generally speaking, prefer saying that through the exertions of the cruisers they had been unable to ship their cargoes. 1996. Then is the Committee to understand that you do not consider it the interest of the slave-trader that the British cruisers should be withdrawn ? — Of the present slave-dealers, certainly not. 1997. And do you think they are aware that it is not for their interest that the cruisers should be withdrawn ? — They are aware that it is not for their interest, because they would be undersold in the market, and driven out of the field by smaller capitalists. 1998. Are you aware of the rate of insurance which they now pay upon those ships ? — I never heard it stated. 1 999. Do you know whether it is high or low ? — I do not. 2000. You have no reason to imagine that it would be greatly lowered by withdrawing our cruisers ?— I have even heard from good authority that there is no such thing as insurance ; that ihe dealers form themselves into societies, 53. S holding 138 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Commodore holding a laraer number of ships, and that, therefore, like other speculations in StrC.Hothnm, ^j^jg country, it would not be worth their while to insure. A. C. is. 2001. Do you mean the Committee to understand that you anticipate as 17th May 1849. possible the necessity of Great Britain enforcing by war the fulfilment of the Treaties which you recommend?— The infraction of a Treaty used to be con- sidered so serious an affair that, naturally speaking, one may be prepared for that. 2002. But apart from such general principles, do you not recommend in your despatch that the systematic breach of the Treaty should be visited by a blockade of the principal ports of Brazil? — That is after the alternative previously sug- gested had been offered. 2003. To sum up the evidence which you have given upon the point, are the Committee to understand that it is your opinion, that to withdraw the squadron without substituting some other plan for suppressing the Slave Trade would be most injurious ? — My opinion is, that to withdraw the squadron without offering a substitute would be highly injurious to the honour of this great country which has been embarked so long in this particular cause ; I should regret to hear that the squadron had been ordered to withdraw, and nothing substituted in its place. 2004. In saying that it would be injurious to the honour of this great country, would you say that it would be injurious to the interests of this great country ? — In a case of that description, I apprehend that honour and interest would, to a certain extent, go together. 2005. Are the Committee further to understand, that it is your opinion, that without entering into a speculation for which you have not the data, as to whether the number of slaves exported from Africa would be increased or not, you feel convinced that the cruelty of the trade would be increased by the withdrawal of the squadron ? — ]\Iy opinion on that subject must of course only be speculative ; but I am impressed with the idea, that if the squadron were withdrawn and the trade thrown open, a smaller description of vessels would be introduced, and that the slave would be carried across in a more economical manner; and, therefore, that his sufferings would be increased. 2(io6. Are the Committee therefore to understand, that you are clearly of opinion that the present system should not be abandoned without the substitution of another ? — I am. 2007. And is the only substitute which you can suggest, one which is based upon sanctioning the importation of slaves into Brazil until a fixed period ? — The only substitute which I can suggest is based on the despatch, dated the 5th of December 1848. 2008. Is not the first proposition in that despatch the sanctioning the im- portation of slaves till a fixed period? — In which there is a proposition that that should be done. 2009. And is not that proposition the first, and essentially preliminary to any other ? — It is the first, and essentially preliminary to the others ; but only intended to introduce the others. 2010. Vou consider that to be the equivalent which we can offer to the Brazilians for the ultimate suppression of the Slave Trader— It is the only equivalent which it appears to me we can offer to them. 20 n . Could that be offered as an equivalent by a person or a nation, which considered it as a specific crime ? — Connecting that equivalent with the other considerations contained in the same proposal, I think that it might. 2012. Still, those other proposals are consequences from it ; and if it in itself has been declared by the nation to be a crime, can that crime be, in your opinion, rendered other than a crime by its consequences.'' — The object in view being to obtain a greater amount of power than you now possess, and which would lead to certain punishment in cases of a systematic breach of the Treaty, I quite think that it might. 2013. Would it not in fact be, this country licensing for a period what it has pronounced a great crime, as the condition of future immunity from that crime? — I regret that I view the subject differently; I wish to look forward to a definitive period for suppressing the Slave Trade ; at present we are doing but little good, and therefore I am prepared to make some sacrifice, in the hope of attaining the great object for which England has so long struggled. 2014. Are ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 139 2014. Are the Committee to understand that you do not consider it a sacrifice Commodore of principle ? — 1 do not. Sir C. Hotham, 201,5. Do you think that the operation of your plan would be eventually to K.C.B. diminish the amount of human suffering ? — My proposal is entirely with that 17th May 1840 end. ■ " 2016. Are the Committee to understand, that you are of opinion that no exertions of the British squadron can either prevent or materially check the carrying on of the Slave Trade upon the coast of Africa ? — They certainly impede the operations of the Slave Trade, but I cannot believe that they materially check it. 2017. How do you reconcile that opinion with the statement contained in a despatch of yours, dated " Penelope, St. Paul de Loanda, 16th October 1848," in which you say, " I am intimately convinced that the activity of the cruisers " has dealt a heavy blow to the Slave Trade, and rendered the losses of the " dealers unusually great" ?— The answer to that question, I think, I can give very clearly ; that although the losses of the dealers at particular parts, such as at Ambriz, and at three or four other places on the coast, appeared to be unusually great from the exertions of the squadron, connected also with mercantile losses, still large numbers of slaves had doubtless been exported from other parts ; and I think I stated, if not in that despatch, I know in another, that in reality the operations in Brazil had not been diminished, although on that specified part of the coast the dealers had suffered . 2018. Had a heavy blow been dealt to the Slave Trade, on that part of the coast at least which had come under the operation of the squadron 'i — A heavy blow had been dealt to the slave-dealers on the part of the coast specified within the limits to which the despatch at that period referred. 2019. Did you not make this statement with reference to the communication which you enclosed from Vice-consul Brand to yourself, in which Mr. Brand states, that a person connected with the Slave Trade " complained very bitterly " of the severe losses which the slave-dealers had lately experienced, and stated, " that besides the ruin of several individuals, the prospects of the traffic generally " were in a most deplorable condition ;" were you disposed to accept that representation of the state of the trade in that neighbourhood by your communi- cation to the Admiralty, dated October 16th? — I was anxious to show their Lordships that every possible exertion to fulfil the duty on which the cruisers were employed had been made. I adopted Mr. Brand's letter as far as regarded the spot whereon he resided, and as far as his own communications, which were very limited, went ; if I had made use in this despatch of the words, " Slave- dealers," instead of " Slave Trade," it would have made the thing perfectly clear ; but I see, on perusing the despatch, that the omission of that word has rendered its meaning doubtful. 2020. But was it not your opinion that the exertions of the squadron within those limits had dealt a heavy blow to the slave-traders, though not to the Slave Trade itself? — Certainly ; more especially at Ambriz. 2021. Then, does it not follow from that, that the exertions of the squadron have been successful, at least within those limits ? — Within those limits 1 should say that the exertions of the squadron had been perfectly satisfactory. 2022. Would it not then follow, that if equal exertions were made by the squadron in all other parts of the coast of Africa, a similar blow might be dealt to the Slave Trade 'i — If it were possible to carry out the whole operation in the way in which that was performed, and to be favoured in circumstances as we were favoured there, I should say yes ; but as at present we have to contend with sickly seasons in one part of the season, blowing weather, thick fogs, and a variety of other circumstances, I do not think that our success on that particular part of the coast can be held forth as a ground for expecting similar success on the whole station. 2023. How many ships were there at Ambriz at that time?— We had two between Point Padroa and St. Paul de Loanda, and one off the Congo, that is close by, and the boats of those ships always away besides. 2024. What is the extent of coast that those three vessels and their boats were guarding ? — About 170 miles ; that was the part of the coast on which they were so particularly successful. '1 hen the dealers shifted their haunts, and went down to Old Benguela, where again our cruisers were successful j in short, they took 5,3. s 2 up 140 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFOKE SELECT COMMITTEE Commodore up stations on the southern coast, which, previously to that time, they had ^'ir (^ tloUiair, entirely abandoned. ', ■ 2025. In a despatch, dated " Penelope, Elephant Bay, August 17, 1848," you ]7tl) May 184Q. State: "This information, which Commander Hope received from a dealer at " Loango, is corroborated by the master of the ' Feliz Sociedade,' captured by " the ' Contest,' who assured Commander M'Murdo, ' that the Slave Trade upon " the West Coast of Africa would be quite at an end, were it not assisted by the " very large importations from that of the East, where all the vessels of large " tonnage are now sent ;' which, I presume, means that the dealers at Rio were " compelled to resort to the Mozambique Channel for the purchase of slaves ; " and this statement is again confirmed by the slave-dealers at Quicombo. Thus, " the havoc conmiitted by the cruisers of this squadron is acknowledged by " three different parties." How do you reconcile tliat with the opinion you have expressed, that the exertions of the squadron have been able to effect little or nothing against the Slave Trade ? — The true way of arriving at the results of the exertions of the squadron is by perusing the Reports that have been received from the Consuls and Ministers, and, in short, the whole of the authorities in Brazil, which are given, as everybody knows, every year in the Blue Book. Judgii'g also from what the slave-dealers have told me, and from what I have heard elsewhere, I am not led to believe that they find any difficulty in purchasing slaves at Rio ; indeed, I think, as far as my recollection serves me at this moment, there are despatches extant from Mr. Hudson, if not from the Consul, showing clearly that such an importation of slaves had taken place into Rio in that year. 2026. Was the information that you received to the effect that the number of slaves exported from the West coast of Africa had diminished, and that those from the East coast had increased ? — I have a faint recollection of something of the kind ; not from any despatch I have seen, but I have heard it stated. 2027. You stated that Brazil, without slave labour, vdll shortly become a wilderness ; upon what grounds do you think that the Brazils will become a wilderness more than the territories of Guiana and Venezuela and New Grenada, which seem to be pretty nearly under the same geographical circumstances with regard to their productions, and which have not the benefit of slave labour ? — Of course, I can only speak of countries with which I am acquainted. As to Venezuela, I could not wish to reside in a more healthy climate ; it is 6,000 feet above the sea, in a most delightful temperature, where one might work all the year round. With respect to the other countries I am not familiar. If we compare Brazil with the West Indies, we arrive at a case more apposite ; there we find the thing to be perfectly impossible. 2028. If the difficulty that you anticipate on the part of the Brazilian govern- ment, in co-operating faithfully with this Goverimient in putting down the Slave Trade, arises from the extreme inducement which exists on the part of the Brazilian proprietors to obtain slaves for the purpose of cultivating fresh land, how do you hope to get the consent of the Brazilians to the plan which you now propose, the effect of which at any rate during the fixed period which you contemplate, in which the Slave Trade is to be sanctioned, would be, that the supply of male labour would be smaller than that which has hitherto been con- sidered necessary for the cultivation of the soil already in cultivation in the Brazils? — I think Mr. Bandinel, in his evidence before the House of Commons, mentioned two occasions on which the Brazilian government had come forward and endeavoured to act in co-operation with us to suppress the Slave Trade, in one of which they went so far as to employ 17 or 18 vessels ; at that period there was no concession, as this may be considered to be, held out to them ; there was no boon offered ; there was nothing for them to propose to the people, as it were, in exchange ; whereas now we come forth in a different character, and therefore hope to be received in a better way ; but I wish to qualify that opinion, by saying that, as a foreigner, I can only speak as matter of opinion, and I really feel great difficulty in answering questions upon matters of which I cannot be supposed to be cognizant, particularly after having explained the views and feelings with which I wrote this despatch. 2029. Have you had any experience of the Treaties which have been made with native chiefs on the coast of Africa, and is it your opinion that they have been productive of any beneficial effect ' — As far as regards the Palm Oil Rivers, 1 think decidedly so. On board the " Penelope," we brought home the master of a palm ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADK. 141 a palm oil ship, who had been wrecked ; he told me that, although there was no Comvwdore ostensible Slave Trade going on in the Bonny, he had no doubt whatever there ^"' 9 '^o''"""- was a good deal going on in the creeks by canoes, which he could not arrive at ; K.C^. he had been there 17 years, and knew the inhabitants of the country perfectly 17111 May 1849. well ; nevertheless, I should say that, with that exception, the Treaties in the ■ rivers in the Bight of Biafra have been particularly well fulfilled. At Gallinas we know what they have done ; at Cape Mount they have been very indifferently fulfilled ; at Bimbia there has been a doubtful case. 1 he greater part of our Treaties have been made in places where there is no Slave Trade, where our ships load gum and ivory, camwood, and articles of that description. 2030. In those cases where those 'I'reaties have been observed, and where legitimate commerce has been substituted for the Slave Trade, have those chiefs acquiesced in the existence of those Treaties, and been contented with the legiti- mate trade, instead of the Slave Trader — Generally speaking, I should say yes. 2031. Is it, then, your opinion that the effect of those Treaties has been generally beneficial, and that upon the whole they have been really observed by the chiefs? — The case of the Palm Oil Rivers is totally different from other parts of the coast ; there the Treaties have certainly been of very great value, but else- where during my command no Treaty was made at any place where it would have been an object for the chief to have continued his operations in the Slave Trade. 2032. But if a chief could derive as large a revenue from the legitimate trade as he has been accustomed to derive from the Slave 'JVade, is it your opinion that he would be satisfied with the operation of the Treaty ? — Generally speak- ing, I should think the case would be that the slave merchant would make it his interest to offer him more, and that, therefore, if the Slave Trade was considerable at any particular place, it would be impossible that legitimate trade could flourish there. 2033. Is it the case within your knowledge that the legitimate trade has superseded the Slave Trade in many districts, or only in the Palm Oil Rivers ? — Liberia of course is a great example, and the Gold Coast ; I do not recollect any other places. 2034. But when the habits of providing slaves for the Slave Trade have been broken, and the chiefs have employed their slaves for collecting goods for manufacture, is it easy for them to resume all those connexions which enable them to provide slaves for the slave-trader; will they not have formed habits of legitimate commerce which they would be disposed to continue ? — I should think that they would be inffuenced by many causes, amongst others, the state of the seasons. Supposing the palm oil to fail in any place where commerce had been recently created, during that year the chief would sustain a certain loss, and he would be glad to cover that loss by again embarking in the Slave Trade where the profits are great. With reference to his resuming his connexions, I do not think there would be the slightest difficulty upon that subject. 2035. Has not there been a tendency to produce other manufactures of oil besides palm oil, such as ground-nut oil, which has been a good deal imtreased of late ? — Ground-nut oil has increased greatly ; it has flourished principally in the rivers about Sierra Leone, and to the northward of Sierra Leone. 2036. Is not the ground-nut oil being produced on other parts of the coast ? — I have not heard of its being produced to a great extent in other parts of the coast. 2037. Did you intend to state to the Committee as your opinion, what would appear to be so from your evidence yesterday, viz., that if 24 vessels, a few of them steamers, and the rest sailing vessels, were to be replaced by steamers of moderate size, instead of 24 sail, 16 would perform the ^-ame duty that the 24 do now? — At the period of my commanding that station, 1 should have been happy to have made the exchange. Our vessels cannot compete with the vessels sailing out of Bahia, and latterly out of Rio ; therefore, in many cases they are of no use. 2038. Are the Committee to collect from that, that it is your oi)inion that 16 steamers, or even 20 steamers, would be effectual in putting down the Slave Trade on the "West coast of Africa ?— I should have gained by the exchange one year's start over the slave-dealers, and therefore it would have suited my purpose particularly well to have had the sailing ships exchanged for steamers ; but with 53. S3 reference 142 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Cotnnwdore reference to the object of puttins; it down entirely, I do not think it would Sir C. Ilotham, >„ „ J r o j K. C. B. f'« SO. 2039. A'"^ you prepared to state how many steamers you think it would 17th May 1849. require to put down the Slave Trade effectually on the West coast of Africa ? — ■ I do not think any amount that we could find would be effectual, inasmuch as I believe that the Slave Trade could be carried on from any part of Morocco down to the Orange River, and Mozambique on the other side, and therefore your whole navy is unavailable. '2040. ("ould you, by any naval means, effectually put down the Slave Trade upon the West coast of Africa ? — I would not undertake to do it. 2041. Of the 24 vessels under your command, how many had you generally effective upon the coast, and how many were absent watering and under repair ? — Including making passages and other causes, I do not believe that we had ever more than 18 actually at work. 2042. Then if the 24 vessels, being equally divided, would each of them have to watch 91 miles of coast ; are the (Committee to gather that the 18 vessels you really had at work must have each of them about 120 miles to watch, supposing the duties to be equally distributed? — Yes. 2043. If, instead of having sailing vessels, you had a larger proportion of steamers, would it not be necessary for those steamers to be absent still more frequently in order to coal ? — A steamer can keep at sea, using her sails, taking the average number of chases, about six weeks, with very good management. 2044. Where would she go to coal ? — It would depend upon the station she was in. If she was in the Bights, she would go to Fernando Po. If she was in the South, she would sometimes have 600 miles to go to coal at Loanda. Again, in the North, she would coal at Sierra Leone. 2045. Could not you establish depots of coal at different stations along the coast? — We have three. 2046. Might you not have more ?- The difficulty of getting the coal oflP is great, because the surf is so heavy that 'you are compelled to go to those places. 2047. What is the average time during which the steamer is absent, for the purpose of coaling every six weeks ?— Supposing her crew to be healthy, she might get her coal very well on board in three days. 2048. How many cruisers had you off Loanda at the time when you gave such an effectual blow to the Slave Trade ? - The most effectual blow that 1 consider we gave to the Slave Trade was done by the " Styx" ; that was by surprise, by arriving off Ambriz when she was not expected, stealing six months on the Brazilians. Referring to the despatch to which the question alludes, I think that, including the senior officer, we had five ships on the south coast between Point Padnm and Benguela. 2049. If the surf is so heavjr, how is it that the whole of that coast is so easily available as you have described it for exporting slaves ? — It is done by canoes and catamarans. 20.-,o. Can the canoes and catamarans be depended upon in sufficient numbers to carry out the necessary number of slaves with the rapidity necessary for embarking them safely r— They do it, it is certain. 2051. Can they do so even on a well-watched coast?— They do it. 2052. Did you not state that they must be embarked in from an hour and a half to two hours ? — Two hours is the shortest time in which I have heard of its being done. 2053. Would it be possible to carry the slaves through the surf in catamarans in sufficient numbers and with sufficient rapidity to secure such an embarkation in that time ? — They do it. 2054. What is the size of the steamers which you would recommend; would they be large or small?— Under present circumstances, I would recommend vessels like the " Reynard" and the " Plumper," which have been recently con- structed ; sailing schooners with a screw ; their steam-power would be enough for the slave-vessels that we now have upon the coast ; they economise their coal ; they never use it except when actually in chase. 2055. What ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 1 43 2055. What torinas:e were those vessels r — I do not know. Commodore 2056. Do you know their draudit of water? — I think \ have heard 12 feet. ^"' ^- Gotham, 2057. How many slaving ships were taken during the time of your command ? ' ■ — Including those which 1 have heard of since, which were taken during my ,yih May 1849, command at the further end of the station, 173. 2058. Have you any account of the number that escaped during that time? —No. 2059. Do you think that if the Government were to place at the disposal of the otticer commanding- on that station a sum of secret-service money for the purpose of enabling him to obtain information, it would be very serviceable in assisting hini in the performance of his duty, and in discovering the tactics and intentions of the slave-dealers ? — Decidedly so. It is a thing that I particularly wished for during the period of my command. 2()6(>. In one of your answers you mentioned that the " Styx " was particularly successful, being sent unexpectedly to her station, and so gaining six months on the Brazilians. By that expression do you mean to intimate that information was sent to Brazil of the movements of the squadron, so as to enable them at Brazil to form their plans accordingly ? — It is really very remarkable that, on various occasions of capturing vessels, I have asked the captains what they knew of the positions of our vessels, and they have been able to give them as accurately as if they had just left them themselves ; how they obtained the information, or how it is conveyed, whether by waiting oft' the shore, and a boat communicating with them, or whether it is sent to Brazil, or how it is done, I do not know; but such is the fact, that they know as well as we do where all our vessels are. The " Contest " they particularly watch, and particularly avoid ; any other vessel I do not think they care a farthing for. 2c6i. What is the " Contest "? —She was built on purpose, and is a remark- ably fast sailing vessel, by White, of Cowes. 2062. Had you any means of ascertaining what their general plan of proceeding was in coming over from Brazil to the coast of Africa ; when they near the coast, what do they do ? — I believe that when they arrive at a certain distance, say 100 miles from their point, they send a boat on shore, communicate with the factors, and arrange the hour at which they will arrive ; they arrive at the very hour, the wind being always at their command, and ship. The greater part of our captures, as I have been told by the dealers, have been made during the period of their waiting off the coast. They say that if they could arrange any system which could prevent that, they should not care a farthing about the blockade. ■-.'063. Had, therefore, in your opinion, vessels that were cruising 70 miles from the shore as good a chance of catching them before they got their slaves on board, as if they had been in- shore? — They had a better. 2064. And could they as well prevent the shipment ? — Yes. 2065. Had the slave-trading vessels anything on board which enabled you to seize them ? — They had always equipment articles. 2066. Did they come over from Brazil laden with goods?— There was not a single instance of that during the period of my command. ^Ve captured two cargo vessels, as they are termed, under the Brazilian Hag; both of those were condemned ; the loss of property deterred the Brazilians from ever again sending it across under their own Hag ; it is conveyed under the Sardinian and other neutral flags ; therefore, we cannot touch it. 2067. Then the merchandize intended to be used in trade comes mainly direct from Rio and the other ports of Brazil ? — It does. 2068. Does it come under the Sardinian Hag?— Yes. 2060. Why were you prevented from touching them under the Sardinian flag? -There were two instances of captured vessels being sent to Cenoa, and being released, although the evidence was entirely in favour of the captors. After that, our officers became, of course, naturally distrustful, and unless the case was a very glaring one (which never occurred), they would not interfere with a Sardinian vessel. 2070. Did you not mention yesterday, that, in going along the coast, you could see the ftags of the slave factories in the little villages as you passed by r —I did. 2071. Were they numerous ?— They appeared to me in runmng along the 53. s 4 coast 144 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Commodvre coast Very numerous. To say every 20 miles is a little close ; but they are very Sir C. Hotham, numerous. \ ■ 2072. Are the Committee to understand that they make no secret of the [loints i7tli May iP4g. at which slaves are to be had?— None whatever; they invariably hoist their flags as we sail by. 2073. Do they make signals by smoke to the vessels at sea ?— That is con- stantly done ; as the men-of-war were sailing from an anchorage at night, the surrounding hills would be lighted up with fires to warn off the slave-tiaders. 2074. During the period of your command, have any cases come under your knowledge in which the French squadron have done anything towards checking the Slave Trade ? — Their vessels have not made a single capture during the period of my command ; they were unable to interfere with any vessels except their own. Vessels without a flag, and consequently liable to the interference of any nation, they could search or detain, but the masters of such vessels always took care to provide themselves with some flag which would put it out of the power of the French captains to examine or search them ; therefore, in the cases of other merchantmen, they were of no use. 2075. ^Vas not the French flag formerly very generally used by the slave- traders, and, in point of fact, have they not been unable to apply it to that pur- pose since the interference of the French squadron ? — I have always heard that it was ; therefore the French squadron are entitled to the degree of praise arising from keeping doAvn the trade in French vessels. 2076. During your intercourse with the French squadron, did you find every disposition to assist, and to co-operate with you as far as they possibly could, on the part of the Admiral and the ofiicers commanding the ships upon that coast? — Nothing could be more conciliatory and more kind than the conduct of the French Admiral, Monsieur Montagnies de la Roque. The officers commanding the subdivisions of his ships assisted me on every occasion of difficulty, and they enabled me to arrange many matters arising from the zeal and over-heat of our own officers in the discharge of their duty, which, with other people, might have brought on a cause of dispute between the two countries. 2077. Although the French had no Treaties which would enable them to detain or search any ships except those having the French flag, or having no flag, were there any other services that they performed along the coast ; did they not destroy barracoons, and places of that sort/ — Not during the period of my command. 2078. Did they make many Treaties with the native chiefs ? — They had done so prior to my arrival on the coast, but not during the time of my command. 207(7. Can you give any opinion as to whether the Treaties made by the French officers have conduced to suppressing the Slave Trade in the rivers and places where they have been made ? — Wherever they have made a Treaty we have also made one, and therefore the suppression of the Slave Trade, if it has been suppressed, ought to be attributed to our joint efforts. 2080. Supposing England and France were both parties to a Treaty, would not the presence of a French man-of-w^ar, without the presence of an English one, be sufficient to enforce it, and,, so far, the French man-of-war would relieve the English? — Naturally so. 2081. Were they not therefore in that way of assistance to our cruisers? — They are of assistance from the appearance of their flag ; the support they give is moral ; it is not in any way physical, because they do not prevent the embar- kation of negroes, inasmuch as they cannot prevent it. 20S2. If they have a Treaty with a native chief, which authorizes them to release tlie slaves upon his territories, and to stop him from dealing in slaves, cannot they do that without reference to the flag of the vessel that comes to buy the slaves ? — Most of the Treaties that have been made have been con- cluded with chiefs who do not deal in slaves ; our instructions directed, that should a case of that description arise, the captains should be empowered to act together, after obtaining the sanction of the commanding officers ; but such a case did not happen during the period of my command. 2083. Did the American squadron interfere in any way in the suppression of the Slave Trade ? — In one case only, to the best of my recollection ; and for so interfering, the officer got into great difficulty with his own government ; he watched and captured a ship that evidently intended to take a cargo of negroes across ; she was at that time of course under tlie American flag : he sent her to New ON THE AFUieAV SLAVE TRADE. I4/J New York ; it was found by the commander that the trial was nearly con- ^9°'^^?f°\^ eluded, and was going entirely against him when he arrived in the Port of "^ j^ ^^^ ""'• New York, made his appearance in court, and obtained a milder sentence, but not more than that. iT'li ^Jay '849. 2084. Was that as to the ship that had been seized under the American flag? — Yes; which was fitted for shipping slaves, and the master avowed his intention of shipping slaves, and she had on board the most notorious slave- dealer on the coast. 2085. Did the American admiral confine his interference to the American flag? — Entirely so. 2086. Do not many of the slave-trading vessels, which come from the Brazils over to the coast of Africa, come under the American flag? — About half of them do. 2087. Ii^ your experience, has there ever been any instance in which any American cruiser has taken possession of any of those vessels, and attempted to condemn them? — None, except the one that I have just related ; they have expressed the greatest desire to do so, but the certainty that they will be con- victed in costs naturally deters them. 2088. How far from shore are those stations where slaves are placed for the purpose of embarkation ? — About a mile and a half in most cases, with the excep- tion of Lagos, which is further back. 2089. If orders were given to the officers commanding the vessels upon that station to land and destroy the barracoons, and to set free the slaves, and destroy the goods, would it not then be necessary for them to have their stations lurther inland ? — Decidedly ; or else they would defeat us by keeping their goods in neutral vessels with which we could not interfere, and retailing them out. 2ogo. Would the compelling them to have their barracoons further inland be any great practical inconvenience to the slave-dealers, beyond the making it necessary to employ a somewhat longer time in putting the slaves on board the vessel, and despatching her ? — No practical inconvenience to the shippers. 209 1 . Do you think that the notice given is sufficient to enable them to march them down to any point of the coast ? — I am sure of it ; at Gallinas I found two capital horses ; now there it is impossible to use a horse at all, except to take a ride on the beach ; I asked him how he used those horses, and I found he em- ployed them in riding up and down the beach to hasten the embarkation of the slaves. 2092. With reference to the employment of steamers as cruisers, you seemed to think that there would be difficulty in having coal depots on different parts of the coast on account of the surf; are you aware of vessels taking in coals on the coast of Coromandel — at Madras, for instance, where there is a very heavy surf? — I am not aware ; but their boats must be much better than the African canoes, which are very miserable. 2003. Would not the same vessels which are employed for shipping slaves carry out sacks of coal? — It would be very slow work ; and besides that, from getting wet they would be liable to ignition. 2094. Would not the same answer apply to the quality of the canoes employed for carrying the cargoes of slaves, that it would be slow work ? — No; because as all Africans can swim, they can hang on by the side of the boat, and are carried off in any way. 2095 It has been suggested to this Committee by Dr. Lushingon, that it would be desirable, by Act of Parliament, to subject persons found engaged in the Slave Trade to criminal punishment ; is it your impression that such a mea- sure would tend greatly to assist the operations of our cruisers? — 1 have not the confidence that other persons have expressed on that subject. I cannot see why we should suppose that other races and natives of other countries have not the same degree of spirit, and the same love of lucre, in short, the same desires urging them to embark in arduous undertakings as are evinced in other parts of the world, more particularly in South America, where we find people of all characters, and all nations, daily risking their lives in the revolutionary wars of those countries. 2096. Recalling your attention for a moment to your despatch of the 5th of December 1848, how do you reconcile with your last answer the words, " Never- " theless I consider, that if the cruising or blockading system is to be raain- " tained, it is of essential importance to attach personal penalties to those who 53. T " engage 146 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMiri'EE Commodore " engage ill Slave Trade ?" — That which your Lordship has just quoted forms Sir C. Hotham, part of the despatch. It was my business to suggest everything that occurred K.C.B. |.Q jjjg ^Q j^y employers ; it was not my business to make myself responsible for 17th May 1849. the adoption of it. I thought it became the duty of higher authorities to work out those views, and to see whether they were valid or worth nothing. The question having now been put pointedly to me, whether I thought that any great benefit would be derived from it, 1 replied that I did not consider that there would be, inasmuch as I have not so mean an opinion of the inhabitants of the rest of the world as to suppose that they were entirely devoid of spirit, and would not embark in any enterprise where there was money and other encourage- ments held out to them. 2097. But did you not consider that it would have a considerable effect, when you represented it to the Home Government as of essential importance? — I represented to the Home Government everything that I could think of to sup- press the trade. The blockade, as at present constituted, is in tny opinion of little use ; 1 therefore thought it worth trying, and I still think so. 2098. Did you not add a further recommendation, that power should be given to the officers in command " to destroy factories containing goods belonging to " parties known to promote the traffic '"? — That again is given under the same consideration. I was bound to suggest everything that occurred to me to my employers, and I thought it was the business of other people to see whether those measures were valid or not. Certainly, I do not hold myself responsible for the adoption of them, although I mentioned everything which occurred to me at the time. 2099. You have spoken of obtaining from the Brazilians ultimately, in case the suggestion you threw out was adopted, a declaration that the Slave Trade by Brazilians should be piracy. What meaning do you attach to " piracy" when you use it in that sense ; do you mean that we should obtain from them permis- sion to treat Brazilian slave-traders as we treat English slave-traders ; that is, to judge them by our own Courts, and punish them ourselves ; or do you mean, on the other hand, that we should call on the Brazilian government to do that for us after having put their slave-traders into their hands ? — Of course, that is entirely a legal question. 1 do not happen to know what the form of the Brazilian Admiralty Court is ; but when I recommended that, which I did most sincerely, and think practicable with a view to Brazil, I certainly thought of the British Admiralty Court as the sure way of obtaining success. 2100. Do not you apprehend that there is a wide difference between getting the consent of a government, that we should try its subjects and punish them, under our judgment, by our Courts, and, on the other hand, only asking that government to punish its sulijects when we have put its subjects into its hands? — Of course, that is a point of the system to be considered entirely by the superior authorities ; the Crown lawyers are the only people who can decide a question of that character. 2101. Does not that at once touch the question of national pride, of which you spoke ? — It clearly does. ■2\02. Setting the question of law aside, is not it whoUv unlikely that you would get from Brazil, or any other countrj', authority delegated to you to punish its subjects?— When 1 wrote this, a much more violent proposition had been made to a Committee of the House of Commons, a proposition which considerably astonished me, it being that our officers should summarily punish the slave- dealers ; therefore this proposition which I then made, but the mode of working out which I am not prepared to suggest, was mild in comparison to that which was made by a high authority before a Committee of the House of Commons. 2103. Are the Committee, then, to understand that you did not suggest that, from having in your own mind any reason to expect that the Brazilian Govern- ment would acquiesce in such a proposition as that ? — I think that the Brazilian government would be too happy to obtain any excuse for putting an end to the Slave Trade ; I think they are quite as much alarmed at the importation of slaves as we dislike the trade in itself, and would be too happy to find any excuse for co-operating with us. 2104. Do you think they would find that excuse in a proposition made by us, that we should have authority to punish their subjects ? — That is almost a legal question. It is a question of international law, which is very difficult for me — indeed, impossible for me to answer, or impossible for anybody till the moment arrive 4 9- to cultivate the land ? — I do not think that that would be a necessary inference. 2243. But the cheaper the slave, the easier to buy? — Unless you can get 60 or 70 or 100, or something like that, it is not worth while beginning upon the sugar cultivation ; a few slaves produce nothing but a bare livelihood. 2244. But suppose a person came there with capital, that fine land would be worth his while to cultivate, would it not? — It would. 2245. To a certain degree ? —If sugar had a price which would admit of it. 2246. Does not the present price of sugar make it profitable to cultivate that land to a somewhat greater extent ? — No ; when I left there, sugar was selling on the back part, i. e. in the western part of this tract of ground, at less than one penny a pound. 2247. Then, do you consider that upon that fine tract of rich ground to which you have called our attention, although a person had ever so much capital, and could get slaves ever so cheaply, the land would not be worth his cultivating ; do you mean to say that r — No, I do not mean to say that ; I mean to say that a certain portion would be cultivated, but nothing to the extent which you, as Anglo-Saxons, with your industrious habits, suppose would be done ; you forget that the Brazilians are not generally an enterprising people for taking up new lands. 2248. I am supposing only some part of it to be cultivated? — Some land would be brought into cultivation ; some will be brought into cultivation ; some is now being brought into cultivation. 2249. Does not the dearness of the slaves impose some restriction upon that? — No, I do not think that it does. 2250. Do you think that the fact of the slaves being cheaper would make no difierence whatever in the facility of cultivating that ground? — It would with some individuals, and with some individuals it would not. 225 1. But are there not some individuals possessed of capital who would take that view of it, that it would be worth their while, if slaves were cheaper, to cul- tivate that land ? — Yes, I would do it myself ; I would do it to carry out a view that I have of civilizing the coast of Africa ; I would take 300, or 400 or 500, keep them six or seven years, and return them there, and take a new lot. 2252. I am supposing a person who is merely looking for a profit on cultivating sugar ? — There is no doubt that many would take it up. 2253. As a mere matter of profit? — As a mere matter of profit. 225^. And without any view to the coast of Africa ? — That was only my own foolish view ; I inherit that from my white race. 2255. But other people would do it as a matter of profit? — As a matter of profit. 2256. Then at present the dearness of slaves is, to a certain extent, an obsacle to those people's speculations, is it not ? — It may be to a certain measure ; it is no doubt an obstacle, but to what extent I have not statistics nor knowledge enough to say. 2257. But, to a certain measure, the capital expended in that cultivation is expended in purchasing slaves, is it not ? — The value of a plantation there is the value of the slaves upon it ; the land you may have for nothing. 2258. Suppose I had got a grant of a part of that land, say a square league, I should then invest my capital in the purchase of slaves ? — Of course. 22.59. Would not those slaves, being cheap, make it a more fortunate specu- lation to cultivate those 4,000 acres ? — If you alone could buy the slaves cheap, and others had to buy them dear, it would be very profitable ; but if everybody buys them cheap, it is not so. 2260. Supposing everybody bought them cheap, then a certain number of them only would cultivate, for fear of causing a glut of sugar r — Of course an excess of supply ruins the producer. 2261. But as far as those persons went, would it not be more profitable to them if the slaves were cheaper ? — In one measure it would, but not in every measure. 2262. That measure, namely, which refers to the price of the slaves - — Yes; but every person looks at slaves merely as to the value of their produce ; if sugar 53- u 3 must 158 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE J. E. Clifc, M. D. must be made to sell for much less than a penny a pound, it gives nothing for 2(1 ^i■ 8 ^^^ labour, and therefore it is useless labouring for nothing. " ^^ ' '^^ ' 2263. Do you say that in the present state of the sugar-market, it would be impossible to expect that any persons receiving a grant of that land would culti- vate it at all ; is that what you mean to represent ?— I am afraid I do not quite comprehend such a long question. 2264. You talk of sugar being very cheap now ? — It is there. 2265. Which prevents persons from cultivating the waste land there? — Yes. 2260. Do you mean to say, then, that the price of sugar is so low that no cheapness of slaves would tempt any person to cultivate that land?— At the present price of sugar, on a small scale, it would admit of some more sugar being produced ; but if you pass once a little bit beyond the real actual demand for it, your excess of sugar very soon spoils the market. 2267. But up to that point, would it not facilitate it ? — Up to a certain point ; I think I said before that there is a certain point where money would be em- ployed ; beyond a certain point it would be a loss, no one would do it. 1^268. But up to that point it would be a gain? — It would. 2269. Though a moderate gain? — It would. 2270. And that gain would be in proportion to the cheapness of the cultiva- tion ? — Yes. 2271. And to the sale of the sugar ? —Yes. 2272. Whatever raised the price of sugar would increase that gain, of course? — Of course it would. 2273. And whatever lowered the price of cultivation would, in proportion, increase that gain ? — I am not sure that I comprehend all this quite right ; I believe I do ; all these seem very natural inferences. 2274. Then whatever lowered the price of cultivation would, to that extent at least, in a measure, as you express yourself, increase the profit of the cultivation, would it not? — It would, unless the quantity of sugar produced was more than the demand required. 2275. But up to that point it would ? — Yes, up to that point I believe it to be correct. 2276. Up to that point, therefore, whatever lowered the price of slaves would lower the price of cultivation ? — It would naturally. 2277. And up to that point, therefore, whatever lowered the price of slaves would increase the gain of that speculation, would it not? — 1 believe that all that, inferentially, must be correct. 2278. You said that the difficulty was that people had not capital enough to buy more slaves ? —In Brazil, that is generally the case ; if you will allow me, I will give the reason of it. When a man dies, his property is always equally divided amongst his children, both natural and legal children, in equal proportions ; consequently, if a man dies rich, if he has 10 or 12 children, they all become indifferently so, because there is an equal division amongst them ; and this is the reason why most of the old establishments are abandoned, because each takes up a little bit for himself in a new place. 2279. Has there been an increase or diminution in the demand for the produc- tions of Brazil ?— I do not know ; I have not been engaged in this branch of commerce ; my knowledge on that is not correct. 2280. Is it true, that the more slaves a person gets, the more he can afford to pay for ? — There is no doubt of that ; it is only those at present that can buy slaves who have a considerable number, because if a man has 200 slaves, he can get credit for .50 at any time. 2281. Then, if the price of slaves fell so that any man could get a few, would not he be able to get more ? — No, I think not ; from the tropically indolent and apathetic habits of the people, those who are now slave-holders would be then slave-holders ; but it Avould make very little difference in that respect as regards planters, or as regards mining, because it is only people that could get 100 or 200 that would become either planters or miners. 2282. Is there a great proportion of the slaves in Brazil employed in mines ? — A great many in gold, and a great many in diamonds ; we have no other mines of any consequence ; the numbers I do not know. 2283. Do you consider it more profitable to employ slaves in mines than in cultivation? — It has been profitable; it is not very profitable at the present time ; fill the diluvial grounds are nearly worked out in the more general neighbour- hqods ; ON THK AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. ] r,q hoods; if you go further into the interior, where gold is more abundant, and has J--E. Cli^e,l\I.D. not been much worked, then it is very profitable ; diamonds have been once very , ,"; „ profitable. ^ e^d^May^S. 2284. Is the land in Brazil mortgaged to any great extent? — Yes; in the interior very much so at the present time. ^285. To whom is it mortgaged? — To merchants and money dealers. 2286. Is it mortgaged to any particular class of merchants? — Those who are dealers in dry goods, and to slave dealers. 22S7. Principally to slave dealers ? — A great deal of it is mortgaged to slave dealers ; vast numbers of the coffee plantations are said to be. 2288. The slaves are not paid for by ready money in the interior generally ? — Certainly not. 2289. They are paid for by deposits, with an increase ?— An increase of price ; occasionally as high as 18 per cent, to 20 per cent, for credits of one or two years. 2290. And that high price which leads to the mortgaging is attributable by thera to the effect of the English cruisers ? — Of course you have the odium of the whole of it ; that there is no doubt of. 2291. Is the feeling in favour of the Slave Trade so strong in Brazil as to prevent the Government of that country from being able to co-operate with England in suppressing the Slave Trade, even though they wished to do so ? — On a diplomatic question of that kind, it is hardly for me to give an answer ; but I should say personally that it did. 2292. Then, in your opinion, it is not likely that any individual exertions of England would be able to put a stop to the Slave Trade between Africa and Brazil ? — That is a large question. 2293. Is there any other mode than that at present pursued by Great Britain which you think might tend to check or stop the Slave Trade? — I do not like to answer that question. 2294. You mentioned your acquaintance with the coast of Africa ; will you state to the Committee what part of the coast of Africa ? — The Portuguese settlements. 2295. Do you know anything of the part beyond the Portuguese settlements ? — A little ; I have seen it. I prefer describing nothing of the coast of Africa to you, because, inferentially, you may give me credit for more than I do know. I have been in the Portuguese settlements. I was once there in a Brazilian man-of-war. 2296. Can you tell the Committee whether the coast south of the Portuguese settlements is well calculated for carrying on the export portion of the Slave Trade? — I do not like to answer that question, because I know something of it; but I do not wish you to know. You know that there is a certain point, when you get down to it, where the coast is barren ; but there is a certain point of which you know, I believe, nothing at the present time ; at least, very little, if anything ; and I do not see why I should tell you. 2297. Between what points would you say that we know nothing of it ? — There is one point on the coast of Africa— at least 1 only speak from the know- ledge of a man who came to me a few months ago — that you are not at all acquainted with. 2298. To the south of Great Fish Bay? — You see you know all these things better than I know them, because you condense your knowledge. 2299. Are you acquainted with that part of the coast between Ambriz and the Cameroons? — That is away up to the northward? 2300. Yes ? - No ; I have been along there, cruising along. 230 1 . Were you ever in the interior of Africa ? — Not very much, a mile or two ; two or three miles. 2302. Never far in? — No. 2303. Never up the rivers ? — No. 2304. Is it not vei7 unhealthy there? — Particularly so to parties not seasoned to it. 2305. But it is not unhealthy on the coast ? — It is. 2306. On the coast even? — In many places it is, in the sea-port towns. 2307. I am talking of the sea; suppose you are three miles out at sea, is it not unhealthy ? — I am not sure whether three miles would be enough ; there is a doubt among medical men ; if you are about eight miles, it is as healthy there 53. u 4 as l6o MINUTES OK EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE J. E. Ciiffc, M. D. as it is here ; you keep now a good way off the coast, and therefore it must be -^^ — healthy. 22d May 1849. 2308. Do you think that the importation from Mozambique and the east coast of Africa has increased of late, in comparison with that from the west ? — I do not know ; now and then a vessel comes from there, but they have lately brought slaves far from the interior, from the western part of Benguela, or slaves that used to come by the way of Benguela. 2309. From Mozambique ? - Yes. 2310. Were you ever at Mozambique yourself? — I have been round the coast. 2311. What proportion of slaves do you suppose comes to Brazil from the eastern coast ? — That I could not tell. 2312. They like them better, do not they? — They are a fine race of people. 231 3. Are there any who come from Zanzibar now, from the Imaum of Muscats country ? — Just now 1 do not know ; but about there, there are some magnificent people ; they are all marked on the nose ; there is one tribe with five marks, and another with seven. 2314. You spoke of the mortality in the barracoons, when you were estimating the mortality from the first capture of the slaves to their landing in America ; have you seen much of the condition of the slaves in the African barracoons ? — I have seen some little of them ; I know that they suffer occasionally from want of food; instances have occurred in which they have suffered much from want of food. 2315. Are not the barracoons always near the sea? — Generally. 2316. Or near some point of embarkation ? — Near some point of embarkation ; they are simple things ; they are merely half-a-dozen poles stuck up, and thatched over with palm ; you can make them in a few hours. 2317. Hut simple as they are, they add very much to the comfort of the slaves on the coast ? — Certainly they protect them from the heat, sun and rain, and from the evening dew, the effect of which is very bad. 2318. Would it be possible t(j keep the slaves alive or in health without bar- racoons on the coast for a temporary shelter? — That is rather a large question ; because, speaking of the African in his own country, you hardly know the amount of what he can suffer. I do not myself; he is peculiarly adapted for exposure ; as long as the temperature is above 76, he stands a great deal ; then from that to a temperature of 110, he will bear a great deal ; if you lower the temperature below 70, his sufferings are of another nature ; they are very great, because cold he cannot bear. 2319. He would not be exposed to any such temperature as that in the absence of a barracoon on the coast ? — Certainly not ; but from the east coast, when they come round the Cape of Good Hope, their sufferings are very great from the cold ; they complain bitterly of it. 2320. Supposing that a slave trader upon that coast found his barracoon destroyed, or found himself with a large number of slaves on it, without a barra- coon to put them into, would it very materially damage his chance of preserving those slaves r — No ; because you can construct a barracoon in a few hours ; a dozen people in that way will make one in a very few hours, because they are only half-a-dozen stakes stuck in the ground and thatched over with the palmetto, or the palm, or the cocoa-nut, or any of those leaves, and then fenced round with upright timbers. 2'^2i. Then you do not think that the destruction of barracoons is any great discouragement to the Slave Trade ? — The general opinion in Brazil is that it is not. 2322. If the stores are destroyed as well as this thatched building, what is the effect? — Then, of course, it is a positive loss of a certain amount of money ; that is a very different thing ; if you destroy stores, that is one thing ; a barracoon, simply as a barracoon, is a very different thing. 2325. Did the destruction of the barracoons, and of the goods and stores in them, discourage the Brazilians engaged in the Slave Trade at that time ? — I do not like to answer that question, because you would immediately draw an incor- rect inference from it. 2324. You have spoken of the low price of sugar as being a great check to increased cultivation ; can you give the Committee any information as to the effect of opening the British market to Brazilian sugar ? — 1 think I mentioned beforcj ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. l6l before, that my knowledge of that is only inferential, and can be of no value, j. E. Clifc, M.D. because I am not engaged, and never was engaged to any extent in sugar. I did plant sugar one year, for I bought a mine that had a plantation attached to it; ^^^ ^"^ ^^49- there was some crop on the ground, and I carried it out in making sugar, but it was not profitable to me. 2325. You found mining, in short, more profitable than sugar? — No; I like a life of excitement ; a mining life pleases me ; I like to get out of the haunts of men ; I like him individually, but I do not admire him much collectively, so that I always keep edging on further and further ; I have always done that. From the house which I now have, I can look 50 miles and not see another dwelling in one direction; within 100 miles there is not a house. 2326. When you go back, is it your intention to resume your occupation in the interior ? — If I do go back, that is the only thing now that I can attend to. 2327. I mean mining? — Yes. 3328. Gold or diamonds? — Both where I live now. 2329. Are you in jjossession of a large number of slaves ? — I have a good many ; not so many as Lord Denman says I have ; he says I have more than 200, and wislied me to make restitution of them in tliat pamphlet which he wrote. I would let him have them all, everything I have, and would become a regular Englishman, and turn my attention to mining in Wales. 2330. Have you any objection to say what number you have ? — More than 100, 1 believe ; but deaths may have taken place, and other things which I do not know. 2331. How are the labouring slaves generally treated in Brazil ? — Generally well. 2332. Are they not subject to violent punishments? — Occasionally; man in his capricious nature will occasionally punish them severely, but certainly not so much as the English and French ; the French are worse than the English, and the Dutch, if possible, still worse than either; from what I have seen of them, the Brazihan is the best master of the lot, because his religious habit renders it so ; he works them but five days in the week, and being an indolent man himself, he does not get the amount of labour out of them that the Auglo-Saxon race do expect or calculate to have. 2333. Have you any experience of Spanish colonies?— I have been in Cuba. 2334. Do you consider that the slaves are better treated in Brazil than in Cuba ? — Yes ; we being on a continent, and being a large cattle-growing country, have a larger amount of beef; the slaves are fond of beef, and the quantity of beef being very great, they get a much larger amount of meat than they can in any of the insular positions, because it is cheap. 2335. With respect to the cruelty shown to them, or the kind treatment which they receive, do you think that their punishments are more severe in Cuba than in Brazil? — In Cuba I never resided on a plantation, but I know that the Spaniards do occasionally treat them very cruelly, especially those near the sea- coast, because where rum is only a penny a bottle, the slaves are continually getting intoxicated. 2336. Is rum cheaper in Cuba than in Brazil ? — It is about a penny a bottle retail ; I do not think it is ever sold at much less than that, and almost all the punishment of the slaves arises from the excessive abuse of it. 2337. Do you know whether blood-hounds are used for the slaves in Cuba '. — I have heard of such things ; I know that they have a race of blood-hounds. 2338. But there is nothing of that sort in Brazil ?— Yes ; I bought one myself in England a good many years ago, but not for that purpose ; not for hunting slaves ; we do not require that. 2339. ^^^ y°^ ^v^i" h^^'"' ^^^" y°^ ^^""^ *" Brazil, of punishing a slave by tying him to a stake over an ant's nest ?— No, that is only done upon the coast of Africa ; it is very common there, but never in Brazil. 2340. In the province of Maranhao in Brazil, are not the slaves subjected to flogging greatly?— I should think, from what I know of Brazil, and I have been nearly hi every province, that the people there are generally not cruel to their slaves ; they are much more patriarchal, perhaps, than any other people in that respect. 2341. So that if you heard that a great number of the slaves had their bodies covered with wounds from flogging, ycu would not believe it ?— Unless I saw it ; still I would obserA^e, that near the sea-coast, wherever rum is so exceedingly 53. X cheap l62 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE J. E. Clife, M. n. cheap, slaves, like other people, are always getting into difficulties about it, and - — frequently require punishment. I can speak for mj^self, that I have been some- 22d May 184 9. ^.^^g ^2 months, with 100 or 120, and have not had one punished ; then a time will come when three, or four, or half-a-dozen will require punishment. 2342. Do you happen to know the character of any of the works published at Rio, in Portuguese, upon the treatment of the slaves? — Yes, we have a great number of them ; we mostly get those books, and, as I am fond of reading, I mostly have what is written upon the subject. 2343. Is there nmch exaggeration in any of those publications of the cruelties to the slaves r — A great deal in these books written by foreigners, because they take up an isolated case, and immediately put it down as a general system. 2344. How is it among the Brazilian writers ? — ^The Brazilians are not a literary people ; there are very few, if any, real Brazilians that I ever knew to write anything ; they are mostly Portuguese. 2345. Is there any Abolition party who would exaggerate such matters ? — There was an Abolition party some time ago ; it did not succeed. 2346. You mention that an Anti-slavery party existed in Brazil, and is now broken up ; can you state the cause of its breaking up r — Yes, I fancy much the same as in other countries ; the party that is not in power wishes to get into powei", and they use it as a stepping-stone merely for political power, by pro- fessing a humanity which they themselves do not feel. 2347. So that there was so strong a feeling against slavery in some parts of the country, that a party thought to gain power by appeaUng to it ?— By appeal- ing to men's passions ; that was what we considered. 2348. Can you state what would be the effect of withdrawing the cruisers entirely off the coast, and leaving men to their own passions? — ^If I understand the question aright, it is, if the whole of the cruisers were withdrawn from the coast, what would be the effect on Enghsh commerce, or on the demand for slaves. 2349. On English commerce? — If you wish me to speak the truth, I am afraid that there would be a little feeling of retribution ; it is natural it should be. 2350. That there would be many violent acts committed?— I am afraid there would, because it has always been so. 2351. Is there any great fear in Brazil of the negroes amongst the masters r — In the province in which 1 live there is none. 2352. The safety is the different races ? — Yes, and generally they are in small quantities; very seldom more than 20 or 30, and then we feed them well, because beef is so cheap ; we all go to prayers together ; we are quite patriarchal in that respect. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Ordered, That this Committee be adjourned to Thursday next, Three o'clock. Die Jovis, 24° Mail 1849. THE LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD in the Chair. AUGUSTINO is called in, and examined as follows, through Mr. Herring, as Interpreter. Augustine. 2353- HOW old are you ?~-I do not know. t 2354. When were you brought over from Brazil? — 1 do not know. 24th May 1849. j;r. Herring. It was in 1830 ; I bought him myself in the month of July ; " we estimated his age at that time at about 12. 2355. {To Augustino.) Have you anv recollection of your being brought over to Brazil?—! recollect when I arrived, and I recollect also when I came on board ship. ■, , ., u a 2356. Do you recollect anything which happened while you were on board ship ? — I do. _ 2357. Can ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 1 63 2357. Can you remember whether, while you were so on board, your country" Augmtim. men who were with you were brought over laid in packs, or in what way they were treated on board? — They were so closely packed together that there was 24thMayi849, not room to get anything at all in between them. 2358. AVere you yourself, as a boy, brought on deck during the time that you were on board ? — Yes, because I was so young. 2359. Were the grown slaves taken on deck ? — No, they were not. 2360. They could not be, from the number which were packed together? — No ; because they were chained down below to the sides of the vessel. 236 1 . Do you know whether many died on board ship ?■ — When they were first put on board, they were so very thick together that a great many died in a day ; five, six, ten, sometimes even a dozen died in a day, in consequence of the excessive heat and of the want of water. Their food was twice a week salt meat, and for the general meals of the day farina, a stuff like saw-dust — baked flour. In consequence of having a very insufficient supply of water, their thirst became so intense that many, from absolute suffocation, from the want of drink, died. 2362. Then, at that time, they were not brought over in comfortable berths as emigrants were ? — No. 2363. This was in 1830?— Mr. Herring. It was before the expiration of the Treaty in 1830. 2364. But it was in 1830 ?— Yes, Augustino. So far from there being cabins, if you can call them cabins, it was the same as pigs in a sty, they were so thick. 2365. Do you know whether there was any difference between the state in which you were brought over and what had been the custom before ? — As far as I know, it was the same thing. Mr. Herring. But then he was up the country 30 leagues. 2366. {To Augustino.) Do you remember anything in Africa of your bemg made a prisoner before j'ou were put on board ? —Yes. 2367. Will you state anything that you remember ? — A merchant sold my uncle some merchandize, and, before it was paid for, my uncle died ; the merchant came and seized us all, and made us all prisoners, and took us down to the coast ; we were there about a week or 10 days, when we were put on board ship. The clothes of all the negroes going on board ship were stripped off them, even to the last rag. 2368. To what country in Africa did you belong?— Sefala. 2369. How far from the coast ? — About a fortnight ; at about three leagues a day. Mr. Herring. Those leagues of which he speaks are Brazilian leagues, of four miles, very nearly. Augustino. We always travelled by night, because they were afraid to travel by day. 2370. Why ? — They were afraid that the relations of those who were taken prisoners might come, perhaps, to the rescue. When we were on board ship, several had the liberty of coming on deck, in consequence of their youth ; I was one, but the powerful ones were fastened below. The young ones had the right of coming on deck, but several of those jumped overboard, for fear they were being fattened to be eaten. The greater part of those that died on board died from thirst. 2371. What put the idea into their heads of being eaten ; are they eaten in their own country ? — They do not know for what object they are taken, and the idea comes into their head that it is for being made food of Sometimes, when they are very ill indeed, and perhaps the white man thinks that one of them is dead, he comes and pinches his ear, to see if he feels the pain, and he finds that he is not dead ; and then a man Avill take hold of his rope's end, and give him a good basting with it, and say, " There is nothing at all the matter with you; get up, get up." Augustino is directed to withdraw. 53. X 2 CHARLES X64 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE CHARLES HERRING, Esquire, is examined as follows : C. Herring, Esg. 2372. HAVE vou been resident for some years in Brazil ? — I have ; from 1830 until 1847. ' 241 ay 1 49. 2373. In what part of Brazil were you resident ?— In the province of Minas- geraes, and in the city of St. Joao del Rey, and at a place called Morso Telho. 2374. What part of the time, which you have specified, were you resident respectively in each of those places ?~In St. Joao del Rey from the middle of 1830 to the latter end of 1834 ; I then went northward to Morso Telho. 2375. How far northward ? — About 90 miles ; I was resident there from the end of 1834 until the middle of 1847. 2376. In what capacity were you residing in Brazil ? — As the chief manager of the mines belonging to the St. Joao del Rey Company. 2377. In conducting those operations, you employed slave labour? — Con- stantly. 2378. Had you any other than slave labour ? — Yes ; free labour. 2379. Free labour, of what class of people? — What they call Brazilians; they are descendants of the Portuguese; and sometimes descendants of the Portu- guese with mulattoes, and sometimes mulattoes themselves, and sometimes free blacks. 2380. No native Indians ? — Not any. 2381. They worked for wages? — They worked for wages. 2382. Will you state to tlie Committee the relative numbers of the slaves who worked under you at any time, to the free labourers ? — I think that they have now about 900 slaves, and perhaps 150 freemen. 2383. Can you state to the Committee which labour you found tlie more pro- ductive ; the labour of the slaves, or of your hired servants r — If you take the labour generally, there is not the slightest doubt that it is the slave. 2384. Is it the same kind of labour which is performed by the two classes?— Just the same. 2385. What do you mean by " generally "? — If you ask me all round ; if you had, for example, 500 free labourers, and 500 slaves, I would decidedly take tlie slaves, not that they would have more work to perform in a given time, but that they actually would perform it, and perform it willingly too. 2386. Is there in Brazil any large number of persons -who are willing to work for wages ? — Everything is relative in that respect ; there is a large number of people absolutely, but relatively to the work which has to be done, it is a very diminutive number. 2387. Have you any idea of what the number of slaves in Brazil is? — We generally reckon it at about four millions, and the white population at two millions, making six millions in the whole. 2388. What proportion of free blacks is there, do you think?— That, it is impossible for me to tell you, or anybody else. 2389. In the four millions of blacks, do you include slaves and free blacks ? —Yes. 2390. You are not able to say what is the proportion of free blacks ? — Not at all. 2391. Of those two millions of the white population, can you tell the Com- mittee at all what proportion labours for wages ? — I cannot. 2392. Can you tell the Committee at all what the price of slaves was when you first settled in Brazil, in 1830? — When I first settled in Brazil, in 1830, the price of slaves had already risen up to 600 and 650 milreas ; but some short time previously to that only, the price of slaves was not more than 400 milreas. 2303. That is about 40/. one with another, is it not? — You cannot take it in pounds, for the exchange varies so considerably that it does not serve as the slightest guide. I have seen the exchange there at 20, and I have seen it at up- wards of 40. 2394. To what did you attribute the rise of price from the 400 milreas to the 600 milreas ? — To the circumstance of the Treaty coming into force ; there is no doubt about that. 2395. During the 17 years that you were in Brazil, was there any considerable diminution again in the price of slaves ? — The price rose until about the last year that I was there ; it rose up to 800 milreas ; that has been the price con- stantly ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. ' ifir stantly paid for blacks ; and I have paid it rayself, not after that. I may posi- c. Herritfr, Esq. tively say, that up to 1S43, I have actually purchased slaves at 750 to 800 ^' milreas for the Company's service ; and 1 know that agriculturists have repeatedly ^4th May 1849. paid that price for slaves. When I say that I have paid it myself, I have esti- mated the value which I should give for the hire, at the price of SOO milreas, and that is the way iii which I formed a table for the hire of blacks for the Company. 2396. Can you form any estimate as to what effect was produced upon that price by the fact of the British squadron cruising off the coast of Africa to inter- cept the trade ? — There is no doubt that it has increased it, from whatever the price was two years before the Treaty came into force, to 800 milreas, or what- ever price existed afterwards; I bought them just about a month before the Treaty came into force ; it was 600 then. 2397. Would you convey to the Committee the impression that you would estimate the effect of the existence of the squadron upon the price of slaves as raising it from about 400 to about 800 milreas ? — Decidedly. 2398. That is, in fact, that it doubled the price of slaves in Brazil ? — Yes. 2399. Is that the general impression in the Brazils, in the interior ? — There is no doubt about it. Whence come all their curses (because I must use the word, it is the translation) that they shower down upon our nation ? They like us as individuals, when we behave ourselves properly to them with amenity and courtesy ; but they do shower down those maledictions upon the whole nation for having rendered their slaves so dear. 2400. The owners of land and property in Brazil estimate the possibility of improving that land and property by the power of getting slaves ? — Solely ; and a man's property is valued by the number of slaves that he possesses, not by the extent of ground that he possesses. 2401. They attribute to the existence of the English cruisers, then, that which prevents their increasing their property by increasing their slaves ? — Yes. 2402. And in that impression upon their minds you yourself, from your know- ledge of the circumstances, acquiesce? — In what way ? 2403. You think that they are correct in their view that it is the existence of the squadron which prevents a larger importation ? — Undoubtedly. 2404. So that if the squadron were withdrawn, you have no doubt that there would be immediately a large importation? — I have not the sHghtest doubt upon the subject. 2405. And that the effect would be, not only to lower the price for those now cultivating the ground and engaged in minintr operations, but to lead to a great increase of the cultivation of the ground and to the opening of new mines ?— I do not think they would open many new mines, because I do not think the mines exist for them to open, but it would favour Brazil greatly in regard to its agriculture. 2406. In point of fact, at present is the hnid of Brazil for the most part mort- gaged to the slave-traders ? — I cannot say that it is for the most part mortgaged, but I know that all the land in the neighbourhood of Uio de Janeiro is consider- ably mortgaged to the slave-traders ; take, for example, within 40 or 50 leagues of Rio de Janeiro, which is about the limits of the great coffee estates, almost the whole of those people have their lands mortgaged to tlie slave speculators, those who trade in slaves beyond sea. 2407. How has that state of things arisen ; for what purpose has the money been obtained for which those estates are mortgaged ? — For the purchase of slaves ; for example, a man says, " I will go and set up a coffee estate ; I have no slaves, and no money to buy them with :" the slave-trader says, " You go and open your coffee estate, I will give you slaves ;" and he takes a mortgage upon the lands, and as the buildings become elevated upon the property, and the ground comes into cultivation, of course the raw land becomes valuable. 2408. So that the effect of raising the price of slaves is to injure the property, rather than the slave-dealer ? -It makes the fortune of the present slave-dealer, and injures the property. 2409. And the result of withdrawing the cruisers would be, to enable those holders of property to have a large increase of labour ?— Of course, at a much cheaper rate. n, X 3 2410. But 1(36 MIxNUTES or EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE C Hcrrinq, Esq. 2410. But at the Same time, the profits of the Slave Trade would not be so — - great 1 — Of course not, to the present bold speculators in the trade. a4ib May i84(j. .^^^ ,_ j^ j^^s been given in evidence before this Committee, that if the cruisers were withdrawn, the probable effect would be, to enable a large number of small proprietors to engage in the trade, instead of as it now is, a few wealthy pro- prietors ; is that your impression? — Everybody then would trade in slaves who had a httle capital to buy a ship, and send out a few goods. 241:2. It has also been given in evidence here, that the probable effect would be, that the circumstance of those small traders dealing in it would lead to great cruelty and great suffering amongst those slaves brought over; is that your im- pression? — No. 2413. You think not ? — No ; I do not see why it shouldbe so. 2414. If almost every one was, as you suppose, sending over for negroes, do vou think that there would be great care taken to consult the health and comfort of the negroes so brought over? — I should think that, as far as they have usually consulted those points, they would go on much in the same manner as at present. 241.5. 'Ihey would do so, as far as their own interests dictated it r^ — I should think that their obvious interest at present was, to take every possible care of those that they have on board, seeing the enormous price which they get for them. 2416. So that you do not imagine that the condition of those brought over would be mended in the bringing over ; you do not consider that the sufferings which are now endured by the slaves on the middle passage would be diminished by such an alteration ? — I do not see what is to diminish those suff'erings. 2417. Can you tell the Committee at all what the proportion between the two sexes amongst the Africans in Brazil is ? — I can only speak as far as my own neighbourhood was concerned ; I was anxious to have a due proportion of women to the males ; I made inquiries among the neighbouring estates, and they said generally about one-third of women. 2418. In point of fact, would your estimate be, that the number in your own neighbourhood was about the proportion ? — It was, upon the well-regulated estates. 2419. Upon the best regulated estates ? — Upon the best regulated estates. 2420. What would you give as the numbers upon the less well-regulated estates ? — I do know an estate where there was not one woman existing at all ; the man had 50 males, and he said that he would not be bothered with women at all, they gave so much trouble, and he had none whatever ; but that was a perfect exception. 2421. Did the Africans propagate and increase in your neighbourhood during the time you were there ? — In my own establishment they did not increase at all ; they constantly diminished ; but that is not the rule ; upon other estates they increased and multiplied very much indeed. In the neighbouring company, the Imperial Brazilian Mining Association, on the one side they multiplied very much, and had very fine children, and on the other side of me, at an equal dis- tance of six leagues, on the Katabranka Estate, there was also an English mining company, and the Africans there multiplied exceedingly, and had beautiful children, but we could not get our children to be reared at all. 2422. Is there any cause to which you can attribute that?— Yes ; the locality of Congo is between hills ; those hills are beautifully clothed with trees, and the termperature is so moderated that the variation of temperature each day is not more than three or four or five degrees ; on the other side, Katabranka, is a very exposed situation, about 1,500 feet higher than we are, and the variation of temperature there is not more than four or live degrees a day. In our locality we were down in a basin ; in the morning the thermometer was at 48° ; I have even seen it at 33°, and you would have it at 80* during the day; so that the average of the year was a daily variation of 22 1° of the thermometer. 24J3. Did you consider that very unhealthy ? — Very unhealthy for the labour- ing classes, ^lost of the officers, the superior non-commissioned officers you may say, such as the head mining captains and the men who overlooked the labourers, never became sick, but it was those who had to do the laborious work, who became heated and in a perspiration with exercise ; those people were always liable to be attacked with dysentery in one season, and with pneumonia and pleurisy in anotlicr. 2424, But ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. iGj 2424. But do you consider the climate of Brazil generally as a salubrious ^^ Herring, Esq. climate ? — For the black constitution, I should not say so. 2425. But for the white constitution r — For the white constitution it is so. ■i4ih May '849. 2426. Wben you talk of the climate, you talk of the climate in which you principally lived, which is in the interior and among the hills ; is not that very different from the climate on the coast?— The chmate on the coast is very hot ; that ! should think suitable for the blacks. 2427. Can you state to the Committee the proportion between men and women in Bahia ? — I have heard that there is a very considerable difference, and, perhaps, one in ten, but not down close on the coast in the cities, where, I should think, there were always many more women. 2428. With that proportion of males and females, what is the moral state of the people ? — There is no morality at all amongst the black women. 2429. Would not that alone tend to prevent the increase of the species ? — I have no reason whatever for believing that they are more virtuous in Africa ; a black woman is of her nature, I should say, not virtuous. 24;-jo. You do not know the interior of Africa of your own knowledge? — I do not. 2431. Are the women useful as labourers ? — They are very useful for certain things; but on a mining establishment like ours, their use is very limited. I, therefore, got as many women as I could by possibility employ usefully, and even more, in order that 1 might duly proportion the sexes. 2432. Can you gi-ve the Committee any information as to the effect which the permission of the importation of sugar into England under the recent Act has produced in Brazil ? — ^There is no doubt that as you increase the prosperity of the Brazilians, that is to say, the more sugar and coffee and everything which they grow you take of them, the more induced will they be to have more slaves over ; they will be induced to give a higher price for them. 2433. Has the price of slaves risen since 1846, the year in which the change of the Sugar Duties took place ? — It is a mere fact, that when I left lirazil in 1847, in the beginning of that year, thousands of blacks had been landed on the coast, larger than had ever been the case during my residence in Brazil, for the price of blacks had fallen down fi'om 800 milreas to 600. 2434. Are you aware what it has been since? — I do not know how it has been since. 2435. That you attributed to the greater demand in the labour market from the prospect of an increased demand for sugar? — 1 suppose the slavers had been fortunate in eluding the cruisers, or, perhaps, there had been a laxity on the part of the cruisers. 2436. A few cargoes would make the difference? — Yes. There were supposed to be at Rio then, or in the neighbourhood of Rio, 11,000 or 12,000 blacks for sale. 2437. Do you know, of your own knowledge, whether there is a large extent of country now uncultivated in Brazil capable of producing sugar and coffee abundantly? — For all the world, and more than all the world. 2438. (Jan you tell the Committee at all whether the price of Brazilian sugar is at this moment so unproductive in Brazil, that it is not thought worth while to cultivate for it ? — I have never heard that. 2439. Your impression, therefore, would be, that if the price of African labour were greatly reduced, a large quantity of new land would be brought into culti- vation ? — Of course it would. 2440. Are there many free negroes or persons of colour in possession of pro- • perty in the Brazils ? — there are no large properties in the possession of negroes ; but in the interior there are several large properties in the possession of coloured people, say of mulattoes. 2441 . Have many of them been employed in offices about the Government ?— I should say not. 2442. Are there any blacks in the Legislature ?~I do not think you will find any African of any kind in the Legislature, or even Creoles. The greater number of all those very dark tawney people come from the priests. You frequently go into a priest's house in the country, and you are introduced to a lot of aunts and nephews, and nieces or foundhngs, children that are said to have been laid at their doors and left there ; there is no doubt that those are the children of the priests. 53. X4 2443. And l68 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE C. Herring, Esq. 2443. And they are, generally, mulattoes ? — They have them of all colours. — 2444. Are the feelings between the two colours less distinct than they are in 2 4tli May 184 9. jy^j.^}^ America and the United States ?— Very much less distinct than in the United States. In fact, there are instances of persons holding high official stations, whose origin is known to be mulatto, but whose colour has become so much blanched by intermarriage with whites, that it is difficult to detect their origin. 244,'",. There are not the same assumptions of superiority or indisposition to associate with them ? — Persons whose colour has become considerably diluted are frequently met in society ; but there are many famihes who will not allow of any alliance \Mth coloured persons, however remote their origin. ■2446. Does the priest bring up many coloured sons in his own profession? — A great many ; that is where the greatest number of those coloured people in the Assembly come from ; they are the sons of priests. 2447. -Are there many coloured people amongst the priesthood ? — Yes, several ; mulattoes, and descendants of mulattoes. 2448. Have j'^ou yourself seen any of the European labourers who have immi- grated into Brazil ? — Yes. 2449. Any of the Germans ? — Yes ; you pass through a village of them in coming down from the mines. 24,50. Is that the village of Petropolis ? — Yes. '24.5 1 . Can you give the Committee any account of what you saw there ? — It was a very casual glance of them as I came by ; they seemed to be the commonest German class ; they seemed to be working very steadily there. 24.', 2. Did they seem to be prosperous '. — I cannot say that ; they could not be prosperous, because they had pitched upon a very indifferent locality indeed for success. 2453. Had not the locality been appointed for them by the Government ? — Yes, it had. 2454. What were they cultivating ? — They were first of all building houses, and then each cultivating his own little garden, but it was not in a district where they could cultivate anything with advantage, excepting a little garden-stuff. L.'4.55. Can you give any reason why they were located on that sort of soil ? — I happened to get a letter from a friend of mine in Rio at the time that they arrived there, and when this locality was pitched upon ; and he said it seems that these Brazilians get out Europeans, and as soon as they get them out they are jealous of them, and put them where they cannot succeed ; that was his impression ; he was an Austrian subject. 24.56. Are )0U prepared yourself to think such a solution a probable one .' — Very greatly. 2457. Did you find any great inclination amongst the Brazilians to make trial of free German labour? — I must say that there was, because they got up, I believe, one or two Colonization Societies in Rio de Janeiro, and this was the result, I think, of one of them ; still, amongst the inhabitants themselves there is a jealousy, perhaps, of admitting them. 2458. No Coolies have been introduced into the Brazils, have they ? — None; I do not believe that the Brazilians themselves are in love with slave labour ; they wish for labour of some kind ; labour they must have, and the only labour which is available is slave labour. 2459. •^'^^ ^^^^^ i® much more efficient than any free labour ever obtained ?-- It is, inasmuch as slave labour is more regular. 2460. In whose hands is the chief conduct of merchandize in Brazil ; in the hands of the people of what country ? — It is brought into Brazil, I should say, principally by Englishmen, and from thence transferred to the Portuguese, and from the Portuguese sold to the people in the interior on credit. 2461. Mercantile goods on a large scale are principally paid for by bills drawn upon what nation ? — They are paid for very frequently in cofiiee and in bills drawn on England ; however, those goods themselves are sent out by the prin- cipals, who are already in England, and they send them out to their agents in Brazil. A house in London, for example, has an agency house in Rio de Janeiro; the house in London buys the goods, and sends them out to the house in Rio to be sold ; the house in that city sells them to the Portuguese merchants or shop- keepers, storekeepers, if you like to call them so ; they are sold on credit, per- haps, lor a twelvemonth, or even as far as two years, if the party is a good pay- master : ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 169 master ; this man sells the merchandize by bales or pieces at a time, to people C. Herring, Esq. up the country, also on credit, and they then retail them out by the yard, &c., ., ^, — on credit again, so that it is a system of credit from beginning to end. ^'^ _J12-^' 2462. The Englishman is a merchant, and the others are retail traders ? — Yes. 2463. And all those transactions are conducted Avith very little coin ? — There is almost no coin ; it is all paper. 2464. You spoke of the price of slaves having fallen from 800 milreas to 600, in 1847, when you came away? — Yes. 2465. Can you fix the date at which the fall first became perceptible? — I think about the beginning of 1 847. 2466. Up to that time, and from 1830, it had stood pretty steadily at 800 milreas? — It had gone from 600 up to 700, and from 700 up to 800, and then about the beginning of 1847 it fell back again, in consequence of a very large importation of slaves ; at least, so it was said, for J never saw those slaves ; they were kept in some place out of the way. 2467. But you are certain of the relative price in different years? — Yes; I met droves of those new blacks travelling into the country when I was travelling down from the mines to Rio, in June 1847, and I asked the price of them, and the price was about 600 milreas. 2468. Your own mercantile pursuits in the country do not enable you to tell the Committee at all at what rate per ton you think sugar could be produced in Brazil, if there were an unlimited supply of labour .^^I cannot answer that. 2469. Do you propose returning to Brazil? — No, I have no intention of returning to Brazil. 2470. When you compare the price of slaves at 400 milreas with the price of slaves at 800, to which it has been apparently raised by the action of the squadron, do you take into account the difference of exchange at the two periods? — The exchange has very little at all to do with the price of slaves ; everything is sold there by the milrea, without relation at all to the exchange. 2471. But, in point of fact, are not 400 milreas at one time worth 800 at another, according to the exchange? — At the time when I arrived in Brazil, the exchange actually went down to 20d., even to 19 ^d.; it was 20d. when I arrived, and I have seen it up at 42 d. ; and still when it was up to 42 d. and 40 'h •'"'■e '84l j- up to the present time have returned to their native land. 2607. Did they return after staying some time at the colony, or immediately upon being landed ? — Not immediately on being landed. Some have remained there 20 or 30 years, and have then returned. 2608. Were they christianized before they returned .' — The major part of them were baptized Christians. 2609. Then did they return in the sense of being missionaries ? — Some of them returned as schoolmasters appointed by the Church Missionary Society, and one in Holy Orders. Others have returned, and carry on trade. 2610. In their native country? — In their native country, and with Sierra Leone. 261 1 . How are they treated in their native country after having been with us ? — They are treated very well by their countrymen. 2612. Are they looked up to?^ — ^Very much so in their native land. 2613. So that Sierra Leone, in your judgment, is in that way acquiring an influence for civilizing the remoter parts of Africa ? — Quite so. 26 1 4. From the knowledge which you have acquired of the state of Africa, are you able to tell the Committee what it is which mainly prevents at this time the civilization of Africa? — I think, indeed I am sure, from my own personal experience, and from information which I have received, that the Slave Trade is the one great obstacle to the civilization of Africa. 2615. Woidd you point out to the Committee in what way that prevents the civilization of Africa.-' — In the first place it prevents the estabhshment of all legitimate trade ; secondly, it hinders the progress of all missionary operations in Africa ; and, thirdly, the cultivation of the land by the native population. 2616. Has the prevalence of the Slave Trade any eifect amongst the people themselves in the interior of Africa? — Yes, a considerable eftect. 2617. Does it prevent the security of life and property? — It prevents the security of life and property, and it also tends to make the people afraid to cultivate the land ; that is one very great evil of the Slave Trade ; they have often told me themselves that they are afraid to cultivate their land, because, if they do, some neighbouring chief will make war on them, and destroy all their property. 2618. Then you would trace the checking of all native produce for export to the continuance of the Slave Trade ? — Yes, out of the colony of Sierra Leone. 2619. Can you converse in any of the native languages ? — I can speak a little of the Yarraba. 2620. Has the information which you have been good enough to give the Committee been obtained through the English language or through the Yarraba ? — Both, principally the English. 2621. Do you find amongst the liberated Africans a readiness to receive Christian instruction ? — No people, I believe, are so ready to receive Christian instruction as the liberated Africans. 2622. And when they have received it, do you see the permanent effects of Christianity upon their conduct ? — Decidedly so, in their daily life. 2623. Are the Christian converts to be trusted, as to honesty, chastity and sobriety ? — The Christian converts are to be trusted in these virtues, as much so as in the Church at home. 2624. Do you see the effect of Christianity in eradicating their own natural evil dispositions ? — Yes, the effects of Christianity itself are more conspicuous in the Africans than even in English Christians. 2625. In point of fact, how should you estimate the moral tone of the Christian convert population of Sierra Leone ? — I value it very highly. 2626. Do you exercise any discipline as to those who are admitted to the com- munion in your churches ? — A very strict discipline indeed is exercised ; if any person is found to live immorally or inconsistently with his Christian profession, he is not kept at all as a member of our Church. 2627. Is there any truth in a report which has reached us, that black women living as the concubines of European residents are frequently members of your Church ? — Not of the Church of England, or of the Wesleyans ; such a statement is perfectly untrue. 53. z 2 2628. M'ould iSo MIN'UTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev. T. Peyton. 2628. Would such be excluded ? — They would at once be excluded. 2629. Though that amount of discipUne is used, have you a large number of nth June 1849. communicants of your own body? — We have upwards of 2,000 communicants, and a larger number of candidates for the Lord's Supper and for Baptism. 2630. Out of what number of attendants of your Churches is that 2,000 gathered ? — We have about 8,000 in attendance upon public worship. 2631. So that one-fourth of the number are communicants? — Yes, and another fourth are also in church communion, as candidates for the Lord's Supper and Baptism. 2632. Can you speak, of your own knowledge, of the moral condition of the converts of other rehgious bodies in the colony? — The moral condition of the Wesleyans, with some exceptions, is very good. 2633. How many men of colour are in Holy Orders of the Church of England ? — Three men. 2634. Do you employ many coloured people in the lower offices of the Church ? — We have in our employment at the present time 51 native schoolmasters, and about 31 schoolmistresses. 2635. Have you any catechists ? — We have five native catechists. 2636. What do you mean by " native," negroes born in the colony? — I mean by " native," hberated Africans and their descendants. 2637. Whether they are coloured or not ? — They are all coloured. 2638. But are they half-caste ? — There are no half-caste at all who are liberatad Africans. 2639. -^re those magistrates that you spoke of a short time ago, black ?— They are quite black. 2640. What other sects are there besides the Wesleyans at Sierra Leone ? — There are many who have seceded from the Wesleyans, and are called West African Methodists ,• there are also some of Lady Huntingdon's Connection. 2641. Amongst them do the negroes minister? — Yes, without ordination. 2642. Largely ?— Largely. 2643. Can )'ou state to the Committee anything as to the efficiency of the schools which are conducted by the black schoolmasters ? — I think I can put them on a parallel with any of our village schools in England ; in our two insti- tutions, that is the Foulah Bay Institution and the Grammar School, there is a very high standard of education. 2644. When these pupils leave the school, what course of life do they after- wards follow; what do they look to for their support? — For the last three or four years they have turned their attention more to agriculture, to trades ; more so than in any previous period of the history of that colony. 2645. Did you not state to the Committee that there was a marked improve- ment in the conduct of the colony-born youths of late? — Of late. 2646. Can you trace that to any circumstances of which you can inform the Committee r — I think to the great attention that has been paid by the English clergy to them ; more so than was paid some years ago. 2647. Are the colony-born now risings to wealth and place in the colony? — ■ Some of them are worth considerable sums of money, 2648. How is that money obtained ? — By lawful trade ; they are very fond of trading. 2649. When you say " trade," do they import British goods ? — They import British goods to a large extent at present. 2650. How do they pay for those goods ? — They pay in money, and some in colonial produce. 2651. Whence do they obtain the money to begin trading wit!i ? — They begin in a small way at first ; they accumulate a little money, and then they send it to England, and import their own goods. 2652. Do they send those goods up the country, or are they warehoused at Sierra Leone ? — Some they send up the country, and some are sold in the settle- ment. 26.53. Do they form connections far inland in Africa? — Yes, to a considerable extent ; and they go themselves also and sell those goods ; they go into the interior, and carry on a sort of barter. 2654. What goods do they mainly import r — The Mancliester goods, the manufactured goods ; cotton, hardware, ale, wine and spirits. 2655. Do many go inland with these goods ? — Many of them. 2656. And ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. igl 26,56. And what do they get in return for those? — They get in return gum, R(v- T. Peyton. gold, hides and ground-nuts ; those are the principal articles. ■ 2657. Has any considerahle quantity of gold been imported into Sierra Leone ""^ ' ^ ^' of late ? — I think in the year 1847 to the amount of 21,000/. ; I have a memo- randum of it ; gold exported in 1847, from 16,000/. to 20,000/. 2658. From what country was that brought to Sierra Leone? — Principally through the country to which I have already alluded ; from Timboo and the Foulah country. 265(). Have you any means of informing the Committee whether there is a supply which would afford a large quantity of the same exports ; whether there is any considerable quantity of gold in that country ? — A considerable quantity ; it is also exported from the Pongas, and the Nunez, to almost as large an amount as in Sierra Leone. 2660. Can you tell the Committee, from your own knowledge, whether the natives have shown any readiness to trade in such things instead of in slaves, where the opportunity has been offered to them ? — Decidedly so ; they are very fond of trading ; I speak now of those who have been liberated ; they are very fond indeed of trading in English and native articles. 266 1 . And have succeeded in trading ? — -And have succeeded ; some have accumulated 4,000/. to 5,000/. 2662. So that the impression which you would convey to the Committee is, that Sierra Leone is a flourishing and increasing colony at this moment ? — Most decidedly so. 2663. Has the health of the colony at all improved since you first knew it? — With one year's exception, it has very much improved ; that was in 1847, when we had an epidemic, the yellow fever ; but that is not common to the place ; it is often brought there. ^664. Was that epidemic brought there ? — I believe so. 266.5. Does the fever often spread through the colony on the arrival of ships with the liberated Africans on board ? — It is not often the case. 2666. Was it often the case in the earlier history of the colony ?— I have been led to understand so. 2667. Has the alteration been from any care, or any means of prevention ? — I would attribute it myself to the extensive cultivation of the land for the last five or six years ; you scarcely see any small tract of land but what is cultivated in some way, except the mountainous and swampy districts. 2668. Is the country swampy and wet about Sierra Leone ?- -Round about Wellington, not in Freetown. 2669. And is Wellington less healthy than Freetown ? — Less healthy, con- siderably. 2670. What number of Europeans are now resident in the colony ? — At the close of 1848 there were 95. 2671. Were they, generally speaking, in the enjoyment of good health, or had their health greatly suffered from their residence there ?— I'hey were in the enjoy- ment of comparatively good health. 2672. Had your own health suffered during your residence there ?— At the close of 1847 I suff'ered from the yellow fever, but after that I was better than ever I was there. 2673. When }'ou first settled in the colony, did you go through the seasoning fever r — Yes. 2674. After you had recovered from that, were you liable to the recurrence of fever? — To intermittent fever. 2675. But nothing which threatened life ?— Nothing at all. 2670. Do you trace the want of good health, which has frequently visited the Europeans in the colony, to want of care in their mode of living ?— Sometimes it is the case, particularly so among our European sailors. 2677. From what you have seen of the colony, do you believe that it is much more unhealthy for Europeans than every other hot country ?— I have not had any experience of any other tropical country ; but, from information which I have obtained in other ways, I should think it is quite as healthy as the West Indies. 2678. Are you yourself intending to return to Sierr Leone?— Yes. 2679. Are vou a married man ? — Yes. ^\. z 3 2680. Have iS'J MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev. T. Vcyton. 2680. Have your family enjoyed pretty good health since you have been at Sierra Leone? —My wife has not enjoyed so good health as myself. "^ ^' 2681. Is it commonly the case that European women suffer moi'e than men in the colony ? — ! believe so. 26S2. Are there European physicians in the colony ? — Several. 2683. Amongst whom does their practice he ? — Among the European popu- lation, and also the natives. 2684. Do those natives, of whom you have spoken as having amassed monev, live in any style in Jiierra Leone r — They have as good houses as the Europeans ; some of them better. 268.5. What sort of houses have they ? — The houses adapted to tropical coun- tries ; piazzas all round, with a view to have good ventilation. 2686. Are they fitted up with many of the comforts of life .?— Yes ; sofas and English chairs, and other articles, as you would see in any gentleman's house. 2687. Have they books ? — They are fond of books. 2688. Pictures r — Pictures. 2689. Pictures from England, or pictures executed there? — Pictures from England, and also some executed there. 2690. Have they domestic servants? — Yes. 2691. Female or male ? — Our domestic servants are males. 2692. The question refers to those natives of whom you speak ? — They have domestic servants, males. 2693. You spoke of European physicians ; have they taken any natives into their care to educate them ? — Our medical attendant has taken two to train to medical pi-actice. 2694. Is there an instance of a native practising as a physician ? — Not yet. 2695. Have they carriages in Sierra Leone ? — We have carriages there ; not made there. 2606. But imported from England ? — Imported from England. 2697. Do the native proprietors of whom you speak use English-made car- riages ? — A few do. 26q8. Do they mix amongst one another, according to the custom of English society, at dinners and the like ? — Yes, of the same tribe ; there is a great national feeling among themselves ; they keep their own tribes quite distinct. 2699. Does that continue after they are christianized, and reside in the colony ? — They are united then ; they all unite in supporting English government ; par- ticularly so. 2700. What language do they speak ? — The English. 2701. Almost entirely ? — Yes ; among themselves their own dialects. 2702. Are there any great remains of their native superstitions amongst those who have conformed to Christianity ? — There are some remains, but very few. 2703. Are those difficult to eradicate amongst the liberated Africans ?— Yes, ifi some instances they are difficult to eradicate. 2704. Do the liberated Africans who remain in the colony, keep up any inter- course with their relations living in their own country ? — Those of the Yarraba tribe do ; they have a vessel of their own, manned by liberated Africans, navi- gated by a liberated African, and they trade from Badagry to Sierra Leone in hides and palm-oil, and several other articles ; so that there is a distinct trade between the two settlements carried on by themselves. 2705. Would Sierra Leone ai!brd persons qualified to act as supercargoes and factors, and masters of ships, for English merchants who are trading in the rivers where Europeans could not safely go "? — Yes, some of our pilots are liberated Africans, and a few Nova Scotians, who were the first settlers in the colony. 270C). But are there men of sufficient acquaintance with business, and suffi- cient character, to be trusted in such matters ? —They are trusted at the present time with a large amount of property, as already stated, and I doubt not, in some respects, that such men as the question refers to might be found there. 2707. As supercargoes? — Not exactly as supercargoes, but they might soon be trained and prepared for that business. 2708. But are there those who could be safely employed as supercargoes ? — Yes, ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 1 83 Yes, many ; indeed some of our English merchants have put under the care of Rev. T. Peijton. the native traders 500/. or 600Z., and sometimes 1,000/.; indeed, all the timher agents are trusted by the English merchants to the extent of .3,000/. or 4,000/. "th June 184 9. 2709. Could such persons be found to go further south. Supposing there ' were mercantile expeditions up the Niger, for instance, could there be found in Sierra Leone jiersons qualified to act as supercargoes in those vessels ? — I think decidedly so, if you held out a proper inducement to them. 2710. Has the courage of those people been ever tried? — It was tried in the late Niger expedition ; many of them went in that expedition, and they were almost the only individuals that survived, and that did well. 2711. When you spoke of establishing factories along the coast, did you anti- cipate committing them to the charge of Africans ? — Of Africans ; it would be well to put an European, one who had been seasoned, at those factories. 2712. One European? — Yes, one, as an overseer. 2713. Is it your impression that one European over such armed factories would be able to defend them against native aggression with the Africans whom he had with him? — If he was an Englishman, 1 do not think the natives would molest him, except through the insinuation of the slave agents. 2714. Should you attribute that safety to the presence of a squadron upon the coast, which would be known to defend the Enghsh? — Yes, to the squadron On the coast ; decidedly so. 2715. You would consider the continuance of the squadron necessary to the safety of such factories ? — Yes, until such a time as you had furnished means to supply the wants of the Native Chiefs, 2716. Do you mean the Committee to understand that you think the mainte- nance of the squadron till you had substituted a legitimate trade, as the means by which the Native Chiefs could obtain what they wanted r — Yes. 2717. Should you consider it possible to make such a substitution? — I think so. 2718. Will you state what the population of the colony of Sierra Leone is? — Europeans, 95; Maroons, 460 ; Nova Scotians, 568 ; American black people from Liberia, 98 ; West Indians, 104 ; Liberated Africans and their descendants, 40,026 ; Mandingoes, Susoos and Foulahs, 1,074 ; Sherborers and others, 1,580; Kroomen, 730; aliens and transient strangers, 1,000; making a total of 45,006. 2719. Of those 45,000, how many do you reckon as Christians ? — 1 he number of baptised Christians is 33,006 ; that is including all denominations. 2720. What is the condition of the other 12,000? — They are heathens and Mahometans. 2721. Are those generally parties who have not been long liberated? — Yes, the greater part of them ; but some continue heathens who have been there many years ; they find it difficult to forsake the religion of iheir fathers, they say ; but yet they are willing for their children to learn the Christian religion. 2722. Are those principally heathens or Mahometans who adhere to the religion of their fathers?— Mahometans principally. 2723. But they show no objection to their children being sent to Christian schools? — They do object as a body; there are some exceptions. 2724. Do the heathens object to their children being sent to Christian schools? — Never. 2725. Then, in point of fact, are the majority of the offspring of the Maho- metan liberated Africans brought up as Mahometans? — They are brought up as Mahometans in their own schools ; they have two or three schools in the colony. 2726. Have they any mosque in the colony ?— There were two in 1838, but they have been pulled down. 2727. Why have they been pulled down ? — They could not support them. 2728. Are there any Moolahs in the colony? — A few. 272(j. Are they diminishing in number ? — Sometimes they diminish, but they are only sojourners there. 2730. What is the state of morality among the Mahometan population? — The state of morality among them is not at all good ; the moral state is very bad indeed. 2731. With respect to the heathens, what is their conduct generally ?— They are a very respectful people, but of course they practise all their idolatry as they did in their native land. 53. z 4 2732. Is 184 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Rev. T. Peyton. 2732. Is the state of the liberated Africans a happy one at Sierra Leone? — iith J~iie'i84.Q ^ think there is as large an amount of contentment, happiness, and good order " among them, taking everything into consideration, as you would find in any part of the world. 2733- As their wants have increased, have industrious habits spread amongst them? — Very much so, which has been evinced in the cultivation of the land. 2734. Should you say that the liberated Africans were a very idle people ? — Some tribes are an idle people, some are not ; the Calabars are an idle jieople. 2735. Are they ever reclaimed from their idleness? — Some of them; of course it is a difficult matter to change the habits of individuals. 2736. Do you grow any sugar in Sierra Leone ? — Not any sugar. 2737. Do you grow cotton ? —We grew some cotton a few years ago; there is a little cotton-ground there. 273S. Not to export? — ^Not to export. 2739. Do you use it; have you any cotton manufactory? — We have no cotton manufactory ; it is used there ; cotton near the colony is used ; they weave it into country cloths. 2740. Have you any evidence as to the success of your education?— I have the Governor's testimony contained in this letter which I now hand in. The Witness delivers in the same, which is as follows : Government House, Fort Thornton, My dear Sir, Friday, t January 1847. I REGRET extremely that, owing to a pressure of official business as well as to indisposition, I shall unfortunately be jirevented from attending at the public examination of your scholars to-day. I lament this the more, as it would have been to me a source of the hicfhest grati- fication to have been present at what I believe is the first public examination of the youths of this colony; certainly the first since I first came to it, now close upon 17 years ago.* The various subjects of study embraced in the examination papers, kindly furnished to me by you, evince an onwaid progress in the scale of education as compared with that of former years, which reflects the highest credit, no less in the unremitting zeal and labours of the members of the Church Missionary Society resident in the colony, than in the assiduity of the youths entrusted to their care, and who have, it is pleasing to see, profited so largely by the unwearied exertions of that Society in their behalf. In order to evince the deep interest ! take, and ever must entertain, in the success of so valuable an institution as the Sierra Leone Grammar School, an institution which must be of the greatest benefit to this colony, and ultimately, through the youths educated therein, to the natives of the surrounding countries, I beg to send you herewith five sovereigns, to be divided into prizes, and awarded to the successful competitors as hereunder, which amount I will place annually at your disposal for this purpose ; viz. 1st. To the pupil who shall be adjudged to have made the greatest general pro- gress in all the subjects, or the majority of them enumerated in the examination papers, 1 /. 2d. To the best Classical Scholar in both Greek and Latin, 1 /. 3d. 'I'o the best Arithmetical and Mathematical Scholar, 1 I. 4th. To the pupil evincing the greatest proficiency in the Scriptures, in English History and Geography, 1 I. oth. To the boy who, by the unanimous vote of his fellow students, shall be declared to have conducted himself with the greatest propriety and morality during the past year, the good-conduct premium of 1 /. It will, of course, be optional with you to award these premiums either in money or in books to their respective value, whichever you may consider best; in my own opinion, books would be preferable; but this arrangement is left entirely to your own judgment. In conclusion, I must apologize for the smallness of my donation ; but the fact is, that, one vi'ay or another, I have so many calls on my purse which must be answered, that I am prevented making it as large as I could wish ; small, however, as it is, I hope it will have the effect of creating a spirit of honest emulation amongst your scholars, which will assuredly, if properly directed, secure to them in the end the attainment of more valuable and more lasting rewards. Wishing " i'he Sierra Leone Grammar School" all the success it so richly deserves, Believe me, my dear Sir, Yours most truly. Rev. T. Peyton. (signed) W. N. Macdonald. 2741. If * For many years past tliere have been quarterly examinations of the si-liolars of the day-schools, ami half-yearly ones of the Foulah Bay Institution and the Gvanimav School ; all connected with the Church Missionary Society. ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 1 85 2741. Tf the white population were withdrawn from Sierra Leone, could Sierra R<.v. T. Peyton. Leone maintain itself?— Yes. 2742. Could it defend itself from any hostile attack either by sea or by land 'i "^ ' ""^ * ^^' — We have a military force there, but it is scarcely ever called into use ; much ' would depend as to the nature of the attack of an hostile force, as to whether Sierra Leone would be able to defend itself. 2743. Would tliey be able to defend themselves against the attacks of slave- traders, and the like ? — 1 doubt it very much, without the present military force. 2744. Would the withdrawal of the English squadron probably threaten the security of the colony of Sierra Leone. Supposing the British squadron were to be withdrawn, would the safety of the colony be threatened probably by a com- bination of the slave-traders against it? — I do not think that, with our present military force now in the colony. 2745. It has got too far? — Yes; but I regret that the Slave Trade has been indirectly supported by residents of the colony in the supply of English and American manufactured goods to those engaged indirectly in the Slave Trade, 2746. Do you suppose that they sell English goods for the purpose of buying slaves ? — Those goods are carried down to the Gallinas, to the barracoons, and even in the face of the men-of-war they are taken in, and sold by the Americans to slave agents ; such is my impression. 2747. Do you know anything of the colony of Liberia? — 1 know individuals there. 2748. But you have never been there ?^I have not been there. 2749. Have you ever been at any other point on the coast of Africa besides Sierra Leone? — 1 have been at Port Lokkoh, and at the source of the Nunez. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Ordered, That this Committee be adjourned to Thursday next, Three o'clock. Die Liince, 18° Juniiy 1849. THE LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD in the Chair. ROBERT STOKES, Esquire, is called in, and examined as follows : 2750. HAS your attention been long called to the state of the African Slave R. stokes, Esq. Trade? — For many years ; from the year 1800. 275 1 . Have you made yourself master of what is to be learnt from the reports ^^^' concerning its state at different times during that pei'iod ? — To a very considerable extent. 2752. Are you aware that it is stated that the effect of the cruisers posted by England upon the coast of Africa has been to lead to the crowding of the slave vessels, and so to increase the suffering of the slaves? — I have understood that that has been generally reported, 2753. Are you able to give the Committee any facts which would throw light upon the truth or falsehood of that assertion ? — Yes ; to show that the state of crowding prior to the abolition of the Slave Trade by Great Britain was quite equal to anything that we have heard of since. 2754. Would not that go to establish that the crowding was not the result of cruisers being stationed upon the coast, but the natural course of the traffic itself .'' — Certainly ; I think decidedly so, 2755. Will you put the Committee in possession of any facts to which you are able to speak, which show that the crowding Mas as great as it now is at the time when no cruisers were stationed upon the coast ?— I will do so. Under- standing that it was probable I should be called to give evidence before this Committee upon that point, I have looked over the evidence which was given in former years before this House, and before the House of Commons also ; and 1 have made a few short extracts, showing the state of the slave vessels at an early period, previously to 1793 ; they are not very numerous ; 1 have merely given 53. ' A A therii l86 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE R. Stohes, Esq: them as a sample. I will state the source from which I have derived this infor- mation ; it has been from the evidence given at the bar of the House of Commons 1 8th June 1849. in 1792. This evidence was very voluminous, filling, when printed, three folio ' volumes ; and it being deemed probable that only very few Members of Parliament would be found who would wade through the whole of it, it was thought desirable by INIr. Wilberforce and his friends that an abstract of it should be prepared, especially with a view to the convenience of such Members. This abridgment was accordingly executed by WiUiam Burgh, Esquire, of York ; Thomas Babington, Esquire, late M.P. for Leicester ; the Reverend Thomas Gisborne, of Yoxall Lodge, and one or two others ; and that no misrepresentation of any person's testimony might be made, Matthew Montague, Esquire, M. P., and the Honourable E. J. Elliott, M. P., undertook to examine the abridgment with the original text, and to strike out or correct whatever they thought to be erroneous, and to insert whatever they thought to have been omitted. This having been done, the abstract was then printed, and Mr. Wilberforce presented it to the House of Commons as a faithful abridgment of the whole evidence, and it was received as such under the guarantee of Mr. .Montague and Mr. Elhott. Similar extracts, exhibiting the enormous cruelties, over-crowding, &c., practised in this traffic before it was abolished by England, might be multiplied to almost any extent from the evidence given before the Privy Council in 1788, a Committee of the House of Commons in 1789, at the bar of the House of Lords in 1792, &c. &c. ; but I have confined myself to that taken before a Committee of the whole House of Commons in 1792, as it enables me to use the words of the abridgment, the correctness of which is guaranteed, as before stated, and as they serve well as an example of the mass which might be produced. The same was read, as follows : j\Ir. Knox lias been a Surgeon in the Slave Trade, and subsequently between seven and eight years Commander of an African slave ship. Most generally, he said, the slaves in his ship had room to lie on their backs ; sometimes not. In his last voyage, as Surgeon in the " Tartar," 1781-2, tiie slaves wanted room. Of his 602 negroes, few, except upon deck, had the breadth of their backs; believes the tonnage to have been from 130 to 150 tons. In another voyage they were pretty much in the same situation. The vessel was IOC or 108 tons register; the slaves 450, whites 45. In his last voyage, the ship about 120 tons ; seamen slept upon spars between fore and mainmast, as in all Guineamen ; from 50 to 60 slaves slept upon deck, and 40 to 45 in the cabin; the rest below. Isaac Wilson, a Surgeon in the Navy, made a voyage to Africa in the " Elizabeth," John Smith, from London, 370 tons; sailed 10th May 1788; returned 6th December 178'.); took on board 602 slaves ; all confined at night between decks (a few women excepted) ; lost 165; primary cause of death in two-thirds melancholy ; no other fatal disorder. Had an hospital, but the sick slaves lay on the bare planks, which, by the motion of the vessel, caused excoriations from the prominent parts of the body. Slaves much crowded below ; generally took off his shoes before going down, and was very cautious lest he should tread upon the slaves. Three other vessels, belonging to the same house, the "Elizabeth," Wallis, brought 450 slaves, and buried above 200 before her arrival in the River Plate. TJie " Favounte" bought 468 in Africa ; mortality, 73. The " Elizabeth," Marshall, bought 546; mortality, 158. Dr. Thomas Trotter made a voyage as Surgeon of the " Brookes," from Liverpool to the West Coast, in 1783 ; was ten months on the coast; says slaves in the passage are so crowded below, that it is impossible to walk through them without treading on them. Those who are out of irons are locked spoonways (in the technical phrase) to one another. It is the first mate's duty to see them stowed this way every morning ; those who do not get quickly into their places are compelled by the cat. In this situation, when the ship had much motion, they were often miserably bruised. In the passage, when the scuttles must be shut, the gratings are not sufficient for airing the rooms; he never himself could breathe freely, unless immediately under the hatchway. Never saw ventilators used in these ships; a wiiidsail was often tried on the coast, but he remembers none used in the passage. Has seen the slaves drawing their breath with all those laborious and anxious eflbrts for life which are observed in expiring animals subjected by experiment to foul air, or in the e.xhausted receiver of an air-pump ; has also seen them when the tarpaulings have inad- vertently been thrown over the gratings, attempting to heave them up, crying out, "Kickeraboo! kickeraboo !" i.e., ''We are dying." On removing the tarpauling and gratings, they would fly to the hatchways with all the signs of terror and dread of suffoca- tion ; many whom he has seen in a dying state have recovered by being brought thither, or on the deck ; others were irrecoverably lost by suffocation, having had no previous signs of indisposition. James ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 1 87 James Morley, Gunner of the " Medway," made six voyages to Africa, the first in 1760, R. Sfokes,Esg. the last in 1776 ; says, — When there has been a full purchase, the slaves are closely stowed, but when a short purchase, and they have had mortality, they have more room. He 18th June 1849. has been employed in a full ship in stowing them as close as he possibly could. In most ships he has been in, the men were in irons all the passage ; in full ships he has seen them in great perspirations, especially when rains obliged them to keep tlie gratings long covered ; he has wiped them, and seen them wiped in perspirations so violent as to give reason to think, if they had been long kept so close, suffocation must have ensued, but this he never found. He has seen them under great difficulty of breathing ; the women particularly often get upon the beams, where the gratings are raised with V'anisters, about four feet above the combings, to give air, but they are generally driven down, because they take the air from the rest. He has known rice held in the mouths of sea-sick slaves until they were almost strangled; he has seen the surgeon's mates force the panniken between their teeth, and throw the medicine over them, so that not half of it went into their mouths, the poor wretches wallowing in their blood or excrements, hardly having life, and this with blows of the cat, d ing them for sulky black b s. He declares he has known the doctor's mate report a slave dead, and have him tinown overboard, when he has seen him struggle in the water ; no one could imagine why, only to get clear of the trouble. Sir George Young, Captain in the Royal Navy, has made four voyases to Africa, in 1767, 1768, 1771, 1772 ; has been several times on board slave ships ; they weie all in a state of cleanliness, as clean as their situation, with the number of men confined on board, would admit of. He attempted to go down the fore hatchway of one of them, but was deterred by the stench, which was intolerable, though there were then only 300 on board, and waited for 200 more. The men slaves were all chained, which he considered as a necessary pre- caution, as there were not quite 20 seamen on board at the time. Heiiry Ellison, Gunner of Her Majesty's Ship " Resistance," has been employed in the African trade ; thinks his first voyage was in 1759; remained in the trade till 1770. He has seen slaves faint away in ships from heat and stench. T liey v/exe always much crowded ; had two tier of people on one dec k, one on a platform. They were much crowded in the " Nightingale," a small snow about 170 tons ; purchased 270 slaves ; 30 boys messed and slept in the long-boat all the middle passage; no room below. The "Briton," 230 or 240 tons; much crowded; purchased 375 slaves. Thinks only buried six or seven in the "Nightingale;" were remarkably healthy. They buried near 200 in the "Briton;" last man brought on board had the small-pox. Doctor told Mr. Wilson it was the small-pox, who would not believe it, but said he would keep him, as he was a fine man ; it soon broke out amongst the slaves ; he has seen the platform one continued scab. Hauled up eight or ten slaves dead of a morning ; the flesh and skin peeled off their wrists when taken hold of, many entirely mortified. They buried in the " Nightingale's" second voyage about 150, chiefly of fevers and flux. Mr. Claxton sailed in the "Garland," Captain Forbes, for Africa, 1788, as Surgeon's Mate, and there, on the Bonny Coast, commenced Surgeon to the " Young Hero" brig. Captain Molyneaux. They had 250 slaves, of whom 132 died, chiefly of the flux ; so crowded that they could only lie on their sides ; if they did otherwise, it created quarrels among them ; they were stowed so close that he could not go among them with his shoes without danger of hurting them. This crowded state aggravated their suflerings when ill, and tended to increase the disorder ; it was impossible to treat them with the necessary accommodations. The steerage and boys' room insufiicient to receive the sick, so greatly did the disorder prevail ; they" were, therefore, obliged to place together those that were and those that were not diseased, and, in consequence, the disease and mortality spread more and more ; the Captain treated them with more tenderness than he has heard was usual, but the men were not humane. Some of the diseased were obliged to be kept on deck, with a sail spread for them to lie on ; this, in a little time, became nearly covered with blood and mucus, which involuntarily issued from them, and therefore the sailors who had the disagree- able task of cleaning the sail, grew antrry with the slaves, and used to beat them inhumanly with their hands or with a cat ; the slaves, in consequence, grew fearful of committing this involuntary action, and when they perceived they had done it, would immediately creep to the tubs, and there sit straining with such violence as to produce a ^roZapsus ani, which could not be cured. The same punishments were inflicted, for the same cause, on those who were not quite so ill. Slaves whose flux was accompanied with scurvy, and such cedematous swellings of the legs as made it pain to move at all, were made to dance, as they call it, and whipped with a cat if they were reluctant. The slaves, both when ill and well, were frequently forced to eat against their inclinations; were whipped with a cat if they refused. They used other means still worse, and too nauseous to mention. The parts on which their shackles are fastened are often excoriated by the violent exercise they are forced to take, and of this they made many grievous complaints to him. Fell in with the " Hero," Wilson, which had lost, he thinks, 300 slaves by death ; he is certain more than half of her cargo ; learnt this from the surgeon; they had died mostly of the small-pox ; surgeon also told him, that when removed from one place to another, they left marks of their skin and blood upon the deck, and that it was the most horrid sight he had ever seen. Alexander Falconhridge, ^m-gQon,m^dQ four voyages to Africa, 1780 to 1787; says,— When employed in stowmg slaves, made the most of the room, and wedged them in ; they had not so much room as a man in his coffin, either in length or breadth ; impossible for 53. A A 2 iliem l88 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE R. Stokes, Esq. them to turn or shift with any degree of ease ; had often occasion to go from one side of (, I , - their rooms to the other ; always took oft" his shoes, but could not avoid pinching them ; has '*^' the marks on his feet where tliey bit and scratched him. In every voyage when the ship ~ was full, they complained of heat and want of air. Confinement in this situation so inju- rious, that he has known tiiem go down apparently in good health at night, and found dead in the morning. The surgeon goes below the first thing every morning ; was never amoiio' them ten minutes, but his sliirt was wet as if dipped in water. The "Alexander," coming cut of Bonny, got aground on the bar; was detained there six or seven days with a great swell and heavy rain ; air-ports obliged to be shut, and part of gratings on weather side covered ; almost all the men slaves taken ill with the flux; last time he went down, so hot, he took oft' his shirt; more than 20 had fainted or were fainting; got several hauled upon deck ; two or three died, and most of the rest before they reached the West Indies ; was down about 15 minutes, and made so ill that he could not get up without help ; was taken of a dysentery, and disabled from doing duty the rest of the passage. A place in every ship for sick slaves ; no accommodations for them ; they lie on the bare planks; has seen frequently the prominent part of the bones of the emaciated, about shoulder-blade and knees, bare. If plaster or bandage applied, they generally remove them. Most prevalent disorders in negro ships are fevers and dysenteries ; the consequence of numbers being ill of the latter, extremely noxious ; cannot conceive any situation so dreadful and disgusting. In the " Alexander" tiie deck was covered with blood and mucus ; resembled a slaughter-house ; the stench and foul air were intolerable ; from being down a short time in the " Alexander," is persuaded a night's confinement in that situation would have destroyed him ; thinks, as the tradesmen stand many of these inconveniences, cannot be prevented. Slaves shackled together frequently quarrel ; believes in all slave ships. In each department are three or four tubs ; slaves at a distance find it diSicult to get over other slaves to them ; sometimes if one wants, his companion refuses to go ; if relaxed, one exonerates, while disputing over their neighbours ; this causes great disturbance. In the " Alexander" has known two or three instances of a dead and living slave found in the morning shackled together. Mr. Slo/ces. 1 have prepared, also, a faithful abstract of the Evidence produced on cross-examination at the bar of the House of Commons in 1792, from the Witnesses brought forward by the slave-trading party, in opposition to Sir William Dolben's Bill for regulating the Carrying of Slaves, then before the House. No Witnesses were brought by the Abolitionists. Every slave, whatever his size might be, was found to have only five feet and six inches in length and sixteen inches in breadth to lie in. The floor was covered with bodies stowed or packed according to this allowance ; but between the floor and deck, or ceiling, were often platforms, or broad shelves in the midway, which were covered with bodies also. The height from the floor to the ceiling, within which space the bodies on the floor and those on the platform lay, seldom exceeded five feet eight inches, and in some cases it did not exceed four feet. The men were chained two and two together by their hands and feet, and were chained, also, by means of ring bolts, which were fastened to the deck. They were confined in this manner at least while they remained on the coast, which was from six weeks to six months, as it might happen. Their allowance consisted of one pint of water a day to each person, and they were fed tMice a day with yams and horse-beans. After meals they jumped up in their irons for exercise. This was so necessary for their health, that they were whipped if they refused to do it, and this jumping was termed dancing. They were usually 15 or 16 hours below deck out of the 24. In rainy weather they could not be brought up for two or three days together. If the ship was full, their situation was then distressing ; they drew their breath with anxious and laborious efforts, and some died of suffocation. It is asseited by the advocates for the withdrawal of all restrictions on the Slave Trade, that it is called for on the ground of humanity, as, were the trade left entirely open, the self-interest of the slave-trader would be a sufficient gua- rantee for the merciful treatment of his victims ; that it was not so in respect of Englishmen in former times, the foregoing extracts from the Evidence will clearly show. Mr. Ciarkson, in his " History of the Abolition of the Slave Trade," says, that in his first interview with Mr. Pitt, he (.Mr. Pitt) seemed to entertain this opinion, and on this ground appeared to doubt some of the state- ments made by the advocates of abolition. But Mr. Pitt's speeches in Parliament will show how thoroughly he was subsequently convinced that this his first impres- sion was groundless. The advocates for the withdrawal of the cruisers also say, that such a measure would save the loss of life which now takes place by tlie long detention of the slaves in barracoons, from want of food and from ill treatment, in the case of the place of embarkation being watched by a cruiser, and by their being put on board in haste when an opportunity of doing so occurs. But the Evidence laid before Parliament prior to the abolition of the Slave Trade will show ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 189 show that it was then no uncommon occurrence for slave vessels to remain on the coast for months collecting their cargoes, and that during this period thoir victims were either confined on shore or on board ship, where they were alwavs chained together, and that it was not till they left the coast that the women were in most instances released from their fetters. The returns show that a large portion of the deaths which occurred took place on the coast, that is, during the period of detention prior to the commencement of their voyage to the West Indies. I am decidedly of opinion that the sufferings of the slaves were iar greater, and the deaths much more numerous from their detention on shipboard, while the cargu was collecting, than has been the case since the establishment of the cruisers has led to their detention in barracoons. But even before they fell into the hands of the white trader, they were subject to long detention, and suffered from want of food to that degree which made the African, dearly as it is abundantly proved he loved liberty, prefer slavery to death. The Evidence of Mr. Joseph Fayer, who was examined at the bar of the House of Lords on the 25th May 1792, who was employed in the African Slave Trade for 20 years as mate and master, will show this to have been the fact. In the year 1788, the ship " Brookes" (the slaver in which Dr. Trotter made his first voyage) was examined and measured by Captain Parry, of the Royal Navy, who was sent by Government to Liverpool (where she was then lying) to make a Report lor the House of Commons of the state of the slave ships lying there. His Report mentions the names of the different slave vessels he visited, and their respective dimensions as taken by him. The first on the list of (1 think) I.*) or IG, is the " Brookes," the dimensions of which will be found in the Plan of that vessel, which I will hand in. The same is delivered in, and is as follows : Dimensions of the Ship. Length of the lower deck, grating and bulk-heads included at A A - Breadth of beam on the lower deck inside BB Depth of hold 0, from ceiling to ceihng - - - - - Height between decks, from deck to deck - - _ _ - Length of the men's room C C on the lower deck - _ _ - Breadth of the men's room C C on the lower deck - - - - Length of the platforms D D in the men's room _ _ _ - Breadth of the platforms in the men's room on each side - - - Length of tlie boys' room E E _-.-_._ Breadth of the boys' room -_-__.. Breadth of platforms F F in boys' room ------ Length of women's room GG ------- Breadth of women's room ----_-_- Length of platforms H H in women's room - - - - _ Breadth of platforms in women's room ------ Length of the gun-room I 1 on the lower deck - _ - . Breadth of the gun-room on the lower deck - - - . _ Length of the quarter deck KK- Brcadth of the quarter deck -------- Length of the cabin LL -------- Height of the cabin .------.-. Length of the half deck MM Height of the half deck ---------, Length of the platforms N N on the half deck - - - - - Breadth of the platforms on the half deck --_--. Upper deck P P. Mr. Stokes. Let it now be supposed that every man slave is to be allowed six feet by one foot four inches for room, every woman five feet ten by one foot four, every boy five feet by one foot two, and every girl four feet six by one foot ; it will follow that the annexed Plan of a slave vessel will be precisely the repre- sentation of the ship " Brookes," and the exact number of persons neither more nor less than could be stowed in the different rooms of it upon these data. These, if counted (deducting the women stowed in Z, figures VI and VII) will be found to amount to 451. Now if it he considered that the ship " Brookes" was of 320 tons, and that she was allowed to carry by Act of Parliament 451 slaves, it is evident that if three more could be wedged among the number repre- sented in the Plan, this Plan would contain precisely the number which the Act directs ; and if it should be further considered that there ought to be in each apartment in the Plan one or more tubs as well as stancheons, to support the 53- A A 3 platforms R Sfol-es, Esq. 18th June 1849. Feet. In 100 25 4 10 5 8 46 25 4 46 6 13 9 25 6 28 G 23 6 28 6 6 10 6 12 33 G 19 G 14 6 2 10 6 6 2 16 G 6 This mode and its consequences con- firmed by another species of proof. |()0 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE R. Stokei, Esq. platforms and decks, for which no deduction has been made, in order to give every possible advantage in stowing, then the above Plan may be considered as i8th June 1849. giving a very favourable representation of the stowing of the neo-roes, even after the passing of the Slave Carrying Regulation Act. The Plan, therefore, abundantly proves that the stowage of these poor people, as well as the conse- quences of it, must have been as described by the evidence; for if, when 451 slaves are put into the different rooms of the " lirookes," the floors are not only covered with bodies, but these bodies actually touch each other, what must have been their situation when 600 were stowed in them at the time alluded to by Dr. Trotter, who belonged to this ship, and 609, by the confession of the slave merchants, in a subsequent voyage?* Then, with respect to the loss of life: From papers laid on the Table of the House of Lords in 1799, it appears that in the year 1791 (three years after the passing of the Slave Carrying Act), of 15,754 slaves carried from the coast of Africa, 1,378 died during the middle passage, the average length of which w-as 51 days, making a mortality of 8f per cent, in that time, or of 62^ per cent, per annum, a rate of mortality which would depopulate the earth in a year and seven months. The amount of the mortality in 1792 was, however, still more enormous: of 31,554 slaves carried from Africa, no fewer than 5,413 died in the passage, making somewhat more than 17 per cent, in 51 days. Had the voyage been prolonged, and the slaves continued to die in the same proportion, the whole number would have been swept away in about 10 months. As the loss of life in the ships employed on the coast of Africa for the suppression of the Slave Trade has been urged as a reason for withdrawing them by the advocates of a free trade in slaves, I would wish to notice other cases of mortality which have occurred, but which have never been brought forward, as a reason for retiring from the enterprises in which they occurred, or for the aban- donment of the colonies where they took place. The instances might be increased to almost any extent. The first expedition to India, in 1591, was obliged to send one out of three ships home with the sick before reaching the Cape of Good Hope ; another was lost in a storm after doubhng the Cape ; and the crew of the third escaped but to perish miserably in the West Indies, whither they had been driven.'!" In 1596, out of three ships, only four men survived to tell the tale of famine, disease and storms by which their comrades had fallen. In 1662 five men-of'War, with 500 troops, were sent to take possession of Bombay, where, in a short time, the Commander and the greater part of the troops sickened and died I Many stations were temporarily abandoned for want of means. Calcutta itself was relinquished for 1 1 years ; even in North America the original settlers suffered heavy and grievous losses. The first large body of adventurers in Canada utterly disappeared in a short time, and colony after colony was swept away in Virginia. I'he first body of colonists left in that country must have perished, had they not been brought back to England by Sir Francis Drake. Another colony of 50 men took its place; next year not one was to be found. Another, of 1 15, was left by Governor White ; in three years not a soul remained. In 1609 the settlement of Jamestown amounted to 500 men; in seven months it was reduced to 60, who, worn out by sickness and distress, were in the very act of returning to England, when they were met by the new Governor, who per- suaded them to remain. § On the first acquisition of Jamaica by the English, 140 died weekly for a considerable period. In 1779, on the Windward station, in a fleet of 7,000 or 8,000 men, with very few cases of yellow fever, the mor- tality was one in seven. || In 1819, two regiments, said to contain nearly or quite 1,000 men, went out to Jamaica ; in two months after their arrival they had lost 600.^ In 1825 one entire regiment out of five (in number) was lost in eight months in Jamaica ; and three Governors were appointed to Fort Charles in the space of 19 months. In the same year the " Scylla" sailed on the 16th August from Port Royal for Carthagena ; about the 25th a fever broke out, and by the 16th * The situ.ition of the slaves must have been dreadful, even under the Parliamentary regulations, for their bodies not only touched each other, but many of them bad not room to sit upright ; for when every deduction has been made, the height above the platform D F H, Fig. 1, and below it, C E G, is, in the " Brookes," but two feet seven inches. The average height in nine other vessels, measured by Captain Parry, was only five feet two inches; and in the " Venus" and " Kitty " the slaves had not two feet above or below the platfonn. The slaves immediately under the beams must have been in a still more dreadful situation, as is seen by the Plan ; for in Fig. 1, under the upper dei^k, P P, and lower deck, A A, these beams are represented by shaded squares, as also are introduced in Fig. II. and Fig. III. t Mills' British India, p. 9. J Ibid. p. 9. § Moore's American Geography, 1794. || Blaae's Select Dissertations. IT England enslaved liy her own Colonies. By James Stephens. ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADK. igi I6tli September, out of 85 on board, they had buried the captain, first lieutenant, R. Stohs, Esq. two surgeons, one assistant-surgeon, two midshipmen, the clerk, carpenter, and twelve or fourteen of the crew, or one-fourth of the entire number within a iSiii June 1849. month.* At the close of 1841 the ravages of disease throughout the West India Islands were very severe. Letters from Dominica, dated 24th December, state, that during the 24 hours preceding, two officers, 13 privates, two women and two children (19), had died. And from St. Thomas, 15th December, that 13 had died during the night, and nine in the morning. The mortality occasioned by the Slave Trade is too well known to require any addition to the statements already made. It is an acknowledged fact, that of 1,000 victims, one-half perisli in the seizure, the march to the coast, and the detention there ; one-fourth in the middle passage, and one-fifth of the remainder in the seasoning.! The loss of life by the crews employed in the slave ships, Mr. Clarkson, in his " Impolicy of the Slave Trade," states to be between a fourth and fifth of the whole number employed {vide that work, page 57) ; and in aid of this trade large grants were annually voted by Parlianaent tor the support of the forts on the coast, expressly established for its protection and encouragement. •• 2756. Then the Committee are to understand that you gather from these ex- tracts, that the crowding of the slave vessels before the institution of the cruising system was as great as it is at present ? — Quite as great. 2757. At that time was the passage longer or shorter than it is at present ? — I am not prepared to say. 2758. You are not aware that the fact of their being liable to seizure has led to their exerting themselves to diminish the time occupied in the passage? — No, I am not informed upon that point. 2759. ^^^ yo^ ^'^'^ ^o state anything to the Committee as to the state of the lawful traffic to Africa at the time when the Slave Trade was uninterrupted by our cruisers r — I feel considerable diffidence in offering any remarks on the subject of the commerce of Western Africa, feeling that there are many gentlemen inti- mately connected with it, who from that circumstance are capable of entering much more into accurate detail than I am myself; yet, having in former years been much connected with Africa and African subjects, I am induced to submit a few general observations, with a view of showing the immense increase of the innocent traffic, which, as compared with the slave traffic, must tend to benefit and civilize Africa, which has taken place since the Slave Trade was abolished by Great Britain. It appears from Custom-house Returns officially laid before Parliament, that the average annual value of all imports from Africa into Great Britain for 20 years prior to 1787, fell short of 72,000/. ; and even this small sum included the imports, not only from the whole western coast of Africa, between Cape Negro, in latitude 16° south, and the Straits of Gibraltar, but also from some parts bordering on the Mediterranean. The average annual value of these imports during the last five years of that period, viz., 1783, 4, 5, 6 and 7, appears, from the same official Returns, to have been about 90,500/. If from this amount be deducted the value of the articles appearing to have been imported from ]\Iorocco, and other adjoining countries, there will be left somewhat less than 70,000/. for the value of all our imports from the western coast of Africa, that is, from the country lying between Cape Blanco, latitude 21° north, and Cape Negro, latitude 16° south, being an extent of 4,500 miles of coast. The average annual exports from Great Britain, to the western coast of Africa, during the same period (exclusive of the exports connected with the Slave Trade), may be estimated at a sum not materially exceeding 50,000 /. I have been unable to find any documents or means of information which will enable me to show what was the extent of the commerce of Great Britain with Africa (unconnected with the Slave Trade) during the period from 1788 to 1807, the year in which the Slave Trade was abolished ; but there is good reason to believe that it had not materially increased within that time. 2760. Can you state anything to the Committee as to the increase of the lawful trade with Africa since the abolition of the Slave Trade? — I can; it might be impracticable at present, from the loss of the Custom-house books, to obtain any authentic account of exports and imports during the following seven or eight years ; but this defect of official information is in some degree supplied by an authentic statement, made out on a particular occasion by a Committee • Authority — Captain the Honourahle F. Maude, r. n. f See Uuxton's Slave 'J'rade, and Remedy, p. 200. .'5;i- A A 4 1Q2 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE R. Stolces, Esq. Committee of the African Company, from accounts with which they were furnished from the Custom-house through the intervention of Government. i8tl) June 1849. f jjg object of the Company in obtaining these accounts was, to procure autiientic data relative to some public measure which was in agitation connected with the African trade. The following statement was extracted from the books of the Company: Imports from Africa into Great Britain, 1808, 374,300/.; 1809, 383,926/. ; 1810, 535,577/., exclusive of gold-dust, which is not subject to any Custom-house entry. Exports from Great Britain to Africa, 1808, 820,194/.; 1809,976,872/.; 1810,693,911/. The great difierence between the value of the exports and imports in this case was accounted for by an experienced officer of the African Company, by supposing that a large proportion (from one-third to a half) of the goods exported was captured by the enemy. If this be the true explanation, the account must have been balanced by the exports of gold- dust and the bills of exchange drawn from the British settlements on the African coast. Another supposition (and perhaps a more probable one) is, that a con- siderable part of the exports found their way into the hands of the contraband slave-traders, and was employed in carrying on their illegal speculations. But taking the imports alone, the increase in the commerce of Africa during this latter period is altogether astonishing, so much so, as almost to induce a suspi- cion that there is some fallacy in the statement, although there does not appear to be any specific ground for questioning its correctness. For if to the amount of the imports, as above stated, is added the value of the gold-dust imported, it will be found that this additional commerce nearly fills up the chasm occasioned by the abolition of the Slave Trade, extensively as that trade was carried on bv this country. But considering this statement only as a general proof of the great increase of the African trade (without attempting to assign the exact pro- portion of increase), I will take another view of the same subject. The Gold Coast is about 250 miles in extent, little more than a twentieth part of the whole coast extending from Cape Blanco to Cape Negro. Previously to the abolition of the Slave Trade, the imports into Great Britain from this space of coast used to consist of about 20 tons of ivory, valued at 7,500/., and about 1,000 ounces of gold dust, at 4,000/.; total, 11, .500/. Since the aboHtion of the Slave Trade, the imports from this tract of coast have greatly increased ; and it may be stated, on the undoubted authority of intelligent persons perfectly acquainted with the facts, that the importations have amounted during the first 15 or 16 years after the abolition to the annual value of from 120,000/. to 180,000/.,* and in some subsequent years to a much larger sum.t The annual import of gold alone is stated to be about 30,000 ounces, and the importation of palm oil, which in 1790 was 2,599 cwts., progressively rose in amount, till in 1846 it amounted to 414,570 cwts. Thus it appears that the importation from the Gold Coast alone (a space of 250 miles) into Great Britain, since the abolition of the Slave Trade, has been more than 10 times the amount of the importation from the whole slave coast of Africa (an extent of 4,500 miles) prior to that event. A further exam])le may be taken from the colony of Sierra Leone, where in 1790 we had no settlement, and from which river, if any exports took place beyond that of its inhabitants, they were so insignificant, that no trace of them is now to be found. In 1839 and the two following years, imported merchandize, chiefly the produce of English manufacture, on which the duty alone paid at the Custom- house now established there (at the rate of three per cent., and a small additional sum on spirituous liquors and tobacco), amounted to 32,687/. 4s. O5C?., indicating the value of the importations in those three years to have been upwards of a million sterling ; while the exports, according to Custom-house Returns, were /. In the Gambia, where a British settlement was established long after that at Sierra Leone, the duties paid amounted in the same three years to 11,468/. Os. 10 d. ; indicating the value of the merchandize imported to have been upwapds of 382,000/. ; the duties in both cases were on the net invoice cost of the goods, exclusive of packages, charges, &c. The facts which I have stated relative to the extent of our innocent and legitimate commerce with the western coast of Africa must be considered as highly important, both as showing how extremely small that commerce was prior to the abolition of the Slave Trade, and hovv much it has increased during the period which has since elapsed, which increase has certainly been much more considerable than there was any good reason for expecting under the actual circumstances of the case. If we are told of a country whose staple article of export trade consisted * Z. Macaulav. t MacGrcgov I.aml. ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. '93 consisted of its own inhabitants, its men, women and children, who wore pio- R. Stolies, Esq. cured (as must necessarily happen in the case of a large and continued export) by treachery and violence, where the whole population was either living in ^^^' continual apprehension of captivity and eternal banishment from their native soil, or employed in contriving the means of inflicting- those evils upon others, we should at once conclude, that the very insecurity of person and property which such a state of society implied, would of itself extinguish all the motives to regular industry, and limit the culture of the soil very nearly to what was required for supplying the immediate wants of nature. Such, in fact, were the circumstances of Africa prior to the year 1S08, at which time the Slave Trade carried on bv Great Britain and the United States of North America havine; been abolished by those respective governments, and the Slave Trade of France and Holland being virtually abolished by the war, a considerable mitigation of the prevailing evils took place. But since that period, an enormous contraband Slave Trade has been carried on : I mention the fact, for the purpose of showing that considerable obstacles to improvement, arising from the partial continuance of the Slave Trade, are still experienced even in that part of Africa which has enjoyed the greatest privileges and exemptions. Under such circumstances it would be most unreasonable to look for that progress in the arts of agriculture and peaceful commerce which we should be entitled to expect in case the suppression of the Slave Trade had been complete and universal. But even under much more favourable circumstances than we have reason at present to expect, it would by no means follow that the mere removal of that great obstacle to regular industry and commerce would in any very short space of time produce ' considerable or extensive improvements. Ihe ignorance, the profligacy, the improvidence, and the various other moral evils which necessarily accompany the Slave Trade, will, it is to be feared, long survive the extinction of that traffic which produced and fostered them. The whole history of mankind shows that the progress of civilization is always extremely slow during its earliest stages, and that the first steps in the career of improvement are constantly the most painful and ditficult. Hence we may be justified in drawing the most favourable conclusions from the comparatively great increase which has already taken place in the commerce of Africa during a comparatively short period, in consequence of a partial removal of those evils which previously had almost excluded the very possibility of improvement. In support of the foregoing statement, 1 beg leave to append an extract from a Narrative of an Expedition into the Interior of Africa, by Messrs. Laird and Oldfield, published in 1837.* * Mr. Laird, in his remarks on our commerce with Africa, reviews tlie nature and extent of our trade, and the capital employed in it, and shows tlie fatal efi'ect which the Slave Trade has on the len-itimate commerce, and the advantages which would result from the annihilation of the former, and the establishment of the latter in its stead. Mr. Laird commences his statement with the following account of our trade with Africa, which he says is essentially one of barter, British manufac- tures being- exchanged for African produce. It is free and unfettered, the only Custom-houses being at the European Settlements ; and its nature may be judged of from the following abstract of the Imports and Exports. Exports to the Western Coast of Africa, British Produce and Manufactures (from Porter's Official Tables) : I £' In 1827 I 155,759 In 1834 (being an increase of 110 per cent.) - £.326,483 Estimated value of Foreign and Colonial Exports 150,000 476,483 Estimated Value of Imports in 1834. Teak Timber - 13,000 loads, at 8/. per load - Bees' Wax - - 3,058 cwts., at 8/. per cwt. - Hides - - - 5,526 cwts., at 56s. per cwt. - Ivory - - - 2,567 cwts., at 25 Z. per cwt. - Palm Oil - - 13,945 tuns, at 34/. per tun - Dry Woods, Cane Wood, Bar Wood, &c. - Gum Senegal and Gum Copal - - . - - Gold Dust, 60,000 ounces, at 4 /. Specie and Bills ..----- Total - - - £. £. 104,000 24,464 15,742 64,175 458,810 20,000 100,000 240,000 50,000 1,077,191 53. B B British R. Slakes, Esq. i8th June 1849. 194 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE British sliipping employed in the trade, 1820 Ditto 1834 Imports of Palm Oil - - - 1827 Ditto 1834 Tons. 22,387 68,046 4,700 13,500 The value of the trade ia therefore as follows : — Imports - Exports - Labour and manufacturers' profit on British produce and manufactures, taken at 70 per cent, on 326,483/. British labour, transit, and other charges on 150,000 Z. of forei"-n and colonial goods, at 25 per cent. - . - Annual national gain £. £. 1,077,191 476,483 600,708 228,538 37,500 866,746 By comparing this with the trade of other countries, the importance of our commerce with Africa will be seen more clearly. Our exports to Africa in 1834 were five times as great as those to Sweden j five times and a half as great as those to Norway ; more than three times as great as those to Denmark • and almost two and a half times as great as the exports to Prussia. The British shipping employed was double that used in the Swedish trade ; six times that trading to Norway ; far greater than that employed in the trade with Denmark or Prussia ; double that in the Turkey and Levant trade • equal to' the whole of the Brazil trade ; and, in amount of tonnage, greater than that employed in the Whale Fishery. Mr. Laird goes on to prove his case in the following manner: — In the Bonny, Calabar, and Camaroons rivers, there are always British ships loading with palm oil and other African produce, their commanders and crews making every exertion to complete their cargoes, and the natives actively engaged in collecting produce from the interior ; the whole pre- Bentinc an animated scene of honest and legitimate industry. A slave-trader arrives in the river ; the trade with the British vessels is instantly stopped ; the canoes of the natives are armed and equipped for a marauding expedition to procure the slaves ; and until those slaves are procured, no lei-itimate trade is pursued. I submit that this involves a loss of British capital and life in the followin"- way : A vessel is despatched to the Coast of Africa to procure a cargo of produce in as short a time as possible ; she arrives there, and in three or four months has three-fourths of her caro-o on board, and the remainder contracted for ; most probably paid for. A slave-vessel enters the river, and the consequences above detailed ensue. Instead of finishing her lading in four months, and escaping with comparatively little loss of life, the fair trader has to remain until the smuggler's cargo is complete, and loses one-half of her crew. The owner loses the interest on the outlay, suffers the depreciation of his vessel, and, as a consequence, from his vessel being only half manned, has to pay a higher rate of insurance on his voyage home. Number of Ships and Amount of Tonnage employed in Trade to and from the Western Coast of Africa in 1846. Inward. Outward. Ships. Tonnage. Ships. Tonnage. Gambia - . . . . 9 1,0G8 10 1,402 Sierra Leone . . - - 33 9,067 42 12,383 Gold Coast .... 14 2,153 15 2,247 Fernando Po - 2 351 3 Foreign! 1 J 87 1,025 229 Western Coast ... 127 29,651 19,788 Foreign! 1 / 143 Totals ... 185 42,290 159 37,219* Amount Porter's Tables, Part XVI., Section A., p. 52. i\ ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 19; Amount of Value of Exports of British Produce and Manufactures to the Western Coast of Africa, 1835 to 1846. 1835 1836 1837 1838 1839 1840 1841 1842 1843 1844 1845 1846 1847 £. 292,540 467,186 312,938 413,354 468,370 492,128 410,798 459,685 590,609 458,414 532,028 421,620 518,420 R. Stokes, Esq. i8tb June 1849. List of Principal Ai-ticles imported into Great Britain from tlie Western Coast of Africa in the Years 1835 to 1346, botli inclusive. 1835. 1836. 1837. 1838. 1839. 1840. 1841. 1842. 1843. 1844. 1845. 1846. Lbs. 247 Lbs. 7,414 165,285 Lbs. 17,328 267,303 Lbs. Lbs. 7,077 04,203 Lbs. 13,432 15,283 Lbs. 1 438 Lbs. 2 459 Coffee - - - - Lbs. 63,338 48,937 12,518 . . Lbs. 94,244 69,272 Lbs. 31,106 24,354 ( Elephants' Teeth - Civts.qts.lbs. 2,195 a 22 Cvfs. qrs. lbs. 2,411 26 Cwts. qrs. lbs. 2,244 1 2 Cwts. qrs. lbs. 2,101 25 Cwts. 1,633 . Cwts. 2,129 Cwts. 1,535 Cwts. 1,773 Cwts. 1,686 Cwts. 1,490 Cwts. 1,43a i Ginger - - - - % 11 115 26 610 3 20 699 3 3 918 - Lbs. 738 1,868 1,541 2,356 3,932 6,629 ; Gum - - - - 1 Hides .... 376 3 23 2,0SO 3 19 288 3 11 1,110 15 18 Cutts. 4,943 Lbs. 20 1,768 2 18 4,519 3 12 701 - 3,543 4,145 1,939 Cwts. 699 874 ' Palm Oil - - - 256,337 16 276,635 9 223,292 1 281,371 3 6 343,449 - 397,075 420,171 407,884 414,670 500,833 360,452 Pepper - - - - Lbs. 49,453 Lbs. 66,192 Lbs. 109,505 Lbs. 12,775 Lbs. 10,833 . Lbs. 22,359 Lbs. 46,766 Lbs. 33,062 Lbs. 28,519 Lbs. 47,439 Lbs. 98,166 Rice - - - - Cwts. qrs. lbs. 738 I 24 Cults, qrs. lbs. 1,021 1 3 Cwts. qrs. lbs. 3 3 12 Cwts, qrs. lbs. 3 6 Cwts. 2 . Cwts. 20 Cwts. 19 . Cwts. 72 Cwts. 26 Cwts. 1,087 Ditto in Husk BtisheU. 12,946 Bushels. 13,390 Bushels. 4,975 Bushels. 116 Bush. 1,576 . Bmh. 3,388 Bush. 15 - . - Or,. 67 1 , Bees' Wax - Cwts. qrs. lbs. 3,913 19 Cwts. qrs. lbs. 4,389 8 Ctrts. qrs. lbs. 4,600 2 23 Cwts. qrs. lbs. 4j382 19 Cwts. 4,763 . Cwl.^. 5,160 Cwts. 4,617 Cwts. 3,900 3,966 4,483 Cwts. 5,226 Lbs. 1,191 Lbs. 838 2 345 Lbs. 3,795 Lbs. 1,645 Lbs. 2,339 Lbs. 18,764 Lbs. 2,028 Lbs. 1,224 Lds. 309 Lds. 1,163 Lds. 302 Lds. 119 1 Teak . - - - Life. ft. 13,405 22 Lds. ft. 23,251 7 Lds. ft. 11,143 3 Lds. 11,037 Lds. 13,127 14,414 7,132 4,865 7,480 Lds. 7,686 Cwts. qrs. lbs. 14 1 14 , _ . . . 6 Tom. 270 Undressed Skins - _ Ifo. 1,940 Ko. 4 Cu^ts. qrs. lbs. 3 3 21 Cwts. 36 - No. 106 21 - Ko. 298 Ko. 7,013 - 1 Cotton Wool - - - - - - Lbs. 0,924 Lbs. 791 Ll.s. 3,897 Lbs. 51,969 - Lbs. 63,071 — - - - — t 2761 . Have you any evidence to lay before the Committee as to the effects of the Slave Trade upon the coast of Africa ?— I have some taken from the pub- lished travels of some of the parties who have visited the coast ; but nothing of a very late date. 2762. You have some extracts which show what the effect has been ever since its existence? — Yes. Of the mode of making slaves in Africa, I believe I am not called upon to say a word ; but I may, perhaps, be allowed to add the fol- lowing short extracts upon the subject of their treatment prior to their embark- ation. Bryan Edwards, himself a planter, and dealer in slaves, and an advocate for the continuance of the traffic, in a speech delivered in the Jamaica House of Assembly, said, " I am persuaded that Mr. Wilberforce has been very rightly informed. 53- ♦ Porter's Tables, Part XVI., Section A., p. ISO. t Monthly Report, Board of Trade, October 1847. I Porter's Tables qf Revenue, Population, Commerce, &c. B B 2 lyG MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE R. Siokfi, Esq. informed as to the manner in which slaves are generally procured. The intelli- crence I have collected fiora my own negroes abundantly confirms Mr. Wilber- iSihJ.M... 1S49. force's account; and I have not the smallest doubt that in Africa the efl^cts of this trade are preciselv such as he represents them to be. The whole or the "■reatcst part of that immense continent is a field of warfare and desolation, a wilderness in which the inhabitants are wolves towards each other. That this scene of oppression, fraud, treachery and blood, if not originally occasioned, is in part, 1 will not say wholly, upheld by the Slave Trade, I dare not dispute. Everv man in the Sugar Islands may be convinced that it is so, who will inquire of anv African negroes on their first arrival concerning the circumstances of their captivity. Tlie assertion that a great many of these are criminals and convicts is a mockery and insult." It is said that the negroes who are purchased by us would be put to death if we did not buy them. No proof whatever has been produced of this assertion, while there is much evidence of a contrary tendency to be found in the Privy Council Reports (particularly pages 18, 33 and 35), and in the publications of travellers, both ancient and modern, particularly Bosnian (page lo.*)) and Park. This last writer states (page 26), that if there is no market for the slaves who are brought down from the interior to be sold, they are chained together in pairs, and employed in the labours of the field. Not one word of putting them to death. And lie observes, that it sometimes happens that a humane master incorporates them among his domestics (page 23) ; after which they cannot be sold without being first brought to a pubHc trial (pages 23 and 287j. I would refer, also, to the Evidence taken before the House of Loi-ds in 1799 (pages 235, 335). I have also some further extracts on the subject, which I will beg leave to lay before the Committee. The same was delivered in, and read, as follows : Extracts from Major Gray's Travels in Africa, 1818 to 1821. I HAD an opportunity of witnessing, during this short march, the new-made slaves, and tlie sufi'eriiigs to which they are subjected on their first state of bondage. They are hurried along (tied as I before stated), at a pace little short of runnin?, to enable them to keep up witii the horsemen, who drove them on as Smitlifield drovers do fatigued bullocks. Many of the women were old, and by no means able to beai- such treatment; one, in particular, was at least 60 years old, in the most miserable state of emaciation and debility, nearly doubled together, and with difficulty dragging her tottering limbs along; she was naked, save from her waist to about half-way to her knees : all this did not prevent her inhuman captor from making her carry a heavy load of water; while, with a rope about her neck, he drove her before his horse ; and whenever she showed the least inchnation to stop, he beat her in a most unmerciful manner with a stick. The sufferings of the poor slaves during a march of eight hours, partly under an excessively hot sun and east wind, heavily laden with water, of which they were allowed to drink very sparingly, and travelling bare- foot on a hard broken soil, covered with thorny underwood, may be more easily conceived than described. One young woman, who had for the first time become a mother only two days before she was taken, and whose child, being thought by her captor too young to be worth saving, was thrown by the monster into its burning hut, from which the flames had just obliged the mother to retreat, suffered so much from the swollen state of her bosom, that her moans might frequently be heard at the distance of some hundred yards. When refusing to go on, she implored her fiend-like captor to put an end to her existence. A man also lay down, and neither blows, entreaties nor threats of death could induce him to move. Never did I witness (nor did I think it possible), that a human being could endure such tortures as were inflicted on this man. From Major Denham's Narrative. The ground around the well (at Meshroo, in Fezzan) is stren-ed with human skeletons of the slaves who have arrived exhausted with thirst and fatigue. Every few miles a skeleton was seen through the whole day. About sunset we halted near a well, within half a mile of Meshroo. Uound this spot were lying more than 100 skeletons, some of them with skin still remaining attached to the bones. V\'e bivouacked in the midst of these unearthed remains of the victims of persecution and avarice, after a long day's journey of 26 miles, in the course of which, one of our party counted 107 of the skeletons. During the last two days we had passed on an average from 60 to 80 or 90 skeletons each day; but the numbers that lay about the wells at El Ilanmier were countless. If the hundreds, nay, thousands of skeletons that whiten in the blast between this place and Moursuh did not of themselves tell a tale replete with woe, the difference of appearance in ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. J9: in all slaves here (where they are fed tolerably), and the state in which they usually arrive R, Stokes Esq in Fezzan, would but too clearly prove the acuteness of the sufferings which commence on 1 their leaving the Negro country. i8tb June 1849. Extracts from Narratives by Major Denham, Captain Clapperton and Dr. Oudney. Near the wells of Omah, numbers of human skeletons, or parts of skeletons, lay scattered on tiie sands, not even a little sand thrown over them. While 1 was dozing on my horse about noon, overcome by tlie heat of the sun, which always shone with great power, I was suddenly awoke by crashing under my feet, wliich startled me excessively ; I found that my steed had, without any sensation of shame or alarm, stepped upon the perfect skeletons of two human beings, cracking their brittle bones under his feet, and by one trip of his foot separating a skull from the trunk, which rolled on like a ball before him. This treaty of alliance was confirmed by the Sheikh's receiving in marriage the daughter of the Sultan of Maiidara, and the marriage portion was to be the produce of an immediate expedition into the Kirdy country, called Musgow, to the south-east of Mandara, by the united force of the Sheikh and the Sultan. The results were as favourable as the most savage confederacy could have anticipated: 3,000 unfortunate wretches were dragged from their native wilds, and sold to perpetual slavery ; while, probably, double that number were sacrificed to obtain them. Dirkulla was quickly burnt, and another smaller town near it, and the few inhabitants that were found in them, who were chiefly infants and aged persons unable to escape, were put to death without mercy, or thrown into the flames ; at least 20,000 poor creatures were slaughtered, and three-fourths of that number, at least, driven into slavery. Extract from Robert Adams's Narrative. From the Praa southwards, the progress of the sword, down to the very margin of the sea, may be traced by mouldering ruins, desolated plantations, and osseous relics. I could fill many volumes with similar extracts. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Ordered, that this Committee be adjourned till Thursday next. Three o'clock. Die Jovis, ^1° Jtmii, 1849. THE LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD in the Chair. Captain HENRY JAMES MATSON, R. N., was called in, and examined as follows : 2763. HAVE you been employed in cruising off the coast of Africa?— Yes, Captain about six years. ^- J- Matson, R.N. 2764. Will you state to the Committee the years during which you were so 5^^^ j'^jg employed? — Between 1833 and 1843. " 2765. Under what Commodores did you serve ?— Under Admiral Sir Edward King, Admiral Elliott, C:;aptain Tucker, and Captain Foote. 2766. VVere the last two in command of the African station for a time? — "i'es ; they were senior officers commanding. 2767. Was the svstem on which the cruisers were managed changed during that time ?— No ; the system was nearly always similar during those years ; it was in a measure altered by Captain Tucker, who was the first to institute a strict blockade ; that is, an endeavour to prevent the shipping of slaves, instead of capturing vessels. 2768. Before Captain Tucker's time the main attempt had been to intercept vessels laden with slaves ?— To make captures. 2769. What was the change which Captain Tucker introduced?— He kept the vessels stationed at particular points where the slaves were embarked. 53. B B 3 -770. Will ,q8 minutes of evidenck before select committee Captain '^770. Will you tell the Committee what, in your judgment, the effect of that II.J.Matsrm,R.K. change was upon the operations of the cruisers? — It had the effect of driving g the slavers from the coast ; they were not able to make their ports, or to ship = i st une 1 4 9- ^^^.^ ^j^^^,^^ ^^ ^j^^ depots that were previously established. •2"7i. Were you at anchor ?— No ; generally cruising close to the shore. 2---2. Within what distance? — Within three or four miles, according to cir- cumstances : there are very few places where you should anchor. •2'-'i. What was the effect of that cruising close to the shore? — It was to prevent the slave vessels embarking the slaves ; it had the effect of sending them awav, and of capturing many more empty vessels than full ; j^reviously they were almost all full vessels that were captured. ,2774. In vour judgment, was that more injurious to the Slave Trade as a trade than the system of cruising further off the coast ?— Yes, certainly. 2775. It had greater effect? — No doubt of it; they were able to capture so many more vessels. 2776. Looking at the map of Africa, wiU you state to the Committee at what points those vessels were stationed which were engaged in that close cruising ? — At the time of which I speak there w^as very little Slave Trade north of Sierra Leone. In the Rivers Nunez and Pongos there was always some little trade, but it was very easy to stop it ; one vessel would guard the two rivers, it was so difficult to get out there. Then south of Sierra Leone, between Sierra Leone and Cape Palmas, was always the chief slave mart of the northern coast of Africa; that is north of the Line. At the Gallinas, and along the coast to the southward, it was more easy to prevent the Slave Trade, because there was but little com- munication by land ; a vessel cruising there could prevent them embarking slaves. There are so many small independent tribes not always on the best terms with each other, that they cannot always take slaves through them. 2777. Where w^as it exactly that that close cruising was practised ? — Every where to the North of the Equator. 2778. That would be from the Gaboon River to the north? — Yes; these were the only spots north of the Equator where the Slave Trade was carried on between the Gallinas and Cape Palmas, and in the Bight of Benin. 277Q. It had been expelled entirely from the Ivory Coast and from the Gold Coast? — And from the Bight of Biafra ; it ceased there in the year 1838 or 1839. 2780. To what do you attribute its ceasing in the Bights at that time? — To tlie great number of captures ; the last 12 vessels that sailed out of Havannah for the Bight of Biafra were every one taken, up to 1839. 2781 . Under whose command was that ? — Under Captain Tucker and Captain Craigie. 2782. That was under the system of close cruising ? — Yes ; it is much easier to watch rivers than it is the coast ; therefore it was much more easy to drive them from the rivers than from the open coast. 2783. Then the Committee are to understand that at that time there was no Slave Trade going on north of the Line, except about the GaUinas; was there none going on about ^\'hydah and Badagry ? — Yes ; at Whydah, Badagry and Lagos there was veiy httle betw^een 1839 and 1842. 2784. Was that owing to the great success of the cruisers in intercepting the slaves ? — I think it was ; vessels were stationed at particular spots, one at Whydah, another at Lagos, and another at Popoe, and not allowed to leave, and the slavers were then unable to ship slaves. 2785. Was the same plan successful at the Gallinas ? — It was. 2786. Then are the Committee to understand that at that time a great part of the export Slave Trade was for a time stopped ?— Yes. 2787. Did you cruise on the whole of the coast ? — I was on different parts of the whole coast. 2788. Were you employed at different times on everv part of the coast? — On every part of the coast .south of Sierra Leone. 2789. Are you able to speak of the coast south of the Line from your personal observation :— Yes ; durini; the last three years of mv service I was there constantly. 27Q0. ^\ ill you turn to the chart which you have before you ; you will see traced on that chart a blue line extending from' Cape St. Paul, north of the Line, to Loango Bay, five degi-ees south of the" Line ?— Yes. 3791. That ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 1Q9 2791. That blue line is stated at the top of the map to show the extent of the Captain lagoons b}- which slaves may be transported along 1,300 miles of coast ; do you H.J.Matsou, R.N. know that part of the coast from vour own observation? — ^Yes. „, , r ,q .' , - . . 1 /-^ • 21st June ibag. 2792. Are there any such lagoons ni existence : — Certainly not ; there cer- tainly never was a greater topograpliical error than that of describing the existence of such lagoons. 2793. Why do you say that there is no sucli thing as that extent of lagoons? — I have been over every part of the coast ; I have made a trigonometrical survey of a great part of it, and from my own observation I know that it does not exist, except a small part, which I will explain. 279-4. Will you state bow far it does exist ? — It is marked here to begin from Cape St. Paul's ; it extends from Cape St. Paul's to a little distance eastward of Lagos, and there stops. 2795. About what number of miles would that be ? — About 170 or 180 miles ; that is the only lagoon that exists. Then, passing on to the south from Benin to the River Cameroons, there is inland water communication, not by means of any lagoon whatever, but the rivers join at different points ; there are different confluences, some 30, some 40 or 100 miles in the interior ; it is the great Delta of the Niger. 2796. As far as the transportation of slaves or goods, or as far as communi- cation goes, it would answer the purpose of a lagoon 1 — Yes, except that you have to go in many cases very far up the rivers, which is scarcely practicable ; it is only about the Bonny that it would be practicable. I have been up every one of those rivers, some of them 30 or 40 miles. 2797. Then are the Committee to understand that there would not be facility for conveying slaves along the coast by one river joining another? — No, except just about the Bonny and New Calabar. The distances that they would have to go to get up one river and down another, would be too great an undertaking for the mere purpose of mo\'ing slaves along the coast. 2798. Are the Committee to understand, that not only is there not a lagoon, but that there is not, in fact, water communication along the coast? — Not along the whole of the coast ; but there are places where they can communicate by means of those creeks that join different rivers. 2799. In the neighbourhood of the Bonny ? — In the neighbourhood of the Bonny and New Calabar. 2800. Are you able to inform the Committee how it is south of the Came- roons ? — South of the Cameroons there is no inland water communication what- ever from any one part of the coast to another, except, indeed, a small creek that forms the promontor}" of Cape Lopez into an island, and a creek that extends a short distance north and south of the River Camma. 2801 . Are you able to state to the Committee, from your own personal obser- vation, that that blue line, representing the existence of lagoons from the Cameroons to Loango Bay, is wholly imaginary ? —Decidedly it is. 2802. And that no such water communication exists ? — None whatever. 2803. So that the drawing of such a chart must have been by some one who did not actually know the state of the coast ? — Certainly ; no person who had examined this part of the coast would have drawn that line ; 1 have examined every single spot. 2804. Are you able to inform the Committee, from your own knowledge, as to the red line which succeeds the blue, which represents, as it is stated, the slave track by which they are driven on foot along 420 miles of coast? — Yes, they can march along the whole of that line of coast. 2805. That would be from the River Congo to Logito ?— From the River Congo to Logito, or even to Benguela. 2S06. And there would be no interruption to their being marched along that district ?— There would be great interruptions ; in the first place they would have in almost all cases to carry their own water, and it is very like jungle, and in many places they would have to make their way through the bush. 2807. Would that give great facility for running away? — If they ran away they would get captured, so there would be many difficulties in nuirching them along there, but still it could be done. 2S08. Would that track lead tliem through the territory of many hostile tribes ? — No. 53. B B 4 2S09. Is 200 MINLTES OK EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain ^Sog. Is iiot that all Portuguesc territory ?— It is nominally Portuguese terri- JI. J. Motion, n.X. tory from 8° to 18° south latitude; but they exercise no practical authority, except on very small portions of it ; but for common purposes the communicatiou 2i >tJune 184 9. ^^^ j^^^^ ^jj.^j.^- ^^^_^^. ^^.^^^ facility for embarking slaves. -iSio. When yousay that they would have to carry their own water, are you able, from your'own observation, to tell the Committee that there is no supply of water along that part of the coast?— Yes ; there are supplies here and there ; there are four or five small rivers or streams ; on cuming to any of those, cer- tainly they get water. 281 1. But the intermediate country is without water ?— Yes. 2812. From your observation, can you tell the Committee whether good fresh water may be obtained anywhere by digging a hole in the soil ? — In some places very bad fresh water may be so obtained, but not at many places. 2813. So that the idea of its being easy to transport the slaves along that line of coast from the facility of obtaining water would be, in your judgment, a mistake ? — Yes ; because the greater part of this route on the line which they would have to march is on high land, where there could not be water available at all. In the neighbourhood of Logito, w^hich is just south of that red line, water can be procured in that manner. 2S14. Are you able to tell the Committee whether, in the event of the Slave Trade being stopped, for instance, in the Congo, or in the Bight of Benin, it could with perfect facihty be transferred to the southern part of the continent of Africa? — The trade could be transferred to that part of the coast which was less strictly watched, no doubt ; but the same slaves that were collected north of the Line could not come down south of the Line, and be there shipped. 2815. Then would it become necessary to change the locale where the slaves were collected? — Decidedly. The coast between the Cameroons and Mayumba forms an effectual barrier, and prevents any such communication between the slave trading in the Bights and the slave trading on the south coast. 2816. Will you tell the Committee whether, from your observation during the years you were on the coast, you believe that the cruisers, if rightly managed, might stop the Slave Trade on the coast north of the Line ?• — I think so. 28 17. Speaking as a naval man, you see no impossibility in such a result ? — No ; 1 think it might be done, with an efficient squadron. 281 8. Will you explain what you mean by " an efficient squadron "? — I think the squadron now is a very inefficient one ; it has never been equal in number 10 what has been generally supposed ; it has never been up to 26 vessels. I think in the course of the last three years seldom more than 22 have been on the coast of Africa, of which number, about three-fourths only were actually cruising, and many of those 22 certainly are the worst description of vessels we have in our service. I speak more especially with regard to the steamers. ^^'here steamers are found to be inefficient, the worst of the bad ones generally are sent to the coast of Africa. 2819. The slaving steamers are very good, are not they? — I beheve not; I have never seen one ; but it is very difficult, I think, to get a good slave steamer, f. c. one combining swiftness with the necessary capacity. 'Jliere are several of our vessels, the " Grappler," the " Pluto," and the " Blazer ;" the two latter are scarcely of any use. Any vessel that can steam will take a prize sometimes better, perhaps, than a sailing vessel ; but it is useless expense ; they are fit for no other purpose in the world. If they were at home they must lie in harbour, or be broken up. The " Cyclops" is a steam frigate ; slie is the very slowest vessel of her class in the whole navy, and she is a very expensive one, for she is a very large vessel, fit only for a transport or provision ship. 2820. Who coumiands the "Cyclops"? — Captain Hastings. Then, again, the saihng vessels are rigged for Channel cruising or for North Sea cruising. It is impossible for one of those vessels to compete with the finely rigged slavers. With the light winds on the coast of Africa, they have not sail enough to compete with the slavers, and they are also overladen with guns and other toj) hamper. A very small addition of expense, by enlarging the upper sails, would put them on an equafity with those finely rigged slavers. It is not to be sup- posed that, with all those disadvantages, our cruisers rigged for the Channel could catch slavers. 2821. Then are the Committee to understand that, in your judgment, the principal ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TKADE. 201 principal reason of the comparative inefficiency of the cruisers has been that Ca tain the ships themselves were not fit for the service ?— Decidedly ; and I do not H.J.MaUon,R.N. think there can be two opinions among naval officers upon that question. Then with respect to the sailing vessels, they are not fitted with boats to make them ^^^* """"^ ^^'^9' efficient on the south coast of Africa not so well as they were formerly. Formerly they were always fitted with two whale-boats, and if it fell calm, they might be instantly lowered, and sent in chase of the vessel in sight of the cruiser. Now they are not always allowed to have two whale-boats. A vessel sailed from Portsmouth the other day. The Captain applied for two whale-boats, and he was told that he might have one. Now one is of no use, because no man would send one whale-boat after a vessel ; it is of no use sending another boat in company with a whale-boat, because they are not able to pull with her. If one boat is sent alone, a single round-shot" sent into her might sink her, and there is no other boat to pick the crew up. Besides, a single boat could not take a vessel ; therefore, a vessel having one whale-boat can only use it but for a despatch-boat, or for the captains visiting each other, and other purposes of that kind. 2822. Are the Committee to understand that you would expect generally increased results from the employment of a better set of vessels r— By having vessels better adapted to the purpose for which they are employed. 2S23. And that might be done at no great additional expense ? — Very triflin''- indeed. ° 2824. Then are the Committee to understand that, in your judgment, the maintenance of those inefficient vessels is nearly as expensive as the main- tenance of efficient vessels would be ? — Very nearly indeed. And it has a bad effect upon the officers employed, because they fancy that they have not a fair chance ; that they are not supphed with the means which ought to be placed at their disposal ; that their efforts are crippled ; and they will become careless and some perhaps apathetic, not thinking that it is so much a national question as formerly. 2825. Is not the service on the coast of Africa, in point of fact, generally speaking, a very unpopular one amongst the officers ? — It is more so now than formerly. 2826. That is not from any increased mortality, because the mortality is much less than it was ? — It has never been so small as it is now. The coast the last seven years has been very healthy beyond comparison with any former period. 2827. Are you aware that evidence has been given by some naval officers of the impracticability of the attempt of suppressing the Slave Trade by cruisers ? — ■ I have heard that some have given that evidence. 2828. Will you tell the Committee along what length of coast on the western side of Africa, in your opinion, the Slave Trade is carried on ? — I have always calculated the slave-trading coast of Africa to be 1 ,000 miles. 2829. Taking it from what point to what point ?— Picking out the different points where it is carried on. 2830. Can you state roughly to the Committee the tract of coast which you would include to make up the 1 ,000 miles ? — First from the River Cacheo to the Pongas, that is 150 miles ; that is a very easy part of the coast to blockade; it is very difficult for vessels to escape there. Then between Cape St. Ann and Cape Palmas, excluding Liberia and other parts of the coast where it would not be possible to embark slaves, 200 miles would be the outside where the Slave Trade could be carried on. 283 1 . That makes 350 miles westward of Cape Palmas ? — Yes ; but in speaking of those 150 miles north of Sierra Leone, I should observe that two vessels would efficiently blockade that ; I know but little of that part, as there was no Slave Trade there in my time. Then from Cape Palmas to Cape St. Paul there is no Slave Trade ; then from Cape St. Paul to the River Benin is a great slave- trading coast. 2832. What length do you give there ?— Two hundred and fifty miles. 2833. Then from the River Benin does it still continue a slave-trading coast, or is there any interval there ? — Slaves can be marched along the whole of the coast from Cape St. Paul to Benin, but it is very difficult to embark them in any part of it. 53. C C 2834. Why 202 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain 2834. Why IS it difficult to embark them?— The surf is so very dangerous ; [I.J.Matso,t,E.S\ perhaps only two days in a week they would be able to land at all. 2835. Are the natives able to carry slaves with perfect safety through that 21st J.ine 1849. g^j.^ - j^g ^^j.g^ jj^ ^j^g canoes of the country ? —They can only embark them in "" the canoes of the country. 2 S3 6. Are the canoes so formed and so managed that they are able with perfect facility to carry slaves through that surf when it is at the worst, in order to embark them ?- Not when it is at the worst ; it is quite impossible. 2837. So that the statement that they are able to transport slaves with safety in canoes throu"-h that surf, and that they could at any time in an hour-and-a- half load a vessel an)' where along that coast, would be contrary to your own opinion from what you have observed upon the coast ?— Decidedly ; I have been nianv months in sight of Lagos and Whydah, and 1 know that on one occasion for six weeks no communication could take place ; not a bale of tobacco even could be landed ; vessels were lying in the roads full of cargoes, unable to land them for the space of six weeks. 28^8. IIow far along the coast does this difficulty of the surf extend? — Through the whole Bight of Benin. 2839. Then will you resume the map eastward, or I'ather southward of the Bight of Benin, and state to the Committee what facihties there would be for embarking slaves as you go southwards ? — In my calculation I have entirely ex- cluded the coast from the River Benin down to the Line, in consequence of the Slave Trade having stopped there for two or three years ; between 1839 and 1843 there was no Slave Trade whatever between Lagos and Mayumba. 2840. Are the Committee to understand that the Slave Trade stopj)ed there in consequence of the blockade kept up by the cruisers ? — That it did stop was matter of fact ; why it stopped is matter of opinion. 2841. Llad many prizes been taken upon that part of the coast ?— A great many. 2842. And it is your belief that it stopped in consequence of the interruption so afforded ?— Yes; the Havanah Slave Trade ceased in the Bight of Biafra in the year 1839 ; I have heard, from very good authority, that the last 12 vessels that sailed out of the Havanah for the rivers in either Bight were captured. 2843. In point of fact, has not the Slave Trade carried on from the Bights generally been the Cuban Slave Trade ? — Yes. 2844. Will you tell the Committee to what you attribute the cessation of the Cuban Slave Trade ? — To its ceasing to be a profitable speculation. 2S45. Then you do not attribute it to the Government of Cuba having set their faces against the Slave Trade ? — Decidedly not, for the Government of Cuba has encouraged the Slave Trade by every possible means. 2846. Will you state to the Committee why it has not been remunerative to Cuba, while it continued remunerative to Brazil ? — Because the Brazilian slave merchant can afford to lose three vessels out of four, or four out of five ; but the Cuban merchant cannot afford to lose every other vessel ; if he lose every other vessel, that trade ceases to be remunerative. 2847. Will you state why you say that? — A very superior class of vessel is required to take slaves to the W^est Indies ; a vessel can go to the Brazils very ill-found ; they buy an old vessel for a mere trifle. Leaving the coast of Africa, they have nothing to do but to set their sails, and the wind blows them across the Atlantic ; they just traverse the trade wind ; the weather there is always fine : it never blows but what a vessel might carry top-gallant sails. Now the vessels from the West Indies are obliged to be rigged and found in a very different manner ; they must have a very large crew to manage them, v/hereas a very small crew would take a Brazilian vessel across, and the Cuban vessel must be fit to withstand very strong breezes, and even hurricanes, in the West Indies ; besides that, the voyage is more than double ; they require more water and provisions, and are therefore enabled to carry a comparatively small number of slaves. It has been stated by the Commissioner at the Havanah that it requires two vessels out of three to escape to make it a profitable speculation to Cuba.— [Slave Trade Papers, Class A., 1838, p. 113.] 2848. Was not there an interval of time when the Governor of Cuba really endeavoured to stop the Slave Trade as much as he could ? — Yes, under General Valdez. 2849. A\ as not that the very interval of time during which you describe that there ON THE Al'RICAN SLAVE TRADE. 2O3 there was no Slave Trade in tlie Bight of Biafra ?— No ; the Slave Trade ceased Captain in the Bight of Biafra two years before General Valdez arrived at Havanah : H-J-^i"'so,i,R.N. during the command of General O'Donnell, who encouraged the Slave Trade by ^ist iui\ i8 every means in his power, the Slave Trade was much less than under General Valdez, although the one did his best to put it down, and the other did his best to encourage it ; that is my reason for supposing it was not owing to the good faith of the Colonial Government, because General Valdez, with all his efforts, could not extinguish it. 2850. Do you mean that during General O'DonuelTs government fewer slaves were landed in Cuba than had been landed during Valdez's time? — Decidedly- It is beyond dispute that the Cuban Slave Trade was at its lowest ebb in 1845-46. 2851. From which you draw the inference that it was not the discouragement by the Spanish Government, but some other cause, which reduced the number of vessels emi)loyed in the Slave Trade from Cuba ? — ^ Decidedly ; it cannot be attributed to the Colonial Government. 2852. And your opinion is that the main cause was the activity of the British cruisers ? — 1 always attributed it principally to that. 2853. You said that no Slave Trade existed between Lagos and Cape Lopez ; is that the case at present? — 1 cannot say what it is now ; but between 1839 and 1843 no Slave Trade existed between Lagos and Cape Lopez. 2854. Will you proceed with your general description of the coast, taking it uj) south of Cape Lopez? — Between Cape Lopez and Mayumba, a distance of 200 miles, it is very thinly populated indeed ; there was in 1843 little trade, none but a small trade in red wood ; but along that coast slaves can be marched to be shipped along the coast. 2855. Can they be shipped anyv/here along the coast? — There are spots here and there where they can be shipped, but which are not very close together. 2856. In point of fact, at the time when you were upon the coast, were there many barracoons or slave factories along that coast?— No, there were none. 2857. In sailing along that coast could you see a multitude of flags of slave- dealers flying, and barracoons and slave factories, at frequent intervals, all along the coast ? — I know there were no slave-trading establishments between Cape Lopez and Mayumba previously to 1843. 2858. You say that the distance there is about 200 miles. Then taking it up south of Mayumba, what is the next length of coast ? — The Slave Trade might be carried on now from Mayumba to Elephant Bay. 285Q. Do you stop at Elephant Bay ; might not you carry it on to Great Fish Bay? — The country is so very thinly populated, that there is no trade, and it is not likely there will be any, except at Little Fish Bay ; but it might be carried on there. I should stop at Elephant Bay, because I think if the Slave Trade ceased to that point, if they wore so hardly put to it as to be obliged to go to the south of Elephant Bay, it would be very easy to stop it altogether. 2860. What distance of coast does that give you to watch ? — About COO miles, from Mayumba to Elephant Bay. 2861. What total does that give you?— About 1,400 miles, exclusive of the Bight of Biafra. 2862. To be more or less watched ?— Yes ; but in that 1,400 miles there are a number of spots which might be entirely excluded. 2863. Can you give the Committee any idea how many miles you might sub- tract in the whole from that 1 ,400 miles, speaking of the state of the Slave Trade in your own time ?— Judging from the state of things when I left the coast in 1843, I do not suppose that more than half that coast required watching; but it has very much extended since. 2864. Will you now inform the Committee what number of cruisers you would consider necessary to guard the coast, beginning from the most northerly point ? — The Slave Trade is a more profitable speculation since they have had a better market for their sugar than it was before ; and it would, therefore, take a larger force to guard the coast now than it would before 1 84(). 286.5. Will you tell the Committee what, from your own observation, you would have thought sufficient, first taking the line of coast from Cape Roxo to Nunez ? —I think two vessels stationed north of Sierra Leone, constantly at their stations, would be sufficient. 2866. Steamers or sailing vessels?— Steamers would be required there. 2867. The next length was from Cape St. Ann and the Gallinas to Cape 5-. c c 2 Palmas, •204 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMJIITTEE Captain Palmas, excluding the Liberian coast ?— I think four or five vessels ought to H.J.MaUon.R.N. guard that spot. j~jg 2S68. Do you speak there of steamers or sailing vessels, or what might the "^ ""^ proportions be of both ?— A steamer is always better than a saiUng vessel. 2S(."u). When you said " four or five," which did you mean?— Two steamers and three sailing vessels ; or four steamers would be better still. 2870. Then from Cape St. Paul to Lagos what force would be required? — I think it would be necessary to have one steamer running along the Ivory and Gold Coasts, both for the protection of British trade, and also to see that the Slave Trade was not established between Cape Palmas and Cape St. Paul ; then I think four or five ought to stop the Slave Trade between Cape St. Paul and Benin. 2871. Then through the Bights what force would be necessary? — I should say three steamers between Cape Formosa and Cape Lopez, supposing the Slave Trade to have re-commenced there ; but I have not heard that it has. 2S72. Then from Cape Lopez to Elephant Bay ?■— Twelve vessels between Cape Lopez and Elephant Bay, six steamers and six sailing vessels, would be sufficient. 2873. ^ considerable part of that district is subject to the Portuguese? — Yes. 2874. Would you reduce that number of twelve ; if you had the Portuguese authorities heartily engaged with you in stopping the Slave Trade, would that make fewer necessary ? — Yes : if you could get the hearty co-operation of the Portuguese, a smaller force would be necessary to watch their coast. Our suc- cess on their coast in any case would depend a great deal upon their co-operation ; because, if they were cordial in co-operating with us, and would allow us some special powers, that is, only the powers they allow to their own officers, the Slave Trade could not exist in that colony. 2875. Speaking as a naval officer, having had experience there, you would feel confident that a squadron of 26 vessels, half steamers and half sailing vessels, properly found and equipped, would be able to intercept the Slave Trade along that whole line of coast ? — Yes ; I feel confident the force I have stated in detail, amounting in the aggregate to 26 or 28 vessels — or even of 22, if they were all steamers — would accomplish that object. 2876. How many steamers are there now ? — I think there are seven, but they are a very bad set. 2877. You would require that there should be 13 steamers, and that they should be good vessels ? — Yes, that number at the very least. 2878. Of what class? — Very small; mostly of the " Reynard" class. When Lord John Hay was examined before a Committee of the House of Commons (Second Report, 1848, question 3668), he stated, that the Admiralty were about to employ another class of vessels on the coast of Africa, a superior class of vessel ; he statedthat there would be such vessels as the "Reynard " and the "Plumper;" but after they sailed on the experimental cruise, they were found to be so very efficient, that it was thought much better to send them to other stations, and the intentions of the Admiralty have not been carried out. 2879. Although you call it a superior class of vessel, it is superior in merit rather than in size '. — Yes ; even supposing the vessels are equally efficient, a small vessel would, catteris paribus, in many cases do more than a large one in this service ; a large vessel can be seen sometimes w^here a small vessel cannot be seen, and the difference of expense is considerable. 2880. Are you of opinion that such a force as you have now described might give you hope of being able to put an end to the Slave Trade along that whole line of coast ? — Such is my candid opinion ; but those vessels must be at their stations ; there must be enough for reliefs ; at the present moment I do not suppose that there are more than 15 vessels actually cruising on the coast of Africa. 2881. It is to be understood, therefore, that you mean that there should be 24 or 26 vessels constantly at work there ? — Yes, constantly at their stations. 2882. And that there should be vessels enough attached to the service in order to malce the necessary reliefs ? — Yes. 2883. How many M'ould it be necessary to attribute to that service of reliefs .'' — I would add another 12. 2884. Whichj added to the 26, would make 38 ?~Yes, 38 vessels, half steam and ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 205 and half sailing vessels, or the number might be reduced to 30, if they were all Captain steamers, that is, exclusive of vessels going out from England, and returning H.J.MuUon,R.N. home. ' 2885. You have said that it is much easier to put an end to the Slave Trade to ^ ^2. 1^' Cuba than to Brazil ? — Yes ; that was proved beyond doubt ; it actually had ceased in Cuba for several years. 2886. In saying that the Slave Trade might be put an end to, you include the Slave Trade to Brazil into the bargain ? — Yes, certainly. 2887. When you say that with this force of 26 A^essels, and the necessary reliefs, you think that the Slave Trade could be put an end to, are you speaking of the Slave Trade in the condition in which it was when you left the coast, in 1843, or as it is now carried on? — I consider it to be sufficient, according to what I now understand of the state of the Slave Trade ; I speak with reference to what I believe it to be now. 2888. You think that would be a sufficient number of ships effectually to blockade the coast, so as to prevent the Slave Trade being carried on ? — Yes ; I do not think a Slave Trade could then exist. 2889. Will you tell the Committee whether, in your opinion, if such effiarts were made, and the Slave Trade were eradicated, it would be necessary to main- tain anything lii\e so large a body of cruisers to prevent its reviving? — No ; I think that when the Slave Trade may have once stopped, and stopped for two years, it would be much easier to prevent its revival than it is to suppress it. For instance, you could obtain Treaties with the Native Chiefs, after they had relinquished every hope of being able to continue the Slave Trade, which you could not do while they were enabled to carry it on. 2890. Are the Committee to understand that you look to this increase of force as only a temporary measure, which would speedily accomplish its design ? — Yes, it would be only the first step. 2891. But it would be necessary for some time after you had stopped the trade to continue the force to watch, for fear of its revival ; in short, to wait till they had lost all hope of being able to revive it ? — Yes, and to see that the Chiefs who had entered into Treaties with us faithfully fulfilled the stipulations of those Treaties. 2802. Do you think that could be done in two years ? — No ; but I think after it had actually stopped for two years, and in all probability before the expiration of that time, the Chiefs would enter into Treaties with you, if they saw you were in earnest, and that you meant to suppress it ; but so long as they fancy they can carry it on, that there is a chance of your allowing it to go on, they will always be averse to entering into any engagements Avith you. 2893. But if the demand on the part of Cuba and Brazil, for instance, were to continue, would not that create a supply, supposing you relaxed at any time in your measures for putting it down ? — 1 think your power would be so much greater then, that it would be so much more difficult, or scarcely possible for the slave merchant to obtain a cargo of slaves ; the Chief would not supply hitn if he were aiiaid of your declaring war against him, and enforcing his Treaty. I do not think that any Brazilian slave merchant would land a cargo of goods in Africa for the purchase of slaves, if he thought that the British squadron had power to land and destroy it. 2804. Then you would add the power of landing and destroying goods em- ployed in the Slave Trade to the power already possessed by the cruisers?— Decidedly ; Treaties are useless, unless they contain a stipulation authorizing such a proceeding. 2895. Will you now state to the Committee what, from your own experience, would be the mode in which you would employ those cruisers ; as to whether they should be near the shore, or whether they should cruise at a distance from the shore?— They should cruise near the shore, decidedly ; their not doing so is one of the principal reasons why they fail now ; particularly, I consider, under the system lately pursued. 2896. From your experience in the service, are you able to give a decided opinion as to whether cruising from .OO to 70 miles distance i'rom the coast must be a failure or not in suppressing the Slave Trade?— I think it must be a failure. I have read several of the late Commander-in-Chief's orders, and this is the plan he goes on : we will say that Loango Bay is a slave-trading port ; he stations a vessel in a square off that port, embracing a certain parallel of latitude and 53. c c 3 meridian 2o6 MINUTES OF EVIDE.NXE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain meridian of longitude, and the cruiser cannot go outside that htiiit ; the slave II. l.MatsunJLN. merchant at Loango knows where that vessel is; she cannot remain there many days before her position becomes known all along the coast, although she herself 2 ibt June i84i ). ^^j^ ^^^^^ nothing of what is going on around her ; they send orders to the captains to make the land to windward of Loango Bay ; that is, to run in, in a certain parallel of latitude, which is not very difficult. 2897. '1 hey send word to the captains of the slavers in Brazil ? — Yes, or they send a boat to meet them at an appointed rendezvous, at a spot where no slaves could be embarked, and consequently where there is no cruiser. A vessel is cruisin"- off Loan"-o Bay ; it is supposed she w'ill catch the slaver when she comes in for the slaves, or when she goes out. If the slaver would run direct to or from the port, of course they would take her ; but knowing that the cruiser is there, the captain has orders to make the land to windward of the slave port ; the wind always blows up the coast ; he runs into Loango Bay from the south- ward, and then, having shipped his slaves, he runs along the coast to the north- ward, knowing that he shall clear the cruiser ; and he goes on round and round, and the vessel all the time is in the square marked out for her station, and she cannot move from it ; it is the easiest thing in the world to embark a cargo of slaves upon that system. 289S. So that, from your experience, distant cruising is sure to fail ?— I think it must fail, because you cannot keep your station ; the curi'ent prevents you keeping your station ; you cannot always get sights ; and as you sometimes see neither the sun, moon, stars nor the land, it is very difficult to keep your station ; if you are in sight of land, you always know where you are. 2899. Does your system of cruising near the land contemplate always being in sight of land '? — Yes ; never being out of sight of land, or as seldom as possible. 2900. What distance can you see the land ? — Sometimes 30 miles ; sometimes not 10 ; if it is a low sandy beach, sometimes you cannot see more than a dozen or 15 miles, sometimes 30 or 40. 2901. Will you slate to the Committee what, in your estimate, would be the value of the evidence of a naval officer as to the impracticability of stopping the Slave Trade, whose plan for stopping it was by distant cruising'^— If he adopt that as the system to be pursued, I do not wonder at his thinking it impossible. 2902. Are the Committee to understand that you would attribute that impos- sibility to the failure of his plan, and not to any real impossibiUty in the matter itself? — I see no impossibility. 2903. Before Sir Charles Hotham adopted the plan of distant cruising, was it the system to cruise nearer the coast ? — It was. 2004. Was the success greater than during the time of Sir Charles Hotham.^ — I think so. 290.5. Did you ever yourself act under the orders of Sir Charles Hotham ?— No ; 1 am perfectly unacquainted with him ; perhaps it may be considered pre- sumption in me even to offer an opinion upon his system. 2906. You left the station in 1843?— Yes. 2907. How long had you been upon it then ? — Upwards of four years. 2908. Do you remember how many vessels you took in that time? — I took 40 in that four years. 2909. At the time you had that success, you were a Lieutenant in the service? — Yes. 2910. Commanding a very small saihng vessel? — Yes; I think the vessels might be put into a better state, if they were now commanded by Lieutenants, instead ot Commanders, or at any rate if they had not so many unnecessary officers and boys ; the system now is completely altered : the same vessels that were formerly commanded by Lieutenants, with a crew of 60 men, are com- manded by Commanders, with a crew of 80 men ; consequently the vessels are much more crowded, and they cannot be so healthy and comfortable ; they are more expensive, and cannot be so efficient as they would be with a smaller crew of effective able seamen. 2911. The crew of 60 men were fully adequate to all purposes? — Yes, quite so. 2912. Even including boat-service ?— Yes, as they have Kroomen besides. 2913. Speaking of health, has not the station, from various causes, recently been a much more healthy station than it was, from the precautions that have been ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 207 been taken, and the orders that have been sent to the officers ; is there not less Captain mortality upon that station than there used to be?— I think so : that may be H.J.Matson,R.N. attributed to two causes ; partly the better regulations, and partly that the chmate has certainly been more salubrious. I recollect lately reading an annual stale- '" ^t June 18^9 . ment of the Church Missionary Society, and there they stated, that although in former years their missionaries died in great numbers, during the last seven years they have not to regret the loss of a single missionary. The measures which have been adopted on the coast of Africa have done a great deal of good ; the regulations respecting prize crews are better tlian formerly ; but the improved state of health, I think, cannot be entirely attributed to those good measures, any more than may the health of the missionaries. ■2g\/]. May the superior healthiness of the squadron of late years be attributed to the distance at which they have sailed from the coast ? — No ; two miles is as good as 20. 29 1 5. May not a great deal of it be attributed to forbidding the men from going on shore, or sleeping in boats, or landing in rivers ? — It is very prejudicial to health going up the rivers, particularly if you remain for any length of time ; but boat-service I see no objection to. 2916. But going up the rivers is very injurious ?^Generally speaking, it is; but I have passed many days and nights in them, and my health did not suffer, neither did that of my crew. 2917. And sleeping on shore I — Sleeping on shore is often fatal. 2918. That is now absolutely prohibited ?— Yes ; it always was. 2919. Are you able, from your knowledge of the coast, to tell the Committee ■what, in your opinion, would be the effect of withdrawing the English squadron, first, upon the Slave Trade ? — I believe that not only Brazilians, but Englishmen themselves, would engage in the Slave Trade. 2920. The Committee are to understand that you think it would lead to a great increase in the Slave Trade ?— I have no doubt in the world of it. 2921. Can you tell the Committee whether you think that it would lead to a great deal more humanity in the treatment of slaves in the course of their passage?— I think it is very doubtj'ul whether it would be more or less. They would be as croAvded as they are now, and as they were before ; but the mortality, 1 think, in Brazil would increase ; I think that if the Slave Trade were unre- stricted, the life of a slave in Brazil would scarcely be worth a year's purchase. 2922. You do not attribute the crowding of the vessels to the cruising of the squadron? — No. 2923. Will you state to the Committee why you do not ?^ — I know that when the Slave Trade was legal, they crowded the vessels as much as they possibly could, and they employed a worse class of vessel than they do now ; they were much longer making their passage ; they employed very deep vessels, with very deep holds, and at the bottom of the hold was the principal slave deck ; round the sides of the vessel there Avere generally two platforms that went all round the interior of the vessel. 1 he air could only be admitted down the centre ; it was a kind of three-slave-decks. Now, although they are still crowded as much as they can be, they have only one deck. 292-1. Is that because the vessels are smaller? — They are obliged to have vessels that sail better. 292,5. They are remarkably quick sailers, generally? — Generally; and if the Slave Trade were open, they would employ a very slow sailing vessel, because their study would then be to carry as many as they possibly could, without reference to speed. 2926. Why do you think that the mortality would be so much greater in Brazil if the trade were unrestricted ?— On account of the working of the mines ; 1 do not think the mortahty in Cuba would be nearly so great as that which would take place in the mines in Brazil. 2927. Why would the throwing open the trade cause a great increase of mortality in Brazil?— Because when the slaves became cheap, it would then be the interest of the proprietor of mines to get as much work as possible out of the slave in the shortest possible time, and to replace him ; he would put him under ground, and work him to death in a short time, and then he would go into the market and buy another. Therefore, the Brazihans are not afraid of great numbers being imported on the ground that they might take the country from th(m, which might be the case, perhaps, in Cuba, if they were over-peopled with slaves. 53. c c 4 -9-8- ^^'^^^ 2 1st June 1849. 208 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Capiam 2928. Will you state to the Committee further, what, in your opinion, would II.J.Mnhoii,n.N. |jg tijg effect "-enerallv upon the coast of such a great and unlimited increase of the Slave Trade r — I'think the coast would swarm with the worst kind of slave- traders and pirates. 2p2q. In fact, the whole coast would be given up to pillage ?— No doubt it would. 2030. Would the maintenance of the present lawful trade be compatible with sucli a state of thin2;s ? — No ; I do not think that legal trade could well exist with an unrestricted Slave Trade. 2031. Are the Committee to understand that you would expect that the whole coast would become one general scene of violence ? — I think so. The natives would not work as they do now ; they would cease to make palm-oil, and to collect ivorv, and other things, if they could sell each other and sell their children, which they do by hundreds. 20 >2- The Committee, then, are to understand that it would be your opinion that it would stop entirely the lawful trade, and the efforts made at present for the civilization of Africa ''. — I think there is not an instance that can be brought forward where the legal trade has stopped the Slave Trade ; I defy any person to point out an instance upon the whole line of the coast of Africa where that has taken place ; but wherever the Slave Trade has been suppressed, the legal trade has greatly increased afterwards. 2933. You have given the Committee your opinion respecting an unrestricted Slave Trade ; will you now tell them what your impression is as to legalizing a restricted Slave Trade ? — I should think it would be more difficult to enforce those restrictions than it would be to stop the Slave Trade. 2934. Are you of opiiiion that Great Britain would not be able to enforce upon Brazil any such restrictions, even if they were agreed to ? — I think not. 293.5. You think it would be more difficult than to prevent the importation altogether ? — I think it would multiply your difficulties, and be likely to involve you more deeply in quarrels with Brazil than you are at present. 2936. From your knowledge of the trade, will you state what your opinion would be of a plan which should be based upon legalizing the Slave Trade for a certain term of years, as a condition of its ceasing altogether on the expiration of that term of years .'' — The prestige of the British name in Africa would be gone for ever. The Brazilians would get a vast number of slaves at a very cheap rate ; but they would not even then be certain that it would be stopped at the end of that time : they would say, " We will make the best of our time to get slaves as cheap as possible," and still hope to be able to carry it on at the expiration of that time. 2937- Y'our opinion is, that there would be no greater facility for stopping it at the end of that time than at present ? — I can see nothing but increased dif- ficulties. 2938. Has the opinion been gaining ground of late amongst the Brazihan slave traders, and also the African chiefs, that there is a great deal of uncer- tainty with respect to England continuing her policy as to the suppression of the Slave Trade ? — There is no doubt that there is not the same opinion as to our determination to suppress the Slave Trade that there Avas formerly, neither on the part of the chiefs of Africa, nor of the slave traders. 2939. Would you not very much attribute the increase of the Slave Trade to that belief having been gaining ground ? — I have no doubt of it. 2940. Are you not of opinion, that if a thorough conviction were entertained, on the part both of the Brazilian slave traders and of African chiefs, that England was in earnest in its determination to put it down, it would tend a great deal to make them discontinue it ? — No doubt it would. 2941. From your knowledge of the coast, can you understand the meaning of its being stated that " the Slave Trade was only in its infancy in 1843"? — No ; I should say that it had almost died its natural, or rather violent, death in 1843. 2942. You spoke of Sir Charles Hotham's mode of stationing a particular vessel off Loango; will you state how, if you had had the disposal of the squadron, you would have directed that vessel to act ? — I would keep her as near Loango as possible, and I would communicate with the shore as often as I could. 2943- Would you give her any liberty to coast along north or south of Loango ? ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE THADE. 209 I.oango ? — Decidedly ; I would leave as much as I possiblj' cnuld to the Captain judgment of every commanding officer. He not only works with better spirit, H.J.Mafs(m,R.N. but he has a much better chance of success. The prohibition, too, to officers , landing on the coast shuts them out from many sources of information; they ^^^*' ^"'^ ' '^^' are cruising with a bandage over their eyes, and groping in the dark. 2944. Do you think that if the commanding officer were obliged, by his orders, to remain close in shore, then the proportion of one vessel to about 50 or 60 miles of coast (which would be about the proportion of 24 vessels to that extent of coast) would be sufficient to keep an etiectual check upon the trade ? — I do not think, with the numbers which 1 have given, it would be necessary to give that extent of coast to one vessel : there are so many places to be picked out of those spots where it is not necessary for the vessel even to look after, although slaves may pass round that spot. 2945. Is not it the case, with reference to the coast upon w'hich Loango is situated, that thereabouts slaves may be moved along the coast with great facility? — Yes. 2946. They may be embarked at innumerable places? — Yes. 2947. Then it would be necessary for the vessel to watch pretty nearly the whole of those 60 miles ? — At that particular part where slaves can be marched along the land with great facility, the vessels should be stationed more thickly than at other spots which do not offer those facilities. 2948. Would the number of 12 vessels be sufficient for that extent of coast, beginning north at Mayumba, and ending south at Elephant's Bay ? — Yes, cer- tainly. For instance, there is a spot between the Congo and Ambrizette, which it Mould be very easy to watch ; it offers very few facilities for embarking slaves ; that is about 100 miles ; slaves can be marched there, but not easily ; it is no easy matter to march slaves even 50 miles along that coast. 2949. On a part of the coast where the Slave Trade is already prevalent, and where there are facilities for moving slaves up the coast to escape the cruisers, the proportion of one vessel to 50 or 60 miles would not be sufficient, in your opinion? — Yes ; I think along the whole of the coast a vessel, with her boats, which are a duplicate of herself, ought to guard 50 miles, taking the average. 2950. Sir Charles Hotham, in his evidence, gives it as his opinion, that " there being 60 miles on which it is feasible to embark slaves, you cannot so place a vessel as to prevent the embarkation of slaves ;" do you agree in that? — One vessel, witli her boats, could do it ; there have been very great facilities hitherto given to the embarkation of slaves ; they have been allowed to transport their slaves coastwise by boats : on one occasion an order was given against capturing boats with slaves in unless they had 30 on board ; with 29 slaves the boat must be allowed to pass free. 29,51. Can you state to the Committee what the object of such an order was ? -- It arose, I believe, out of the remonstrances of the Portuguese, on account of interfering ■with the transportation of slaves for colonial purposes. y9.52. Are you acquainted with the coast south of Fish River between that and the Cape settlement?— I have only coasted it twice; I have not landed at any place except Great Fish Bay and Port Alexander. 2953. Are you at all acquainted with the coast south of that? — No, except running up and down. 2954. Is it not generally supposed to be of a kind from which the embarkation of slaves would never take place?— Yes, it is a desert; there are scarcely any inhabitants ; about Great Fish Bay, south of it, it is complete desert ; there is no vegetation whatever, not a tree ; beasts can scarcely live there. 29.55. In the course of your cruising off" the coast of Africa, have you been acquainted with the River Congo?— Yes, I was 70 miles up the Congo. 2956. Can you tell the Committee whether, in your opinion, it would be desirable to watch the mouth of the Congo?—! should say that one vessel must blockade the mouth of the Congo absolutely. 29,57. It would be quite contrary to your opinion to hear that five men-of-war would be required to blockade the Congo ?— 1 really cannot understand such an assertion. 2958. This has been given in evidence to the Committee; will you attend to it, and state to the Committee your own impression upon the matter : " Such is the strength of the current, and the strength of the wind which occasionally blows down that river, that a vessel cou'cs down,, sails by with the strength of the current, and, taking advantage of approaching night, is out of sight almost 5.: 1) 1) before 210 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain before the cruiser is under weigh ; therefore it is literally impossible to watch H.J. Motion, R.N. the Congo." Addressing your attention to that evidence, will you state whether, from your own knowledge of the Congo, you believe that which has been so a ut June 184 9- gj^j^j- j^ jj^g Committee to be the fact ?— Such an event might possibly happen with a sailin"- vessel improperly anchored at any particular spot out of the stream, and not being able to get under weigh ; a vessel in the night might come down in the stream of the Congo, and might pass her ; but, if the vessel were properly anchored, and a good look-out kept, such an event ought not to happen ; but no slaver should be allowed to enter the river. 20 'ig. The Committee are to understand, that in your opinion that is not at alfa picture of the ordinary result of watching the River Congo?— Certainly not ; I am quite sure that if one steamer were stationed off the River Congo, no slaver would attempt to enter it ; it is a complete cul de sac, from whence there is no escape. 2q6o. You yourself have been stationed there ? — I have been 20 or 30 times up the river. 2q6i. During the time that you were on the coast there was very little Slave Trade in the Congo ?— Very little ; it ceased in the Congo in the year 1839. 2962. Do you think that if the Slave Trade were very much harassed on the open coast, it would take refuge upon the rivers r — No, I cannot understand their taking refuge in the rivers, but I can understand their going to the open coast from the rivers ; the last resort would be the open coast south of the Line. 2963. Do not rivers in some respects offer greater facilities than the coast ; for instance, for the transportation of slave goods and merchandize inland, which is difficult upon the open coast ? — It is very difficult to transport goods along the rivers. 2964. Cannot that be done by canoes ? — It can be done ; but then how is it possible to get the slaves down ? 2965. Cannot the slaves be brought down by the same conveyances ? — Where can they go to ? 2966. Supposing barracoons to be established on the banks of the river ? — But if the vessel enters the river, she is captured ; she cannot even approach equipped, without being captured, supposing there is a vessel at the entrance. AV^ith the exception of the Congo, all the rivers are very difficult of approach. A vessel cannot cruise about the Bight of Biafra without almost the certainty of a capture before she gets into the rivers. Even with the facilities of the Congo for the transport of goods and slaves, it would not be the plan for a slaver ever to enter the Congo, except indeed that the cruiser was out of sight of land, and the river was not watched ; she (the slaver) would anchor at a point outside the river. That would be a much more feasible plan than to attempt to enter the river. I should consider entering the River Congo as attended with almost a certainty of capture ; besides, she cannot enter at all, except in the strength of the sea-breeze ; men-of-war even cannot sometimes enter for days together. 2967. What rank do you hold in the navy? — Captain ; it is only lately that I have been made captain ; about a month or two ago. 2968. In what year were you made a Commander? — In 1843. 2969. You were a Lieutenant at the time that you were upon the coast of Africa ? — I was. 2970. Have you any other remarks to make upon the present system of cruising on the coast ? — I think that the drilling has been carried to a very great extent, and has interfered with the primary object of the vessels in suppressing the Slave Trade. 2971 . What do you mean by " drilling " ?— Shifting top-sail yards, and other naval and military evolutions. The crew of a vessel may, by excess of drill, be taught to shift a top-sail yard in ten minutes, instead of twenty, or her crew may be taught to " prepare to receive cavalry" with a precision, of which, perhaps, the Coldstream Guards might not be ashamed ; but an approach to perfection in any one of those duties should not be attempted on the coast of Africa, where the vessels have almost one single duty to perform, and to which all other con- siderations should be entirely secondary. 2972. \Vas not it done very much with a view to promote their health and to occupy them ?— I suppose it was done with that idea ; but it may be over- done. The ordinary routine of a well-conducted man-of-war is occupation enough ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 211 enough for the crew, who may also be employed in the boats, where and when practicable ; it is always a very popular employment for the men. I found them always to come back in better health than their comrades left on board the ship. 2973. Is not there a proportion of black sailors in every ship for going up the rivers ? — Yes ; they are the only men who can go up the rivers with impunity. 2974. But the boat-service of which you speak is performed by English sailors ? — Principally by white men, but often with a proportion of Kroomen. 2975. Has there been any difference of late in the treatment of the crews of slavers when captured ? — Yes, I consider very great ; formerly they were treated as criminals ; they are now treated as ordinary prisoners of war ; they are received as guests at the tables of our officers, and made as comfortable as any men can be ; that is not an exceptional case, but I believe it is the common practice now on the coast of Africa. 2976. Was that the case at the time when you were cruising off the coast ? — No, they were treated much more harshly ; they were always landed, and made to shift for themselves, instead of being insured a free and comfortable passage to their own country, there ready to embark in another adventure. 2977. How used you to treat them ultimately ; did you ever put them ashore on, a part of the coast distant from any European settlement ? — No, never; always in the neighbourhood either of a slave barracoon, or else given up to the Portuguese authorities. 2978. Will you tell the Committee whether, in your opinion, any legislation, which made the persons engaged in the Slave Trade liable to punishment, would have a great effect in checking the trade ? — I think that such punishment would do a great deal to deter men from embarking in the trade ; they have nothing to fear now. I see it stated in evidence that men have rejoiced at being captured ; indeed, I have known it to be the case even when they were treated worse than they are now. 2979. Why r — They were wearied by being kept so long at sea, and not being able to make their voyage ; being captured, they get back again to their own country in the shortest possible time. 2980. What has given rise to this alteration in the system of treating the crews?— I do not know ; 1 was rather surprised to hear it in conversation with officers lately. 2981. Was it supposed to be in consequence of any orders from home? — Not at ail ; but merely, I suppose, that slave-trading is not viewed exactly in the same light as formerly. 2982. It was always left to the officers themselves to follow their own discre- tion in that respect ? — Always ; it was a matter of taste with the officers ; I think a most stringent order should be issued that no slave captain or mate or other should be admitted to mess with the officers. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Ordered, That this Committee be adjourned to To- morrow, Two o'clock. H Captain J.Matson, R.N. 21st June 1849. Die Veneris, 22" Junii, 1849. THE LORD BISHOP OFgOXFORD in the Chair. a2— I think It IS not confined to any particular locality ; the whole coast, from Sierra Leone as far as Loango, produces ivory, more or less. 3045. Is it from existing elephants? — Yes. 3046. Which, therefore, are in abundance in the interior ?— They are. 3047. Do they require to kill the elephants to gel the ivorv, or do they find the tusks ?— They kill the elephants ; sometimes they find a' tusk partly decayed, from being buried in the soil. 3048. But the greater quantity is supplied from hunting elephants, and killing them? — Yes. 3049. Is that the business of a separate set of men r —No. Sometimes at differ- ent seasons of the year, when water becomes scarce in the interior, the elephants resort to the neighbourhoods of different towns, and then they are shot. It is known that from 700 to 800 in a drove have visited the Bonny country at one time. 3050. Have all the elephants in Africa tusks ? — I believe so. 30.51. Will you mention what the price of a pound of ivory is in England r— We generally endeavour to purchase ivory by barter at about 2*. 6d. per pound, and the most valuable teeth will realize in this country 6*. per pound; from 3 s. up to 6 s. 3052. Will you tell the Committee what is the largest sized tusk that you have yourself obtained upon the coast ?— Several from 120 lbs. to 139 lbs. 3053. Is there a considerable demand for ivory in this country ? — There is. 3054. So that in that article there might bean increase of commerce to almost an unlimited amount ? — There might. 3055. Are there any other African exports to which you would call the atten- tion of the Committee ? — Bees-wax could be obtained in large quantities. 3056. Is that of much value in this country? — It is of great value. 30.t7. And might be obtained in large quantities in Africa? — It is obtained at this time in large quantities. 30.5 S. The traffic might be increased? — Yes. 3059. Has not oil been made lately from the ground-nuts in large quantities ? — Not in large quantities ; in small quantities it has. 3060. Is that a valuable article in the market? — It is valuable, but it is not so easily procured as palm-oil ; and 1 think the cultivation of palm-oil is more attended to ihan the cultivation of the ground nut. 3061. Is cocoa-nut oil imported ?— Not in any quantities. 3062. What machinery have they for making the oil ? — It is very rude indeed. 3063. Might they get a much greater proportion of oil if they had better mills ? — If they could make use of the machinery adapted for the purpose of extracting the oil, no doubt they could produce double the quantity. The way in which they extract it now is, that they make a square pit in the ground, some- thing similar to tan-pits in this country, and this square place is filled with palm- oil nuts, which are taken down ripe from the trees, and the females trample the oil out in the sun with their feet. They work with their feet, trampling upon the nut till it forms one mass, nut and oil ; and then they extract the oil by allow- ing water to run into this place, and take it all up with the palm of the hand, scraping it into a calabash. It is a very difficult and tedious process. 3064. They must lose an immense quantity from its running into the ground ? — They do. There is a great deal left attached to the nut. The palm-oil is obtained from the surface of the nut, not from the kernel ; therefore it is easily trodden off the surface. 3065. Then it is not a nut like the cocoa-nut ?— No ; it is a small nut something similar in colour and shape to a chestnut. There are about from 300 to 350 of these nuts studded on to a bun(;h, forming a large bunch of a solid mass. The bunch is cut off the tree, and brought with the nuts, and each nut is taken separately from the bunch ; each bunch produces about 350 nuts. 3066. Have you yourself seen anything of the coffee grown upon the African Coast ? — I have. 3067. Can you tell the Committee what the quality of that coffee is, and how far it might be made the subject of a profitable trade ? — The quality is good when 53- o D 4 it 21 h MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE R. Dausou, Esq. it is Collected ; generally speaking, it is allowed to fall from the tree, and becomes ' dirty and eaten bv the grubs. 22d June 1849. 3068. Then it "only wants cultivation and industrious habits on the part ot the people to make that also a valuable product ? — Yes. 3061). Is it of good quality ?— It is of good flavour and quality, but it is allowed to he so lont? upon the ground before it is collected that it becomes damaged bv exposure. 3070. Do you know the price per cvFt. in this country of African coffee r — It is rather a low price. It is generally sold for consumption upon the Con- tinent. 1 do not think it is allowed to be imported into this country to be consumed. 30-1. Is it better or worse than Brazilian coffee? — It is of about the same description as the Brazilian coffee. 3072. Is there any other export of the coast of Africa to which you would call the attention of the Committee ? — Not that I can call to memory. 3073. Is there gold-dust? — Ciold-dust on the Gold Coast is exported in con- siderable qauutities. 3074. Do not you bring hides and buffaloes' horns ? — Not from that part of the coast which I have visited. Cattle of all descriptions are very scarce there. 307.5. Has there been a great increase in the palm-oil trade since you have been on the coast of Africa ? — There has ; from 2,000 tuns up to 20,000, in the article of palm-oil. 3076. At an early period of your acquaintance with the coast of Africa, did the Slave Trade flourish to a great extent in the Bonny ? —To a very great extent. 3077. ^Vill you mention how many slave vessels you have seen there at the same time? — I have seen 17 slave vessels in the Bonny at one time; some of them very large vessels. 3078. In what year would that be ? — I think it would be in 1830. 3079. Can you tell the Committee how many natives at that time traded in palm-oil? — Not more than 10 or 12. 3080. Can you tell how many dealt at that time in slaves ? — I should say 100. 3081. What is the state of the palm-oil trade now in the River Bonny? — It is the only trade that the natives have now in the Bonny. 3082. Will you tell the Committee whether those who were at that time slave- traders are now engaged actively in the palm-oil trade ? — They are, without a single exception. 3083. So that in the Bonny the palm-oil trade has been substituted for the Slave Trade ? — Yes, it has. 3084. Would that substitution have taken place if the Slave Trade had not been repressed by the English cruisers r — It would not. 3085. What, in your judgment, would be the effect upon the trade if the cruisers were to be entirely withdrawn ? — The Slave Trade would revive to the detriment of the legitimate trade ; in fact, almost to the exclusion of the legiti' mate trade, I should say. 3086. From your knowledge of the coast of Africa, and of the habits of the people, will you tell the Committee whether you think that, by suppressing the Slave Trade "in hke manner at other posts, the legitimate trade might be gradually nourished ? — I think so. 3087. Are you acquainted with the state of the palm-oil trade in the River Bento? — I have no connexion with that river; I have a general knowledge of the trade which is conducted there. 3088. Is not the Bento the next river to the Nun? — It is. 30S9. Are you aware that there is a considerable export of palm-oil from the River Bento ? — Yes. 3090. Can you at all state how many tuns of ]ialra-oil are annually exported to Liverpool from the River Bento ? — At present, that river will produce about 2,000 tuns per annum. 309 1 . Does the Slave Trade at present exist in that river ? — I believe not, at present ; not within the last eight months ; there was an attempt about eight months ae;o to take a caroro of slaves from the Bento, but the vessel was driven on shore by one of Her Majesty's cruisers. 3092. Did the palm-oil trade flourish in the River Bento ? — It has, since the 31avc Trade was abolished. 3093. Can ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 217 3003- Can you trace the same connexion between tlie suppression of the r Dawson Esn blave I rade and the growth of the palm-oil trade in the River Bonny ?— The ' palmoil trade has gradually increased, as the Slave Trade has discontinued. ^'^^ J""e 1849. 3094. Are you aware of the particulars of any Treaties which have been made with any of the native chiefs for the suppression of the Slave Trade ?— I am. 3095. Is there a readiness among the natives to contract such Treaties ? There is always a readiness, but the natives are not always to be depended upon, with- out they are almost compelled to observe the Treaty. 3096. What is the main use of the Treaties made with them ; is it to give us an opportunity of enforcing the abolition of the Slave Trade?— It is ; the natives understand that the meaning of the Treaty is, that they must discontinue the Slave Trade, to the encouragement of the legitimate trade. 3097. Has your health suffered from your conduct of business on the African coast ? — Not materially. 3098. Do you attribute your freedom from suffering to any peculiar care you have taken of your health ?— I do ; from the care I have taken, and from my habits on the coast. 3099. Do you think there would be a reasonable chance of Englislimen taking the same care, ordinarily preserving their health ?— I tliink, confining themselves to ship-board, there is very little to be apprehended from the effects of the climate. 3100. Your business must have brought j^ou into the rivers ? — It did. 3101. Did you find that your health was" good, and that the health of your crew was good, when you were stationed near the coast, within two or three miles of the coast ? — Yes, generally speaking, the ships were healthy until they entered the rivers ; then they became unhealthy, according 10 the season, some- times almost immediately ; at other times, not for two or three months. 3 1 02. But you do not think that, so long as they keep outside the rivers, there is any great advantage in going out to a great distance ; you do not think that the crews would be more healthy if they remained 50 miles from the coast, than if they were five miles from the coast?— I do not think they would ; I think the effect of the climate would be the same 50 miles off the coast, as it is within five miles off the coast. 3103. Your experience has always been on board ship ? — Yes. 3104. Never on shore? — Never, for any length of time, 310.5. Are there any payments in money for goods in the direct African trade ?— No. 3106. There is nothing but barter ? —There is nothing but barter. 3107. Would it not be possible for the captain and supercargo of such vessels as those which you have commanded, in spite of the instructions he received from his principals, to barter his goods on the coast of Africa for slaves, receiving payment for tiie slaves from the slave-dealer in money, and so, in fact, playing directly into the hands of the local slave trader? — It would be cjuite possible. 3108. Will you tell the Committee whether you have ever known instances in which such cases have occurred r — I never have heard of an instance in all my experience. 3109. Is it your opinion, from what you have seen of the trade, that the direct legitimate trade does much play into the hands of the Slave Trade ? — Where the two trades are in existence, they are so mixed up together that it would be almost impossible to draw a distinction ; when a trader disposes of his oil or other produce to a British trader, he will frequently take those goods and buy a certain number of slaves with them, and it has been the case that he will re-sell those slaves to the slave-dealer, and bring the produce of those slaves to the British supercargo for another quantity of goods. 3110. Are the Committee to understand, that where the two trades are both in existence, it will be often impossible, even with every endeavour to do it, to keep the legitimate trade free from being mixed up with the Slave Trade ? — It will be quite impossible to keep them separate. 3111. Can you tell the Committee whether it is usual to bring down the palm- oil to the coast on the heads of slaves, who are themselves to be sold, when they reach the coast? — I have never heard an instance of palm-oil being brought down in that way ; but ivory has frequently been brought down in that way. 3112. Did you ever find advantage in the conduct of legitimate trade from the presence of the British cruisers on the coast, and the fact of there being British cruisers about being known to the natives?— Yes ; we always find an 53. \L E advantage 21 8 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE R. Duuson, Esq. advantage from the occasional visits to the different rivers of the British cruisers. 22d July 1849. 3113. So that your inijiression is, that the trade would be considerably injured " by the total withdrawal of the squadron ?— It would, decidedly. 3114. Is it your impression, as has been given in evidence before this Com- mittee, that a oreat stimulus would be given to the Slave Trade by the withdrawal of those cruisers, and that it would lead to the coast abounding with piratical and other vessels, which would greatly interfere with lawful commerce? — T think so. 'jii'j. Did you ever consider that the interests of the firm which you repre- sented were, in fact, benefited by the neighbourhood of the English men-of-war? — Ves. 3116. What is the treatment of the natives engaged in the palm-oil trade by the British traders? — Generally speaking, they are well treated. 3117. Do not the ships that go out in the palm-oil trade call at the Kroo coast to take in a certain number of labourers ? —They do. 3118. How are those labourers afterwards employed? — Generally on board ship and in boats, to prevent the sailors being exposed to the climate. 31U). Are they engaged in boiling oil, and taking care of the premises, and pulling in the boats and so forth r — They are. 31 20. They are very ready to come on board English ships ? — They are always very an.xious to find employment on board British ships. 3121. Does that lead you to think that they would be ready to emigrate as labourers to the West Indies ? —No. 3122. Will you state why you think they would not? — They have a know- ledge of being engaged on board ship, but it appears quite foreign to them to take them to a different country to work. 31 23. Do they ever bring their wives with them ? — Never on board ship. 3124. Would they be allowed by the native chiefs to do so? — Yes; in some instances I have known them, when they have been seeking employment down the coast, going perhaps a distance of 400 or 500 miles, take their wives with them ; but I think it is generally understood that the wives are left behind to ensure the return of the men. 3125. Would the customs of the coast of Africa allow of free emigration, in the projjcr sense of the word, to any extent ? — No. 3126. Do not the labourers, in fact, belong to the chiefs? — They consider themselves servants of the different chiefs. 3127. In point of fact, are you of opinion that they could only be purchased from the chiefs ? — Yes. 3128. Though it might be called free emigration, it would become only a legalized Slave Trade ? — They are nearly all slaves in the present state ; I think it would be only emancipating a certain number of slaves, and making free sub- jects of them. 3129. Is there any other subject bearing upon this question of Slave Trade, which, from your knowledge of the legitimate commerce or otherwise upon the coast, you think you can advantageously lay before the Committee ? — Nothing further occurs to me than the injury which the withdrawal of the cruisers would do to legitimate commerce by the Slave Trade being revived ; that the natives now dealing in palm-oil and other legal produce would turn their attention to dealing in slaves again, and it would partly supersede the legitimate trade. 3130. And in the end destroy it?— I do not think it would altogether destroy the legitimate trade, but it would become of very little value indeed. 3131. Whereas now it is increasing?— It is. 3132. And it would increase still more if the Slave Trade could be entirely put an end to? — Yes. 3133. Did you find, in your experience, that the natives became, as years passed on, more ready and apt in supplying you with the goods which you required ? — Yes, as the Slave Trade decreased, the legitimate trade increased. 3 1 34. Having once formed industrious habits, they go on improving in those habits?— They do. 3135- Do you find that they become more apt to conduct legitimate traffic by experience?— We find great difficulty in bringing the elderly members of the tamilies to turn their attention to the palm-oil trade, but the younger branches are particularly anxious to cuUivate that trade. 3130. Might not machinery be introduced with advantage into the palm-oil trade ; ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 219 trade ; supposine; any European were to go out there, and set up mills, would not he be able to make a great profit?— I think not; the climate is so much against it. 3137. And the natives are not able to buy any property of that kind ?— No they are not ; a native chief, when he becomes a little independent in his circum- stances, becomes more extravagant ; he increases his establishment, and on that account they never become wealthy. 3138. But still the Committee have it in evidence that, at Sierra Leone and at Liberia, and at other settlements upon the coast, they have become much more civilized and industrious, and they appear to improve in their habits ? — When they have an opportunity of becoming civilized, then of course their condition is improved ; they are capable of learning anything. 3 1 39. If, in the places whence the palm-oil comes, the same habits of industry and civilization were introduced, they would, of course, adopt superior modes of producing their commodities ? — They would, if such an alteration could take place ; but the climate acts so much against the establishment of missionaries. 3140. But that would give an immense impetus to the trade, and they would be able to sell to you much cheaper, and in much greater abundance ? — Yes. 3141. Might not the difficulty of the climate be met by the immigration into rica of Christian negroes from our West India islands ? — ^Yes ; it is my opinion R. Duxvsoii, Esq. 22d June 1849. Africa that that is the only proper method of ever civilizing Africa. 3142. Have you any documents with you which will illustrate the evidence which you have given to the Committee ?^ — I have some papers which J think will be of service ; here is one containing the names of the different merchants connected with the African trade, showing the number of tuns imported by each house — \_ producing the same] — 1 have also a statement of the imports of palm- oil into Ijiverpool from Africa in the year 1848, showing the different places on the coast to which the vessels go — [producing the same] — I have also a statement of the exports to the West coast of Africa from Liverpool during the year 1845 — [producing the same^. 3143. Will you have the goodness to deliver those in ? — The same are delivered in, and are as follow : Palm Oil, l January 1849. Imported in 1848. Horsfall - - . - - 4,451 Maxwell - . . 948 W. J. Dawson - 2,172 Farie, Taskei &Co. 895 R. Hennyway - _ - - 2,013 R. & G. Beiin 871 Harrison & Co. - - - - 1,638 J. Hennyway 461 John Lilloy - - - - Hatton &, Cook son - 1,314 - 1,246 Duncan Gibb Sundries - - - 182 39 Douglas - . . - Tobin - 1,071 - 1,058 18,359 IMPORTS. EXPORTS. STOCK, 31 Dec. PRICE, 31 Dec. 1842 ... - 16,480 2,121 6,550 32.J. 32|. 1843 . _ . - - 16,235 4,009 3,800 29. 29 i. 1844 . - . - - 16,925 3,728 2,500 25. 25|. 1845 _ - . - . 21,000 2,500 5,000 29|. 30. 1846 . - . _ - 15,800 2,978 5,500 38 J. 39. 1847 . - - . - 19,350 5,000 3,900 27 j. 28. 1848 . . - - - 18,359 3,826 1,400 30. Average of Import last 7 years „ Export „ . _ . „ Stock „ ... ~ ~ "■ 17,735 3,455 4,093 Home Consumption Export of 1847 JJ _ - - 15,950 5,000 20,950 Home Consumption Export of 1848 17,013 3,846 20,859 53- E £ 2 Import 220 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Import of Palm Oil into Liverpool from Africa in the Year 1848, from 1st January to 1^ WINDWARD COAST. &c. BENIN. RIO BENTO. NEW CALABAR. 1 Imported 1M7. Imported 1849. R*>mniniiig Tonnape out for l»49 Imported 1847. Imported I81S. Remaining Toiinaije out for 1849. Imported 1847. Imported | Remaining isjfl 1 Tonnage """■ out for 1849. Imported 1817. Imported 1848. Remaining B^ TonnaKfp I out for 1849. ■ 3 > 4 c 9 9 J! 1 Tons. Vessels. 1 C 1 > i 1 1 Tons. Vessels. c 1 Q> > 1 1 > H 1 c 9 C. Honfill t Sons - - - - WiLsoo & Dawson • - - - - Stuart & DoDglM - - - - - Rotberam & Maxwell - - - - T. Harrison & Co. - - - - R, llemmin^ay . . - - - J. I'mworth ------ Arnold, Leeie, Roscoe & Co. - - R, and C. Benn - - - - - T. Tofiin & Son - - - - - Hatton & Cookson - - - . J.Lilley Farie, Tasker S: Co. - - - - Doncan Gibb - - - - - Credilorsof J. O.BoId - - - - Jamieson, Brothers & Co. - - - Creditors of J. H. Hemmingway - Irlam & Wanostrocht - . . . J. Hick Indirect LoU . . . . - 460 100 300 4 2 447 285 30O 3 2 446 350 2 4 453 825 3 - 854 2 2 2 900 200 290 2 1 3 685 331 548 1 2 285 679 470 1 1,000 390 ~ 240 2 2 1 I 493 383 200 120 183 1 2 1 107 438 161 170 I 2 2 2 I 150 250 520 - 650 _ - 300 5 860 6 1,032 1 5 1 796 ' 1 1 6 1,278 3 854 6 1,390 6 1,464 6 1,334 6 1,630 7 1,379 5 876 8 1,870 Lost " Inez," with 300 Tuns. Wrecked " Amity," with 180 Tuns, but Cargo satad. Daily expected to arrive, 3,000 Tuns. 21, Exchanire Buildings, Liverpoo^ 1 January 1449. i Export of the following Merchandize, &c. to the West Coast of Total, Returned, Remaining out, Heinaining out. o oS DESTINATIONS. Sailed 1845. Sailed 1845. Sailed 1845. Sailed 1844. S o Vessels. Tons Register. Vessels. Tuns Palm Oil. Vessels. Tons. Vessels. Tons. Tons. Tons. Windward Coast - 6 767 3 277 3 390 . 12 . Benin River - - - . 11 2,389 1 140 10 2,249 - - 9* 1961 Bento River - . - - 10 1,813 1 173 9 1,625 1 109 40 35 Nevr Calabar - - - 12 1,906 2 277 10 1,573 - - 9i 7 Boony - - - - 22 9,019 5 2,115 17 6,900 2 629 59 27i Old Calabar - - - - 9 4,614 1 152 8 4,454 I 464 147 5| Camaroons - - - - 4 1,3.50 1 360 3 929 1 447 35 - South Coa»t - . - . 13 1,597 5 - 8 1,086 - - 30 - — 87 23475 19 1,599 6^ 19,206 5 1,649 342 27 1 i Liverpool, 31 December 1845. ON THE AFRICA N SLAVE TUADE. 22 1 Slst December, with Register Tonnage remaining out, and Sailings up to 31st December 1848. BONNY. OLD CALABAR. CAMAROONS. Total Import. Total Import. Tolol Tonnage remaining out for 1849, Sailed up to 31 Dee. 1848. Vessels in Port, Filling and to lie Fitted for 1849. Total Tonnage Imported 1847. Imported 1848. Remsininp: ToiinaKt' out I'ur 1S49. Imported 1847. Imported 1848. Remaining Tonnage out for 1849. Imported 1847. Imported 1848. Remaining Tonnage out for 1K49. 1847. 1848. out, 31 Dec. 1847. > i2 1 > i J c * > 1 1 > c 1 a o Vessels. Tons. "3 > 1 > " 1 o > 1 3 3 3 1 4 2 3 2 !,ai4 054 1,2M 570 1,637 853 612 423 412 5 3 2 2 2 2 2 2,381 1,280 829 200 1,018 8G5 631 63G CIO 3 3 2 1 2 3 1 2 1,«G0 1,750 SOO 450 1,350 1,250 180 800 1 2 3 1 3 1 738 552 1,332 718 1,406 471 2 2 2 1 1 1,430 900 946 633 825 4 1 1 3 3 2,270 800 850 1,680 1,200 2 4 492 691 3 3 630 190 767 4 966 6 5 4 6 4 14 3 3 7 7 2 1 1 63 2,274 1,500 1,038 2,000 1,781 4,582 1,053 752 1,075 1,239 412 471 100 300 11 5 3 2 4 4 2 4 7 6 4 1 2 4,448 2,180 1,114 940 1,587 2,033 805 1,069 1,244 1,340 895 170 470 300 8 6 6 4 6 2 3 3 3 5 6 2 1 2 1 4,280 2,800 2,750 2,030 2,770 200 1 ,250 1,200 830 1,246 1,350 290 300 350 240 3 1 3 1 3 2 1 1,130 COO 1,C50 450 700 460 500 H 3 2 2 2 C 3 4 6 2 3,354 1.591 S55 975 779 2,677 655 652 1,270 491 23 7,773 20 8,450 17 8,540 11 6,217 8 4,634 12 6,700 S 1,183 7 1 1,487 4 966 19,163 55 18,GG7 59 ■21.886 14 5,500 37 13.299 Stock, 31 December 1847, 5,000 Tuns. Ditto, 31 „ 1848,1,400 „ Export, 31 December 1847, 5,500 Tons. Ditto, 31 „ 1848,2,500 „ Price, 31 December 1847, £.27. 10. Ditto, 31 „ 1848, £.30. JOHN t^LARK, Junior. Broker. Africa from Liverpool, 1st January to .'Mst December 184.5. Copper Rods. B o o O S is C « O a 3 Guns. Hardware. 'a a o '7j o u 1 S 3 1 ToIAL Value. Tons. Bales :tnd Cases. Pus. Barrels. Cases. Tons. Tons. M. B.iles. Hhds. Hhds. Bales. 4 4 2U 13Gi 25 12 Ill 141 420 312 1,524 797 203 551 CO 79 54 57 114 145 112 70 381 1,210 2,500 1,594 11,439 1,240 605 7,000 82 178 281 143 1,057 284 65 383 34i 13 20 I'i 601 16} 131 20 9 2,125 300 415 1,477 2.984 1,028 54 -J «1 6 3 41 -i 10 7 2 25 15 12 22 25 82 1,110 295 12 10 48 154 250 330 1,927 788 126 110 5 3 33 10 30 9,379 26,882 27,269 21,611 131,968 63,629 14,664 36,742 203i 4,059 691 , 25,959 2,478 194j 8,392 5li 60 1,574 3,733 81 332,144 * 49,560 Muskets. JOHN CLARF., Junior, Bioker. i3- B E 3 222 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE ROBERT HESKETH, Esquire, is called in, and examined as follows : R. Hesketh, Esq. 3 1 44. HAVE you been resident in Brazil for any considerable time? — I have in different parts since 1808. 2-2il June 1849. 3145. Will you state to the Committee where you have resided, and the time of your residence? — Three years in Bahia, and 20 at Maranham, and about 17 or towards 18 at Rio. 3146. In what capacity have you resided at those places? — I was a clerk at Bahia, and consul at Maranham and at Rio. I have been consul ever since February 1812. 3147. Has your residence in Brazil given you opportunities of observing the state of commerce and of manners in that country ? — I am intimately acquainted with it; I Iiad hardly any other pursuits. 3148. You are aware of the purpose for which this Committee is inquiring; can you state to the Committee, from your observation of matters in Brazil, anvthing which may further their inquiries ? — After being very actively employed in the present policy of suppression, I have come to this conviction, that we are not following it up efficiently ; that the direction of it is defective, because it comes through coercion, and that coercion has placed us in our present position with the Brazilians. 3149. Will you tell the Committee who are the parties who carry on the Slave Trade in Brazil? — In fact, Portuguese. 31.50. Who are the buyers of slaves ? — All the Brazilian planters, and all the Brazilian residents. 3151. What do they buy slaves for? — ^For agricultural purposes, chiefly. 3152. Are they, in point of fact, their only agricultural labouring population? —Yes. 3i,)3. Under present circumstances, can new land be taken into cultivation, and old land maintained in cultivation, without continual supplies of fresh slaves ? — Under the present system it cannot ; but there are a great number of planters who are anxious to try free labour, and several of them wish to attempt it on a large scale, inasmuch as there are many laws favouring the undertaking. A gen- tleman, who is dead now, of the name of Saturnine, who was lately Foreign Secretary of State, wished to undertake it upon a very extensive scale ; but the Government would not allow him to have the number of immigrants he wished to have, to the extent of some thousands. 3154. Free immigrants ? — Yes. 315.5. Europeans ? — Yes ; he was obliged to curtail his plan to about 1,000. 3156. Did he, in point of fact, import 1,000 labourers? — I believe he did make contracts, but do not know how far they were acted on. 3157. Of what nation? — I am not aware. 3158. Were they Europeans? — Yes; he commenced a contract for Europeans. 3159. Can you tell the Committee, of your own knowledge, that he imported any ? — No; while he was about the undertaking he died, before he could complete it. But he applied to me ; he wanted a certain proportion of Irish, and he was very anxious that I should contract for them, which I refused, knowing how badly treated they would be, and how faithless they are in their engagements. 3160. Can you state, of your own knowledge, anything more than that he had such a plan ? — Nothing more than that the Government would not allow him to go to the extent that he wished. 3161. What was the reason why they would not allow him? — I do not know. 3162. Can you state the probable reasons why the Government would object to it ? — My idea was, that as it was in a distant part of the coast, they were afraid that this large body of people would be out of the control of the Government in .ome measure, and pursue smuggling transactions. 3163. In what part of the country was it proposed to plant this colony of European settlers ? — At a placed called Macahe, a Uttle to the northward of Rio de Janeiro, where they smuggle a quantity of African negroes. 311)4. .Are not the Government under the control of the Portuguese slave- traders ?— Greatly. 3165. Would not the Portuguese slave-traders object to the immigration of free white labourers ?— They would not have it in their power. 3166. Would ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TKADE. 223 3166. Would riot they dislike the importation of free white labourers?— I R. Hesketh, E.'tf. should think so; there was a Colonization Society, and that has been thrown ' entirely over— by what influence I do not know, but I presume through the in- g ^d June 184 9. fluence of the slave-dealers. ' 3167. Are not the slave-dealers, generally speaking, supreme at present in Brazil ? — In influence, certainly. 3168. Would not their influence account for any coldness on the part of the Government as to such plans ? — Certainly. 3169. Are the Portuguese slave-dealers a wealthy body of men ?— I should say that they are the holders of the chief capital of the country. 3 1 70. Is not the commerce of Brazil carried on mainly by English capital ? — Certainly. 3171. Will you describe to the Committee the process by which the capital of England flows into Brazil? — All European manufactures, especially English, which are consumed in Brazil, are sold by British merchants at nominal credits. The chief purchasers of British manufactures are connected with the Slave Trade more or less ; they pay for those manufactures when it suits their convenience ; they are always long behind the time at which they contract to pay; then the planters get ready cash for their Brazilian produce, which they sell to British merchants, to send in return for those goods. Many of the brokers are Englishmen ; they advance money to the planters also ; by the use of this money the dealers send their goods coastwise, and they send their goods into the interior on credit ; therefore the coasting trade, as well as the internal trade, is increased by the use of British capital. I should fancy that in the province of Rio de Janeiro there is no less a sum than 5,000,000/. of British capital employed for the benefit of Brazilians. 3172. Then are the Committee to understand that you are of opinion that the main capital by which the Brazilian Slave Trade is maintained comes from England ? — I should say not the main, but certainly one-half, I am convinced. 3173. Is that well understood in Brazil? — Yes. 3174. Does that impress the minds of the Brazilians with any conviction as to our sincerity or insincerity in wishing to check the Slave Trade ?— 1 hey are convinced that our commercial interests are so bound up with the continuance of the traffic, that they think we cannot seriously compel them to abolish it; that we would not risk our commercial interests in the act of a hostile or forcible termination of the traffic. 3175. Does that encourage the Government and the people of Brazil in the non-fulfilment of their Treaties with this country for the abolition of the Slave Trade? — That idea, coupled with the sort of resistance which they feel disposed to make to coercive measures. 3176. Are the Committee, then, to understand, that if such measures were withdrawn, the Brazilians would voluntarily abolish the Slave Trade? — I think that negotiation would be much more successful if it were not coupled with the present system, or if a relaxation of the present system were coupled with some appeal to their sentiments, because they have among them an anti-slavery party. 3177. Would not a relaxation ot what you call the " present system" lead to a great increase in the number of slaves imported? — I do not think it would in a great degree, because, when 1 left two years ago, in 1847, I touched at Bahia, and they were sighing for the capture of a slaver, because they said it tended to keep up the price ; and it so happened, that while I was lying in the port they had news of the capture of a slaver, with several hundred slaves on board ; and those slave-dealers were rejoiced at it. 3178. Were the purchasers of slaves very anxious to have the price of slaves raised ? — No ; the importers of slaves. 3179. Are the Committee to understand that, in your opinion, what maintains the trade is, not the demand for slaves, but the iact that there are slave-dealers who import them ?— Without a demand the slave-dealers could not sell them. 3180. You have stated to the Committee, that you do not think that the with- drawal of the present hindrances to importing slaves would increase the number imported ? — Not much ; it would not ultimately ; it might at first. 3181. Is not the number imported governed by the number wanted as labourers in Brazil?— No j the number imported is according to the lacilities of 53. JE i; 4 escaping 224 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMWITTEE R. Heskcth, Enj. escaping our cruisers ; they have not much reference to the demand. In some years they are successful, and in some years tliey are not. g^d June 184 3. • ^^ g2. AVoukl not the number of slaves required for the cultivation of the land in "Brazil depend upon the means of the purchasers of extending tlieir cultiva- tion ?— Certainly, on the means of the purchasers. 318;^. Is not the extent of virgin land to be cultivated in Brazil almost unlimited ? — Certainly. 3i}<4. Would it not follow, that if there were a sufficient amount of capital available for the purjiose of placing negroes upon the land, a very much larger number of negroes would be emjjloyed for that purpose?— Certainly. 3185. Would it not follow, that if, by the withdrawal of our cruisers, the iiriVe of slaves were very much diminished, the Brazilian proprietors would be able to purchase a larger number of slaves to put upon that unlimited quantity of land ? — Certainly, if it was not provided for in some negotiation with the Government to restrain that. 3186. What negotiation could England enter into for that purpose, which could be at all likely to lead to success? — I am not prepared to say; but the strong feeling which the anti-slavery party had in the Brazils leads me to hope that they would restrict it in some way, had they the power to do so. 3187. Do you think that they have the power? — I do. 3188. Then, the hopes which you entertain of a more favourable disposition on the part of the Brazilian Government to act up to their obligations, and to put down the Slave Trade, rest entirely upon your belief of the existence of a large anti-slavery party in the Brazils ? — Yes. 3 1 89. It is your opinion that that party is large and influential in that country ? — Yes ; and it would be more active were it not for the forcible restriction which is imposed upon them. 3 1 90. Will you have the goodness to state to the Committee the reasons which induce you to come to the conclusion as to the existence of a large anti-slavery jiarty in Brazil ?- They have lately bought several papers, and they have written strongly against the8Iave Trade since my departure. Before my departure, tliey had applied to buy several belonging to the other party, and they had consulted me upon the propriety of having a paper paid for by the British Government to write for them. 3191. You stated that the Slave Trade was almost entirely in the hands of Portuguese settlers in the Brazils, and that the Portuguese settlers possessed almost the whole of the capital of the country ? — Yes. 3192. Is it your opinion, then, that the anti-slavery party are sufficiently powerful successfully to oppose the wishes and desires of this powerful and influential section of the community? — Certainly not; lately they have failed. They were taking very active measures since I left the Brazils ; but there was a change of Government, and I fancy that the change of Government which took place was occasioned by the influence of the slave-dealers. 3193- Do you think that the strong demonstration of feeling which has lately been apparent in Brazil against the Portuguese settlers, has been at all connected with a feeling on the part of the anti-slavery party ? — In a great measure it has, certainly. 3194. Is it your opinion that the anti-slavery cause has been taken up as a cry against those Portuguese? — Political hatred is also mixed up with the wish to abolish slavery. They hate the Portuguese party, and the influence which, as foreigners, they have assumed in the country. 3 ' 95- Is it your impression that it is rather what we should call in England a party cry, than any real feeling on the question of the abolition of slavery ? — r^o; I think that there are a great number of respectable Brazilians, and Bi'a- zdians who hold slaves, who lament the existence of slavery in the country ; they feel its pernicious efiects in their families ; they have often mentioned it to me. 3196. You think that the chief support of the Slave Trade in Brazil depends upon a foreign party, namely, the Portuguese, but that the feeling of the national party, that of the Brazilians, is, upon the whole, favourable to performing the obligations which they have contracted with this country? — I do. 3' 97- ^s the Committee to understand you to mean, that your hopes of putting an end to the Slave Trade would be derived from the double effect of a modifi- cation of the system coupled with negotiation, in fact, from the two together ?— Yes J ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 22.5 Yes ; it would have a bad effect upon them to see all restrictions suddenly r. Hesketh, Esq removed ; if this was removed suddenly, without the second step being taken, ' the character of the Brazilians is such, that I do not think it would have a sood '^'^^ •'""^ '^+9- effect. ^ 3198. Have there been any indications in these late troubles at Pernambuco, on the part of the persons who clamoured for the expulsion of the Portuguese, that the part they took was connected with feelings upon the Slave Trade ?— Not that I know of. 3 '99- Is the anti-slavery feeling of which you have spoken one arising from principle, from perceiving that it is wrong and cruel? — It is, first, from the great inconvenience which they all undergo in their families, and the total absence of all morality in bringing up their children ; the losing thing that it is to them to bring up their children as they do ; and also the trouble that they have in attending to a plantation with slaves, and the trouble and expense they have in taking care of thim. 3200. Then there is no moral or religious feeling connected with it; it is only the inconvenience and damage which they sustain in their families, and the ex- pense and trouble they incur ? — Yes ; but I think there is just as much moral feeling against slavery as there used to be in our colonies formerly. 320 1. Are the Committee to understand you to say that the immediate with- drawal of the cruisers from the coast of Africa would lead to a large importation of slaves into Brazil ? — Certainly. 3202. Are you able to tell the Committee anything of the effect of the altera- tion of the sugar duties in 1846 r — I have some returns of Bahia, the principal place of sugar exportation, and I find that the increase from 1846 is gradual up to the middle of this year ; in 1846 the total export of cases and barrels, and all packages, was 66,429 to all parts ; in 1847 the total amount of every package was 77,061 ; in 1848 the total export of every package, also, was 98,276; and in the present year, up to April 1849, the exportation of all packages was 9,629. In Pernambuco, the exports from the 1st of November 1847 to the 30th of April 1848 amounted to 29,338 tons, and from the 1st of November 1848 to the 30th of April 1849 to 36,460 tons. 3:^03. Would the returns from other ports show an equal increase ? — Those are the principal sugar ports in Brazil. 3204. Have you any separate returns of what is sent to England, and what is sent to all other countries ? — A great deal used to go to the Continent. 3205. To what ports was the sugar of Brazil formerly principally exported ? — To the Continent of Europe and to the States of America. 3206. Was not it, practically, excluded from England formerly? — Yes. 3207. From your knowledge of Brazil, do you expect that it will now be largely imported into the English market ? — Yes. 3208. Does an increase in the export of sugar imply an increase in the import of labour to produce it ? — Not exactly. 3209. Will you explain why it does not? — Because all the planters are well stocked with slaves to work their estates. 3210. Can the labour be transferred from one description of cultivation to another? — Labour is sometimes transferred from sugar to coffee, and vice versa. 321 1. Are all the planters in Brazil well stocked with slaves ?— Yes. 3212. Are the Committee to understand that there are no virgin lands which would be brought into cultivation if they had more labour? — There are no capitalists with capital and inclination to go further into the interior; and those who are disposed to follow this pursuit have slaves. 3213. Is it true, as the Committee have been informed, that a Brazilian's wealth depends upon the number of his slaves ? —Yes. 3214. Then if he were able to increase the number of his slaves, that would increase his wealth ? — Yes, under the present system. 3215. Then that which prevents his being able to increase the number of his slaves is the high price of slaves in the market, is not it ? —Yes. 3216. Is not the limit to the purchase of slaves the power of paying the price on the part of the Brazilian landowner ?— The power of paying the value ; the want of money. 3217. Then if the price of slaves were reduced one-half, would he be able to buv two slaves where he now is able to buv one ? — Certainly. ,53. F F " ' 321^- If 226 MINUTES OP EVIDENCK BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE R. Hesketh,Esq. .3'^ '8. If his wealth depend? upon the increase of his hands, would not that ' so far increase his means of wealth ? — He must have no more slaves than he can Q2d June 1849. maintain ; he must have capital in proportion. S-2\Q. But if there be virgin land capable of being cultivated, if he had more hands "to cultivate it, would not his means of increasing his wealth depend upon his means of increasing his hands to cultivate the land ? — Yes ; if slaves were cheaper, he would have more. 32'2o. You have told the Committee that the price of slaves depends not upon the demand, but upon the look-out kept by the British cruisers ? —The importa- tion, I said. 3221. The number imported depends upon that ? — Yes. 3222. Does not the price depend upon the number imported r — In some measure it does. 3223. Upon what else does it depend ? — It depends upon whether the planters have money to pay for them ; for instance, if the planters in Bahia had profitable crops, and had a certain balance in their favour for the crop upon the year's operation, they would probably lay out that balance in fresh slaves. 3224. Does anything else occur to you which you can suggest to the Committee, with a view to facilitate the exertions which this country is making to put down the Slave Trade, and to induce the Brazilians to co-operate with us for that purpose ? — Nothing beyond what I have stated. 3225. Are you of opinion, from the knowledge which you have acquired of the state of things upon the coast of Africa, that a very great increase of the force would enable us to put an entire end to the Slave Trade ? — No, I do not think it would. 3226. If the force were doubled, you do not think it would? — I do not think it would. 3227. Are you qualified to form a judgment upon the conditions of an effectual naval blockade ? — I am not a naval officer. 3228. Do you know anything of the service? — A great deal, inasmuch as I have been in vessels myself, and have been dealing with shipping all my life ; my office leads me to know a great deal of it also. 3229. Have you ever considered the efficiency of transferring the watch now kept upon the African coast to the coast of Brazil ? — Yes. 3230. Will you state to the Committee what is your impression as to the success of such a movement ? — I should think that, in the first place, the cruisers on the coast of Brazil would be very successful in intercepting all slave vessels, but that after they had possession of the slave vessels, great difficulty would arise, inasmuch as the slavers coming across the Atlantic would stand greatly in need of fresh provisions and water ; and there would be great difficulty m landing the slaves, who are invariably in a very emaciated state, full of several contagious disorders, such as diarrhoea, ophtlialmia, small-pox, and other African diseases. 3231. Would not they also have to beat up against the wind? — The nearest port to which they could take them would be one of our West India ports, which would be Demerara ; and that passage could not be effected in less than three weeks ; it is generally five or six weeks. 3232. Would not they have to beat up against a head wind ? — After they got to Pernambuco, it would be before the wind ; after they got round Cape St. Roque, it is always a fair wind. 3233. If they took them back to Africa, how would it be ? — To take them back to Africa, it would be a voyage of more than a month. 3234. What would cause the passage to be so long ? — Having to cross the North-east trades, they would have a great deal of Northing to make on leaving the coast of Brazil. 323.5. Is not there a reef from Cape Frio as far as Bahia? — There are sand- banks as far as the Abrothos, which are rocks about three leagues from land ; and there is a coral reef between the Abrothos and the main, but there is a navigable channel ; but to the southward of the Abrothos, in a south-east direction, there arc very dangerous shoals ; 1 have been upon them and sounded them. 3236. Is it possible for the British cruisers to go inside those reefs?— Small vessels can go inside the reels, and Ave had a cruiser that went there ; Captain Birch, ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 227 Birch, in the "Wizard," took a slaver inside the Sam Thom^ shoals ; he chased R- Hcsketh, Esq. her there in a dark night, and captured her at the bottom of the bay. 3237. Did that vessel go to Rio ?— He brought her into Rio. ^'-"^ •'""^ '^49- The Witness is directed to withdraw. Commander THOMAS CHALONER, R. N., is called in, and examined as follows : 3238. ARE you a Commander in the Royal Navy ? — I am. Commander 3239. Did you serve under Captain Denman, on board the " Wanderer"? — ' " ''"^'^' ' * 1 was First Lieutenant of the " VV'anderer." 3240. As such, were you well acquainted with Captain Denman's plans, when he was employed in suppressing the Slave Trade ? — I have had an opportunity of observing them generally. 3241. So as to be well acquainted with them: — So as to be well acquainted with them. 3242. Are you able to inform the Committee as to the success of those plans? — I conceive that they were very successful. 3243. Will you describe to the Committee what his plan was? — The great object was, always to be off the port of embarkation (at anchor chiefly). Slave vessels usually make their port in the day-time ; and a vessel at anchor has this great advantage over a vessel under sail, viz. not being so easily distinguished ; so that the cruiser (at anchor) would, by adopting that course, get much nearer to a slave vessel making the port. 3244. Can you mention to the Committee any particular instance in which, when anchored in that way, in the night, you found great advantage from that system ? — On one occasion, when not at anchor, but cruising close to the port, a vessel was sighted at anchor off the port ; on seeing the " VVanderer," the vessel slipped and made sail, endeavouring to escape ; but being within sufficient dis- tance, was kept sight of all night, and captured in the morning. On a second occasion, at anchor off the port in the day-time, a slave vessel hove in sight, continuing her course until she observed the " Wanderer ;" she then altered course, endeavouring to escape; but it was too late ; the "Wanderer" weighed in chase, and the vessel was captured. 3245. Do you recollect the capture of a slave ship in Elephant Bay ? — Yes ; that was in the '• Bittern," when at anchor in J'^lephant Bay (quite a close anchorage), with the " Grecian," another man-of-war brig ; I was in the " Bittern." It was between two and three o'clock in the morning. The vessel stood into the Bay, and anchored within 300 yards of the man-of-war. A boat was sent, and found her to be a vessel fully equipped for the Slave Trade. 3246. Did they take you for a slaver? — They did not see us till their anchor was let go. We were lyins; under the land, so that our masts were hid. 3247. Who was the senior officei', or the commanding officer, upon the station during your time ? — When I first went out in the " Wanderer," Admiral Elliott had just proceeded from the station to China. The senior officer was Captain Tucker, in the first period, and through a portion of the second period ; then Cap- tain Foote was the Commodore in the " Madagascar;" at which time the station was divided into the North and South Divisions. Admiral Percy was at the Cape of Good Hope, in command of the South Division and Mozambique. Captain Foote, and afterwards Commodore Jones, was in command of the North Division. Sir Charles Hotham had the command of the entire Western coast of Africa, viz. from Cape de Verde, in 13" south latitude. 3248. Were you at any time under Commodore Jones?— I was not; when Commodore Jones commanded the North station, I was under Admiral Percy. 3249. Has your service chiefly been on the southern part of the station?— It has been upon the Sierra Leone Division, and upon the South coast from the Line to Little Fish Bay, and in the Mozambique Channel. 32.50. You mentioned that you have also served under Sir Charles Hotham ? — I commanded a vessel under him. 3251. Was his plan for conducting the operations of the cruising squadron the same as that which you have described as being the plan of Captain Denman ? — Certainly not. 3252. Will you point out wherein it differed from the plan of Captain Denman? — ihe orders 1 received while serving on the Soutli coast were to cruise ^2, F F 2 alternate 228 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Commander alternate months, 30 and 60 miles off the shore, one month 30, and the other T. Chaloner, R. N. uionth 60. 3^53- ^Vill you describe to the Committee what, from your own observation, 2 2d June 1849 . ^,^^ consider to have been the effects of Sir Charles Hotham's plan?— I should think that, had I carried out the above-named order, I should not have succeeded so well as had I been cruising near the shore, or had 1 never lost sight of the shore. 3254. Are the Committee to understand that it is your opinion, from your practical acquaintance with the subject, that the cruising at that distance from the shore would put you to great disadvantage ?— At great disadvantage. 3255. Is it vour impression that an effectual guard of the coast could not be maintained at that distance from the shore? — I think it quite impossible. 3256. Will you state to the Committee whether in any other respects Sir Charies Hotham's plan was different from Captain Denman's ?— I can scarcely draw a further comparison between them, because one was only the Commander of a ship, and the other was Commander-in-chief of the squadron. 3057, Are you able to state to the Committee whether Sir Charles Hotham forbade the employment of boats upon detached service ?— He did, on certain parts of the coast, at certain seasons of the year. 32,58. Can you state to the Committee whether a system of drilling was intro- duced under Sir Charles Hotham's command? — There was a considerable increase of exercise and evolutions. 3259. Can you tell the Committee whether that Avas so much attended to as to facilitate, in your judgment, the escape of vessels at times when the crews were engaged in that drilling ? — There was no occasion, within my own knowledge, where it caused the escape of a ves.sel. 3260. Will j'ou state to the Committee whether, from your acquaintance with the service, you consider that amount of driUing compatible with keeping a full and diligent look-out ? — Certainly, it is to be done ; it might cause a little increase of difficulty, harassing to the ship's company, inasmuch as it would make the duties more fatiguing. 3261. Can you state to the Committee whether your own anxiety as a divi- sional officer to drill up to Sir Charles Hotham's mark interfered with the endea- vours which you might otherwise have made to suppress the Slave Trade ? — iMy chief view was always to carry out my orders as to the suppression of the Slave Trade to the utmost ? — I do not think that on any occasion 1 ever allowed drilling to put aside that principal object. 3262. Do you consider that a system of blockading, which limited the approach of the blockading squadron to from 30 to 60 miles of the coast, was a fair test of the efficiency of the blockading squadron in preventing the escape of slavers ? — Certainly not. S26'^. You think that any arguments drawn from the failure of a squadron which pursued that sjstem invariably, would afford a fair inference as to the probable success of a squadron acting under another system ? — I cannot say that, during- the two years I was upon the coast, I acted invariably up to that order of Sir Charles Hotham's, because, during the first 12 months, 1 never received any order of that kind ; I merely received a general order to take charge of a station, and to do my utmost to suppress the Slave Trade. After I had been nearly a year upon the coast, I received an order from the divisional officer, ordering me to cruise alternate months, 30 and 60 miles from the coast. 3264. Supposing that to be the system which was directed to be pursued by the commanding officer, would you think that it would be a fair test of the efficiency of a blockading squadron in preventing the escape of slaves .' — Cer- tainly ; I think it would not be a fair test. 32C5. Were you upon the station when Sir Charles Hotham arrived there r — He arrived a very few days before I did. 3266. Are the Committee to understand that you had been there nearly a year before you received his directions about cruising alternately 30 and 60 miles? — The first orders which I received were directly from Sir Charles Hotham himself, to take charge of a certain portion of the coast as my station, and to do my utmost to suppress the Slave Trade. 32(37. Are the Committee to conclude from that, that Sir Charles Hotham changed his plan ? — I cannot say ; it was when I changed my station, coming upon a different division of the coast, that I then received different orders. 3268. But ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 229 3268. But you were still under Sir Charles Hotham's command ?— Yes ; Sir Commander Charles Hotham's command was divided into three divisions ; I was first in the T. Chaloner, R. N. north division, where I had orders worded in this way, " that I was to do my , „ utmost to suppress the Slave Trade upon that part of the coast where I was ^ad June ^849. stationed." VVhen 1 proceeded to the southern station, I received orders to cruise during alternate months, 30 and 60 miles from the shore. 3269. Are you practically acquainted with the coast of Africa south of the River Congo ? — I have been cruising there for two or three months together, at different periods. 3270. Can you mark upon the chart the places where you have yourself observed depots of goods for the purpose of carrying on the Slave Trade ? — I can mention two or three : on the south of the Congo, Ambriz and Ambrizette ; there is another place called Juma Bay, which is between Ambriz and the Congo ; then there is a river, a little south of St. Paul de Loando, near Cape Palmarinha. There is a very large place called Quicombo, which is both a depot of goods and a shipping place of slaves. The next place is a small harbour called Lobito, a very secure harbour; slaves have been shipped there. The next is a river between that and Benguela, The goods are usually in the town of Benguela, and the slaves shipped at a place to the north, called Catambela. 3271. From your observation of that coast, should you say that the whole coast is studded with depots of slaves, which you see as you sail down it?— You cannot see them ; it is a very barren coast, and a casual observer probably would be inclined to say that there was nothing of the sort ; but the huts, &c., are just hid by the first rising hills, or they may be a little further in-shore, which we have no opportunity of finding out, from our so very seldom going on shore ; but that slaves are shipped there we know, from the fact of vessels being taken full of slaves coming from that part of the coast. In Quicombo, one of the men-of-war's boats pulled in, and they were counting the slaves over the side of the vessel at the time of the capture. 3272. Were you cognisant of the effect of the destruction of the barracoons in which the goods were lodged? — I was present at Gallinas in 1841, when Captain Denman destroyed the barracoons at Gallinas. 3273. Will you state what your impression would be of the effect of destroying the depots of goods stored in the barracoons for the conduct of the Slave Trade ? — The effect must be for a time to check the Slave Trade almost entirely, first from the destruction of a quantity of goods, and next from the breach of con- ■ fidence which it must occasion between the natives and the European slave- dealers. 3274. Will you state what your own impression would be as to the effect which would be produced upon the coast by the total withdrawal of the British squadron ? — My impression would be, certainly, that there would be a vast increase for a short time in the exportation of slaves. 3275. Would that, in your judgment, be attended with the up-growth of a set of almost piratical vessels upon the coast ? —No, there is nothing to lead me to that conclusion. 3276. Will you state to the Committee whether the vessels which have been employed hitherto in the suppression of the Slave Trade are properly rigged and well found for that service ? — They are rigged in the usual way of men-of- war ; they have always been efficient men-of-war ; but there might be advantages gained by increasing the sails for that station alone ; that has been proved in two cases. 3277. What were the two cases ? — The two cases were the " Water Witch," which Captain Matson commanded, and the " Rapid," another vessel, com- manded by Captain Dixon within the last two years. 3278. Do you think that the squadron would be much more efficient if there were a smaller proportion of sailing vessels, and a larger proportion of steam vessels ? — Certainly. 3279. Do you consider the force at present upon that station as sufficient to carry out the objects of the Government ? — Certainly not. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Ordered, That this Committee be adjourned to Monday next. Three o'clock. 53- !•• F 3 ^'^ MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Die Luntv, 25^^ Jimii, 1849- THE LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD in tlic Chair. Captain EDWARD HARRIS BUTTERFIELD, R. N., is called in, and, havine: been sworn, is examined as follows : 'a Captain ,^80 HAVE vou Served in the cruisino- station off the coast of Africa ? — Yes, £. II. Bullcrfteld, t / jj j^r I nave. J \ 3-!Si- 111 what years did you serve? — I served from the beginning of 1824 25th June i84y. till the middle of 1825, from the beginning of 1827 to January 1831, and from March 1840 to May 1842. 3JS2. On what part of the coast were you posted during the first of those terms ? — From Sierra Leone to the Line. 3283. On what part were you stationed during the second of those periods ? — The same, with the addition of the Gambia. 3284. And on what part were you stationed during the third of those periods? — From three degrees south to the Cape of Good Hope a few months, and then from seven degrees south to the Cape. 3285. Are you able to state to the Committee, from your own knowledge as a naval officer, what force you would think necessary at this moment for guarding the south coast to the Line from the Slave Trade?-— I think we should be able effectually to do it by having from eight to ten vessels. 3286. How would you divide those vessels ; how many steamers would you require, and how many sailing vessels ? — I should say half of each. 3287. When you say from eight to ten vessels, do you include the reliefs, or would the reliefs which might be necessary for making them effective be extra ? — With those ten 1 should fancy you could keep the reliefs up ; I chiefly form m}' opinion from 1842. 1 had three vessels with me then, and one was generally away getting provisions \ at that time we took three out of five vessels. 3288. Along that very coast? — Yes. 3289. Was the Slave Trade at that time rife along the south coast ?---Yes. 3290. It was abundant? — It was when we first went down. 3291. Can you mention to the Committee the places along the south coast at ■which the Slave Trade at that time was most abundant? — Kabenda, Ambriz, Loando, a place called Old Benguela, and Benguela : from this place latterly the slaves were generally transported to Elephant Bay. 3292. They were taken to Elephant Bay and embarked there ? — Yes. 3293. Was there any Slave Trade carried on south of Elephant Bay r — There was a new settlement formed at Little Fish Bay ; I heard of two vessels there. 3294. Was there any Slave Trade carried on further south than Little Fish Bay? — Not to my knowledge. 3295. Will you inform the Committee what is the character of the country when you get to that southern part of Africa?— It is a sandy soil ; it looks Uke a gentleman's park planted with trees. 3296. There is a good deal of bush? — Yes. 3297. Is there an appearance of water to be had down that coast ? — Very little to the southward of Little Fish Bay ; you see the first tree from the Cape of Good Hope about 1.5 miles south of this ; it is all sandy to there, and then you come to the first sign of trees or water. 3298. Above Little Fish Bay? — To the southward of Little Fish Bay. 3299. Is the part which you mentioned as being like park scenery, north or south of Little Fish Bay?— North. 3300. I presume that south of Little Fish Bay it is waste? — Yes, it is. 3301. That part of the country is nearly uninhabited, is it not, or very thinly inhabited ?— 1 never saw any inhabitants southward of Little Fish Bay ; between Elephant Bay and Little Fish Bay very few. 3302. The Committee have been informed by another witness accustomed to cruise in that part of the coast, that if the Slave Trade could be stopped above Little Fish Bay, there would be no probability of their carrying it on to the south of ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 231 of Little Fish Bay ; does your experience on that coast confirm that notion? — Captain I believe that they could not carry it on to the south at all. A*. //. lUiittrfielti. 3303. As you sail up the coast from Little Fish Bay northward to Ambriz, be ^•'^• good enough to tell the Committee whether you see a quantity of slave barracoons 25,1, ju„e ,849 and factories along the coast, or whether there are only a few spots where slaves ______ have hitherto been embarked ?— I saw nothing at all between Little Fish Bay and Elephant Bay ; I think that is the first place, and then you could only see a canoe or two. The first place you come to is Benguela, which is a Portuguese settlement. To the northward of Benguela there were a few huts, which had been occupied, but which were not occupied while I was there. You then get to a little place near Logito, which is the first after leaving Benguela ; the name of that place I forget. 3304. It is marked Quicombo ? — Then there is Nova Redenda. There are others. I have not examined that place much. 3305. Going north of that, which is the next spot where slaves are embarked? — There is a little place near Cape Ledo where they embark slaves. 3306. Which is the next place ? — You then come to a place called Old Ben- guela ; there is then a point called Palmarinha. Those are the places to which the slaves are chiefly sent from Loando. 1 was told by a man in a Ilamburo-h vessel that they embark the slaves very often just under the Fort at Loando, at night-time ; he told me that if there was a fire burning, it was a sign that there were slaves embarking. 3307. You are now speaking of Loando prior to the year 1842 ? — Yes, I left in May 1842. 3308. Was this between 1840 and 1842?— Yes. I know nothing after 1842, except what I have read in the papers. 3309. That was at a time when there was no Slave Trade Treaty existing between Portugal and England ? — Yes ; there was no Mixed Commission Court at that place then. 3310. Were you seizing them under the Act of 1839? — Yes. 331 1 . Did the Portuguese Government at that time put any impediment, that you are aware of, in the way of the Slave Trade ? — They would do so, if there happened to be any British officer present ; but they winked at it. Tiie system that was pursued was, that the Governor used to go to his country house ; the slaver started while he was away ; and when he came back he had proclamations issued to try to find out who the people were. 33 1 2. When you spoke of eight or ten vessels being sufficient to keep the coast clear, did you count upon hearty co-operation from the Portuguese (lovernment, or did you merely speak of the state of things which you saw while you were there? — I should have felt myself quite certain of being able to put tliat trade down with that number of vessels under any circumstances. 3313. Then, if the Portuguese Government heartily co-operated with the Enghsh Government in putting the Slave Trade down, would it reduce the number of vessels which you think would be necessary along that station? — Yes ; I think there is no doubt of that ; but since I have left the station, and it had begun before I left, the American vessels come over and remain under American colours in Loando, and equip there ; they have everything perfectly ready to take in slaves. They sail out at sun-set, and a little after day-light you can take these very vessels under no colours coming out near the Port. 3314. With slaves ? — Yes, with slaves in them. That is where some Treaty is required with America, in order that we might have the right of search in putting down that system. I can mention a case which came under my own knowledge : I boarded a ship, and found that she was ready equipped for the Slave Trade ; I got the captain to take a letter to another officer at Kabenda, and I told him by private signals that this vessel was fitted for slaves. He took her two or three days afterwards, ready to go out, by means of the information which I gave him ; there was a Spanish bill of sale on board of her, which had just been made out. That system is now universally carried on, and that is what, I think, prevents our putting it down at once. 3315. Are you able to inform the Committee respecting the Slave Trade in the River Congo while you were there ?— I have been up the River Congo several times. 33 It). Are you acquainted with the mouth of the River Congo ?— Yes. I chased a slaver up the River Congo, and unfortunately run ashore ; she got up 53- F *' 4 one 232 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain one of the creeks, and I believe dismantled herself, and covered herself over with E. H. Butterfield, branches and leaves ; we were two days searching for her, and could not find her. ^- ^- I took some of her crew afterwards, and learned she had got out to sea. I could 3«h W 1840 not persevere in the search, having to go elsewhere. ^ ; ;1317- Will you be good enough to tell the Committee whether, in your judg- ment, one steamer, well found, would prevent any slaver from being able to enter the mouth of the Congo ? — I should certainly say that one steamer would prevent her entering. 33 1 S. So that one steamer would seal the River Congo to the traffic? — Yes. No sailing vessel could come in, because coming in with the sea-breeze, which dies away at sun-set, you must see her. The tide is very strong : no steam- vessel could enter without using her engines at night, and I am certain that she would be seen and heard. 3310. Then, in your judgment, one steamer cruising about the mouth of the River Congo would effectually seal it from the Slave Trade? — It would effec- tually seal it from anything going in. 3320. In your judgment, would not that be the most effectual way of preventing the Slave Trade from the mouth of the River Congo ?— Certainly, if this steamer was constantly there, she would prevent everything from going in ; even remain- ing any time away ; a slaver having got in, I do not believe she could slip out without being seen in a dark night. 3321. Then you would feel no difficulty in preventing a slaver from going in by having one steamer under your command ? — Certainly none. 3322. Are you able, from your own experience of this business, to give the Committee any information with regard to the relative advantages of the system of off-shore cruising, say 50 to 70 miles, and in-shore cruising, say, cruising and anchoring within a mile or two of the shore ?— The in-shore certamly is the best ; because I believe that by stopping one vessel coming in, you prevent three going out ; one vessel would supply three cargoes of slaves. Our cruising outside is more chance ; you trust to good luck ; but I think that by cruising in-shore with 10 vessels, you certainly ought to allow nothing to go in or out without being seen. 3323. In your judgment, although 10 vessels would suffice to keep that guard if they were cruising in-shore, that number would not suffice to keep that guard if they were cruising 60 or 70 miles off? — No ; you must then trust to chance, and one point unguarded would make a great difference. 3324. Would, in your judgment as a naval officer, any benefit which might be derived from a blockade fail upon the supposition of its being carried on 60 or 70 miles from shore? — Yes. 3325. Are the Committee to understand that you think it must necessarily fail from being carried on at that distance ?— Certainly. 3326. You would attribute that anticipated failure to the fact of the distance which the vessels would be from the shore ?— Most certainly ; I form that opinion very much upon the practice that was followed when I was first on the coast ; we were obliged at that time to cruise 60 or 70 miles off. I have sometimes gone in-shore, and seen six or seven of these vessels lying off the principal ports, and we have very seldom taken more than two out of them. 3327. Where were those vessels lying ? — On the coast, from Cape St. Paul's to Lagos : we could not touch them till the slaves were actually embarked, and it was no use our cruising in-shore, because they would never come out when they saw us. 3328. According to your view, cruising at a distance affords merely the chance of intercepting a ship on the wide sea? — Yes. 3329. And cruising in-shore amounts, in fact, to the sealing of the district? — Yes, I should certainly think so. 3330. Have you been upon this coast enough to be able to state to the Committee what is the accuracy of this map, which represents a line of internal communication by Lagoons, extending from Loango Bay up to and beyond Lagos. You will perceive Little Popoe ; here begins the chain of Lagoons extending past Little Popoe, Whydah, Lagos, Loosoo, the River Benin, across the River Quarra, Cape Formosa by New Calabar, the River Bonny, round by the Cameroons, across the River Mooney by Corisco Bay, by the Gaboon River down below Cape Lopez, by Kilongo, and down to Loango Bay, extending 1,300 miles of coast? — I believe ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. '■33 25th June 1849. — I believe it goes as far as the east outlet of the Bonny River from Cajie Capiain St. Paul's. E.H.Butterfield, 3331. From the Bonny to Lap;os ? — Certainly. -^'•-^• 3332. Are you able to tell the Committee whether there is such a line of Lagoons as you come from the south? — I cannot state it of my ov^^n knowledge ; but persons to whom I have spoken tell me there are no communications. Until this morning I believed that this Lagoon did not reach even to the Bonny; but I have since then seen a person who has been there. 3333. But the south Line is wholly imaginary? — Yes, I am almost certain of that, from every thing I have been told. 3334. Where is that ? — From opposite Fernando. From the Bonny River there is no communication to Cape Lopez by Lagoon. From every information I have received, and I am almost certain of it, I have landed at Loando, and been carried out to the King's House there, which I should think must be from 20 to 25 miles from the shore. There we were carried through fields of immensely high grass ; in fact, the grass came up to the hammock. 3335. Had there been any such Lagoon j'ou must have passed it?^ — Yes. :i\):>,6. What ship did you command ?— The "Phantom" and the " Brisk." I was senior Lieutenant of the " Primrose " when this visit was paid. 3337. What was the state of health of your crew during the time you were in command ? — Very healthy ; and among the few deaths that did occur were cases of officers who took prizes up to Sierra Leone ; and it was certainly irom their own imprudence that they got the fever. The deaths were few among the men, chiefly accidents. The crew were very healthy, although very much exposed in boats. 3338. Was there a good deal of boat- work in your service?— Yes, constantly. 3339. And, by taking proper precautions, were you able to prevent your crew from being very unhealthy ? — Yes, the crews almost always returned in better health, if there was any difference, than the ship's company, and they were away a month at a time. 3340. Did you observe any difference in the health of the crew when you cruised in-shore and at a distance ? — I was very seldom at anchor, but was from five miles to fifty ; I do not think there is any difference at all in that respect. 3341. Within five miles did you find it unhealthy? — I never did, and I have been very much exposed myself. 3342. Why do you put the limit to five miles? — I merely said five, as I generally cruised that distance. Within a mile or two there are heavy dews at night. 3343. Did you employ your boats much in the creeks ? — No ; I never sent my boats up the Congo but once. 3344. Do you think that that would be dangerous ? — I think so, certainly. 3345. Do you think it would be possible to send boats connected with King's ships manned by Kroomen, and other trained black people ? — They behave very well when mixed with the white men. 3346. Do you think it well to place men of colour under the command of officers who have served in the African Corps ? — I do not know what they vvould do under black officers ; they behave very well under English officers. In all the slave actions I was in, they behaved very well indeed ; there was not the slightest complaint of any kind to make. 3347. You mean it would be a speculation how far they would behave well if they were not under white officers? — I cannot exactly answer that question; they have great confidence in white men, I know. 3348. Should you like to trust your boats under such officers ?— I have never seen anything like a black officer in the navy. 3349. You spoke of 10 vessels being sufficient to guard the coast from Loango to Little Fish Bay; that is an extent of coast from 10 to 12 degrees ? —Yes. 3350. Speaking roundly, that would give about 12 degrees ?— Yes. 3351. That would be over 70 miles for each vessel : should you feel perfectly confident of being able to guard such an extent of coast with tliat number of vessels ? — There'are many places within that distance from which slaves could not be embarked. From 1840 to 1842 three vessels took three-fifths of the plavers, and 1 believe ten might take the whole. 53. GG 3353. How 234 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE E lF''nidt"fi n 3-552. How Avould it be if the slave-traders were driven from the other coast? jl i^\ — They could not embark slaves if they were driven I'rom the shore. 3353- Slaves can be embarked in Little Fish Bay ? — Yes. 25th June 1849. 3354. Is there no place between Little Fish Bay and Elephant Bay at which they could be embarked ? — I can only give my opinion from running down the coast ; I have never cruised much there ; but I do not think there is any place from Little Fish Bay to Cape Martha. 33.5.5- Is that on account of the surf, or on account of beino^ uninhabited ? — It is sand and white chffs, few landing-places, and appears uninhabited. 3356. But that would not prevent the settlers from settling there if they were driven away from other parts ? — If you drive them from one spot to another, and you always watch and follow them up, it will prevent their embarking at what- ever part you are stationed. 33.^7. To do that, in your judgment wouid the number of vessels you have mentioned be sufficient ? — Ves, I think so, because you can always run 100 to 90 miles a day with land and sea breezes. 3358. Looking into the creeks and places where vessels might anchor ? — Yes. 3359- Were the slavers that you mention at Elephant Bay taken by land ? — Yes. 3360. What distance had they to travel ? — They were taken from Benguela ; it is, I think, about 50 miles ; they made a new road from Elephant Bay to Benguela when I was off the coast. 3361. Is a road necessary to enable the slaves to travel up and down the coast there? — Yes. 3362. You mean cut through the jungle? — Through the bush and sand. 3363. Were there any facilities offered in that part of the coast between Elephant Bay and Benjj'uela, which would not be offered in other parts of the coast to the traversing of slaves backwards and forwards ? — I have never travelled it, but I believe that all along there is entirely a road. From Loando to Old Benguela there was a road making while I was there ; we had information that they were making roads to reach, if they could, Benguela from l^oando ; I how- ever know that there were some hostile tribes between the two places ; they would not let the slaves pass through their territory, and they had to go a long way round. 3364. But even assuming that there are roads, or facilities for cutting roads, all down that coast, you would not be afraid to say that with 10 cruisers upon that extent of coast this traffic might be stopped ? — I myself firmly believe it. 3365. You speak from experience which you gained previously to 1840? — Previously to 1842. 33(36. You have no knowledge of the state of the country since that time ? — No ; there are the proofs ; the Portuguese told me that we took three out of five with three cruisers. I certainly consider I could have stopped the traffic with 10 vessels ; I did say in foi'mer years with eight. 3367. But your knowledge of the country is derived entirely from cruising along the coast?— Yes. 3368. You know nothing of the interior? — No, except at Loando, I went out to see the King while we were watering there in 1830. 33G9. And it is previous to 1842 that your experience dates ? — Yes. 3370. Have you, through Parliamentary Papers, or through any other means, since you visited the coast, at all watched the progress of the Slave Trade on the Portuguese part?— I have generally read the Parliamentary Slave Reports, and I have conversed with officers who have been out there. 3371- You have seen probably that since 1842 the Portuguese Government have shown a much more active and sincere disposition to co-operate with us in suppressing the Slave Trade than before that period ?— Yes, I iiave. 3:-{72. Should they continue m that spirit, it would probably make it still more easy to suppress that trade?— It would be of great assistance. 3373- Do you know whether they have Government establishments any where except at St. Paul, Benguela and Ambriz ? — I believe not, except a small esta- blishment at Nova Redondo. 3374- If they have estabbshments, and if they were sincere in co-operating with us, it would very much facilitate our object ? — Yes, the Portuguese officers all say that they would like it to be put down, because the soil is so fertile, that they could cultivate almost anything there. One Governor, however, went 'to awav ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. away with slaves from Benguela ; lie took the opportunity of taking some of the slaves that belonged to Government ; he actually went over with a cargo ; I know it happened while I was there, between 1840 and 1842. 3375. Has the Governor much control over the population? — I do not know about the population. 3376. Has there been any difference in the treatment of the officers captured in slavers ? — I do not know how they treat them now. 3377. Was there any difference in the treatment of them during your stay there? — No. 337 8. While you were on the coast, would the captain of a slaver be admitted as a guest in the ship, and would he be admitted to the table of the captain ? — No, certainly not. 3379. They were treated more in the shape of criminals? — Yes. 3380. Aspirates? — Yes. 3381. Are there not instances in which they have been set ashore on the coast ? — Yes ; I have landed numbers myself. 3382. Have they been landed except in the neighbourhood of slave factories? — Always in that neighbourhood, and they always prefer running their vessels on shore to being taken prisoners by us. 3383. Are you able to tell the Committee whether this is, from your expe- rience, a fair and just account of the state of the climate along the south coast : " The humidity of the climate, combined with its heat, keeps any one for night and day in a sort of stew ; and not only that, but everything about him, be it metal, wood or stone, all perish daily beibre him ; " from your observation of the coast, would that be an exaggerated or a just account of the state of things ? — I never was oppressed with heat much myself; there is a heavy dew at night, and our keys and knives, which may happen to be on our persons, are frequently rusted. Your clothes are almost always damp when you put them on in the morning. This is not peculiar to the coast of Africa, for 1 have felt the same in India and in the Mediterranean ; indeed, there is as much mildew in the Medi- terranean as there is on the coast of Africa. 3384. Did you find that the effect of the climate produces a mental and bodily lassitude, which made the spur of duty always essential to keep a man in action ? — I never felt it myself. 3385. Did you find that the case among the officers or crew ? — No ; they were always very active. 3386. There was no lassitude among them ? — No, not that I know of. My men were always very active and happy, and amused themselves when off duty. We had no lassitude of that description at all. The Witness was directed to withdraw. Captain E. H. Butterfield, R.K. 25th June 1849. Captain JOHN BEACROFT is called in ; and, having been sworn, is examined as follows : 3387. HAVE you been engaged on the coast of Africa in commercial trans- actions ?~ In the preceding part of my time. 3388. Have you resided for some time yourself on the coast of Africa? — For 20 years. 3389. Will you state to the Committee the place where you have resided ? — I have resided at Fernando Po. 3390. From what year does your residence date? — From 1829. 3391. Have you been there ever since? — I have been 15 months in England out of the whole 20 years. 3392. Will you be good enough to tell the Committee in what capacity you have " resided there? — I first went out under the Government with Colonel Nichols, as Sub-Superintendent of the Government establishment there. After the establishment was abandoned by the British Government, I remained there ; the people volunteered to remam there. I remahied amongst them, and I made the village of Clarence, which is there now. 3393. Be eood enough to tell the Committee the result of your observation as to the heaUhiness of that part ?— Fernando Po, at present, is perfectly healthy. In the first instance, it was unhealthy ; an epidemic was taken there from Sierra Leone in 1829, in which year we had yellow fever and black vomit, such as never 33. G G 2 was Captain John Beacroft, 25th June 1849. 23C) JtlNUTE? OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain was knowii on the island before nor since. At present it is perfectly healthy, John lieacrojt. and has been for some time. There are a number of Europeans (ladies) living there, one of whom has been there six years nearly. 3304. Are you able to inform the Committee as to the state of legal commerce upon tlie neighbouring coast of Africa?— When I left in the Bight of Biafra there were about 20,000 tons of British shipping. 3395. Will you tell the Committee exactly where you mean? — From Cape Formosa to the River Malimba, embracing Rio Bento, New Calabar, Bonny, Old Calabar, IJimbia and Cameroons. 33q6. lias the commerce, which the tonnage you have mentioned represents, in a great measure sprung up during the time you have been residing at Fernando Po?— Yes, in a great measure. 3397- ^^^^'^ y°^ s>i— X'or 10 months I was stationed in sight of that point. 3.591. Will you tell the Committee what was the state of the Slave Trade while you were cruising upon the coast of the River Congo ? — When I went to the River Congo at first, the Slave Trade was very brisk, but I do not think that, during the 10 months I remained there, a single slaver escaped from the river. 3.592. Will you state how that happy result was obtained? — By keeping so close that they could not have passed us. 3593. How many ships were employed upon that special service? — The " Prometheus " alone was employed to guard that river. 3594. The " Prometheus," in your judgment, alone for 10 months effectually guarded the River Congo ? — Yes. 3595. What is the width of the River Congo at its mouth? — About three miles. 3596. Was the " Prometheus " principally employed in preventing the entrance of vessels into the river which were intended to ship negroes, or in preventing their exit from the river with negroes on board ? — Both. 3597. Did you find any impracticability from the strength of the current in intercepting vessels as they left the Congo with slaves on board ? — None tried to leave it during that period. 3598. To what do you attribute their not trying it ? — I captured them before they entered. 3599. ^^ il^ yo^ state what your impression is, from the observations which you have been able to make upon the stations upon which you have cruised, as to the possibiUty of maintaining an effectual blockade of the Slave Trade upon the African coast ? — It is possible j but with a very large force. 3600. Will you state what force you mean, when you say "a very large force"? — I should say not less than 60 vessels and 10 reliefs, which would be 70. 3601. Would that include the whole coast ?— That would include the whole coast. 3602. The western coast, not the eastern? — -The western coast. 3603. Will you state further, whether you think that if the Slave Trade were extinguished at certain points, a smaller force would afterwards serve to prevent its breaking out again ? — I think not. 3604. Have you made any observations as to the rise of legitimate traffic at places where the Slave Trade was checked ? — In the rivers northward of Sierra Leone the legitimate trade was increasing very considerably. The Slave Trade was checked ; but still, at points where the Slave Trade was going on, the legi- timate trade was going on also. 360.5. Have you data for telling the Committee whether you think that the two trades can flourish together ? — I see no reason against it ; the Slave Trade being encouraged may be a temporary check to the legal trade ; but at Ambriz, and several other jilaces, they both go ©n together. 3606. I8 ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 247 3606. Is not the demand for European goods a great stimulant to the Slave Commander Trade > —\ es. John Hay, R. iN 3607. Is not the Slave Trade the trade which gives, with the least labour to r7~ o the natives who carry it on, the greatest returns ?— I believe it is. 4 ti' J"iy i»4 9. 3608. Then, in your judgment, would it be likely, if the Slave Trade, with less labour, gave greater returns and was more flourishing, that the natives would turn to trades which required greater labour and gave less returns ? There are some of those trades which require very little labour also, and in the intervals, they can employ slaves for those purposes ; for instance, the ground-nut. 3609. Can you tell the Committee whether that is an article of considerable trade on the coast of Africa ? — It is increasing very rapidly to the north of Sierra Leone. 3610. What is the use of the ground-nut ? — For oil. 361 1. Will you tell the Committee what, in your opinion, would be the result upon the Slave Trade of withdrawing the British squadron ? — There would be an immense increase for a time. 3612. When you say " for a time," will you explain what you think would check it after a time ?— The importation into Brazil would be so great, that they would be inclined to check it themselves in Brazil. 3613. Are you yourself acquainted with the Brazils?— I have been there a great many years ago, but I know very little of it now. 3614. Then when you say "for a time," you speak rather from speculation than from any positive information you have ? — Yes. 3615. From what you know of the coast of Africa, do you think that that great temporary increase would probably be attended with acts of violence ? — I can hardly answer that. 3616. Are you able to tell the Committee whether, from what you saw on the coast of Africa, you suppose that it would give any interruption to the present legal trade ? — I think it would for a time. 3617. When you say " fora time," what reason have you to suppose that that effect would be only temporary ? — I think that if the trade was free, slaves would increase so fast in the Brazils that they would require no more. 3618. Are you yourself acfiuainted with the extent of virgin soil in Brazil? — No ; only from reading on the subject. 3619. Is there any suggestion which your knowledge and experience of the coast enable you to give to the Committee with reference to the subject of their inquiry how the Slave Trade can most effectually be checked? — Nothing further than what I have stated, increasing the number of vessels, or else permitting it altogether, as the present squadron is of no service there. 3620. Do you mean the Committee to understand, by saying that " it is of no service," that it does not greatly check the present exportation r — It must check it to a certain extent, because the price of slaves is much higher than it would be otherwise ; but still it does not check it. 3621. Do you mean that it does not prevent it ? — It does not prevent it. 3622. But the Connnittee understood you to say that you thought the with- drawal of the squadron would be attended with a great increase of the Slave Trade? — For a time. 3623. Therefore, the difference between that increased state and the present state, you attribute to the efficiency of the squadron ? — Yes. 3624. Were any Treaties negotiated with any of the natives upon the part of the coast where you were stationed in the " Prometheus ?" — To the north of Sierra Leone there were two or three Treaties. 3625. Were there any upon the part of the coast you spoke of just now, between Cape Lopez and St. Paul de Loando ?— None during the period I was there. 3626. Were there many points upon that part of the coast from which slaves were shipped during the time you were there ? — They were shipped upon nearly the whole coast, but principally from the best harbours. 3627. That part of the coast is nominally under the Portuguese authorities ? — It is, I believe, claimed by the Portuguese authorities as far as the River Congo, but it has never been admitted that they have a right any further than Ambriz. 3628. You state that 20 ships, in your judgment, would be necessary for 53. H H 4 that 248 MINUTKS OF LVtni'.NCE BEFORE SF.LECT COMMITTEE Comiiiander tliat Station ; will you state to the Committee whether, if the Portuguese autho- John Hat/, R. N. rities heartily co-operated with the English in preventing the Slave Trade, that -7— would reduce niuch the number of ships necessary V — The Portuguese could only 41 Ju y 1 4 9- ^^^ j.^^ ^ ^^^^^_ ^^^_^jj ^^^^ ^^ ^1^^ ^^ggj. . jj-^j. ^j^g portion of time when they did act, they acted very etfectively, but between Ambriz and Cape Lopez they could have no power to act. 3^)20. It would be between Ambriz and St. Paul de Loando ?— Between Ambriz and as far as the territory extends south, about 50 miles of coast. 3630. Would that make any difference in the number of cruisers you would wish to employ ? — Perhaps one vessel. ■^C\y. . Are the facilities for carrying on the Slave Trade along that part of the coast, from Cape Lopez to St. Paul de Loando, such as that, if the places from • which the slaves are now shipped were blockaded and watched, they could carry on the Slave Trade from the intermediate points ? — They could march the slaves over-land to any other point. 3632. Is there any difficulty in that?— None whatever. 3633. Could they ship them easily from intermediate points? — I think they could. 3634. Would not the surf be an impediment? — The canoes and boats they employ could do it perfectly well. 3635. Is the surf a less impediment to the slave traders in shipping their slaves than it is to our boats in performing their duties along the coast .' — Our boats are not built for the surf; it is a particular kind of boat that will answer for it ; they have boats on the coast that go from one point to another to embark slaves. 3636. Supposing that 20 vessels were employed to watch that part of the coast, and that number were found sufficient for the purpose, you do not foresee a time at wliich it would be sate to withdraw any of those 20 ? — I do not think it would be safe at all to withdraw them. 3637. The Slave Trade could spring up at any period upon their being with- drawn? — I think it would spring up immediately. 3638. Do you think that it would be advisable to furnish the vessels employed upon the coast with boats that would stand the surf? — Our seamen are not accustomed to the surf. 3639. The natives might do it?— There are particular boats for the purpose, and particular skill is required in passing through it. 3640. Would it be any advantage to you to be enabled on particular occasions to land upon the coast ? — I think not. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Captain GEORGE SPRIGG, R.N., is called in, and examined as follows : Captain G.Sprigg, 3^4'. HAVE you served upon the coast of Africa? — I have served there near Jf A'- six years in command ; first, from 1839 to August 1842, and then from 1846 to September 1848. 3642. Will you state to the Committee the points of the coast upon which you have served at those times?— From Sierra Leone to Cape Mesurado ; that was in the latter period ; and on the southern coast from the Line to Benguela, during all the former period, and 12 or 14 months of the latter period. 3643. \\i\[ you state further to the Committee in what capacity you served ? — I was Lieutenant in command of the " Brisk" in the former period, and I was Commander in the " Ferret" sloop during the latter period. 3644. Will you state to the Committee under what commanding officers you served during the first period of your service ? — In the former period there was, first. Admiral Elliott ; then he was ordered to China ; then Commander Tucker ; then Captain Baines ; and, finally, Sir Edward King. There were many changes, and they were very mjurious in every w^ay to the squadron, the limits of the divided stations being frequently altered. .364.5- ^^ ill you now state to the Committee under what commanding officers you served during the latter period of vour service ?— Captain Mansel and Sir Charles Hotham. 3046. Will you state to the Committee whether the operations of the cruisers were conducted upon ditterent plans by the different commanding officers under whom ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TliADi:. 249 whom you served, beginning with the first period. Was there any change made Captain G. Spring, in the plans upon which the squadron was conducted by the commanding R- ^■ officers? — I consider that there was a wide difference between the first period ,""j „ and the last ; I could not point out any difl^erence in the first period ; that was '^ ' " ^ ' "^^ ^ the period of Commander Tucker and Admiral Elliott. 3647. There was no material difference between their plans? — No. 3648. When you returned to the coast, were the operations of the squadron conducted by Captain Mansel generally upon the same plans upon which they had been when you were upon the coast before ? — 1 then served on the northern division ; I was not on the northern division before. While I was under Captain Mansel's orders, much was left to the discretion of the officer on the station altogether as to employing boats. 3649. ^V'as there any change in the management of the squadron upon the coast when Sir Charles Hotham took the command ? — Yes, there was a decided change. 3650. How soon after the arrival of Sir Charles Hotham was the change to which you allude introduced ? — About November 1846 his orders reached the northern division. 3651. Can you tell the Committee when Sir Charles Hotham arrived? — In October. 36.')2. Will you now state whei'ein principally this change consisted? — Pre- viously, upon an officer being appointed upon the station, it was supposed, that if he was deficient in local knowledge, he was to acquire it by practical experience, and by information from the cruisers, and by all the other general means of information within his reach ; but I consider that the orders that were sub- sequently issued by Sir Charles Hotham interfered exceedingly with the acqui- sition of such knowledge. 3653. Can you point out to the Committee in what respect they interfered with it ?-=- Perhaps if I lay one of the orders of Sir Charles Hotham for one of the periods before your Lordships, that will be the best evidence ; it is on the southern coast. But I must first describe the southern coast, the Portuguese territories, with which my experience has been particularly connected. 3654. Will you point out the pail of the coast of which you particularly speak ? — From the southern limit of the Slave Trade, which is Little Fish Bay, to Cape Lopez ; that I am thoi'oughly acquainted with, having had five or six years' experience of it. With respect to the southern division, 1 consider that a great part of the slave-trading in Brazil is confined to the Portuguese territories. 3655. Do you mean the Portuguese territories, strictly speaking? — They are included in that. It extends from 7° 35'' to Benguela, which is 12° 35" on to Little Fish Bay. I do not know a single instance of a Spanish trader to the southward of the River Congo. The Spaniards have no barracoons to the south of the Congo. The barracoons and depots for purchasing slaves for the Brazils are altogether included in the towns of Loando and Benguela, and any measures that have been directed with a view of suppressing the Slave Trade in those directions as to barracoons, I consider quite mistaken, unless they were made to attack Loando and Benguela, which I consider the largest barracoons in Africa. They are nothing but depots for the purchase of slaves. Tlie trade of Loando may be said to extend to 30 or 35 vessels annually, and the trade of Benguela from 10 to 14. Those are all comprised entirely of goods for the purchase of slaves ; the return cargoes do not fill up one ship in legal trade. The Portuguese colonies existing there are entirely dependent upon the existence of the Slave Trade; they are not allowed to draw for a single dollar upon the Exchequer of Lisbon ; they are made to throw their whole maintenance upon the mercantile commerce with Brazil. With Portugal it is nearly a dead letter ; and, therefore, the stipends and salaries, and everything connected with the efficiency of Loando and Benguela, arise from imposts upon imported cargoes for purchasing slaves ; and, however seeminglv the faith of the Portuguese officers may be pledged for the suppression of the Slave Trade, it is impossible to put any confidence in it, because they live by the Slave Trade ; they are surrounded by it ; their stipends and everything connected with them arise entirely from duties levied upon the goods coming into Loando. Therefore, the Governors of those places are so far interested in that direction that they are anxious to repress the barracoons outside those towns, because they would not have Ihe power of levying duties 5J- I I "P°" 250 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain G. Sprigg, upon the articles imported direct to such harracoons there. Therefore, you may /{. A'. j.giy ypofj ti^e Governor of Loando saying that he Ukes to burn the harracoons il jT7~i8a() adjacent to his town ; but in reality his object is nothing more than to get the "^ ' "^ -^ ' cargoes under his gripe, to make them come into his town. From my experience, I can state that the trade by boats from Loando and from Benguela in the years 1839, 1840, 1841 and 1842J multiphed to the extent of 200, if not 300, per cent., the boats distributing those cargoes along coastwise. Therefore the large harracoons there are those of Portugal, distributing the Brazilian property along the coast; and they bring back the slaves in small quantities coastwise into Loando and into Benguela, and the supervision of these boats by cruisers is the readiest method of getting information, supposing an officer in command to be unacquainted with that division of the coast. 365(1. Will you state the alteration introduced by Sir Charles Ilotham which you tliought mischievous ? — I wished tirst to point out how the Slave Trade exists tliere. An officer serving on the coast there felt it to be an important part of his duty to be apprised how the trade was going on ; and there was notliing that facilitated this knowledge so much as inspecting those boats. It was from them that we were able to get some light as to how tilings were carried on. If you saw boats moving in one direction, or boats stationed in-shore moving suddenly to another point, it always led you to suspect tliat the move was in that direction ; if you continually saw goods coming to any part, you might easily suppose that there was an accumulation of goods in that place for the purchase of slaves. Now in the former part of the time it was the duty of tlie officers to acquire information, and they did acquire great information. When the subsequent orders came out, of Commodore Hotham, to keep otF the coast, they were so stringent, that although, as an officer, 1 had had three years' experience on the coast at that time, the order tied me up the same as if I had had none. With the permission of your Lordships I will put in one of the orders. It is also to be observed, that it was not only tying us up from obtaining information on shore, but it actually tied us up from communicating with the cruisers which were stationed next or near us. It was headed " Confidential," and by this means we were actually tied up from communicating so as to co-operate with officers who might come in sight of each other. " ' Confidential.' — Copy of Sailing Orders: — By W. Edmunds, Esq., Commander, H. M.S. Heroine, and senior officer of the Congo Division. — Mono. I am directed by Sir Charles Hotliam to inform the Commanders of the respective ships belonging to this division, that their sailing orders are to be considered by them ' strictly private and confidential :' " so that in ca'^e of any senior officer asking me for this order, I was to tell him of this preamble, and to withhold the order. " 2. You will take up your station between the River Sett^ and Banda Point, cruising between those latitudes 30 miles off the land, until the 31st of August; then cruise between the same latitudes 60 miles, till the 30tli of September ; then resume your former distance of 30 from the land, and so alternately until you receive further directions. 3. If wood and water is not to be procured on your station, you will proceed to Loango for that purpose, completing the same with all despatch. 4. Your former orders are to be complied with in respect to the transmission of your returns, quitting your station, &c. Given under my hand, on board the ' Heroine,' at Kabenda, July 20, 1847." This order continued in force for a period of eight or nine months. I met three commanders, and each •officer said, "What are your orders?" The answer was, "Mine are confi- dential;" and he turned round and asked the others, "What are yours?" " Mine are confidential." The consequence was, that, instead of gaining infor- mation from each other, and assisting each other to intercept the slavers, or planning any mutual efforts to bear upon a point, there cauld be no mutual aid or concert. 3657. Are the Committee to understand that the cliange in the system to which you refer, consisted, first, in less discretion being left to the commanders of the separate vessels ; secondly, in less intercourse being allowed between such commanders ; thirdly^ in less intercourse being allowed between the commanders and the shore ; and, fourthly, in each vessel being stationed at from 30 to 60 miles from the shore, instead of being allowed to lie near the shore ?— Certainly, instead of being allowed a discretion. 3t).58. Did it occur to you to ask Captain Edmunds what the force of the words " private and confitkntial" was ?- -I received this oidef by second-hand, •but ON THK AFRICAN' SLAVE 'IRADE. 2 5 1 but, I met three commanders who had received these orders, and we all considered Captain G. Sprigg, that we were not allowed to comnuinicate them to each other. -^^ •'^■ 3G59. You arc aware of the very great importance of keeping perfectly secret 4th Jd7'i849. the ])ositions of the cruisers?— I consider that it was well known on shore what , plan was pursued ; every vessel that passed us observed the line that we kept ; it was known immediately tliat we were not in sight of land ; every vessel that passed us must have observed that the distance was practically out of sight of land. 3660. How often was the distance changed r — Every month. 3661. Therefore, if a vessel going from Africa to Brazil took over information that the cruisers were at the distance of GO miles, and if any vessel acted ujion that, on arriving at the coast of Africa she would find the cruisers at the distance of 30 miles, and not of 60 miles ?— So far she might ; but the information from the factories would be that the vessels never aj)peared in sight ; consequently, it would be a safeguard to them to hug the land. 36(12. Would it make, practically, much dili'erence to vessels making the coast, whether the distance was 30 or GO miles ? — No, I do not think it would. 36G3. Are the Committee to understand that, in your o])inion, the distance at v\hich the cruisers were ordered to keep, was fatal to the success of the blockade ? — I consider it decidedly so. 3G64. Will you tell the C-ommittee what number of vessels you took during the period when you were cruising upon those orders for distant cruising ?— I took 13 in all ; three were taken out of sight of laud; the remaining 10 were taken within sight of land, or cruising near the shore. 3GG.5. In your opinion, was there something of the same ratio of captures generally in the case of the other cruisers? — I have not paid that attention to it that would enable me to answer that ; but 1 have always considered that in cruising near the shipping place, there is a double iacility of seeing any vessel, that is, of seeing her come in light and go out full, which can occur but once in the voyage ; besides the facility the cruiser has of knowing her position, and the probability of the slaver erring either by night or bad reckoning. 3(166. How long did those orders to which you have referred remain in force ? — Till the latter end of January 1848. 3GG7. Was any change made in them then? — Then I had more discretioi^ granted to me to the southward ; I w'as allowed to sight the land. 3668. Can you state as specifically the orders which you subsequently received, as you have those which you have read to the Committee ? — I was to cruise 30 miles off, which allowed me to sight the land. 3669. You stated that the Brazilian trade, in your belief, was concentrated at Benguela and Loando; will you state whether, in your opinion, the fact of such concentration afforded any peculiar facilities for checking the trade? — No, because 1 think that all our eftbrts to interfere with the purchase of slaves have signally failed ; all the enterprise, profit and hazard is confined to the sea transit. 3670. Will you state what would be the efTect, in your judgment, of any attempt to destroy the barracoons and slave factories at those two great centres of the trade ? — If you can destroy Benguela and Loando, which are two cities, that certainly would eradicate the focus that is now there for the purchase of slaves. 3671. Will you state to the Committee whether your own knowledge and experience enable you at all to form a judgment as to how many ships would be necessary to cruise effectually from Little Fish Bay to Cape Lopez ?— I consider that 1 5 vessels should be responsible for the effectual blockade of the south coast, composed of six steamers and nine sailing vessels. 3G72. To that, how many would you add for relief? — I should think that five ought to be sufficient to relieve that force. 3t")73. With that you would feel confident that the Slave Trade might be stopped from Cape Lopez southward? — I consider that something ought to be done in addition to that. With respect to prisoners captured, I think that some steps should be taken, if not to make it more penal, at all c\ ents to stigmatize it especially in the British A'ice-Courts of Admiralty. I think that the present practice is most injurious. They are allowed to congregate together, to stop any time they please, and they demoralize and degrade a small place like St. Helena or Sierra Leone, when there are 15 or 20 of those men who have got liberal lii. 112 means o,-2 MINUTT? OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captam a Sprha means to draw upon, and letters of credit from Rio to St. Helena ; they speak ;{. N. '"' openly and concert plans, and get information, and consult together about the disposition of the scpiadron ; and British merchant vessels engaged in African 4 ih July 1849 . ^^._^^^^ ^^ ^y knowledge, call and carry those people over regularly to Brazil. Now, if the penalty ofimprisonnient is thought to be inconsistent to apply to the prisoners, I think it would be only consistent on the part of this country to forbid the landing of those prisoners at those places, except solely for the purpose of attendint:; the Court of Adjudication ; and that from the time of their arrival at a A'ice-.'fdmiralty Court till the time that a ship takes them away, either at their own expense or at the expense of this country, that there should be a floating depot to receive thera, where the strictest discipline should be maintained as to preventniij anv communication with the sliore. This would render it highly unpalatable to those people to be kept there ; and I believe that in small places like St. Helena, the influence of those men with large resources to draw upon is most injurious ; they meet openly in the town, and concert plans to further their designs, and talk more in the tone of success and confidence than any- thing else. 3674 Can you state to the Committee whether the treatment of persons engaged in the Slave Trade, who have been captured by British ships, has under- gone anv change on board the British ships which capture them since you have known the coast? — I think there is more leniency; they are listened to now in making pleas, as they were not formerly. 3675. When vou first knew the coast, would they have been allowed to associate and mess with the officers who had captured them ?— I have heard of such cases, but 1 think it was much more seldom then. 3f)76. Are you aware whether they now are admitted to mess with their captors ? — Yes, I have known of it, but I always disapproved of it. 3677. Are you aware that they are now treated as prisoners of war, whereas they were formerly treated as persons taken in the pursuit of a disgraceful traffic ? — I have not seen the distinction quite as broad as that. 3678. AYith whom do they mess ? — Generally they mess by themselves, but there are exceptions ; I have known them to mess in the gun-room. 367Q. Can you tell the Committee whether you know of any orders having been issued upon the subject of their treatment during the time you were. upon the coast? — No, I never heard of any orders. 3680. Is there any suggestion which you would make to the Committee for the furtherance of their object of repressing the African Slave Trade? — I have observed that the crews of slavers, in latter years, from Brazil, have lost the proportion of seamen that used to accompany them ; they have fallen to a much lower class of society, not sea-faring men, so much so, that in a crew of 15, you would not find three sailors at present embarked. I attribute that principally to the seamen being sent on shore when they are captured, and that is really the only punishment attending the African Slave Trade. Those men undergo great privations ; they suffer great neglect, and probably one out of three or four would die ; this is the reason why good seamen always avoid going in a slave-ship from Rio; but this does not aflect the captains themselves in latters years. Under the British Vice- Admiralty Courts they find that there is no penalty, there is no publicity attached to their proceedings ; they used to go before the JNIixed Com- mission Court, and disliked its publicity, but now they are eager to be sent to the British Vice- Admiralty Courts. They look at it now as part of their provi- sion ; indeed, there is scarcely a captain that sails from Rio that has not letters awaiting him at St. Helena, in case he should be taken and sent up there ; it is a half-way house of call for him. 3681. 'Jhe Committee are 10 understand, therefore, that such an alteration as you have proposed in the treatment of the persons captured would have a great effect ?— A great effect. 'I'here is another point, and that is the distinction made between the provision allowed to the master and to the crew, as prisoners in the British Vice-Admiralty Courts, a distinction which, though apparently trifling, still, 1 think, might be done away with; they allow 2s. 6 d. for the master, and Is. 6d. for the seamen : I think that no superiority should be recognized, so as to stamp them all with an equality of crime ; it is but a trifle, but still it would tend to mark the thing with disgrace. If it was possible, it would be very desirable that there should be such a thing as a receiving ship for those people alter condemnation, which might be placed at Ascension, or at St. Helena, and there ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 253 there they shoukl await their passage till they found the means of proceeding to Captain G. Spnirg, Brazil ; there might be a small frigate anchored off St. Helena, in which they ^- ^^ might be placed, so as to prevent any intercourse with the town ; and when the T'T' „ Brazilian Consul was prepared to say that he had purchased a passage in some "* ^ " ^ ' ''^" vessel for them, they should be transhipped from that vessel, and sail direct for ' the port, without any communication with the inhabitants. I think that would do a great deal of good ; it would stamp the thing with disgrace ; it would be an unpalatable measure to those people. 36X2. Have you any other suggestion to make to the Committee ? — I always thought it would be a great thing if we could gain the good opinion of some portion of the I'razilian people towards what we are doing- ; and that if it was possible, it might be desirable lor tliat purpose to give up the emancipated slaves that we take, for the cultivation of Brazil ; that would go a great way to mollify and soothe their feelings, and to do away the impression that we take everything ; it would do a great deal to disabuse the impression that this country is deeply interested in the application of the slaves after they are captured ; nothing can wipe away that impression. 3(183. What security would you have for their proper treatment?— I am perfectly aware of the difficulty there would be in the Ilavannah, and all those places; I am aware that the matter is full of difficulties, but still I consider it would greatly tend to disabuse them of the impression they have respecting this country. 3684. Are you aware that that was tried once with Brazil, but was not found to succeed, namely, the giving up the captured slaves to the Brazilian Govern- ment ? — No, I was not aware of that. 3685. Have you any other suggestion to make as to the more effectual sup- pression of the Slave Trade? — I think that the failure of the squadi-on is not to be attributed altogether to the want of power in the squadron, but more to the means of applying it. 3686. By " the means of applying it," j-ou mean the orders under which its efforts have been directed? — Yes; I would now go back to the period of the Treaty of 1842 with Portugal. At that time, the officers that I had the pleasure of sei-ving with on the southern coast, were INIatson, Butterfield and Adams ; and the efforts of that small force certainly had an immense effect there upon the south coast of Africa. The Treaty of 1842 was unfortunately entered into with Portugal just as a new Commodore came out. Commodore Jones ; and he, like all other new Commodores appointed there, was ignorant of the facts and ignorant of the localities, and ignorant of the influences exercised upon the trade ; he seems most unwisely to have conceded the guarding of those Portuguese cities to Portuguese cruisers, and if there was nothing else to account for the enormous increase in the trade from 1843 to 1846 and 1847, the inefficient and suspicious reliance that was placed on the efforts of the Portuguese authorities for so long a period at Loando and its neighbourhood, were quite enough to account for it. From that period till January 1847 no vessel was stationed between Congo and Cape St. Bras. By looking at the chart, your Lordships will see what an extent of coast that embraces, leaving out Ambriz, which was notorious beyond all other places in Africa. In January 1847, for the first time, the " Prometheus,'' and subsequently the " J^tyx" steamer, took up a position between the Congo and Loando, and at that time the slavers were coming in such numbers (and this shows what must have been going on before), that she took sometimes at the rate of three or four a week. In the year 1847, in April, after parting company with the "Kingfisher," near the Congo, the "Kingfisher" saw a large slave-bark standing in for Ambriz ; he came up, and took her, and burnt her. The slave-factor sent oli' boats to take the prisoners on shore from Ambriz, and they told the commander of the " Kingfisher" that in si.x weeks they had shipped 6,000 slaves from Ambuset, and, owing to the little obstruc- tion ofliered to the trade, they apprehended that the slaves would fetch no price at Rio. This was just after the period when the "Styx" arrived at the place, showing that the interference of the Portuguese was nothing. The trade was on such an immense scale, that it made no impression at all ; all but free-trade. 3687. Would the withdrawal of the squadron from the coast be attended with an increase of the trade ? — Yes; or any countenancing by Creat Britain of trad- ing in small numbers of slaves. In the month of February 1848 1 seized a 53- u 3 '^""'^'^ 254 SIINUTKS OF F.VIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Cavtair. G. Smi"!;, lauiicli goiii^; to Loeiiido which had taken her sla\'es at night from the heach li.A. "'" oi Loando for the purpose of shipping them at Old Benguela. I reported that circumstance to the Governor of Loando, and I also reported it to the Com- 4ih July 1849. r,jji,i(ier-in-Chief, and a correspondence arose out of it from tlie Governor, who insisted that the Mixed Commission Court at Loando was the proper means to adjudicate on this launch of slaves. I told him the particulars, and he sent an oflicer to investigate it on board the " Ferret," in the harbour of Loando. lie then corresponded with the Commander-in-Chief, Sir Charles Ilotham, and I always considered that the conclusion come to by Sir Charles Ilotham upon that occasion was diametrically opjiosed to the suppression of the Slave Trade. Instead of deciding on the merits of the correspondence between nie and the Governor, or at all alluding to it, his letter to me directs as follows : Penelope, St. Paul de Loando, Sir, 3 April 1848. To avoid all disputes and difficulties on the subject of Portuguese colonial coasting vessels;^ I have to direct that you do not delaui any launch unless 30 slaves should be on board, and that in all cases you send the captured launch or boat to St. Paul de Loando to be identified by the Governor of this colony. (signed) Ckas, Hobhnm, To Commander Sprigg, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief, of H. M.S. "Ferret." Letter from Commander Geo. Sprigr/ to C(nninodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b., Commander-in-Chief, Ike. Her Majesty's Sloop " Ferret," off St. Paul de Loando, Sir, 20 February 1848. I have the honour to inform you, that on the 10th instant, wlien off the Coanza River, \ seized a Native Boat of Kabenda, with six slaves on board. She had on board a I'ortuguese who held a passport from Loando for his slaves. In it there was no description of number or sex. The slaves, four of whom were unable to speak Portuguese, stated they were con- ducted in irons to the boat from the city of Loando. Having called at Loando on the I4th instant, I stated the particulars to His Excellency the Governor, with whose request that I sliould land them for examination, I declined, but offered every facility fordoing soon board. His Excellency the next morni-ng sent two. officers for that purpose. The boat had cargo, but was allowed to proceed. The six slaves are now in Her Majesty 'a Sloop under my conunand. (signed) Geo.. Sprigr/, Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b., Commander. Commander in-Chief, &c. I have been a long time on the coast of Africa, and I never knew 30 slaves to be in any launch on that part of the coast ; I have captured many. At the Mixed Commission Court at Loando, about this time, the Portuguese autho- rities condemned three launches with slaves belonging to the same proprietor, none of which had more than 20 slaves. This order was, that I was not to touch a launch unless it had 30 slaves. This afforded such facilities to the slave-traders, that during my stay afterwards I never looked at any launch at all, because I was satisfied that no launch would contain 30 slaves ; it would require but a few launches to carry the largest cargoes upon the coast. This matter was represented to my prejudice at the Admiralty, and the Admiralty at the time reprimanded me ; but upon my asking the Admiralty, they have been pleased to withdraw wholly the reprimand, not concurring in the view which Sir Charles Hotham took of it. 3688. Were you well acquainted with the details of the coast from Cape Lopez southward ? — Perfectly well. 3689. You see on the chart before you a blue line running parallel to the coast? — I do. 3(11)0. It is stated that that blue line is the course of a line of Lagoons, by which a communication by water may be carried on parallel to the coast ; can you state whether such a line of Lagoons exists ? — I believe no such thing exists between Cape Lopez and the River Camma ; I believe that sv^ramps of mangroves exist, but no Lagoons. 3691. They do not afford means of water communication? — No, it is very swampy low land ; but there is no water on which canoes can go. 3692. You ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TnAD"E. 235 3692. You were acquainted with the River Congo ? — I was. Captain G. Spri-'g, 3693. Will you state what force you think it will be necessary to station at R- ^• the mouth oi" the River Congo to check the Slave Trade up that river? — In the Congo they principally make use of a pretended American flag ; having a cargo 4 ti July >84o . for the purchase of slaves under the American flag ; here the barracoons are essential to slave-trading ; they lie there unmolested, and the British cruisers can only go alongside and suspect their intentions ; and when any opportunity arises, of course the mouth of the river being convenient, they immediately sail. It is not so frequently visited by regularly fitted slavers as it used to be in former years, nor is the contidence of escape from its mouth much relied on, as 1 captured an American that fitted and sailed therefrom in December I84G, to take in her slaves, (30 miles north of it, which she did, having 850 slaves in her when taken by me. I consider that one efficient steamer and one sailing vessel in sight of the mouth of the (,'ongo, on its northern shore, would be quite suthcicnt to answer for effectual interference with the trade in the Congo. 3694. Are you at all acquainted with the coast south of Little Fish Bay? — I am ; I have gone ctbout 90 or 100 miles to see whether the Slave Trade existed there. Stk}'). \^ ill you state what you found?— I think it is utterly impracticable that any Slave Trade can exist there ; there is nothing to be seen of so much green as you could i)ut in your hat ; there is no existence of water or verdure. 'SOgG. So 'that if the Slave Trade were stopped north of Little Fish Bay, it could not be carried on lower down ? — There is no means of its escaping there. 3697. Are you acquainted with the surf upon the coast south of Cape Lopez ? — Yes. 3698. Will you state whether the existence of that surf affords any consider- able barrier to the embarkation of slaves by the natives? — Ihe slaves from Cape Lopez come from a little to the northward ; they are the worst desciiption of negroes that are brought down anywhere ; they are so worthless, that they fetch a very low price in the IBrazil market ; they are of the worst dispositions and of the lowest value in the Brazilian market. 3(599. Is the surf a considerable hindrance to the shipping of cargoes of slaves ahmg that coast? — North of Cape Lopez to the River Nazareth there is no surf; it'does not interfere considerably with it to the southward of the Cape ; but there-are places within IS or 20 miles which are always sufficient for a canoe to embark slaves. 3700. Can those canoes pass and repass, e.^cept at those places ? — No, I should think it almost impossible. 3701. Therefore, the necessity of watching that coast would be greatly modi- fieu by the existence of that surf?- — Certainly ; under some circumstances you might shut your eyes, because no shipping can possibly take place when the surf is heaviest upon tlie beach. 3702. Does that apply to a great length of coast south of Cape Lopez ?— Mot above 90 miles south of Cape Lopez ; after that, there are more breaks upon the land, which facilitate the shipping by launches ; canoes are not used south of Cape Lopez for that purpose. 3703. You mentioned 15 vessels as the number which you would think suffi- cient to guard the coast effectually from Cape Lopez to Little Fish Bay, and five for relief; that is giving about a vessel to every degree ? — Yes; but I should not divide them geographically in that way. For instance, at .the mouth of the Consio there would be two vessels, and around Loando there would be in all four vessels. 3704. And in other parts of the <;oast there would be considerably more than go" miles under the watch of one vessel ?— There would ; for instance, between Elephant Bay and Little Fish Bay it is naturally guarded. There is an inunense barrier, a perpendicular clift', there, which will not allow anything to approach it. 3705. Do you think that in those places, where a vessel would have to guard more than 60 miles, she would be equal to the task, and that there would be no danger of slaves being shipped off from one part of the coast, while she was upon another part of the coast ?— Unless there was some great stimulus given to the trade at that part, I think that would be sufficient ; as the Slave Trade stands at present, I think that would be enough. 53. ! r 4 .3700. Is 2^6 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Cuptoin a. Sprigg, 3706. Is there any further remark that you would wish to address to the H-^'- "" Committee? — I think it woukl be beneficial if it were known whether a seizure „ by a prize as a tender is legal or not, because much was done formerly by that 4tl^Jul)^.j. jjj^jjijg^ .^jjj lj.jg ijggj^ jioj^g latterly, altliough it has been discountenanced. 3707. If the Portuguese Government heartily co-operated with the British in endeavouring to put down the Slave Trade, do you think that they could do a great deal to check it along the line of coast which ycu have described ?— I am sure thev could ; but I am certain of this, that until they undertake to discharge the expenses of the colony from the Treasury of Lisbon, it never can be done • so Ion"- as the colony lives upon the imposts levied upon slave cargoes coming in, so long must they quietly connive at the existence of the Slave Trade. 3708. But supposing the Portuguese Government heartily to co-operate with us, how many ships might you then take off from your estimated number?— I sliould be afraid to rely at all upon their co-operation ; if the goods were not there, the Slave Trade would not take place ; so long as they receive goods, it must be only bad faith wheu they say, " We will assist you in suppressing it." 3709. You have said that we should require 15 cruisers for that part of the coast; how many of those 15 cruisers do you contemplate for watching the I'urtuguese territory? — Eleven out of the 15 would be to watch the territory of Portugal, which, in other words, is Brazil ; it is Brazil property. 3710. You have spoken of the infliction of punishment upon the crews of slave vessels in being landed upon the coast ; will you state what has been your own practice in the treatment of those crews?— I always tried to deal as hardly with them as I could ; I made no allowance for them -, 1 used to scrub them well, and to shave them, and I never consulted their feehngs of approbation as to where they should be landed ; I put them on shore the first place I could. 371 I. When you say at "the first place," you do not mean on an entirely destitute part of the coast? — With nothing but the black tribes there. 371 2. But still there would be some human beings from whom they could get something to eat? — The practice was, in some places, that the negroes used to take everything from them, and then tie them together, and take them up to the first Portuguese factory, and sell them ; it was just turning the tables. 3713. Was the "Ferret" healthy the whole time you were with her on the coast ? — No ; we had an unlucky attack of fever at one time ; we had 86 cases of fever out of 90 in the crew, in six weeks, but it was not of a fatal type ; we only lost one man then ; six in all during two years and ten months. 3714. At that time were you cruising in-shore or out at sea? — It occurred at sea, between Sierra Leone and the south coast, and was owing to having taken a large number of slaves on board the vessel in going to Sierra Leone. I took a vessel with 850 slaves, and they were so horribly crowded, that I took 300 of them on my own deck, chiefly the sick cases, and that inflicted fever upon us afterwards. 3715. It has been given in evidence, that the crews have been much healthier under Sir Charles Hotham's system of cruising away from shore, than they were before; did you perceive any difference ? — Not the slightest; 1 had more health, as far as the ship's company's health went, in the previous years, 1840, 1841 and 1842, when I was there in the " Brisk." I think more indulgence as to leave on shore would confer more health and better spirits during the last period. No leave was given to the crew from leaving England till we returned, a period of two years and a half. 3716. Can you suggest to the Committee any other matter, in addition to those which you have suggested, which would, in your opinion, render the efforts of the squadron more effectual ? — I consider that "the reward that should be held out should belong to all the ships of a division, and not to the separate ships of the division ; because there are some spots at which it would be perfectly hope- less to expect seeing many slavers, but still which it is necessary to watch. The officer might do his duty effectually there, but yet not succeed in making any captures. 1 think the reward should belong to either, irrespective to seizures altogether, or to the whole division, and to all the ships, because a steamer would have a great advantage over a saihng vessel. 3717. Would ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 257 37 7. Would not that relax the exertions of individuals? — 1 do not think it Captain G.Sprhn, would ; speaking for myself, I feel confidence that every successful officer would R- !^- be gratified by the evidence of his activity, and would feel that another officer , ,""j — . who was watching a place which was not resorted to by the slavers, but which 4 ■^"y ' 49 - must be protected, should have a share of the reward. I feel convinced it Avould give satisfaction to all the officers on the division. 3718. That is provided the officers took their turns, and were not all kept at one place ? — Exactly; for instance, a steamer is kept in one position, which, from being a steamer, ensures the capturing of slavers, to the disadvantage of sailing cruisers. The Witness is directed to withdraw. JAMES MACQUEEN, Esquire, is called in, and examined as follows : 3719. HAVE you made the statistics of Africa, and particularly of the western j. Macqueen, E^q. coast, a subject of study ? — Yes, very much, for many years. 3720. You are also very familiar with the West India colonies, and their trade ? — Yes, I have lived in them, and have been in them all again and again, the British and foreign colonies, both previously to the emancipation and subse- quently to it. 1 passed through the whole of the West Indies, British and foreign, a few years ago. 3721. Can you give the Committee any information as to the extent of the African Slave Trade ? — I can give the Committee accurate Returns of the slave population of all those countries, the Brazils, Cuba, Porto Rico, and of the im- portation of slaves into them, for a very long period, which will show the extent of the trade. 1 3722. Can you state the population of the Brazils from 1833 to 1847 ? — I can ; the slave population of the IBrazils was, in 1794, 600,000. In 1833, by the census then taken, it was 2,100,000 ; but it was supposed that it would have been 100,000 more if the census had been accurately taken. From the best authorities Ihat I can obtain, the number in 1847 was 2,500,000. 3723. Whence are those slaves obtained? — The slaves in the Brazils are ob- tained nearly all from the Bights of Benin and Biafra, but principally to tlie southward of the Line, on the west coast, and also on the east coast. 3724. Can you state the decrease of slaves yearly in that country }■ — The general decrease of slaves in the Brazils was estimated in the Senate of Bahia at 5 per cent, upon slaves on estates. On, domestic slaves I do not know ; it may be not so much : that it cannot be materially more is quite plain; for taking the number of the slave population in 1833 at 2, 100,000, it would require 100,000 to make good that population at a decrease of 5 per cent. We find that the number imported is about 70,000 to 80,000; 20,000 of which I take to go to increase during the latter period, and 5,000 to replace the number lost by deaths beyond births. 3725- What is the probable number annually imported ? — About 70,000 to 80,000. 3726. Can you state what is the estimated loss on the voyage from Africa? — The loss on the voyage from Africa runs from 10 to 15 per cent, in the Brazil trade. In some instances, it is more a great deal, but those are exceptions; and if the whole is taken at 12 per cent., I should think that would be ample. 3727. What is the entire population of Brazil?— Whites, 928,000; natives, Indians and free-colour, 3,100,000; but that is merely an estimate; for the native Indian population is scattered so widely that it is impossible to state it with accuracy, but it must be a great deal more than that ; and the slave popu- lation 2,500,000 ; making altogether 6,528,000. I was asked a question about the number of estates in Brazil; I can give the number to 1838. 53- K K The 258 J. Macqueen, Etq. 4th July 1849. MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE The Witness delivers in a Table, which is as follows : Brazil Sugar Estates (50 mills, water and steam) in Province Rio (J water and steam), Province Bahia (2 steam, 60 water), Province Pernambuco T0TAL8 3728. Can you inform the Committee as to the trade at this time between the Brazils and tlie United Kingdom ? — Yes ; I have an account of the Exports of British and Irish Produce and Manufactures to the Brazils from 1827 to 1847, M liich is the latest year I can get the official Tables for. The Witness delivers in the same, which is as follows : BRAZIL. 1827 1826 1829 1830 1831 1832 1833 1834 1835 1836 1837 £. 2,312,169 3,518,297 2,510,040 2,452,103 1,238,371 2,144,903 2,575,680 2,460,679 2,630,767 3,030,532 1,824,082 1838 £. - 2,606,604 1839 - 2,650,713 1840 - 2,625,853 1841 - 2,556,554 1842 - 1,756,805 1843 - 2,140,133 1844 - 2,413,538 1845 - 2,493,306 1846 - 2,740,338 1847 - 2,568,804 The Witness is directed to withdraw. Ordered, That this Committee be adjourned till To-morrow, at 12 o'clock. Die Jovis, 5^ Julii, 1849. THE LORD BISHOP OF OXFORD in the Chair. JAMES MACQUEEN, Esquire, is again called in. and further examined as follows : J . Macqueen, Esq. 372i). HAVE you visited Cuba ? — I have. 3730. More than once ? — Twice I have been there. 3731. When was the last occasion of your being there ?— I was there in 1841. 3732. Have you made an estimate of the population of Cuba?— I made it particularly my object to inquire into the population and trade and commerce of the island, of every description, and I received from all the official authorities there the most particular accounts of the whole. 3733. Can 5th July 1849. ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADK. ^59 3733. Can you lay before the Committee a brief statement of the population j ]\jacqueen, Esq. of Cuba at different periods ? — Yes. The same is delivered in, and is as follows POPULATION, CUBA. 5th July 1849. Whites Mulattoes, free Blacks, free - Slaves - Whites Free coloured Slaves - - Whites Free coloured Slaves - - Whites Mulattoes, free Blacks, free - Slaves - - Whites Mulattoes, free Blacks, ditto Slaves - - Whites Free coloured Slaves - Totals - - - Males. Females. Total. 1775 - 54,555 10,021 5,959 28,774 40,864 0,000 5,629 15,562 95,419 19,027 11,588 44,336 99,308 71,061 170,370 1792 - >» 7> Totals - - - 72,299 25,211 47,424 61,260 28,941 37,166 133,559 54.152 84,590 144,934 127,367 272,301 1811 7r Totals - - - - . 274,000 114,000 212,000 - - 600,000 1817 » Totals - - - 129,659 30,512 28,373 124,324 109,140 29,170 26,002 74,821 238,796 59,682 64,375 199,145 312,865 239,133 551,988 1827 w » Totals - - - 168,653 28,058 23,904 183,290 142,398 29,456 25,076 103,652 311,061 57,514 48,980 286,942 403,905 300,582 704,487* 1840 Totals - - - 227,144 75,703 281,250 191,147 77,135 155,245 418,291 152,838 436,495t 584,097 423,527 1,007,624 1847 » Whites - Free coloured Slaves - 480,000 220,000 580,000 J 1,280,000 IMPORTATION In Towns and Village!). In the Country. Whites Free colouied Slaves ------- 65,951 t The real immljcr was 56.5,000, 01 660,000. t This gives an import of 20,000 from 1840 to 1848. 53- K K 2 101,321 1A730 71,223 35,271 229,988 26o MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFOKE SELECT COMMITTEE J. M'Jcqueen, Esq. 5th July 1849. 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 1813 1814 1816 IMPORTATION of SLAVES into HAVANA (CUBA Imports from Africa.— Custom-House Value. Dolls. Dolls. - 2,683,800, say at 150 (30/.) - 769,120 1,400,000 - 1,582,200 - 960,665 - 594,590 - 406,700 - 2,335,200 - 2,032,304 - 2,189,747 - 1,621,800 - 1,512,950 - 2,659,960 - ditto - - ditto - - ditto - - ditto - - ditto - - ditto - - ditto - - ditto - - ditto - - ditto - - ditto - - ditto - Total No. 17,892 5,194 9,333 10,548 6,404 3,963 2,711 15,568 13,548 14,598 10,812 10,086 17,733 138,390 ^,B. During the last five years a small portion were exported most probably from Havana to other ports in the island. If the value was estimated at less than 30 I., the number would be so ranch greater. Suffar Estates in 1775 Ditto - - 1827 Ditto - - 1841 Coffee Estates in 1775 Ditto - - 1827 Ditto - - 1841 Estates in Cuba. 453 - 1,000 - - 1,238 - 2,067 1,838 Slaves 70,000 Slaves 130,701 Slaves 50,000 Slaves 114,760 Slaves introduced into Cuba (La Sagra, p. 101). 1620 to 1763 1764 to 1790 Into Havana only. 1791 to 1805 ------ 1806 to 1820 Into Eastern Ports, and illicit Importations Total 60,000 33,407 - 91,211 - 131,826 - 56,000 - 372,449 In 1791 a number fled from St. Domingo to Cuba. Exports Sugar from Cuba. 1790 to 1800 annual average 1800 to 1810 ditto 1810 to 1820 ditto 1820 to 1825 ditto - 110,091 Boxes. - 177,998 „ - 207,696 „ - 250,384| „ Total Cuba Arrobas. 1827 1839 1840 1841 1842 Sugar. 8,091,837* 10,220,000 12,863,856 13,272,912 13,082,297 Coffee. 2,883,528 1,920,000 2,143,573 1,235,006 1,998,846 HAVANA. For this year it is the quantities produced, but for the following years it is the quantities exported. ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 261 HAVANA. Exports Produce. J. Macqueen, Esq. 5th July 1849. 183 7. 184 0. Arrobas. Arro bas. Sugar. Coffee. Sugar. Coffee. Spain, Spanish ships 1,098,510 63,308 1,610,111 48,068 Spain, Foreign ships 194,790 182,096 694,271 321,705 Spain, sundries _ _ - 11,125 8,594 — — United States - - - - 1,143,537 728,407 1,146,931 447,121 Hanseatic Towns - - - 512,780 125,125 1,012,688 125,611 English Ports - - - - 887,192 72,487 1,460,332 55,093 French Ports - - - - 83,160 158,775 71,101 208,321 Italian Ports - - - - 99,020 42,726 80,032 16,965 Belgium - - - - - 460,930 25,899 318,069 5,292 Portugal - _ . - 1,981 356 128 24 Russian Ports - - - - 341,615 2,016 509,808 6 Spanish America . - - _ - _ - _ _ 400 88 Sweden - - - - - ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ** 63,760 300 3734. Can you tell the Committee from what parts of Africa the slaves in Cuba are obtained ? — The slaves in Cuba were obtained principally from the west coast of Africa ; a great many were brought from the Gallinas and that part of the coast, and from the Bights of Benin and Biafra, and also towards Cape Lopez ; occasionally they did receive some from the south of the Line, but tiiose were comparatively few to the number they received from the north. 3735. Can you state to the Committee the number of slaves imported from Africa at different periods ? — I can. The number of slaves carried away from Africa to all the different European possessions in the western world, taking the account as accurately as I possibly could, and estimatmg the loss by sea and the decrease on land, and the number now remaining, amounted, before 1828, when England and the United States put an end to the Slave Trade, to 8,440,000. Since then there have been carried away for the Brazils, Cuba and Porto Rico, 4,800,000 ; making 13,240,000 abstracted from Africa. 3736. From what time do you take the first number you have stated? — From the date of the origin of the Slave Trade in all the different counti'ies. 3737. How do you obtain the number which has been taken to each country ■within those particular dates ?— I have the general import. I have the amount of the slave population at specific periods. 1 know the loss by land by deaths, and the loss by sea. 3738. To take an example, will you instance some year previous to 1808 ? — I have before me the number in the United States. The first slaves intro- duced into the United States were 20 in number in the year 1629 ; they were brought by a Dutch man-of-war, and sold at Jamestown, Virginia ; they continued to increase; in 177G, the year of the American Independence, they amounted to 502,133. ^ , . , ^ 3739. Is that an official Return?— That is from an American Return, which i have received within a few davs ; it is taken from their Patent Office Return. 3740. Uo you imagine that in 1776 anything like an accurate census was kept of the amount of the black and white population ?— I have no doubt of it ; I believe the census of the black population was very accurate. 3741. You know that at the present moment it is very difficult to obtam an estimate of the population in the Western States of America ?— This is the official census in 1840, when there were 2,427,000. The slaves in the United States now amount to 3,000,000. 3742. Have you made the continent of Africa your peculiar study?—! have, for nearly 40 vears. . , 3743. Are you able to inform the Committee as to many points connected with the present African trade between Africa and Great Britain in the first place ?— I think I am. 53. K K 3 3744- Are 262 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE /. Macqueen, Esq. 5th July 1845). 3744. Are the Committee right in understanding that the African trade con- sists, first, of a trade in slaves, and, secondly, of a trade in native produce ? — Yes. 3745. Are you able to state to the Committee the proportion which the one bears to the other in point of extent ? — I have a Return of the African trade. Imports and Exjiorts, down to the year 1812, previous to the abolition of the Slave Trade by this country, which is a scarce and useful document, and I have also brought the official Return of the Exports to the west coast of Africa from 1827. AFRICA : 1793 1794 1795 1796 1797 1798 1799 1800 1801 1802 EXPORTS TO. 384,587 749,823 426,731 613,535 887,136 1,291,062 1,621,625 1,098,832 1,123,026 1,161,179 IMPORTS FROM. - 120,372 48,865 65,097 - 120,397 54,357 69,761 - 112,789 96,563 - 138,660 - 168,863 1803 1804 1805 1806 1807 1808 1809 1810 1811 1812 EXPORTS TO. IMPORTS FROM 818,032 - 1,173,466 - ■ - 94,307 ■ - 103,819 990,640 - - 106,845 1,433,151 - 797,738 ■ 532,840 - - 115,947 • - 122,048 ■ - 143,276 705,977 - 484,082 - ■ - 184,650 ■ - 257,386 316,704 - • - 188,85B 444,357 - ■ - 171,820 Exports. — British and Irish Produce and Manufactures to West Coast of Africa : ' £. £. 1827 - . - - - 155,759 1838 - - - - - 413,854 1828 - - - - - 191,452 1839 - - - - - 468,370 1829 . • - - - 244,253 1840 - - - - - 492,128 1830 - - - - - 252,123 1841 - - - - - 410,798 1831 - - - - - 234,708 1842 - - - - - 459,685 1832 - - - - - 290,061 1843 - - - - - 590,609 1833 - - - - - 329,210 1844 - - - - - 458,414 1834 - - - - - 326,483 1845 - • - - - 532,028 1835 - - - - - 292,540 1846 - - - - - 421,420 1836 . - . - - 467,886 1847 - . - - • 518,420 1637 " ■ ■ ~ - 312,938 Palm Oil Imported : Cwts. Cwts. 1831 - - - • - 163,288 1840 - - - - - 315,458 1832 - - - - - 217,804 1841 - - - - - 394,342 1833 - - - - - 266,990 1842 - - - - - 420,171 1834 - - - - - 269,907 1843 - - - - - 418,429 1835 - - - . . 256,337 1844 - - - - - 421,864 1836 - - - - - 276,635 1845 - - - - - 509,982 1837 - - - - - 223,292 1846 - - - - - 367,054 1838 - - - - - 281,372 1847 - - - - - 476,401 1839 - • - - - 343,449 3746. Do not both trades essentially consist in the exchange of British goods for slaves and for produce ? — Yes, a great portion of the goods with which the slaves are purchased are of British manufacture. 3747. Are not they entirely of British manufacture? — They are, almost entirely. They are either British manufactures, or goods brought from India. The British goods are manufactured in this country, and sent out to the coast of Africa, and sold there at the different ports on the coast where the Slave Trade is carried on ; and I find, on looking into the official Returns, that as the Slave Trade increases, so the exports of goods from this country to the coast of Africa and to the Brazils increase. A very large portion of the articles shipped to the west coast of Africa are arms, and gunpowder, and tobacco and spirits ; those are great articles of export. 3748. Have ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 263 3748. Have circumstances made you well acquainted with the parties who /. Macqucen, Esq. send such goods out? — I could not hut know the parties, living in Glasgow as I did, and travelling over the West Indies, and heing in the stores and warehouses ^^^ "^"'^ ^^'*9- of the different merchants there, where I have seen the goods, and knew who imported them, and where they came from. 3749. Have such parties often in conversation admitted to you that those goods were going out for the African Slave Trade ? — ^They knew it perfectly well, and could not deny it. 3750. Are not the cottons and stuffs which are shipped for those depots for the Slave Trade made in a peculiar way as to patterns and materials, and the like ? — Yes, particularly so, and so also are the fire-arms, which are exported ; and I may say that tlie gunpowder is a particular description of gunpowder ; it is very coarse, and as large as pease ; they make muskets the most inferior things you can conceive. I have seen them selling at St. Thomas's for two dollars, and they buy them here at 7 s. 6d. or 8s. 3751. Is not it understood in the trade, that African goods mean goods of such a description as will suit the Slave Trade, and will not suit any other ? — Yes ; I remember well, at the time of the British Emancipation, that manu- facturers in Glasgow were continually employed, night and day, in manufacturing goods for the Brazil market ; such was the demand for them, in consequence of the expected increase of the Slave Trade. 37.52. Were there not some of those houses in the trade which prohibited their captains from selling their goods to slave-dealers, or to agents of the trade ? — I should hardly think so ; I am not aware of it myself. 3753. Even if such orders were given, would they necessarily be obeyed by their agents on the coast ? — I do not think they would. In reference to the slave- trading parts, they cannot sell goods to any one but a person engaged directly or indirectly in the Slave Trade. 3754. Are not the cotton, and fire-arms, and gunpowder, of which you speak, available for the purposes of legitimate commerce on the coast of Africa ? — A small portion of them are ; but they are principally, directly or indirectly, tiie articles which are used to exchange for slaves. 3755. If a merchant went to the Bight of Benin to trade for palm-oil, would not he find such goods of as much use to him as if he went there to trade in slaves? — No doubt some of them are sold for that purpose; but the people who get those goods, and give palm-oil for them, use those goods for the purpose of buying slaves for the foreign market, to send to a different part of the coast, or more especially for increasing the number of their domestic slaves, which have increased prodigiously. As the palm-oil trade increases, so the domestic slaves increase. 3756. So far as the English merchant is concerned, it is possible that having a cargo of gunpowder, and muskets, and cottons on board his ship, he should enter into an innocent negotiation for palm-oil and ground-nuts, without having anything to do with slaves ? — He may do so ; but I should think he would know pretty well what is to become of the goods. 3757. So far as the transaction between himself and the African merchant is concerned, the articles which pass between them are articles of innocent com- merce ? — They are in their mode of exchange. A considerable portion of those goods which I have now mentioned are exported from this country to our own colonifes, to Sierra Leone, Gambia and Cape Coast Castle; they are then re-exported again to what they call the west coast, away down to the slave- 3758. Do you conceive that it would be possible for a merchant of Glasgow to dispose of his goods to an agent at Sierra Leone or Cape Coast, tying up that agent as to the ultimate disposal of the goods further down on the coast ?— I do not think it is possible. 3759. In the course of your studies, I dare say you have read the work of an American cruiser, published by Wylie and Putnam ?— I think I have seen it, cither the work itself, or extracts from it ; most of those things come ni my way. I remember some years ago, when dollars were so plentiful at Liverpool, that they were cheaper than they were at Mexico ; but now the slavers do not take so much specie as they used to do, because, when their vessels were captured, it was a good haul for the cruiser getting hold of them ; they find it much better, 53. K K 4 rather 264 MINUTKS OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE J. Macqiiccn, Esq. rather than risk the whole of the cargo, to purchase articles on the coast, which they get quite readily. 5tb July 1849. 3700. They pay for those articles generally in bills, do not they?— I believe now a great portion of them are paid for in bills. 3761. Are not Pedro Blanco and De Souza among the number of those whose bills are commonly received? — Yes; and there are bills on houses in London. •3762. They being notorious slave-dealers? — They are notorious slave-dealers, and most of" those bills are drawn on London, inasmuch as they are more easily negotiated there than if on any other country. The way they do it is this ": it comes within my own knowledge what I am now going to state. The houses in Havana, for instance, get credits on London ; they get those credits for the purpose, as they give out, of dealing in exchanges, which they do not do, but apply the money to a different purpose. I can give the Com- mittee a remarkable instance of that, which came within my own knowledge in 1841, when I was at Havana: a gentleman there, to whom I had a letter of introduction, knowing that I was very intimately acquainted with a large mercantile iiouse in the city, took my advice what he ought to do in reference to the failure of a large mercantile establishment in Havana, which had failed for nearly two millions of dollars ; he owed this house in London 27,000 i. sterling, and another house 77,000 I. sterling. 'J'here was comparatively very little owing in Havana ; it was principally in England, the United States, and Germany ; and that is the way in which they carried on these things. The British houses them- selves had no idea, I believe, that their coiTespondeuts were dealing in the Slave Trade, or anything of the kind, but, upon his failure, all that he had to show to his creditors was eight or nine sugar and cotfee estates. Lest they might be detected, or come under the last slave law, which is very severe, they are now in the habit of getting credits upon London, but guaranteed by a house, perhaps, in America, or a house in Germany, and then the house here knows nothing at all, or appears to know nothing at all, of the matter. Within this fortnight, a friend of mine who came home from the United States in one of their steamers, fell in with an Englishman, a passenger from Cuba, a very large proprietor of sugar estates there, and this gentleman told my friend that he had a credit on one of the largest houses in London here for from 50,000/. to 80,000/. sterling, to extend the improvement of his cultivation, and guaranteed by an American house in Boston. 3763. Supposing a captain to be honest, and to be strictly obedient to the pro- hibitory orders he has received as to dealing with slave-traders ; can he obtain payment on the coast, either in dollars or in good bills, except through slave- deaUng agents ? — I do not think it is possible ; he may receive them from a third party who has received them from him. 3764. If not, I suppose such a trader must wait for a cargo of native pro- duce? — He must ; and that is one of the greatest evils in the African trade, that so long as it is carried on in the way in which it is now, and it could be carried on in no other way on a great part of the coast, they are compelled to Wciit so long for the cargo, that the effect is deeply felt among the crews of the vessels lying in unhealthy places. 376,5. Even if he succeeds at last in getting a caryo home, would not the length of the voyage, and the heavy expenses occasioned hy the delay, make it a far less proiitable adventure than the immediate sale of the cargo for dollars or bills on London ? — I have no doubt of it. 3766. Have not the captain and the supercargo in those vessels a direct per- sonal interest usually in the adventure r— I believe, in almost every case, they have; they have some direct interest, either immediately connected with the cargo, or a per-centage upon what passes through their hands. 3767. Supposing such a captain to sell his cargo for dollars, and then to ship native produce from the stores of the native dealers at Sierra Leone or Acra, or Cape Coast, what necessity would arise for his disclosing such a disobedience to his orders?— At Sierra Leone he could not ship anything connected with the Slave Trade, nor at Acra, nor at Cape Coast ; at Whydah he might. 37^8. And there vv'ould be no need for that being shown in his papers ? — There would not. 3769. Would not it appear in his log where he had shipped ? — Yes, that would appear 3770. And ox THE AFRICAN SLAVK TRADE. 26.5 3770. And if it appeared that he had shipped at Whydah, would not it be /. Macqueen, Esq. obvious that he must have been deahng with slave-dealers V — Yes, you can deal with hardly any one else there that 1 know of; some English houses have agents ^t'" Ju')' 1849. there, who sell their goods to natives and slave-dealers. 3771. Does not it result, as a general conclusion, that, with some honourable exceptions, what we call the legal trade is itself, in fact, subsidiary to and in alliance with the Slave Trade ? — As Africa at present stands, I have not the slightest hesitation in saymg, from a long and deep consideration of the subject in all its branches on every part of the coast of Africa, that it is impossible to carry on what we call legitimate trade without that trade being subservient to the Slave Trade ; indeed, I know, from correspondents who are not at all engaged in commercial pursuits, but some of them in much nobler pursuits, that that is the effect. I may mention one tiling to show the effect produced by those traders going on the coast in that way ; I will give the Committee an instance illustrative of the evil they create to Africa. A ship from Liverpool appeared on the east coast not very long ago ; this I had from a missionary belonging to the Church Missionary Society ; the first thing they landed there •was spirits and fire-arms, just the last things on earth they ought to have put on that part of the coast. 3772. Is not there great jealousy on the part of those who carry on this legal trade at the intrusion of strangers into it r — They are not at all fond of any other person getting into the trade ; that I know well : in all my endeavours to benefit Africa, and to get up a large company for that purpose, under the sanction of the Government, as 1 shall be able to show the Committee by-and- bye, I have found that the greatest opposition arises from those people. 3773. Is not part of that jealousy commonly attributed to an apprehension of the discovery of the close connexion between that legal trade and the Slave Trade? — Very likely that may of)erate to a considerable extent ; but I believe the fact is, that they do not wish it to be known that the points where they caiTy on the most valuable trade are points where the Slave Trade is the greatest ; for instance, Ambriz has become a great slave-trading port within the last few years ; the moment it becomes a slave-trading port of any extent, you find the British merchants carry their goods there, and supply them to the slave- dealers and natives. 3774. If the foreign Slave Trade were legalized, or even if it were relieved from the presence of our cruisers, would not the connexion between that legal trade and the Slave Trade become more immediate and direct than it is at present ? — There can be no question of it. 377.V Would not it greatly increase, therefore, the opportunities for that traffic to any ])arties who, under the cover of a legal trade, felt no scruple in assisting the Slave Trade? — 'ihere would be no limit to it then ; they might do as they pleased ; if we wei'e to withdraw our cruisers, it would be the ruin of Africa, in my opinion. 3776. Would not such a measure tend to the direct pecuniary advantage of British houses carrying on nominally a legal trade, but really allowing the legal trade to play mto the hands of the slave-traders? — No doubt of it, and there are several of them who have that very object in view in endeavouring to get the squadron withdiawn. 3777. Their business and their gains would be increased tenfold? — Yes. 3778. Would there be any difference in that case, so far as British honour is concerned, between carrying on such an unrestricted trade and a direct renewal of the Slave Trade ? — I do not see that there would ; I think the little hypocrisy which might be apparent in carrying that on would aggravate the crime, instead of being an extenuation of it. 3779. Supposing the squadron to be removed, can you tell the Committee what would remain to prevent a British vessel from clearing out at a British port with a cargo of African goods, caUing at Cadiz to ship foreign sailors, proceeding to a slave-trading port, there to equip with slave-decks and water-casks, exchanging her goods for slaves, transporting those slaves direct to Rio, and returning in sugar to this country ?— I ann not aware of any hindrance to it ; 1 am afraid since the abolition of our Navigation Laws a foreign vessel may do that ; she may take in goods at an English port, and go to any part of the coast of Africa ; certainly she could To our possessions on the western coast, and then drop down to any slave- trading stations. 53. L L 3780. Why 206 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE J. Macgiieoi, Esq. 37So. Why could not a vessel have done that before the abolition of the ' Navigation Laws? — A foreign vessel could not come to this country, and clear .5th July 1849. ouj. to any British colony. 37^^ I • Previously to the abolition of the Navigation Laws, a Brazilian vessel might have come into Liverpool, shipped slave goods, and sailed for Whydah, and there shipped her cargo of slaves, might she not ? — I do not think she could. 3782. What obstacle would there have been in the Navigation Laws to pre- vent her doing so : — I cannot answer that question ; but I doubt if she could. 37S3. Would any obstacles have arisen from the Navigation Laws? — I think so. 3784. Would those obstacles have met her at the port of Liverpool? — ^Yes, at any port of the Kingdom, if the Custom-house officers did their duty. 3785. The Navigation Laws did not take cognizance of the Slave Trade? — I am aware that the Navigation Laws did not take cognizance of the Slave Trade ; but 1 am certain that the effect will be to let loose a vast deal of shipping on the coast of Africa. 3786. Do you mean that a Brazilian vessel could not have shipped goods at Liverpool, even if she were not going to pursue the Slave Trade on the coast of Africa? — I think she could not ; 1 may be mistaken, however, because it is not a subject which I have investigated, except in a general w'ay. 3787. Would not the withdrawal of the squadron tend to introduce a multitude of British adventurers with small capital into that trade? — Certainly, British and all other adventurers ; if our squadron were withdrawn, it would be the signal for one of the most hideous scenes that it is possible to conceive ; in refer- ence to Africa, in reference to all our AVest India colonies in particular, and all our tropical possessions, I look upon it that it would be utter ruin, inasmuch as there would be no limits whatever to the exportation of Africans to Cuba, Brazil and Porto Rico, as slaves. The consequence would be, a vastly increased pro- duction of sugar, which would not merely destroy our old Tropical Colonies, but crush the rising energies of the cultivation of sugar and coffee in India ; 1 look upon it as one of the most destructive things which could be done. 3788. In spite of this great competition on the coast, would not there still be left a very large profit for those who engaged in it ? — A very large profit ; they would purchase them so very cheaply, and carry them at no risk, that they could afford to sell them at half the price they sell them for now, obtaining very large profits, and that would give a prodigious impulse to the extension of sugar and coffee cultivation. 3789. Is it not the existing policy to use up their slaves in the Brazils? — While they can get slaves at a moderate price, they will rather buy than breed ; but I do not think that that is the case to the extent which is usually stated. 3790. Would not it be more profitable to them to use up slaves purchased at 20/. a piece than to breed them ? — No doubt about it. 3791. The tendency, therefore, of throwing open the trade, would be more completely to substitute using-up for breeding? — I think so. 3792. Has not the existing profit on a slave adventure been estimated at 500 per cent. ?— I have heard it estimated at that, but I think that is too large. 3793. What would you yourself estimate it at?— I could not say off-hand •without looking minutely into the prices ; sometimes the prices on the coast are much higher than at other times ; sometimes they will purchase them at 5/. ; sometimes they will pay 15/. The outfit of these vessels is sometimes very expensive ; the wages are very high, and the provisions which they put on board the vessel for the crew must be great, and the insurance is very high. 3794. If the risk of capture were removed, the profits would be increased ? — Very greatly increased. 379.5. Would they, therefore, be much greater than could be obtained by any legitimate traffic ? — Certainly there could be no traffic in the world equal to the profits they would gain in that case. 3796. Is not the legal trade, generally speaking, verj' insignificant at the actual places where the Slave Trade flourishes? — Very insignificant indeed; the prin- cipal trade is the palm-oil trade. 3797. Do you attribute that in any way to the effects of the Slave Trade ? — Decidedly. 3798. Will you show the Committee how ? — It is utterly impossible for any merchants in the legal trade to compete with the slave-traders, because the slave- trader ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 367 trader does not care what he sells his goods for, provided he gets a return caro^o /. Maameen Esa of slaves ; therefore he can undersell the legal trader to any extent, and, in fact, ' - ' ruin him ; it is quite impossible for the latter to competewith him: his profit 5tli July 1849. consists not in the sale of his goods on the coast of Africa, but in the sale of his ~ slaves, when he gets thera to the Brazils and Cuba ; whereas the profit of the legal merchant is on the sale of his goods on the coast. 37()(). Tlie profit of the slave-merchant, when he gets back to the coast of Brazil, must depend, in a great measure, upon the dearness or cheapness of the slaves whom he has purchased on the coast ? — Yes, sometimes they are higher, and then his profit is so much the more ; and sometimes they are lower, and his profit is so much the less ; but no legal British merchant sending goods from tliis country can possibly compete with the slave-trader, because the latter can sell his goods for anything ; he can sell his goods for one-half the price that the other can, and will do so, in order to gain a cargo of slaves. 3800. You mean that the profit upon the slaves sold in Brazil is so great, that it quite puts the other profit aside ? — Yes, the profit he gets on the sale of his slaves is so great, that even if he were to give away his goods, he would mai">"'"<'> to Ascension to re-complete her provisions. The having a vessel to run down to J .' the stations and supply them, would be of very great value, and be much cheaper, Gih July 1849. as is evident ; because the services of that vessel in going for provisions were quite lost all that time. I would also suggest some steam-launclies ; you might get a steam-launch of sufficient size for about 500/. complete. 4330. A ship's boat of the largest size fitted up with steam power? — Yes, well adapted for it, of course. 4331. You propose that a transport should be stationed with each division? — Yes. 4332. Your bread is liable to decay very much, is not it? — Yes. 4333. How long will bread from England keej) good upon that coast ? — The vessels I propose should take it from Ascension. 4334. Will you state to the Committee, from your practical knowledge, your opinion of the relative advantages of in-shore cruising and cruising at a distance from the coast ?— In-shore cruising is the only system of prevention ; and I may say it is the only sufficient system of capture ; even to remain out away from the shore, is to allow the Slave Trade to go on ; for instance, all along Kabenda and Ambriz, for several degrees, the slaves are all collected in launches, which go along the shore, and constantly you capture them with your boats going along the shore ; you see them, and you send your boats off, and take them by twenties, and thirties and forties. 4335- What, in your judgment, would be the effect of the prohibition of the boats of a cruiser taking any launch in which not more than 30 such slaves were contained? — ^1 think it would be quite contrary to the object for which the squadron was placed there. 4336. Would it greatly cripple the efficiency of such a cruiser r — Very much ; at such a place as that particularly. 4337. The failure of the squadron, wl)en cruising from 30 to 70 miles from the coast, would, in your judgment, form no argument against its efficiency, if it were cruising upon different principles ? — No, certainly not. 4338. Have you any further means which you would suggest of increasing the efficiency of the squadron? — I think I would propose occupying stations as at Cape Coast ; it would be very desirable to occupy Lagos and VVhydah; they are almost the only resorts of the slave-dealers in the Bights now. 4339. Do you mean by that, that you would have an establishment there ? — An establishment such as Ca])e Coast Castle. 4340. Lagos is , not claimed by any European power, is it? — No; in fact I fancy nearly all the surrounding Kings are in favour of the suppression of the Slave Trade. 4341. Supposing Lagos were occupied, or otherwise prevented from being the chief depot of the Slave Trade in the Bights, is there no other spot in the Bights to which the Slave Trade could retreat?— I think not, except VVhydah ; Lagos affords remarkable facilities, because it is a very open beach ; they go off in any direction, so that unless your vessels are close in, they will escape you ; the re- mainder of the places in the Bights where they embark are rivers which do not afford the facilities which Lagos and Whydah do. 4342. You ascended the Niger with the Niger Expedition, did you not ? — I did. 4343. Will you tell the Committee, from what you then saw of the state of the negro population, whether you think there would be good ground for believing that a legitimate trade might be substituted for the Slave Trade?— Certainly, I think so ; they had a good deal of cotton, though it was of inferior quality ; we saw dying going on, and manifest evidences of progressive civilization. 4344. The inducement to the Africans to maintain the Slave Trade is, because it is their only means of obtaining money and goods from abroad, is not it ? — Certainly, I think so. 4345.' If the chiefs were taught that they might obtain that money and those goods by employing their people as labourers, instead of selling them as slaves, their desire to continue the Slave Trade might, in your judgment, be removed r — Yes ; I think the case of the " Bonny" is an illustration of that ; there is no slaving going on there, and the legitimate trade affords them very large profits, and a fair remuneration. 53. QQ4 434(»- ^^ill 312 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Commander 4346- Will you State to the Committee what, in your opinion, Avould be the E FiMourne, result of the withdrawal of the present squadron from the African Coast r— The ^- ^- coast would become a nest of pirates ; the number of slaves exported would be 6th Ju)~i8 q enormous ; all legitimate trade would cease, and in a very short time we should "\ '' have to increase the squadron for the protection of what trade remained. With respect to increasing the etBciency of the squadron, I think, also, it would be desirable to reduce the armament of the cruisers, and increase their sails ; that might be done at a very small expense, and with a very great amount of efficiency. 4347. Do you think it would increase the efficiency of the squadron if the prize-money were divided among all the ships of a division, instead of belonging to the particular ship which makes a seizure ? — I think it would he most desir- able, and. to get rid of the head-money, I would place the bounty all on tonnage ; instead of having a bounty on the slave, I would increase the tonnage-money. 4348. Are the Committee to understand that you think the effect of such a regulation would be to direct the attention of tbe squadron more completely to preventive measures, rather than to intercepting full ships? — Ceitainly ; there would be a greater unanimity among the squadron ; they would have one com- mon object, at least an object more in common, and that would tend to greater efficiency in the squadron. 4340. When a vessel Avitli a cargo of slaves is captured at present, is there any tonnage-bounty as well as head-money paid? — I believe so, provided they take the vessel up. 4350. Ijoth are received ? — The vessel is sold, and they receive what she will realize ; I think there is no tonnage-money paid. 4351. At present, the proceeds to the captors of a vessel with a cargo of slaves, are first head-money, and next the value of the vessel when broken up? —Yes. 4352. But no tonnage-bounty ? — I think not ; as an inducement to the prize crew to take care of the slaves in taking them up, thev might receive a small remuneration in proportion to the number which they took up. 4353. How were the officers taken on board the prizes treated during the time you were on the coast ; as prisoners of war, or as persons having been engaged in an infamous traffic ? — Some officers treated them as prisoners of war, and others as persons employed in an infamous traffic. I should say that the latter mode of treating them would be decidedly the better plan. 4354. Would it, in your judgment, greatly tend to suppress the Slave Trade, if the persons of such parties were liable by law to punishment? — Certainly ; I would strongly recommend that they should be liable to imprisonment. After being employed at the Bonny, where we captured five vessels, we went up to Sierra Leone, where the slaves were lauded with the captains and mates, and they almost insulted me, because I w-as the principal person engaged in their capture. I was in command of the boats, having been watching them about six weeks. 4355- Will you give the Committee your opinion upon what would be the effect of the passing of a law which made it impossible for any action to lie for damages, in which it was necessary to plead that those damages had been incurred in the conduct of the Slave Trade? — It would be most desirable, and, of course, many officers who are timid about costs and damages, would be induced then to do what they conceive it right should be done, but are now deterred from doing. 4356. Do you think that the fear of such ti'oublesome results acts powerfully in deterring officers from carrying uut the great object of this country ? — Not generally ; but on some individual officers who are naturally timid, and who do not like responsibility, it may operate. 4357. Is there any other suggestion which you have to make? — It is very desirable that treaties should be'made and enforced. 4358. Treaties with whom? — With the native chiefs, for the abolition of slavery ; it would be even profitable to the country to pay a sum of money for a certain time to have those treaties carried out. 43.") 9- You refer to treaties which should give Great Britain the power of putting down the Slave Trade by force, if the native chiefs did not adhere to them?- — Certainly. 4360. You ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 3'3 4360. You mentioned tlie importance of establishing a British factory at Commander Lagos ; do you think there would be any difficulty in the British Government ^' -f^''^"'^^» establishing such factories as that at Cape Coast Castle, upon many points of the _!_ coast the most infested with the Slave Trade? — ^The Portuguese territory is the 6th July 1849. most infested of any, and, of course, there it is impossible ; putting that part out of the question, I should think certainly not, or if you could encourage Liberia to extend their territory, it might be beneficial. 4361 . Your impression, as to the efficiency of the check given by the republic of Liberia, is strong? — Yes, I think so, certainly ; they have not, of course, suf- ficient power, and they have lately applied for, and our Government have given them, a colonial vessel ; I think if they had further countenance, they would extend, as they have every desire to extend, their territory, and it would be very valuable. 4362. Are you able to state to the Committee what the expense of maintaining such forts as that at Cape Coast Castle is ? — 1 cannot say ; the forts need not be so extensive as that. 4363. Will you tell the Committee whether you think it would much increase the erticiency of the squadron if the commander-in-chief were allowed the use of a certain sum of secret-service money for obtaining information as to the movements of the slave- dealers along the coast? — I should think so ; the officers employed on the coast do allocate a portion of the proceeds of their captures for the purpose of obtaining information. 4364. But no money is now allowed by Government for that purpose ? — No. 4365. With respect to the establishment of stations, such as Cape Coast Castle, along the coast, how far should you reckon that the influence of a station of that sort in suppressing the Slave 'Irade would extend right and left of the spot where it was planted ? — It is very difficult to say that ; it would depend, of course, a great deal upon the energy of the governor. 4366. Supposing the governor did his duty, and that he had a company of men at his command in the fort, what could he do towards suppressing the Slave Trade which a cruiser does not do more efficiently now ? — I think he has the means of obtaining information which no cruiser could possibly have. He would exercise a moral influence, from being a kind of consular agent — an agent repre- senting the Government, and he would have intercourse with the interior, such as they have from Cape Coast Castle. The whole race of the Fantees quite look to Cape Coast Castle as their protector ; all the adjoining chiefs come to the governor there to settle their disputes. 43(")7. When you assign to him that sort of influence, are you not assuming that his fort is planted on a part of the coast where there is much intercourse already between Europeans and natives, and where commerce is carried on ? — Of course I am ; that is already assumed in the fact of the Slave Trade being there ; the Slave Trade in itself is a cause of considerable intercourse. 4368. If the intercourse were of the nature which is caused by the Slave Trade, would the planting of such a fort upon a part of tlie coast where nothing but tlie Slave Trade is carried on, have such an effect as you a attribute to it ? — I think it would tend to supersede it very much ; if our boats were to land at Lagos, they would be fired at immediately ; that could not be the case if there were a station there. 4369. Is it not a peculiarity at Lagos that the Slave Trade of the Bight of Benin is as it were concentrated at Lagos, and cannot be carried on so con- veniently from any other place in the Bight? — It cannot, certainly. 4370. To take the lower part of the coast, between the Bight of Benin and the Portuguese possessions below Cape Lopez, for example, would it give any great facility for the suppression of the Slave Trade if isolated forts were planted upon the coast ?- -There is very little slaving there at all ; they are a very inferior race of people ; it w-ould have a very good tendency in raising them, and bringing them into communication with civilization. 437 1 . Do you know whether the Portuguese claim up to Cape Lopez? — They claim up to about seven degrees ; it is a barren territory, with a poor miserable race of people, from which there is very little slaving. 4372. Is not it a part of the coast where, if the Slave Trade were suppressed, north and south of it, the Slave Trade would break out?— I think not ; if it did, of course there are facilities for putting it down ; the cruisers have the advantage there. /5 i. R R 4.173- ^Vould 3H MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Commander £. Fishbourne, R.X. 6th July 1849, 4373- Would not they have an advantage which isolated forts would not have? —In such a place they might, but the cruisers are not permanent; they are not brought into permanent contact with the people ; I think civilization and trade are necessary ; you may repress the trade by means of the cruisers, but that is all vou do. You want to proceed beyond that, and to give a permanent character to the results which you have obtained by force. 4374. In the order of your proceedings, would not it be more natural that a fort should be planted where legitimate commei'ce is established, or is likely to be established, than that a fort should be planted, and legitimate commerce expected to follow it? — It is of no use planting a fort where there is no expecta- tion of commerce. I assume that there is a commerce, but that its character is of an improper kind, and that you substitute for that a means of giving them a legitimate source of revenue. 4^75. Are there not parts of the coast where the Slave Trade is carried on, or is capable of being carried on, where the planting of a fort would not be effective towards suppressing it, because the planting of a fort would not be followed by legitimate commerce? — I do not apprehend that there is any such place. I take the case of Cape Lopez ; I do not see any probability of any extensive trade there, but there is very little Slave Trade there at all. The value of it to such a place would be the influence upon the inhabitants in raising them in the scale of civilization, and having intercourse with the interior from that point. 4376. In what you have said of the advantage of having those forts upon the coast, have you assumed that there should be a cruiser in pretty constant com- munication with them? — At first, until for the Slave Trade is substituted a legi- timate trade. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Captain H. D. Trotter, R.N. Captain HENRY DUNDAS TROTTER, R. N., is called in, and examined as follows : 4377. YOU have not, I think, served on the African Coast, except when you commanded the Niger Expedition, have you ? — I served formerly, for about a year and a half, on the Coast of Africa. 4378. In what 3'ear was that ? — In the year 1833 and part of 1834. 4379. On what part of the coast were you then serving? — The Admiral in those days had the East Coast to attend to as well as the West, and remained chiefly at the Cape ; I was therefore left, as senior officer, on the VVest Coast generally ; but my attention was chiefly directed to the Bonny and the Bight of Benin, and Cape Lopez. 4380. You were acting commanding officer along the West Coast? — I was senior officer on the coast for about a year and a quarter. 4381. You afterwards commanded the Expedition up the Niger? — Yes, I did. 4382. Will you state to the Committee the object of that expedition which went out under your command ? — The object of the Niger Expedition was to arrest the foreign Slave Trade at its source in the interior, and to get the chiefs to co-operate with us, by inducing them to apply the labour of the natives to agriculture and commerce, instead of sending slaves to the coast. We hoped by these means to force on them in time the conviction that they had been engaged in a traffic opposed to their real interests. We were directed, as we proceeded up the river, to negotiate conventions or agreements with the various chiefs, and if opportunity offered, to estabUsh factories at convenient places, with the view also of teaching the chiefs how to employ the population in a profitable manner, and to direct their attention especially to agricultural pursuits. We carried up the river a number of blacks to form a settlement, and fixed on a spot for the purpose, about 300 miles from the mouth of the Niger, at its junction with the river Chadda ; but, as your Lordships are aware, in a very few weeks the Expe- dition was attacked with sickness of so formidable a character, that its objects were in a great measure defeated, and the result of this experiment left unde- cided. I never, however, can allow that the expedition was a complete failure. Wherever we went we found chiefs and people welcome our arrival, and most anxious to come into our views. They entreated us to remain, and they entered readily into the treaties we were ordered to make with them ; and the impression left ON THE AFRICA^f SLAVE TRADE, 315 left by the expedition cannot fail to leave some trace of good behind. The objects Captain of these treaties were fully understood by the chiefs, whether with regard to the H- D. Trotter, promotion of commerce or the abandonment of the Slave Trade. The absolute ^- ■^• prohibition of all foreign traffic in slaves was stipulated for, and every possible e.h tX~;8.„ means taken to impede their transmission to the coast. We obtained also the total abolition of human sacrifices. The. object of the expedition was, in fact (as stated by Sir Fowell Buxton and Dr. Lushington in a letter to Lord John Russell) to awaken the people of Africa to a sense of their degradation and misery and to develop practically and before their eyes the advantages they might derive from the resources of their soil, and the pursuit of legitimate commerce. We did what we could to effect these objects ; and in furtherance of the agricul- tural settlement which I have already alluded to, we left at the place we had selected 25 black men, provided with every kind of implement, and under the superintendence of a West India planter ; but owing to the sickness which had broken out in the expedition, the settlement was eventually obliged to be aban- doned. The experiment has not, however, been without the result that, on any future occasion, when we may endeavour to colonize that part of Africa, which I hope we may do at some not distant day, this much is proved, that if civilized blacks were to go up there under proper white superintendence, they would meet with a cordial reception, and their presence would have a most beneficial effect in checking the Slave Trade at the source from which the Bight of Benin and the Bight of Biafra, as far as Old Calabar, is partly suppHed. I may add, that while the expedition was employed up the river, it was intended that the pre- ventive squadron should be increased rather than diminished, and concentrated on the coast of Africa, instead of being divided between that and the West Indies and Brazil. 4383. You found the chiefs perfectly accessible to the arguments which you used ? — Perfectly so ; they took great pains to understand us ; they did not answer us at once, but waited till they fully comprehended what we urged to them. 4384. Your impression is, that agricultural settlements of free blacks from the West Indies might, with advantage, be made in that neighbourhood ? — I think particularly so. I would beg, before leaving this subject, to put in a copy of the Draft of the Agreement with the chiefs of Aboh and Iddah, the only chiefs possessing considerable authority whom we visited. The same is delivered in, and is as follows : Draft of Agreement to be proposed to African Chiefs, There shall be peace and friendship between the people of Great Britain and the people of , and the Slave Trade shall be put down for ever in , and the people of Great Britain and the people of shall trade together innocently, justly, kindly and usefully : and A. B., &c.. Commissioners on the part of the Queen of Great Britain, and C. on the part of the Chief of , do make the following Agreement for these purposes : I. The Slave Trade shall be utterly abolished in , and from the signing of this Agreement no persons whatever shall be removed out of the country for the purpose of being treated or dealt with as slaves; nor shall any persons whatever be allowed to be brought through the country, or any part thereof, for the purpose of being treated or dealt with as slaves by way of exportation or otherwise; nor shall any persons whatever be imported into the country for the purpose of being dealt with as slaves ; and no subject of shall be in any way concerned in the exporting or importing slaves or carrying on the Slave Trade either within or without the limits of the country. The Chief promises to inflict reasonable punishment on all his subjects who may break this law. II. The Oflicers of the Queen of Great Britain may seize every vessel or boat of found anywhere carrying on the trade in slaves, and may also seize every vessel or boat of other nations, with whom a similar Agreement has been made, found carrying on the trade in slaves in the waters belonging to the Chief of . Upon such seizure, and after regular condemnation according to the provisions of this Agree- ment, tile slaves shall be made free, and the vessels or boats shall be destroyed, unless sale thereof shall be mutually agreed upon by the parties to this Agreement ; if sold, the produce of the sale shall be divided equally between the Queen of Great Britain and the Chief of III. That in all cases of the seizure of vessels and boats with slaves on board, under the provisions of this Agreement, the said Commissioners, or those of them who may be present, 5^. K R 2 ' and 21(3 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Ca tain ="1'' "' their absence, the Commissioned or Commanding Officer on Board the British H D Trotter vessel making the seizure, shall, in presence of the Chief or head man appointed by him, R. N. ' make due examination and inquiry into the case, and shall condemn the said vessel or boat, _'. ' with the slaves on board, if satisfied that the provisions of this Agreement have been thus 6th July 1849. contravened, or otherwise acquit and restore the same. ' [V, That from and after the signing of this Agreement, no person whatever coming into tlie country shall be reduced into slavery, or treated or used as slaves. All white persons whatever and all British subjects of whatever colour at present detained in slavery, shall be immediately set free. V. British people may freely come into the country, and may stay in it or pass through it, and they shall be treated as friends while in it ; and they may leave the country with dieir property when they please. VI. Christians, of whatever nation or country, peaceably conducting themselves in the dominions of the Chief of , shall be left in the free enjoyment and exercise of the Christian religion, and shall not be hindered or molested in their endeavours to teach the same to all persons whatever willing and desirous to be taught; nor shall any subject of > who may embrace the Christian faith, be on that account or on account of the teaching or exercise thereof, molested or troubled in any manner whatsoever. .VII. British people may always trade freely with the people of in every article which they may wish to buy or sell ; and neither the British people nor the people of shall ever be forced to buy or sell any article, nor shall they be prevented from buying or selling any article, with whomsoever they please ; and the customs and dues taken by the Chief of on British goods imported for sale, shall in no case be more altogether than one th part of the goods imported, on their ascertained value. VIII. The paths shall be kept open through the country to other countries, so that British traders may carry goods of all kinds through the country, to sell them elsewhere ; and the traders of other countries may bring their goods through the country to trade with the British people. IX. British people may buy and sell or hire lands and houses in the country ; and their houses shall not be entered without their consent, nor shall their goods be seized, nor their persons touched ; and if British people are wronged or ill-treated by the people of the Chief of shall punish those doing such wrong. X. But British people must not break the laws of the country ; and when they are accused of breaking the laws, the Chief may detain the person charged with com- mitting any grievous crime in safe custody, taking care that he be treated with humanity; and shall send a true account of the matter to the nearest place where there is a British force ; and the Commander of such British force shall send for the British person, who shall be tried accordinu; to British law, and shall be punished, if found guilty; and a report of such punishment shall be forwarded to the Chief for his satisfaction. XI. If the people should take away the property of a British person, or should not pay their just debts to a British person, the Chief of shall do all he can to make the people restore the property, and pay the debt ; and if British persons should take away the property of the people, or should not pay their just debts to the people, he shall be subject to the laws of the country for the recovery of the same, provided always that no injury be done to his person; the Chief of shall make known the fact to the Commander of the British force nearest to the country, or to the resident agent, if there is one ; and the British Com- mander or the agent, whichever it may be, shall do all he can to make the British persons restore the property and pay the debt. XII. The Queen of Great Britian may appoint an agent to visit , or to reside there, in order to watch over the interests of the British people, and to see that this Agreement is fulfilled ; and such agent shall always receive honour and protection in the country ; and the Chief shall pay attention to what the agent says ; and the person and property of the agent shall be sacred. XIII. The Chief of shall, within 48 hours of the date of this agreement make a law for carrying the whole of it into effect; and shall proclaim that law, and the Chief of shall put that law in force from that time for ever. XIV. The Queen of Great Britain, out of friendship for the Chief of , and because the Chief of has made this Agreement, gives him the following articles : and the Chief of hereby acknowledges he has received those articles. nd so we at for ever. And so we and have made this Agreement, and have signed it •it this day of ; and this Agreement shall stand 438,';, Have ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 317 4385. Have you any other documents bearing upon tlie subject which you Captain would wish to put in ? — Not with regard to the Niger. I would mention a curious H D. Trotter, fact with regard to the commerce of the interior^ that during our voyage up the ^^■^' Isiiger, alter we passed Eboe or Aboh 120 miles from the sea, no article of cth Jd7;849. European manufacture was seen, excepting a few guns and a little powder; a 1_ proof that there is no foundation for the opinion held by many, that the Slave Trade in the interior is necessary to supply the people with European articles of commerce. 4386. Are you acquainted generally with the system pursued by Sir Charles Hotham for the suppression of the Slave Trade r— 1 am generally, from having read his evidence. 4387. Will you state to the Committee your impression as to the probable effects of the system upon which he acted ? — My impression is, that he allowed the cruisers to do very much as they pleased as to in-shore or distant cruising. In some cases he certainly ordered them to cruise at a great distance from the coast, which seems to me quite incompatible with the object of a squadron to prevent the Slave Trade. When I was on the West Coast in 183;:i-4, before the Equipment Act, my only chance of seizin;; slave vessels was to keep out of sight of land, and send in my boats occasionally ; but as we are able now to seize vessels if only equipped for the trade, the system lately pursued, as 1 understand it, by Sir Charles Hotham, seems to me to be one which cannot, however numer- ous the captures, lead to the suppression of the Slave Trade. Enough vessels must always escape to insure a continuance of the traffic. 438.S. So that any failure of the squadron acting under such rules would appear to you to be entirely accounted for? — I think decidedly so. 4389. And would afford no argument against its success if differently con- ducted ? — Quite so. 4390. Are you prepared to suggest any modification of the system? — I may mention to your Lordships, that when I was examined with other naval officers before the Due de Broglie and Dr. Lushington in 184.5, those who gave their evidence were requested to give in their united opinion as to the number of vessels which would be necessary ; and as the opinions formed by . officers who met together day after day to consider this especial subject must be more satisfactory than any individual opinion of mine, I should wish to hand in to your Lordships this document, which we at that time agreed upon. The officers examined besides myself were Captain Denman, Captain Butterfield, Captain Adams and Commander Sprigg. Our opinion was expressed as follows: " In accordance with the request of the Right honourable S. Lushington, d.c.l., we, the British Naval Officers, Captains Trotter, Denman, butterfield and Adams, and Commander Sprigg, who have been examined before the Due de Broglie and Dr. Lushington, have consulted together, and we are of opinion, that on the West Coast of Africa it would require 37 sail of vessels, 11 small steamers and 26 saihng-vessels." I would here remark, that we have only had about 22 cruisers employed since that period. If I had had the selection of vessels for that coast, 1 should very much have preferred (especially taking into con- sideration the expense) a much smaller class of vessel. It seems natural that in order to seize slave vessels, a similar kind of vessel to those they use ought to be employed, and 1 think that the 37 small vessels which we contemplated being used might have been employed at no more expense than the 22 vessels since employed. 4391. Do those 37 vessels include the French vessels?— No ; this was quite independent of the French squadron. We thought that 37 vessels would be sufficient on the West Coast without a French squadron. We then went on to say, "On the East Coast of Africa and Madagascar 18 sail of vessels, six large steamers and 12 sailing-vessels, making a total of 55 vessels," on the two coasts. " In this estimate we have supposed that the system will be adopted of constantly watching the slave depots, and that the cruisers are invested with the general rights of search on the Coast of Africa." It appears to me that Sir Charles Hotham's system has not been a system of watching the depots, which we had especially in view in offering this opinion. I may mention that, in the year 1845, Lord Aberdeen's reversal of the order with regard to destroying the wods in the barracoons had its influence in leading us to specify so great a number of vessels ; but it strikes me that to do the thing elfectually, 37 would not be too many, even now that the order appears to be again in 53, K R 3 '""'■'^•^ ' 3l8 MINUTES OF tVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE' Captain force ; but a large proportion of the vessels employed (steamers as well as ^ ^R ^jTr""^'^' sailing-vessels) might be of a small size, with an auxiliary screw ; and if the J ' whole squadron had the auxiliary screw, so much the better. 6th July 1849. 4392. That opinion so given was the result of a careful consideration of the subject, and mutual converse by several officers well acquainted practically with the facts of the case? — Yes, it was quite so with respect to the West Coast. With regard to the East Coast, we were obliged to rely upon the opinion of one officer only, he only having served upon that coast. Captain Wj^riH, however, who has much more recently served on the coast, and may therefore be a better judge of what is now required, says that a much smaller number of vessels would be sufficient to suppress the Slave Trade on the East Coast. He speaks very confidently on this subject in his evidence before the Committee of the House of Commons. 4393. The 37 vessels were intended for the "West Coast ? — Yes. 4394. And nothing that has since happened has altered your own impression as to the probabiUty of the success of such an armament ? — Nothing whatever, moie particularly since Sir Charles Hotham's late transactions at the Clalhnas ; for it is this which induces me to believe that if the order for burning slave factories has not been renewed in its original form, a similar one at least must have been issued. 4395. Are you aware that the meanino' put upon Lord Aberdeen's letter was not at all that which was intended to be put upon it ? — So I have understood. 4396. Are the Committee to understand that your view of the subject is, that the squadron should act strictly as a preventive force, affiarding, by the check which it gives to the Slave Trade, an opportunity for leading the native Africans to turn their attention to agriculture and production, instead of the exportation of men ? — I think that a strict blockade of the coast would have that tendency ; it has had it already in the Bight of Biafra and other parts. 4397. You would not conceive that it would be necessary to look forward to always maintaining such a squadron, because the up-growth of a more legitimate trade will, in your judgment, take the place of the Slave Trader — Yes ; I think we shall be able gradually to diminish the force. 4398. In carrying out that object, you would expect to derive large assistance from the establishment of factories on different parts of the coast? — Yes, I think the establishment of factories is very desirable, protected, if necessary, by small forts. 4399. ■^'^^ t° t^i^t you would add, if possible, the establishment of model farms, maintained by Africans from the West India Islands? — ^That is a most desirable thing, particularly as there appears to be a great desire on the part of Africans, both at Sierra Leone and in some parts of the West Indies, at Barbadoes, for instance, to colonize parts of the coast and the interior. Such a model farm is soon likely to be in operation at Abbeokuta, in the Yoruba countrj'^, 56 miles in-iand from Badagry, a town of at least 50,000 inhabitants, where, within the last nine years, about 3,000 liberated Africans of the Yoruba nation have found their w^ay, having gone from Sierra Leone at their own expense, in condemned slave vessels which they bought for the purpose, A great proportion of these people are Christians, and members of the Church J\Jissionary Society, and they now wish to the Gospel to add the plough, in which object they are to receive some pecuniary assistance from a society called the African Native Agency Committee. It is of great importance that the Slave Trade should be thoroughly suppressed in the neighbourhood of Badagry and Lagos, the sea-ports of Abbeokuta, in order that this offshoot of Sierra Leone may have a fair chance of extending the benefits of civilization to the neighbouring parts of Africa. The land is said to be very fertile, and the chiefs " highly favourable to the new settlers, who appear to be firmly re-established in their own country. In writing lately to the Rev. Mr. Townsend, one of the Abbeokuta missionaries, I asked him why he expected civilization to extend more quickly in the neighbourhood of Abbeokuta than in the vicinity of Sierra Leone; he rephed as follows: — "My reason for expecting great results from Abbeokuta, are — 1st, The readiness with which they (the Yorubas) have received the truth from us, both in Sierra Leone and in Abbeokuta ; 2d, The greater amount of intelligence and civilization possessed by the Yorubas and their neighbours over the inhabitants of the countries adjacent to Sierra Leone ; 3d, the absence of immediate intercourse between the Yorubas and the white slave-dealers. " Should ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 3'9 " Should the Slave Trade be destroj'ed, one great cause of moral debasement Captain will be removed ; wherever the Slave l>ade has exercised any influence, the "' ^ ^"-'"'"■' removal of this traffic will be the removal of a great hindrance to every good 111 influence, and Sierra Leone would feel the good resulting from it, in her trade with Gih July 18^9. the surrounding countries. The influence of Sierra Leone, however, is more felt m Abbeokuta than in countries adjacent, as far as a moral influence is con- cerned, and therefore we cannot draw a comparison between them. What good has been done in Abbeokuta, has been in a very great measure the result of the influence of Sierra Leone, and the extension of the Abbeokuta mission would not be accomplished without Sierra Leone influence. I should say, therefore, that we cannot draw any comparison between the two places, seeing that the good done at Abbeokuta has resulted, under God, from the influence of Sierra Leone. " As the tribes around Abbeokuta are far more intelligent and civilized than those around Sierra Leone, I do expect religion and civilization to spread more rapidly in the former than in the latter place. One prominent feature in the disposition of the people around Sierra Leone is this, to follow implicitly the customs of their fathers. They defend their evil customs by saying, ' Our fathers did so, and we, their children, cannot but follow their example.' This disposition is far less prominent in the Yoruha country, and in its place is observable a desire to imitate those that excel them." I trust that the Slave Trade may be speedily eradicated from the Bight of Benin, that the " Gospel and the plough" may have, so to speak, a fair chance of spreading Christianity and civilization through that part of Africa. The Slave 'irade in the Bight of Benin still exists, but a force of five or six cruisers would effectually suppress it. There is no Slave Trade further to the eastward than 30 miles to the east of Lagos. 4400. Is there any other suggestion upon the subject which you would make to the Committee ? — I think the blockade ought to be a very constant one ; therefore it might be well to have two or three additional depots of coals, and also of provisions ; there is only one depot of coals at present on the coast to the South of the Line. 1 think it would be well to take into consideration the propriety of having more depots, in order to prevent as much as possible the vessels leaving their cruising ground ; or transports might perhaps be advanta- geously employed to run down the coast with supplies. The transports might also be useful in taking to St. Helena any slaves which the cruisers may have seized in the open launches which are so otten met with on the South Coast. By means of these transports, also, the men-of-war might receive their letters from England more frequently — a matter of great importance. I may mention the suggestion so often made, that of substituting tonnage-money for head- money ; and in order to encourage the capture of empty vessels, I would deduct from the tonnage-money of the full ones so much for each slave found on board. I would recommend a general increase of pay throughout the African squadron, with a small tonnage-money in addition, to those who make captures. The prospect of promotion also ought to be held out to both officers and men for service on the coast, as it is on the coast-guard service at home, but to a greater extent. The Commodore ought to have a tender (with auxiliary screw) to enable hitn to visit the different parts of the station, and not be tied down to his proper ship, particularly if that ship be employed to supply provisions to the smaller vessels. With regard to the system of watching the coast, before alluded to, I wish it to be understood that 1 had in view Captain Denman's well- known " Memorandum." 1 did not mean that the cruisers should be anchored off" the coast, but that those parts of the coast where the Slave Trade is likely to be carried on, should be so watched by our vessels, that the general character of the system would be that of an in-shore squadron, from one to three miles off-shore (or further, when off the bars of rivers) , anchoring or under sail, as most expedient. This would probably be found to be as healthy as the plan of keeping the vessels at a greater distance from tlie coast. If the captains and crews of slave vessels could be effectually punished, I need not say how mate- rially it would deter others from engaging in the trade. Hard labour would be a most appropriate and effective punishment. There would soon be an end to the Slave Trade, if Brazil and Spain and Portugal would allow us to inflict some such summary punishment upon their subjects. 53. ■ R K 4 4401- Supposing 320 MIXUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Cofiain 4401. Supposing tcndeis were given to the cruisers, would that diminish the ^ ^; 'y""'"''' necessity of keeping up so large a force of cruisers as you have mentioned ? — _1J I think the system of tenders is a most admirable one; I think that most of the 6tii July 18.19. vessels which arc employed on the coast now are unnecessarily large, both ' sailing-vessels and steamers. 4402. The question refers to tenders attached to the different cruisers ; could not vou, then, do with fewer than 37 vessels ? — If tenders were emploj'ed, 37 vessels would not be required, and tenders are very easily obtained on the coast, many of the slave vessels being admirably adapted for the purpose, and they could "be bought very cheap. 4403. And they might be manned in a great measure by Kroomen, instead of adding to the number of British seamen?— In a great measure they might be. 4404. Have you any further suggestions which you wish to make to the Committee ? — I have a letter which I received from the Rev. Hope Waddell, just before he sailed, the other day. He is a gentleman who has been a mission- ary in the Old Calabar River for several years. It is an answer to two questions which 1 asked liim : — " The two questions you ask, I would answer as follows. If the cruisers were withdrawn, I have no doubt the Slave Trade would revive all along the Guinea Coast, from which it has, to a great extent, been driven. From Benin it would instantly extend to Bonny, and from Bonny to Calabar. Our treaty with Calabar might for a time check it. The presence of the mis- sionaries might, in some degree, check it ; but 1 fear that in spite of both it would revive. I would not say that cruisers are the most effectual means that could be employed. Other more effectual means might be used ; still the support of an armed force might for some time longer be required, till the other means had begun to take effect. Either the Africans themselves must be induced to abandon it, or the coast must be taken from them, and colonized by free blacks from America, under the protection of Britain." i think Mr. Waddell is under a mistake which many fall into in talking of the squadron as a means of civi- lizing Africa. I always think, myself, that the squadron ought to be considered in this hght, that it is only by the squadron you are enabled to do anything towards the civilization of Africa. If the squadron is taken away, I believe the legal trade will decline, and the civilization of Africa will be retarded to an indefinite period. Another part of Mr. Waddell's letter is this : — ■" There are not a sufficient number of free blacks in Africa to be depended on for supplying the alleged wants of the West Indies ; and the few who exist would not go of their own accord for a longer term than a year, though their return should be guaranteed. The Kroomen are not, I believe, willing to engage for a longer term as a general rule. At Calabar there are no free people who would work well anywhere, and they are determined against leaving their own country. But I may mention that King Eyo says, that he has so many bad slaves that he would gladly get rid of, that he would give a ship full to any person for nothing. He has no means of expatriating offenders now, and is tired, he says, of flogging and killing them. I have not heard of any slaves being shipped at Calabar, since the treaty was made with that country in 1841 against the trade; that is, no foreign Slave Trade has been carried on there ; but the Calabar people still purchase slaves in the markets of the interior for their own farming, domestic and superstitious purposes," &c. 4405. \Miat does the writer mean by superstitious purposes? — Frequently, at the death of a chief, they sacrifice as many as 100 individuals; it is one of the most degraded places in all Africa in this respect. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Captain the Honourable JOSEPH DENMAN is called in, and examined as follows : Captain the Hon. 44o6. YOU have served on the Coast of Brazil, have not you r — I served on J. Denman. the Coast of Brazil in the years 1827 and 1828, and again in the years 1833 and 1834. 4407. Will you explain to the Committee in what capacity you served upon the Coast of Brazil ? — In the first instance 1 was a midshipman on board a frigate, and when lying in Rio de Janeiro, I had the opportunity of seeing every day ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. o-^i day slavers pass, and of forming some idea of the amount of the Slave Trade Captah the Hon. in those days, and the manner in which the slaves were packed on board the -^- Penman. vessels. 4408. Was there at that time any efficient watch kept by an English squadron ^^^"^"'^ '^^^" upon the African Coast ?— At that time the Slave Trade in North Latitude alone could be interfered with by the British squadron, which only consisted of six or seven cruisers, 4400. How far was it restricted as to the embarkation of slaves for the Brazils at that time?— On the African Coast, South of the Line, where the great mass of slaves for the Brazils was taken from, all the slaves were (shipped, either under the flag of Portugal, which. South of the Line, we could not assail in any way, or under the flag of Brazil. The treaty between England and Brazil provided for a regulated Slave Trade for three years, and at the expiration of that period It empowered the contracting parties to deal with Brazilian subjects engaged in it as pirates. The period during which the regulated Slave trade still was to continue under this treaty, terminated in 1830. It is important to observe that almost the whole Coast of Brazil lies in South Latitude. It extends South of the Line near 2,000 miles. 4410. Therefore, as regards all vessels which were loaded South of the Line, there was no inducement to crowd the slaves for the sake merely of avoiding- the British squadron ? — None whatever. 4411. Will you state what you observed at that time as to the crowding slaves on board the ships ? — It was a common occurrence to see half-a-dozen slave ships come into the harbour of Flio at the same time ; and it was a rare thing for a day to pass without seeing one or two slave ships arrive ; the slaves were crowded upon their decks and upon the booms, more like the caricatures in " Punch " of the river steam-boats than anything else I can compare them to. 4412. Have you served upon the Coast of Africa? — I have. 4413. Will you state to the Committee the time you served there?— I served there in the years 1834 and 1835, and subsequently in the years 1840 and 1841. 4414. Have you directed your attention to the subject of the suppression of the Slave Trade for a long course of years? — I have. 4415. Will you state to the Committee what first gave you so deep an interest in the subject ? — -During the second period of my service upon the Coast of Brazil, I was Lieutenant of a vessel that was employed in the supjjression of the Slave Trade, the Brazilian Convention having then come into force. In No- vember 1834 we captured a slave ship, having almost completed her voyage, a few miles from Rio Janeiro, and 1 was placed in charge of her. Having failed to condemn her in the Brazilian Court of Mixed Commission at Rio, which Court declared her to be a Portuguese, and not a Brazilian vessel, I was ordered to take her over to Sierra Leone, to prosecute her in the Portuguese Court of Mixed Commission there ; there were between 400 and 500 slaves on board at the time of capture. 1 was 46 days on the voyage, and altogether 4 months on board of her, where I witnessed the most dreadful sufferings that human beings could endure. The result was, that the vessel was released, because the Portu- guese Court at Sierra Leone declared, that under the treaty with Portugal no possible circumstances could justify a capture in South Latitude, and the wretched slaves that survived had to make a third passage across the Atlantic. Those sufferings have given me the deepest interest in the subject, and I have since then constantly directed my attention to the subject of the suppression of the Slave Trade up to the present time, an interval of 15 years. 441 6. The third voyage being the voyage of the master of the slaver to dispose of his slaves? — Yes, back to Brazil. 4417. During your first service on the Coast of Africa, could the squadron seize equipped vessels .'—At that time equipped vessels were completely secure from us ; 1 have visited scores of them, the nature of their traffic being openly avowed, and as evident at the first glance as that of any shop in London. 4418. Had you an opportunity of observing the state of things under the treaties which then existed ?— Yes, I am satisfied that under such treaties no efforts could have stopped, or even materially checked, the Slave Trade. 4419. You served again, I believ^f, when the equipment articles were in force ?— I did. 5^. SS 4430. Have 22 2 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain the Hon. 4420. Have you been employed in matters connected with the Slave Trade J.Denman. gj^^^g y^^ Served upon the Coast of Africa .'-I was employed for nearly 12 6ih Jdri849 months in England in drawing up instructions for cruisers under the Treaties ' and Acts of Parliament, in 1843. 4421. You stated before the Committee of the House of Commons, that the squadron was increased in 1844 from 12 sail to 24 sail, in consequence of a memorandum of yours, which was adopted by Lord Aberdeen ? — Yes ; that memorandum was drawn up for the Commission of which I was a member employed on the instructions. My colleagues thought it an important docu- ment, but not within the sphere of their duties. One of them gave a copy to- Lord Aberdeen. 4422. Will you state what was the main principle urged in that memorandum ? — The main principle was, that the system of cruising at a distance from the land should be abandoned, and that all our force should be placed on the Coast of Africa, for the purpose of preventing the shipment of slaves, by closely watching the points of export. 4423. Has that principle been steadily acted on, and have the preliminary- conditions which you laid down as essential to its success been fulfilled r — The preliminary condition was, that we could only succeed by perseverance in a consistent and well-considered plan, and by pursuing it steadily ; that condition has not been fulfilled. With regard to the system upon the Coast of Africa, I am not aware how long it was acted on, but it has certainly been abandoned for the last two or three years. 4424. Have the principles which you consider so essential been urged by other naval officers besides yourself? — They have been urged by Captain Matson, whose estimate of the number of vessels necessary to guard the coast precisely agreed with mine, although there was some difference between us as to the number necessary to relieve those vessels. After Lord Aberdeen had forwarded my memorandum to the Admiralty, Captain Matson was called on for his opinion. He stated, that "17 vessels, constantly stationed on particular parts of the Coast of Africa, would prevent all Slave Trade." In my calculation I fixed on the same number ; our only difference was in the number of reliefs, which would be necessary to maintain the vessels on their stations constantly. The same prin- ciple was also urged by four other naval officers, of very long African experience, in 1845, who were, with myself, examined before the Due de Broglie and Dr. Lushington, with reference to the French Treaty. 4425. Will you state in what respect the preliminary condition you laid down of having a consistent plan, has been departed from? — 1 gather from the evidence given before the House of Commons which has been recently published, that the last Comiuodore was sent out without any instructions whatever as to the prin- ciple upon which he should act, and the mode in which he should employ his squadron. 4426. Do you consider instructions to the Commodore, as to the principle upon which he should act, essential to the success of the squadron ? — I think it absolutely essential that the principle of preventing the embarkation of slaves should be laid down, most distinctly and imperatively, by the Admiralty. 4427. Will you point out to the Committee briefly why you think it of so much importance r — Every Commodore has always from the first been an officer who had never previously served on the Coast of Africa for a single day ; but had it been otherwise, that experience must have been more or less limited to particular parts, so that the collective experience of each part, gathered from the officers most acquainted with it, would be in every case useful and necessary, but in that of a Commodore totally inexperienced, absolutely indispensable. This should, in my opinion, be obtained from a board of officers assembled for the purpose. Then, as regards the principle, previous experience would not ensure that the right one would be acted on ; 1 would therefore urge the absolute necessity of ascertaining and establishing the principle on which the squadron should be employed, by a commission of naval oibcers of the largest experience on the subject ; selecting those who are of opinion that the Slave Trade may be sap- pressed by the squadron. Of course, officers of the opposite opinion had better not be placed upon it. I think the coast being so extended, it is absolutely necessary that upon the experience of 30 years in this service, local information to assist officers should be thus drawn up, and the principle to be adopted should be most stringently laid down by the Admiralty. 4428. Do ON THE AFUICAN SLAVE TRADE. 323 4428. Do you think that 30 years' experience has been made use of to afford Captain the Hon. the smallest guidance to each newly-appointed Commodore ? — Not at all. Sir J- Denman. Charles Hotham went out to the coast with as little knowledge derived from the f, , ,"T~ „ previous experience of naval officers, as if the country had been for the first time ^ ^ '^'^ ' attempting the suppression of the Slave Trade. 4429. Do you mean that he was not furnished with reports from officers who had been previously employed ui)on the coast?— I mean that he was without specific instructions from "the Admiralty, and that he did not meet his predecessor. 4430. Is the service which the Commander of the squadron has to undertake essentially different from any ordinary naval service ?— The duties connected with the suppression of the Slave Trade may be almost called a new service ; tliey are altogether anomalous and distinct from the ordinary service of naval officers. 4431. Will you tell the Committee whether, in your opinion, the ability to apply the ordinary rules of the service to it is a "sufficient qualification for a Commodore to undertake the command? — I should say certainly not. 4432. Do you think, so long as Commodores go out equally destitute of former experience, and of instructions as to the mode in which they should con- duct the squadron, success can reasonably be expected ? — 1 think it is perfectly impossible for you, under such circumstances, to contend with the slave-dealers, whose whole lives are passed in the pursuit : with a new Commodore every two or three years, each without practical knowledge of the service, and equally with- out specific instructions, I hold the attempt to be perfectly and obviously vain and fruitless. 4433. Considering the recent period at which any great activity has been used m suppressing the Slave Trade, would it have been very easy to find officers of as efficient rank to take the command, who had themselves much previous experience? — There might be some difficulty upon that point ; but even if an officer having the longest practical experience were sent out, the principle upon which he should act ought still to be strictly defined, viz., that of preventing the shipment of slaves ; disregarding the capture of slave vessels, as a secondary object whenever it could only be done at a possible sacrifice of the great principle he was to fulfil, and explaining also, that the approbation of the country would depend, not on the number of captures, which would often be only a proof of failure rather than success, but on the progress made in suppressing and diminishing the Slave Trade. If such instructions would be necessary to officers of the greatest experience, I need scarcely urge that they are certainly not less so to officers who may be appointed totally destitute of that advantage. I have taken it for granted, that a commission of officers would recommend the principle I have so long advocated, because I am firmly convinced it is the only one by which a naval force can succeed. 4434. In what respect has the plan actually pursued varied from that which you consider essential to success ? — The plan recommended is to watch the slave ports, or points of exportation, for the purpose of preventing the embarkation of slaves ; and for that purpose it is essential to keep the cruisers constantly near the shore ; the system recently pursued has been that of distant cruising in the offing, which it was my especial object to denounce as fruitless in the memorandum which was adopted in 1844. 4435. Will you explain to the Committee more particularly what disadvan- tages you attribute to cruising at a distance from the shore? — In the first place, it offers an opportunity to the slave vessels of entirely evading the operation of the equipment articles ; vessels might, under those circumstances, arrive upon the coast without any equipments on board whatever, and so be safe from seizure. They would lie at the slave factory, and watch their opportunity when the cruisers •were out of sight, and a long way off, and then at a favourable opportunity take on board their equipments, and their slaves, which has often been done in six or eight hours ; when once under sail, the chances would be greatly in favour of escaping the cruiser in the offing. 4436. It has been only since the equipment articles came into force that near- shore cruising could be effective ?— Precisely so ; while they could carry equip- ments without being touched, the suppression of the Slave Trade was out of the question, wherever the squadron cruised ; now, to cruise at a distance, is to throw away all the advantages of the equipment treaties. 53. s s 2 4437- In 324 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Cuptni?, the Hon. 4437. In distant cruising, would keeping the same spot be equally advantageous J. Denman. fgj. ^jjg seizure of vessels coming to the coast, and departing from the coast with g ~~g cargoes of sIhvcs ?— In most cases, at a distance of 60 miles from the coast, the \__lll^' track of the vessels approaching a particular spot would be entirely out of sight of the track of vessels sailing away after she got their slaves, and vice versd. 443 S. So that it would not be that you would have the double chance of takin°- her by cruising at any one spot?— I think, on the contrary, you would have but one chance, whereas being on the coast, you would have many chances, and whether vou captured her or not, so long as she shipped no slaves, she would do no harm in the way of stimulating the Slave Trade. 4430. Could any spot on the station, out of sight of land, which was considered as the best for the cruiser, be maintained with any certainty along that coast? — It is very difficult on all parts of the coast out of sight of land to maintain your station with any degree of certainty ; on the parts which I am practically acquainted with it is utterly impossible, the currents are so powerful and so uncertain, and I believe it would be so on all parts. 4440. Would not the currents be much affected by the rains ? — They would be the strongest in the rainy season. 4441. How would it be in the fine season ? — In the fine season, the current is still strong and uncertain ; the many calms would render distant cruising equally objectionable as in the rains. During a calm, you would be swept help- lessly off your station by the currents, for there is no anchorajje at a distance from the shore ; during the rainy season, you may be a week without seeing the sun or getting any observation, and during that time you may be swept 200 or 300 miles from the point that you think is the best, without knowing where you are. 4442. Have you, yourself, experienced the inefficiency of distant cruising? — Yes ; in 1835, I was stationed off the Bight of Benin. I ran down the Bight, and I visited 20 sail of slave ships lying at anchor at different parts ; a new senior officer arrived, as usual, without previous experience, and, as usual, anew system then came out. We were stationed at a distance from the coast, on what were considered the best points, where we remained as well as the current would let us, for several months ; it was during the rainy season, and every one of those 20 vessels escaped, carrying off 10,000 slaves not only without being captured, but without being even seen by one of the cruisers in a single case. 4443. You attribute that escape to the cruisers being at a distance, instead of being close to the shore? — Entirely; at that period, I should observe, the plan I now recommend would not have been applicable, except off rivers : indeed, no plan would have been effectual in putting down the traffic, because equipped vessels could not be touched ; still, had we been allowed to keep nearer the shore, some at least must have been captured. 4444. You think that if the squadron is kept at a distance from the land, the chance of capturing slave ships is very small, and the suppression of the Slave Trade under those circumstances impossible ? — I believe it to be perfectly impos- sible ; enough must always escape to keep the trade alive. 4445. Will you specify to the Committee the advantages of the opposite system ; first, during the rainy season ? — During the rainy season, while you are near the shore, you can tell exactly the point where you are ; you would be always in anchoring ground, and could anchor whenever you might be in danger of being swept away from the station assigned you, or out of sight of land ; you would turn all the disadvantages and difficulties against the slave-vessels ; they would be in every way harassed and hampered in their operations ; from the rains, calms and currents, they would be prevented from coming in and hitting the point upon the coast where they were expected : all these obstructions would operate against the slave-dealers, and not against you. You take the advantages which would belong to them if you cruised at a distance. During the fine season, sea and land breezes prevail : the sea breeze and the land breeze both are stronger in-shore than at a distance from the shore : there is often a good breeze near the shore, when at even a small distance from the shore it is calm ; neither the sea nor land breezes reach to any considerable distance, so that if you are cruising 40 or 50 miles otf the shore you will have three times as much calm as you would have close in-shore. At a distance you may frequently see vessels inside of you with a commanding breeze, while you are lying helpless. lender ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 325 Under these circumstances a slave vessel would bid you defiance ; she could ship capta'm the Hon. her slaves at her leisure, and then run along the shore and escape you. J. Denman. 4446. Are the Committee to understand that you would keep your vessel anchored near the shore ?— No ; I would anchor to keep my station when I could ^'^ "^"'^ ^^^^' not do it otherwise ; but certainly I would not be constantly at anchor ; on tlie contrary, I would keep the vessels generally actively traversing the stations assigned them. I have endeavoured to show that by keeping in-shore the greatest number of captures may be made ; but this only applies to the beginning of the time they may be thus employed. Employ them thus steadily, and you will have every year fewer captures, because there will be less Slave Trade ; but by distant cruising it is obvious that you cannot check the export of slaves, and the number of captures will only indicate the extent of Slave Trade. 4447. From your experience, is there a great countervailing disadvantage against what you have stated, in the fact, that the exact position of the cruiser near the coast can be telegraphed all down the coast by lines of fires, and the like, and so the slavers be informed exactly where the cruisers are, and taught how to escape them ? — I think there is no disadvantage whatever, because, sup- posing you have enough vessels to occupy the coast, you soon get to know what their plans are ; you obtain an intimate knowledge of what they are about ; you clip their wings and hamper them on every side, which, when you are at a distance, you can by no possibility effect, 4448. The question leather apphed to whether it gave the slave-traders a great advantage, in enabling them to know and communicate to one another along the coast exactly where the cruisers lie, so as to enable them to embark any number of slaves at a post at which they know no cruiser is lying, such intelligence having been telegraphed to them along the coast ? — In the plan 1 recommend, I contemplate such a number of cruisers (by the efficient use also of their boats) as to enable us to command the whole coast where slaves can be embarked. With respect to the knowledge the slave-dealers would have of the position of the cruisers, this is one of the objects which induced Sir C. Hotham to prefer distant cruising ; and yet he emphatically states, that, in spite of every pre- caution, the slave-dealer always knew most accurately the position of the cruisers. 4449. What do you mean by commanding the whole coast ; how many miles of coast should you reckon a well-equipped cruiser ought to be able to com- mand? — I should say a well-equipped cruiser would in general command 35 to 40 miles of coast. 4450. A sailing-vessel?— A sailing-vessel with her boats. 445 1 . How much would a steamer command ? — I think, with a steamer, you might extend it to 45 or 50 miles, supposing her to be properly equipped with boats, which the cruisers are not at present. 4452. To what part of the Coast of Africa does your evidence, as regards the local circumstances, apply r — North of the Equator. 4453. What extent is comprised within those limits of the slave-trading coast ? — The only slave-trading coast within those limits is the Bight of Benin. The extent of that coast is 205 miles ; it extends from Cape St. Paul to a place called Jaboo. A little way to the eastward of this the sandy beach ends, and a shore of mud and mangrove renders Slave Trade between this and Cape Formosa a physical impossibiHty, except at a single spot, viz. the Benin River, where, if it revived, it would be uprooted again immediately. 4454. In what points, besides those which you have surveyed, is the Slave Trade carried on?— I have never actually surveyed any part of the coast ; but the information I have just given I derive from my own observation, conhrmed by Captain Denham, whose splendid survey of the Bight of Benin has been published by the Admiralty. It is carried on at a few isolated points besides North of the Equator. It was carried on in my time at one spot in the Liberian territory, called New Cestos. The Liberian territory now extends from Cape Mount to Cape Palmas, and has obliterated that settlement. Then, again, it was carried on at the Gallinas, at Shebar, at both of which we have effective treaties, which we can enforce ; and at the River Pongas. 1 should like to add that in my time it also existed at Bissao, but now it is reported to be extmct at that point. t J s s 3 4455- Is 32G MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain the Ho7i. 4451. Is it Carried on betweeu the River Benin and Cape Lopez? — It is not /. Denman. carried on between Cape Lopez and Jaboo, which is considerably further to the 6th July 1849. westward than Benin. 4456. To what do you attribute the cessation of the trade in that quarter ? — I attribute the cessation of it in the River Uenin and the Bight of Biafra to the fact that the blockade system Mas applicable to those parts of the coast before the equipment articles came into force ; and that system was practically adopted years a2;o with complete success, because you could anchor your vessel oti' the mouth of these rivers, and no vessel could escape in coming out, although she could formerly h;o in unmolested. The consequence is that the Slave Trade has been entirely obliterated at all those rivers ; in those parts it cannot be carried on, on the open" coast, for want of sandy beach. The only mouths of the Niger west of the Honny, capable of receiving a slave vessel, are the Brass and the Quorra ; the entrances of these are close together, and their bars are so exceedingly dan- gerous, that they are often impassable for weeks, and are wholly unfit for any considerable Slave Trade, as accessibility at all times is essential. I can state the amount of the Slave Trade which existed in the River Bonny in the year 1821. In a despatch of Sir Charles M'Carthy,* who was the Governor of Cape Coast, as well as of Sierra Leone ; he states that during the nine months between the October of 1820 and the July of 1821, upon information obtained by the present Sir Henry Leake, from authentic data, 190 cargoes of slaves were taken out of the Bonny, and 1G2 out of the Calabar. 4457. Was that coast formerly one great focus of the tratSc? — When I first •went to the coast it was the great focus of the tratiic North of the Equator ; at the same time, that of the Bight of Benin and of the coast to windward was far larger than at present. 4458. And now has the trade ceased there entirely? — Now the trade has entirely ceased, and having been put down by our cruisers, legitimate commerce has come in to a corresponding amount. 44,59. Does not Sir Charles Hotham include all that line of coast in his esti- mate of the extent of coast which needs watching ? — He includes all Liberia and all tlie coast from Jaboo to Cape Lopez ; but he states also, that during his com- mand there was no Slave Trade between Cape Lopez and the Quorra ; that there was therefore no necessity to guard that part of the coast, and he kept no vessel there. t 44(10. And that, of course, proportionably strengthens the case against the pos- sibility of an etl'ectual blockade ? — Exactly so ; he states the number of miles to be 2,195. I consider that, taking out Liberia, the Bight of Biafra, Cape Roxo to the River Pongas, and all intermediate coasts between isolated spots of Slave Trade, the whole coast requiring blockade is only about 1,000 miles. There are a few isolated spots besides which must be always watched, besides the slave- trading coasts. 44C1. Do you think any other parts have been improperly included by him in the same description? — I think from Cape Roxo to Pongas has been improperly included, inasmuch as by the Sierra Leone Commissioners it has been reported to be extinct to the northward of Pongas, where it has been for many yeai's of trifling amount, 4462. Would not the including of that district be probably justified by the statement, that unless it were watched, the old Slave Trade would break out again, though it may be at present checked? — I think to the extent of a single vessel going in from time to time, and slowly collecting and taking away a cargo, the Slave Trade is still possible ; but so long as they know we are adopting repressive measures, I do not think it can arise again to anything like a large extent, because the slave-dealers know that in the rivers of the Bight of Biafra they would be immediately prevented from pursuing the traffic, and must incur great losses ; and unless the Slave Trade were thrown open I do not think the native chiefs would receive the slave-dealers, because they have experienced the solid advantages of legitimate commerce, and they would be very reluctant to go back to that which would destroy that commerce, and which they know from former * I'jWe Papers relating to Slave Trade, presented to Parliament 20 March 1822. t Vide House of Commons' Report of Evidence, 1849, Question 653. ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 32: Clh July 1849. former experience may be any day cut away from them, leaving them for a time Captain the Hon. destitute of resources. j. Denman. 4463. The principle that you urge so strongly, you urge not as one applicable in this or ihat locality, but as the only one general principle upon which any blockade could be effectual ? —The one general principle I advocate is that of pre- venting the embarkation of slaves by watching the slave factories ; this is the only one which can succeed, and the capture of slave vessels is entirely a secondary matter. 4464. Do you consider the number of captures made by Sir Chades Hotham as any ])roof against this opinion?— I think not ; Sir Charies Hotham made 175 cap- tures m a bttle more than two years ; he estimated that he captured about one- third, or rather more than one-third; at that rate, for 175 captured, nearly 350 escaped. I am, however, satisfied that Sir C. Hotham's plan, defective as I con- sider it, made far greater havoc than he supposes; enough escaped, undoubtedly, to return a good profit on the whole to the slave-dealers, but not half 350, I am convinced. 44^)5, Are you aware what number of those which were captured were cap- tured in-shore, and not when he was cruising at a distance r— 1 have seen a chart in the Foreign Office which shows that the great mass of the captures was made in-shore. 4466. Even under Sir Charles Hotham?— Yes; the captures were made by the cruisers when they were near the shore ; had they been ordered never to go beyond 10 miles distant, they would have captured many more the first year, many less the second, and now there would have been scarcely any to cap- ture. 4467. And while they were acting under that order for distant cruising?— I think Sir Charles Hotham did not always order distant cruising in general, as far as I understand his evidence ; but he thought that it was the best system to cruise* out of sight of land, and it was* his object to make the largest possible number of captures. 4468. Do you see any points upon which you would alter the opinions expressed in your memorandum as regards the command of the station?— I think that the divisional officers ought to be made more responsible for the suppres- sion of the Slave Trade in their districts. ^469. Do you think, from your experience of the coast, that it would improve the efficiency of the squadron, if, instead of the prize-money being given to the ship which actually takes the prizes, it were shared in common by all the ships of a particular division ?— I see some objections to that proposition, but I think, upon the whole, considering the advantages which steamers have, it is a good one, supposing the force to be mixed ; if you had all steamers, I should say it would be better to leave it as at present, 4470. How would you fix greater responsibility upon the divisional officer? — I tliink the station should be divided, and each appointment made from the Admiralty ; and I think it ought to be clearly understood that the Admiralty would look to the efficient performance of the duties, not through the number of captures made, but through the progress made in the suppression of the Slave Trade, and the prevention of the embarkation of slaves. It appears to me, on the information which would be obtained by the means I have suggested, the Admiralty would be in a tar better position for this purpose than any Commo- dore could be ; it would be the duty of the latter to see the principles and instruc- tions laid down by the Admiralty strictly carried into force. 447 1 . Would you advise any cruisers to be stationed on the coast of Brazil ? — I think for the exceptional case steam slave-ships, where you could act upon specific information, and where there were no other vessels, so that it would involve the search and visit of the whole trade of Brazil ; two or three steamers at Rio would be very useful. 4472. Were you not employed on the coast in suppressing the Slave Trade itself in 1833 and 1834 ? —I was on the coast of Brazil. 4473. Would you advise any change to be made in the cruisers now employed in the "service ?— Owing to the stimulus given to the Slave Trade by the mistake of removing our cruisers from the Portuguese possessions in Africa, a coast of 500 * Vide House of Commons' Report of Evidence, 1849, Questions 893, 894. 53- s s 4 2-28 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain the Hon. 500 miles, in 1845, and owing to the stimulus given to the traffic by the sugar J. Dmman. duties, I think 36 sail of vessels would be at first necessary. I think screw- 6tii jiii7i8- directly profit by the Slave Trade. ^ 1^ -j — 4,543. You would apply the same observation to any other law which mii^ht lL.!!iLLl^" be obtained, either now or at any time hereafter ?— No law that Brazil can pass will be of tlie smallest service to us or to the cause. 4544- Have not we already a Treaty to that effect, which would treat the Slave Trade as piracy? — Yes; the Convention I have already given in. 4545. But Brazil declares that she is not bound by that Treaty?— She does ; but this declaration does not abrogate this most distinct and unquestionably binding compact. 4546. Brazil being bound by Treaty to England, to treat the Slave Trade in the case of her own subjects as piracy, in your judgment, the English Parlia- ment would be justified in passing an Act to make the perpetration of those offences punishable in that case?— As respects Brazilian subjects, I believe so ; because the words " shall be deemed and treated as piracy," in the 1st Article^ apply to the two contracting parties, and not to Brazil alone. 4,547. Do you know that there is a party opposed to the Slave Trade party in Brazil ?— Yes ; that was the case also in the year 1834, as your Lordships will see by the printed correspondence laid before Parliament in that year ; it has made no progress whatever ; it consists of a few individuals with good intentions but having little intlaence, and making no progress. 4548. You think there is no prospect of Brazil abandoning the Slave Trade herself, from motives of humanity ? — Not the slightest in the world ; it is out of the question. 4549. Do you think the same result would be obtained from the fear of the number of slaves increasing in the country ? — I think certainly not ; I think the only peril in Brazil would arise after the Slave Trade ceased, and from the union of the various races who are now opposed to each other, as much as they are to their masters ; then, in the course of time, if not enfranchised voluntarily, they would themselves shake off the yoke. 4.550. You do not believe that any moral influence in Brazil would be suffi- cient to make them, of themselves, abandon the traffic in slaves ? — Certainly not ; there could be no chance of such an event ; Bi'azil is not a moral country in any sense. 4551. Would you recommend that we should treat as pirates persons taken in the act of slave-trading, irrespective of any Treaty which we may have with the country to which they belong ? — I think not, until we do so in concert with other great maritime powers. 4552. Take, for instance, the case of Spain ? — I think decidedly not. 4553- We have a Treaty for the suppression of the Slave Trade with Spain, and we have a Treaty, according to which each Government is bound to punish slave-traders under its own authority ; do you think we should be justified in assuming to ourselves, under that Treaty, or irrespective of that Treaty, the right to deal with Spanish slave-traders as pirates ? — I think not, certainly ; I beg to observe, that 1 excepted the case of such Treaties from the answer which I before gave to the general question. 4554. When you speak of making the Slave Trade piracy by the law of nations, in point of fact, it woidd be a more correct expression to say that it would be advisable to make the Slave Trade piracy by Treaty ; the law of nations being a law which, whether a nation wills it or not, it is bound by, but a Treaty being only voluntary ? — I am distinctly of opinion that tlie Slave Trade is piracy ; conventionally, it was not piracy, as long as all the nations in the world agreed to engage in it ; but now, when all the world agrees in repudiating it as a crime, I think it takes place upon the general principle ; so that now the carrying away a cargo of slaves from Africa is much the same as if a cargo of Fi'enchmen were carried away, having been kidnapped in France, to be worked to dcatli in Tunis. I think that would be an act of piracy. The conventional sanction of Slave Trade has ceased, and is to be looked on through its intrinsic and inalienable character; the principles of public law are immutable, though their operation may be occasionally suspended, and their rules violated ; though buccaneers once existed, and were treated with honour and rewards, even in this country, still piracy was nothing but piracy ; and though the world once carried on Slave Trade, 53. U U it 338 iMlNUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain the Hon it was and ever must be piracv ; every effort should now be directed to induce J. Denman. ' the civihzed Avorld to declare that the Slave Trade is piracy. 4555- Which should record their assent to that principle ?— Yes. 6ib July 1849. 4r;Y6. But that should be a necessary foundation, before proceeding to deal with the subjects of those nations as pirates ?— Undoubtedlj^ witli the exception, hosvever, of Brazil, with which we have a Treaty. 4,557. Do you think, if the Slave Trade were completely stopped upon the West Coast of Africa, there would be a danger of its breakino' out with equal violence upon the East Coast ?— I think, till the Slave Trade is declared piracy, there will always be a damjer of its breaking out, till commerce has had time to estabhsh itself thorou"-hlv, which will be only in the course of many years, no doubt. 4 5«;8. Would there be any greater facility in watching the East Coast than the West '/—The only Slave Trade upon the East Coast is carried on almost entirely from the Portuguese settlements ; the expense of those transactions is much greater, owing to the length of the voyage and the superior quaUty of the ships necessary. 4.5 .59. Would not there be great facihty of suppressing such a trade, by a cruising squadron stationed off the Cape ? — :I think the cruising squadron had better be employed upon the same principle as I recommend upon the West Coast, to prevent embarkation, and by every means to harass the slave-dealers in their strongholds. 4.t()o. If the crime of making slaves had commenced at sea, it would be piracy by the law of nations, would not it ? — Unquestionably ; all violence exercised upon the high seas by an unauthorized vessel, not necessary to self-defence, is piracy. As for the necessity of guarding the slaves, it is the act of the slave- dealers themselves ; if the latter are not pirates, the slaves must be ; would it be piracy if they rose and threw the crew overboard ? 4561. The original crime, in the case of those slave-dealers, is committed on shore, but it is continued at sea ; a man is kept in the captivity in which he has been originally placed on shore, during his conveyance by sea? — Ves; but it seems to me that upon the Coast of Africa the native laws or native customs may prevail, and slave-trading may be called, perhaps, legal in Africa ; but a native chief, who sells his slaves to a Portuguese vessel or a Brazilian vessel, cannot transfer his barbarian laws to the captain of that ship, or extend them over the high seas ; it is a new act ; there is a link wanting which never can be supplied ; it is an act of violence, for which there is no authority, which even the municipal law of his own country will condemn, whatever may be his country, and he and his crew are guilty distinctly of piracy, on every principle of the law of nations. 4562. You would hold the retaining in captivity on the sea to be the same crime as bringing into captivity at sea ? — Yes, the same moral crime ; and taking the case of a vessel doing so without the sanction any longer of custom, or of any municipal law, she clearly ought to be treated as a pirate. 4.563. Is there any other general suggestion upon the subject v,'hich you would wish to give to the Committee ? — It is a subject wliich is so extensive, that I can hardly fix upon any particular point. I have stated that the coast requiring watching is only 1,000 miles in extent : I should wish to specify the parts which I mean ; I mean from Cape Lopez down to Little Fish Bay, extract- ing a few parts upon which there is no Slave Trade, and also the Bight of Benin. I say that those are the only two coasts which require watching for almost their entire length. 4.564. There is a little Slave Trade north of Sierra Leone ? — Some time ago Captain Dunlop, of Her Majesty's ship "Alert," went to Bissao, and found a slave factory there ; the native chief came down to him, and requested him to break up the slave factory ; that it was carried on against his will ; the result is that there is now no .Slave Trade north of Sierra Leone, except at the Pongas.* 4.56.5. Is it necessary to watch, in some measure, all the coast on which the Slave Trade might be carried on, and to which it would be driven by measures of prevention upon other points ?— -I think it would be very difficult to prevent a single occasional case of a vessel now and then getting away ; it would be necessary to keep up a surveillance, but the moment any considerable amount of slaving were estaWished, we sliould immediately find it out, and proceed to act against it. 4566. The ■ See lleport of Sxeria Leoue Commisiionew, page 3 of ]st Report of Conimons Committee for 1849. ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 339 4')66. The line of coast along which such surveillance Mould be necessary to Captuimhe lion. be kept up would exceed 1,000 miles? — In speaking of 1,000 miles, I have J. Dejiwau. taken only the coast on which the Slave Trade now exists, besides isolated spots , ~; „ in other quarters. faa^^M^9- 4,567. In order to be able to exercise that surveillance with certainty, may it be assumed that, whatever be the number of miles of coast, vessels in the pro- portion of one sailing-vessel to 35 miles, or one steamer to 45 miles, would be sufficient as the whole force, allowing for reliefs ?— Taking 1,000 miles of slave- trading coast, I am perfectly satisfied that with such a force, and with enough also to occupy single points where the trade exists, and with some also as reliefs, you would put an end to the Slave Trade. It would go far to enable us to decrease the number of reliefs if supplies were sent out to the cruisers on their stations ; this might be readily done on most parts at a small expense. 4568. What is the total force you would require? — I think now, from the causes I have already specified, we should require about 36 sail. 45(19. Of which how many should be steam-vessels ? — I would have 12 screw- vessels, which are much the most convenient, provided they are fully masted and adapted for fast sailing; the more, however, of this class the better. 4570. What would be the cost of 24 sailing-vessels and 12 steamers ? — I think the cost might be as little as it is now, by using smaller vessels 4571. If you use smaller vessels, you can have fewer boats out ?— Yes ; but the plan I recommend would, in my opinion, completely, in six months, stop the Slave Trade ; therefore, though at first there would be an inconvenience from the number of prizes, that would very soon cease to affect you. 4572. You now speak of the Western Coast ? — Yes. 4573. If you stop it on the Western Coast, there will be an attempt to carry it on on the Eastern Coast, will there not ? — Yes ; but I know that it will take a long time before they can make any considerable increase on the other side ; and when you have made a good impression upon the Western Coast, you may move some of your vessels round. 4574. It has been used as an arg-ument against the maintenance of the squadron, that the Slave Trade is analogous to smuggling ; and that as the coast-guard cannot effectually I'epress smuggling, so the squadron will never be able to put down the Slave Trade. Will you state in what respect you consider the Slave Trade analogous to smuggling ? — Upon the first part of the question I should observe, that we maintain the coast blockade against smuggling, because it is successful, because it does cut down smuggling ; and though some little smuggUng may continue, yet upon the whole it is effectual. Then, as regards the princi]>Ie of the thing, and the resemblance between the two, I say they are totally different. It is the same as if you limited your efforts for the suppression of the Slave Trade to cruising upon the coast of Brazil and could only take them a very short distance from the coast, as they ran in upon their own shores. With respect to the Slave Trade, we can go to the root of the thing ; we can capture them going to the coast, or on the coast, or returning with their slaves, before they ship, what we might call, continuing the analogy, their contraband goods, as well as after. 457.5. Was it not the fact, that the only measure which really put down smuggling, was the system of lowering the duties?— Yes ; and I am afraid the analogy will not apply to the Slave Trade. If you take away the profits of smugghng, smuggling ceases, and the commodity comes in legally, and neces- sarily in greatly increased quantities. Here is another proof that SUwe Trade is not smuggling ; for if we remove restrictions, we know by all experience that it will not cease, but increase enormously. 4576. You were engaged in drawing up the instructions, in 184.^, for the use of the cruisers ; in dealing with the Treaties upon which those instructions were founded, did it occur to you how far tenders to vessels might be made as avail- able as the cruisers themselves ?— I am aware that under several of the Treaties tenders as they have been usually employed, could not be allowed to enlorce the Tre'aties, but that was the case where the man-of-war wished to delegate her authority to the tender ; but supposing the Government chose to give a direct authority to the commander of the tender, that tender would be armed with authority in all respects equal to that of the cruiser from which she was manned. -r, . u u 2 4577- Except 340 MINUTES OF EAMDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Cpiai,, the Hon. 4>77. Except that she would be small, she would be, to all intents and pur- J. Dnimmi, poses, another cruiser? — In every respect. With respect to tenders, there is an ~ „ easy way by which we may increase the squadron to any amount, at an expense L_!_L1^' which is" utterly contemptible. What are the vessels which are most likely to succeed in puttinc^ down the Slave Trade ? They are those which are best suited to carry on the Slave Trade. The two most effective cruisers which we ever had upon the Coast of Africa, were the " Black Joke" and the " Fair Rosa- mond''; thev were both condemned slave vessels, each about 200 tons burden. At St. Helena, every month, half-a-dozen such vessels are broken up ; every one of which mi^ffht, under the existing Acts of Parliament, be taken into Her Majestv's service, at an expense of 300/., perfectly fitted, perfectly prepared, and readv to sail on a cruise ; and there would be no further expense, because thev mia'ht be manned from the crews of the vessels now on the coast. 4578. Even now the authority of the ship is delegated to her boat ; might not the authority be delegated to the tender in the same way ? — The boats are con- sidered as a part of the ship ; but they consider the tender as a second ship ; therefore giving a special commission, as is done under some of the Treaties, to Her Majesty's ship to capture vessels under a certain flag, if a second vessel delegated by the , not carrying such a document, were to make seizures, it would be a breach of the Treaty. 4579. If you man the tender from the ship, it is not easy to disting-uish between the authority of the tender and the authority of the boat/ — That has been distinguished practically in former times. 4580. Has not it happened that the authority of the boats, when far away from their ships, has been disputed ? — It has been disputed, I believe, but the objection has never ])revailed. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Captain Captain WILMOT HORTON, R.N., is called in, and examined /F. Uorton, R.N. as follows : 4581. HAVE you served on the Coast of Africa? — I have. 4582. For what period? — For 23 months; from July 1846 to June 1848. 4,583. Will you state to the Committee upon what part of the coast you were then employed?— I was on all parts of the coast, with the exception of the Northern Division. 45 84. You did not serve south of Benguela ? — No; I went to Little Fi-.h Bay. 4585. From Benguela you served northward up to where?— Up to Cape Lopez, and afterwards in the Bights from Cape St. Paul to Cape Formosa. 458G. In what capacity did you serve during that time? — As Commander of the " Kingfisher." 4587. Under what commanding officer were you at that time? — Captain Mansell for the first three months, and Sir Charles Hotham afterwards. 4588. Can you state generally to the Committee the orders under which j^ou cruised during the first of those commands in chief? — 1 never had any sailing orders from Captain Mansell ; I had no saihng orders except from the senior Commander of the Division. 4589. To what did they bind you ? — Merely to my station in point of dis- tance, wherever it was, changing generally every month ; but I had no definite order. 4590. ^\ as there no definite order as to the distance from shore at which you were to cruise?— None whatever. 4591 . Were you under the same general rule when you were under Sir Charles Hotham r — Yes, quite so, excepting a recommendation not to cruise further than 80 miles off the land. 4,5912. Did you understand then that you were desired to cruise close in- land, or at what distance?— I always understood it was perfectly optional. 4593- Will you state to the Committee what the actual line of your cruiser was, as to its distance from the shore, or its neighbourhood to it?— I generally cruised in-shore on the South Coast, and off the land in the Bights. 4.5.94- In ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 34I 4594. la cruising in-shoie on the South Coast, were you principally engaged Captain in endeavouring to prevent the ships obtaining their cargoes, or to seize ships t^- HorUm, R.N. which had already secured their cargoes? — In preventing vessels from taking: r.i r, o their cargoes. bis ^ ^th July 1849 . 4595- from your experience, are you able to tell the Committee whether you think that decidedly the most advantageous mode of cruising ? — I think on the South Coast it is, but not in the Bights. 4596. Will you explain to the Committee why you think it not expedient in the Bights.'- — In the first place, there are fewer places where they embark slaves, and you can always tell by the strength of the wind where a vessel, if she sails overnight, will be in the morning. 4597- -A.t what distance from the shore would you propose to station cruisers in the Bights? — That always would depend upon the strength of the wind; if the wind was light I stood in nearer, if it was strong I ran off to a greater distance. 4598. Can you state to the Committee what distances you mean by nearer and farther off .^—Depending upon the strength of the wind. 4,599. How near did you come to the coast ? — That would depend entirely upon the weather. 4600. What would be the nearest that you came to the coast upon that system ? — Twenty or thirty miles, but I frequently run down close into the beach, from Mitta to Whydah. 4601 . And the greatest distance from it ? — Never more than 80 or 90 miles. 4602. Are not you very liable on that coast to fogs which obscure the atmo- sphere very much 1 — Very little when I was there ; never on the South Coast, and very little in the Bights. 4603. Are there not great currents along that part of the coast? — Yes, there are, but I think more in-shore than ofF-shore. 4604. In-shore the neighbourhood of the shore enables you at all times to see whereabouts you are ; may not you, at a distance from the coast, be carried by the current in the course of a night a considerable distance out of your reckoning ? — I think not ; if there is no wind you may drift, but you have generally wind enough to enable you to keep your position. 4G05. When you were so cruising in the Bights, were you able, generally, according to your own calculation, to intercept a great number of slave-traders ? — I never captured a vessel in the Bights. 4606. Cruising at a distance, you never captured a vessel ? — No. 4607. Did you succeed in capturing vessels when you were on the South Coast? — I captured seven on the South Coast. 4G08. During what time? — I captured four within six months of joining my ship, which was in July 1846. 4609. Was the Slave Trade, at that time, brisk on that jiart of the coast ? —Yes ; no vessels had gone farther up the coast than Mayumba. i went up to Cape Lopez, where 1 had every reason to believe the Slave Trade had been going on sonie time, and took two vessels. 4610. Were those ships equipped for the Slave Trade, or were they already laden with slaves? — Only equipped. 4611. Over what extent of coast did your station then extend? — From Kabenda to Cape Lopez ; to the best of my belief, about 300 miles. _ 4612. What ships had you under your command to watch that station ? — Only my own ship. 4613. Did you find that the force you had was quite insufficient for the service?— I thought so mvself. 4614. What ]jortion of the 300 miles, with your boats, could you have watched ? —I do not consider that any ship could watch more than 30 miles. 4615. Are you now speaking of a sailing-vessel or a steamer ?— A sailing- vessel . 4616. What should you say as to a steamer ?— A steamer, solely unconnected with other steamers, I do not think could watch more than that. 4617. Would not a screw steamer, capable of sailing or steaming as required, be able to watch a greater line of coast ?-I should think a steamer might watch double the distance that a sailing-vessel might. 4618. That would be 60 miles of coast?— Yes. CO, t- u 3 46 J Q. Have 342 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Captain 46 1 9. Have 5-011 any idea what length of coast there is to watch upon the II. Horton.. R.N. ^.j^^j^ y_j ^^ ^^^ j.^^^^ exactly, I should think nearly 3,000 miles. 6th July 1849. 4620. Reckoning from where to where? — From the northern part of the station down to 16° South. 4621. To Little Fish Bay?- Yes. 4622. Does the whole of that coast at this time, do you think, require watch- ing ? — I have no reason to believe that there is any slaving anywhere near Fish Bay ; from what I can judge, 1 do not think it is the case. 4623. You would except the line of coast where there is no slave-trading from that which requires watching ? — I have every reason to believe, that if you shut up one place, you open two or three more. 4624. Do you think that the Slave Trade could, with facility, be transferred from its present posts to any other posts along the whole of that seaboard ? — No ; not in many of the places. 4625. Have you any idea what exception such an impossibility would make as to the number of miles which needed watching ? — I cannot state. 4626. When you were off the neighbourhood of St. Paul de Loando, had you much intercourse with the Portuguese authorities ?— Frequently with the senior officer of the Portuguese ships. 4627. What is your impression as to the willingness of the Portuguese authori- ties to co-operate with us for the suppression of the trade on that part of the coast ? — I am sure the senior officer was most anxious to do so. 4.628. Had you any communication with the Governor of Angola? — I waited upon him once or twice, but I had no communication with him as regards the Slave Trade. 4629. Do you know whether he had taken any measures for the punishment of Portuguese subjects who were detected in carrying on the Slave Trade ? — • I was there at the time, or shortly after, a vessel had been taken out from St. Paul de Loando. He suspended a great number of officers and pubUc function- aries on that account. 4630. For having let the vessel go?— Yes. 4631. How did he deal with the Portuguese? — There were none captured; she got off clear. 4632. Did you ever hear of his punishing any slave-traders by making them work on the public works ? — Always ; they were always punished in that way. 4633. Do you think that that operated very much towards deterring them from engaging in the trade ? — 1 do, very much ; it was against our instructions ever to land them there, but they dreaded the least possibility of being landed near a Portuguese place. 4634. Why was it against your instructions to land the men on the Portuguese territory ? — They were instructions from the Admiralty. 463,5. Would not they have preferred landing on the Portuguese coast to being left on any deserted part of the coast ? — Certainly not. 4636. Did you take any vessel full of slaves ? — Two. 4637. What sized vessels were they ? — One was about 38 tons ; she had been built in a river on the coast, about 30 miles from Ambrizette ; she had 2 14 slaves on board, all children nearly. 4638. Did you understand that it was an unusual thing for a boat of that description to attempt to navigate the Atlantic, and carry slaves over to Brazil?— No, I did not; the history of those men was, that they had been captured, and they had met together ; one or two of them had been carpen- ters, and they had managed to build this vessel ; I destroyed it immediately on capture. 4^39 What was the age of the children ? — I should think from seven to twelve years of age ; there were 50 girls, and the rest boys. 4640. Had there been great mortality on board?— Eight had died; she was only 120 miles off the land, and she had been out seven days j I sighted her at ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 343 two o'clock in the afternoon ; she was cutter-rigged, and I boarded her about Captain six ; she could not sail more than two or three miles an hour, W. Horton, R.N. 4641 . She would never have got to the Brazils ?— I think it is very doubtful. gth Jd7i849. 4642. Had she sufficient water on board?— Yes, she had a great quantity of water ; she had water, I think, for 60 days ; so much so, that I took in 1 5 tons into the " Kingfisher." *&' 4643. Is it a novelty in the trade, the carrying of children as slaves to Brazil r — Not at all from the South Coast ; no children leave the Bights at all. 'O* 4644. What was the other vessel you captured full of slaves? — She was a small schooner of about 50 tons, with 30G in her, all children also. 464,5. Had there been much mortality on board that vessel?— No, I took her the day she came out of the Congo ; they said she did not come from the Congo, but I am almost certain she did ; they had only lost one. 4646. From what you saw of the service, do you think that with the present force there is any possibility, let it be applied as it may, of putting an end to the trade ?— 1 think none, unless you punish the parties "engaged. 4647. Can you imagine any possible increase of the force which, without that alteration in the law, would lead to the actual suppression of the trade ? — I think a great increase to the force might be given, without any additional expense, by allowing fast saihng-vessels which are captured to be used as ships there. 4648. You would require more men on board your vessels in that case, would not you "■" — No, I think not, or very few. 4649. What was the complement of the " Kingfisher " r^ — One hundred and ten ; she has gone out now with 120. 4650. How many had you at any time absent in the boats, or on other service? — I have frequently had 70 men away from the ship. 4651. How many boats would they man ? — They were not all in boats ; I had four prize crews away at one time. 4652. What was the strength of the prize crew? — It depended upon the size of the vessel, averaging from six to twelve men. 4653. Does an increase of the complement materially increase the efficiency of the vessel upon that service ? — I think so. 4654. How long would your men remain out in the boats without being relieved ? — Never more than a week ; I sighted them always every week. 4055. Did you find their health maintain itself pretty well in the boats ? — Perfectly so ; I was up the Congo with all my ship's company for eight days, three days in the boats. 4656. Was there any mortality consequent upon that? — No, none whatever. 46.57. Was your crew healthy during the whole time you were there? — Yes ; above high-water mark in the river the country was very fine and very healthy indeed. I may mention that on the Southern Coast I met the same master of a slaver three times in one year. 4658. He having made voyages between each time?— Yes. 4659. Where did you meet him?— I saw him in another ship; he had been taken first by me, and then by two other ships. 4660. The Committee are to understand, that you think it would produce a great effect if the masters and other officers of the slave-trading vessels could be punished personally for being engaged in the trade ?— Yes. 4661. What did you do with the crews of the vessels you took? — I landed them at the first place I reached ; I generally landed them at some settlement on the coast. 4662. Not at the Portuguese settlements?— No. 4663 What happens to them when they land ; do they ever suffer great privations?— One-third of them die generally, or suffer severely from sickness before they get away ; one crew I took ui) to Sierra Leone ; tney left the day I went in, to return to Rio. ^3 u u 4 4664- If 344 MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT COMMITTEE Cantain 4664. If there is such a mortality among the crews when set on shore, how W. Hoi ton, R.N. do the masters escape ? — They take their chance; they are no better oft' than 6thJdy~i84g. the men. , , ^ 4C65. Do you hear of any great mortahty among them ? — They are perhaps better fed ; if they land where there is a slave factory, they may be better treated than the men. 4666. Still you think they would prefer the risk of dying from being landed upon a desolate part of the coast, to the certainty of being punished if they were landed in the Portuguese possessions ? — I am certain of it. 4667. Is it anywhere in the Portuguese possessions that they would be certain of beins punished, or only at St. Paul de Loando and Benguela ? — I think only at St. Paul de Loando and Benguela, there being no force at any other place to punish them. 4668. Do you know whether the practice of punishing them was new on the part of the Portuguese authorities ? — I am not aware. The Witness is directed to withdraw. Ordered, That this Committee be adjourned. APPENDIX. ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE, 34: APPENDIX. LIST OF APPENDIX. Appendix. Page. (A.) — Report from Her Majesty's Commissary Judge at the Havana to Viscount Palmerston, dated 24 February 1849 --__.._ 347 (B.) — Report from Her Majesty's Consul at Paraiba to Viscount Palmerston, dated, 15 February 1849 ------____ 343 (C.) — Return of Vessels Captured on the ground of Slave Trade by the British Squadron employed on the West Coast of Africa, under the Convention of 29 May 1845, between Great Britain and France, for the Suppression of the Slave Trade, during the Year ending 31 December 1847 - - - - 349 (D.) — Return of Vessels Captured on the ground of Slave Trade, or Piracy, by the British Squadron employed on the West Coast of Africa, under the Conven- tion of 29 May 1845, between Great Britain and France, for the Suppression of the Slave Trade, during the Year ending 31 December 1848 - - 352 (E.) — Return of all Vessels Captured by British Cruisers for Violation of Slave Trade Treaties, in each Year from 1840 to 1847 inclusive, which have been brought before the Mixed Commissions established Abroad under Treaties with Foreign Powers for the Adjudication of Captured Slave Vessels; showing the Name of the Captured Vessel ; the Date of Capture ; the Sentence, whether Forfeiture or Restitution ; by what Court Adjudicated, and the Number of Slaves Captured --------- 356 Return of all Vessels Captured by British Cruisers for Violation of Slave Trade Treaties, in each Year from 1840 to 1847 inclusive, which have been brought for Adjudication before Foreign Tribunals ; showing the Name of the Cap- tured Vessel ; the Date of Capture ; the Sentence, wliether Forfeiture or Restitution; by what Court Adjudicated; the Tonnage ; and the Number of Slaves Captured 360 Return of all Vessels Captured by British Cruisers, in each Year from 1840 to 1847 inclusive, which have been brought for Adjudication before British Courts of Vice-Admiralty Abroad, under the Statutes of the 2d and 3d Vic- toria, c. 73, and 8th and 9th Victoria, c. 122; showing the Name of the Captured Vessel ; the Date of Capture ; the Sentence, whether Forfeiture or Restitution ; by what Court Adjudicated ; the Tonnage ; and the Number of Slaves Captured _-..------ 361 (F.) No. 1. — List of Treaties in force between Great Britain and Foreign Civilized Powers for the Suppression of the Slave Trade 370 No. 2. — Engagement between Her Majesty the Queen of England and the Chiefs of for the Abolition of the Traffic in Slaves - - - 371 No. 3.— List of Treaties for the Suppression of the Slave Trade, concluded by Great Britain with Native Chiefs of Africa, as far as is known at the Foreign Office 372 No. 4.— Memorandum of the Chief Slave-Trading Places on the African Coast 373 No. 5.— Reports from Rear- Admiral Dacres to the Secretary to the Admiralty ; with Enclosures ----------"•'7 XY No. 6. 346 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Appindix. Paok. (F.) — continued. No. 6. — Reports from Commodore Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty; with Enclosures ----------- 380 No. 7. — Report from Her Majesty's Commissary Judge at Havana to Viscount Palmerston, dated 20 December 1848 ------- 433 No. 8. — Report from Her Majesty's Commissary Judge at Havana to Viscount Palmerston, dated 1 January 1849 ; with Enclosures - . . _ 435 No. 9. — Reports from Her Majesty's Consuls in Brazil to Viscount Palmerston 441 No. 10. — Report from Her Majesty's Acting Commissary Judge at Sierra Leone to Viscount Palmerston, dated 31 December 1848 - - . 455 No. 11.— Report from Her Majesty's Consul at the Cape Verde Islands to Viscount Palmerston, dated 19 December 1848 - . - - _ 453 (G.) — Copies of Letters from Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary of the Admiralty ; with Enclosures -------- 460 (H.) — Papers relative to the Republic of Liberia ------ 490 (L) — Report of Acting Consul Westwood to Viscount Palmerston, dated Rio de Janeiro, dated 28 February 1849 ; with Enclosures - - _ . 509 (K.) — Copies of Despatches received from Captain Winniett, I^ieutenant-Governor of Her Majesty's Settlements on the Gold Coast, relating to recent Missions to certain Princes in the Vicinity of those Settlements - - - - 518 (L.) — Petition of the Inhabitants of Barbados for Suppression of the Slave Trade - 536 (M.) — Copy of a Letter from Captain Henry Dundas Trotter, h. n., to the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Oxford, dated 17 July 1 849 ; with Enclosures 540 APPENDIX. COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 347 APPENDIX. Appfndix a. (No. 113.) Her Majesty's Commissary .Judge at the Havana to Viscount Palmerston. {^Received March 31.) My Lord, Havana, 24 February 1849. I HAVE the honour to report, that I have not heard of any vessel having sailed during the month from any part of the island suspected of being intended for Slave Trade ; nor of any having arrived from the coast of Africa, though on the 7th instant a small skiff of ten tons entered here under peculiar circumstances, so as to raise suspicions respecting her. She was named the " Pequena Amalia," was thirty-seven feet long, twelve width of beam, and three feet seven inches depth of hold. The crew consisted of a man, who stated himself to be captain and owner, two other men, and a boy of twelve, who is called the cook. The owner and his boatswain stated themselves to belong to the Island of San Fernando, the third to Cadiz, and the boy from Stuelva. The vessel showed by her papers, 1st, that she was matriculated at Cadiz, and she was recognized here by several persons from that port, as one that had been found abandoned on the coast, and sold on not being claimed. The parties on board say that they left Cadiz on the 25th August, six months since ; that they were driven first on the -coast of Africa, and afterwards across the Atlantic by strong winds, where they came to Martinique and Porto Rico. From the last place thuy bring the proper clearance and two passengers, and describe themselves to have suffered much on the passage, as might be expected, if their statements be true. It is reported, however, that they brought thirty slaves to Porto Rico, and that the story they have given to the authorities is false. If such be the case, it is a proof of the miserable state to which the trade is reduced, when it is to be prosecuted at such a hazard. The fact of so very small a boat having made such a voyage has excited much attention, but I do not learn of the authorities having taken any particular trouble to examine into the circumstances. The fears entertained of a deficiency in the crop of sugar have proved correct, and it is now confidently stated that the exports of this year will be a third less tlian those of the last. On this the price of sugar has risen considerably, and is stated at 19/. 10s. per ton to the shipper, medium quahty, yellow, and of white as much as 25 I. per ton. This price is much higher than that of the English market, or than its supposed intrinsic value. But the speculators for a rise have some ground for their expectations, as there is a deficiency in the crop of Louisiana also ; and this island has the supply of the United States, as well as of many parts of Europe, over any competitors. Meanwhile, however, the price of slaves and of slave-labour has fallen. The railroads which occupied a great number are nearly completed, and tlie contracts, therefore, have ceased. Bodies of negroes, which a year since would easily have been hired at fifteen or seventeen dollars per man per month, or even more, are now to be obtained at twelve dollars. Thus, with the present prices, the planters will require less labour, and yet be as flourishing as in the last year. The tobacco manufacture I learn also is again reviving, though the crop this year is remarkably bad, the last two having been bad also. I have, &c. (signed) J. Kennedy. ^j Y Y Appendix 348 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Appkndix B. Her Majesty's Consul at Paraiba to Viscount Palmerston. {Received April 28.) My Lord, Paraiba, 15 February 1849, 1 HAVE the honour to report, that during the year 1848 no vessel sailed for the coast of Africa from any port within the district of this Consulate; nor have any arrived from thence within that period. I do not believe that any slaves were imported into this province, either by land or other- wise, during the past year ; and I have much satisfaction in being able to give it as my opinion, that there is amongst all classes a growing feeling against any further importations of African blacks. Of this feeling some of the most respectable journals in Rio de Janeiro have made themselves the organs ; maintaining that competition, in the labour-market, with slaves, is more injurious to the free labouring population of Brazil, than such competition could be with free colonists. I am further of opinion, that the political movement at present on foot in this empire must tend materially to check the contraband traffic in slaves ; because that movement is directed chiefly against the influence exercised by the Portuguese, who have certainly been, in Brazil, both directly and indirectly, the principal supporters of that abominable traffic. The annexed note of the amount and value of the exports from Uiis province, of such staple productions of the country as are produced wholly or in part by slave labour, shows an increase over those of last year; and here it may be remarked that the relative proportion of free labour in producing these articles of export is becoming greater every year. Bags. Tons, civts. qrs. lbs. £. x. d. Cotton - 19,3-27 = 1,640 9 3 8= 60,824 - - Sugar - - - 3,384 13 3 10 = 49,106 2 4 There have been no changes in the laws or regulations with regard to slaves within the year ; but the Imperial Government has marked its desire to discountenance a continuance in the contraband traffic in slaves, by raising the duties on goods re-exported to the coast of Africa to half the amount paid on those entered for internal consumption ; and by addressing through the Minister of Justice a circular to the Presidents of Provinces, directing them in energetic terms to recommend to the police authorities the exercise of vigilance and activity, in order to prevent such scandalous abuses taking place in their respective provinces as the disembarkment, not only of Africans, but also of merchandize by smuggling. I have, &c. (signed) Beverley Newcomen, Consul. Appendix COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 349 a 0) t- d o U t* -* ^ ou +j !"• p.. a> OJ T3 .o a 3 s ^ CO be o a TS S3 0) O C3 1 m >^' ^ u s -M s rC be »o =J T3 ^ £ ^ -73 1 a^ '^ a 0) H <4J >5 83 S o Cl o C/3 .13 1^ •-4H ^ cc M (fi w o a ^ ►J C/3 13 •5 O 3 Pi H W Of^, 9q; JO 3^Baaojj •paiBdr.inBoig jsqinn^ (lijox ■aoijL'3ipnfpv 3J0J -9q paiQ aaquin^ •pajnjde^ S3AB|g JO jaqoinjtj .j: -o '5 'o "5 u ^ - .^ -5 '5 'u o o S- « .5 g .S *j 0/ 13 ^ T3 ;'s s. P cj S £ P' rt 5 T; as n *r TS en (1 *3 i* o ,:« w « «* o t; 3 O o o o o '-5 -5 -5 -3 o o o o ^ ^ ^ -3 o o o o o 'O "U ''S O O '3 -5 ■ d o I'i I = £ o M 4) 2 Ij i^ ° 4: -3 t: J ** _. . ' ' S l» 1 I cc is HP-- III |i — .2 .2 > -2 .2 Cfi X CC C/i «;- yj c/j «3 CO O J o X 1 I *** I lO CO "* TT 1^ O ^ r^ CO CO to in oi o CO — — 0& W O I G^ I II »- I K<3 ■=^a n CU o X a o ai .tt, a? ^ rt *J , 2 S ■ O g 'T3 hj U "d a s o X o rt o O -r rt UUOO I iJ o a a^ a o o o 3 ' S a -£= .2 bCTS to H S^ .cg-^ c/J U a a 1 a i S .5 O O O o o u;^ oo O <; •M3J3 JO aaqmnj.^ H ■^ Ci i-HGOiOO O OOO CO cicicov: i-H^Tfco CO oi ^ o: oD ■" WW CO C ^ CO ■^e=s CO »n tf O -rf Si a o —■ CO o O r* 't" lO CO (N 3 ^; fe a; c» CO >n ci W -V CO S^ 7) Ql t-> to <0 IS o WW w b as o o o o o >. o _l ■*f CO a- bo ^ c2 — PQ 15 u CO a CO »n Ol r- 1-- o ■^ O in (M CO lO r^ O Ol o C-l ■-" « I-" (N . » a. to — 5 6 s I. 4; a . = « «r !r ^ E'- aj ri '^ a bo n 0. 1 1 13 11 •1. ' .. c . s i; ' . . . ^ • 1 . a ■ . . .Is- . 1 Jl ' fa ' J ' H -; , 1 » 1 ■ I • • • 1 • t • ° S 2 2 i^ -3 -5 "5 ° 3 « B '-— ^^52 'i= g o o o •5 '"5 "5 i3 in O o rt H S — h ° •5 ^li-£f £ o m rt « a i^ ■•g g ~ c ^ .a HO <: Ch u L. a. !u ■- rt 3 ,- Ca Hfc. ' ^ a (a s 5- g- -.■- S « s > t o iS i; a O la HBJ :a •2 * o o bo a . '3 O =n § .S. .2 £ W 53' V y 350 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT - 5 » at:" <« - -a -s a, 3 ts r . a "o^S i -M c-c-^ 1 -o .a r £-cj-:^-t:^:T3 "-a -5 -5 i: ° '3 I ■ t TS M t ft* „ r. t; - t- 2 S t 2; s ii o .t; 1; rt n — u "^ o o o o o o '5 *5 -5 -d -5 "u o o o o •u -5 "o 'tj 1 J M M ~ g E 2 S a. ( i. « Ji .-1 ^ hJ o *5 ^ o o o a JT ■2 t^ -" o 2 Ol ij «J 03 «J CO S K .a J to m = ^ .^ .^ £ 1 ^ ^ -o -5 hJ ^ -o ,J -2i ^3 ■ - ^ . *5 .i - CA 1 1 1 CO CO .2i ** . COCO , — CJ — ' — to CO 00 « m Oi c> n s^ i-t C3000 — — — . C'l ^ '-•CO ■paiBdiLinBoig I r I 1 CO I •noi]BO[pnfpy 9J0j -aq poiQ jdqLun*^ I I r I in I •p^iindcj B3AV|S JO aaqraiijj I I I I to I ^ V- ^ -¥ ^ S ^ B o *3 E rn f ^ 3 a O ' * bi3 = a. « ^ o u 4> >» 1^ o S o :^ O s i ^^ a s o nl o o O ■ U , OO 2 " .= o I 1-1 U r3 C QJ P. w w a w o o -i' ^ CO U P4 H O CNO-— o OlOCOOl c\ .Sc^^'OtN (M.r-r*oo •j»3J3 JO iaqiunj^ « — (N 00 »n o O — 03 g Q i:1 "is w Q^ -S § = !3 1 1 1 1 '£ >- I ■ 1 I 2 b| S3 -- ® a • • be rt ■ 1 ■ J T3 li ■i o • ' > a '. , o . . . ., f7 O o o o o o o •5 "o -5 -5 -a '13 0000 TJ *0 13 "^ I I a IS ti o is S u c a .5f ^ .5^ - 5 « 2 > Q •3 000 O T3 - K O I -a J ■? -S -S ci " 2 &.«;■«;«&. J2 oj _ ■3 § 5 COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 35^ ra OJ re ra c: a a 9 _5 6 '3 -O 13 •a o 1 i ■■5 O o o ■ 6 •3 d a o 3 g -a 1 fi a, 3 a -i ;-! J3 d -5 6 d '3 d 3 3 Ol o i2 s 'n3 O ■5 o '•B 1 o t o o o '•B o -3 3 is 1 o 2 '•5 5 i o •5 -5 O o '■3 o 1 'B ' * n ■ ' ' * ■ ' ' ' ' « ' • ■ ' • ' ' 1 -2 ' « a c "3 1 a B 1 2 i '3 cr- > -2 a S a. a a £l4 g ^ B Oh a a* > 3^ t '3 a o 1 • • ■ ■ c o 1 ft. '5 1 3 > f2 '3 1 ■3 • • CT- Q? a o > • 1 3 cl o a ' rt A- g § 1 ' ' a = a 1 1 □ O o 1 S • 3 O hJ s h a S 4) K o '•B o o •3 a: a 5 o '3 X 2 .2 *; o m (C • Ii2 C/J m 1 % 1 ' (/J cc CO cc ( • « w • CO . «; CO w M CO (N o ^ o ff) O CO o o o „ o i^ tO o o i o n t- CO <» o GO ^ (N '- -3* ©1 o iO CO CO C*l o CI 1 1 1 1 o 1 1 I 1 1 r- 1 1 1 1 1 1 o in if3 CO CM ' t^ r* 1 1 , 1 o 1 , 1 1 1 CO 1 i 1 1 1 1 (N IN 1 1 1 1 o t 1 r 1 I o 1 , 1 1 I 1 f>\ CD •o r- 00 O 1 1 1 o >> u H 3 a 3 o K o 5 B o 1 o a ;* . d £-2 o X 4 a 6 e o i O 1 o .9 a 3 a i J o 3 a o a f 3 4) 1 o a 'E 1-1 . c o 1 i o '•B i -3 I "1- g 5 0) 1: 2 O ,S ho re >. bo 1- O G 1 I o 13 1 o .5" > . c - o 3 'S H >^ CO 6 i U o CJ U -* O u o ' ' O O •-I U ' » o KJ o u ' U 6 ■ u w w I w W ^ W td u 1 » 1 • ' ' H w tq W 1 w ^ ■r^ GO CO o a O o lO o ^^ c< ■f UO > a * f, ' ■ - "o Q g -C o O e C3 O o s s o c be > ^_^ Ol CO S CO „ CI CO CO , ^ , rt & "3 ^ 8. (2 ti4 o hJ - g ■s (3 3 2 ''B 3 3 ^ CO CO CO i CO 'a lO w cc CO f^ «) CO t» Cfi I ^ o ■* c» Cl -71 -I* •1* Tt< o ' ' N ' rt o r* CI o s -H CO o Cl w O) CO 00 . CO O 00 00 oo r* 1 • . . I ■ iC CO CO CO 1 -* Cl ^ I>. O) -t ,^ CO O I-- -n lo o CO ■o CJ ,_, ^^ Cl 00 ^^ „ CO •^ r>. CI Cl c^ Cl CI Cl •-I — Cl Cl ^ > o " " " a " Q ■ " " , rt , , 3 ■ , 1 "-3 ^ .w V i ^ :ii , 1 t1 1 ( ■ 1 >. 1 I 1 1 s 1 t ■ 1 CO C a a- 3 fan □ 'a o 1 S a 2; a) o > % a 3 a> >• • • a 1 • 1 1 • O 3 1 (U ■ 1 1 1 ■ s 2 1 I • • t si o o 1 CC ft • ■ • • • • • ' • • o •-3 "! oi • ■ • ■ . • . . • 1 • • 1 3 1 ■ a ■ 3 ■ • ■ ■ ■ • rt rt e3 o o o o 1 a 13 -3 3 ^ '•B '•B '•B a '•B H 1 '-3 ;3 '5 '•B '•B -3 CO p; ' ' 3 m ' ' 1 ' 3 (3 3 1 U^ 3 P4 1 ' ' • * ' 1 J , , OJ , 1 , , 1 , , , , 1 a 3 3 a t; ?- 3 3 a o - o r3 bo s bo 3 bo □ bo 2 'la ftfl -5 o -3 bo 3 bo s 1 to bn o o ,3 3 rt bo o '•5 3 rt XI J3 ^ -3 ^ X! -3 1 H ^ ' XI XI X y X ' , ^ , , rt , , , , , rt 1 Cl, S 3 a d > 3 P O bo 3 cq O CO t o bO a 'a E 1 Ph 1 1 1-} 'E 3 o rt a s 3 3 2 '•B o 1 3 to 3 < ■I « .2 1 a rt 3 3 < CO ( "rt O o { to c 1 3 -1" ^ CI -^ to r^ m Cl C ^ (N eo -* »n to -•J lO o ifa o U5 X) C£ CD <£ CO CD o CO 53- Y Y 3 00 a o a o O o S ^ C3 o (4 (4 IS OS t) H pi o fH •M CO CO S3 Ml u -n to e 0) ^ o ^ 0) 05 ■* g 4^ CO fcD ~ O 3 ■^ C^ -^ t-H B cT C3 t3 »^ cS ks ;-( Q o H Q Pi 0} > 1 <; d ^ -A p C4 to H CI %-< o c o EM oi 1 -< a 3 f. -J3 ^ a Ph qT -s o jg s a $3 ^ < **H 05 a -3 H C3 ■* • S "o . , "5 o &< ^ s §A Ml 31 a o o o O o o o o o o o o « 3 o o o — ■"■*-• 4-1 4-> ii a ■<-> *j •3 a S = J> * S. ^ ^ ^ ^ •5 ^ '-C -3 ^ ^ '•^ -a T3 i 2.J ^ -a ^ « .s £ S^ £ -a ^ • • t ' ' 1 ■ ' • • ' « "S A ' • ' . «J c • > • , , , , , , 1 , , 1 . , 1 1 1 -3 t- ?i '- i: o i3 ^ S i 2 •;: =) O o o o o o o o o o o O P o o o o aj ^ E "^ •— ^ 3 «d ■*J «j *-' «^ .^ S " ■£ S £ = .5 f ^ ^ ^ -3 -5 •3 'S ^ ^ •o ^ '3 ^ ■-s ^ ^ ^ c^l"*! 1 (S 1 1 • • ' 1 1 • ■ 1 I « • ' ■ ' 1} • 1 , u « 1 1 1 , ■ 1 V , 4) 1 • ^ is .s ^ s g i i 1 I GO ■ • 1 ■ 1 1 M ^ rt o -a K ^ t 1 * "16 >-s. ■ , 3 1 1 1 i 1 1 o a o 1 1 1 1 rt ^ *j •5 -a Jl * 3 i l-i- "a r o. 1 > "3 £ ■=* a •a .* o o o o o o o o o rt a -3 -a -T o o o ^ < S m 1 ee A elena ide. ditt ditt 'ts ^ 'S "3 -5 ^ .u ^ n a ca > K 2 2 «a S ffi ^^ ffi a ° •^ . H ' ' u /J . t- ' ' ' ' ' . H c_ • ■ • M t/j cc 1 t • 1 ' «3 CO CA 00 1 1 • •[aiisa^y pajnjdB^ C) -H U5 t- O t^ GO -* Oi o X M »n CO CO CO t^ ^ aqj jO aSeauoj^ o o — O -^l -a 1 13 1 ^ i 1 2 M "^ O -o S o Q a o a o 5 u rt Si 5 rt g o « §■ e3 o •a s ■f 'rt 1 1 1 s .1 -a 'I -3 o o S s 1 g I f 1 S g ^ ^5 ^ a a s a E □ a a a a a' a ^ s j^ o o o o o o o o o o o o o o -<. U I ' O O U U U O O U o u U o y *:3 3 WWW u ^ U H U w ' w 1 u [I^ u w « u "n ^ CO O CO m m 00 (N CO CO r-* OI o o t^ o o : 3 '5o c c -* f CO O CI (N (N ^ w CO CO O . i^ CO o Tj< r* «> . (C , to Ci o O 00 Z \ cj ,. -H Tf S^ -* tC o ^ Tf in o ^^ CO o> O CO 00 ^ 00 ' - >^ s 00 "^ — ■ —I >— I 1 ■ E 'i s .-> .- % < .* 0^ T. S: .1 1 , mas ler. , ma owne aster : ii 1 • L. § • £ • u ■ 1 oraao A. da Cruz, mastei A. Goiivea, owner, iknown - - - s Namei Master and of Captured o 1,1 . § 1 c s 1 2 d » 1 rt s I 1 C3 ■ 1 a .2 a a s o .2 a 1 1 a 1 a 1 s e 3 ■^«=^ J a rt .5^ o S io rt S *S u ;« O o o 'H o u cu tJD o" ?. s > X to « . Si a .2 •^ 2 o -a ^ ^ o § .5." ^ « -s - 1 1 ■a C S Si . A .% .9 a a cf 1 .-s c fcT o a rt S .5 3 a- i 'S Umbel Pedrei Maria brig 1 = o e 'aj o c a o a 3 1 rt 1 2 i Is 6 — C4 CO f o to r> Ct} a-. o - (M ^^ '*• >« CO r^ CO COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. orr. "3 y, ^ "^ • ■* D. "3 (Tj*-^ cj I. i- O. — t^ o o o — i; ^ o o o '3 'O -5 ^yj .£) Oi a na a. 1 o s. 3 S %• > 0* 11 o a a -u ffi K n3 *> H 3<« 1 O) CO ■= -3 .H H o* 1 I °o m « o rt ^' a .Sr s •^ ^ P^ w cc M g a R H fl O o U 1-1 U O 1 U So 30^003 -*5tio3_2 Sis S'S^S^as.i.g' Sgi i "^ § i I g i g i i ^ i |. i u o u r^ « O .= O O O O O W^^WWWH^WWWW 'wwww M U M H H O O O O t^ o CI CO '-. ^ CO o Zi to (/! CO CC CO O C) o (M r-t »0 CO O CO F- CO ;D — ^ l-l ^ r^ (M « - .. ^ .. - . - -^ s - ^ g ^ i .• i i S « I L- 1 1 g I I 3 L- I 2 - S I S f a ;; a B 3 . 01 ^ o 3 a a o§ d n w,r ■Si "1 -^s '"a o ■< S 3 a<^ wa -ico -sg i-s m-c" pifi »: i i-< -g-e | "^s ;^cg o2 >• i sg< i-^iju-^^^s j " CQ. . , I . I I i I I I > ■ I I I iiiiiBMPQ e. Cb H p. fa i-i s l-> 3 s B s H 2 1 c o =2§ "1 1^ -> C4' N 3 O Si ■< s »-> •§= "i -2 I ,; •= -^ " •=■ c .§> Q -S U CQ G — c e -> c s* a f 1 0>-NC0(l.rti*icQHH-iSa<-<(0HD 53- Y Y 4 354 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT I i 5 p 3 "" CO ^ ■^ .„ 1* t» i- o e *■ § ■£ ■ r ■- 3 " i e i ■z ° -S *» (3 2 ° 5 5 S S <2 03 ^ ^ -3 -S j; o i- «2 -a <2 1 »§ aT- at _rt 3 _P « ;-■ o O . hJ ^^ ."S '■ rt _. > 53 n! rt w i^ OT cc tH g^ • 4) a* -3 S K « qj a> 41 ^ — 13 Tl KjtjK K 2 . g| :^E •pajBdoaemj -aq paiQ asqcun^ a rt ^ u I-] H = H .^ H •u a> 13 >-] w rt rt K rt > C/J :/j CJ W W «3 ' (» en Oi 00 •pajnjdeg bo a _ B S fan X s < 3 w < ^ W o U o 3 « s 3 a J o w 1-3 -^ Q I o rt m :» . E .-S E 2 E^ o o H W M U M U o H H r^ *— M H ^ a » ^ — « O OJ — " ^ o :d — — o tc M 03 73 ■* 10 CO ■* r^ £>. CO l^ S c £ S " U «> J ■ s a S 2 . s s s " g ■» G C T3 5 o 3 S 5 O U ^ :-" si • ■ >■ 5 ^ rt ■e m e < ■< s a Bs i-i i -^ S 3 gC5 IS a 0-J3 ■3 — S -3 ^ a op ^ ^ a . r^ ■ J -^ '^ a> rt o •=: 3 «"* a u 5 N ea ■^ V u: tiL ^ tS COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 00 a .Si 9J O rt -3 qj > O) . CO . i: -2 Q. hO OJ »2 ;:: c c Of o ^ Ji -3 -1 t- 2 Sp •-. £ iJ ^ - U2 CO CO to in § o o ' f o 1^ 71 1 o GO ■=.-; ? 1^ — • » .§ 5 ■J £• £ O ^ !X ^ 1 I " r3 W b: a) eis .a o: c2 3 S S ^ . a 2 s J S. a) £ a. ;- r: « 3 U £ £ o o w a ? 5; z ■= 01 — CO t^ H a a a 2; M CO o o '- (Tl ^ H U W W * W E r — M " ■ CO -* ■^ ^ (^ eone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Rio di; Janeiro. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. - - - - ditto - - . ditto Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. - • - - ditto - - . ditto ditto Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Portuguese Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Rio de Janeiro. TONNAGE. 77J^4:i 120 looHiC 132 f 1 1 '!?, O *-"'3Too »mu 80 o2-'4i5> ^mu 3451 J 4. 88 (36 3 3,6 5 ""3^X0 mm 75iJ25. 244 Foreign. Boat 24 feet long 8 feet broad, 3.^ feet deep. 3 JOl> 128^ Number of Slaves Captured in 1841 Mi.xed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed Britisli and Brazilian Court at Kio do Janeiro. Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. - - - - ditto . - . ditto Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. - - - - ditto . . - - - - - ditto . . . Mixed Britisli and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Portuguese Court at Sierra Leone. 791a,-!! ~^h^ ^mm 81i¥o'o- mm G33»/A 271 Foreiirn. mHjS 86^ 77,-i0 6-» 53- Number of Slaves Captured in 1842 - z z 2 Number of Slaves Cajjtured. ;58 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT NAME OF VESSEL. 1. Bom Fini ■2. Clio - 5. Confidencia - 4. Biilhante a. Esperanja 6. Andorinlia 7. Dous Amigos 8. Furia - 9. Independencia 10. L'Egeria 11. Conceijiio Flora 12. Aguia. - 1.1. Sociedade 14. Prudencia 15. Loteria - IG. Tenierario 17. Iniperatrix 18. Linda - 19. Helena - Date of Capture. 1 . Nova Christina •2. Carlitos 3. Cuatro de Setembro 4. Mambo Mangaio o. Unknown G. Unknown 7. Maria - ». • 8. Maria Luiza - 9. Santa Anna - 10. Bella Angella 11. Unknown 12. Cyrus ... 13. Iniperador Dom Pedro 14. Flor deTejo - 1.5. Isabel - . . 16. Veterano 1843: 24 Jan. 24 Jan. 17 Mar. 1 8 Mar. 29 May 13 June 14 June 8 Aug, 8 Aiig. 5 Sept. 14 Sept. 19 Sept. 20 Sept. 28 Oct. 1 Nov. 3 Nov. 12 Nov. 20 Nov. 29 Nov. 1844: 3 Feb. 16 Feb. 24 Feb. 12 Mar. 12 Mar. 21 Mar. 1 Apr. 3 Apr. 4 Apr. 7 May 4 June 6 June 23 June 6 July 16 July 21 July SENTENCE. Condemned - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto Restored - Condemned - ditto - ditto Restored Condemned - ditto Restored Condemned - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto Condemned - ditto - ditto Court incom- petent. - ditto Condemned - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto Restored Condemned - ditto By what Court Adjudicated. TONNAGE. Mi.xed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. - - - - ditto . . . - ditto - ditto ditto Mixed British and Portuguese Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Rio de Janeiro. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. - - - - ditto - . . ditto ditto Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Poituguese Court at the Cape of Good Hope. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. - - - - ditto - - . Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sieri'a Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. "-o Sua 140^2 7 7 0724.66 Ifiai+s Brig, tonnage un- known. 100 about. 80 Foreign. 4QX5 ,t:i 191 118 Foreig-n. 1 o.l t: 5 8 8 87ii68 °' 3j ou 4ft2i.8 ^"3 .'.0 ^-"o oOO °"oToo Ni'.MBER of Sl.wes Captured in 1843 Mixed British and Portuguese Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Portuguese Court at Loanda. - - - - ditto . . - - - - - ditto . - . - - - - ditto - . . Mixed British and Portuguese Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Portuguese Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Portuguese Court at the Cape of Good Hope. Mixed British and Portuguese Court at Loanda. Mixed British and Spanish Court at .Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Portuguese Court at Loanda. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. n 70 mm Boat, tonnage un- known. ditto. 130 old admeasure- ment. 324|fS* 60MU 3-5A*«ij 282 314 134 80 836 imm ^mm io«H!}i 340 COMMITTEE OX THE AFKICAX SLAVE TRADE. 359 NAME OF VESSEL. 17. Uniao - . - 18. Constancia 19. Aventureiro - ^0. Bom Destino - 21. San Pedro (a) Marinero 22. Grande Poder de Dios ■23. Concepcion ■24. Audaz - - . 25. Aventura 26. El No Se 27. Virginia (a) Alerto 28. Ave Maria 29. Enganador 30. Nova Granada 31. Diligencia 32. Clemencia 33. Carolina 1. Esperanja 2. San Antonio (a) Cayman • 3. Esperanca 4. Diligencia o. Cazuza - - - ■ -6. Su Majestad - 7. Diligencia 8. Vivo ... 9. Triumfo 10. Venus . - - . 11. Atala . . - 12. Huracan 1-3. Oliveira 14. Echo - . - . 15. Pepito . - - . 16. Dos Hermanos 17. Audaz . - . ■ Diite of Capture. SENTENCE. 1844: 29 July 30 July 13 Aug. 7 Sept. 13 Sept. 16 Sept. 23 Sept. 25 Sept. 28 Sept. 29 Sept. 20 Oct. 25 Oct. 4 Nov. 8 Nov. IG Nov. 5 Dec. 17 Dec. 1845 : 8 Jan. n Jan. 19 Jan. 25 Jan. 30 Jan. 3 Feb. 8 Feb. 11 Feb. 11 Feb. 13 Feb. 23 Fell. 24 Feb. 2 Mar. 2 Mar. 4 Mar. 25 Mar. 25 Mar. Restored - Condemned - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto Left undecided on cessation of the Court. Condemned - ditto - ditto Condemned - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto Restored - By what Court Ailjudicated. Mixed British and Portuguese Court at the Cape of Good Hope. Mixed Britisli and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Rio de Janeiro. Mixed Britisli and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. - - - - ditto ... Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. - - - - ditto - - . Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Rio de Janeiro. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. TONNAGE. 214 W" 119iJ-B« "o jUO 162^ij 162 Foreism. 99M: muii 59J5V0 74-8;i c . ' ■'o .')UU 23i-*» ■! *"3 jOU 104 Foreiarn. 5.T '-3 1- 21-' NiMU) H of Si.AVj'.s Captured in 1844 Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed Britisli and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. - - - - ditto . - . ditto Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. - - - - ditto . . . Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. - - - - ditto - - - Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed Britisli and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. Mixed British and Brazilian Court at Sierra Leone. - - . - ditto - . - Mixed British and Spanish Court at Sierra Leone. - - - - ditto - - - 53. Mixed British and Portug-uese Court at Loanda. z z 3 88J-tA? ""TSou 93jioo 00^588 *' J^O uo *-'3Too 04 e .5 V 6 " .i .') U O.QO 4 .■. 611^2?! 153'-3 7.'i ''-■•^Jjuo 122'4-i'' mi ft7i$8 5- 81HS5 116 Forei^. Nu 111 her ct Captured. 40 400 348 179 1 <) Captured. 15 314 Vice-Admiralty Court, - - - - ditto. Vice-Admiralty Court, - - - - ditto - - - - ditto - - - - ditto - - - - ditto Vice-Admiralty Court, - ... ditto - ... ditto Vice-Admiralty Court, - - - . ditto Vice-Admiralty Court, Vice-Admiralty Court, Vice-Admiralty Court, Vice-Admiralty Court, - - - - ditto Vice-Admiralty Court, - - - - ditto Vice-Admiralty Court, - - - - ditto. St. Helena the Cape. St. Helena the Cape, St. Helena the Cape. St. Helena the Cape - St. Helena the Cape - 129 32 22-5 77 192 70 24 162 - - - - ditto. Vice - Admiralty Court, British Guiana. - - - - ditto - . - - - - - ditto . . - 192 foreign 166 80 95 HO 45 24 4-5 NuJiBER of Slaves Captured in 1843 Vice-Admiralty Court, the Cape - - - . - ditto . . - - . - - ditto ... Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiraltj- Court, the Cape - Vice-Adiniralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty' Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiralty Court, the Cape. - - - - ditto. - - - - ditto. . . - . ditto. Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena. Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiralty Court, the Cape - 52 ft. long, 22 wide 253 151 253V!8 1 o ^3*oO'b 110 203 NuMiiLU of Slaves Captured in 1844 Vice-.'^dniiralty Court, St. Helena - - - - d'itto Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone - - - - ditto . . - Vicc-Adniiralt}' Court, tlio Cape - - - - - ditto ... 2.7:5u - 447 390 145 s°- 337 348 569 2,236 O.JO 320 247 248 1,4()0 417 foreign. 95 i 58 foreign. 10,s ft. long, 25 ft. broad, 14 ft. deep. 34 foreign. 129 foreign. 705 . 85 * These vessels were captured witliin three miles of the coast of Brazil, and tiieir capture and condemnation having accordingly been held to be improper, Her Majesty's Government ordered their restoration to their owners. 53' 3 A . 364 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT I NAME OF VESSEL. Date of Capture. 9. Dhow, unknown - 10. Brigantine, ditto 11. John Lej'S - . - 12. Brigfintine, unknown 13. Dhow - ditto - 14. Ditto - ditto - 15. Ditto - ditto - 16. Brig, supposed Frederico 17. Brigantine, supposed Beja Flor. 18. Brig-, unknown 1 9. Dliow, ditto - - - 20. Africano . - - 21. Cacique - . - 22. Ligeira - - - - 23. lioza . - - - Brig, unknown Unknown, supposed Voador Brig, unknown Dhow, ditto - - - Dhow, ditto - - - Descobridor - - - Regenerador - - - Brig, unknown Sciiooner, ditto Brig, supposed Recuperador Isabel - . - - 24. 2-5. 20. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 84. 3-3. Uniao - . - - 36. Isabella- . . - 37. Dianna - - - - 38. Unknown, supposed Bel- mira. 39. Aquila - - . - 40. Boa Sorts - . - 41. Princeza - - . 42. Polacca brig-, unknown - 43. Dhow - - ditto 44. Schooner - ditto 45. Espega - - - • 46. Eliza - . . . 47. Magico - - . - 48. Triumfante . - - 49. Quatro de Marco - 50. Brigantine, unknown 51. Eutrazia . . . 52. San Domingo 53. Esperanca . . - 54. San Lorenzo - . - Dhow, unknown Brig, ditto Lobo - - - Emprehendedora Pomba - - . Sierra Leone Packet 7. Amelia - - - 8. Paquete de Rio Brigantine, unknown Clara . - . Legeiro - - . Brigantine, unknown Gaio ... Brig, unkno^ra 15. Gabriel - - - 16. Felucca, unknown - 4. 5. 6. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. . I 1845: 5 April 14 April 1 5 April 21 April 7 Jlav 24 May ■20 May 10 June July 1 1 July 30 July 31 July 25 Sept. 30 Sept. 24 Sept. 2 Oct. 3 Oct. 10 Oct. 15 Oct. 15 Oct. 21 Oct. 22 Oct. 24 Oct. 24 Oct. 27 Oct. 27 Oct. 30 Oct. 3 Nov. 10 Nov. 10 Nov. 11 Nov. 15 Nov. 17 Nov. 17 Nov. 18 Nov. 22 Nov. 1 Dec. 4 Dec. Dec. 12 Dec. 18 Dec. 24 Dec. 25 Dec. 25 Dec. 26 Dec. 26 Dec. 1846: 5 Jan. 7 Jan. 15 Jan. 21 Jan. 21 Jan. 30 Jan. 6 Feb. 17 Feb. 1 1 Mar. 12 Mar. 12 Mar. 3 April 5 April 7 April 10 April 17 April SENTENCE. Condemned - ditto Restored Condemned - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto Restored Condemned - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto C'ondemned - ditto - ditto Restored Condemned - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto By what Court Ailjudicated. Vice-Admiralty Court, the Cape - Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone - - - - ditto. - - - - ditto - . . Vice- Admiralty Court, the Cape. - - - - ditto. - - - - ditto. Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone. Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena - - - - ditto Vice-Admi rally Court, the Cape. Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena - - - - ditto - - - - ditto . . . - - - - ditto ... Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty- Court, St. Helena Vice- Admiralty Court, the Cape - - - - - ditto Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice- Admiralty Court, St. Helena - - - - ditto ... Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone - - - - ditto . . - - ... ditto ... Vice-Admiraltj- Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiralty Court, the Cape - Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiralt}' Court, Sierra Leone - . . . ditto . . . Vice-Admiralt}- Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiralty Court, the Cape. Vice-Admiralt}- Court, St. Helena Vice- Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, the Cape. Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena ... - ditto . . - . - . - ditto . . - . - . - ditto . . . . . - - ditto . . . - . . - ditto . . . TONNAGE. Number uf Slaves Captured, 17-3T'iT 1301A2 7- 170 foreian. 221 G85 184 00 !> 58 c 120 109 ft. long, .33 ft. 2 in. broad, 13 ft. 2 in. deep. -°3.Vuu 233 843 151^ 127 1541xsi 176 30 159 foreign. 97 -256 108 48 foreign. 212_UL+_ 60 UO 85 ft. long, 25 ft. broad, 14 ft. deep 145 114 foreign. 237 5-2 foreign, 146 95 87 102 122 1821 -154 Number of Slaves Captured in 1845 3,207 Vice Vice Vice' Vice VicC' Vice VicC' Vice Admiralty Court, the Cape. ■ Admiralty Court, St. Helena - - ditto ... . - ditto ... •Admiralty Court, the Cape - •Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Admiralty Court, the Cape. ■Admiralty Court, St. Helena . - ditto ... - - ditto ■Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone, -Admiralty Court, St. Helena . - ditto - . - - - ditto . . . . - ditto - - ijitto . . - 151 126 59 52 46.1 108" 1251 158^ 52' 108 foreign. 230 soft, long, 22 i ft. broad, 3 ft^ 9 in. deep. U9 COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. NAME OF VESSEL. 3^.5 Date of Capture. de 17. Gal go . - - ( 18. Caxins - - - 19. Brigantinc, unkikOAvn 20. Kentucky 21. Brig, unknown 22. Olivia - 23. Eniprehendedora 24. Brigantine, unknown 25. Sen-unda ConceicaO JVtaria. 26. Schooner, unknown 27. Rclanipag-o 28. Constante 29. Brigantine, unknown 30. Maria - 31. Vallerozo 32. Brig, unknown 33. Ditto . - - 34. Amelia - - - 35. Augusta SO. Roila - 37. TcntacSo 38. Isabel' - - - 39. Brigantine, unknown 40. Victoria 41. Brig-, unknown 42. Bonito Porto - 43. Aguia - . - 44. Electra . - - 45. Paquete de Rio 40. Improviso 47. Brig, unknown 1. Tclina . - - - 2. Cont>tante Amizade 3. Anna e Constaneia - 4. Phedro . . - - 5. Phaon - - - - C. Nictheroy . - - 7. Saron . - - - 8. Jupiter . • - - 0. Brig, unknown, supposed Tres Aniigos. 10. Brig, unknown, supposed Rey d'Aquiton. 11. Taglioni 12. Brigantine, supposed Fe- licidade. 13. Joanito . - - - 14. Baliiano - . - 15. Schooner, unknown 16. Gustavo Primeiro - 17. Bar(|ue, unknown - 18. Sloop, unknown 19. Duas Irmaas - - - 20. Tito . - - - 21. Braziliense . - - 23. Felucca, unknown - 24. Forao - S2. Brig, unknown 25. Principe d'Onim 28. Sso Sebastiao 53- 1S40 : 20 April 1 May 8 May 18 Mav 19 May 23 May 1 1 June 29 June 6 July 6 July 8 July 19 July 28 July- is Aug. 6 Sept. 8 Sept. 13 Sept. 13 Sept. 13 Sept. 17 Sept. 24 Sept. 30 Sept. 9 Oct. 14 Oct. 17 Oct. 21 Oct. 22 Oct. 23 Oct. 28 Oct. 12 Nov. 21 Nov. 1847 : 10 Jan. 14 Jan. 19 Jan. 29 Jan. 18 Feb. 26 Feb. 18 Mar. 18 Mar. 19 Mar. 25 Mar. 30 Mar. 30 Mar. 4 April 1 1 April 1 7 April 18 April 24 April 5 May 24 May 26 May 6 June 19 June 24 June 18 June 25 June 12 Julv SENTENCE. Condemned - ditto - ditto - ditto - diito - ditto Restored Condemned - ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto Condemned - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto - ditto - ditto Restored Condemned By what Court Adjudicated. Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena - - - - ditto - - - - - - - ditto - . . Vice-Admiralty Court, the Cape - Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena V ice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena A^ioe-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena. ditto - - - - ditto Vice-Admiralty Court, the Cape. Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena - - - - ditto - - - - ditto - - . - - - - ditto - - - - ditto - . . - - - - ditto ... - - - - ditto ... - - - - ditto ... - - - - ditto ... - - - - ditto ... - - - - ditto ... - - - - ditto ... - - - - ditto . . . - - - - ditto . . . - - - - ditto - - - ditto . . - Vice- Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, the Cape - A^ice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena TONNAGE. Nuii'bi'r uf Sluvfrt C.-ii-rured, 204 175 35 foreign. 266 (about). 126 20 59 9o foreign. 75j ft. long, 19 ft. 2 in. broad; 13 ft. 1 in. deep. 147 41 63 194 136 194 149 107 foreian. Ill 163 261 50 185 J 195 125 148 123 94 232 Brazilian. 185 Nu.MBER of Sl.^ves Captured in 184C 54; 546 550 .•3(10 Vice-Admiraltj- Court, St. Helena - - - - ditto ... Vice- Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone - - - - ditto ... Vice-Admiralty Court, the Cape - Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena - - - - ditto ... - . - - ditto ... Vice-Admiraltj' Court, Sierra Leone ditto . . - - ditto Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena - - - - ditto . . - Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone - - - - ditto - . - - - - - ditto . - - - - . . ditto - - . - ditto Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena - - - • ditto . . - Vice- Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone - - - - ditto - . . - ditto . - - Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena .1 A 2 llOi 65" 200 (about). 153 123 63 415 foreign. 179 86 67i"o^ 115 375 foreign. 38 foreign. 56 213SI184 *":tjoo 211i 80 ft. long, 24 ft. broad. Hi ft. deep. 113 foreign. 06 foreign. 317 317 305 214 515 36G APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT NAME OF VESSEL. Esperto . - - - Brig, unknown, supposed Voador. Dez d'Outubro Faisca - - - - Piendedora - - - 2C. 27. 29. 30. 31. 33. Faisca - - - - 32. Romeo Primeiro 34. Polacca Brigr, supposed Nostra Senliora de la Gardia. 3-5. Gra^-ii - - - - 36. Esperan^a . - - 37. Brigantine, unknown 38. Lebro - - - - 39. Unknown Brig 40. Brigantine, unknown, sup- posed Tebessen. 41. Adelaide . . - 42. Nero - - - - 43. Theodosia - - - 44. Maria da Gloria 4.3. Pliipnix - - . 40. Maria Thereza 47. Astrura - - - - 48. Schooner, supposed Fa- ceirinha. 49. Attrevida ... 50. Aventureiro ... 51. Schooner, supposed Maria 52. Venus .... 53. Sapho - . - . -54. Barque, unknown - 55. Brig-, unknown 56. Atrevid.i ■57. Sylphide - - - 58. Quatorze de Novembro - 59. Heroina ... 60. Rey Bango - - - 01. Santo Antonio Ditozo 02. Eolo .... 03. Izabel - . - . 04. Brig, unknown, supposed Flamingo. 05. Boa Fe - 00. Luizu . - . . 07. ConceicSo - . . 08. Brigantine, unknown, sup- posed Palnia. 09. Schooner, unknown 70. Brig, unknown 71. Schooner, unknown 72. Maria Augusta 73. Aguia - . . . 74. Brig-, supposed Malaga - 75. Santa Anna . - . 76. Gaio . . . . 77. Agonog-ro 78. Cidade d'Angra Date of Capture, 1847: 9 July 9 July 10 July 19 July 22 July 24 July 22 July 20 July 20 July 29 July Aug. 7 Aug-. SENTENCE. Condemned . ditto - ditto - ditto . ditto 11 Aug. 1 1 Aug. 12 Aug. 18 Au'^: 2.5 Aug. 28 Aug. 29 Aug. 9 Sept. 9 Sept. 10 Sept. 14 Sept. 2 Oct. 2 Oct. 7 Oct. 8 Oct. 8 Oct. 9 Oct. 14 Oct. 17 Oct. 19 Oct. 24 Oct. 27 Oct. 3 Nov. Nov. 7 Nov. 15 Nov. 15 Nov. 20 Nov. 23 Nov. 20 Nov. 29 Nov. 1 Dec. 1 Dec. 2 Dec. 8 Dec. 11 Dec. 11 Dec. 16 Deo. 24 Dec. 27 Dec. ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto - ditto ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto ditto ditto By what Court A. ^1 ,'„ 94 ft. long. 21 ft. broud. 9 it. deep, 99 ft. long, 25 ft. broad, 14 ft. deep. 81 247 foreign 86 ft. long, 20 ft. broad. 13i't. deep. 48 4C.T 354 270 522 f.Ol 496 250 -.29 ".68 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT NASIE OF VESSEL. CO. Tr:i!.'a Amelins 51. M:iiianna 52. Tliereza 53. Bella Maria - 54. Cuiio.so - 55. Andoi'inha 56. Secundo de Julho - 57. Brig-antine, unknown 58. Ditto - 59. Oceauo . - - CO. Sapliira - - - <31. Felicidade - C2. Feliz Sociedade C;!. Nova Rosa - 64. Polka - Co. Alert - C6. Tentador 67. Gaia . . » C8. San Francisco C9. Barque, unknown - 70. Louisa - . • 71. Brig, unknown 72. Achiles - - - 73. S. Antonio Triumlb 74. Schooner, unknown 7j. Raspate 76. Josefa - 77. Bom De.stino ■ 7S. A Launch 70. Lawrence «0. Phenix - 81. New Packet ■ SO. Gcrardo S3. Andorinha 84. Braziliense 85. Quatro Andorinha 8C. Diligcncia 87. Meteoro 88. Yengador 89. Nerea - 110. Bom Successo 1)1. Atievida Date of Capture. 1848: 19 June 20 June 22 June 22 June 24 June 28 Juno 2;july 5 Jul_v 7 July 9 July 11 July 15 Jul'v 18 July 28 July 5 Aug. 10 Aug:. 19 Aug-. 23 Aug. 27 Aug. 31 Aug. 4 Sept. 6 Sept. 7 Sept. 10 Sept. 15 Sept. 17 Sept. 18 Sept. 19 Sept. 20 Sept. 24 Sept. 3 Oct. 4 Oct. 5 Oct. 12 Oct. 12 Oct. 5 Nov. 6 Nov. 21 Nov. 12 Dec. 22 Dec. 25 Dec. 29 Dec. SENTENCE. Condemned - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto . ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto Not adjudi- cated. Condemned ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto Bv what Coiut Adjudicated. Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena . - - - d'itto - . - - - - - ditto ... Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone - - - - ditto , . . - - - - ditto Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena ditto ditto ditto ditto ditto - - - - ditto - . . - - - - ditto - . - Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena ditto Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice- Admiralty Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone - - - - ditto Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena - - - - ditto ... Vice-Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone - - - - ditto Vice-Admiralty, Court, St. Helena - ... ditto - - _ Vice -Admiralty Court, Sierra Leone - - . - ditto - - - - ditto ... - - - . ditto ... Vice-Admiralt}- Court, St. Helena - - - - ditto Vice-Admiraltj- Court, Sierra Leone - . - - ditto ... Vice-Admiralty Court, St. Helena TONNAGE. «o "•-'To 112 207 131 89 90 ft. lonu Number of Slaves Capture^* 22 ft. I '■H broad, 15ft. deep. 70J- 92 ft. long, 23 ft. Sin. broad, lift, deep. 236 143 1 7-3 ft. long, 20 ft. broad, 8^ ft deep. 152 foreign 165 07 1 •"to" 68 ft. long, 23 ft. I in. broad, 10 ft. II in. deep. Saift. long, 2.3ft. 9in. broad, 12ft. deep. 53-5u ""lo 103 ft. long, 23 ft. broad, 17i't. deep. 196 208^2,, 92 ft. long, 23ft. 4in. broad, 12ft. 6 in. deep. 137 174 143^ 168i ■3 1 R S"OU 82Jft. long, 23ft. broad, deep. 12 1ft. 165,'^, 130 121 250,^ 111 65 2164- NuMBER of Slaves Captured in 1848 6.708 ABSTRACT. COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 369 ABSTRACT. YEAR. Number of Vessels carried before Number Number of Slaves on Number of Vessels carried before Number Number of Slaves on Number of Vessels carried Total Number of Total Number of Vessels Total Number of Slave* the condemned. board such the condemned. board such before condemned captuix-d in earh Year. :Mixed Commissions. Vessels. \ ice-Admiralty Courts. Vessels. Foreign Tribunals. \ essels Captured, in each Year. 1840 3.5 33 1,590 38 38 1,574 _ 73 71 3,170 1841 ■2i ■20 002 43 41 3,800 3 a 70 01 4,402 184-2 10 10 447 44 38 2,730 - 54 48 3,177 184:3 19 10 1,370 25 25 2,230 - 44 41 3,012 1844 33 b •28 1,995 10 10 1,405 - 49 44 3,400 1845 33 c 29 1,234 53 51 •3,207 2a 88 SO 4,441 1840 - - - 47 45 2,200 - 47 45 2/200 1817 1 1 - 77 70 0,598 - 78 77 0,594 1848 - - - 91 (/ 89 0,708 - 91 89 0,70S Totals - loo 137 7,250 434 419 30,578 594 550 37,834 a These vessels were captured without slaves, and were all restored by the Foreio-n Ti-ibunals. i The cn?e of one of these vessels was left undecided at Rio, when the functions of the Mixed Commission expired in 1845. c Two of these vessels arrived at Sierra Leone after the functions of the Mixed Commission had ceased, and were consequently •not proceeded against. d One of these vessels had not been adjudicated up to the date of the Returns. E. E. Foreign Office,! 19 April 1849./ 3 A 4 Appendix 37f> APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Appendix F. — No. 1.— LIST of Treaties in force between Great Britain and Foreign Civilized Powers- for the Suppression of the Slave Trade. Right of Search and Mixed Court Treaties. No. 1. Netherlands _ . - - - Explanatory and additional Articles Additional Article to ditto - 2. Sweden and Norway - - - - Additional Article to ditto - 3. Brazil ------ 4. Spain ------ 5. Argentine Confederation . - - C. Republic of the Uruguay - - - 7. Republic of Bolivia - - - - 8. Portugal --"."" Additional Article to ditto 9. Chili ------ Additional Article to ditto - 10. Republic of the Equator - - - Additional Article to ditto - - Hague . J-., fbrussels- to ditto < , - Hague - Stockholm Ditto - - Rio de Janeiro - Madrid - - Buenos Ayres - Monte Video ■ - Suere - Lisbon Ditto - - Santiago - Ditto" - - Quito Ditto Date. 4 May - 1818 31 December 1822 25 January 1823 7 February 1837 6 November 1824 15 June - 1835 23 November 1826 28 June - 1835 24 May 1839 13 July 1839 25 Septembei 1840 3 July - 1842 24 October 1842 19 January 1839 7 August 1841 24 May - 1841 Ditto. CONVENTIONS with France, and Treaties and Conventions with Powers who have acceded to those Conventions. Right of Search and National Tribunals. No. 11. France* - - - - - - - Paris 12. Supplementary Convention with ditto* - Ditto 13. Denmark ------- Copenhagen 14. Sardinia ------- Turin 15. Hanse Towns ------ Hamburgh 16. Tuscany ------- Florence - 17. Two Sicilies ------ Naples 18. Hayti ------- Port-au-Prince Date. - 30 November 1831 - 22 March 1833 - 26 July - 1834 8 August- 1834 9 June - 1837 • 24 November 1837 ■ 14 February 1838 23 December 1839 * Suspended by the Convention of 29 May 1845. TREATIES with Powers (not Parties to the French Conventions) under which Captured Vessels are to be tried by the Tribunals of their own Countries. Right of Search and National Tribunals. Date. No. 19. Venezuela 20. Texas 21. Mexico - f Austria | 22. Prussia - [ Russia , Caracas London Mexico London 15 March - 1839 16 November 1840 24 February 1841 20 December 1841 TREATIES granting no Right of Search, but containing a mutual Obhgation to maintain Squadrons on the Coast of Africa. No. Date. 23. Treaty with the United States (Article 8; - Washington - 9 August - 1842 24. France Loudon" - - 29 May - 1845 Foreign Office, 1 23 April 1849. / —No. 2.- COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 371 — No. 2. — ENGAGEMENT between Her Majesty the Queen of England and the Chiefs of for the Abolition of the Traffic in Slaves. Signed at of Her Majesty's ship on the part of Her Majesty the Queen of England, and"the Chiefs of and of the neighbourhood, on the part of then^selves and of their country, have agreed upon the following Articles and Conditions : — ° Article I. The export of slaves to foreign countries is for ever abolished in the territories of the Chiefs of and the Chiefs of engage to make and to proclaim a law prohibiting any of their subjects, or any person within their jurisdiction, from selling or assisting in the sale of any slave for transportation to a foreign country ; and the Chiefs of promise to inflict a severe punishment on any person who shall break this law. Article II. No European or other person whatever shall be permitted to reside within the territory of the Chiefs of for tiie purpose of carrying on in any way the traffic in slaves ; and no houses, or stores, or buildings of any kind whatever, shall be erected for the purpose of Slave Trade within the territory of the Chiefs of and if any such houses, stores, or buildings, shall at any future time be erected, and the Chief of shall fail or be unable to destroy them, they may be destroyed by any British officers employed for the suppression of Slave Trade. Article III. If at any time it shall appear that Slave Trade has been carried on through or from tiie territory of the Chiefs of the Slave Trade may be put down bv Great Britain by force upon that territory, and British officers may seize thf! boats of found anywhere carrying on the Slave Trade ; and the Chiefs of will be subject to a severe act of displeasure on the part of the Queen of England. Article IV. The subjects of the Queen of England may always trade freely with the people of in every article they may wish to buy and sell in all the places and ports, and rivers, within the territories of the Chiefs of and throughout the whole of tlieir dominions ; and the Chiefs of pledge themselves to show no favour and give no privilege to the sliips and traders of other countries, which they do not show to those of England. Article V. Power is hereby expressly reserved to His Majesty the King of the French to become a party to this Treaty, if he should think fit, agreeably to the provisions of Article V. of the Convention between Her Majesty and the King of the Fieiicli, signed at London, on the 29th of May 1845. N.B. — I'he two following Articles are inserted in Treaties with those places only where Slave Trade is carried on at the time of the Treaty being concluded. Article. The slaves now held for'exportation shall be delivered up to for the purpose of being carried to a British colony and there liberated ; and all the imple- ments of Slave Trade, and the barracoons or buildings exclusively used in the Slave Trade, shall be forthwith destroyed. Article. Europeans or other persons now engaged in the Slave Tradi^ are to he expelled the country ; the houses, stores or buildings hitiierto employed as Slave Factories, if not converted to lawful purposes within three months of the conclusion of the engagement, are to be destroyed. 53. 3B -No. 3.- 372 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT — No. 3.— LIST of Treaties for the Suppression of the Slave Trade, concluded by Great Britam with Native Chiefs of Africa, as far as is known at the Foreign Office. Date of Name of Chiefs, Conclusion of Name of Officer who signed Treaty. Situation of Territory. Extent of Territory, Tribes or Districts. Treaties. 23 Apr. 1841 1. t'artabai-, Nama Comba, H. V. Huntley, Lieut.-Governor District about 140 miles up the King of. of the Gambia. Gambia. 2. Passels, Chiefs of - 1 Apr. 1842 Lieutenant Lapidge, H. M. S. Tribe inhabiting a district " Pantaloon." north of Bissao, about 12'^ north. 3. Bolola, Rio Grande, King 27 Feb. 1847 Comni. Mun-ay, H. M. S. " Fa- District up Rio Grande, which SolejTnan. vorite." inns into the sea 11° 30' north. 4. Rio Nunez, Chiefs of - 21 Feb. 1847 - ditto - - - - - River running into the sea about 10° .30' north. 5. Nortli Builoras, King 29 Nov. 1847 Governor of Sierra Leone - District uorth of SieiTa Leone. Sherbro. C. Malaghia, Chief of 23 May 1845 Commissioners appointed by the Governor of SieiTa Leone. District in the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone. 7. Forii-ecai'ia, King of 1.5 Nov. 1847 Governor of Sieri'a Leone - - ditto. 8. Bariera, Cliiefof - 16 Nov. 1847 - ditto - - - - - - ditto. 9. Kaloom Country, includ- 2 Nov. 1847 - ditto - ditto. in;< River Looiiibah,and Dobrakah and Tomba Island. 10. Jlarsamnia, Chiefs of - 29 Nov. 1847 - ditto - - - - - Inland District, near Sierra Leone. 11. 'f immanees. Chiefs of - , 18 Feb. 18-11 - ditto - ditto. 12. Sherboro, Chiefs of - 12 Feb. 1848 Comm. Murray, H.M.S. " Fa- Territory south of SieiTa Leone, 1 vorite." between that place and Gal- linas 1.3. Kitt.im, Chiefs of - 3 Dec. 1847 - ditto From Malaloo to a spot 8 miles north of Gallinas. 40 miles of coast. 14. Gallinas, I'rince Manna 21 Nov. 1840 Comm. Denman, H. M. S. About 7° north. and Chiefs. " Wanderer." 15. Manna, Chiefs of - 1 Jan. 1847 Comm. Murray, H.M.S. " Fa- vorite." From Solymon River to Manna Point. 12 miles of coast. 10. Suguiy, Chiefs of - 18 Feb. 1848 - ditto Between Manna Point and Cape Mount River. 8 ditto, with ter- ritory extend- 17. Cape Mount, King Fana 2 Jan. 184G Comm. Brisbane, H. M. S. About G= 45' north. ing aliout 75 miles inland. Toro and Chiefs. " Lame." 18. New Costosj King, and 11 Jan. 1841 Lieutenant Seagram, H. M. S. About 5° 50' north. Prince Treeman. " Termagant.'' ly. Grand Sesters, Cliiefs - 28 Mar. 1847 Comm. Murray, H. M. S. " Fa- vorite." River and district about 5° 30' north. 20. Little Bootou, Chiefs - 25 Mar. 1847 - ditto About 5° 5' north. 21. GaiTaway, Chiefs - 30 Mar. 1847 - ditto River and District about 4° 30' north. Town and District on the 22. Grand Bercby, Chiefs - 25 Feb. 1848 - ditto - - _ . . Ivory Coast, about 6° 5.3' 2.'?. Drewin, Chiefs - 26 Feb. 1848 - ditto - . - - - west. From Longitude G~ 30' west to About 00 miles of 24. St. .\udrew, Cliiefs 26 Feb. 1848 - ditto - - . - - 5° 35' west. coast. 25. Grand Labon, Chieft - 28 Feb. 1848 - ditto 2G. Antonio Labou, Chiefs - 28 Feb. 1848 - ditto - - - -. - 1 Territories extending from About 8.'; miles of Longitude 5° 20' to 4" west. coast. 27. Jack Jaques, Chiefs 29 Feb. 1848 - ditto 28. Ivory Bay, Chiefs - 2 .Mar. 1848 - ditto . 20. Aboh, Obi Aiar, Cliiefof 28 Aug. 1841 Niger Expedition Commissioners Town and District near the Apex of the Delta of the 30. Egarrah, Ojhijah, Chief of. 6 Sept. 1841 - ditto -..,.- Niger. District up the Niger, beyond 31 . Creek Town, Old Calabar River, Evo, King of. 6 Dec. 1841 Comm. Blount, H.M.S. "Pluto." Aboh. River in the Bight of Biafra. 32. Calabar Tomi, Old Cala- bar River. C Dec. 1841 - ditto -.._.. - ditto. COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 373 1. 1ST of Treaties for the Suppression of the Slave Trade, &c. — coyitinued. Name of Chleft, Tribes ov Distrlc':s. 38. Bimbia, King AV'illiam - 34. Caniaroons, King Acqua 35. CamaroonSj King Bell - 36. Batanga, King William and Chiefs. 37. Daiigeror Moonev, C liiefe of. 38. Malimha, Chiefs of 39. Otondo, Chiefs of - 40. Batanga Benito, Chiefs of. 41. Canima, Chiefs of - 42. Bonny, King Pepple and Chiefs. Date of Conclusion of Treaties. 7 Feb. 1844 7 May 1841 7 May 1841 .5 .Iuly]847 16 July 1847 31 Mar. 1848 4 Apr. 1848 7 Apr. 1848 25 May 1848 21 Nov. 1848 Name of Officer who signed Treaty. Comm.Earle,H.M.S. "Rapid." Comm. Blount, H.M.S. " Pluto." - ditto - - - . . Coinm.Hope,H. M.S." Bittern;" Comm. M'Murdo, II. M. S. " Contest." - ditto - , - - . - ditto - - - . . Coram. MuiTay, H.M.S. " fa- vorite." - ditto - - - - . - ditto - - - . . Capt. Eden, H.M.S. « Aniphi- trite." Situation of Territorj*. Territory near the entrance of the River Camaroons. River in the Bight of Biafra. - ditto. Territory south of River Ca- meroons, in about 30° north. River to the south of Cape St. John's, in about 1° nortli. River fallini; into the sea iji 3^ 38' north. P'rom 1° 50' north to Pouw Clampo, in 2^ 20' north. Territory extending north- ward from Cape St. John ti> P 50' north. From 1" south to 2° 24' south River in the Delta of the Nis;er. Extent of i eiritory. About 35 miles of eoast. About 95 miles. Foreign Office, 23 April 1849. — No. 4. — MEMORANDUM of the Chief Slave-Trading Places on the African Coast. The chief places to the North of Sierra Leone from whence Slave Trade used to be carried on were the Rio Nunez, the Rio Pongas, and the Portuguese possessions of Bissao and Cacheo, and their neighbourhood. Slave Trade, however, for some years past appears nearly to have ceased from this part of Africa. A Brazilian schooner, however, was captured on the 8th of October last in Rio Pongas for equipment. This is the only case of slave trading, North of Sierra Leone, which has been reported since 1847. Soutli of Sierra Leone, the first district from whence Slave Trade is carried on, is tliat which lies between the River Shebar and Cape Mount. This includes the Gallinas, Solyman River, &c. The next place where Slave Trade is known to be carried on is New Cestos. This is the place that the Liberian Government are going to send an expedition against. From the coast betvi'een this and the Bight of Benin no slaves are exported. No part of the Bight of Benin can be said to be entirely exempt from Slave Trade. The jirincipal points, however, where the Slave Trade is carried on are Whydah, Lagos and Badagry. In the Bight of Biafra little or no Slave Trade is now carried on. We have Treaties with many Chiefs in this district which are faithfully kept, with the Chiefs of the Old Calabar and Cameroon Rivers, with the Chiefs of Bimbia, &c. The trade appears to re-ccmmence immediately to the South of the Gaboon, which is nearly on the Equator, and it is carried on along the whole coast from hence to about 13° South latitude. The sovereignty of the territory from -y" 12' South to 8° is claimed by Portugal; but the territory is not occupied by the Portuguese, and their sovereignty over this part of the coast is not admitted by Great Britain. In this territory are the notorious slave-trading ports of Cabenda and Ambriz : from 8° South down to the lowest point where Slave Trade is carried on, are the recognized dominions of Portugal. As far as can be judged from the places where the slave vessels have been captured during the last two years, it would appear that about one-twentieth of the whole Slave Trade from the west coast of Africa is carried on from tlie Gallinas district, four-twentieths from the Bight of Benin, six-lvvenlieths between the Equator, and ;')" 12' South, the northern limit of the "territory claimed by Portugal; five-twentieths from ."i" 12' to 8" South, the territory claimed by Portugal, but not recognized by Great Britain, and the remaining four- twentieths from the recognized possessions of Portugal. This calculation has been made by marking on a chart the exact places where upwards of 100 slavers captured by Her Majesty's ships in 1847 and 1848 were seized, and whicii were nearly all so close in to the land, as to lead to the inference that the vessels were bound to or coming from the part of the coast otf which they were found. Foreign Office, March 18, 1840. 53- 3 B 2 -No. 374 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT — No. 5. — REPORTS from Reai-Admiial Dacres to the Secretary to the Admiralty. Rear-Admiral Dacres to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Receired 17 April.) gjp "President," at Mozambique, 18 November 1847. With reference to my letter of the nth June last, relative to the notorious character of the port of Ano-oza as a slave depot, and to the circumstance of the people at that place bavin"- protected themselves with some kind of defences which encouraged them to set at defiaiice any interference with their unlawful pursuits, and in which letter I signified my intention of oiTerino- to the Governor-General of Mozambique the assistance of British interference to aid liTm in bringing these lawless people to a sense of iheir duty to the laws of Portugal and of civilized nations ; be pleased to acquaint the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that on the " Eurydice" being despatched from Mauritius to the Mozambique in July last, I charged Captain Anson with a letter to the Governor-General (copy of which is here enclosed), wherein I represented to his Excellency the necessity of something- beino' done to check the existing state of tbings at Angoza, placing at his disposal the services of the " Eurydice " to assist him in any measures he might think fit to adopt for this object. On mv arrival hereon the 14tb instant, where I met the " Eurydice" just returned from a cruize,! received the enclosed copy of his Excellency's reply (original having been sent to the Cape), at the date of which it appears that he was not prepared immediately to accept the profiered services of tlie " Eurydice," by reason of his having become bound to the Sultan of Angoza to abstain from hostilities in order to procure the release of some subjects of Portugal, who had fallen into the power of the people of Angoza during an afiray with a boat belonging to the Portuguese sloop-of-war "Villa Flor," which had been despatched to Ano-oza by his Excellency to remonstrate with the Sultan on his proceedings, and which boat had been attacked by the natives, and some of the crew killed, and others made pri- soners. This forbearance, however, was only to last so long as the Sultan abstained from slave transactions, but upon his committing himself again in this respect, the Governor- General expressed his readiness to accept the assistance of the " Eurydice " to call the chief o order. The information contained in the enclosed copy of a letter from Captain Anson, which he had addressed to the Governor-General on the morning of my arrival, relative to a brig having been discovered in the Angoza River on the 5th instant by a boat belonging to the " Eurydice," under circumstances which bore every appearance of her being there to receive a cargo of slaves, appeared therefore to release his Excellency from any further forbearance towards Antroza, and I lost no time in communicating with his Excellency on the subject, and of renewing my offer of assistance to bring his rebellious people at Angoza to order. And as I had determined, in the event of his Excellency feeling disposed to adopt active measures, to employ the boats of the " President" as well as those of the " Eurydice " on this service, I pointed out to him the advantages which now offered of so large a force being available, and the probabilitv that the mere exhibition of the same would have the effect of blinking tiie Sultan into submission, without having recourse to bloodshed. The enclosed copy of a letter from the Governor-General, received on the evening of the ICtli instant, conveyed his Excellency's decision to take immediate steps in the matter, and that he accepted the assistance offered to him from Her Britannic Majesty's ships, also informing me that he had selected Major Campos, an officer on whom he placed much reliance, to submit to the Sultan certain terms (a draft of which is enclosed in his Excel- lency's letter) binding him to a perfect obedience to the laws of Portugal, renouncement of Slave Trade, and expulsion from his district of all foreigners engaged in the traffic ; and to comply with which, twenty-four hours are to be given him, at the expiration of which time, if not agreed to, such coercive measures are to be adopted as circumstances may point out. I therefore request you will inform their Lordships that I ])urpose sailing (ioni Mozam- bique this day, witii the "Eurydice" and Her Most Faithful Majesty's brig "Juan de Castro" in company, for the Island of Mafamale, from whence the boats of the two frigates, together with tlie Portuguese force (the schooner " Dom Henrie" having already sailed for Mafamale) will be despatched up the Angoza River in execution of the service intended. I have, &;c. (signed) Jas. R. Dacres. Enclosure 1. Rear-Adniiral Dacres to the Governor-General of the Mozambique. Sir, " President," Cape of Good Hope, 11 August 1847. Presuming that your Excellency is aware that certain lawless characters have established themselves near the entrance of the Angoza River, and that these persons are known to be in the habit of dealing in slaves, and that slave-vessels frequently resort to this place to receive on board slaves and carry them away into slavery, also that these persons are well armed, and have protected themselves by some kind of defences, with even it is believed cannon, so as to resist any interference in their unlawful pursuits ; presuming also that your Plxcel- lency I COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. TTC lency is aware that the late Governor-General Rodrigo Luciano de Lima furnished Her Britannic Majesty's vessels with authority to enter any of the rivers, bays, creeks and other ports on the east coast of Africa, the territories of Her Most Faithful Majesty, where there were not any Portuguese authorities, and to suppress and capture vessels that ruio-ht be met with therein employed in the transport and commerce of slaves ; and that under this authority ^the boats of Her Britannic Majesty's ship " Cleopatra" entered the said river of Ano-oza on the 18th May 1S4G, for the purpose of examining some suspicious vessels therein anchored, one of which was ascertained to be a slave-ship, and was destroyed in consequence by her crew; and that the boats of the " Cleopatra" were fired upon by the natives, and that other circumstances attended this visit, which bespoke the lawless nature of the occupation of these people, and their disposition to set authority at defiance. And further, your Excel- lency is aware that Governor de Lima withdrew the authority before mentioned in June 1846, in consequence of orders he had received from his govermnent, and that there is too much reason to suppose that since the withdrawal of the permission to enter these places, slave- dealing has much increased thereat, and that the people at Angoza in particular have lately assumed such an attitude of defiance to any thing like interference in their vicious pursuits, as to call for some means being adopted to put a stop to the existence of such an evil, not only for the purpose of suppressing the Slave Trade, but also to prevent these abandoned wretches applying their means to piratical purposes, which it may be feared the sense of their supposed power and safety iiom interruption might induce them to attempt. 1 feel it, therefore, my duty to call your Excellency's most serious attention to this subject, and in the absence of a suflicient force under your command to undertake the service of calling these people at Angoza to a sense of their allegiance to Her Most Faithful Majesty, and the obligation they owe to the laws of civilized nations, I feel assured my Government will approve of the ofier I have now the honour of conveying to your Excellency, of the assistance of British Ibrce tor this purpose. I therefore beg to acquaint your Excellency, that with this view I have directed Captain Anson, of Her Britannic Majesty's ship " Eurydice," to confer with you on the subject, and if it appears to your Excellency desirable to accept such aid, to render any assistance which can be offered by the ship he commands, in the measures which your Excellency may think fit to adopt on the occasion. I have, &c. (signed) Jas. R. Dacres. Enclosure 2. The Governor-General of the Mozambique to Rear-Admiral Dackes. Sir, Mozambique, II October 1847. I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's letter of the 11th August of the present year, and beg to inform your Excellency that I am sensible of the difl'erent circumstances stated therein, and the necessity of terminating the unlawful proceed- inirs that the inhabitants and other persons at Angoza are in the habit of following. In pursuit of calling those people to order, observation of the law, and obedience to the authorities dulv empowered by Her Most Faithful Majesty, I ordered Her Majesty's brig " Villa Flor" to Mafamale Island on the 17th .Tuly, and further ordered her Captain to send a boat in with a letter (iom me to the Sultan or Chief of Angoza. Some individuals in the town of Mozambique, concerned in the Slave Trade with those of Angoza, according with the best information, prepared such an intrigue as to make those almost savaoe people believe that war had been declared against them, and that ti)ey were going to be attacked by the cruisers. On the arrival of the boat at the village, hundreds of armed negroes surrounded her, and in a cry of alarm three men were killed, and the remaining eight, with a midshipman, scufliied' about, and would have lost their lives had not the Sultan in person and other autho- rities repaired to the place, and with difficulty rescued the unarmed men from the mob, partly divided in two parties, and by which reason some of them were likewise killed and disabled. The Sultan was overjwwered by thousands of almost wild nu-n, who had descended from the country on hearing theVport of war ; and, to provide security to the men, the authorities were obliged to keep them in custody, where, nevertheless, they were ni danser of their lives, for though all these proceedings being contrary to the Sultan's wishes, the riot was racing in such degree, that at the least demonstration of hostility on our side, they would immediately put .very man to death. , , - , 'lo prevent such disaster vsithout any advantage, I withdrew the force, and on the Sultan declarino- fie had not been able to prevent what had been done by a multitude of mutinous men, I assured him that I had no hostile view upon him, and all I demanded was, that lie should not allow any prohibited traffic. My men were restored, and pardon begged by the Sultan for the outbreak that he never authorized. , , , Under such circumstances, your Excellency will perceive that I am on my word bound to be peaceable till such time as the Sultan shall commit himself by allowing slavery, or any other irreonlarities, which I am watching with anxiety ; and \\\mn such an event 1 shall be most happy to avail myself of your Excellency's kind ofler to contribute and aid me in destroying the abode of iniquity, and for which assistance I beg to return your Lxcellency my most earnest thanks 53- 3 B 3 Now, 3-6 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Now, and when occasion shall offer, I shall confer with Captain Anson, of Her Majesty's ship " Eurydice," upon any deliberation that may be thought proper to adopt respecting the matter in question. I shall forthwith acquaint Her Most Faithful Majesty's Government with your Excel- lency's kind offer, which I have no doubt will be highly considered, and am sure that my acceptance, when needful, will be much approved. I have, &CC. (signed) Domingos Ful Do Falle. Enclosure 3. Captain Anson to tlie Governor-General of the Mozambique. " Eurydice," at Sea, in 10° 44' S. latitude, and 40" 30' lO" E. longitude, Sir, ' 10 November 1847. I BEG to acquaint your Excellency, that on the 5th instant, the day after ray anchoring off Mozambique, I sent the pinnace inside the River Angoza to sound and contrive to get a peep at the settlement on the island at the entrance, with strict orders to have no communi- cation whatever with the natives, and other restrictions, so as to insure peace and be on friendly terms. After sailing and pulling round the islands at the entrance of the river, and being unable to discern any thing like a settlement thereabouts, on re-entering the main river a brig was discovered at anchor with top-gallant yards across, about 10 or 12 miles up the river; this unexpected sight induced the pinnace to proceed up the river a little further, so as to gain some information respecting her nation ; running down under her jib and mizen, when at the distance of gunshot, the brig had her colours flying at the peak, which the officer in the pinnace supposed to be Brazilian, but immediately on the pinnace hoisting her mainsail and showing her pendant, she hauled down the supposed Brazilian flag, or whatever other it might be, and hoisted an American ensign in lieu. Upon this proceeding, altogether so sus- ])icious and unbecoming the character of a nation, the pinnace returned on board, and reported tlie same to me. JXot having ascertained the exact locality of the settlement, but supposing it to be very near the brig, I ordered the pinnace again away last Sunday afternoon, the 7th, up the river, to proceed round the brig, and get a look at the settlement, if possible. In ])assing the brig,, the officer of the pinnace asked the people on board to sive them a breaker of water, which they readily complied with, giving the officer in the meantime an excellent opportunity of visit- ing her. The captain of her was very much alarmed, and could scarcely speak ; but repeated many times that she was an American vessel, and requested the officer to look at her papers, who verj' properly said, that he had not boarded her for any other purpose than to procure water. In the meantime the pinnace men and the men of the h\\<^ (among whom two of them called themselves Englishmen, I ai\i sorry to say, and offered to volunteer for the ship, had we taken possession of the brig as they expected) got into conversation, and they told the pinnace's crew that they had thrown the slave-deck overboard, on their dis- covering our boat to be a man-ol-war's boat running down to them last Friday, the 5th. and that they did not sign articles to come to this place, and were surprised to find themselves off a river's mouth, the captain keeping the destination of the vessel a profound secret; that they had been there eight \veeks, j)art of her cargo being muskets, and so on. The captain of her told my officer that he left Rio de Janeiro four months ago, and came there with a general cargo, kc. kc, and that he was only waiting ibr passengers to return to Rio; after this the pinnace returned on board, without having received any molestation or obstruction to either of her trips up the river from the natives. I think it expedient to leave the pinnace at the island of Mafamale to keep a look out on the brig, while I have made every exertion to communicate with your Excellency. I am, &.C. (signed) J. V. Anson. Enclosure 4. Rear-Admira! Dacres to the Goa'eenok-General of the Mozambique. Sir, « President," Mozambique, 15 November 1847. I H.vvE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of the copy of your Excellency's letter of the 11th October last (oiiginal having been sent to the Cape), in reply to mine of the 11th August, wherein I placed at the disposal of your Excellency the services of Her Majesty's ship " Eurydice," to assist you in any measure you might think fit to adopt to check the lawless proceedings of certain slave-dealers and otlier improper characters who have esta- blished tliemselves in a defensive attitude near the entrance of the Angoza River ; but which offer your Excellency at the date of your letter appeared not to be disposed immediately to accept, by reason of your having given some kind of assurance to the Sultan of Angoza to- abstain COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 377 abstain from any coercive measures, in order to preserve the lives of certain subjects of Portugal who had fallen into the power of the people of Angoza during an aftiay with a boat belonging to Her Most Faithful Majesty's ship " Villa Flor," whic'.i had been" sent by you for the purpose of remonstrating with the Sultan on the impropriety of his proceedings, and which was attacked in a most unjustifiable manner by the natives, and some of the crew killed ; and in consequence your Excellency considered that in your word you were bound to remain peaceable, till such time as the Sultan committed himself by allowing slavery or other irregularity, when you would be most happy to avail yourself of my offer to aid you in destroying this iniquitous establishment. It is with great satisfaction that I observe this disposition on the part of your Excellency to concur with me in the propriety of calling- the people of Angoza to a sense of their alle- giance to the laws of Portugal and civihzed nations ; and most deeply do I regret that any subjects of Her Most Faithful Majesty should have lost their lives in the laudable attempt thus made by your Excellency for this object; and that the circumstances before mentioned should, for a season, have restricted you from taking further measures to oblige the Sultan to pay attention to your demands. The determination thus evinced by the people of Angoza to-set at defiance the authority of Her Most Faithful Majesty, will, I am sure, impress still further upon your Excellency's attention the necessity for active measures being pursued to deprive these people of their power, and to bring them to complete subjection. With reference, then, to your promise of forbearance towards the Sultan of Angoza until he was convicted of -dnother act of violation of the Slave Trade Laws, I have now the honour of repeating to your Excellency (which I am given to understand has been already commu- nicated to you by Captain Anson), that only a few days ago, viz. on the ^th instant, the pinnace of Her Majesty's ship " Eurydice," whilst proceeding up the Angoza river for the purpose of observation, discovered a brig about 10 or 12 miles up, which first displayed a Brazilian ensign ; but on the nearer approach of the boat, exchanged it for American colours, creating a suspicion as to her character, which was confirmed on another visit two days afterwards, when two of the crew, who represented themselves to be Englishmen, declared that the vessel was actually engaged in the Slave Trade. A clearer evidence, then, of the Sultan of Angoza continuing to engage in slave trans- actions, in contempt of your late remonstrance, and his stipulations to abstain therefrom, cannot be produced, and will, I presume, release you from any restriction you might have considered yourself under as to coercing him to a sense of his duty and allegiance to your Excellency's Government. Most earnestly, then, do I again urge upon your Excellency's consideration this important subject, and request you will, at your earliest convenience, favour me with your views and intentions therein, in order that I may be guided with respect to continuing Her Majesty's ship " Eurydice" at your disposal, or making such other arrangements as may appear to be desirable, to assist your Excellency in putting a stop to the Slave Trade from Angoza, and other lawless proceedings of the people of that place. have, (Sec. (signed) Jas. R. Dacies. \ Enclosure 5. The Governor-Gen EiiAL of the Mozambique to Rear-Admiral Dacres. Sir Mozambique, 10 November 1847. In reply to your Excellency's letter of yesterday's date, wherein your Excellency's views so entirely correspond with my own as to the total destruction and expulsion of a numberless set of ruffians who have congregated at Angoza, and set at defiance all law and good principle, much to the detriment of performance of my duty as Governor, I am thankful that an opportunity has now occurred which no longer behoves me to consider these unlawful subjects as friendly' to Her Most Faithful Majesty. It is my determination, witii the assistance your Excellency has so kindly offered me, to take immediate steps, and bring these people to a perfect understanding. With this view, I have empowered Major Campos, an ofticcr ni whom I can place the utmost reliance, after presenting a Treaty (a copy of which I shall enclose your Excellency) to the Chief of Angoza, to make such terms as will permanently place the peoole in that district entirely under Portuguese authority, and secure everlasting peace, \\ hich, if not complied with in tue s'jxice of 24 hours, and documents signed to that efiect by the people of authority at that settlement quite satisfactory to iMajor Campos and ilic f( ice exhi-- bited in the riv»r,'it is my earnest desire that the force shoukl at once prove to these unlawlul subjects, that nothing else is left for me to do than to burn, sink and destroy their settle- ments and dhows, and all other villages connected with them in their nefarious proceedings ; but if complied with to the satisfaction of Iwth parties, that the force should retire from the fiver. ..,^„ I have, ifcc. (signed) DondiKjos Fut Do I 'ullc 22. 3 B 4 Enclosure 378 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure 6. Treaty to be proposed to the Sultan of Angoza. AuTicLus and stipulations to be proposed to the Sultan of Angoza, to insure obedience to Her Most Faithful Majesty's orders, regularity, and complete suppression of the Slave Trade in his district. Article I. That the Sultan, as Her Majesty's subject, shall respect and obey Her Majesty's orders, and those of Her said Majesty's authorities duly established and delegated in the Province of Blozambique. Article \\. That he shall not admit in his port of Angoza, or any port in his district, any vessel, dhow or boat, which does not possess the proper and legal documents from the Government of Mozambique. Article III. That the Sultan of Angoza shall not allow slaves to be sold and embarked for transpor- tation into foreign countries from any port, village or other places within his district ; nor permit any Christians, Moors or Banyans residing therein, to engage in the Slave Trade. Article IV. To report to the Government at Mozambique any thing that may occur, and order off to Mozambique any vessel arriving, not bearing the before-mentioned legal documents. Article V. To order off any stranger that may be purchasing slaves. Enclosure 7. Rear-Admiral Dacres to the Governor-General of the Muzamhique. Sir, " President," Mozambique, 16 November 1847. It is with additional pleasure that I have received your Excellency's letter of this day's date, wherein you e.spress your determination of taking immediate steps to bring the Sultan and people of Angoza to a sense of iheir duty and obedience to your Excellency's Govein- inent, and that you are pleased to accept assistance from the force under my command for that purpose ; also, that you lave empowered Blajor Campos, an officer in whom you can place the utmost reliance, to negotiate with the Chief of Angoza for the above object. I therefore beg to acquaint your Excellency, that I have made arrangements to leave this on Thursday morning next, in company with Her Majesty's ship " Eurydice," for the Island of Mafamale, from whence the boats of the two frigates will be despatched to Angoza to support Major Campos in the demands which he will have to submit to the Sultan, and to enforce the same, if required, in such manner as circumstances may suggest. And as the force which will be furnished from Her Britannic Majesty's ships, and such as your Excellency will Ije enabled to contribute to the expedition, will be somewhat con- siderable, I trust that the mere e.vhibitiou of this force will so far intimidate the Sultan and people of Angoza, as to induce them to submit to the terms proposed by yoiu' Excellency to the security of your authority over them, and their complete and permanent abandonment of Slave Trade, without having recourse to coercive measures, which I am convinced your Ex- cellency will concur with me in wishing should be, if possible, avoided. I shall feel obliged by your Excellency favouring me with a draft of the terms you propose to submit to the Sultan of Angoza. I have, &c. (signed) Jas. R. Dacres. Rear-Admiral Dacres to the Secretary to the Armiralty. C Received I" April.) Sir, " President," off Mafamale, 25 November 1847. With reference to my letter of the 18th instant, I request you will state to the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty that I sailed that day from Mozambique with the force stated, and anchored on the 19th instant ofl' the entrance of the Angoza river. On the 21st instant I despatched the Portuguese brig and schooner, with the boats of this sl)ip and the " Eurydice," the whole under the command of Captain Anson, accom- panied by Major Campos, commandant of the troops at Mozambique, up the river. On their arriving at the settlement of Angoza, the " Juan de Castro" took possession of a brig under American COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 370 American colours evidently on a slaving voyage, foi- a breach of their laws. A neo-otiation was then commenced (through the agency of the American captain), with the Arab Chief who first appeared willing to agree to the terms offered, but afterwards sent word that he jnust have three days to consult his Council, before he could take them into consider- ation ; but Captain Anson and Major Campos perceiving the Arabs were stren^thenino- their defences, and by alarm fires mustering the country round to their assistance, they decided not to give him more than the 24 hours specified. Therefore, as soon on Tuesday morning, the isd, as the rise of the tide would allow the boats to cross the flats to attack the stockades, tiie boats, joined by one from the " Juan de Castro," moved forward one carrying a flag of truce, in case the Chief was inclined to treat ; but the moment the boats approached within musket-shot, the Arabs opened a heavy fire of cannon and musketry. The boats advanced until within forty yards of the stockades, when they com- menced a heavy fire, which was kept up on both sides for nearly one liour, when the firinir from the shore gradually slackened, and in about ;3(( minutes more the boats entirely silenced them, having nearly destroyed their stockades and other defences, when, the tide beginning to fall rapidly. Captain Anson ordered the boats to fall back ontiie britr, hehavin"- my positive orders not to run any risk in the landing, as the beach was covered thickly with mangrove trees intersected with swamps close to the water's edge, from which shelter the Arabs had fired on our boats until dislodged by grape and canister. 'Hie number of armed Arabs must have amounted to between 4,000 and .j,OOo men, and our boats at low water could not approach the shore near enough to protect our jjecjple with their ouns. I reo-ret to say we have had one man dangerously wounded, five severely, and the Hon. C. J. Keith, naval cadet, and several others, slightly wounded ; but tliev are all doino- well, owing to the attention of Messrs. J. Jollifle and R. King, assistant surgeons, who were volunteers with the boats. I consider, under so heavy a fire," it was fortunate our loss was not greater. The enemy must have suffered severely," as their stockades were crowded with armed men, and the fire from the boats was constant and well directed. I trust the chastise- ment they have received will make them repent having fired in so unprovoked a manner on the boats of Her Majesty's ship "Cleopatra," and that they will not in future consider Angoza a safe place to establish a depot at. 1 have great pleasure in stating the apj)iobation Captain Anson has expressed of the conduct of Commander Fulfoid, Lieutenants ^^on Dono]), Pakenham and Marten, and Lieutenant Ellis, Royal Marines, and Messrs. Dashwood and Symons, mates of this ship ; also of Lieutenants Mends and Wise, and Lieutenant Leonard, Uoyal Marines, of Her Majesty's ship " Eurydice," and those under their command, and for the great zeal they showed, and the well-directed fire the boats kept up. He also expresses his thanks for the zealous services of Mr. H. D. P. Cunningham, my Secretary, who volunteered his services, and was with him during the whole of the operations, and also to Major Campos, for his great zeal and assistance. I cannot conclude without pointing out to their Lordships' notice the great zeal and gallant conduct of Captain Anson, who had the charge and arrangement of the whole affair, and the example he set to those under his command, never relaxing from his exertions for a .moment, although three days under an African sun. I enclose a list of the wounded, together with the names of the officers employed on this service. I also enclose Arabic copies of the correspondence between the Sultan of Angoza and Major Campos. I have, &c. (signed) J as. Ji. Dactes. Enclosure 1 . List of Officers and Men belonging to Her Majesty's Ships " Presidknt" and "Eurydice," wounded in an Attack on the Arab Defences at Angoza on the 2;5d November 1847. Her Majesty's Ship " President." James Newell, Captain mizen-top, very severely; James Raines, Private Marine, very severely ; John Ranee, Quartermaster, severely ; the Hon. Charles Keitli, Naval ('adet, slightly ;' Joseph Sinnot, A. B., slightly ; Robert Wesson, Private Marine, slightly. Heii Majesty's Ship " Eirydice." George Goodman, Private Marine, very dangerously ; John Price, A. B., very severely ; Thomas Biggen, Private Marine, severely. Several others slightly hurt. (signed) Jas. R. Dacres, Rear-Admiral. Enclosure 2. .List of Officers employed in the Boats of Her Majesty's Ships "President" and " Eurydice," in the Attack on the Arab Defences at Angoza, ->;5 November 1847. Her Majesty's Ship " President." Commander John Fulfbrd, in the immediate command of the boats ; Lieutenant E. P. H. VonDenop; Lieutenant Hon. T. A. Pakenham; Lieutenant Francis Marten; Second ro 1 C Lieutenant J* ^ gSo APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Lieutenant C. J. Ellis, Royal Marines; Mr. John Jollifl'e, Assistant Surgeon ; Mr. Francis T Daslnvood, acting Mate ; Mr. Edwin C. Symons, acting Mate; Mr. A. H. Hoskius, Midshipman ; Mr. Chas. Wrey, Midshipman ; Mr. J. W. M. Burnett, Master's Assistant; Hon. C. J. K«th, Naval Cadet; Mr. B. F. Carew, Naval Cadet; Mr. S. H. Pendleton, Naval Cadet. Her Ma.jesty s bnir Eukydice. Lieutenant G. P. Mends; Lieutenant C. A. Wise ; Mr. J. Rogers, Master; First Lieu- tenant H. B. Leonard, Royal Marines; Dr. R. King, Assistant Surgeon; Mr. T. Ramsay, Midshipman; Mr. W. Paterson, Midshipman; Mr. E. Snell, Gunner; Mr. H. S. L de Robeck, Naval Cadet; Mr. V. Lushington, Naval Cadet. (signed) Jas. R. Dacres, Rear-Admiral. -No. 6.— REPORTS from Commodore Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. (^Received 22 April.) Sji- "Penelope," at Sierra Leone, 3 February 1848. With reference to my letter, dated the 22d ultimo, I have the honour to transmit here- Tvith Lieutenant Lysaght's report of the capture and destruction of a slave-vessel on the 26th November last.. I have, &CC. (signed) Charles Hotham, Commodore. Enclosure. Lieutenant Lysaght to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. Sir, "Grappler," at Palmas, 27 November 1847. I HAVE the honour to report, for your information, that on the 26th November, being to the southward of Palma, longitude, 4° 1' East., I chased on shore a very fine brigantine with a cargo of slaves, which she succeeded (being close in shore) in re-landing, after which the vessel was destroyed under these circimistances. At 9 A.M. on the 26th November, being to the South of Palma, with the land in sigbt from the mast-head, a sail was observed to the northward, on which I ordered all sail to be taken in, and proceeded in chase under steaiu ; at 10 made the chase out to be a brigantine on the starboard tack, standing off from the land with a light wind. The chase, observing us, tacked at 10. .50, and made all sail for the land, making signals at the fore ; shortly afterwards I observed about 10 canoes come out to her, and remove slaves, which they continued doing until 11.50, when 1 fired two shots over her, on which the crew set her on fire, and abandoned her in the serf, veering her in by her cable. At noon I came to an anchor in six fathoms near her, and detached the boats to examine the vessel, and remove any slaves that might be left, which service was very skilfully performed by Mr. George Giles, Second Master, and Mr. Ralph Roberts, Clerk's Assistant of this vessel, who rescued a negro lad from the flames, and observed two destroyed in the fire abaft. At 2 P.M. the vessel parted from and she swung broadside into the surf, and the fire proving too powerful for them, my party swam out to the boats by my orders, shortly after which her mainmast fell, being burnt through below. From my own observation, and the measurements made by my officers and people, I should judge her to about 240 tons. The fire having taken strong hold of her abaft, and the vessel having been plundered, no papers or flags being found in her. She was a remark- ably fine Baltimore model, very well found, and fitted for carrying 600 slaves. 1 have reason to believe she was called the " Pampa," of Rio de Janeiro. I remained by her until the evening of the 27th, when her destruction being completed by the surf, I resumed my cruize. I purpose sending the rescued negro and a part of the vessel, with the requisite evidence, to a Court of Admiralty by the first opportunity. I have, &c. (signed) Thos. H. Lysaght, Lieutenant Commanding. Commodore COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 381 Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. (^Received 24 May.) Sir, " Penelope," oft' Lagos, 20 February 1848. With reference to your letter, dated 15th February 1847, informing me of the reported murder of 2,000 slaves at Lagos, and directing me, in concert with the French Admiral, to take measures for the punishment of tlie inhuman abettors of so great an act of cruelty I request you will inform their Lordships, that the French Admiral and myself are fully satisfied that there was not one syllable of truth in the report. At that period'Her Majesty's cruisers were acting under the orders of my predecessor ; and I find by the returns, that, unfortunately, the slave-merchants had unusual success. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. (^Received 25 Mm/.) Sir, "Penelope," off Golabah, 7 February 1848. I REQUEST you will lay the accompanying letters before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, and inform them that I have approved of the conduct of Lieutenant Hdl in destroying the barracoons. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure 1. Commander Dixo!^ to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. Sir, " Rapid," off Cassa, 24 January 1848. I HAVE the honour to inform you, that being close in shore off Cassa this evening at ;■} P.M., a boat with a square stern was observed hauled up on the beach, bow on to the sea, and ready for launching : I immediately sent Lieutenant Hill in the jolly-boat with the canoe, to overhaul her, and enclosed I beg leave to forward his proceedings after leaving the ship. I have, &c. (signed) Edwd. Dixon, Commander. Enclosure 2. Lieutenant Hill to Commander Dixon. Sir, " Rapid," off the Two Trees, 24 January 1848. In pursuance of your orders, I proceeded in thejolly-boat with the Kroo canoe to examine a suspicious looking boat oil the beach; I pulled in shore, and then landed with two Kroomen in the canoe. Directly on landing a Spaniard made a cut at me with a common trade cutlass, which just grazed my right cheek : there was another Spaniard and three Kroomen, besides a number of blacks, on the beach. ■ I made a cut at the first Spaniard, but missed him, when a man in the boat lying outside the surf fired a musket at him, which knocked the sand up close to him. They then ran for the bush, and with our two Kroomen I went after them : coming up with one of the strange Kroomen who had a cutlass, 1 cut him across the back ; he continued running, but soon fell, when I put my cutlass through him : not thinking it prudent by myself with two Kroomen to go into the bush, I returned to the beach. Finding a laro-e Kroo canoe hid in the bush, I launched her, and had three men more brouoht on shore from the boat in case of an'ftttack. I then searched the barracoons (five in number), in which were large ketUes of rice, boiling, as I supposed, for slaves wliicli they had driven into the bush. When I saw that slaves had evidently been in the barracoons, I set them all on fire, and the boat looking to be Spanish built, and, as I suppose, belonging to a vessel in the offing, 1 broke her up. , , . • , x ,- i , It was then o^ettino- dark, so I ret\irned to the vessel, brmging the canoe I found on shore with me. i . , 1 have, &c. (signed) Ed. Hill, Lieutenant. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Skcketary to the Admiralty. {Received 25 May.) " Penelope" at Sea, lat. C>" 48' N., long. 10° 10' W'., Sir 11 February 1848. iNco'mpliance with the directions contained in the last paragraph of page 117 of the Instructions for the Suppression of the Slave Trade, 1 request you wil intorm my Lords that 53. 3 C -2 the 382 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT lie territory of New Cestos has been purchased by the Liberian Government, and notice given to the Spanisli slave-holders to quit the district within a certain period. I have reason, however, to believe that it is the intention of these slave-dealers to remove into the neighbourino country belonging to the Chiefs of Trade Town, from whence they will continue the traffic. Their Lordships will observe, that in the enclosure No. 5, in my Despatch No. 74, I urged upon the President of the new Republic the advisability of taking measures legally to "acquire the sovereignty of that point with as little delay as possible. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. HotJiam. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Received 2-3 May.) Sir, " Penelope," at Fernando Po, 25 February 1848. Hekewith I transmit a copy of a letter from Commander Levinge, late of Her Majesty's steam-sloop "Devastation," reporting the capture, on the 28th November 1847, of a schooner fully equipped for the Slave Trade. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure. ■ Commander Levinge to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. Sir, "Devastation," Bimbia, 28 November 1847. I have the honour to inform you, that, in consequence of information from Mr. Merrick, the missionary at Bimbia, I this day entered the river, and seized a schooner fully equipped for the Slave Trade, which was at anchor off the King's House, King William having stripped her of all her sails and spars, to prevent her from engaging in her unlawful pur- suits. I caused her to be destroyed, having previously ascertained her to measure about five tons. I have, &c. (signed) li, Levinge. The Secretary to the Admiralty to Mr. Addington. — {Received 31 May.) Sir, Admiralty, 30 May 1848. 1 am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to send you herewith, for the information of Viscount Palmerston, a return of slave-vessels captured on the West Coast of Africa, as reported by Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, in his letters dated from the 25th of February to the 22d of March last. I am, &c. (signed) H. G. Ward. Enclosure. Precis of Letters received from Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. No. 83, February 25, 1848.— Capture of a brig without colours, stripped, and of 397 tons ; and a schooner under Brazilian colours, both fully equipped for Slave Trade, by Her Majesty's steam-sloop "Devastation," in the River Hazareth, on the 29th November 1847. No. 97, March 14, 1848. — Capture of a boat which hoisted French colours, but belonged to Kmg Dennis, by the boats of the " Hound," on the 27th January 1848, which was after- wards destroyed. No. 98, March 14, 1848.— Capture and destruction of brigantine " Constante," fully equipped for Slave Trade, by the " Stvx," in latitude 8° O' south, longitude 13° O' east. No. 99, March 14, 1848.— Capture and destraction of the BrizilTan brigantine " Con- stancia, ' fully equipped for Slave Trade, by the " Albatross," off Ambriz. No. 104, March 22, 1848.— Capture and de>truction of Brazilian brig "Flora," fully equipped for !?lave Trade, by the "Styx," on the 13th of March, in latitude 7° 3' soutli, and longitude 12" 20 east. No. 105, March 22, 1848.— Capture of the Brizilian schooner " Sylphide," fully equipped forblave Trade, by the " Stvx," in latitude 7' 2' south, and lonoitude 12^ 13' east, on the 24th of January 1848. _ No. 106, March 22. — Capture of a brigantine, without name, on the 10th January 1848, in latitude 6° 50' south, and longitude 12° 38' east, by the "Styx," after her crew had set her on nre. Nu. 1<)7, March 22, 1848.— Capture of the Brazilian briaantine "Maria Constancia," tully equipped for Slave Trade, by the "Stvx," on the 12Vn January 1848, in latitude 7 10 south, and longitude 12" 33' east, afterwards destroyed. No. 108. COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 383 No. 108. March 22, 1848.— Capture and destruction of the Brazilian brio- " Leopoldina " fully equipped for Slave Trade, by the " Sty.x," on the 14th January- 1848, in latitude 7" 10' south, and 1-2° 45' east. iNo. 109, March 22, 1828.— Capture and destruction of the Brazilian briffautiae " Pedesure," fully equipped for Slave Trade, by the "Styx," on the 14th January 1848 in latitude 7" 10' south, and longitude 12" 40' east. ' No. no, March 22, 1848.— Capture of the Brazilian brig " Umbelina," fully equipped for Slave Trade, by the " Styx," near Sunta Bay, by boats of the " Styx," on the 31st December 1847. No. Ill, March 12, 1848.— Capture of the Brazilian barque " Cidade d'Anora," fully equipped for Slave Trade, by the "Styx," on the 27th December 1847, in latitude' r," 12' south, longitude 12° la' east. Could have carried 1,200 slaves. No. 112, March 22, 1848.— Capture and destruction of the Brazilian brigantine " Gaio " fully equipped for Slave Trade, by the " Styx," on the 7tli December 1847, near Wasulah. ' No. 113, March 22, 1848.— Capture and destruction of the Brazilian schooner "Santa Anna," fully equipped for Slave Trade, by the "Styx," on the llth December 1847 in latitude 6° 52' south, longitude 11° 52' east. ' No. 114, March 22, 1848.— Capture of the Brazilian brig "Flamingo," on the- 12th November 1847, and the Brazilian brig " Boa Fe," by the " Styx," on the 13th November, both fully equipped for Slave Trade. No. 11 j, March 22, 1848.— Capture of the Brazihan schooner " Importador," fuUv equipped for Slave Trade, by the " Albatross," on the 1st February 1818, off Cabenda. No. 116, March 22, 1848.— Capture of the Brazilian brig " Gentil Africano," by the " Styx" and " Albatross," in latitude 6° 37' south, longitude 11" 5' east, fully equipped for Slave Trade. No. 117. — Capture of the Brazilian slave-vessels "Monarcha" and " Gentil Africano," by the "Albatross," on the 13th February, ofi' Santa Bay. Totalby the "Styx" 131 „ "Albatross" - - - - 3f ^ "Hound" ----- 1 „ " Devastation" . - - . 2 Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. (Received 3 June.) Sir, " Penelope," at Sierra Leone, 31 January 1848. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of 16 December 1847, rela- tive to the proceedings of the French steamer of war " Australie," at the Old Calabar River. My letter to the French Admiral, dated 23d January, and my instructions to Commander Murray on the same subject, were written four days after the intelligence reached me, and four days before their Lordships' despatches arrived. They will accompany this letter, and I trust will meet their Lordships' approbation. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure 1. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to Rear-Admiral De la Roque. Admiral " Penelope," Sierra Leone, 23 January 1848. I DO mvse'lf the honour to inform you that I have received a letter from the Chiefs of the Calabar River, under date 20 September 1847, stating that the French steamer " Australie" had lately visited their River, and that her Commander, M. Baudin, had requested them to hoist the French flas, in order that it might be saluted, and they concludfd l)y cxjiressing an earnest wish that they miHMl.ate and g ad o arrange any temporary difficulty. 1 consider myseli peculiarly loitunalc in having so judicious a person as my colleague. ^_^_ (.^„^„^„j^,^ 53- -^ " 388 .APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT 2-'. Commodore Bolton has only recently assumed the command of the squadron of the LTiiited States; but I feel confident that I shall find in him an officer willing and desirous to forward the service on which we are both employed, and anxious to promote friendly relations between the two squadrons. Lastly, I am happy to have it in my power to make a favourable report of the state of the health of the officers and crews employed under my command. The deaths from all diseases, between the 14th of October 1846 and the 13th of October 1847 amounted to fifty-two, a smaller proportion than has ever before been known. As the number of white persons employed averaoed 0,000, the proportion of deaths, from all diseases, was only 17-3 per 1 000 and this fn a season when one-half of the white people died, both at Sierra Leone and at Cape Coast. The number invalided between the above periods amounts to 130, being at the rate of 43"3 per 100 men employed. Their Lordships may depend that every attention will be paid to the health of those serving under my command, and that it will always be my study to check boat-service in rivers, and avoid other known sources of disease. I have, &c. (signed) Charles Hotham. The Secretary to the Admiralty to Mr. Addington. {Receimd 6 June. ) Sir^ Admiralty, 5 June 1848. I AM commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to send you herewith, for the information of Viscount Palmerston, a list of four slave-vessels captured by the squadron on the west coast of Africa, under Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, between the 8th of February and the 31st of March last. I am, &c. (signed) H. G. Ward. Enclosure. Statement of Slave Vessels captured by the Squadron under the Command of Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b., on the West Coast'of Africa, between the 8th of February and 31st of March 1848. Namt Under Name Where DATE. of what of Capturing captured. REMARKS. Slave Vessel. Colours. Vessel. 1848: 8 February Not known (9 tons.) none - Hound Santanga - 48 slaves on board. Vessel destroyed, and slaves con- veyed'to St. Helena. 14 March - Dos Amigos Brazilian Bonetta lat. 9' N., Ion. 1°24'W 398 bving and 1 dead slave on board. Vessel sent to Sierra Leone. 24 March - Venus (112 Brazilian Heroine - lat. 8° ll'N. Fully equijjped for Slave tons.; Ion. 12° 45' E. Trade. Destroyed, being unseawortliv. 31 March - Saphira(200 tons.) Brazilian Heroine - ofFMasala - Fully equipped for Slave Trade. Sent to St. Helena. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Receired 15 June.) ^'r> " Penelope," in the Congo, 15 April 1848. Herewith I transmit a copy of a report on the trade and resources in the river Nunez furnished by Lieutenant Lysaght, commanding Her Majesty's steam-sloop " Grappler." I have, &c. (signed) Charles Hotham. Enclosure. Lieutenant Lysaght to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. (Extract.) The Slave Trade has entirely ceased in this ri The COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 389 The Secretary to the Admiralty to Lord Eddisbuuy. — {Received lo July.) My Lord, Admiralty, 14 July 1848. I AM commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to send you herewith, for the information of Viscount Palmerston, a Return of seven slave vessels captured by the squadron on the west coast of Africa, under the command of Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, between the 8th October 1847 and 25th March 1848. I am, &c. (sio-ned) H. G. Ward. Enclosure. Return of Seven Slave Vessels captured by Squadron on tlie West Coast of Africa, under Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b., between the 8th October 1847 and 25th March 1848. Names Under Name DATE. of what of Capturing REMARKS. Slave Vessels. Colours. Vessel. 1847: 8 October - Sappho none - Contest lat. 4" 52' S. Ion. 9" 30' E. Fully equipped for Slave Trade. Sent to St. Helena. 20 November Luiza (180 none - Heroine - lat. i <. ai *'» 7ir • Ar 1? .1 T • 1 ^ • of Her Maiestv s sloop "Alert. Ju orris Jynrman, rust Lieutenant, j j j i Alfd. Roger, First Lieutenant, 1 r u at • * > i u-c i » Wm. A. Parker, Interpreter, j "^ ^"' ^^^J'^'^ty s sloop Favorite. Enclosure 2. Observations of Commander Murray on the Agreement with the Chiefs of Sherboro. 14 February 1848. 1 . Tins Treaty with tlie Chiefs of Sherboro was signed at Tasso, on the Cockboro River, by Careybah Caulker, who is chief of one branch of that family, and at the head of the war now existing with his brother or cousin, Thomas Stephen Caulker, at present of Bendo. 2. Careybah's territories extend from the British boundary to the Bagroo River. The Sierra Leone timber trade is carried on in his country, and he is about to open the forests oa the River Kazamanga. 3. Harry Tucker's territory is about Shebar ; and Bendo, though now occupied by his enemy, I'homas Stephen Caulker, is his by rioht. _ 4. King Sherboro's territory is Sheiboio Island, the inhabitants of which have, however, for the present, taken refuge from the war in the Bagroo and Kittuni countries, and in the 1 urtle Islands. 5. Thomas COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. Ogi 5. Tliomas Steplien Caulker is at war with all these Chiefs, and maintains himself at Bendo I was unable to ],ersuade hi,n to trust himself down the river, either to make peace or an anti-Slave Trade ireaty. Should he be subdued by Careybah, then Kin- Sherboro and Harry iucker will resume their territories on the banks of the Sliebar River; but should he be able to maintain himself at Bendo, as is most probable, then this Treaty must be considered incom- plete without his signature. 0. Tom Cubah is a Chief subordinate to Careybah. 7. The re-establishment of tranquillity in the .Sherboro would be of great advantao-e to the rising commerce of .Sierra Leone in these countries. Tiie timber trade is at ])rese-.t carried on in the Cockboio and Kates Rivers. I am t.,ld that large unopen.nl forests exist on the Yaltucka and Bagroo Rivers. The petty traders of Sierra Leone have been and still are much interrupted in their traffic lip the Rivers Bagroo, Jono, and Boom Kittam. Were the Slave Trade cxtin<.uished at (jallinas, and peace restored to the Sherboro countries, there is no doubt that the colony of bierra Leone would gam greatly, by increasing its inland commerce with tiie exte.i-ive popu- lation on the banks of the many rivers which debouch in the Sherboro. (signed) Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite." Enclosure 3. Agreement with the Chiefs of Sugury. Alexander Murray, Esquire, Commander of Her Majesty's ship "Favorite," on the part of Her Majesty the Queen of England, and the Chiefs of Sugury and of the Neigh- bourhood, on the part of themselves and of their Country, have agreed upon the foUowuig Articles and Conditions : — Article L The export of slaves to foreign countries is for ever abolished in the territories of the Chiefs of Sugnry, and the Chiefs of Sugury engage to make and proclaim a law prohibiting any of their subjects, or any person within their jurisdiction, from selling or assisting in tiie sale of any slave for transportation to a foreign country; and the Chiefs of Sugury promise to inflict a severe punishment on any person who shall break this law. Article IL No European, or other person whatever, shall be permitted to reside within the territory of the Chiefs of Sugury, for the j)urpose of carrying on in any way the traffic in slaves; and no houses, or stores, or buildings of any kind whatever, shall be erected for the purpose of Slave Trade, within the territory of the Chiefs of .Sugury ; and if any such houses, stores or buildings shall at any future time be erected, and the Chiefs of Sugury shall fiiil or be unable to destroy them, they may be destroyed by any British officers employed for the suppression of Slave Trade. Article IIL If at anv time it shall appear that Slave Trade has been carried on through or from ihe territory of the Chiefs of Sugury, the Slave Trade may be put down by Great Britain by force upon that territory, and British officers may seize the boats of Sugury found anywhere carrying on the Slave Trade, and the Chiefs of Sugury will be subject to a severe act of displeasure on the part of the Queen of England. Article IV, The subjects of the Queen of England may always trade freely with the people of Sugury in every article they may wish to buy and sell in all the places and ))orts and rivers within the territories of the Chiefs of Sugury, and throughout the whole of their dominions ; and the Chiefs of Sugury pledge themselves to show no favour, and give no privilege to the ships and traders of other countries, which they do not show to those of England. Article V. Power is hereby expressly reserved to His Majesty the King of the French to become a party to this Treaty, if he should think fit, agreeably to the provisions of Article V. of the Convention between Tier Majesty and the King of the French, signed at London on tin; 29th of May 184:-. In faith of which, we have hereunto set our hands and seals at Cape Mount, this 18tli day of February 1848. his Sandfish, x King of Sugury, for himself and his Chiefs. mark. . . ,. (signed) Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite. .53. 3 D 3 ^^ 392 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT By virtue of the power deputed to me, I hereby declare the approval of Her Majesty the Queen, my mistress, to the above engagement. Given under my hand, on board Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite," at Cape Mount, this 18th day of February 1848. (signed) Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite," and Senior Officer of the Sierra Leone Division. The foregoing Treaty was signed, sealed and delivered in our presence. Witnesses : Edu: Dixon, Commander, \ r „ aiajpstv's sloon " Ranid " Edwd. Hill, First Lieutenant,] °' "^' i>iajesty s sloop Kapid. his George x Cain, Chief of Cape Mount. mark. his Jim X Cole, Chief of Manna Rock mark. J.//bf. jRoj/e;-, First Lieutenant,!,, rj^,. ,T ■ » . , «t- •. .. \fm. A. Parker, Interpreter, / °^ "^' Majesty s sloop "Favorite. Enclosure 4. Observations of Commander Murray on the Agreement with the Kikg of Sugcry. 20 February 1848. 1. The territory of SugTiry is extensive, though it possesses only seven or eight miles of sea-coast, between Manna Point and Cape Mount River, but its interior boundary is 70 or 80 miles from the sea. 2. Its Chiefs exercise much influence, from their personal character, over their neighbours on either hand, in Cape Mount and in the Manna countries. Slave factories formerly existed on the beach ; and so late as last year Theodore Canot had a barracoon full of what he called domestic slaves in the town of Sugury, which was destroyed by the Sugury Chiefs themselves of their own accord ; the day after (the 17th of March) that, that person's premises at Cape Mount were burnt at the instance of Commander Murray of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite." 3. The Chiefs of Sugury, in giving up the Slave Trade, declare that they make great sacrifices, which they hope to reap the benefit of by the re-establishment of the legitimate English trade which did exist formerly. 4. Cam wood, ivory and palm-oil are the products of this country ; indigo is a weed in all this region. 5. This Treaty, with those lately concluded, will render it illegal for slave-dealers to establish themselves anywhere between Sierra Leone and Monrovia, as the whole coast is now engaged by similar Treaties to abandon the Slave Trade, except Gallinas, where, however. Captain Denman entered into an engagement in a somewhat different form in 1840. Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's Sloop "Favorite." Enclosure 5. Agreement with the Chiefs of Grand Bereby. Alexander Murray, Esquire, Commander of Her Majesty's Ship "Favorite," on the part of Her Majesty the Queen of England, and the Chiefs of Grand Bereby and of the Neighbourhood, on the part of themselves and of their Country, have agreed upon the following Articles and Conditions : — Article L The export of slaves to foreign countries is for ever abolished in the territories of the Chiefs of Grand Bereby ; and the Chiefs of Grand Bereby engage to make and to proclaim a law, prohibiting any of their subjects, or any person within their jurisdietion, from selling or assisting in the sale of any slave for transportation to a foreign country ; and the Cliiefs of Grand Bereby promise to inflict a severe punishment on any person who shall break this law. Article IL No European or other person whatever shall be permitted to reside within the territory of the Chiefs of Grand Bereby, for the purpose of carrying on in any way the traffic in slaves COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. Ono slaves ; and no houses, or stores, or buildings of any kind whatever, shall be erected for the purpose of Slave Trade within the territory of the Chiefs of Grand Bereby ; and if any such houses, stores or buildings shall at any future time be erected, and the Chiefs of Grand Bereby shall fail or be unable to destroy them, ,they may be destroyed by any British officers employed for the suppression of the Slave Trade. Article III. If at any time it shall appear that Slave Trade has been carried on through or from the territory of the Chiefs of Grand Bereby, the Slave Trade may be put down by Great Britain by force upon that territory, and British officers may seize the boats of Grand Bereby found anywhere carrying on the Slave Trade ; and the Chiefs of Grand Bereby will be subject to a severe act of displeasure on the part of the Queen of England. Article IV. The subjects of the Queen of England may always trade freely with the people of Grand Bereby in every article they may wish to buy and sell in all the places and ports and rivers within the territories of the Chiefs of Grand Bereby, and throughout the whole of their dominions ; and the Chiefs of Grand Bereby pledge themselves to show no favour, and give no privilege to the ships and traders of other countries, which they do not show to those of England. Article V. Power is hereby expressly reserved to His Majesty the King of the French to become a party to this Treaty, if he should think fit, agreeably to the provisions of Article V. of the Convention between Her Majesty and the King of the French, signed at London on the 29th of May 1845. In faith of which, we have hereunto set our hands and seals, at Grand Bereby, this 2oth day of February 1848. his King x Ben, Head King, mark. his King x Tom, Second King, mark. Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's ship " Favorite." By virtue of the power deputed to me, I hereby declare the approval of Her Majesty the Queen, my mistress, to the above engagement. Given under my hand, on board Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite," at Grand Bereby, this 25th day of February 1848. Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite." The foregoing Treaty was signed, sealed and delivered in our presence. Witnesses : Alfd. Royer, First Lieutenant, 1 L. W. Peyton, Second Lieutenant, of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite." Wm. A. Parker, Interpreter, J his Tom X Toben, , . ■ ( Natives, his Prince x Will, mark. / Enclosure 6. Observations of Commander Murray on the Agreement with the Chieis o( Grand Bekeby. 2(i February 1»4S. 1. Grand Bereby, in longitude 00" 53' West, is likely to become a place of considerable trade. 2. The character of the natives in the noighbourhuixl has greatly unproved smc.r the severe chastisement inflicted at Half Bereby by the American squadron in December 1841^ for acts of piracy and murder committed on their coasts. They arc now peacefal an>.1 indus- trious, and this I Erather from the certificates of traders of all nations. •? Tiip 53' 3 D 4 '^- ^"^ 3Q4 APPKNDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT 3. The preparation of palm-oil began only three years ago. In May last an English brig. was able to procure 500 gallons in two days at Grand Bereby. 4. The anchorage in the road is excellent, and the landing may be effected, dining the fine season at least, in ships' boats. Cam-wood seems to abound, and there is said to be some ivory. 5. The Slave Trade never has existed, and the inhabitants of this coast, resembling the Kroo and Fishnieii on the other side of Cape Palmas in their habits, are not in the least likely to submit to the practice of the foreign Slave Trade. (signed) Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite." Enclosure 7, Agreement with the Chiefs of Drewin. Alexander Murray, Esquire, Commander of Her Majesty's Ship " Favorite," on the part of Her Majesty the Queen of England, and the Chiefs of Drewin and of the jVeighbourhood, on the part of themselves and of their Country, have agreed upon the following Articles and Conditions : — Article I The export of slaves to foreign countries is for ever abolished in the territories of the Chiefs of Drewin ; and the Chiefs of Drewin engage to make and to proclaim a law pro- hibiting any of their subjects, or any person within their jurisdiction, from selling or assist- ing in the sale of any slave for transportation to a foreign country ; and the Chiefs of Drewin promise to inflict a severe punishment on any person who shall break this law. ARTICLli II. No Furopean, or other person whatever, shall be permitted to reside within the territo- ries of the Chiefs of Drewm for the purpose of carrying on in any way the traffic in Slaves; and no houses, or stores, or buildings of any kind whatever, shall be erected for the purpose of Slave Trade, within the territoiy of the Chiefs of Drewin ; and if any such houses, stores or buildings shall at any future time be erected, and the Chiefs of Drewin shall fail or be unable to destroy them, they may be destroyed by any British officers employed for the suppression of Slave Trade. Article III. If at any time it shall appear that Slave Trade has been carried on, through or from the territory of the Chiefs of Drewin, the Slave Trade may be put down by Great Britain by force upon that territory, and British officers may seize the boats of Drewin found anywhere carrying on the Slave Trade ; and the Chiefs of Drewin will be subject to a severe act of displeasure on the part of the Queen of England. Article IV. The subjects of the Queen of England may always trade freely with the people of Drewin in every article they may wish to buy and sell in all the places and ports and rivers within the territories of the Chiefs of Drewin, and throughout the whole of their dominions ; and the Chiefs of Drewin pledge themselves to show no favour, and give no privilege to the ships and traders of other countries, which they do not show to those of England. Article V. Power is hereby expressly reserved to His Majesty the King of the French to become a party to this Treaty if he should think fit, agreeably to the provisions of Article V. of the Convention between Her Majesty and the King of the French, signed at London, on the '29th of May 1845. In faith of which, we have hereunto set our hands and seals, at St. Andrew, this 26th day of February 1848. his King X JlnZo/iio, for himself and his Chiefs. mark. Alex. Muryay, Commander of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite." By virtue of the power deputed to me, I hereby declare the approval of Her Majesty the Queen, my mistress, to the above engagement. Given under my hand, on board Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite," at St. Andrew, the 26th day of February lb48. Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite." The COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 395 The foregoing Treaty was signed, sealed and delivered in our presence. Witnesses : Alfd. Roijer, First Lieutenant, T L W Peyton Second Lieutenant, ■ of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite " nm. A. Parker, Literpreter, J his Joe X Coffee, mark. „ . his / N^*'^^^- Prince x of Wales, mark. Enclosure 8. Agreement with the Chiefs of St. Andrew. Ai.E.xANDER Murray, Esquire, Commander of Her Majesty's Ship " Favorite," on the part of Her Majesty the Queen of England, and the Chiefs of St. Andrew, and of the Neighbourhood, on the part of themselves and of their Country, have agreed upon the following Articles and Conditions: — Article L The export of slaves to foreign countries is for ever abolished in the territories of the Chiefs of St. Andrew ; and the Chiefs of St. Andrew engage to m;il;e and to proclaim a law prohibiting any of their subjects, or any person within tlieir jurisdiction, from sellino- or assisting in the sale of any slave for transportation to a foreign country ; and the Chiefs of St. Andrew promise to inflict a severe punishment on any person who sliall break tliis law. Article IL 'No European, or other person whatever, shall be permitted to reside within tlie territory of the Chiefs of St. Andrew, for the purpose of carrying on in any way the traffic in slaves ; and no houses, or stores or buildings of any kind whatever, sliall be erected for the purpose of Slave Trade, within the territory of the Chiefs of St. Andrew; and if any such houses, stores or buildings shall at any future time be erected, and the Chiefs of St. Andrew shall fail or be unable to destroy them, they may be destroyed by any British ollicers employed for the suppression of Slave Trade. Article IIL If at any time it shall appear that Slave Trade lias been carried on through or from the territory of the Chiefs of St. Andrew, the Slave Trade may be put down by Great Britain by force upon tliat territory, and British officers may seize the boats of St. Andrew found anywhere carrying on the Slave Trade ; and the duel's of St. Andrew will be subject to a severe act of displeasure on the part of the Queen of England. Article IV. The subjects of the Queen of England may always trade freely witii tl;e people of St. Andrew in every article they may wish to buy and sell in all the places and ports and rivers within the territories of the Chiefs of St. Andrew, and throughout the whole of their dominions ; and the Chief's of St. Andrew pledge themselves to show no favour and give no privilege to the ships and traders of other countries, which they do not sliow to those of England. Article V. Power is hereby expressly reserved to his Majesty the King of the French to become a party to this Treaty if he should think fit, agreeably to the provisions of Article V. of the Convention between Her Majesty and the King of the French, signed at London on the aDth of May 184.'-.. In faith of which, we have hereunto set our hands and seals, at St. Andrew, this -icth dny of February 1848. his King x George, of St. Andrew, for himself and his Chiefs. mark. Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite." By virtue of the power deputed to me, I hereby declare the ajiproval of Her JMajesty the Queen, my mistress, to the above engagement. Given under my hand, on board Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite," at St. Andrew, the 2Gth day of February 1848. Alex. Murray, Commander of Her I\lajesty's sloop " Favorite." .53. 3E The 2q6 appendix to minutes of evidence before select The foregoing Treaty was signed, sealed and delivered in our presence. Witnesses : A\fr Danger, run through this region. The Bushmen were in possession of the Benito, and the King of the Batanga men had removed to Boquah, a village in latitude 1° 28' COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 405 1° 28' North, on the open beach, which, however, on this coast is generally practicable for boats. Dye-woods, wax and ivory are. the exports, and the natives are anxious for trade I saw only one French schooner from Gaboon, on the whole coast, from Fernando Po to Cape Esteiras, but there are evidently two or three English brigs engao-ed in the trade. (signed) Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's sloop "Favorite." Commodore Sir C. Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. — {Received 22 July.) Sir, " Penelope," Ascension, 3 May 1848. I DO myself the honour to enclose the copy of a despatch from Commander Murray, of Her Majesty's ship " Favorite," detailing the particulars of his interview with King Eyo, of the Old Calabar River, the promise made by the King and Chiefs to abolish the custom of human sacrifices, and a true account of the proceedings of Commandant Baudin, of the French steamer " Australie," on his visit to the Old Calabar River. I have reason to believe that on the death of the aged mother of King Eyo, one more sacrifice will take place. The promise has bee.i given, and she insists on its fulfilment. After that, we may hope that there will be an end of this horrible practice. Their Lordships will recollect the character of the representations which they transmitted to me, the serious alarm which the writers expressed that France would seize the Calabar country, and that British mercantile interests would be i-uiaed. The letter of Commander Murray will enable them to form some idea of the difficulty I find at extracting an approxi- mation of truth ; and therefore, whenever an unexplained delay may take place, I trust they will attribute it, in a great measure, to the caution which I invariably find it necessary to observe in dealing with cases of this description. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure 1. Commander Murray to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, « Favorite," off the Old Calabar River, Sir, 24 March 1848. I HAVE the honour to report, that oa my arrival off Duke's Town, about 45 miles up the Old Calabar River, I proceeded, on the 18th of March, seven miles higher up in the boats to Creek Town, accompanied by Mr. Becroft, to call upon King Eyo. 2. It is perhaps necessary to lay before you the present state of the Government of the country in this river, so important to British commerce. King Eyamba, of Duke's Town, died last June, and his countrymen have not elected another head Chief. King Eyo, the head Chief in Creek Town, it is more than probable will succeed to the power of King Eyamba, in Duke's Town, where his influence is already great, as well as over a very extensive tract of countr\' up the river. 3. I proposed to King Eyo that he should give me a pledge that he would abandon tiie custom of sacrificing human beings. He professed, that for his own part he entertained the utmost abhorrence of such a practice, and had always discouraged it, but that it was an old custom which his power was hardly sufficient at once to suppress. Our interview ended for that day by King Eyo signing a promise to Her Majesty, pledging himself to use his influence to put an end to this dreadful superstition. 4. On the 20th of March i assembled a grand palaver on board the " Favorite," at which were present King Eyo, and a large majority of the Chiefs of both towns, who all joined in King Eyo's promise, arid signed it without much hesitation. It is the opinion of Mr. Becroft and of the Scottish missionaries, that after this promise, so solemnly given by the King and the Chiefs, this terrible custom will be speedily abandoned. 5. It is, I am afraid, but too true, that the sacrifice described in your order to me, dated 26 January 1848, actually took place about October 184(>, upon the death of Young John Duke, of Duke's Town. It is aUo almost certain that many persons, principally women, were murdered in various ways after the death of King Eyamba, 6. It is but justice fo King Eyo to state to you, upon the authority of Mr. Becroft, that ho has for some time gone to considerable expense in providing animals and goods to rescue human beings from sacrifice ; but the custom is so inveterate, that even the arbitrary power of an African King is not suihclent at once to put an end to the evil. 7. I then proceeded to inquire into the circumstances connected with the visit of Captam Baudin, of the " Phoque," in the "Australie," last August. It appears that the King and Chiefs were aware of Captain Baudin's intended visit some days before he arrived, and being well acquainted with the circumstances attending the acquisition of Gaboon by the French, had made up their minds in consequence to refuse signing anything whatever wluch might be presented by Captain Baudin. 53- 3 F2 S' '' ^06 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT 8. It has always been the custom in the Old Calabar to wear English red ensigns as the national colours. , , « » . i- >. i x , , 9. Captain Baudin invited King Eyo on board the Australie, but requested that he would hoist French colours in hisljoat, that he might salute him. Kino- Eyo declined to hoist the French flag m his boat, or anywiiere else, assertmg that he and his forefathers had never worn any colours but those of England, but went on board in a boat belonging to the " Australie " with her colours flying, where he was received witii a salute of tlnee1:uns, and on leaving on his own boat with English colours flying, one gun was hred. ,. i i t-- ^, ■ 10. It does not appear that Captain Baudm made any overtures to the Kmg or Chiefs to place their country under the dominion of France. , , , ^ , . , , Captain Baudin condoled with Mr. \oungupon the death of his brother, the late King Evamba savin"' that the King of tlie French liad been sorry to hear of that event. ^ Mr. Youn>T repHed tliat King Eyaniba's death had occurred so recently, that if he understood the distunce betweenFrance and Calabar, it was impossible for him to believe that tiie answer of the King of the French could have yet arrived. 11. Captain Baudin attempted to negotiate with King Eyo the discontinuance of human sacrifices, and proposed King Eyo's writing to the King of the French to fix tiie expense of providinii- animals, &c., instead, with a viev.', as King Eyo understood, of that expense being borne by the French Government. King Eyo positively refused to do so, and distinctly informed Captain Baudin that he intended taking such necessary expense on hiuiself. He added, that as he had some years ago made a Treaty for the suppression of the Shwe Trade with the Queen of England, he did not wish to enter into engagements with any one else : but that if French shijis should cou:e into his river, they should have advantages similar to those of England. Finaliv King Eyo declined entering into any engagement whatever with Captain Baudin on the part of tiie French Government. 12. After the departure of Captain Baudin, the King and Chiefs, entertaining vague fears that France had designs on their independence, unanimously came to the resolution of inviting the protection of England. I iiitbrmed them that you had received their letter, and that it had been forwarded to the British Government. I explained to them Article IV. of the Convention of May 1845. 13. It now becomes my duty to represent to you that the King and all the Chiefs stated to me that three-fifths (tHhs) oi'the presents from the British Government stipulated to be paid to them by the Treaty entered into by Lieutenant Blount on the 6th of December 1841, the ratification of which was executed by Lieutenant Raymond on tlie ."Jnt.b of ^November 1842, have as yet been witliheld, although the time for paying the whole quantity has now elapsed, and the necessary certificates have always been punctually forwarded. You will perceive, by reference to the book containing " Instructions for the Suppression of the Slave Trade," that if this allegation is correct, goods to the amount of (J 12,000) twelve thousand dollars are due from the British Government to the Kings Eyo and Eyamba, or their representatives. 14. Under these circumstances, I did not deem it judicious to offer any palaver presents, the smallness of which might easily have led to misconstruction, at a part where the Chiefs are accustomed to enormous gifts from the merchant ships on opening trade. 15. Herewith I have the honour to enclose the promise made by King Eyo in duplicate. I have left a third original in the hands of King Eyo. I have, &c. (signed) Alex. Mui-raij, Commander. Enclosure 2. Promise made by King Eyo, of Old Calabar. Eyo, King of the Old Calabar, hereby makes promise to Her Majesty the Queen of England, — That he will from this day henceforward use his utmost influence and power to induce his subjects and countrymen to abandon the practice of sacrificing human beings, either upon anniversaries, or as offerings to the gods, or upon the occasion of the deaths of Kings, Chiefs, or their relations, or upon any pretext wliatever. Given under the hand and seal of King Eyo, at Creek Town, in the Old Calabar River, this 18th day of March 1848. his King X Eyo, mark, and signature, Witnesses : Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's ship "Favorite." John Beecrojt, Governor of Fernando Fo. L. W. Peijtoit, Lieutenant of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite." WilUuiH JJewan, Clerk of Her Majesty's'sloop " Favorite." Hope M. Waddell, Missionary, Old Calabar. El/o Honesty. We, COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 407 We the undersigned Chiefs, m token of our joining in the foregoing promise, made by King tyo to Her Majesty the Queen of England, have hereunto set our hands and seals, at Duke lown, in the Old Calabar River, this 20th March 1848. Mr. Young, his Duke X Ephi'aim, mark. his Archibong x Dukfi, mark, his Bassey x Offyong, mark. his Eg bo X Jack, mark, by Mr. Young-, his Ennie x Cohham, mark. I Ciiiefs of Duke Town. his Tom X Eyo, mark. Youpg Eyo, his Antica x Amha, mark. John Eijo, his King X Cameroon, mark. Witnesses : Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite." John Beecroft, Governor of Fernando Po. Hope M. Waddell,' Hugh GolcUe, \ r- li- i, ^,t- • Samuel Edgerle,,, > ^^^''^'^^ Missionaries. Th. B. Nenhali, Chiefs of Greek Town. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Received 22 Ju{v.) Sir, "Penelope," Ascension, IG May 1848. I REQUEST you to lay before my Lords of the Admiralty the ac'companying extract of a letter from Captain Eden, of Her Majesty's ship " Amphitrite," dated iTth of April 1848, and the promise of King William and the Chiefs oi' Bimbia to relinquisli the barbarous practice of offering human sacrifices. 1 have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure 1. Captain Eden to Commodore Sir Charles Hutha^i. 27 April 1848. On the 29tii (Marcli) having received Mr. Beecroft as pilot, I proceeded and anchored the same day off Bimbia; but, owing to a very heavy tornado (the next day), I could not com- municate with the King until the morning of the 31st, when I landed with all tlie presents, and after having read the Treaty, they were given over to the King and Chiefs of that place. I beg leave to enclose a declaration from the said King and Chiefs to do away with human 'sacrifices, which I entered into at the suggestion of Commsmder Murray. 5Z' F3 Enclosure 4oS APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDEXCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure 2. Promise made by the King and Chiefs of Bimbia. I Kins; William, and the Chiefs of Bimbia, do solemnly promise to do away with the abominable, inhuman and un-Christian like custom of sacrificing human lives on the death of any of their Chiefs, or on account of any of their superstitious practices. Dated at King William's Town, Bimbia", this 31st day of March 1848. his King x William. mark. his Prince x William, mark. his X Quan. mark. his X Nacco. mark. his X Dick. mark. his Young X Amine. mark. his Dick X 3Ierchant.. mark. his Duke X Merchant.. mark. his John X Bimbia. mark. In the presence of — Tfios. Rodney Eden, Captain, ^Her Majesty's ship George Walker, Senior Lieutenant, / " Amphitrite." John Beecroft, Governor of Fernando Po. Joseph Merrick, Missionary at Bimbia. Henry Tloss Sanders, Midshipman,! Her Majesty's ship W.J. Strorus,C\exk, J "Amphitiite." The Secketary to the Admiralty to Lord Eddisbury'. — {Received 1 August.) My Lord, Admiralty, 28 July 1848. I AM commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to send you herewith, for the information of Viscount Palmerston, a return of slave vessels captured by the squadron under the orders of Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, on the west coast of Africa, between the 7th of April and 9th of May last. I am, &c. (signed) H. G. Ward. Enclosure. Return of Slave Vessels Captured by the Squadron under Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, on the West Coast oi Africa, between the 7th of April and oth of May 1848. Date. Name of Slave Ves.sel. Under what Colours. Name of capturing Vessel. \Miere captured. REMARKS. 1848: 7 April - 7 April - Mercurio - (244 tons.) Maria Brazilian Brazilian Heroine and Firefly. Alert ' - Lat. 8° 7' S. lon^. IS-oS'E. Ofi'Shebar - Fully equipped for Slave Trade. Sent to St. Helena. - - ditto. a May Maria Can- dida. Brazilian Heroine Lat. 6° 4' S. long. 9° 35' E. Ditto, destroyed, being uu- seaworthy. The Secretary to the Admiralty to Lord 'EnmsMV ry .—{Received 5 September.) My Lord, Admiralty, -2 September 1848. I AM commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to send you herewith, for hemformation of Viscount Pahuerston, a return of slave vessels captured by the squadron on the west coast of Africa, between the 22d of March and 22d of June last. I am, (fcc. (signed) W. A. B. Hamilton. Enclosuie COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. Enclosure. 409 Return of Slave Vessels Captured by the Squadron on the West Coast of Africa, under Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b., between the 22d of Marcli and 22d of June 1848. Name Name Under Date, of Capturing of what Where captured. REMARKS. Vessel. Slave Vessel. Colours. 1848: 22 Marcli Ferret - Fleur de Marie Brazilian Off Benguela Destroyed, being unsea- worthy. 22 March Ferret - Casualidade - Brazilian Off Benguela Destroyed, being unsea- worthy. 497 slaves on board. Sent 3 May - Contest - Teraerario Brazilian Lat. 7' N., lor.. 12" 50' E. to St. Helena. 11 May - Ferret - Paquete do Cabo (90 tons). Brazilian Near Quicombo Equipped fully for Slave Trade. 11 May - Ferret - Anna Carolina (1.30 tons). Brazilian Near Quicombo Equipped fully for Slave Trade. U May - Contest - Santa Cruz - Brazilian Lat. 6'^ 30' S. Ion. 10° 37' E. Equipped fully for Slave Trade. Destroyed, being unseaworthy. 21 May - Heroine Name unknown (1:50 tons). None - In River Congo Equipped fully for Slave Trade. Destroyed, being unseaworthy. 10 June - Ferret - Castro .3° Brazilian Lat. 11° 45' S. Ion. 12''20'E. Equipped fully for Slave Trade. Sent to St. Helena. CO June - Heroine Marianna(138 Brazilian Lat. 1 r .50' S. Equipped fully for Slave tons). Ion. 13° 20' E. Trade. Sent to St. Helena. 2-2 June - Penelope Thereza steamer, Brazilian Lat. 5° 20' S. Equipped fully for Slave I8.5 tons, 46 Ion. 11° 8'E. Trade. Sent to St. Helena. horse- power, Had on board an appara- high pressure. tus for distilling water. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. (^Received 7 September.) Sir, " Penelope," Loanda, 30 June 1848. I REQUEST you to inform my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that, since the 14th of October 1847, to the date hereof, being a period of 8 months and 18 days, the squadron under my command here, so far as I have received advices, captured G.5 slave vessels, amounting to 9,168 tons, and containing 4,745 slaves. During the previous 12 months the total number amounted only to 57 vessels and 4,822 slaves. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the .Admiralty. (Received 20 September.) Sii- "Penelope," Loanda, 25 June 1848. I HAVE the honour to transmit the reply of his E.\celleny the Governor-general of Angola to my letter, dated 23d November 1847, conveying their Lordships' instructions, that the officers in command belonging to this squadron should notify to the Portuguese authorities the existence of barracoons, with a request that the forces of that nation sliouid be employed in their destruction. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure. The Governor-General of Angola to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. Illustrious Sir Palace of the Government in Loanda, 20 June 1848. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your Excellency's despatch, dated from Ascension on board the "Penelope," 23 November 1847, by which your Excellency gave me notice that you had received instructions from the British Admiralty to order the cruisers under your command to notify officially to the Governor-General of Angola and to the I or- tuguese cruisers on this coast, every information relative to the existence of barracoons or °^ ' ./ ■? F 4 establishments ,y APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT establishments intended for the Slave Trade, situated in Portuguese territory, in consequence of the orders havino- been tiiven in virtue of notes which had been passed between the Minister Plenipotentiary of Her Britannic Majesty, at the Court of Lisbon, and Senor Ilde- fonso Leopoldo Bayard, suggesting, first, that they should take efficacious means to prevent the buildin"- of barracoons in the Portuguese territory ; and, lastly, asking if there would- be any objection to orders being given to the Governor-General of the Province of Angola and the Commander of the Naval Station, to order them to destroy such barracoons as the British cruisers might officially report as existing for the purpose of Slave Trade, whenever the persons charged with that' service, and who must always be Portuguese, shovdd find in such barracoons either slaves or articles known to be used in that service, and that, although it would be more than probable that I should be informed of the intentions of the Govern- ment of Her Most Faithful Majesty, before the despatch of your Excellency should be pre- pared to receive any notifications which might be made to me in that sense, still the com- munication with Europe being uncertain, your Excellency thought fit to forward to me the extract from the despatches before mentioned, being fully convinced that I should enter into the spirit of the instructions, and act accordingly. And finally, your Excellency says, that this arrangement between the two Governments in some decree advances the measures for the final extinction of the traffic on this part of the coast and that your Excellency would give instructions to the Coumianders of the cruisers under your orders to consult me in all cases, whether of certainty or suspicion ; your Ex- cellency feeling certain that, on my part, I should employ, on all occasions, such means as are within my power to obtain the end in view. In reply, I beg to state to yoiu- Excellency, 1st. That, on the 14th of last September I received orders from my Government relative to burnino- the barracoons, much in the same tenor as your Excellency's despatch ; nor is this the first instance of the determination of the Government of Her Most Faithful Majesty. 2d, That I shall always be ready to co-operate with your Excellency in the extinction of the Slave Trade. 3d. That the destruction of the barracoons on this coast is of old date, for since I have been charged with the command, whether of squadron or province, many have been burned between the River Dandy and south of Benguela, the last instance at Benguela on the 15th of last March. That I think it right to observe to your Excellency that veiy little good results from the burning of these barracoons, unless the slaves are captured at the same time, which has not yet been the case, because the injury done to the Slave Trade is trifling, the barracoons being constructed of cheap material, and easily built; the slave-dealers then carry them back into the interior, where they are all either out of reach or in inaccessible places, and comparatively more secure. 5th. Notwithstanding all these reflections, whenever it was possible, the orders of Her Most Faithful Majesty, on this subject, have been rigidly executed, and in a manner satis- factory to the wishes of Her Most Faithful Majesty. That I thank your Excellency for the opinion which you have expressed relative to the loyalty with which I have executed the Treaty for the Slave Trade made between our two Governments; would that my co-operation therein could have been more efficacious, and finally. God guard your Excellency. (signed) P. A. Da Cunha, Governor-Gen eral . Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secketaey to the Admiralty. {Received 10 October.) Sir, " Penelope," Ambriz, 27 July 1848. I BEQUEST you will be pleased to lay the accompanying letter from Commodore Baudin, commanding the French naval forces on this station, before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. 2. I trust their Lordships will perceive that there is every probability of our relations with the French officers being conducted on the same friendly footing as heretofore. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure. Captain Baudin to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. " Eldorado," Rade de Goree, Monsieur !e Commodore, le 25 Mai 1848. J'ai riionneur d'inibrmer votre Excellence que lenouveau Gouvernementde la France vient de m'appeler au commandement de ses forces navales sur les cotes occidentales d'Afrique. M. le Contre-Amiral Montagues de la Roque, mon predecesseur, m'a fait connaitre combien toutes ses relations avec voire Excellence avaient etc bonnes et agreables, et j'ainie a croire que nos rapports de service ou autres, continueront a ctre ce qu'ils ctaient preccdemnient. Je connais toute I'elcvation, toute la distinction de votre caract^re personnel, et je serai heureux de me rencontier avec vous, et vous me trouverez toujours dispose a vous seconder dans COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 411 dans les efforts que vous voudrez faiie pour la repression d'uii trafic reprouve par tous los cceurs genereux. Jene puis savoir encore les forces qui seront laissees :\ ma disposition, niais quoi qu'il en soit, j'en tirerai le meilieur parti possible, dans I'interet et pour I'execution de la Convention du 29 Mai 1845. Veuillez, &c. Le Capitainede Vaisseau, Conimandant-en-Chef la Station Occidentale d'Afrique. (signe) H. Baudiii. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secuetary to the Admiralty. {Received 10 October.) Sir, " Penelope," St. Paul de Loanda, 19 July 1848. In compliance with the instructions contained in your letter, dated 5th February 1848 I transmit herewith a copy of an additional Article, inserted by Captain Eden in the Treaty concluded with the King and Chiefs of Mconey, in July 1847, by Commander Hope, of Her Majesty's sloop " Bittern." I have, &c. (signed) CJias. HotJuim. Enclosure. Additional Article to the Agreement with the King and Chiefs of Mooney. Article V. Power is hereby expressly reserved to His Majesty the King of the French to become a party to this Treaty, if he should think fit, agreeably to the provisions of Article V. of the Convention between Her Majesty and the King of the French, signed at London on the 29th of May 1845. his Thos. Rodney Eden, Captain, "I „ , ^ • , ,^ King x Koa Ko. J, H. Surman, Lieutenant, I, l mark. J. Roberts, y\2LsieY, L . ^I'P-, .. his W. J. Slrorus, Clerk, J ^mplntnte. Unbata,,, x mark. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the SECRETAaY to the Admiralty. ( Received 10 October.) Sir, " Penelope," Loanda, 10 July 1848. I herewith transmit a copy of a letter from Commander Murray, of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite," reporting the destruction of a large brigantine fully equipped for the Slave Trade. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. \ Enclosure 1. Commander Murray to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. " Favorite," at Sea, Sir, 1I> June 1848, lat. 7° 57' S., long. 12° 57' E. I have the honour to inform you, that a large brigantine was observed yesterday at 10 A.M. running along the land, and shortly afterwards to anchor and furl sails close in, a little to the southward of Ambriz. At 11.30 on the rapid approach of the " Favorite," the bri- gantine slipped, and, making all sail, ran on the beach under the factories, where in a very short time she became a total wreck. The " Favorite "' anchored within gunshot, and despatched iier boats; but the surf was breaking high, and 500 yards outside the wreck, so that it was inijiossible to approach. Two Kroomeii reached her by swimming, but were unable to bring away anytlimg whatever, except the lead line, with which her measurement was ascertained to be probably ui)wards of 200 tons. . r I <■ There were no colours or papers on board, and the crew escaped on shore nnmediately after the vessel struck, and I did not in consequence learn her name or nation, though the fact of her being engaged in the Slave Trade was sufbciently api>arent, as liei cargo consisted of farinha and water-casks filled, rum, and two slave-coppers fitted. I enclose Lieutenant Royer's statement. I have, &c. (signed) Alc.t. Muircn/, Connnander. r.-. o G Enclosure *^2 2 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure 2. Lieutenant Royer to Commander Murray. Sir, " Favorite," off Ambriz, June 1848. I HAVE to report, that on approaching the brigantine on shore, I found the surf breaking heavily about 500 yards outside of her, rendering it impracticable for boats to board lier. Four Kroomen proceeded in the canoe, which was upset immediately it entered the surf. Two of them succeeded in swimming on board, and obtained a measurement with a piece of her lead line, with which, with very great difficulty, they succeeded in reaching the boat. The line was immediately measured, giving a length of 86 feet, breadth 26 feet ; depth of hold could not be ascertained with accuracy, as the hold was partly stowed with cargo of farinha and rum, and leaguers of water, and the vessel filling and breaking up fast. She had two slave coppers on deck, but no colours or papers could be found, neither could any portion of her be brought away. I have, &c. (signed) Alfd. Royer, Lieutenant. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Received 10 October.) Sir, " Penelope," Loanda, 10 July 1848. Herewith I transmit a copy of a letter from Commander Hope, of the " Bittern," reporting the capture of the Brazilian schooner " Josephina," with 250 slaves on board. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure. Commander Hope to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. " Bittern," at Sea, Sir, lat. 3" 59' S., long. 90° 16' E., 6 May 1848. I HAVE the honour to acquaint you, that on the 4th instant, being in latitude 4° 14' south and longitude 9° 20' east, I captured the Brazilian schooner "Josephina." The following are the details of the chase, &c. ; viz. — On the 3d instant, being in latitude 4° 48' south, and longitude 9° 49' east, a sail was re- ported from the mast-head, bearing about north-east by east, at 4 p.m. Trimmed and made sail in chase. At 7 P.M., lost sight of chase. At 9, altered course to north by east-half-east. At 11, altered course to north-west, and at 3 a.m., altered course to north-west by west. My conjectures as to the courses steered proved to be correct; for on the following morning at 5.40, the same vessel was reported from the mast-head bearing about west. Trimmed and made all possible sail in chase. At noon, chase a-head, but the wind being very light, we did not gain much on her. At 4.15 P.M., the wind continuing light, but having gained considerably on her, lowered the quarter boats, and sent them in chase. At 5.15, fired two guns, when chase hove to. At 5.30 the gig returned, she proving to be the Brazilian schooner " Josephina," with 250 slaves on board. On the 5th, the vessel appearing very old, I ordered a survey to be held on her, when she was condemned. I accordingly removed the slaves and cargo to this sloop. On the 6th, having taken everything out of prize, set fire to her, and sunk her by firing shot at her. She was a schooner of about 70 or 80 tons. I have, &c. (signed) T. Hope, Commander. Commodore Sir Chas. Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Received 10 October.) ^"■' . " Penelope," Ambriz, 22 July 1848. In compliance with the instructions contained in vour letter dated 5th January 1848, I transmit herewith a Treaty concluded by Commander "Murray with the Chiefs of Camma, on the 2.5th of May last. ' ^ ^ I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 41 <> Enclosure 1. Agreement with the Chiefs of Camma. Alexander Murray, Esquire, Commander of Her Majesty's ship " Favorite," on the part of Her Majesty the Queen of England, and the Chiefs of Camma and of the neigh- bourhood, on the part of themselves and of tlieir Country, have agreed upon the following- Articles and Conditions : — Article I. The export of slaves to foreign countries is for ever abolished in the territories of the Chiefs of Camma ; and the Chiefs of Camma engage to make and to proclaim a law prohibiting any of their subjects or any person within their jurisdiction, from selling, or assist- ing in the sale of any slave for transportation to a foreign country ; and the Chiefs of Camma promise to inflict a severe punishment on any person who shall break this law. Article II. No European, or other person whatever, shall be permitted to reside within the territory of the Chiefs of Camma, for the purpose of carrying on in any way the traffic in slaves ; and no houses, or stores, or buildings of any kind whatever, shall be erected for the purpose of Slave Trade within the territory of the Chiefs of Camma; and if any such houses, stores, or build- ings shall at any future time be erected, and the Chiefs of Camma shall fail or be unable to destroy them, they may be destroyed by any British officers employed for the suppression of Slave Trade. Article III. If at any time it shall appear that Slave Trade has been carried on through or from the territory of the Chiefs of Camma, the Slave Trade may be put down by Great Britain by force upon that territory, and British officers may seize the boats of Camma found anywhere carry- ing on the Slave Trade ; and the Chiefs of Camma will be subject to a severe act of displea- sure on the part of the Queen of England. Article IV. The subjects of the Queen of England may always trade freely with the people of Camma in every article they may wish to buy and sell in all the places and ports and rivers within the territories of the Chiefs of Camma, and throughout the whole of their dominions ; and the Chiefs of Camma pledge themselves to show no favour and give no privilege to the ships and traders of other countries which they do not show to those of England. Article V. Power is hereby expressly reserved to the Government of France to become a party of this Treaty, if it shall think fit, agreeably to the provisions of Article V. of the Convention between Her Majesty and the King of the French, signed at London on the 29th of May 1845. In faith of which, we have hereunto set our hands and seals at Camma, this 25th day of May 1848. his Kinff X Rangundho. mark. his Prince x Banzah. mark. his Tom X il/oo»«Jo/i, King's Trade Man. mark. Alex. Murray, Commander of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite." By virtue of the power deputed to me, I hereby declare the approval of Her Majesty the Queen, my mistress, to the above engagement. Given under my hand, on board Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite," this 25th day of May 1848. (signed) Alex. Murray, Commander. The foregoing Treaty was signed, sealed and delivered in our presence, Witnesses : Alfd. Royer, First Lieutenant, "1 L. W. Peijton, Second Lieutenant, of Her Majesty's ship "Favorite." G. A. Wusjield, Paymaster and Purser,! his Coffee X , English Trade Man. mark. his Prince x Rhine, French Trade Man. mark. 53- G 2 Enclosure ^, . APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure 2. Observations of Commander Murray on the Camma Country. " Favorite," at Sea, 26 May 1848. The Kin"- of Camma represents his territory to extend from near Cape Lopez to Sette Camma, or probably from 1° south latitude to 2° 24' south, about 95 miles. Camma town, where the trading station is situated, is in 1° 48' south, about three miles north of the Camma river ; there is a sort of bay, where the landing; is said to be generally sood. " The trade of this country, consisting of wax, ivory and dye-woods, is not of much im- portance. Two or three English brigs appear to resort to the coast in the course of the year. (signed) Alex. Murray, Commander. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. (Receired 12 October.) Sir, "Penelope," Loanda, 19 July 1848. T REQUEST you will lay before the Lords of the Admiralty the accompanying statement of captures by the squadron under my command, between the 14th October 1846 and the 13th July 1848, a period of 21 months. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure. Statement, showing the number of vessels taken by Her Majesty's squadron on the West Coast of Africa, on the ground of being engaged in the Slave Trade, during 21 months, between 1st April 1844, and 31st December 184.") ; and for the same period, between the 14th October 1840 and 13th July 1848. 1st April 1844 to 31st December 1843 — 21 months. Squadron under the command of the late Commodore Jones. Vessels condemned for being engaged in the Slave Trade - - - J)6 Slaves released ---------- o,<)65 14th October 1846 to 13th July 1848 — 21 months. Squadron under the command of Commodore Sir C. Hotham. Vessels condemned for being engaged in the Slave Trade - - 131 Slaves released ---------- 11,214 I rVessels - — - 3*) Difference in favour of the piesent squadron ^ij^ygg" _ . . - .^.^y (signed) Chas. Hotham. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. (^Received 12 October.) Sir, '' Penelope," Loanda, 19 July 1848. 1 herewith transmit a copy of a letter from Commander Wood, of Her JNIajesty's sloop " Philomel," reporting the capture of the schooner " Aurora," fully equipped for Slave Trade. I have, Sec, (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure. Commander Wood to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. ^"•. "Philomel," off Gallinas, 2 ftlay 1848. I HAVE the honour to iuform you that on the 1st, at 4.30 p.m., I observed a suspicious- lookmg schooner standing off the land. I immediately chased, but the wind falling light, I cespatched Mr. Sullivan, midshipman, in the pinnace in pursuit, who boarded her/his morning. !?he proved to be the schooner " Aurora," fully equipped for the Slave Trade, and was under 5?panish colours; but having no papers, Isent her to the Vice-Admiralty Court at ^lerra Leone for condemnation, as a vessel not justly entitled to claim the protection of the nag of any nation. 1 have, &c. (signed) W. C. Wood, Commander. Commodore COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 415 Comniodoie Sir Charles Hotiiam to the Secretary to the Admiraf-tv. {Receieed 13 Octohcr.) Sir, " Penelope," St. Paul de Loanchi, 19 July 1818. Herewith I transmit a copy of a letter irom Lieutenant Forbes, of Her Majesty's ship '•' Bonetta," reporting the capture and destruction of the Brazilian schooner " Pharafo," fully equipped for Slave Trade. I have, &.C. (signed) Chas. Hotliam. Enclosure 1. Lieutenant Forbes to Commodore Sir Charles Hotiiam. Sir, "Bonetta," off Golohaba, 31 May 1848. I have the honour to inform you, that at 9'30 a.m. yesterday, when about 15 miles to the northward of the Gallinas, a vessel was reported from the mast-head, after which 1 imme- diately made sail in chase. From the motions of the stranger, by making sail and altering course, I was very soon led to believe she was illegally employed. By my having the weather gage and a moderate breeze, 1 was enabled to close her fast, notwithstanding that she evidently sailed well, and tried everything in her power to cross our •bows, and gain the wind of us. At about 1.30 p.m. we w-ere within two and a half miles of the chase ; and every doubt as to her em|3loyment having been removed from my mind by her whole appearance, more particularly by a set of slave-cop])ers visible above her gunwale, and her not having hoisted any colours, I caused a shotted gun to be fired ahead, and soon after astern of her. Of the former she took no notice, but soon after the second shot had been fired she hove to. At 2.13 P.M., Mr. Smallpage, midshipman, boarded her, and soon after 1 went on Ijoard myself, and found her to be an exceedingly fine Brazilian schooner, witli a square fore-top- sail, named the " Pharafo," with slave coppers, a slave deck, rice, water-butts, and every- thing required for a slave cargo, but without papers of any kind. On examination, however, 1 found the head of her foremast badly wrung, the mainmast sprung, the bowsprit tempo- rarily lashed, the spar itself being entirely gone, jib-boom sprung, and only one anchor remaining, and that a kedge, with which Mr. Smallpage, on boarding, brought her to, she having only been about a mile from the siiore, besides wliich, the vessel herself was com- pletely cut through the gunwale in several places; and, in fact, from her having apparently been in bad weather, and the crew having done all in their power to render her unseaworthy, she was in my opinion quite imfit to send to sea. I therefore came to in tiie ''Bonetta," and having received on board the crew of the prize, 21 in number, sent Mr. Thompson, acting second master, Mr. Smallpage, midshipman, and the carpenter's mate, to survey and crive me a report of her state, as also her measurement. 'I'heir opinions, as contamed in their report, a copy of which is herewith enclosed, perfectly coincide with my opinion. I con- sidered it advisable to destroy her, after taking out the chronometer for transmission to the ship's agent, and a few articles ot less value for the use of tlie ship. With tiiis object ni view. I "set her on fire at « o'clock p.m., and soon after had (he satisfiction of seeing her •enveloped in flame, and o'clock this morning not a vestige of" Pharafo" remained. 1 have, &c. (signed) F. E. Forhcs, Lieutenant G mimanding. Enclosure 2. Heport on the Survey of the " Pharafo." 31 May 1848. We whose names are hereunto subscribed, have met on board the Brazilian schooner "Pharafo," detained by (he " Bonetta " this day, and have taken a strict and caicful survey on'her state generallv, and find as follows ; viz.— ' That her bowsprit is entirely gone riuht through the spar, and useless for the purpose of carryino- ,ail That her foremast is badly wrung in tiie head, and dangerous to carry sail. That ifer mainmast is badly sprung about the centre, and unsafe to carry sad. I hat her jib-boom is sprung, and unsafe to carry sail, riuit her riggmg, niore especially tha on he mainmast, is much cnt, injured and insufficient for the security of tnc masts ; and that the top sides of the vessel are cut through entirely m several places ; an, altogether we are ol opinion that the above defects are of such a nature as to render it highly dangerous for her to proceed to sea. We are further of ooinion that from her havmg bu one anchor, winch it ippears is a ked-e, she is not at all in a fit state to ride at anchor anywhere on the coast. 3G And 41 6 APPENDIX TO Minutes of evidence before select And we do declare that we have taken this survey with such care and equity, that we are ready and willing, if required, to make oath to the impartiality and correctness of our pro- ceedings herein, as also to her measurement, which we found to be as follows : Length, from figure-head to taffrail, 99 feet ; breadth, across the (planking) upper deck amidships, 26 feet ; depth, from lower part of main hatchway coomings on upper deck to kelson, 14 feet. Given under our hands, on board the Brazilian schooner " Pharafo," 31st May 1848. (signed) J. Thompson, Master (Acting 2d.) T P «™„77 i\t:j„i,; Approved, (sii^ned) F. E. Forbes, Lieutenant. J. p. Smallpage, Midshipman. Robert Bristow, Carpenter's Mate. Commodore Sir Chakles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Received 14 October.) " Penelope," St. Paul de Loanda, Sir, 19 July 1848. Herewith I transmit a copy of a letter from Lieutenant Lysaght, of Her Majesty's steam-vessel " Grappler," reporting the capture, in company with Her Majesty's brig " Dolphin," of the Brazilian schooner " Secundo Andorinha," with 500 slaves on board. I have, &c. (signed) Ckas. Hotham. Enclosure. Lieutenant Lysaght to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. " Grappler," at Sea, lat. 5° 30' N., long. 4" 17' E., Sir, 24 April 1848. I BEG to inform you that I this day, being in latitude 5° 30' North, longitude 4° 7' East, captured the new pilot schooner " Secundo Andorinha," under Brazilian colours, with a crew of 26 persons and 500 slaves. I sighted her at day-light, and took her at 9.40 a.m. I have sent her to Sierra Leone in charge of Mr. Giles, second master of this vessel, with a crew of three seamen, two marines and four Kroomen. The " Dolphin " being in sight during part of the chase, and entitled to share, I have directed her Commander to send an officer and four men to assist in taking her to Sierra Leone. I have, &c. (signed) T. H. Lysaght, Lieutenant Commanding. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Received IC October.) Sir, " Penelope," Ambriz, 22 July 1848. Herewith I transmit a copy of a letter from Commander Kenyon, of Her Majesty's sloop "Cygnet," reporting the capture of the Brazilian schooner "Mete Mao," fully equipped for the Slave Trade. 1 have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure. Commander Kenyon to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. Sir, " Cygnet," 2 May 1848, lat. 5° 51' N., long. 3° 35' E. 1 HAVE the honour to acquaint you that yesterday morning at daylight, while under easy sail, standing to the southward, with a light breeze from the westward, Wliydah bearing North-west by North 20 miles, a sail was reported from the mast-head, bearing East-south- east. 1 immediately bore up, and made all sail in chase. At 8 a.m. 1 could make her out to COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 417 to be a schooner standing to the eastward. As the breeze freshened, which it did about noon, I closed her rapidly ; and at two o'clock, on my firing a shot across her bows, she hove to. Lieutenant Morgan boarded and found her to be the Brazilian schooner " Mete Mao," of 101 tons, with a crew of 14 men and five passengers, from Bahia, and consit^ned to De Souza, the notorious slave-dealer at Whydah. She was fitted in every way for' the Slave Trade, having a great quantity of water-casks, hatchways with open gratino-s, mats a quantity of provisions, and large boilers. " ' ' I received all the passengers and crew (with the exception of the captain and cook) on board that evening, and put an officer and party on board to take possession. This morning I sent the prize, under the charge of Mr. Baker, midshipman, with a crew of six men and six weeks' provisions, to St. Helena for adjudication, which, I trust, you will approve of. I have, &c. (signed) G. Kenyan. The Secretary to the Admiralty to Lord Eddisbury. — {Received 20 October.) I am, &c. (signed) W. A. B. Hamilton. Enclosure. Commander Riley to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham Sir, " Star," lat. G" 16' N., long. 3° 19' E., June 24, 1848. I HAVE the honour to inform you, that at daylight on the 22d instant, I chased a schooner off Badagry ; at 4.10 p.m. brought her within range, and commenced firing at her; 6. .30 she was lost sight of in thick rain and squally weather. The following morning, I fell in with " Grappler" and " Amphitrite," and gave informa- tion. At seven this morning a sail was reported on the starboard bow, all sail was made in chase; "Amphitrite" in company, in which the " Dolphin" afterwards joined. 1.35 the chase rounded to off Ondy. 1.50 p.m., boats under the command of Lieutenant Jackson boarded and took possession of the Brazilian schooner " Curiosa," of 118 tons, fully equipped for the Slave Trade. She was thirty-one days from Bahia, with a crew of twenty- five men. 2.10 p.m., boats from the "Amphitrite" boarded her; signal was made to send prize to senior, which signal was obeyed. The master of the " Curiosa " stated that he had been in communication with Palmas, and had arranged to ship 500 slaves there on the 25th. The " Curiosa " proved to be the vessel we chased on the 22d instant. I am, &c. (signed) C. W. Riley. The Secretary to the Admiralty to Lord Eddisbury. — {Received 10 November.) My Lord, Admiralty, 9 November 1848. I am commanded by my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty to send you herewith, for the information of Viscount Palmerston, a return of slave vessels captured by Her Majesty's ships on the west coast of Africa, between the 19th of March and 27tli of July last. I am, &c. (signed) W. A. B. Hamilton. 53- 3^4 Enclosure 41 8 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure. A Ri;tirn of Slave Vr.ssELS captured by Her Majesty's Ships on the West of Africa. Date of Capture. Name of Capturiog Cruiser. 1848 : 5 August I Penelope - 24 June - Anii>hitrite, Star,andWolf. 2 July - 19 August 27 July - 28 June - I'J June - 15 June - 19 March 2 April - 3 April - ly July - 5 July - 9 July - 11 July - Amphitrite - Rapid, Dart, and Snap. Dart - Bonettu Bonetta Dolphin Cygnet Siren Siren Contest I Contest Contest Contest Name of Slave Vessel. Under what Colours. Polka (170 tons). Curiosa (118 tons). ^> July Tentador (183 tons). Nova Rosa Andorinha - Traja Miltes Pensamento Nereida (97 tons). S. Francisco Boa Fe. Princeza Dona Isabel. Feliz Socie- dade. no name no name Oceano Brazilian Brazilian Brazilian no colours or papers. Brazilian Brazilian Spanish Brazilian Brazilian Brazilian Brazilian no colours no colours no colours no colours M'here captured. REMAHK.S. oft Mayemba - Bight of Benin Bi"-ht of Benin lat. 6°34'S. Ion. 12° 8' E. off Point Pad- ron. off Golabah - off Gallinas - off LagfOB lat. 4° 41' S. Ion. 0" 21' E. Fully equipped, and 20 slaves on board. Sent to Sierra Leone. 30G slaves on board. De- stroyed, as unseaworthy. Fully equipped. Destroyed, as unseaworthy. Fully equipped. Stnick by 7 shot, and destroyed as unseaworthy. Fully equipped. Destroyed. Struck below water-line by shot of " Bonetta." Fully equipped. Sent to Sierra Leone. 538 slaves on board. Struck by 45 shot during chase. 9 slaves killed, 6 slaves and mate wounded. 354 slaves on board. Sent to St. Helena, lat. 3''37'S. j Fully equipped. Destroyed,. Ion. 10°42'W.] as* unseaworthy. 275 slaves on board. Sent to St. Helena. Fully equipped. lat. 10' 58' S. Ion. 13" 30' E. lat. 11* 25' S Ion. 13° J3 E. lat. 11°25'S. Ion. 13° 13' E. lat. 10" 41' S. Ion. 13° 23' E. Fully equipped. Destroyed, as unseaworthy. 527 slaves on board. Sent to St. Helena. Fully equipped. Sent to St. Helena. N.B. — ToT.vL, 15 vessels : 6 with slaves on board. Tot.\^l number of slaves, 2,029. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Meceited 10 November.^ Sir, " Penelope," in Elephant Bay, 17 August 1848. 1 REQUEST you will lay the accompanying letter from Commander Dixon, of Her Majesty's sloop "Rapid," before mv Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty. After tlie opinion delivered by Captain Denman before the Sugar and Coffee Committee, tliat proper principles are not pursued by this squadron in their endeavours to suppress tire Slave Trade, I feel that I am not needlessly troubling their Lordships in requesting you to lay before the Board the opinion of an officer who for some time commanded the Sierra Leone division. Should it be necessary to pursue this subject any further, I can, without any difficulty, procure sufficient evidence to overturn remarks which appear to have been made w ithout due reflection. In the meantime, I may add that Captain Di,\on's informants are the slave-dealers them- selves and the neighbouring Chiefs, who, to obtain their annual stipends, are deeply interested in the suppression of the Slave Trade. I have, (Sec. (signed) Chus. Hotham, Enclosure. Commander Dixon to Commodore Sir Charles Hotsiam. Sir, "Rapid," 1 June 1848. I HAVE the honour to inform you, that, to the best of my belief, no vessel has escaped with slaves from the Gallinas or" Shebar, from the 1st of November 1847 to the 12t,i) of I have, Sec. (signed) Edwcl. Dixon, Commander, late Senior Officer of the Sierra Leone Division. Mav 1818. Commodore COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 419 Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Ad.miraltv. {Received 13 November.) ^'•■j " Penelope," Mayemba, 4 August 1S48. I REQUEST you will lay before tlie Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty the copy of a certificate s^iveii by the Custom-house, at Liverpool, to the Master of the "George Can- ning," authorizing him to carry a variety of articles especially prohibited in the Treaties concluded with the Queen of Spain and the Queen of Portugal, and by 2d k 3d Vict, cap. 73, as well as the copy of a letter from Mr. Brand, Her Majesty's Vice-Cousul at St. Paid de Loanda, on the same subject. The legality of the certificate is established by Article VL, in the fourth clause of the same Act of Parliament, and therefore the " George Canning " could not be detained by any of Mer Majesty's cruisers; and, thus protected, might aid and connive in the Slave Trade, certain that, unless slaves were actually found on board, none of Her Majesty's cmisers would venture to detain hei'. I trust their Lordships will not consider me presumptuous in declaring my belief that the result of this measure cannot have been sutiiciently considered. Even-handed justice requires that the same latitude should be extended to the Portuguese ; nor do I see clearly how we could protest against the seizure of the " George Canning" by one of their cruisers, whilst our instructions direct us to arrest their vessels, whenever any one of the articles mentioned in the before-cited Act shall be found on board. If the " George Canning " should be seized by a Portuguese cruiser, brought before the Mixed Commission, and released upon the validity of the certificate, the vessels belonging to that nation will assuredly sail furnished with similar documents, and it will be difficult for us to protest against an adverse decision, when the example in the first instance emanated from ourselves. Up to the present moment, the Portuguese authorities in Angola have loyally and zea- lously fulfilled their instructions ; but if they should become impressed with a feeling ot injustice, their exertions might be given in furtherance of the general will, notwithstanding the instructions of their Government. I do not mean to infer that it was the intention of the owners of the " George Canning" to embark in the Slave Trade ; but, nevertheless, I am bound to declare that I never read a more suspicious document. Did one ever hear of a matting being required for the stowage of a cargo ; or water for the voyage out and home, and for ballast ; or three tons of rice, for the crew of a cutter ? By information just received I am led to believe that the " Maid of Islay" steamer will be brought before the Vice-Admiralty Court at Sierra Leone for carrying an over cargo of rice, and trading to a known slave depot ; but the south coast abounds in barracoons, yet the " George Canning " here appears with slave equipments, and protected by the law. I am fully persuaded that the Slave Trade can only be extirpated by lawful commerce ; and, desirous to afford it every encouragement and assistance, I cannot hear of linglish vessels being unnecessarily protected, and furnished with pa])ers unusual in their character, and certain to provoke discussion with other nations, without informing the Admiralty, and requesting theni to instruct nie further on the matter. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure L Vice-Consul Brand to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. Sii-^ ■ Loanda, 1!> July 1848. The cutter " George Canning," of Liverpool, having been recently in this port, I found amono- the papers with which she appears to have cleared out at that place, a printed certi- ficate oianted by the Custom-iiouse, that her owners had given, not oidy sulhcient security as required by several Acts of Parliament passed to enable Her Majesty to carry into effect the several Treaties with foreign powers for the abolition of the Slave Trade, that the number of casks on board beyond those required for the use of the vessel, should only be used to hold palm-oil, or ibr other purposes of lawful commerce ; but also that the said owners had, in com])liance with an order of the Lords of Her Majesty's Treasury, further "iven security that various other articles enumerated in the certificate itself (the presence of which, it is therein stated, may by too strict and literal construction of certain ijrovisions of these Treaties be made a plea for the detention of vessels, to the detriment of licit com- merce) were intended for lawful trade. By the tenor of the document in question, which I understand is m the form now esta- blished by the Liverpool Custom-house for such cases, it would appear that, in vnlue of tiie Treasury'Order therein let'erred to, the variety of articles with which merchant-vessels may, on the prescribed security being given, clear out and prosecute distant voyages without beincy liable on that account to detention under the equipment article ot I reaties tor the suppression of the Slave Trade, has been very greatly extended; and as this extension bears so directly and materially upon the state and condition m which Her Majesty s cruisers under your command may meet British merchant-vessels trading on tins coast I take the libertv, even at the risk of troubling you with a matter with which you may be 53. • 3H al'-«^ady 420 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT already acquainted, respectfully to enclose a copy of the certificate with which the " George Canning" was furnished. It is dated March 19, 1847, showing that the Custom-house of Liverpool had begun to issue these documents upwards of a twelvemonth ago. I have, &c. (signed) G. Brand, British Vice-Consul at Angola. Enclosure 2. CusTOM-HousE Clearance. Custom-house, Liverpool. This is to certify, that the owners of the " George Canning," of Liverpool, of which R. £. Biskett is at present master, have given sufficient security as required by the several Acts of Parliament passed to enable Her present Majesty Queen Victoria to carry into effect the several Treaties made respectively with Her Majesty the Queen of Portugal, Her Majesty the Queen of Spain, His Majesty the King of the French, His Imperial Majesty the Emperor of Brazil, and other Powers, for the abolition of Slave Trade, that 100 casks, beyond the number required for the use of the said vessel, shall only be used to hold palm- oil, or for other purposes of lawful commerce. And whereas it appears that, under certain provisions contained in the said Treaties, the presence of certain articles enumerated therein may, by too strict and literal construction of such provisions, be made a plea for the detention of vessels, to the detriment of lawful com- merce, the Lords Commissioners of Her ]Majesty's Treasury have therefore directed that security should be taken by the Honourable the Board of Customs, that the articles so referred to in such Treaties, enumerated below, are intended for lawful trade ; namely, spare planks for the heading of casks, or erection of factories or houses on the coast ; two pairs of handcuffs, and sucla shackles and bolts as are needed in the ordinary equipment of the vessel : Water for the voyage out and home, and for ballast, matting sufficient for the stowage of the cargo, two large boilers for boiling oil, a quantity not exceeding three tons of rice for the use of the crew, or kroomen or other natives assisting in the prosecution of the voyage. Everything entered as cargo is for lawful trade only. This is to certify, that bonds have accordingly been given by the owners of the said ship, in compliance with the aforesaid order of the Lords of Her Majesty's Treasury. Given under our hands, &c., 19 March 1847. (signed) E. Ainand, (l. s.) Collector of Her Majesty's Customs. F. Poioell, (l. s.) Comptroller of Her Majesty's Customs. Commodore Sir C. Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Received 18 November.') ^ir, " Penelope," in Elephant Bay, 17 August 1848. 1. In the evidence given before the Sugar and Coffee Committee, Captain Denman says, that " as long as the principle is iiot adopted of blocking up the points of embarkation, we are doing nothing effectual to the suppression of the Slave Trade;" and also, that "proper principles have not been acted upon Ijy the squadron on the coast." * 2. Had these opinions been proffered bv any other person, I should not have thought it advisable to offer an explanation ; but when a grave assertion is put forth by an officer generally considered to possess much information on matters connected with the Slave Trade, I feel it incumbent upon me to solicit their Lordships' indulgence whilst I endeavour to lay the subject before them, detail the configuration of the coast, and the different modes employed in the exportation of slaves. 3. If circumstances compelled the dealers to ship from particular ports and harbours, nothing would be more easy than to anchor the cruisers off the depots, and extirpate the trade ; but the very reverse of this takes place. Alono- a large part of the coast, rivers and lagoons run parallel with the sea; these waters may be considered the railways of Africa; by them slaves are transported from point to point, and shipped, not at any fixed place, but according to the position of the cruiser. 4. Where this facility does not exist, the slaves are treated like post-horses, and run from spot to spot ; the chiefs of the several tribes throuoh whose territory they pass receive a gratuity, conditional on their rendering every assistance, and providing for their wants. 5. In order to show the natural advantage which the west coast of Africa offers to this description of traffic, I have caused a chart to be constructed, and the course of the internal waters ' Minutes of Evidence, Q. 1C40, 1641, page 151. COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 421 waters inserted in it. In the margin *= I have set forth the hne of country where the Slave Trade is actively conducted, and if the whole distance is divided by 24, it will give 91 miles for each cruiser to watch. 6. Now, will any man in his senses believe that a ship, assisted by her boats, can o'uard 91 miles ? 7. In the month of February, during a full moon, and the finest season of the year, Captain Eden proved that the time which elapsed between the departure of a cruiser mitil she was out of sight was only 10 minutes, and the experiment was made under the most favourable circumstances, and not during die harmattans and fogs which prevail during five moiitl.s of the year. 8. It is a fallacy to suppose that the French render us any assistance ; they are generally in harbour, or, if at sea, confine tlieir visits to their own ships. Since October 1846 they have not detained a vessel ou suspicion of being engaged in the Slave Trade. 9. If the merits of the plan pursued since I assumed the command are to stand upon their results, and a comparison drawn with the past, the balance will be largely in my favour. Commodore Jones's squadron, during -l-l months, commencing 1st of April 1844, and ending 31st of January 1840, captured and condemned 100 slave-vessels, with 6,515 slaves on board. Sir Charles Hotham's squadron, during 22 months, commencing 14th of October 1846, and ending 13th August 1848, has captured and condemned 143 slave-vessels, with 11,700 slaves on board. Equally satisfactory has been the health of the squadron ; tlie deaths have been in proportion of Ij per cent., and the number of invalids have been reduced three-fourths. 10. I am aware that many people believe the demand for slaves to be increased in propor- tion. I have no data whereon to offer an opinion, but I know from good authority that during the months of May or June 10,000 slaves were landed at a port near Rio, not from the west coast of Africa, but from the Mozambique. This information, which Commander Hope received from a dealer at Loanga, is corrobo- rated by the master of the " Feliz Socicdade," captured by the " Contest," who assured Commander M'Murdo, " that the Slave Trade upon the west coast of Africa would be quite at an end, were it not assisted by the very large importations from that of the east, where all the vessels of large tonnage are now sent ;" which 1 presume means that tlie dealers at Rio are compelled to resort to the Mozambique Channel for the purchase of slaves ; and this statement is again confirmed by the slave-dealers at Quicombo. Thus the havoc committed by the cruisers of this squadron is acknowledged by three different parties. 11. Their Lordships will observe that I have confined this despatch entirely to the question of keeping the cruisers under sail off the coast, or placing them off a particular place at anchor. 12. To the plan I have pursued, Captain Dennian informs the Committee that in part he attributes the increase of the Slave Trade. It is for their Lordships to draw their own conclusions ; to their decision, be it what it may, I am ready to bow ; but I am not disposed to follow the dictum of an officer who is believed never to have been stationed in the Bii;ht of Benin, or on the south coast, and to have gained his information fiom what he saw on the north coast from Cape Roxo to Cape Palmas, being only one-third of the whole station; and when I find that, excepting the years 1837 and 1839, the squadron on the west coast of Africa has captured in 12 months a greater number of slaves than all the other squadrons put together, I trust their Lordships will not think that I am taking too much to myself in declaring that I believe the arrangements hitherto made to have been as complete and satisfactory as circumstances would permit. I have, &:c. (signed) C/ias. Hotham. Commodore Sir C. Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Received 2 January 1849.) Sir, " Penelope," St. Paul de Loanda, 16 October 1848. 1 REQUEST you will lay the accompanying letter from Her Majesty's Vice-Consul at Loanda before the Lords of the Admiralty, and inform their Lordships that the^ part of the coast alluded to by Mr. Brand extends from the River Congo to Benguela. The state of the European mercantile world has unquestionably operated in checking the sale of slaves in Brazil. At the same time, I am intimately convinced that the activity of the cruisers has dealt a heavy blow to the Slave Trade, and rendered the losses of the dealers unusually I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure * From Cape St. I'lUil to the River Quorra - - - 37"' miles. From Cape Roxo to Cape Palmas ----- 770 „ From Cape Lopez to Little Fish 15ay - - - - 1,0.50 ,, great. 2,19.3 53- 3 " 2 422 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure. Vice-Consul Brand to Commodore Sir C. Hotham. gjp Loanda. 16 October 1848. I BEG to acquaint you that I recently had some conversation with a person resident in this city intimately connected with the Slave Trade, who complained very bitterly of the severe losses which the slave-dealers had lately experienced, and stated to rne that besides the ruin of several individuals, the prospect of the traffic generally was in a most deplorable condition. This statement, he declared, was founded not only upon his know- ledo-e of the place, but also upon information to be fully relied on, which he had received from the Brazils. , • /- , ^ I have thouoht it well to make this known to you, as the person who miormed me referred to the matter in connexion with the numerous cuptures made by the squadron under your command. 1 have, &c. (sio;ned) G. Brand. Commodore Sir C. Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. (^Received IG Ja7mary 1849.) Sir, "Penelope," St. Helena, 1 November 1848. 1. The anxiety which the House of Commons has shown, during the last Session, to arrive, as well at the nature of the service on the west coast of Africa, as of the results obtained in suppressing the Slave Trade, induce me to depart from the rule which has hitherto been considered applicable to all agents of the public service ; and request their Lordships to permit me to reply to an assertion made by Commander Matson, in a pamphlet styled " Remarks on the Slave Trade and African Squadron," and which, I see, has already run through two editions. 2. I am in no way desirous that my remarks should have publicity, or go beyond the walls of the Admiralty ; but I think their Lordships are entitled to require from me the fullest and most complete explanation on every point connected with the peculiar service on which the squadron under my command are employed ; and that I, on my part, coveting the largest share of their Lordships' approbation, am not deviating from the rules of propriety and discretion in bringing such subjects to their notice. .3. Commander Matson says, page 31. '' I believe he has removed the vessels to a greater distance from the coast, and has forbidden the employment of boats on detached service ; this latter restriction must certainly have crippled the exertions of the squadron." 4. I request you to inform their Lordships that this statement is, generally speaking, inaccurate, as the two enclosed General Orders issued to the commanders of the cruisers, the first on the 3d November 184(5, the second on the '21st .January 1848, will show. 5. I interdicted boat-service in rivers, because humanity required it. Their Lordships will not have forgotten the result of the " Wanderer's " boat excursion up the River Pongos, or the number of lives which it cost. 6. I also interdicted boat-service on the line of coast between Cape Palmas and the River Gambia, because the service tiiey could perform was in no degree adequate to the risk ; but this is only on one-third of the station, and there is no prohibition to the employment of boats on any otiier part of the coast ; on the contrary, consistently with discipline and health, it has rather been encouraged. 7. I am quite aware that officers of more experience of this service might have managed matters better; but it should be borne in mind that I had difficulties to encounter unusually great, and that there were obstacles which lequired both time and patience to remove. 8. And 1 trust that the return of vessels captured, empty and with slaves, during the last 12 months — 100 vessels and 7,000 slaves — wdl siiow that with whatever faults we may be <:harged, inactivity, at all events, cannot reasonably be included in the number. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure 1. Extract from the General Standing Order Book, Chapter 1st, Article II., dated 3 November 184G. The boats are never to be employed in the rivers during the sickly season, nor at any period, unless some extraordinary emergency should occur, and the fulfilment of the public ■service render it imperatively necessary. Enclosure COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 403 Enclosure 2. Extract from the General Standing Order Book, Chapter 1st Article II. dated 21 January 1848. The boats are never to be detached from ships stationed on the line of coast between Cape Palmas and the River Gambia, except in pursuit of a suspected vessel actually in sight. •' Commodore Sir C. Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Received 10 Jannary 1849.) Sir, " Penelope," Ascension, 4 December 1848. I have the honour to refer you to my despatch of the 1st ultimo, and request you will be pleased to inform my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that I have received intelli- o-ence announcing: the destruction of the slave factories and bariacoons at Ambriz and Ma-zula, by the Commander of Her Most Faithful Majesty's brig-of-war " Mondeo-o," in consequence of instructions given by M. Cordeiio, commanding the Portuguese" Naval Forces on the west coast of Atrica. The value of the property consumed by fire at Mazula is estimated at 2,000 I. sterling. I have, Sec. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Commodore Sir C. Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Received 2,5 January 1849.) Sir, " Penelope," Ascension, .5 December 1848. I request you to lay before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty the enclosed copy of a letter from Commander Quin, of Her Majesty's ship " Waterwitch," informing me that he had captured three slave children in a canoe bound from the Gallinas to New Cess. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure. Commander Quin to Commodore Sir C. Hotham. Sir, " Waterwitch," at Sea, 9 October 1848. I have the honour to inform you, that on the 20th of September 1848, the head krooman of Her Majesty's ship " Waterwitch" observed a canoe with some natives in her, from the shore at Cape Mount, and went after her in a canoe, and detained three children, slaves from the Gallinas, going to New Cess. He delivered them on board tlie " Waterwitch" when we arrived, and 1 have victualled them at one quarter allowance, till an opportunity occurs to send ihem to Sierra Leone. The children are two boys and a girl, about nine years of age. I allowed the man, a native, to go, in accordance with section 2, page 7, Article VII., of the Instructions for the Suppres- sion of the Slave Trade. I have, &c. (signed) Richard R. Quin. Commodore Sir C. Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Receired 30 .January 1849.) Sir " Penelope," Ascension, 5 December 1848. equipped for I TRANSMIT herewith a copy of a letter from Commander Dunlop, of Her Majesty's sloop " Alert," reporting the capture of the Brazilian schooner " Andorinha," fully the Slave Trade. I have, kc. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure. Commander Dunlop to Commodore Sir C. Hotham. Sir. " Alert," oft' Cape Verga, 20 October 1848. I have the honour to inform vou, that on the evening of the 2d instant, having detained a suspicious canoe off the River Cappatchis, I found some correspondence addressed by per- sons in the Nunez to others in the River Pongos on board of her, which mformed me that a slaver was at that time in tlie latter river. ,53. 3 H 3 ^" 424 APPENDtX TO JIIXUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT On the morning of the 3d instant I sailed for the Pongos, and anchored off Mud Bar, on the evening of the 5th instant. -, ^ t i i. r c- t •, , At daylight the next morning I sent the pilot 1 brought from bierra Leone with the Kroomen up the river in the jollv-boat, with orders to hide themselves and the boat in some of the creeks during the day, aiid at night by moonlight to search for the slaver, and, if possible, to bring me information of her exact position, that I might take into consideration the possibility of capturino- or destroying her. On the 8th the jolly-boat returned \\ ith mformation that a slaver was certainly in the river, but they had not been able to ascertain her position. The same day I sent the jolly-boat away again with the same orders as before, and on the mornino- of the 11th instant she returned, having seen the slaver during the night hauled up a narrow creek, only four miles above Sand Bar, the south-east entrance of the river. Takinfi- into consideration my certainty of the position of the slaver, and that from her vei-v shoTt distance up the river our boats could reach her in a few hours, I looked upon her in all respects as a " slaver actually in sight," and decided at once to attempt her capture. That every possible precaution might be taken to secure the health of the men, I deter- mined to accompany the boats, which were the two gigs and pinnace in charge of the first and second lieutenants, under my own directions. In case the crew of the slaver might entertain suspicions of our own intentions, and remove their vessel, I left the ship with the boats at 1 o'clock p.m. of the 11th instant, as soon as possible after the return of the pilot, and that evening we captured the Brazilian schooner " Andorinha," completely equipped for the Slave Trade. All hands slept on board her under cover, and the next morning we brought her down the river, and anchored her outside the bar, and I am happy to add that no bad consequences of any kind have arisen from this little expedition. We found only three men on board when we took the schooner, the captain and the rest of the crew being on shore ; but the former delivered himself up the next morning, and I sent him in the schooner to Sierra Leone on the 14th instant. He tells me this is the fifth time he has been captured consecutively. The " Andorinha" was intended to carry from 250 to 300 slaves, and was waiting until her caro-o should be collected. She had no papers whatever on board, her only sign of nationality being a Brazilian flag, but the Captain informed me she belonged to Rio de Janeiro. I have, kc. (signed) Hugh Dinilop. Commodore Sir C. Hotham to the Secretart to the Admiralty. {Received 13 Fehruart/ 1849.) Sir, " Penelope," Ascension, 5 December 1848. I TRANSMIT herewith a copy of a letter from Lieutenant Ponsonby, late in command of Her Majesty's steam-vessel " Firefly," reporting the capture of the " Gerardo," abrigantine, with Mexican colours and papers, fully equipped for the Slave Trade. I have, &:c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure. Lieutenant Ponsokby to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. Sir, " Firefly," 6 October 1848. I HAVE the honour to inform you, that after parting company with Her Majesty's ship " Amphitrite," on AVednesday, 4th "instant, in latitude 3° 52' north, and longitude 4° 40' east, . I shaped my course for Fernando Po; there I am obliged to proceed for coal. Yesterday at 1.40 p.m., latitude at noon 3" 43', longitude 6° 20' east, I observed a brigantine on port-beam, and immediately altered course and trimmed sails in chase, at the same time getting steam up in chase (port boiler), the fires being banked. At 2 p.m. she was reported from mast-head having made all sail; at three she was seen from deck, and observed to haul up N.iN.E., running in for the land, with studding sails both sides. At 3.30, finding the bieeze freshening much, and that we were not then gaining on her, and observing her wetting her sails, low and aloft, I ordered the fires under starboard boiler to be lighted, to proceed full power, which 1 did at 4.20 p.m., and then gained considerably on her ; when within range, fired several shots to bring her to, two of which struck her (as stated by her crew), she at the time hoisting Mexican colours. I have further to inform you, when first she was seen, we were only 3(j miles from the land, the west point of the River St. JNicolas bearing due north, and at 5 p.m., finding she could get away, she steered direct for the land ; and at G.30 I observed her shorten sail, and haul to the wind on poit-tack, close in shore, when I fired another shot at her, passing- through her foresail, when she ran on shore ; observing this, I immediately stopped the engines, and sent cutter and second gig in charge of Mr. Phillips, mate, to board her, and if she could be got off, to use every possible exertion for that purpose, and send for assistance if required. At COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 435 At 8 P.M. I shortened all sail, anchored abreast of the vessel, and as near as I could with safety to Her Majesty's steam-vessel under my command. On boardino- and takino- possession of her, she was found to be the brigantine " Gerardo," under Mexican coloui? and jiapers, last from Campechi, Yucatan, fully equipped for Slave Trade, with a crew of 23 men on board, 16 of whom I have as prisoners, the other seven escaping in her boat. Shortly after the boats boarded and took possession, the vessel capsized, or fell over on her broadside a heavy surf running, the vessel going to pieces fast. ' At 11.:J0 the boats returned on board with only the crew, 16 in number, a few papers, and her flag. I despatched the boats again this morning at daylight, in hopes of beino- able to save some part of the stores ; but on getting near, found she had broken int- and Chiefs of that river, two copies of which I enclose; the third was^'left with Kino- Pepple. I found no difficulty in getting them to enter into the views of Her Majesty's Government. I have, &c. (signed) Thos. R. Eden, Cai>tmn. i Enclosure 2. Engagement with the King and Chiefs of the Bonriy. Thomas Rodney Eden, Esquire, Captain of Her Majesty's Ship "Amphitrite," on tlie part of Her Majesty the Queen of England, and the King and Chiefs of the Bonny and of the Neighbourhood, on the part of themselves and of their Country, have aoreed upon the following Articles and Conditions : — Article I, Th e export of slaves to foreign countries is for ever abolished in the territories of the King and Chiefs of the Bonny, and the King and Chiefs of the Bonny engage to make and to proclaim a law prohibiting any of their subjecls or any person within their jurisdiction, from selling or assisting in the sale of any slave for transportation to a foreign country; and the King and Chiefs of the Bonny promise to inflict a severe punishment on any person who shall break this law. Article 11. No European, or other person whatever, shall be permitted to reside within the territory of the King and Chiefs of the Bonny, for the purpose of carrying on in any way the traffic in slaves; and no houses, or stores or buildings of any kind whatever, shall be erected for the purpose of Slave Trade within the territory of the King and Chiefs of the Bonny ; and if such houses, stores or buildings shall at any future time be erected, and the King and Chiefs of the Bonny shall fail or be unable to destroy them, they may be destroyed by any British officers employed for the suppression of Slave Trade. Article IH, H'at any time it shall appear that Slave Trade has been carried on through or from the territory of the King and Chiefs of the Bonny, the Slave Trade may be put down by Great Britain" by force upon that territory, and British officers may seize the boats of tlie Bonny found anywhere carrying on the Slave Trade; and the King and Chielsufthe Bonny will be subject to a severe act of displeasure on the part of the Queen of England. Article IV. The slaves now held for exportation shall be delivered up to — — - — -_ - for the purpose of being carried to a British colony, and there liberated, and all the imp e- ments of Slave Trade, and the barracoons or buildings exclusively useii m the Slave iradc, shall be forthwith destroyed, , 53- 3 1 A^^^^""^ 428 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Article V. Europeans or other persons now engaged in the Slave Trade are to be expelled the country ; the houses, stores or buildings hitherto employed as slave-factories, if not con- verted to lawful purposes within three months of the conclusion of this engagement, are to be destroyed. Article VI. The subjects of the Queen of England may always trade freely with the people of the Bonny, in every article they may wish to buy and sell, in all the places and ports and rivers within the territories of the King and Chiefs of the Bonny, and throughout the whole of their dominions- and the King and Chiefs of the Bonny pledge themselves to show no favour, and oive no privilege to the ships and traders of other countries, which they do not show to those of England. Article VII. An annual present for five years of goods of British manufacture, to the value of two thousand dollars (2,000 dollars), shall be granted to King Pepple ; such goods to be delivered only upon the production of certificates signed by the masters of the British merchant- vessels frequenting that river, to the effect that the foregoing stipulations of the Treaty have been fulfilled with good faith by the King and Chiefs. Article VIII. Power is hereby expressly reserved to the Republic of France to become a party to this Treaty, if the Republic should think fit, agreeably to the provisions of Article V. of the Convention between Her Majesty and the late King of the French, signed at London on the •29th of May 1845. In faith of which, we have hereunto set our hands and seals, at Grand Bonny Town, this 21st day of November 1848. (signed) (signed) Thos. Rodney Eden, (l. s.) King Pepple, (l.s.) his his Anne x Pepple. Matiilla x Pepple. mark. mark, his Jack X Brown. mark, his Dappo, X mark. The foregoing Treaty was signed and sealed in our presence. his (signed) John Tudor. Parliament x Gentleman. John Beecroft. mark. Thomas Lyon. his John Angus Ward. Jew Jew x Guana. Charles Thos. A. Rowe. mark. Enclosure 3. King Pepple to Captain Eden. Sir, King's House, Bonny, 21 November 1848. With respect to the first year's presents, I should feel obliged if you will send it uie in powder, half barrels, long Dacre guns, with iron ramrods, and circles of iron to enclose the ramrods in. Please ask the masters about the guns. The powder and guns the same as ships bring here for trade, the powder barrels being marked E. W. With respect to the quantities, please send half of each. I shall be glad if the missionaiy will come to this house and have a little talk with me this afternoon. I remain, &c. (signed) King Pepple. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {licceived IG March.) Sir, " Penelope," Sierra Leone, 10 February 1849. The accumulation of business which presses upon me, and the necessity for the imme- diate departure of the " Wanderer " and "Ranger," compels me to postpone the detailed account COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 420 account of the operations connected with the burning and total destruction of the Gallinas and Solyman Slave Factories, on the 3d and 4th instant, until tlie next opirortunity • in the meantime, I request you wdl lay the accompanying document before the Lords of the Admi- ralty, m order that inunediate notice may be given of the blockade. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure 1. Orders issued by Commodore Sir Charles Hotham. The orders under which you are acting provide for all the common duties required in the northern division, excepting in what may relate to the new state of affairs connected with Gallinas, consequent on our recent operations on the part of Her Majesty's Government. I have declared war with that country, the limits of whicli are confined between Solyman's Point on the south, and Cazee on the north, latitude 6° 57' north, lono-itude 11° 35' west and latitude 7" 5' north, longitude 11" 45' west; and I intend to exercise all the rights allowed by the law of nations in carrying on the war. With that view, I shall give official notice of the establishment of a blockade of the Galli- nas to the authorities of the neighbouring rivers and commanders of scjuadrons or ships on the west coast of Africa ; and you will avail yourself of every opportunity to notify the existence of a blockade to the commanders and masters of all vessels passin"- the interdicted factory. You will not interfere with men-of-war, or prevent their communicating with Gallinas; but you are to inform the masters of merchant-vessels that the blockade has been established, and that it is forbidden to pass the line of the blockade or communicate with the shore ; and this warning will be noted, as far as possible, in the logs of the vessel in question. As the trade of Gallinas has been proved "to be connected with slave exportations, and the goods imported used for that sole purpose, you will make no difference between vessels of any nation loaded with any description of cargo. Vessels that persist in endeavouring to violate the blockade, you will prevent, if abso- lutely necessary, by force, forwarding a full account of the transaction, in duplicate, to the Admiralty, as well as to the officer commanding this station. You are not to send any vessel to a Vice-Admiralty Court, either at Sierra Leone or else- where ; in tiiis particular the blockade differs from the system generally pursued. The utmost temper and forbearance are required; a high responsibility devolves upon you, and the Lords of the Admiralty will not sanction any act of violence which could by tem- perate measures have been avoided. Given, &c., 8 February 1849. (signed) Chas. Hotham. Enclosure 2. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Commodore of the French Squadron. Commodore, " Penelope," Gallinas, 4 February 1849. I do myself the honour to inform you, that, in consequence of the continued violation of the Treaty concluded with the Chiefs of Gallinas by Captain Denham, in 1840, for the suppres- sion of Slave Trade, I have declared war with that country, and established a blockade, with a sufficient and effective force, between Solyman on the south and Cazee on the north. I request you will be pleased to give public notice of this blockade to the French authori- ties on the west coast of Africa, and to the masters of French vessels calling at Goree. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary to the Admiralty. {Received 20 March 184D.) gjj. " Penelope," Ascension, 5 December 1848. 1. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your despatch dated 30th September 1848 with "a copy of the evidence taken before, and" of the report made by, the Select Committee of the House of Commons" which has been sitting during the recent Session ot Parliament for the purpose of considering " the best means which Great Britain can adopt fi)r providing for the final extinction of the Slave Trade," anddesn-mg me to transmit to you any remarks thereon that I might think fit. ^ Their Lordships will no doubt have observed that the evidence of the several witnesses, and especially of the naval officers, is conflicting and contradictory ; and were I to attempt to criticize and compare their opinions, I should be led into a discussion tedious in itself, and proliably difficult for their Lordships to understand. I therefore propose to confine myself to a statement of the modes and shifts at present adopted by the slave-dealers, detail the confiouration of the coast, and offer some general remarks on the difticulties which present themselves in the attempts hitherto made to suppress the Slave Trade. 53. 3 12 I^"t ^qo APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT But as the subject is intimately connected with the condition and prospects of tlie Brazihan empire as the means which thatGovernment possess to enforce a prohibitory law cannot be left out of the account, I trust their Lordships will not consider that I am exercising an undue discretion in extendino- my observations beyond the limits given in tneir instructions ; and includino- in one desp'atch, the opinions which I have formed on this important question. 3 1 have already transmitted to their Lordships a chart, explanatory of the facilities offered tothedealers in transporting and shipping slaves on different parts of the coast; the course of the internal waters is also inserted ; and in the margin =» I have set forth the line of country where the Slave Trade is actually conducted. If the whole distance is divided by -24, it will rices? 1 think they could not ; and this is the second inquiry I suggested. 2dly. That the profits of the trade were much overstated. All persons are apt to boast much of their gains, but the slave-dealers more especially, as a triumph over the cruisers, and even the Government of England, as well as to console themselves for the discredit they could not but feel attached to their trade. Thus we hear of a few foitunate individuals who have formerly amassed fortunes in it, but of the many who have lost fortune and life in it we hear little or nothing ; yet I am satisfied that there are many such, and that on the whole the trade here has not been latterly a productive one. One proof of this is, that the insurance offices lost so niucli on the policies of slave vessels, that it is nearly ten years since they resolved to take none on them on any terms whatever; but calculations may be safely made to show this from their own statements. The price of a slave on the coast may be only from five to twenty-five dollars; but the expenses of agencies and factories are neces- sarily great, besides those of bringing them. The more difficult is the emb;ukation, the more and better paid agents must be employed, and well paid to be kept faithful to their employers, when it would be so completely in their power, if they plc;ised to act dis- honestly, to set them altogether at defiance. I have heard it said that each slave costs the dealer 100 dollars, by the amount of these expenses, with those of bringing them. If half are captured, then each slave landed here may be said to have cost 200 dollars, and the average price for the cargo round may not perhaps be obtained more than 400 dollars per head. This would still be an immense profit, if no bad debts were incurred, as very often is the case ; but if the dealers were further liable to these, and to have a third or a half of those brought seized by the Government, or 50 dollars per head charged for the fee to the Captain- general, then the remaining profit certainly would not compensate for the risk run of utter loss. It seems to me, therefore, that the trade is in a most depressed state, because the profits have been so much reduced as to make it unadvisable for any to engage in it, except they were persons like Don Julian Zulueta, forming themselves new plantations, and desirous of obtainino- slaves for themselves at the lowest rates, and not as speculators for sale. Even if they lost two-thirds of those they had bought on the coast, they would be thus obtaining tlie remainder at a less price than importers by ti-ade could afford to sell them at, taking the usual brokerage and chances of repayment into consideration. At present there is less demand for slaves than there was at this time of the last year. The newspapers have been full of advertisements for them to be sold or hired out in bodies for the season; whereas I have not seen one of any required, as was often the case last year, and even in the time of General Valdes. Neither has the price for slaves or (or labour risen since the last year; and this and the other considerations before mentioned, bring me to the conclusion that the Slave Trade is in a depressed state, not only on account of the blockade, but also on account of the dealers not being therefore able to afford slaves at such prices as to meet the wants of the planters at the present rates of produce. If the Slave Trade were again set free, and the planters could get them, as they then might, at one-third or one-fourth of the present prices, the numbers might be taken perhaps even 20,000 or 25,000 per annum, for some years, till the number was found sufficient to check further importations. The high price then is, and must be, a check to the trade, and this high price is owing to the blockade of the coast. In my last annual Report, dated the 1st January 1848, and a former one, I informed your Lordship that, though lately a larger demand for slave labour had arisen, on account of the higher price of sugar, yet this demand had been met by a supply of negroes from abandoned cotfee plantations,'' to the number then estimated of about 30,000. Since then I learn there has been a Return made to this Government of the number so transferred to sugar estates, estimated at 38,000. This supply 1 should think sufficient for the necessities of some years to come. The extraordinary demand that arose last year, and the one preceding, for more labourers, was no doubt on the expectation of continued high prices; but with the present prospects it must abate. The calculations also formed last year of the quantity of sugar to be made under particular circumstances have, in many cases, proved erroneous, and the gains jiherefore have been less than what was expected. 53. 3 K -' ^» 438 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT In the year now concliuled very little rain has fallen in the island, so that the canes have proved of inferior quality, and it is supposed by many that the exports of this year (1849) will fall even 30 per cent, below those of the past. Such benis; the case, as there are several estates on which they do not grind at all this season, and all from 20 to 30 per cent, less than before, the requirement of labour is so much less, and the quantity that sufficed for the last will be quite sufficient for the present. Thus, then, may be accounted for the fact, that there is less demand even now for labour than there was a year since, and perhaps no great demand will arise for years to come, for the same reason. As far as can be judged, the best-informed merchants seem to think that the price of sugar will not ao-ain materially rise, and that this island has already attained the utmost that, under present circumstances, it is likely to produce. With the present prices, the planters cannot afford to o'ive large sums for labour, and they must economize with what they have. In this they have also another supply, beyond what the abandoned coffee estates afforded, namely from the numbers formerly employed in the manufacture of tobacco and cigars. Much as has been the falling off in respect of remuneration for sugar, the fall in the tobacco trade is as remarkable. Of 20,000 persons estimated to have been employed in this city ia the manufacture of cigars, it is said that half are now out of employment, and this circum- stance, if it be true and if it continue, must lower the rate of prices for labour generally, and give, if required, perhaps several thousand labourers for the estates. The exports fi-om Havana and ]\Iatanzas, which in 1847 amounted to 1,006,707 boxes of sugar, and 106,904 quintals of coffee, in the past year have amounted to 1,000,341 boxes of sugar, and 31,673 quintals of coffee, there being five boxes of sugar and twenty-two and a half quintals of coffee to the ton. In 1847 there were exported from Havana, 19,368 quintals of leaf tobacco, which was less than half the quantity exported in 1846. But in the past year the exports have fallen still further, to 13,508 quintals. Of cigars, in 1847 were exported hence 198,268 bundles, of 1,000 each, which was one- fifth more than in former years. But during the last year the exports have fallen to their former average, 150,729 bundles, with the prospect of this depression continuing. I conclude, from these facts, that there is not that incentive for an increase of Slave Trade existing in the higher price and call for slave labour, which would cause it to be continued against the risk of losses felt in late years. If the blockade were abandoned, and slaves procured at a quarter, a third, or even one-half the present prices, it would be renewed, unquestionably, to as frightful an extent as ever. From my knowledge of this community, I feel myself warranted in saying that no other than coercive measures will suffice to keep the trade suppressed. They think much of gain, but only of present gain, and they have not the slightest scruples of carrying it on. There are a few advocates for the suppression of the trade, and a few even for the suppression of slavery itself. But these are very few indeed, and it may be doubted whether they would hold true to their opinions in case the alternative were offered them. The great body of the people have not the slightest sense of any injustice perpetrated in the trade. It seems tome, therefore, idle to think, for a moment, of its being ever put down by other means. In addition to the Return of the Exports and Imports during tlie last 20 years, I also submit to your Lordship an Account ot the Revenue of the Island, as affording means to judge of its capabilities, and to gather the prospects of increase, of production, and induce- ments to carry on tlie Slave Trade, if the Planters should find it worth their while to extend their culiivation, either by a rise in the price of sugar, or, what is the same thing, a lowering cf the price of labour, which would follow on the Slave Trade being opened to them again, so that they could produce sugar at a greater profit. In the despatch of 1847, dated the 9th March of that year, I gave your Lordship an account of a new estate formed by Don Julian Zulueta, which was expected to produce 10,000 boxes of sugar during the year. Of this estate I am enabled now to give the follow- ing further particulars. It is named the Alava, situated in the neighbourhood of Cardenas; it is formed of 60 caballerias (2,000 acres of land, of which 33 caballerias are laid out in cane, 17 unopened, three arid, and seven occupied in buildings and roads. It has three mills, each of which gives 50 pails of syrup per day, at a heat, in January, of eight and a half, and in March and April, of ten and a half — eleven. Each caballeria gives 1,500 loads of cane; and in the last year, 1848, the produce exported was of boxes of sugar 5,000 white, 3,000 yellow, 312 encurucho, 600 muscovado, and 134 small cases ; total 9,046 ; the number of loaves being at the rate of 2,000 to the caballeria. For these there are 28 caballerias of cane ground, and this year, 1849, they have of molasses 1,500 hogsheads. The body of labourers is represented to consist of 380 utiles or slaves, 35 .Asiatics, and 200 Creoles of 10 years and under. The last number is evidently false, and to be understood of the later introduction of slaves in July last, the cargo then brought being well known to have principally consisted of children. There are said to be, on the'average, 25 sick in the infir- mary. On the estate are 90 carts, and 170 yokes of oxen, and the buildings are on the best scale. The whole lighted with gas, sufficient for 5,000 lights, but in general they use 60. The apparatus, in England, cost 240/., and the bringing "and placing it 600/. It has 20 feet of diameter, 12 of height, three retorts, and corresponding condenser and purifier. I have been led to give these details, because the former account referred to has been pro- nounced fabulous by one of (he monthly publications of London. But it is to be observed that there are several others in the i.sland as colossal, one, for instance, belonging to the Conde COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 439 Conde de Penalver, another to the Condesa de Reunion, one to Don F. Diego and others. The Conde de Feinandina has lately formed one, the Agiuca, which it is said will be the largest in the island, as the works are on the most improved scale, and the annual produce calculated at 14,000 boxes of sugar. The Alava, of Don Julian Zulueta, this season, is only calculated to produce 6,000 boxes? on account of the drought of last year, but in general years 10,000 boxes, which, at 13 doUai-s a box, would be 150,000 dollars, or 30,000/. sterling per annum. As a general computation, it is stated here, in the last number of the Memoirs of the Royal Economic Society of Havana, that an estate with 150 negroes, to putting it in a state to pro- duce 2,000 boxes of sugar, may have cost its proprietor 140,000 dollars, and thereupon gaining a value of 40,000 dollars to that crop ; and considering that, with proper manage- ment, 15,000 dollars will suffice for the expenses, a net surplus remains of 25,000 dollars, which is about IS per cent. Could the slaves be bought at reduced prices, the profit would be accordingly greater. From these considerations, the inference seems to me, that the least relaxation of the present system of prevention of Slave Trade would be eagerly taken advantage of, for tlie prosecution of those gains of which I have given these details. The planters are actively intent on the promotion of their interests. They are proceeding with unremitting assiduity to obtain the best machinery, and cairy on their business under the Lest systems they can learn. Meanwhile the Government is also aiding them by going on with equal pace in promoting the prosperity of the island. Coals are not only admitted free of duty, but the vessels bringing them are admitted at a reduced tonnage' duty. Public works on all sides are wisely carried on. New roads and bridges are in course of construc- tion in every direction, and railroad companies encouraged and supported. Harbours are improved and opened to trade, so that both internal and coasting communications are faci- litated. Three light-houses on the coasts are now building. Public instruction is much attended to, especially a branch lately established for engineers. Better municipal regula- tions also are formed for public convenience; but, above all, the administration of the Govern- ment under the Conde de Alcoy, the present Captain-General, influencing, of course, every tribunal and subordinate authority, is placed in a remarkable manner on a footing which, if it be continued so for a few years, cannot fail to give this island the fullest means of developing all the advantages it possesses. If the Slave Trade were opened to them again, the people here would enter into it with an unscrupulousness, in which the English colonies could not compete with them, and the ruin therefore of the latter would be complete and immediate. I have, &c. (signed) J. Kennedy. Enclosure 1. List of Vessels reported to have sailed from tlie Havana, or Neighbourhood, suspected of being intended for Slave Trade during the year 1847. FURTHER REMARKS. No. 1. February. — A vessel, name un- No. 1. Probably one of two referred to in known, reported to have sailed in the begin- the despatch of Her Majesty's Conunissioners nino-of the month from one of the neighbour- at the Cape de Verd Islands of the ytli July ino-^outports. 1847. — See Slave Trade Papers for 1848, ° ' Class A, p. 197. No. 2. 28th February. — Spanish brig. No. 2. Condemned at Sierra Leone, De- " Atrevida," a well-known slaver, cleared out cember 1847. — ^ee Slave Trade Papers for ostensibly 'for New Orleans, but intended for 1848, Class A, p. 39. Instead of going to the coast of Africa. New Orleans, it appears she sailed hence direct to Santiago de Cuba. No. 3. May. American brig, " Brazil," No, 3. This vessel is also mentioned in was desiDatched by M. Forcade, ostensibly the despatch referred to above, from Her for Rio de Janeiro, but believed to be in- Majesty's Commissioners at the Cape de tended for Slave Trade. Verd Islands. It is reported here that, on her first voyage, she returned to Brazil with- out having been able to obtain a cargo, but that she has since made two su(;cessful voyages. 53- 3 K 3 Enclosure 440 APPENDIX TO MINUTKS OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure 2. Return of Vessels which sailed in 1848 suspected of being intended for Slave Trade. March. American schooner " Swiss Boy." About this time a vessel is reported to have sailed from the city of Trinidad, and two schooners from Santiago de Cuba. j^pril. A vessel named the " Mariana " was despatched hence, on the outports, and about the same time two others, named the " Trueno " and " Jacinto," all three formerly in the same trade. May. — A vessel was sent from Cabanas, which had been formerly a light-ship in tlie harbour of New York, and sold as unsemceable. July. — American brig " Lawrence," for Cabenda. September.— A vessel, formerly the correo or mail-packet ship, damaged in the hurricane of 1 846, sailed the latter part of this month as the " Elvira." l3t October. — American brig "T. Street." Enclosure 3. Return of Vessels said to have arrived during the Year 1848 from the Coast of Africa. April. — Eight hundred slaves reported to have been brought to the neighbourhood of Santiago de Cuba. Several vessels were said to have come in the Spring to the south side of the island, of which it was impossible to obtain here any particular information. July. — Seven hundred slaves, reported to have been brought to the neighbourhood of Cabanas, one vessel with 300, in this month, and one, the felucca " Columbia," with 150. Enclosure 4. Return of Exports and Imports of the Island of Cuba, from 1828 to 1847 inclusive, in Dollars. Years. Imports. Exports. Years. Imports. Exports. NOTE. 1828 1829 19,534,922 18,695,856 13,114,362 13,952,405 1838 1839 24,729,878 26,315,803 20,471,102 21,481,862 In 1847 the im- ports of Spain are stated to have 1830 16,171,562 15,870,961 1840 24,700,189 26,941,783 amounted only to 29,719,701 dol- 1831 15,548,791 12,918,711 1841 24,630,620 26,774,614 lars 6 rials, and 1832 15,198,465 13,595,017 1842 24,637,527 26,684,701 the exports to 25,228,049 dol- 1833 18,511,132 13,996,100 1843 23,422,096 25,029,792 lars 12 rials, so 1834 18,563,300 14,487,955 1844 25,056,231 25,426,591 that, according to official re-r 1835 20,722,072 14,059,246 1845 28,007,590 18,792,812 ports, the im- 1836 22,551,969 15,398,245 1846 22,625,399 22,000,588 ports and exports of Cuba exceed 1837 22,940,357 20,344,407 1847 32,389,119 27,998,770 those of Spain. Enclosure COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 441 Enclosure 5. Return of Duties and Taxes of the Island of Cuba from 1828 to 1847 inclusive in Dollars. ' Years. Duties, Custom-houie. Other Taxes. Total Revenue. NOTE. 1828 5,309,136 3,777,270 9,086,406 Of this revenue it is stated that 1829 5,193,967 3,948,642 9,142,610 one million and a half of dol- 1830 5,027,095 3,945,452 8,972,547 lars are applied to the Civil 1831 4,795,465 3,501,739 8,297,204 Service, including the Minis- ters and Consuls of Spain in North and South America ; 1832 4,792,178 3,645,228 8,437,407 1833 5,235,371 3,660,185 8,895,556 1834 5,098,288 3,847,446 8,945,734 four millions and a half of 1835 6,426,033 3,371,149 8,797,182 dollars for the Military, one million and a quarter for the 1886 6,743,793 3,523,472 9,267,266 1837 5,809,775 3,027,390 8,837,065 Marine, and the remainder 1838 6,098,254 3,267,656 9,365,910 remitted to Spahi. 1839 7,363,078 3,841,355 11,204,434 1840 7,387,498 4,281,904 11,669,402 1841 7,266,464 4,650,835 11,917,299 1842 7,383,346 4,731,496 12,114,843 1843 6,987,017 3,407,040 10,394,057 1844 7,160,631 3,329,621 10,490,252 1845 6,370,748 3,629,252 9,000,000 1846 6,232,967 4,907,811 11,140,779 1847 7,494,330 5,314,383 12,808,713 — No. 9.— Reports from Her Majesty's Consuls in Brazil to Viscount Palmerston. (No. 1.) Consul Porter to Viscount Palmerston — {Received 22 May.) My Lord, Bahia, 31 March 1848. I HAVE the honour to transmit herewith Returns, Nos. 1 and 2, of the trade betw^een this place and the coast of Africa, for the quarter ending this day. The Return No. 1 furnishes a startling proof of the extreme avidity with which slave traffic is carried on at this place, and fearful risks individuals engaged therein will subject themselves to in order to gain their ends. It appears incredible, but it is nevertheless a fact, that a ship's long boat manned by three persons, and measuring 24 feet extreme length, seven feet breadth, and only three feet nine inches depth, has arrived here from the coast of Africa, in which 50 miserable children had actually been stowed, and 35 conducted hither, 15 having died on the passage. It is more than probable that every soul on board would have perished for want of water and provisions, had they not been relieved by a merchant vessel, when reduced to the last extremity. The authorities here have not taken the slightest notice of this occurrence, although it is generally known and spoken of, numbers having been to see the boat as an object of curiosity. I have &c., (signed) Edward Porter. 53- 3 K4 Enclosure 442 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure 1, in (No. 1.) List of Vessels whicli have entered the Port oi Brihia from the Coast of Africa, during; the Quarter endmg 31 March 1848. No. Date of Entry. Nation. Class. Name. Tons. Crew. Master. Owner. Cargo. Whence. Days out. Remarks. 1848; 1 Jan. 8 Brazilian patache - Maria 144 19 M. J. Bata. Gonpalves L. P. Marinho ballast - Coast of Africa. - landed 650 slaves. 2 16 Spanish - felucca - Calumnia 34 8 D. Benito Mavol not known ditto - ditto _ landed 230 slaves. 3 18 Brazilian polacca • Bella l\li- guelina. 263 IS H. Jos^ Viera - not known ditto - ditto - landed 340 slaves. 4 29 Sardinian pol.acca - Frederico 237 12 G. B. Grandona not known general Ajuda 29 6 Feb. 9 Brazilian baniue - Jovenlnno- cente. 320 8 J. M. dos Santos not known ballast - Coast of Africa. - landed slavesatMai 6 15 Brazilian patache - .Tulia 62 14 M. S. N. Chamusca - not known ditto - ditto. 7 17 Brazilian yacht Blete Muao - 12 M. L. de M. Guimaraes not known ditto - Ajuda 32 landed 420 slaves. 8 17 French - barque - Socrate - 1V8 10 J. B. Potiei- - not known ditto - Onim 32 9 „ 25 Brazilian yacht Diligencia 88 18 IM. J. Bata. Fereira - J. A. da Cruz Rios. ditto - Coast of Africa. landed 302 slaves, 10 Mar. 3 Sardinian polacca - Archangelo 182 14 G. Devoto not known ditto - ditto 44 killed. 11 3 originally ai I American si lip's boat, not excee ling IC tons, crew 3 - . ditto - ditto - 50 landed 36 slave', 12 5 French - schooner - M6sange - 102 10 J. Lallemand not known ditto - Ajudi 3'> died on passage. 13 11 French - barque - Josephine 243 12 £. C. D'EndeviUe - not known ditto '- Popo Coast of 30 14 01 Uraziliiia yacht Andorinha 80 18 M. J. P. de Fonseca - J. P. Marinho ditto - landed 430 slaves. 15 28 French - brig Saphir - 251 12 J. Allay - not known ditto - 40 16 30 Spanish •> felucca - Calumnia 34 8 D. Benito Mayol not known ditto - Coast of landed 1 80 slaves. Africa. British Consulate, Bahia, ) 31 March 1848. / ( signed) Edward Porter, Consul. Enclosure 2, in (No. 1.) List of Vessels which hare sailed from Bahia for the Coast of Africa, during the Quarter ending 31 March 1848. No. Date of Sailing. Nation. Class. Name. Tons. Crew. Master. Owner. Cargo. Whither bound. Remarks. 1847: 1 Jan. 13 Brazilian brig - Gentil Africano 321 28 Romao A. da Cruz - not known - ballast - Coastof Africa Slaver, cleared 1 2 3 »i It 17 French - Brazilian schooner yacht Francois Xavier Andorinha 103 80 10 18 R. G. Moisant - - ditto J.P. Marinho general ballast - - ditto. - ditto Macahe. Slaver, cleared 1 4 5 6 7 )» »» 18 19 19 25 Sardinian ditto - ditto - Brazilian polacca ■ - smack ptilacca brig - Galileo - Concordia Giudetta Dous Amigos - 182 10.( 184 141 10 8 11 26 E. Solari - - . F. Dodero M. Dodero A.C. daC. Bitencourt not known - - ilitto - ditto - ditto general ditto - ditto - ballast - ditto. - ditto. - ditto. - ditto Azores. Slaver, cleared 1 8 9 Feb. 2 2 Sardinian Spanish - polacca felucca Vincitore Calumnia 209 34 10 8 P. A. Compodonico - D. Benito Mayol - ditto - ditto general ballast - ditto. - ditto Canaries. Slaver, cleared i 10 >» 6 Brazilian ditto Vigilante 57 22 M. J. B. Gon9alves - - ditto ditto - - ditto Canaries. Slaver, cleared f 1 1 M 7 ditto brig schooner Pensamento - 247 21 J. P. d'A. Viana - ditto ditto - - ditto Ceara. Slaver, cleared f .3 » 11 13 French - Brazilian brig . ditto La Circonstance Linda Flor 253 139 11 17 J. B. Enet J. J. Borges - ditto - ditto general ballast - ditto. - ditto Canaries. Slaver, cleared f 14 )» 14 ditto - ditto Vareta - 248 33 G. R. Germanu - ditto ditto - - ditto Rio Grande. Slaver, cleared f 15 tt 16 ditto - polacca Dous Amigos - 395 23 J. J. Alves Barlozo - F. Godinho " ditto - - ditto Azores. Slaver, cleared 1 16 >» 17 ditto ditto Bella Miguelina 263 29 SI. H. J. Viera da Sa not known - ditto - - ditto Macahe. Slaver, cleared f 17 18 19 20 21 Alar. t1 19 1 5 16 18 American Brazilian French - Sardinian Brazilian brig - patache ditto Polacca schooner Cadet - Maria - Eclipse - Frederico Mete Mao 294 144 150 237 101 10 19 9 12 14 J. Hawsou M.J.J, da Ca. Pinheiro M. A. C. Poilleu J. B. Grandona M. J. Palacio - - ditto J.P. Marinho not known - - ditto - ditto general ballast geuer.il ditto - ballast - ditto. Goree Coast of Africa. - ditto. - ditto Azores, Slaver. Slaver, cleared f 22 yj 22 ditto - yacht 2a. Andorinha 125 19 D. da Costa Lage - ditto ditto - - ditto Canaries. Slaver, cleared f 23 24 25 26 »» »» 28 29 31 31 French - American ditto Brazilian schooner barque yacht ditto Mesange Helena Augusta S. W. Kampton Diligencia 152 232 191 88 10 11 7 18 J. M. Lallemand Henry Sinclair - M. E. P. Stanhope - M. J. B. Feieira - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto general rum - general ballast - ditto. - ditto. Ambriz. Coastof Africa Para. Slaver, cleared f Prince 'a Isle. British Consulate, Bahia, "( 31 March 1848. / (signed) Edward Porter, Consul. (No. •: COMMITTEE ON THE AERICAN SLAVE TKADE. 443 (No. 2.) Consul PoKTEK to Viscount Palmekston. — {Received 2 September.) "My Lord Bahia, 30 June 184S. Ihave the lionour to transmit to your Lordsliip tlie accompanying Lists, No. 1 and 2, of the trade between this \ . and the Coast of Africa, for the quarter ending this day. tj 1 have, &.C. (signed) Edward Porter. Enclosure 1, in (No. 2.) Li.'iT of \'essels -which hare cnttrorl the Port of Bahia from the Coast of Afiica, during the Quarter eudiug :>0 June 1&48. Date of Entiv. 1847: April 8 11 14 „ 20 29 30 30 1 12 25 27 |i May • )» I- „ 1. June 1 I ,, 4 8 12 17 23 23 Nation. Class. Brazilian Sardinian Brazilian American Portuguese Hamburgese liraziiian ditto French - Sardinian ditto ditto - ditto - Brazilian Biitisli - Brazilian ditto Sardinian French - American French - ditto brig schooner ditto schooner - patache - brig ditto polacca - brig . schooner - polacca - smack polacca - ditto patache - schooner ■ vacht ditto brig ditto yacht barque vacht Name. Pensamento - ■St. Andr^ Curiosa Bridgeton Augusto Adolph - Bella Jliguelina Vareta - Francois Xavler Galileo - Concordia Vencitore Judita - S. Antonio Tri- umfo. CoQcord Diligencia Andorinha Eridano Circoastance - J. W. Kampton Socrate - Eclipse - Tons. Crew. 247 139 118 144 282 2(J3 248 103 182 103 209 184 81 64 88 80 231 253 193 178 150 21 11 8 8 16 11 20 18 20 II 10 II 9 iMaster. J. P. d'.Xo, Vianoa - L. Ragglo M. JI. d'Oliveira Earros N. B. Huttlcstcn T. J. de Carvalho L. Ekmau G. R. Gerniano M. R. G. Moison E. Solari - F. Dodero P. A Canipodonico M. Dodero M. J. P. de .Souza R. L. Williams M. ,1. B da Faria JI. .1. P. de Fonseca G. B. Scab J. B. F.net — Stanhope E. Potier JI. Poilleu Owner. J. F.Godinho not known - - ditto - ditto - ditto ditto D. G. Bello not known - - ditto ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto C. G. Ivc - J. A. da Cruz Rios. J. P. IMarinhi not known - - ditto ditto - ditto . ditto Cargo. ballast - ditto - ditto - ditto - general ballast - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto - ditto . ditto ■ ditto ■ ditto ■ ditto . ditto - ditto - ilitio - ditto - ditto - ditto • When Days out. Coast of Africa. Ajudii Coast of Africa. Ajuda St. Thomas Ajiida Lagos Coast of Africa. Onim ditto ditto Popo Onim Coast of Africa. SierraI.eone Coast of .\frica. 42 Remarks. ditto - Onim Ajudii Anibriz - GaUinas - Onim 64 landed 450 slaves. Captured by H. M. steamer '* Gre- cian," with 517 slaves on 22d. landed 21 7 slaves. landed 2S0 slaves. landed 420 slaves, 60 died on pas- sage. landed 300 slave-. 33 passengers. Sus- picious. 1 British Consulate, Bahia, ~) 30 June 1848. j (signed) l^flu'iird Porter^ Consul. Enclosure 2, in (No. 2.) List of Vessels -wliich have sailed from Bahia for the Coast oi A/rim, during tlic Quarter ending 30 June ]0 ditro brio- - Penguin . 228 14 M. J. B. Dodero - ditto ditto - - ditto. 1 " ■>! ditto ditto Emjjirio Curiosa - . 227 11 G. I'iUiiluga - - ditto ditto - - ditto. Slaver, cleared for 91 Br.izilian schooner - _ 118 17 Bl. D'tjllvelra Barros- - dilto ballast - ditto 1 " Goree. li „ T^ (iltto Josefa _ 121 24 11. F. D'Azevedo - . ditto ditto - - ditto Slaver, cleared for Azores. I ;; 26 .Sardinian polacca - brig ditto Italia - . 169 10 L. Ghegara . ditto general - ditto. t June 1 ., 5 11 French - Brazilian Les Amis Tentativa Feliz 144 195 10 29 N. L. Delameie HI. l;. Chaves - - ditto - ditto ditio - ditto - . ditto Slaver, cleared for llac.ihe. ij .. 15 ditto ditto Vaveia - - 248 20 G. R. Germano - ditto ditto - - ditto - ditto. - ditto. - dilto. . ditto Slaver, cleared for Azores, i! ;: 19 French - patache - Fran9ois Xavier 103 9 M. G. B. Moisant - - ditto - ditto ditto - dillo - ij „ 1^1 Iride - . 106 10 L. Giustiviano 1 „ 24 24 American Brazilian patache - yacht Bridgeton Diligencia - 144 88 8 19 W. D. Burcklv 11. J. B. Fereira - ditto J. A. da Cruz llios. ditto - dilto - Slaver, rlc.-ircd fi;r Prince's Island. lir. J - 28 29 Sardinian Brazilian polacca - ditto Tereo JIarlnho ■ 185 239 11 11 D. f'aguoli J. 11. A. A. Bucelar - not known . ditto ditto - ballast . ditto. - ditto. Slaver, cleared for Rio Grande. British Consulate, Bahia, J ( 30 June 1548. J (signed) Eiluard Porlcr, Consul. (No. 3.) 444 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT (No. 3.) Consul Porter to Viscount Palmerston. — {Received 29 December.) My Lord, Bahia, 30 September 1848. I HAVE the honour to transmit to your Lordship the accompanying Lists, No. 1 and 2, of the trade between this Port and the toast of Africa, for the quarter ending this day. I bes leave to call your Lordship's attention to the Bi'azilian yacht " Andorinha," of 8(t tons burthen, wiiicli vessel has made eight successful voyages to and from the coast of Africa, having actually landed 3,392 slaves at this port, receiving the usual freight of 120 reis per head, 407,040, amounting to 40,704 I. sterling, calculated at the current rate of exchange of 24 rf. per milrei. Her first cost, including every thing necessary for the voyage, may have been about 2,000 /. The parties interested in the vessel admit that, after deducting all expenses, she has left a clear profit of more than 800 per cent. She has always cleared from this in ballast for different parts of the world, and returned hither after an absence of about 60 days, using the subterfuge of giving entry as having put back to this port in distress. The " Andorinha" landed her first cargo of slaves in December 1846. I have, &c. (signed) Ediuard Porter. Enclosure l, in (No. 3.) List of Vessels which have entered the Port of Bahia, from the Coast of Africa, during the Quarter ending .30 September 1848. No. Date of Entry. Nation. Class. Name. Tons. Crew. Master. Owner. Cargo. Whence. Days out. Remark 1 1848: July 2 American brig - Cadet 294 10 J. Hawson - not known ballast- Onim 29 2 16 Brazilian - ditto - Josefe 121 24 ^I. F. d'Azevedo - - ditto - ditto - Coast of Africa - Landed .350 M 3 Aug. 14 ditto ditto - Tentativa Fe- 195 10 .AI. R. Chaves • ditto > ditto - - ditto _ Landed (;0.| III) 4 17 Sardinian ditto - liz. Univcrso - U G. Bonsignore - ditto - ditto • Adjuda 27 near Maca 5 6 .. 17 „ 25 Brazilian - ditto polacca schooner Repentino - 4a. Andorinha 169 99 13 23 J. A. Sisneiro M. V. da Cunha - - ditto . - ditto . ditto • ditto - Coast of Africa - ditto ~ Landed sla Rio S. J< Landed 207 1 iia 7 25 ditto yacht - Diligencia • 88 19 51. J. Fercira J. A. da Cruz Rios ditto - - ditto - Landed 106^1 8 9 Sept. 4 6 ditto - Sardinian brig - patache Vareta Iride - 248 116 23 10 G. R. Germans T. Giustiviano not known - ditto - ditto . ditto - - ditto Onim 24 Landed *!in * Rio S. Ji . 10 8 Brazilian - yacht - Andorinha - 80 18 Joze Ribas . J. P. Marinho - ditto . Coast of Africa - Landed 280 M. 11 ,, 10 Sardinian polacca Caristo 192 10 51. G. GuneUi not known general Onim 24 12 11 Brazilian - brig . Vingador - 247 28 F. P. Pereira - ditto - balla-st Coast of .\frica - Landed 569 in 13 23 Sardinian ditto - Empirio 227 11 G. Pitt.i!uga - - ditto • ditto - Onim .30 British Consulate, Bahia, T 30 September 1848. J (signed) Edward Porter, Consi Enckl COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 445 List of Vessels Enclosure 2, in (No. 3.) which have sailed from Balna fur the Coast of Africa, during the Quarter eudinj 30 Sejitember 1848. r Date of Sailing. Natiuu. Class. Name. Tons. Cre». Master. Owner. Cargo. Whither bound. Remarks. 1 1848: 1 July i Sardinian - smack Eu nao sei 123 10 W. G. Dodero not known genei'ai Coast of Africa. i^ o Braziliaa schooner - 4a. Andorinha 99 23 M. V. da Cunha - - ditto ditto - - ditto Slaver, cleared lior 1 1 3 4 Saiilinian - smack - Concordia 103 9 M. F. Dodero - ditto ditto - - ditto. Azores. i 4 5 - ditto polacca - Vincitore 209 10 P. A. Campodooico - ditto ditto - - ditto. 1 ^ 12 - ditto scliooner - S. Andre 134 10 G. B. Bonsignore - - ditto ditto - - ditto. 1 « 17 Brazilian yacht Andorinha 80 18 Joze Ribas - J. P.Marinho ballast - - ditto Slaver, cleared for i 7 22 - ditto polscca - Bom Destlno - 157 IS F. F. Sampaio not known ditto - - ditto Sta. Catherina. Slaver, cleared for i * 22 - ditto brig Vingador 247 28 F. P. Pereira - ditto ditto - - ditto - fllaeahe. Slaver, cieaied for is 1 29 American - yacht J. IM. Kampton 193 7 M. R. Stanliope - - ditto general Onim Sta. Catheriiu, Suspicious. iio August 14 Sardinian - polacca - Galileo - 1 82 10 — Solari - - ditto ditto - Coast of Africa. ill 18 ditto brig Eridano - 231 11 J. B. Scala - - ditto ditto - - ditto. 12 18 Briizilian yacht - Raspate - 110 15 S. 1\I. Chamusca - - ditto ditto - - ditto - Slaver, cleared for J3 25 - ditto brig Josefa - 150 24 J. D. dos Santos - . ditto ditto - - ditto Aearayu. Slaver, cleaied for 14 Sept. 2 Sardinian - polacca - Enrico - • 156 U G. Bartoletti - - ditto ditto - - ditto. Pari. 1.", 4 - ditto - patache - Beriso - 108 9 M. A. F. Tiscornia - ditto ditto - - ditto. it 11 Brazilian brig Brasilense 204 27 A. C. Duartc - ditto ditto - - ditto Slaver, cleared for 17 12 American - ditto - Cadet - 294 11 S. Hanson - - ditto ditto - - ditto. Canaries. 18 17 Brazilian - yacht Diligencia 83 17 V. J. da Costa - ditto ditto - - ditto Slaver, cleared for !!• 21 Portuguese- brig Augusta 187 21 T. J. de Carvalho - - ditto ditto - Loanda. Azore-s. •20 21 Sardinian - ditto - Universo 245 11 G. Bonsignore - ditto ditto - Coast of Africa, 21 23 Braziliaa ditto - Luzitano 248 26 J. B. Goncalyes - ditto ditto - - ditto Slaver, cleared for 22 25 - ditto schooner - 4a. Andorinha 99 18 Joze Ribas - ditto ditto - - ditto Azores. Slavei, cleared for Me.\ieu. ■ Britisli Consulate. Bahia,\ 30 September 1848. J (signed) Edward PorUr, Consul. (No. 4.) Consul Porter to Viscount Palmerston. — {Received SI March 1840.) My Lord, Bahia, 31 December 184S. I have the honour to transmit herewith Returns, No. 1 and 2, of the trade between this Port and the Coast of Africa, for the quarter ending this day. The slaves landed in this province during the present year amount to about 7,63!», being a decrease of 2,425 on the year 1847. The number of slave-vessels which sailed from this for the coast of Africa, has, on tlie contrary, increased, being 93 this year, to 74 in 1847. The latter circumstance proves that slave traffic is still curried on with great activity. The decrease in the importation of slaves is accounted for by the fact, that several cargoes, originally destined for this port, have been landed in the southern provinces, in consequence of the supply of slaves iiere having exceeded tiie demand, and there being a large number in the depots. A great portion of the nquisites for carrying on slave traffic is takea from this in Sardinian vessels, 30 having sailed for Africa during the present year. During the past 12 months, 46 slave-vessels left for the coast, 23 having entered this port with slaves, five cargoes have been landed to the southward, and 13 vessels are repotted as captured. I have, &c. (signed) Edward Porter. 53- .3 L 2 Enclosure 446 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure 1, in (No. 4.) i List nf Vessels which have entered the Port oi BahU, from the Coast oi Africa, durmg the Quarter eiidhig .31 December 1848. 1 No. Date Nation. Class. Name. Tons. Crew. Master. Owner. Cargo. Whence. Days REMARK 1 of Entry. 10 1 1 , 1S48: Sept. 30 S.irilini.tn smack Eu nao sei 123 JL G. Dodero not known ballast - Ajuda 1 2 Oct. 3 Igual - - 213 13 A. S. Araujo - ditto ditto - Coast of landed slaves Rio S. Joac Africa. 3 S American barque polacca - biig barque - Adeline - 249 12 S. G. Gamage - ditto general Loanda - 25 4 " ! ditto patache - Franfois Xavier 103 9 M. G. R. Moisant - - ditto ditto - Onim 46 S a.'i Sardinian polacca - Vincitore 209 10 J. A. Campodonico - ditto ditto - Popo Pe- , 30 ' queno. il "fi British - schooner - Medora - 170 11 Philip Amy - W. B. Hutton general Cape Coast 25 ^ " & Sons. 10 Nov. 1 American yacht J. W. Kampton 193 6 JL R. Stanhope - not known ballast - Onim 30 1 1 I Sardinian brig Galileo - 182 10 E. Solari - ditto ditto - ditto 25 12 ^• 11 American patache - Bridgeton 144 8 D. Buddy - - ditto ditto - Ambriz - 22 32 passengers, c of captured ves 13 >• 15 Brazilian brig Lusitano 248 26 G. R. Germano Pereira da Ca. Bastos. ditto - Coast of .Africa. - landed 480 sla 14 20 Sardinian polacca - Giudetta 184 10 JI. Dodero - not known ditto - Onim 29 i.") ,. 25 ditto - smack Canordia 103 9 F. Dodero - - ditto oil Porto Novo - 10 Deo. 9 ditto - polacca - Enrico - 156 11 G. Bartuletto - ditto ballast - Onim 29 17 14 ditto - schooner • S. Andre 139 10 G, B. Bonsignore - - ditto ditto - Ajudi - 30 18 „ 17 ditto - brig Bocomini 159 11 E. Gottozo - - ditto ditto - Onim 19 19 19 ditto - ditto - Eridano - 231 11 . - ditto ditto - ditto 27 20 23 Brnziliiin yacht Andorinba 80 18 D. da Costa Lage - J. P. Marinho ditto - Gallinas - - landed 317 slav 21 •■ 23 ditto ditto - Legrcdo - 135 23 J. G. ^larinho J. A. da Cruz Rios. ditto - ditto - landed 350 slav 25 died on the ] sage. 1 British Consulate, B.ahia, ) 31 December 1848. ( (signed) 'Edward Porter, Consul. Enclosure 2, in (No. 4.) List of Vessels which have sailed from tlie Port of Bahia for the Coast of Africa, during the Quarter ending 31 December 1848. No. Date of Sailing. Nation. Class. Name. Tons. Crew. Master. Owner. Cargo. ■Whither. 1 HEMARK.S. * 1 1848 j 1 Oct. 12 Brazilian yacht Andorinha 80 18 D. da Costa Lage - J. P. Marinho ballast - Coast of Africa. Slaver, cleared ft fliexico. o ., 18 French - patache - Eclipse - 150 8 A. C. Poillen not known general - ditto. 3 " 22 Brazilian brig Vingador 247 27 F\ de P. Pereira - ditto ditto - ditto Slaver, cleared fc Sta. Catharina. 4 ■' 22 ditto - yacht Legredo 135 14 M. J. G. Mariuho- - ditto ditto - ditto - Slaver, cleared fc Azores. ; 5 " 29 ditto polacca - Ligeiro - 167 30 F. C. Madail J. P. Marinho ditto ditto - Slaver, cleared fo JMexico. 6 Nov. 2 Sardinian brig JIaria Thereia 224 10 G. Colombino not known ditto - ditto. 7 9> 2 Brazilian ditto - Sem Par 393 18 i\L Aspres - - ditto ditto ditto Slaver, cleared fo Rio de Janeiro. 8 " 5 American ditto - Harriet - 333 V Thomas Duling - ditto ditto - ditto. 'J h French - polacca - Jeune Paul 149 9 P. Aillard - - ditto ditto ditto. 10 '• U Sardinian patache - Iride 116 11 G. Giustiviani - ditto ditto ditto. II '• 13 Brazilian polacca - Repentina 213 13 J. A. da Souza - ditto ballast - ditto Slaver, cleared foi 12 „ 14 Sardinian Brazilian ditto - Volatrice 337 14 C. Fiaggio - - ditto general - ditto. Buenos Ayres. 13 " 18 schooner - Bom Successo - 119 S H. de S. Senna - ditto ditto ditto - Slaver, cleared foi 14 .. 20 ditto - falucho - Dous Amigos - G3 8 Lourenco Salvador - - ditto ditto ditto - Canaries. Slaver, cleared foi 15 „ 24 Sarilinian Br.izilian schooner - Esperanza 107 9 G. B. Delcanto - - ditto ditto - ditto. Rio de Janeiro. U> " 29 brig Tentativa Feliz 195 26 L. D. da .Silva - ditto ditto ditto - Slaver, cleared for 7 " 29 ditto brig schoo- Igual - 213 20 J. J. Copque - - ditto ditto ditto Macahe. Slaver, cleared foi* 18 19 Dec. 2 G American Brazilian schooner - brig J. W. Kampton Lusitano 193 249 7 28 M. R. Stanhope - G. R. Germano . ditto Pereira da Ca. ditto - ditto ditto - ditto - Rio St. Joao. Suspicious. Slaver, cleared fort 20 .. 11 13 13 16 17 French - ditto . Les Amis 144 10 N. L. Delamere Bastos. not known ditto ditto. Azores. | '* Sardinian ditto Brazilian schooner - Franfois Xavier 103 9 R. IMoisant - - ditto ditto ditto. M " smack Eu nao sei 123 9 G. Dodero - . ditto ditto ditto. ■ 24 " polacca - Italia - 169 10 Q. Chibiazza . ditto ditto ditto. ^ » brig Gentil Ameri- 218 21 lAI. D. O. Barros - - ditto ballast . ditto . Slaver, cleared foil 25 j» 22 ditto - schooner - cano. Felicidade 159 20 S. M. Chamusca - - ditto ditto - ditto Mexico. ^ Slaver, cleared fur i Para. British Consulate, Baliia, 31 December 184tf (signed) Edward Poilir, Consul (No. 0.) COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAA'E TRADE. 447 (No. 5.) Consul CoRBETT to Viscount Palmerston. — {Received 13 January 1849.) J^y Lord, Mavanham, 31 March 1848. I HAVE the honour to inform your Lordship that during the quarter ending this day there has not been any importation of slaves from the coast of Africa, or any outfitting of vessels for slaving purposes within the district of this Consulate. I have, &c. (signed) R. Falconer Corbett. (No. 6.) Consul Corbett to Viscount Palmerston. — {Received 24 February 1849.) My Lord, Maranham, 31 December 1848. I HAVE the honour to acquaint your Lordship that there has been no arrival of slave vessels from the Coast of Africa, excepting the Sloop Boat " Wave," as reported in my despatch of this series of the 24th November last, or any outfitting of vessels for slaving purposes, within the district of this Consulate, during the quarter ending this day. I have, cfec. (signed) R. Falconer Corbett. (No. 7.) Consul Ryan to Viscount Palmerston. — {Received 23 3fay.) My Lord, Para, l April 1848. I HAVE the honour to report to your Lordship that we have not had any importation of slaves from the coast of Africa, or other quarter, dining tlie quarter ended yesterday ; nor has any attempt been made in any pait of this province, during the said interval, to fit out ships for slaving purposes. I have, &c. (signed) Richard Ryan. (No. 8.; ■ Consul Ryan to Viscount Palmerston. — {Received 5 September.) My Lord, Para, I July 1848. I HAVE the honour to report to your Lordship, that this province happily continues with- out the importation of slaves from the coast of Africa, nor have any arrived during the quarter ended yesterday, from the southern provinces of the empire, or other quarter. I have, (fee. (signed) Richard Ryan. (No. bags of cotton, weighing 1,966 tons 3i cwt. ; sugar, 49,114 tons 3|cwt; hides, JVo. 91,148; rum, 2,198 pipes, and 682 barrels; sweetmeats, 95,370 lbs. The total value, H.iOiOOO /. No alteration whatever has taken place in the laws of the empire respecting slaves ; their general treatment is the same. A general apprehension exists in the province of Bahia, that the extension of Slave Trade is hastening the day when that province will fall into the hands of blacks, and the prosperity of this province is there attributed to its cessation from that traffic. I have, (fcc. (signed) H. Augustus Cowper. (No. 13.) Consul Cowper to \'iscount Palmerston. — {Received 20 May.) My Lord, Pernambuco, 1 April 1843. I HAVE the honour to transmit to your Lordship two tables, showing the number of vessels ■whicii have arrived here from the coast of Africa, and of those which have departed hence with that destination, during the quarter ended yesterday. Your Lordship will perceive with satisfaction that Slave Trade has not revived during that period. I have, &c. (signed ) H. Augustus Cowper. Enclosure COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 449 Enclosure 1, in (No. 13.) Lisl of Akbivals of Vesskls suspected of beinpr employed in Slave Trade, at P,nm,iir.uro, from the Coast of A/ric,, dmin" the Quarter ending .30 Septeinlxn- 1847, ' ° Date of Arrival. IP R48: iaatiary - 21 Name of Vessel, Rosa Name of ;\r!ister. Jose Francisco da Costa Owner or Consignee. Rig- Tonnage. Number of Crew. Nation. From what Part of the Cwst. RE?.IARKS. F. S. Rabello & Son - brig - 125 15 Portuguese - Angola * Cargo ; Max, mats, &e. Passengers: (i^a.lors, 1 Hrazilian, and 1 American person. (-•igned) H. Augustus Cowper, Consul. Enclosure 2, in (No. 13.) List of Departures of Vessels suspected of heiiig employed in Slave Trade, from Permmhnco to the Coast of Africa, durin»- the Quarter ending 31 March 1 818. Date of Clearance. Name of Vessel. 1848: iatch - 19 Rosa Name of Master. Jose Francisco da Costa Owner or Consignee. F. S. Rabello & .Son Kig. brig - Tonnage. 125 Nation. To what Part of the Coast sailed. Portuguese Angola RE.MAUK.S-. 2.36 barrels, 256 tins of sugar; 1 .33 pipe*, 20 haif-i^iprs of mm ; i^ bags of rice ; .30 boxes of soap, &c. (signed) H. Augjwtus Cowper, Coo'ul. (No. 14.) Consul CowPER to Viscount Palmerston. — (Received 2 September.) My Lord, Peinambuco, 10 July 1848. I HAVE the honour to enclose to your Lordship a return of the number of vessels which have arrived from, or departed for, the coast of Afiica during the quarter ended the 30th June last. Your Lordship will perceive that no slaves have been imported here ; but what is extra- ordinary, as occurring for the first time, 21 have been exported to a foreign country, namely, to Cuba, in the " Paqueta de Trinidad."' I shall not fail to observe if this be the commence- ment of a new branch of that inhuman traffic. I have, Sec. (signed) H. Augustus Cowper. Enclosure 1, in (No. 14.) List of Arrivals of Vessels suspected of heing employed in Slave Trade, at Frrnambuio and its Vicinity, from the Coast of Jfrii-dy during the Quarter ending 30 June 1848. Date of Arrival. Name. of Vessel. Name of blaster. Owner or Consignee. Rig. Number of i Tonnage. Crew. I Nation. Whae from. REMARKS. 1S48: April - IS 1 Bom Successo Joao Maxirailio Pitta - Gabriel Antonio brig - 14 104 Portuguese - .4ngola Ballast. 1 (sign( d; H. iug Mttus Ouip>»', Consul. 53- Enclosure i50 APPENDIX TO MI.VUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFOKE SELECT Enclosure '2, in (No. 14.) List of Depaktubes of Vessels siispectcd of being employed in Slave Trade, from Pcnmmbiwo, for the Coast of Africa and elsewhere, dining the Quarter ending 30 June 1848. Date of Name of Name of Master, Owner or Consignee. Rig. Number of Tonnage. Nation. Where for. REMARKS. Popartuic. Vessel. Crew. 184S: Jlay - Iti Frederick - Charles Faulker Amoriiu Brothers - brig - 9 228 American - Arabriz 159 pipes, 30 barrel v containing 29,700 gallons rum, and 7 1 6 Alqres, farinha,- value, 1,368/. June - a Paquette da Trinidade. J. Gilpc - Captain patuxo 9 85 Spanish Cuba ■ 1,800 arrobas, of 32 lbs. each, of jerked beef, value, 442 /. ;. and 21 slaves (" huma por9ao d'escravos.") H. Avffustus Cowpery Consul. (No. 15.) Consul CowpER to Viscount Palmerston. — {Received 2(i February 1849.) My Lord, Pernambuco, 30 December 1848. I HAVE the honour to transmit to your Lordships returns of the number of vessels engaged in trade from this port to the coast of Africa during the quarter ending to-morrow. Your Lordship will perceive that three have arrived from and three departed for that coast, but I have no reason for believing that either of them were engaged in Slave Trade. I have, &c. (signed) H. Augustus Cowper. Enclosure 1, in (No. 15.) List of Abriv.\ls of \"cssels at Penmmhuco from the Coast oi Africa, duruig the Quarter ending 31 December 1848, mtc „f Arrival. Name of Vessel. Name of Master. Name of Consignee. Rig. Crew. Tonnage. Nation. From what Part of the Coast arrived. OBSERTATIOys. 134S: October 6 Princcza Francisca — Lundc Arrial Brothers ship - 14 278 French Goree Ballast. Deoemljer 12 laveja AntonioD.deCarvalho Oliveira Brothers & Co. brig - 27 167 Portuguese - Angola ditto. 17 Louisa Breton - — Chester - F. S. Rabello and Son ditto - 9 168 United States Loanda Cargo, — 1 9 casks whale-oil, and 7 bales of cotton good?. H. Aiir/ustus Cou-per, Consul. Enclosure 2, in (No. 15.) List of Departuhes of Vessels from Pernamhuco for the Coast oi Africa, during the Quarter endhig 30 December 1843. Date of Dfjiarturc. Name of Vessel. Name of Master. Name of Consignee. Rig. Crew. Tonnage. Nation. To what Part of the Coast cleared for. Cargo, &c. ^ 184S. October 17 Argo - . - - - 106 Hamburgh - Loanda 147 pipes, 22 hogs- heads, 45 barrels November 7 Universo - Jacomo Bonsignor - Ber. Lasscrre & Co. - brig 11 245 Sardinian • ditto rum. 100 barrels, 200 December 21 Adelaide - Saml. G. Gainage - M. J. R. Silva - brig - 11 249 United States Africa tins of sugar; 160 |)ipes, 8 hogsheads, 5 1 barrels rum ; 1 3 casks molasses.. 340 pipes, 42 bai- rels rum. i . B. The " Universo" arrived here from Bahia, 26th September, with part cargo of feriaha and cofiee. The " Adelaide " also arrived from Bahia in ballast, chartered m this port. ^ • i a • (signed) H. Augustus Cowper, Consul. (No. 16.)' COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 4^1 (No. 16.) Acting Consul Westwood to Viscount V AhMEUSTOs .—(Received 8 Mai/.) My Lord, Rio de Janeiro, 17 February 1848 In submitting the Annual Report on the state of the Slave Trade and Slavery within the district of this Consulate during the past year, I much regret that I cannot inform your Lordship of any diminution in this odious traffic. Analysis of the Traffic in 1847. From the Custom-house returns, it appears that the departures from this port to Africa and airivals from that coast during the year, were as follows : ' Departures. Under Brazilian - flag - - - - - - - -ii „ Portuguese ,,-------.6 „ American „-- - - - - . -15 „ French „ . 5 „ Hamburgh „ 3 Under Brazilian - flag Arrivals. '» — 40 4 I Portuguese ,,-----...4 American „- - - - - - - -11 French „----.._. 4 Swedish ,,----__. .j Hamburgh „---._.__3 Total - - - G7 These returns, however, furnish no criterion of the extent of the Slave Trade between this district and Africa, as a great number of vessels that sail for that coast leave this harbour imder clearances for different Brazilian ports, and others depart from the various small out- ports in this neighbourhood, while many of the vessels tliat land slaves alono- the coast report themselves on arrival here as coasters ; and such is the protection and assistance granted by all the Brazilian authorities to slave-trading transactions, that it is impossible, in a place so much frequented by shipping from all parts of the world, to be aware of all the proceedings connected with this nefarious traffic. Since the liritish vessels of war have ceased cruising on this coast, all the enero-ies of the slave-dealers have been directed to frustrate the plans of Her Majesty's cruisers on the African coast, in which, to judge from the number of vessels that have landed full cargoes of slaves in this neighbourhood, they have been very successful. This success may be mainly attributed to the great assistance and protection that slave- dealers have derived from the use of the American flag, which has so aided them in organizing their plans on the coast of Africa, as to facilitate, in a great measure the embarkation of slaves, and the departure of the vessels ; and it is much to be feared that so long as the flag of the United States continues so entirely subservient to all slave-tradino- purposes as it is at present, the suppression of this nefarious traffic by British criiisino- will be greatly retarded. The fact that the flag of the United States affords, in every way, the greatest protection to the Slave Trade, has lately been but too clearly proved by the numerous cases that have occurred of American vessels being sold to well-known slave-dealers without chanoino- colours ; and there are now in this harbour two brigs, the " Brazil " and " Don Juan," wearing American colours, while they are well-known to belong to notorious slave-traders. Besides these two vessels, the bar(|ue " Camilla," barque " Ceres," and brigs " i\Iala Date. Description. 1 Name. Master. Nation. Ton- nage. Crew. Where from. Pas- sage. Reported Nature of Cargo. Remarks. 1848: Davs. ctober 1 Barque Louisa J, Saunders - American - 267 13 Congo - 33 ballast. ,. 11 Ditto Senhora do Rosario C. G. Elstone Portuguese - 250 25 Benguela and 34 oil and ballast. Angola. l„ 15 Schooner - Morris W. S. Jones - American - 105 7 Loango - 23 ballast. ov. 2 Pilot-boat - Zenobia - G. C. Bitten - ditto 125 6 Congo - 24 ditto. 19 Brig - - Rosa J. J. Valente Portuguese - 125 12 Angola - 28 ditto. „ 23 Ditto J. W. Huntington J. M. Roberts American - 193 10 Loango - 24 ditto. »!. 20 Schooner - Minerva - J. M. Barbosa Portuguese - 30 10 Loaada - 37 ballast and wax. Jnn. J C. JW'stwood, A :tiug Consul. Encl( jsure 2, in (No. 20.) DeP.4] iTUREs from liio de .Janeiro for the C oast of Africa, during the Quarter ending 31 December 184B. Date. Description. Name. Master. Nation. Ton- nage. Crew. Where bound. Reported Nature of Cargo. Remarks. 1848: October I Hrigantine - Venus G. \V. Adams - . American - 200 7 Africa - - - sundries. » " Schooner - Clarion W. J. Rogers - - ; - ditto 138 7 - ditto ditto. Hov. 5 Ditto Henrietta - 0. Pinto - i - ditto 110 5 - ditto ditto. 7 Barr|ue Camilla J. A. Forsyth - - 1 - ditto 336 11 - ditto ditto. 12 Schooner Ileloi'se L. IVL Saunier - French 241 9 . ditto ditto. 12 Ditto Novo Destiuo A. J. da Silva - - Portuguese - 63 8 Ani;ola ditto. „ 14 Brig - Augiisto T. J. de Carvalho - ditto 178 14 Benguela and Angola ditto. 15 Schooner Moiris W. S. Jones - ■• ; American - 126 7 Africa - - - ditto. „ Ifi Bartjuc Ship - Barijue Eunomus - S. K. Appleton - . ditto 281 9 - ditto ditto. 21 France R. S. Corning - - - ditto 615 19 - ditto ditto. Dec. 10 Sylphide - B. Sieme - . French 285 11 - ditto ditto. 1) 15 Ditto Ann D. Richardson C. W. Storer - . American - 220 10 . ditto ditto - Seizv-'tl outside this harbuurby American brig- of-war "Perry," anJ sent to I'niti'd States. Jno. J. C. U'cslwiWtl, Acting Consul, —No. 10.— Her Majesty's Acting Commissary Judge to Viscount Palmerston. {Received 12 March.) My Lord Sierra Leone, 31 December 1848. I HAVE now the honour to present to your Lordship iny Annual Report on the state of Slave Trade on the western coast of Africa, during ihe year just ended, together with remarks, and such information as I have been able to collect in that period. Owino- to the operation of the Acts of the 2d & 3d Victoria, cap. 73, and S &: '.) \ ic- toria cap 12-^, no vessel has been brought into the Mixed Courts durmg 1848; but a very laroe niimber'have been adjudicated in the Vice-Admiralty Court of this colony. 'I'hat soine of such vessels were really Spanish property, though under the Brazilian flag, I can- not doubt ; but the now general system of destroying the ship's papers, Hags, &c. previous to capture, effectually conceals their nationality. Tins is, doubtless, causet by the J enal Law promulgated by Her Catholic Majesty at RLulrid, on the 2d day ot March 1845, which law seems to have struck the Spanish slave-traders with terror ; for during the last two vears, only one vessel, the" Atrevida," under the Spanish flag, has been adjudicated in the Mixed Courts of Sierra Leone. The mate and three of the crew (being all who were 3M3 brought g .APPENDIX TO JIINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT brou<^ht here) of this vessel, were, in accordance with tlie above-mentioned decree, sent prv soner 's to the Regente of the Courts of Justice of the Canary Islands ; but I have not yet heard the result of their trial. „ •,• , i , i r i -.i It is a fact also, that many of the Brazilian slavers, when captured, are found without either ship's papers or flao-, thereby preventing the disclosure ot the names of the owners of the ship and caroo, also the master, supercargo and officers; and as the system of trying «iave-vessels in the Vice-Admiralty Court does not expose the names of parties to the pub- lic they of course prefer that to the Mixed Courts, where all the parties concerned are annually exposed in the papers laid before Parliament • . ^ • • ^ , Durino- the past year no case was brought before the British and Spanish, British and Netherlands, British and Chilean, British and Bolivian, British and Argentine, British and Urutiuayan, Mixed Courts of Justice. , • „ No slaves were emancipated by the Mixed Courts during the year. The total number of cases prosecuted before the Mixed Commissions since their esta- blishment here in June 1819, up to the present date, is 529; whereof 502 were cases of condemnation, and 27 were either withdrawn, dismissed, or restored to the claimants. In the same period, there have been emancipated by these Mixed Courts 64,625 slaves ; of whom 56,935 have been registered here. I have the honour to enclose, for your Lordship's information, an official copy, obtained from his Honour the Chief Justice, of a return of vessels captured on suspicion of being eni^aoed in the Slave Trade, and adjudicated in the Vice-Admiralty Court at Sierra Leone, from "the 30th June to the 31st December 1848, amounting to 17 vessels, which, with the 14 adjudicated in the same Court during the previous half-year, gives a total of 31 vessels adjudicated in the Vice-Admiralty Court of Sierra Leone, in the year just ended; under the Acts of the 5th George 4, cap. 113, 2d k 3d Victoria, cap. 73, and the Act of the 8th & 9th Victoria, cap. 122. Of the 31 vessels, 14 were captured under the Brazilian flag, 15 were without either ship's papers or colours; one under the British flag, and one under the flag of the United States. The aforesaid captures took place in the following localities; one in the Rio Pongas, two in the harbour of Sierra Leone, one off this colony, 11 between Seabar and Cape Palmas, 14 within six degrees south of the Line, and one captured full of slaves, probably on her pas- sage to Cuba, in latitude 12°22'south, longitude 37" 14' west. Among the 31 captures, 13 had slaves on board, the other 18 cases were proceeded against for beiuii found equipped for the Slave Trade. The locality in which the 13 vessels having slaves on board were captured, is as follows; three canoes seized with 112 slaves on board within British waters off this colony; nine ves- sels within six degrees north of the Equator ; two within four degrees south of the Equator ; and one was captured full of slaves in latitude 12" 22' south, and longitude 37° 14' west. The number of slaves so captured was 5,619, of whom 5,282 were decreed emancipation; 337 having died before such decree was passed. This dreadful mortality may be accounted for by the inhuman master of the slaver captured by Commander Sprigg, of Her IMajesty's sloop '• Ferret," having stowed on board his vessel, admeasurement only 167 tons, 852 men, •women and children; 127 of whom died before they were emancipated ; and, but for the humane conduct of Commander Sprigg, who transhipped about 300 slaves on board the " Ferret," the mortality must have proved even still more appalling. In the course of the year just ended, two cases of a rather unusual occurrence have been adjudicated in the Vice-Admiralty Court of this place. The first was that of the British steamer " Maid of Islay," William Cunningham Townley, master, which vessel was seized on tlie 25th of ^lay, in this harbour, by Commander Dunlop, of Her Majesty's sloop " Alert," for being engaged in the Slave Trade, or otherwise aiding and abetting that traffic. The " Maid of Islay" was adjudicated on the 19th day of July last, when Mr, Heddle, the Acting Judge, decreed that the aforesaid vessel, " Maid of Islay," her tackle, apparel and furniture, be restored to William Cunningham Townley, the master and owner thereof; and the goods, wares, and merchandise on board the same, be restored to Messrs. Hartuno- & Co., the owners and proprietors of the said cargo ; and further decreed the seizor's costs, and condemned the said parties in such costs accordingly. Against this decree, an appeal to a higher court at home has been made by the seizor. In my despatch marked " General," of the 18th of December last, I had the honour of trans- mitting to your Lordship all the particulars I could obtain in reference to this very extraor- dinary case ; I therefore beg respectfully to refer you to the said despatch. On or about the 27th of September, the American brig " Laurence," Edward York, master, burthen 170 tons, was seized in the harbour of Sierra Leone, by Commander Dunlop, of Her Majesty's sloop " Alert," for being found with slave equipment on board in British waters. The brig " Laurence," came into this harbour on the 23d of September last, her master alleging that she was making 34 inches of water per hour, and that he came into this port for the purpose of getting his~vessel repaired. On November the 25tli, the aforesaid American brig" Laurence," Edward York, master, was condemned as good prize in the Vice-Admiralty Court of Sierra Leone. Previous to the day of trial, the master took his departure for Brazil, and, I beheve, carried away the reo-is- ter of the " Laurence." ° I have further the honour to report, for your Lordship's information, that Her Majesty's sloop COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 457 sloop " Alert," Commander Dunlop, arrived in our harbour this mornino- with loo slaves on board, who were immediately landed in " tlie Queen's Yaid." I beg respectfully to solicit your Lordship's attention to this novel and interestino- era in the history oftlie abolition of Slave Trade, because it clearly proves that ahiohly important change has taken place in the very locality (Bissao) where an extensive Slave Trade has flourished for more than a hundred years ; but where now many thousands of natives are daily employed in cultivating ground-nuts for shipping. And the Slave Trade is strictly pro- hibited by the powerful young King Branco of Beeomba. Tlie notorious Cayetano, the Portuguese Governor of Bissao, has also abolished the Slave Trade, and is employino- vast numbers of slaves in cultivating ground-nuts upon tlie British Island of Bulama. It appers that Commander Dunlop sent his boats into Bissao to search the difterent creeks that run into the river Jeba, for slavers, and that, on hearins; of their arrival, his Majesty, King Branco, though sick, officially applied to the Commander for help, and requested him to remove to Sierra Leone all the slaves in the barracoons belongino- to the two Spaniards, Don Bito (alias Victor) Daheda, and Don Joze Vanrell;* at the" same time assuring Commander Dunlop that he, the King of Beeomba, had finally abolished the Slave Trade in his dominions. Thereupon, the slaves in the barracoons were asked if they preferred to be then and there made free and remain, when they all declared that they wished to be taken to Sierra Leone. This was acceded to by the authorities, and the slaves were embarked on board the " Alert," and, as before stated, landed in this colony. The two Spaniards fled by land to their companions in human traffic on the Rio Ponaas, where the notorious Spanish dealers in slaves. Senior Pellegrin and Don Paul Fabre, reside, also the native slave-dealers, Mrs. Lightburn and Mr. Allen. The Rio Pongas may now be considered to be the sole mart for the Slave Trade to the northward of Sierra Leone. I have only heard of two slavers having escaped with slaves on board from the Rio Ponaas during the year 1848, and I believe they were both owned by Spaniards. I have the pleasure to report to your Lordship that, by order of the French Government, all the slaves in Senegal and Goree have been emancipated. This highly interesting event cannot fail to produce important effects upon the natives of the neighhouring kingdoms, and to convince them that Great Britain and France are determined, not only to suppress the Slave Trade, but also slavery itself, in every part of their dominions. Already agriculture, upon a most extensive scale, is in progress among the natives living between this place and Gambia. Rice and ground-nuts are the chief articles cultivated. The ground-nut trade has for several years past formed a highly important and valuable branch of export trade. The demand for ground-nuts from France, Hamburgh and Ame- rica far exceeds the supply. I earnestly hope that the spirit of agriculture and commerce, now happily manifesting itself among the natives, is the sure dawn of blighter days for benighted Africa. With the only exception of the Rio Pongas, I consider that we have now no export Slave Trade between Cape Blanco and Sierra Leone, a distance of coast of upwards of 600 miles. Before concluding my report, I beg respectfully to make a few remarks on the sugges- tions promulgated by certain parties in reference to the withdrawal of the British squadron on this coast for the suppression of the Slave Trade. For more than 30 years I have taken a lively interest in the cause of abolition, and my present position in Her Majesty's service, together with a residence of many years in Afric;i, enable me to state, for your Lordship's information, an opinion gained by actual experience and observation upon the present progress of the cause of the abolition of the Slave Trade, which 1 humbly trust may induce some of those who entertain the mistaken views of advocating the withdrawal of the squadron, to pause ere they sanction a measure so utterly ruinous to millions of the human family. It is my firm belief that in nine or twelve months after the withdrawal of our squadion, the whole of Western Africa, from Cape Verd to Benguela, would present a scene of cruelty and devastation too fearful to contemplate. All the progress of Christianity, civilization and commerce would be annihilated ; in a word. Western Africa would, in the course of a year or two, be rolled back to its worst pristme savage condition. The coast would become the resort of the most degraded renegades and pirates of Brazil and other nations. If our merchants entertain a hope that the trade of palm oil, gold, ivory, ground-nuts, hides, wax, &c., will continue to exist, after the withdrawal of our squadron, 1 fear that they will be wofully disappointed. The thousands of palm-oil carriers and agricultural labourers would instantly be kidnapped and carried on board slave-vessels. After a time, the remaining natives would avoid the coast as they would the locality of a jilague. In my humble opinion, this dreaded calamity can only be evaded by a strong Treaty with Brazil, similar to, or more stringent than, that with Spain. Your Lordship has, doubt- less, noticed the excellent effect of'the penal law of Spain, dated the ■2d of ftlarch 1 B4.5, upon the Spanish slave traders ; since its promulgation, upwards of two years ago, we have only had one vessel under Spanish colours brought before the Mixed Courts of Sierra Leone. " i , , 1 won lit * Joze Vanrell was fonnerly master of tlie Spanish schooner " Atrevida," condemned in the Mixed Courts of Sierra Leone, on the 8th of' December 1847. 53. 3 M 4 458 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT I would also venture to remark, that hardly any squadron, however vigilant, and none could be more so than the present, would alone effect the total abolition of the Slave Trade on this coast, unless it be supported by a zealous, honest co-operation of the Brazilian and Spanish Governments. In my opinion, the concluding part of this great undertaKuig can only be brought to a successful termination by applying gentler means and strict enforcement of Treaties before the squadron is withdrawn from this coast. I have, &c. (signed) James Hook. Enclosure. Return of Vessels adjudicated by the Vice-Admiralty Court at Sierra Leone, during the half-year to 31 December 1848. [See Enclosure in No. .] — No. 11.— Her Majesty's Consul at the Cape Verde Islands to Viscount Palmerston. British Consulate, St. Antonio, Cape Verds, My Lord, 19 December 1848. I UEAD lately, with much concern, a great deal of matter inclining to an approval of the immediate withdrawal of the British squadron from the coast of Africa ; but I was much gratified, at the same time, in the perusal of the printed Slave Correspondence issued during the last Session of Parliament, in which the successes of the squadron, and the Abolition question generally, are ably set forth ; and as these matters appear to be progressing most favourably, I trust there may be no existing cause for believing that Her Majesty's Go- vernment intends to withdraw any one of the ships employed in that particular service. I, however, have my fears respecting the course that will be deemed the most proper to have pursued in this matter, because I believe tlie existing Slave Trade agitation emanates from a powerful, or I may say, at this period, desperate class of individuals, i. e., the advocates of Slave Trade ; and, besides, the principal subject they have chosen for agi- tation is of very consideiable importance ; in fact, it is an appeal to the humanity and good feelings of the people of England. But the subject in all its bearings does not appear to be well understood. I have put the matter under three heads, although the decision upon the first must decide the whole question. 1st. In respect to the sufferings of the slave during the middle passage, from their crowded and neglected state. 2d. In the belief that the acts of the British squadron increases the misery of the slave, from its inefficiency to put down export Slave Trade ; and that, consequently, 3d. The cruising British squadron is considered to entail a very heavy and useless ex- pense upon the mother country. I beg, therefore, your Lordship's permission to make a few observations in reference to this interesting subject. I regret to be obliged to admit, to the fullest extent, the sufferings endured by the slave in the middle passage. This evil has unfortunately existed too long, and been narrated too often, to be at this date doubted. It is, however, a great mistake to ascribe all this existing misery to the system pursued by the English squadron to put down the export traffic. Did not the same evils exist, the same loss of life, the same crowding of the hold, the same scanty supply of provisions and water, the same amount of sickness, filth, and stench in the slave ships of Spain and Portugal, (which includes Brazil) at the period when they were quietly carrying on the Slave Trade, without any annoyance from English cruisers, and keeping their dealings within the limits of Treaties .' Most certainly it was Ihe case, and the facts can be proved by a reference to the records, describing the state of the first prize slave vessels brought into Sierra Leone belonging to those nations. I was an eyewitness to such scenes in the early stages of the abolition, and had plenty of opportunities of observing the state in which these vessels were always found, and can therefore speak to the facts I have stated. The same miseries, therefore, having existed during a period of legitimate trade, it is not surprising that the same evils should accompany the same trade, when carried on under a system of contraband. To elucidate, howevei', this question further, 1 will suppose that the miseries of the middle passage were the natural consequence of the English squadron's measures ; and therefore it was deemed necessary to relax some of the existing regulations, to admit a free exportation of the African, under an impression, that by so doing, matters during the passage would be improved thereby. To do so, however, would be committing a sad mistake, because in such a case 100 slaves would be then shipped, where only one now takes place; consequently, 99 more per cent, of misery would be added in niarching to the coast, and in tlie kidnapping and warfara which always prevail upon an increased demand for slaves, and which, when summed up, from cruelties, from starvation, from thirst, and fronr fatigue, \vould amount far beyond any thing that now exists in the middle passage. To COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 45q To charge the acts of the British squadroii with the miseries existing in the middle passage, because, forsooth, the traffic is contraband, is incorrect, the same evils havino- existed, almost to the same extent, when the Slave Trade was legitimate, and therefore of long standing. It is, however, a great and unfortunate evil, that the African should be doomed to a life of continual toil, privation and misery, from the peiiod of being torn from home, and the ties of youth, to an instalment upon some sugar plantation in America. I know not which epoch of that transition is the one in which he sutlers the most ; and altliough Her Majesty's Government are not in a position to interfere in his behalf, to ameliorate his condition during the middle passage, they can nevertheless effect an im- mense deal for him before embarkation, and after crossing the Atlantic. 'J'he princes, chiefs, and head men in Africa would, no doul)t, listen to any suggestions made to them, and an appeal to the Spanish and Brazilian Governments might have a good effect. The efficacy, however, of the British squadron's proceedings must be judged by the present actual state of the Slave Trade question. What does the printed correspondence tell us upon this subject? We learn that the English squadron is acting in concert and perfect harmony with the fleets of France, America and Portugal, by open warfare against tlie abominable slave-dealer; that they have made prizes in extent not known at any former period ; that France has wholly and for ever abolished the Slave Trade, and that the natives upon the banks of the Senegal and Gambia will soon become strangers to the horrors of Slave Trading, because the white people of their neighbourhood no longer hold or deal in human flesh. Portugal has already done much, and "is willing to do more, but is quietly waiting the decision of England in respect to the agitation in question. The harbours of Cuba and Porto Rico no longer swarm with slave ships. One or two during the last 12 months are as many as can be named. Spain is also anxiously waiting the result of the present agitation. Brazils is the only nation now puisuing this infamous traffic; but I am informed that her losses have already been so heavy, tliat she would at once give in, and cease the trade; but she has hopes m the agitation also, and therefore holds on for a longer period. It also appears that Treaties are being made very generally with the native powers in Africa, and the most pleasing results have already begun to show. The ground-nut is cultivated to an incredible extent; the people of the noted slave haunts of Cacheo, Bissao, Rio Grande, Nunez, and Pongos (places north of Sierra Leone) are devoting their time and means to the important subject of agriculture. A republican government has been declared south of Sierra Leone, which embraces a very large tract of country ; and I have no doubt, my Lord, that other independent governments will come into existence, effecting much good in the abolition of slavery. I was informed the other day of three Portuauese vessels being at anchor at Sierra Leone, in the pursuit of legitimate commerce. I think, my Lord, this fact speaks volumes in favour of the measures adopted for Slave Abolition, as within the last six years the harbonr in question was nearly filled with the same flag, prizes to English men-of-war, on account of slave-dealing. iu the face, therefore, of even the few facts I have quoted, no argument can remain good touching the non-effective state of the English squadron; and the conclusions to be drawn must be, that as they have effected so much, there can be no doubt of their final, and 1 would say, early success. The withdrawal, therefore, of the British squadron from Africa, cannot be pleaded on the score of humanity, or for the want of success. Some more plausible reasons must be assigned. Should, however, such an event unfortnnately take place, the consequences, without doubt, will be lamentable indeed. I have no hesitation in stating my belief to your Lordship, that the whole line of that coast will swarm with slave-dealers and pirates, that all the good which has been effected in that unfortunate country will be lost, and a state of lawless anarchy exist not to be described; in fact, outrages will be committed of the blackest dye, whilst terror and dismay will have seized the whole land. I have, &.C. (signed) Jno. Rendall, H.B. M. ConsuL ^o 3 N Appendix 460 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Appendix G. Penelope. Farorite. Sealark. ■\Vatenvitcli. Bonetta. Dart. Pluto. (No. 57.) Copy of a Letter from Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary of the Admiralty. g;,. " Penelope," Sierra Leone, 13 February 1849. 1. In my despatch, No. 32 of 1848, dated 20th January, I requested you to inform my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that Commander Dixon, of Her Majesty's sloop " Rapid " had, in compliance with their Lordships' instructions, notified to the chiefs of Gallinas " that if they did not entirely discontinue and put an end to the Slave Trade, the British Government would be compelled to use the means at its disposal to force them to do so." 2. Their Lordships replied by enclosing a copy of the Advocate-general's opinion, pro- nouncing, " That Her Majesty's Government will be justified in directing hostilities to be commenced against Gallinas, in consequence of the chiefs having refused to abide by the treaty or atjreemeni concluded by them with Captain Denman." The Advocate-general further continues : " I think that the white slave-dealers, whose exclusion from the Gal- linas was the principal object of Captain Denman's Treaty, will not, under the circum- stances, be able successfully to maintain an action in the courts of this country for the loss of their property." 3. Armed with the opinion of Her Majesty's principal legal adviser, I determined to enforce the terms of the Treaty, as soon as the season of the year and the state of the surf on the beach would enable me with prudence to land a force suflSciently overwhelming to prevent opposition. 4. On the 3d instant T assenibled the ships named in the margin, off Gallinas, and with their boats, under the charge of their Commanders, containing a force of 300 men, passed the bar at 7. 30. a.m., and landed at Dombocorro, took possession of it, and the neigh- bouring factories and barracoons, and planted sentinels to 2,uard the property. In the meantime Captain Jones, with the boats of the " Penelope," pushed on to the Solyman factories, established within the limits of the Gallinas boundary ; these, three in number, were, with the goods they contained, as v.ell as the village of Dreesing, known for its intimate connexion with the Slave Trade, totally destroyed. He returned to Dombocorro at 7 p. m. on the same evening, having met with no resistance beyond an occasional strag- slino fire from the bushes on the side of the river, by which a native prisoner was wounded. Commander Murray also conducted a party to Mineb, and destroyed the factories and bar- racoons which it contained. 5. On the following morning, the 4th instant, the three large factories in the vicinity of Dombocorro were, with the goods which they contained, entirely destroyed; and at 1p.m. on the same day, Dombocorro itself, with all its contents, was burnt to the ground. G. By sunset, on the 4th, the force returned to their respective ships, without a single casualty of any sort or kind, or appearance of fever. It is impossible for me to speak too highly of the exertions of the officers, or good conduct of the seamen and marines. Captain Jones conducted the sei-vice entrusted to him entirely to my satisfaction. Commander Murray rendered me, in a variety of ways, essential service; and the behaviour of the men was beyond all praise. Surrounded by temptation of every kind, I did not hear of a case of inebriety or plunder. In short, I met with the same support which has characterized the commanding officers of the African squadron since my arrival on the station. 7. The operations already described were complete as far as they went ; still they only checked the Slave Trade : left there, in one year it would again break forth with increased vigour. It was evident thnt something more was required to extirpate the slave dealers, and destroy their profits, and this I hope to effect through the medium of a blockade in its legal sense. The Advocate-general says, " It will be competent to Her Majesty's Government to direct that all the means allowed by the law of nations may be used in carrying on the war." The first of these is clearly the right of blockade. I have therefore notified, according to the form already transmitted, the existence of the blockade between Solyman Point on the south, and Cazee on the north, lat. 6° 57' N., long. 11° 35' W., and lat. 7" 5' N., long, ll" 45' W.; and I have the pleasure of informing their Lordships that the Commanding Officers of the French and American forces have expressed their satisfaction at the adoption of an intelligible measure, likely, in their opinion, to fulfil the object in view. 8. The enclosed answers to a form of questions submitted to the several Commanding Officers immediately after their return to their ships, as well as the journal of the pilot (Mr. Parker), many years a resident in this country, and intimately acquainted with the affiiirs of Gallinas, will, I hope, satisfy their Lordships that there was abundant proof of Slave COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE, 461 Slave Trade in each factory; and that the goods they contained were destined to be exchanged for slaves, and were landed for no other purpose. The Secretary of the Admiralty, &c. &c. &c. I have, &c. (signed) Charles Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Schedule of Enclosures contained in a Letter from Commodore Sir Charles Hotiiam to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. NO. DATE. FROM TO SUBJECT. 1 4 Feb. 1849 Commandei--in-Chief 1 \ - - Questions ]nit to Com- manding' Officers, &c. relative to the Gallinas. 2 8 Mr. Pai-ker, Pilot - Commander-in-Chief - - Journal of Operations at Gallinas. 3 6 Captain Jones - - ditto - - - Answers to Questions re- ferred to hi Enclosure No. 1. 4 5 Dr. Munro - . - Captain Jones - - Surgeon's Report on the Negroes taken at Gallinas. 5 5 Commander MuiTay Commander-in-Chief - — Answers to Questions re- ferred to in Enclosure No. 1. 6 5 Lieutenant Royer - Commander Murray - - Report on a Slave taken at Gallinas. 7 6 Commander Monypenny Commander-in-Chief - - Answers to Questions re- ferred to in Enclosure No. 1. 8 6 Commander Quin - . - ditto - - - - ditto. 9 5 Commander Haswell - - ditto - - - - ditto. 10 5 Lieutenant Forbes - - - ditto - - - - ditto. 11 5 Lieutenant HUl . . ditto - - ■• - ditto. 12 5 ,, Lieutenant JollifFe - - . ditto - - - - ditto. 13 6 Lieutenant Purvis - . . ditto - - - - - - ditto. 14 5 Mr. Parker - - - - - ditto - - - - ditto. 15 4 King John Fortune, &c. - - - - - - Declaration on the part of the Chiefs of Gallinas. 18 4 - - ditto - - - - - The American Com- modore, Information of the Blockade. 19 10 Dr. Munro - - - Captain Jones - - Notifying death of tlu-ee Ncgi-oes, referred to in a letter of Stii instant. 20 19 - - Examination of Down, a liberated African, taken at Gallinas. 21 19 - - Examination of Pepper, a liberated African, taken at Gallinas. (signed) Charles Hotham, Commodore and Conmiandcr-iii-Chief. Enclosure, No. 1, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. Memorandum. " Penelope," Gallinas, 4 February 1849. You will answer, to the best of your recollection, the following questions, adding any information you may have gained tending to elucidate the nature of the trade, whether legal or illegal, conducted at Gallinas. ^ r , 1st. In the different slave factories which you visited, was there any evidence tending to prove the exportation of slaves ? , „ , . , 1 , • r " 2d. Did you see either slave-irons, shackles, forelocks for fastening shackles, iron tor makino- shackles, handcufls, chains, slave-coppers, casks filled with water, &c. . 3d. Did you see any country produce to give in exchange for goods imported .' 4th. What is vour general opinion on the trade of Gallinas ? , ^ . . , 5th. On entering the barracoons, did you see " poo-poo tubs, or other furniture connected with the Slave Trade ? . . ^ ,. ,, *i „„,.„ 6th. Did you converse with any resident, or receive information, on the mercantile opeia- tions of Gallinas ? 7th. Did you see any slaves; if so, in what factory ? 8th. Did you see or hear of any slaves escaping into the " bush" on the morning of ou. landing ? „^, t.- , 53.° 3 N 2 9th. Did ^52 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT 9th Did any proprietor or agent of a factory relate to you, on or about the 3d of February 1849 the number of vessels that have escaped since December 1818 ? 10th. Were the ooods found in the factories generally those employed in the purchase of slaves ? / ■ ]\ /-I TT (signed) L-HAs. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. One copy of the above sent to the undermentioned persons ; viz. Captain Jones, 1 Commander Ilasvvell, , " Penelope. Lieutenant Purvis, J Commander Murray, " Favorite." Commander Monypenny, " Sealark." Commander Quin, " Waterwitch." Lieutenant Forbes, " Bonetta." Lieutenant Hill, " Dart." Lieutenant Jolliffe, " Pluto." Mr. Parker, Pilot, &c. (True copy.) (signed) Ciias. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure, No. 2, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the AnMinALTv, No. 57 of 1849. Her Majesty's Ship " Sealark," at anchor off Gallinas River, Saturday, 3 February 1849. At 6 a. m., boats from Her Majesty's steam frigate " Penelope," Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b.; Her iMajesty's ship "Favorite," Commander Murray; Her Majesty's ship "Sealark," Commander Monypenny; Her Majesty's ship " \Vaterwitch, Com- mander Quin ; Her Majesty's brigantine " Honetta," Lieutenant Commander Forbes ; Her Majesty's brigantine '• Dart," Lieutenant Commander Hill ; Her Majesty's steam vessel " Pluto," Lieutenant JoUifFe, entered the bar of the Gallinas River, and proceeded up the river, being ordered by Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, ic.c.n., to take the boats of Her Majesty's steam frigate " Penelope" up the River Solyman, Captain Jones in command. We proceeded up the river, and at 11 a. m. sighted the barracoons of Don Chrespo Pablo and Don Miguel. At 1 p. m. landed at the barricade of and cut through the stockade ; entered the town, but found out all of the slaves had been removed to another town belonging to one of the chiefs, as one of the natives being taken prisoner stated that Don Chrespo Pablo and MigTiel had over 1,000, as Chrespo Pablo had only shipped slaves in a small felucca, amounting to only 230, as all their vessels had been captured by the cruisers, and to my knowledge that firm has lost six vessels witliin the last seven months. Most of those slaves are prisoners from the Manah country, as the natives are at war with the Manah tribe. I was ordered by Captain Jones, of the " Penelope," to endeavour to induce some of the natives to come to us, but none of them would ; and as soon as the town and barracoons was set fire to, they fired several muskets at the party. The place was burnt, and we embarked to cross over to Chrespo Pablo's factory and another barracoon. As we had not water enough for the boats when we first went up, the natives opened fire from the bush, and 1 think, from what I understood, that some of the Spaniards were with them. One of the natives detained was wounded, and one of the " Penelope's" men slightly ; they kept firing until the boats were out of musket shot. On landing at Summer Island, Don Chrespo's main establishment, all the Spaniards had fled into the bush with the slaves, and some had gone up in large boats and canoes to a town, I understood, named Sodaro, 16 miles higher up the River Suhman, owned by a chief named Shafer Dohmah. Found tv.'o Brazilian sailors that had been landed from the " Maria," a Brazilian brigantine the " Pluto" had captured ; they also confirmed the statement the natives had given. I saw large boilers, forelocks, plank, large casks, and chain and collars there, and great quantities of rice; also goods and other furniture connected with the Slave Trade; also saw boats and ■canoes that I understood had been employed in shipping slaves ; also two boys, one marked H., and the other W., which boys stated that thev were slaves of Don Chrespo Pablo, but had made their escape from the main party, and were picked up in a canoe trying to get to us. They stated that both barracoons were full, and also stated that a few had been shipped lately in a felucca, and that Chrespo Pablo sometimes flogged his slaves so that they died next day, for an offence. And I also saw all proof in the establishment that the Slave Trade was actually carried on there. After burning the barracoons at Sinumer Island, we were informed that a large cutter or schooner boat was on a small island, which had been to the Brazils once with 40 slaves, and returned, and that Chrespo Pablo was having her lengthened to goto Brazils again. Went to the island and found her; burnt her, and all the articles belonging to her. Came down the river, and landed at a barricade called Suliman, on the point built on purpose to ship slaves from, as it is not more than 300 yards from the sea, and about 50 from tlie river, and a very smooth surf in the dry season ; every 5 COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. ^6^ every one of the inhabitants fled, and it was set on fire. Embarked in the boats and came down the nver ; landed at Dombocorro Point, where Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k. c. b., was quartered, one of the largest slave barracoons at the Gallina* and has been destroyed before by Captain Denman. Saw there slave irons, coppers, poo-poo tubs, mess kids, rice, round bar-iron for making shackles, and an inuuense quantity of furniture and goods connected with the Slave Trade ; and also was informed by one of the residents in the establishments that a large brig and a schooner had taken over 1,000 slaves from the establishments since tJie 10th of December 1848, and during the rainy season in 1848 the agent had shipped off three cargoes of slaves, and had lust afso three vessels that had been captured; and there were only 170 slaves carried in the bush from the barracoon when the boats entered the River Gallinas ; and I was informed by the same resident that the barracoons at Camarsuro, Tindo, Tambahyah, Denah, and Jaykiliy had upwards of 1,500 in them ; that slaves were plentiful in the country on account of the numerous petty wars that were going on in the neighbouring territories, and that on an average about " I. was paid a-head for them ; and that a steamer and another vessel was expected here soon to embark slaves on board, and that other establishments would very soon be going on as the slaves are considered the best on the coast; and that all the slaves did not go to the Brazils, but a good many were carried to the island of Cuba and Porto Rico. Many British subjects have been sold and shipped from this place ; trying to get back from Sierra Leone to the Cosor country, they are made prisoners, and sold'agaui, after havinu been once liberated. The territory of Gallinas is about 12 miles long, and about 30 or 40 in depth in the interior; being so very small, and veiy sandy, it yields scarcely enough for the inha- bitants ; most of the supplies of rice come from the Sherbro and Kittam country. All slaves shipped to the north-westward of Gallinas are carried tliere to shij), as an opportunity sometimes offers, when Gallinas is too closely blockaded. The chiefs of Gallinas are as follow : — Prince Maner, son of the late King Shalker, John Shafer Rodgers, James Rodgers, Acina Rodgers, Jamy Portuwallah, Shafer Parmar, Shafer Dormar, Barrah Boneor, at the town of Caza. The chiefs of Gallinas have generally from 500, some 1,00U, and some as many as 5,000 domestic, slaves, but seldom sell them, as the supply of slaves from the interior is always plentiful. Sunday morning, King John Fortune, Sandee Shahkee, son of the late king, was deputed by the chiefs to come down and treat with Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k. c. b., and informed the Commodore that the chiefs had acknowledged that they had done wrong in allowing the Slave Trade to go on in their territory, and deputed them to say that they would deliver the slaves, and send them on board of any of Her Majesty's ships that Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k. c. b., might appoint to receive them, as they would send them on board without any hope of recompense ; accordingly, the agreement was drawn up and signed by the chiefs deputed to treat with Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, K. c. B., the barracoon was burnt, and all the boats returned on board with several of the slaves belonging to the different barracoons of Gallinas, some in a most shocking condition, merely skeletons. Sir, — I have the honour to transmit you the foregoing journal. I am, &c. (signed) W.A.Parker, Pilot and Interpreter of H. M. S. " Sealark." Sir Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. The foreo-oiug journal was signed by Mr. Parker in our presence, and he declared the same to be°a just and true account of the proceedings at Gallinas on the 3d and 4th of February 1849. . (signed) Wm. H. Haswell. Wm. Hickman. Rd. Pun vis. ' (True copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure, No. 3, in Sir Charles Hotiiam's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. Her Majesty's Steam Frigate "Penelope," Sir >' February 1849, off Gallinas. In compliance with your memorandum of the 4th instant, I herewith transmit you answers to the questions therein contained, as follows: — Q. 1. In the diflerent slave factories which you visited, was there any evidence tending to prove the exportation of slaves ?—yl. Yes, both at Akinta and Dombocorro there was eveiy arrangement indicating an organized system for carrying on tlie Slave Trade. 2. Did you see either slave irons,' shackles, forelocks for fastening shackles, iron tor makmg shackles, handcuffs, chains, slave coppers, casks filled with water, &c. ?— At the 53. 3N3 ^1^'"*^ 4^4 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Akinta factory I saw a quantity of small round iron, such as is used for makino- neck shackles ; coppers were erected in the outbuildings for cooking large quantities of ibod, 10 casks capable of holdina' 100 gallons of water, and about 10 others capable of holding 30 gallons, were filled and ready for use. 3. Did you see any country produce to give in exchange for goods nnported ?— One tusk of an elephant. r/-. u- t -n ■ i i 4. What is your general opinion on the trade of Ualhnas r — iLntirely devoted to carrynig on Slave Trade. , 5. On enterino- the barracoons, did you see "poo-poo tubs, or other furniture con- nected with the Slave Trade ? — In the barracoons at Akinta, poo-poo tubs, containing recent human excrement, and other indications of the place having been hurriedly and recently vacated. .... 6. Did vou converse with any resident, or receive information on the mercantile operations of Gallinas ? Not from any authentic source worth quoting. 7. Did you see any slaves ; if so, state in what factory ? — Two boys, of about the age of 14 escaped from the factory at Akinta, Summer's Island, and 12 others at Dombocorro, viz. two men, two women, seven boys, and one girl. 8. Did anv proprietor or agent of a factory relate to you, on or about 3d February 1849, the number of vessels that have escaped since December 1848 ? — I- had no conversation with any agent or proprietor of a factory. 9. Were" the goods found in the factories generally those employed in the purchase of slaves ? — At Akinta the stores were principally filled with tobacco, spirits, and gun- powder. I have also to bring to your notice the surgeon's report on the state of the slaves brought on board the " Penelope.'' I have, &c. Commodore Sir Chas. Hotham, k.c.b. (signed) L. T. Jones, Commander-in-Chief, &c. &c. &c. Captain. (True copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure, No. 4, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary to the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. Sir, Her Majesty's Ship " Penelope," 5 Februaiy 1849. In compliance with your directions, I have examined the negroes who came on board from Gallinas on the 4th February, consisting of two men, two women, nine boys, and one girl. The two men and one of the boys were in a state of extreme emaciation and debility ; the men, apparently, in the utmost degree compatible with existence; they are quite unable to move their own hmbs, or to help themselves in any way. Their weight is stated below, compared with that of two healthy Kroomen from the adjoining coast, of the same respec- tive heights, from among those now employed on board this ship, taking the first who were found of the required height. I have, &c. To Captain L. T. .lones, (signed) _ John Munro, m.d.. Her Majesty's Ship " Penelope. Surgeon, Her Majesty's Ship " Penelope." I HEIGHT OF NEGRO FROM THE FACTORY. WEIGHT. WEIGHT OF KROOMEN OF SAME HEIGHT. . 5 feet 7 inches - - - 5 feet 5 inches - - - 4 feet 5 inches (boy) 67 lbs. 59 lbs. 36 lbs. 145 lbs. 150 lbs. No Krooman of that height. (signed) John Munro. (True copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure, COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 465 Enclosure, No. 6, in Sir Charles Hotiiam's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty No. 57 of 1849. ' Her Majesty's Sloop " Favorite," off Gallinas, ^''■> 5 February 1849. I HAVE the honour to reply to the questions addressed to me in your order, dated yester- day, the answers being numbered as the questions to which they refer. 1st. The factories which I visited on the 3d and 4th of February 1849, were at Dombo- corro, and at Tineh, farther up the Gallinas River. The factories were supplied with o-oods for the purchase of slaves, sucli as rum and tobacco, and there was no sign of any native legitimate produce, which, supposing the trade carried on to be other than the Slave Trade would have been collected for export. ' 2d. At Dombocorro I saw irons, and quantities of rod-iron at both places, for makino- shackles, a length of light iron chains ; in one store there were a great number of water- casks, some full and some empty; there were two slave-coppers at" Dombocorro, a number of slave mess-kids, and 1 saw one of the "Penelope's" men carrying down a number of handcuffs, found on the premises. 3d. There was no country produce whatever collected, as if in return for goods imported. 4th. My opinion of the trade carried on at Gallinas is, that it lias been the foreign Slave Trade, and nothing but the foreign Slave Trade. Large quantities of goods were imported ; I have seen them landed by French, American and Sardinian vessels. These goods were exchanged for slaves, which slaves were shipped whenever opportunity offered. 5th. On entering the large barracoon at Dombocorro, on the morning of the 4th, ] saw a number of " poo-poo " tubs, which had been very recently used ; the floor of the barra- coon was partially planked over, and one end partitioned off for the women. Cth. The information which I received from a person living, I believe, as an aoent at Dombocorro,. was translated to me from the Spanish language by yourself at the time it was spoken. This person was called Don 13enito, and I certainly understood that he did not attempt to disguise that he was there for the purpose of carrying on the Slave Trade. Once, when you were not present, he said to me in French that he was endeavourins,- to esta- blish a trade in palm-oil. 7th. I saw only a few slaves, which in the course of the two days were brought into Dombocorro. 8th. I did not see any slaves escape into the bush as we approached the factories, but I heard Lieutenant Hill hail you to say that he did. I examined a slave boy, which had given himself up to Captain Jones, who distinctly declared that the slaves from two laro-e barracoons were driven away into the bush, some in fetters, on the approach of the " Penelope's" boats to the factories on the Solyman River, on the 3d of February. 9th. You translated to me, from Don Benito's Spanish, on the 3d of February, that he, then speaking in our presence, informed you that three vessels had very lately gone a\\av full of slaves from Gallinas. 10th. The goods found in the factories generally were those desired by the natives of this part of Africa, principally bale goods, tobacco, rum and gunpowder. nth. I was senior officer in the northern division, from October 1846 to February 1848 ; during that time I never heard of a vessel receiving a legitimate cargo at Gallinas. I have, &c. Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c. b. (signed) Alexander Murray, Commander-in-Chief, &c. &c. &c. Commander. (True copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure, No. 6, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 67 of 1849. Sir, Her Majesty's Ship " Favorite," 5 February 1849. In compliance with your order, that I should transmit a report of the examination of the boy brouoht from Don Chrespo's barracoon, I beg to inform you, that he stated that he came from Prince Manna's town, and had been two years in Don Chrespo's barracoon, and had become one of the domestic slaves of that establishment. He could not tell what number of slaves were in the barracoons ; there were some in chains, and some with collars on their necks. He had seen slaves flogged, and had himself been so ; but never heard of any having been fired from a gun. I have, &c. (signed) Alfred Royer, Lieut. Her Majesty's Ship " Favorite." To Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b. Commander-in-Chief. (True copy.) (signed) Cuas. Hotiiam, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. 53- j^ A Enclosi're, 46G APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure. No. 7, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiraltv, No. 57 of 1849. Her Majesty's Ship " Sealark," Gallinas, gir 5 February 1849. In answer to your memorandum of the 4th instant, I have the honour to report, 1st. That in both the factories which I visited, viz., Coramosorn and Sigary, there was strong evidence tending to prove the exportation of slaves. 2d. That in both factories were found slave-irons, forelocks for fastening shackles, and cliains in small quantities ; but I did not see any slave-coppers, or casks filled with water. 3d. That in neither of them did I see any country produce of any description to e.xchange for imported goods. 4th. That in niv opinion the export trade of Gallinas is mainly, if not exclusively, a slave trade. 5th. That in the barracoons which 1 visited I did not see any " poo-poo tubs," or furni- ture except the cane-seats or beds that run round the walls, but there were several large tubs under a shed. (jth. That I was not able to obtain any information on the mercantile operations of Gallinas. 7th. That in the factories of Commosorn, I found 13 slaves, and in the neighbourhood of Sigary four more were found in the bush by tlie Kroomen of the '• Penelope " and " Sealark." 8th. That I did not see or hear of any slaves escaping into the bush on the morning of our landing, but the barracoons at Commosorn had evidently been very lately inhabited. 9th. That I understood the person in charge of the factory at Commosorn, on or about the 3d of February 1849, to say that three vessels had escaped during this year. 10th. That the goods found in the above-named factories were chiefly spirits, gunpowder, arms, cloths, kc, which I have always heard were generally employed in the purchase of slaves. 11th. That I cannot recall to my recollection my ever having heard, during the time I have been senior officer in the northern division, of a vessel receiving a legitimate cargo at Gal- hnas ; the master of the steamer " Maid of Islay " did state to the boarding-officer of the " Sealark,"' Lieutenant Didham, on the 13th of May 1848, the morning before he was taken by Her Majesty's sloop " Alert," that he was coming into this place to take in cargo ; but I have every reason to believe that that statement was untrue. I have every reason to believe that there is a considerable traffic carried on by canoes through the Sherbro, between Gallinas and Sierra Leone, in articles of native produce, and some ivory and gold-dust ; but that there is very little, if any, export trade by sea, except the Slave Trade. I have, &c. (signed) William B. Monypenny, To Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b. Commander. Commander-in-Chief. (True copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure, No. 8, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. Her Majesty's Sloop " Waterwitch," Sir, Gallinas, 5 January 1849. In reply to your order directing me to answer certain questions tending to elucidate the nature of the trade carried on in Gallinas, I have the honour to inform you, with reference to your first question, that I consider that there was evidence, in the slave factories that I visited, tending to prove the exportation of slaves. Secondly. In the factory at Dindo, which I had possession of, I saw a slave-copper, a slave chain 20 fathoms long, and forelocks for fastening shackles. Thirdly. The only produce that I saw of the country was eight tons of rice in an out- house, but which certainly was not meant to give in exchange for goods imported. Fourthly. My opinion is, that the trade of the Gallinas in general is connected, directly or indirectly, with slave traffic. Fifthly. I saw, at the store at Dindo, articles in the shape of poo-poo tubs, but then appropriated to other uses, as they were half filled with flour and calavances ; they were perfectly new. 1 saw, besides, in the barracoons at Dindo, a quantity of mats made of split bamboo seized together, which struck me as being intended as beds for the slaves. In the same barracoon there was a space portioned off, with a kind of fire-place, and a large cast- n-on kettle ; the floor had the appearance of being trampled upon by a large number of people at no very distant period. There were a number of oars in store, besides a larcre boat under a shed, and two or three larger canoes than usual. The kitchen, in an outhouse, appeared to me much too large for any people that we saw there. I did converse with a Portuguese resident, who called himself Don Juan Paredes; but he appeared to have no information COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 467 infoimation to give in regard to any mercantile operations at Gallinas: he had been captured only a few weeks before by Her Majesty's steam-vessel " Pluto," in the brio-antine she last sent up for adjudication to Sierra Leone. ° Seventhly. 1 saw some slaves at Dombocorro, but I believe they had been brouoht down the river ; 1 saw also others, which Lieutenant Forbes was bringing down the branch of the river between Dindo and Dombocorro. Eighthlv. I did not hear of any slaves escaping from Dindo into the bush on the mornuig of our landmg ; but I did receive information that slaves had been sent away from that place about a month ago. " Ninthly. The man mentioned before, Don Juan Paredes, spoke generally of some vessels having escaped, but particularly a felucca that had got away with 230 slaves, about a month ago ; he seemed unwilling to give much information on the subject. Tenthly. I think that nearly all the goods found in the factories were of the kind o-ene- rally employed in the purchase of slaves. ° I have the honour to enclose you a paper, with apparently a plan on it, and some writing, Sent m tlie original wfnch may possibly be of use in getting information by it. letter. I have, &c. „ , o ,-., , u „ (signed) Richard Robt. Qcin, Commodore Sir Charles Hothani, k. c. b. Commnndpr Lommander-m-Chief. (True copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure, No. 9, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. Her Majesty's Ship " Penelope," at Gallinas, Sir, 5 February 1849. In reply to your memorandum, dated the 4th instant, I have the honour to submit the following answers to the interrogatories therein contained ; viz. — Q. 1. In the difleient slave factories which you have visited, was there any evidence tending to prove the exportation of slaves? — J. In the two first barracoons I visited on the 3d instant, Djouring (said to belong to Don Miguel) and Summer's Island (Don Chrespo), there were the remains of fires in several of the buildings, and they all bore evidence of havino been a very few hours, perhaps immediately before, occupied by slaves. The number and extent of these buildings, the peculiar manner in which they are fitted, the large quantities of rum, rice, tobacco, powder, &c., in the different factories, together with the tact of there being few staple commodities in the country to give in exchange for these articles, convinces me that the traffic in slaves is the only business conducted between the natives and foreign residents at Gallinas. 2. Did you see either slave-irons, shackles, forelocks for fastening shackles, iron for making shackles, handcuffs, chains, slave-coppers, casks filled with water, &c.? — Yes, I saw iron slave-shackles, handcuffs, &c., slave-coppers, &c., aguadiente, rice, ffour, &c. and water- casks filled. 3. Did you see any country produce to give in exchange for goods imported ? — No. 4. What is your general opinion on the trade of Gallinas?— 'I'raflSc in slave.?. 5. On entering the barracoons, did you see ''poo-poo tubs," or other furniture connected with the Slave Trade? — Yes, at the two places mentioned in my answer to Question 1, and also at Dombocorro. 6. Did you converse with any resident, or receive information on the mercantile opera- tions of the Gallinas ? — No. 7. Did you see any slaves; if so, in wliat factory ? — Yes, we captured two boys in a canoe, escaping from Don Chrespo's factory, one branded with W. on his breast, the other with H. on his back. 8. Did any proprietor or agent of a factory rcUite to you, on or about 3d February 1849, the number of vessels that have escaped since December 1848 ? — No. 9. Were the goods found in the factories generally those employed in the purchase of slaves? Yes. It is right that I should mention, that a Portuguese informed me, after I had taken him into my boat from Summer's Island Factory, that on the morning of the expedi- tion entering the river, about 1,000 slaves were marched away from that place to the oppo- site side of the island, and embarked in canoes to some distant barracoon, and the two boys mentioned in my reply to question No. 7, can confirm this statement. I have, &c. (signed) W. H. Haswell, Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b. Acting Commander. Commander-in-Chief. (True copy.) (signed) Charles Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. 53' .7 Q Enclosure, ^fiS APPENDIX TO JIIXLTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure No. 10 in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. Her Majesty's Ship « Bonetta," Gallinas, gjp o February 1849. I HAVE the honour to lay before you the following answers to your questions: Q. 1. In the different slave factories which you visited was there any evidence lending to prove the exportation of slaves ? — A. Every evidence reo^uisite, as the following will prove. 2. Did you see either slave-irons, shackles, forelocks for fastening shackles, iron for making shackles handcuff's, chains, slave-coppers, casks filled with water, &:c. ? — Slave-irons, shackles, forelocks, handcuffs, I saw; and was told by an agent, that vessels arriving without water could not be supplied, they having no convenience at the factories. 3. Did you see any country produce to give in exchange for goods imported ? — There was no country produce for exportation, but a well-stored granary for the subsistence of the slaves. 4. What is your general opinion on the trade of Gallinas? — Entirely a Slave Trade, with- out any disguise ; vessels under American, the Italian, Bremen, Hamburgh and Portuguese flags, land goods, but export nothing. 5. On entering the barracoons, did you see any " poo-poo tubs," or other furniture con- nected with the Slave Trade? — I did not observe any " poo-poo tubs;" but in the factory at Comasuro, belonging to Don Pablo Alfarez, was a barracoon arranged like a barrack-room, with sleeping places all round, in which were the remains of fires, mats, rags, leavings of food; in short, evidence of a large number of people having been confined there. 6. Did you converse with any resident, or receive information on the mercantile operations of Gallinas ? — Don Jose Luiz, who left GaUinas on the 2d of February, spoke to me openly of the Slave Trade, and argued many points about it, stating his belief that the only way to put a stop to it, would be to open the trade, which would ruin the slave-merchant, the presence of the cruisers causing the profit to be enormous. The agent at Comasuro also spoke of the trade, and neither appeared even to wish to disguise that they were slave mer- chants. 7. Did you see any slaves ; if so, state in what factory .' — At the factory of Comasuro there were several slaves in the most horrible state of emaciation, being, in my opinion, the few of a gang who were too ill to be driven to the bush. 9. Did any proprietor or agent of a factory relate to yt)u, on or about 3d of February 1849, the number of vessels that have escaped since December 1848 .' — The agent at Coma- suro stated, that a felucca had escaped with 370 slaves, and the natives told me three had escaped, viz., a brig, brigantine, and a felucca. 10. Were the goods found in the factories generally those employed in the purchase of slaves ? — The goods were those invariably employed, viz., arms, powder, spirits, salt-pans, tobacco, cloth, &c. I visited Senjee-Manna, a stockaded town belonging to Prince Manna, and in his house found slaves, slave-irons, powder, spirits, and 30 stand of arms ; I destroyed the arms, powder and spirits, took 12 slaves, and several pairs of irons. The town of JMina, destroyed by Commander Murray, was, in my opinion, a slave depot, and had all the articles used in the Slave Trade in the different houses. The agent of the factory destroyed by Com-* mander Quin was captured by me in July last, in a slave schooner, the " Andarinha." I have, &c. (signed) F. E. Forbes, To Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b. Lieutenant Commanding. Commander-in-Chief. (True copy.) (signed) Charles Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. EscLosxjRE, No. 11, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. .57 of 1849. Her Majesty's Brisjantine " Dart," Gallinas, S""' . . ;■) February 1849. In compliance with your memorandum, directing me to answer to the best of my recol- lection the following questions, adding any information I may have gained tending to elucidate the nature of the trade (whether legal or illegal) conducted at Gallinas, I beg leave to answer the questions accordingly : Q. 1. In the different slave factories which you visited was there any evidence tendino- to prove the exportation of slaves I— A. Yes, 1 saw a quantity of slave-irons, plank for slave decks, slave tms, and rice for feeding slaves. 2. Did you see either slave-iron"^, shackles, forelocks for fastening shackles, handcuffs, chains slave coppers, casks filled with water, &c. ?— Yes, I saw slave-irons, shackles, fore- locks for fastening shackles, iron for making shackles, and slave yards. 3. Did you see any country produce to give in exchange for goods im{)orted .'—None 4. What COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN' SLAVE TRADE. .Qf. slaves^^^'''* '' ^°"' ^^""'^^ °''"''°'' °" ^^'^ ^'^'^"^ °^ ^^"'"^' ■-'^'^'^^ t'^^^« is ^^ trad^ but in 5 On entering the ban-acoons, did you see "poo-poo tubs," or other furniture con- nected with the blave Trade r-Yes, I saw " poo-p^o tubs," slavUins, and j^lank for slave- ,. ^- ^}r^?r '^o^^erse with any resident, or receive information on the mercantile opera^ t.ons of Gal n.as?-\es I conversed with a man that had bee., resident theJe nine Tears and who had factories belong.ng to h.,n. and he told me that there was no n.ercanti"e opT.a-' tjons at all, the only trade was in slaves ; that the natives were too lazy even to oro v rke for then- own consumption. -^ >= , J{ .m ^r '"^ ''"^ 'Yn"" ' '^ '°' ''^^^ "' '^^''^ ^'^^*°'T --Ye^- 1 «aw slaves in the factories called Uombocorro and Comosoon. >av,iuucs 8 Did you see or hear of any slaves escaping into the bush on the mo.-ning of our land- ing if so describe the full part.cula.-s ?-.Yes ; when pulling up the river I observed ag,-eai number of slaves escaping from the barracoons of Dombocorro i.ito the bush ; and from what I savv at the other Oarracoons, I have no doubt a great many escaped, from the dirty state the slave-yards were in. J i ' <= uiii_y »uvie ''* ^J'f any proprietor or agent of a factory relate to you, on or about the .3d of Feb- ruary 1849, the number of vessels that had escaped since December 1848 ''—Yes the proprietor of the Comosoon facto.y told me that three vessels had escai.ed with slaves' one only 20 days ago. , ^ ^ 10. Were the goods found in the factories generally those employed in the purchase of slaves^?— Yes, I saw no goods except those used for the purchase of slaves. I be"- further to add, that I have known the Gallinas for a long period, and constantly landed tlfere and have never seen anything except slaves exported, and nothing imported but o-oods for the purchase of slaves. ' ° I have, &c. To Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, K.c.B. (signed) Edward Hill Commander-in-Chief. Lieutenant and Commander. (True copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure, No. 12, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty No. 57 of 1849. ' Her Majesty's Steam-vessel " Pluto," off the Gallinas, Sir, 5 February 1849. I have the honour to acknowledge the receipt of your order of the 4th instant, and, iti compliance therewith, I beg to answer, to the best of my recollection, the questions under- mentioned relating to the Slave Trade, &c. at this place : Q. 1. In the different slave factories which you have visited was there any evidence tending to prove the exportation of slaves? — A. 1 saw no evidence of the actual exportation of slaves. 2. Did you see either slave-irons, shackles, forelocks for fastening shackles, iron for making shackles, handcuffs, chains, slave-coppers, casks filled with water, kc. ? — I saw some- few slave-irons, a quantity of iron for making shackles, slave-coppers, and casks filled with water. 3. Did you see any countiy produce to give in exchange for goods imported ? — None. 4. What is your general opinion on the trade of GaUinas? — Almost entirely in slave- dealing. 5. On entering the barracoons, did you see "poo-poo tubs," or other furniture connected with the Slave Trade f — I saw a quantity of these tubs and other furniture tor slaves, with evident marks of their having been recently used. C. Did you converse with any resident, or receive information on the mercantile operations of the Gallinas ? — None whatever. 7. Did you see any slaves; if so, state in what factory? — None except those captured. 8. Did you see or hear of any slaves escaping into the "bush" on the morning of our landing i — Yes, I heard of a quantity. 0. Did any proprietor or agent of a factory relate to you, on or about the .3d of February 1849, the number of vessels that have escaped since December 1848 ? — No. 10. Were the goods found in the factories generally those employed in the purchase of slaves ? — Yes. I have, iic. (signed) W. Kynaston Jolliffe, To Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k. c. b. Lieutenant and Commander. Commander-in-Chief. (True copy.) (signed) Charles Hotuam, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. 53- 302 Enclosure, 470 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosuke, No. 13, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. Her Majesty's Sloop " Penelope, " Gallinas, gj 5 February 1849. Agreeably to the directions contained in your memorandum of yesterday's date, callino- on me to answer the following questions relative to the nature of the trade con- ducted at Gallinas, &c., I have the honour to state, in reply to the Q. 1. In the different slave factories which you visited was there any evidence tendnig to prove the exportation of slaves?— A. Yes, large canoes, and at Jim Town there was a boat of about five tons burthen, which, I was informed, had on one occasion conveyed •^ Did you see either slave-irons, shackles, forelocks for fastening shackles, iron for makino- shakles, handcuffs, chains, slave coppers, casks filled with water, &c. ? — I saw slave-irons shackles, hand-cuffs, chains, a large quantity of casks filled with aguadiente ; and I also found slave-coppers and bolts stowed away under the casks in the stores at Dombocorro. 3. Did you see any country produce to give in exchange for goods imported ?— No. 4. What is your general opinion on the trade of Gallinas? — That the Slave Trade is carried on very extensively. .5. On eiiterino" the barracoons, did you see " poo-poo tubs," or other furniture connected with the slave trade ? — I saw poo-poo tubs and planks, from the smell of which I should judge that slaves had just left the place. 6. Did you converse with any resident, or receive information on the mercantile operations of Gallinas ?— No. 7. Did you see any slaves ; if so, state in what factory? — I saw slaves, who were brought in from the bush. 8. Did you see or hear of any slaves escaping into the bush on the morning of our landing ? — I saw a large number of people leaving the factory at Dombocorro ; they evidently appeared to be slaves, and I heard from a slave woman (by means of an inter- preter) that the slaves had been driven to a town about three miles up the river. 9. Did any proprietor or agent of a factory relate to you, on or about 3d February 1849, the number of vessels that had escaped since December 1848?' — Yes, that three vessels had escaped since the 10th of December 1848. 10. Were the goods found in the factories generally those employed in the purchase of slaves ? — They consisted of trade cloth, gunpowder, aguadiente, kc. I have, &c. To Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, k.c.b. (signed) R. Purvis, Commander-in-Chief. Flag Lieutenant. (True copy.) (signed) Charles Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure, No. 14, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. H. M. S. " Sealark," Sir, 5 February 1849, at anchor off the Gallinas River. In answer to your memorandum, dated the 4th instant, I have the honour to report to you :— 1st. In the factories that I visited ; viz., Juring, Summer Island and Dombocorro, there were evident proofs of the purchasing and exportation of slaves. 2d. In the different barracoons visited by me, 1 saw chains, slave-irons and forelocks for fastening shackles, poo-poo tubs, mess-kids, boilers and iron bars for making slave-irons, casks, leagers for containino- water. IT 3d. I saw no produce of the country to give in exchange for the immense quantity of goods in the factories. 4th. My general opinion of the Gallinas is, there is no other trade but the Slave Trade, as I lived there one year and saw no other trade, and am acquainted with all the chiefs of Gallinas ; having been in Africa 22 years, I have never known any other trade there but the Slave Trade. 5th. On entering the barracoons, I saw poo-poo tubs, containing filth, and other furni- ture connected with the Slave Trade. 6th. I conversed with a few of the residents of Gallinas, and found that the Slave Trade has increased threefold within the last year. I saw two slaves that run from Don Chrespo's barracoon, marked H. and N., and speaking their language; they informed me that two barracoons were full in Summer Island, which had been taken into the bush at the appear- ance of the boats in the River Solyman, and, from the best of my judgment, I suppose they would hold at least 500 each ; I also understood, from some of the residents, that Don Chrespo, at Summer Island and Juring, liad lately shipped slaves in a felucca, and Don Lewis and Benito had shipped slaves from the barracoon at Dombocorro in two vessels, one COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 47I one a brig- and the other a schooner ; I also saw slaves brought in from the bush belontxiner to the factory at Dombocorro and Jindo; and I inquired of them what had become of°the rest, as these were in a most shocking state, merely skeletons, and could not follow the rest, and were left behind. 7th. I was informed, by one of the Spaniards living in Dombocorro, that three vessels had escaped since the 10th of December 1848. 8th. The goods that I saw in the factories are such as are given for the slaves ; and was informed that the agents had more than 3,000 slaves trusted out, to be paid in three months, as that is the way in which they get the slaves; some of the chiefs take the o-oods on credit, and send them into the interior for slaves, which are caught generally in war and sold. " ' 9th. I have known the Gallinas for many years, and have never known any other trade tliere but the Slave Trade. 10th. From the information received from different natives belonging to the Gallinas, that at the time the boats entered the bar there was in the different barracoons about 2,50o' or 3,000 slaves, inchiding the barracoons up the Solyman River ; and I have seen supplies of goods come through the Sherbro and Boom Kittam from Sierra Leone, and sold at Gallinas for cash ; but no African produce can be obtained in return for goods, as the terri- tory is too small, only 12 miles in length and 30 depth. I have, kc. (signed). Wm. A. Parker, Commodore Sir Chas. Hotham, k.c.e. Pilot and Interpreter. Commander-in-Chief. (True copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. ENCLOsrRE, No. 15, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. Kittaji and John Siacca, son of the late King Fortune, voluntarily declare that the mea- sures this day adopted by Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, and the destruction of the barracoons, are right and proper ; that, on the part of the chiefs of Gallinas, he is empowered to say that they have erred and done that which is wrong ; that they have violated the Treaty concluded by Captain Denman, and merit punishment. That unconditionally, and without any reserve, without hope of reward, of any sort or kind, they promise to deliver up the slaves to any officer appointed by the Commander-in- Chief, within four days from this date (February 4), and that Sir Charles Hotham positively refused to enter into any compromise for the sake of liberating the slaves, now lying in the bush, and released from the several factories and barracoons on the first appearance of the boats in the Gallinas waters. Dombocorro, Gallinas, 4 February 1849. his (signed) King John x Fortune. mark, his (signed) John x Shaicah. mark. (signed) Charles Hotham, Commander-in-Chief. (signed) W. A. Parker, Pilot and Interpreter, Her Majesty's Steam-ship " Penelope." (signed) Ar.Ex. Murray, Commander, Her Majesty's Ship " Favorite." (signed) Tnos. L. Gordon, Interpreter. (signed) Edwd. Hill, Lieutenant, Commanding Her Majesty's Brig " Dart." (True copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. q Enclosure, 472 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure, No. 18, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. Si|. " Penelope," GaUiuas, 4 February 1B40. I DO myself the honour to inform you, that, in consequence of the continued violation of tlie Treaty concluded with the Chiefs of Gailinas, by Captain Denman, in 1840, for the suppression of the Slave Trade, I have declared war with that country, and established a liat. 6^ 57' N. blockade, with a sufficient and effective force, between Solyman Point on the south, and Long. 11' 35' W. (^.g^ee on the north. T * *^-' X' I request you will be pleased to give pubhc notice to American citizens trading on the Lat. l.'JiN. ■! ^ t A r • Lon?. n°'i5' M'. »* est Coast ot Africa. I have, &c. To Commodore Bolton, (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commandiiii;' the United States' Naval Forces Commodore and Com.-ia-Chief on the West Coast of Africa, &c. (Sec. (True copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief Enclosure, No. 19, in Sir Charles. Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. Sir, H. M. S. " Penelope," 10 February 1849. I BEG leave to acquaint you, for the information of the Commander-in-Chief, that the three negroes (two men and a boy) referred to in my letter of the 5th current, died between the mornings of the Sth and 9th, from their extreme state of exhaustion and debility, accompanied with dysentery. I have, &c. To Captain Lewis T. Jones, (signed) John Munro, m.d. H. M. S. " Penelope." Surgeon, H. M. S. " Penelope." (True copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure, No. 20, in Sir Charle.s Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 57 of 1849. Sierra Leone, Freetown, 19 February 1849. The examination of Down, a liberated African, taken this day before me, Robert Arm- strong, Police Magistrate for this colony. Thomas Ogoo, a Cosso man, and constable of this colony, being sworn as interpreter. Deponent Down saith, I was a slave, and lived witJi my owners, Don Crispo, at the Gai- linas. The barracoons were burnt ; I ran away to the boats of the big ship. A man told me that if I went to Englishmen, they would make me free. Ran away the same day the big ship arrived. Saw great many slaves, men, women and children, in the barracoon. i was brought from Cosso about four years ago, by a black man, who sold me to the Spaniard, Don Crispo. I know Pepper; some time ago he was put in a vessel with many other slaves. She was chased by an English vessel of war; it was about a year ago. Saw Pepper taken oft' to the slave ship ; the people were taken off in large boats. The slave ship was out about four days ; retimed, and was driven on shore; the slaves from her were put into the barracoon at Gailinas. Don Crispo buys slaves, and sells them to the Spaniards. There is a little vessel now building close to the barracoons at Gailinas. She belongs to Don Crispo, and is to carry slaves. Some people at the Gailinas fired at the people of the big ship. his (signed) Down x mark. Taken before me, at Freetown, the 19th day of February 1849. (signed) Robert Armstrong, Police Magistrate. (Copy of a copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 4-> Enclosure, No. 21, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty No. 57 of 1840. Sierra Leone, Freetown, 19 February 1S49. The examination of Pepper, a hberated African, taken this day before me, Robert Arm- strong, Police Magistrate for this colony. Thomas Ogoo, a Cosso man, and constable of this colony, being sworn as interpieter. Depunent Pepper saith, I was a slave at Tindo, or Summer Island. The barracoon belonging to Don Crispo, it was a large long building, divided into two parts, one full of men, the other of women. They were chained together. Frequently chained together, and flogged with a big wliip, made of thick rope : some- times they got three dozen lashes. A short time ago, I saw a smoke from a Ijarracoon a little way off; it was so near that a person could hear another speaking, if lie called out loud. A Gallinas man told me, if I went to Englishmen, 1 should be free. Another boy and I got into a canoe, and went to the English boat. I left the barracoon when the sun was overhead, and when I got to the boat it was very little down. The barracoon from which I ran away was afterwards burnt; I saw it burn ; it belonged to Don Crispo. Slave-irons were taken out of the barracoon, and put on board the Devil ship, bio- steamer. About a' year ago I was put on board of a slave-ship jjy Don Crispo ; the vessel was full of slaves ; she was out about two days, chased by an English ship of war, ran ashore, and broken up. No one drowned, but some people died on board. I was then taken to a town ; do not know the name of it. I was chained by tlie leg. Don Crispo came and took me back to his barracoon at Tindo, which is in the Gallnras. I know tJie town Drening ; it belongs to Schaffa Rogers; there are slaves in that town. his (signed) Pepper, x mark. Taken before me at Freetown, the 19th day of February 184;). (signed) Robert Armstrong, Police Magistrate. (Copy of a copy.) (signed) Charles Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. (No. .354.) Copy of a Letter from Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary of the Admiralty. Sir, " Penelope," at St. Helena, 1 November 1848. With reference to your despatch, No. 207, dated 17th .luly 184S, covering a letter from Her Majesty's Under Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, to the Minister at Lisbon, suggesting that the British squadron on the coast of Africa would cheerfully co-operate in tlie destruction of the barracoons or slave factories at Ambriz, I have the honour to trans- mit the copy of a letter which I addressed to the officer commandiug the Portuguese squadron on the west coast, tendering the services of Her Majesty's cruisers for the same object, and his reply. Their Lordships will observe, that M. Cordeiro declines the assistance of our vessels, and informs me that he has made an arrangement for the entire destruction of the barracoons at Ambriz, and entertains no doubt of complete success. I have, &c. To the Secretary of the Admiralty, (.signed) Charles Hoth a.m. &c. &c. &c. Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 354 of 1848. Sir, " Penelope," St. Paul de Loanda, '.) October 1848. ^^ In the conversation which I had the honour of holding on board the " Dito de .Iiilho" yesterday afternoon, you were pleased to inform me, that the instructions you had received tioni the Minister of Marine at Lisbon directed you to cause to be at once destroyed any barracoons which the British cruisers may officially acquaint you as existing for oljjects of slave-trading, whenever the persons charged with this service, and who must always be Portuguese,' may find in such barracoons slaves, or even any ooods which may be I'lovcd for the purpose of the traffic, and you were also jileased to intimate your readiness to fulfil the letter of the instructions, whenever such a notification should be made. 53. 304 ^ ^'''^ 474 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT I have now the honour of acquainting you, that several barracoons employed for the pur- pose of the Slave Trade exists to the south of this city. I will particularly mention Cape St. Bias, the south of the Coanza, and Punto Lougo. There are also to the north large establishments at Ambriz and JNIazula. It would aft'ord me peculiar satisfaction to have it in my power to acquaint my Government that their destruction had been effected in accordance with the wish of the two Govern- ments, and yesterday I received with great pleasure your assurance that such was your intention. ., ■ , • r i t> ■ • i Our respective instructions appear to prohibit the co-operation ol the British naval forces ; but it is my duty to place them entirely at your disposal, and to express our readiness to act in any way you mav desire. I transmit the copv of my orders relative to this service, and avail myself of this oppor- tunity to assure you that it affords me great satisfaction to co-operate with any officer who appears to have the suppression of the Slave Trade so much at heart. I have, &c. (signed) Charles Hotham, To Captain Cordeiio, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Commanding Her Most Faithful Majesty's Squadron, West Coast of Africa. Translation. Loanda, on board the Corvette " 8th of July," of Her Most Faithful Majesty, Q. B. G." Most Illustrious and Excellent Sir, 10 October 1848. I HAVE the honour to acknowledge the receipt of a despatch whicli your Excellency forwarded to me, under date 0th October, as well as copies of four notes which had been exchanged between the Governments of Her Britannic Majesty and that of Her Most Faithful Majesty my august Sovereign, relative to the burning of the barracoons, in which the wicked contrabandistas concerned in the infamous slave traffic place their unfortunate victims, as well as the prohibited articles with which they relentlessly torture the unhappy human race. In fulfilment of my duty, I am to signify to your Excellency, that I was already acquainted ■with their contents, and that they are entirely in accordance with the orders of the Government of my august Sovereign, because it is there explicitlj' settled by agreement of the Governments of the two nations, of the oldest alliance, in virtue of which I have the honour to to your Excellency that the destruction of the barracoons on Portuguese territory can only be efi'ected by the subjects of the said august Sovereign. And notwith- standing that I have the best-grounded hopes of success in the destruction of the barracoons, it would have given me the greatest satisfaction that these, my most sanguine designs, should have been happily conducted under the auspices of your Excellency ; but the positive orders which I have already transmitted are in this one thing diametrically opposed. I avail myself of this opportunity to repeat the protestations of my greatest esteem, and most respectful consideration, being Your Excellency's most obedient, &c. (signed) M, T. Da Silva Cordeiro, Commanding the Naval Station. The Most Illustrions and Excellent Sir Charles Hotham, Commander-in-Chief of the Squadron of Her Britannic Majesty on the West Coast of Africa. Instruction for the Commander of the brig " Mondego," Captain Lieutenant Francisco Izidero Guimaraes. Loanda, on board the Corvette, " 8th of July," of Her Most Faithful Majesty, 13 October 1848. 1st. You will to-day, the 13th of the present month, profit by the first opportunity, and sail from the port of Loanda, in the brig under your command, and in your quality as cmisee', examine all the most noted places on this coast, included between Ambriz, the Dandy, Magula and Magula Grande, and Magula Pegueao, using the utmost zeal and diligence in your search, and landing (in the quietest way possible), if you should discover barracoons containing proof of their being used in the infamous slave traffic, conformably yvith the decree of 10th December 1836, which I subjoin ; and having ascertained that there is proof of their participation, you will proceed as the Government of Her Most Faithful Majesty has thought fit to direct in the despatches of ^^d May and 1st July 1847, a copy of which is also transmitted. And as soon as this important service may be concluded, you will return to the port ol Loanda, and inform me of the manner in which you have executed this important commis- sion, being a superior officer in whom, according to the recommendation of the Government of Her Majesty, I deposit my entire confidence. I enjoin COMMHTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 475 I enjoin upon you to obtain the most satisfactory results possible in the service you are to execute. I expect from your intelligence and sailor-like abilities, of which you have oiven on all occasions the fullest proof, that this important service maybe so concluded as to enable me to report it favourably to the Government of Her Mrst Faithful Majesty. In this commission it is also your duty to observe the fiithlul execnt on nf 'ihe'Treity of 3d July 1842, which expressly determined the abolition of ihe Slave Trade in ihe colonies beloni):ing to the Portuguese Crown, with which documents you are furnished, as well as the other resolutions of our Government in that particular; it is also important that \oa should recollect and fulfil the punctual execution of the despatch, dated iOth iMav 1846 the true copy of which is also attached, remembering that you are responsible for the deten- tion of vessels on this coast, whose nationality is not English, and who may be acting in contravention of the Treaty of 3d July 1842, whenever you may not be able to prove before the competent tribunal of prizes in the proper and legal manner, that the vessel was detained within the line of boundary, which is a distance of three miles from the shore. You will begin your operations at Ambriz, landing at night, so that you may be able to prevent the retreat into the interior. I equally call your attention to any small boats, such as canoes, launches, &c., and who might be able to warn the slave-dealers at Ambriz and the Dandy. I besides remind you, that the greater part of these small craft are to be found within the three miles. In Loanda, on board the corvette " 8th of July" of Her Most Faithful Majesty the 14th October 1848. ' (signed) M. T. da Silva Cordeiro. (No. 319.) Copy of a Letter from Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary of the Admiralty. Sir, " Penelope," St. Paul de Loanda, 30 September 1848. 1. On the arrival of the new Governor-general, Adriao Acca§io da Silveiro Pinto, the senior officer in command, Manoel Thomaz da Silva Cordeiro took occasion to inform me, that he had received the most stringent orders from his Government not to chase or capture any vessel fitted for the Slave Trade, if she should be beyond the distance of three miles from the Portuguese territory. And upon my requesting to be informed what course he intended to pursue, in cases where the slaver was seen within the three miles, but succeeded in cross- ing the line of demarcation before her capture, he acquainted me, that the capture, accord- ing to the opinion of the Crown lawyers in Portugal, would be illegal ; and that the com- manders of his cruisers would be instructed to desist from the chase on their arriving at the prohibited point. 2. The effect that must ensue from this instruction is very evident. The Portuguese officers are discontented, and will no longer attempt the capture of vessels fitted for the Slave Trade; and it may be presumed that henceforth they will pursue the traffic with impunity. 3. There is a very common impression that the Governor-general of Angola is furnished with instructions to relax the stringency with which the Treaty has heretofore been carried out; and if this is not the case, it is supposed that the arrangements depending upon him will no longer be efficacious, or aflbrd much obstruction to the traflic. 4. Vessels owned by Portuguese will be sailed under Brazilian colours; and in a short time I make no doubt, that they will sail at night from the port of Loanda. 5. I am told that the tone of the ofticers about the Governor-general is in ridictile of our previous efforts, and the non-efficiency of the system in general. At present nothing has occurred which would justify a representation to him; but their Lordships may depend, that if a favourable opportunity presents itself, I shall immediately profit by it. I have, &c. The Secretary of the Admiralty, (signed) Charles Hotham, &c. &c. &c. Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. (No. 46.) Copy of a Letter from Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary of the Admiralty. <' Penelope," Cape Mount, Si,.^ 31 January 1840. Herewith I transmit an extract of a letter from Commodore Dunlop, of Her Majesty's (Two Enclosures.) sloop " Alert," together with a subsequent communication from that officer detailing the circumstances under which he liberated 101 slaves, in the territoiy of the King of Biombo, on the 23d December last. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham, The Secretary of the Admiralty, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. &c. &c. &c. 53- ^ p Enclosdre, 476 APPENUIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosube, No. 1, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 46 of 1849. Extract of a Letter from Commander Dunlop, of Her Majesty's Sloop " Alert," to Commodore Sir Charles Hotham, Commander-in-Chief, dated 3 J December 1848. " I weio-hed after dark, and ran up the channel as far as the St. Martinho Creek, where I anchored,''and at daylight sent the pinnace to examine that and the other creeks in the vicinity of the ship. 1 01 m j • 1 • 1 " Fiiidino- that slaves were in the barracoons, and that the Slave Trade carnedon m the territory oAhe King of Biouibo was against his wish and that of his people, I liberated all the slaves so detained, to the number of 101, and took them on board this sloop for convey- ance to Sierra Leone : a detailed account of my proceedings in this matter I have the honour to enclose herewith, and I hope they will meet with your approbation." (Copy.) Charles Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure, No. 2, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, Mo. 46 of 1849. Her Majesty's Sloop "Alert," ofl'Sierra Leone, Sir, " ai December 1848. I HAVE the honour herewith to lay before you a detailed statement of the circumstances that led to my liberating the negroes mentioned in my letter No. 72, who were held in slavery in the territory of the King of Biombo, by a Spanish slave-dealer of the name of Victor de Barreda, contrary to the laws of that country, and against the wishes of the king and people, who applied to me to rescue them. Having anchored off Biombo Point, in the River Jeba, on the night of the 10th instant, my object was to endeavour to ascertain with as little delay as possible whether the slaves that 1 supposed Joze Vanrell had sent up from the River Ponga (as I had the honour to inform you in my letter, No. 67, of the 2d ultimo) were still in the barracoons of the slave- dealer Don Victor, as by that means I could judge whether any slaver had been lately in this river, or whether it was probable that one was expected : with this view, I sent the pinnace in charge of the Second Lieutenant to examine the St. Martinho and other creeks in the immediate vicinity of the ship, up one of which 1 had reason to think Don Victor's barracoons were. I directed the officer to land the pilot wherever it was probable he could with safety obtain information, and, as he is a native of this part of the country, I had hopes that he might be found useful. The pinnace brought back intelligence of the exact locality of the barracoons, and that there were certainly slaves in them ; I therefore determined to wait for some days, in hopes of intercepting the vessel sent for this cargo. On the 22d instant the pilot was sent on shore with a party of kroomen to cut some wood at Biombo Point, and, while so engaged, some of the natives came to him and told him that Don Victor had a number of slaves in chains in his barracoons, who were very ill treated; that it was against the law of their country to carry on the Slave Trade, and that they hoped the English would liberate these «laves, and that their king (whose name is Branco, King of Biombo) would have himself gone on board the man-of-war to make the same request, but that he was ill. This announcement was quite voluntary on the part of these natives, and they received no present of any kind, either before or after making it. On hearing this intelligence, I determined, as far as lay in my power, to turn it to the advantage of the unfortunate people chained in the barracoons ; 1 therefore, at daylight the next morning, took the boats up the creek, and landed at the town where the barracoons were, and, having personally communi- catedwith thenatives through an interpreter, I found that whatthe pilot had told mewas strictly true, as regarding their feelings, and I received a second message from the king, stating his inability to come to see me in consequence of his illness and the distance of the town in which he resided from the place where I then was ; I then took a party of men with me, and proceeded towards Don Victor's barracoon ; he met me on the way, and I told him that I understood he had slaves in his barracoon ; that the king and natives of the country repre- sented to me that his having slaves for exportation was against their laws, and that, although afraid to do so themselves, they had applied to me to liberate them ; that, consequently, I should take them out of the barracoons, and give them their choice of either remaining where they were, at liberty, or of going with me to Sierra Leone : he at once confessed that the slaves were in the barracoon, but said that they did not belong to him, but were the property of Joze Vanrell, who had sent them up from the Ponga, and that he merely took charge of them for him until such time as they could be shipped. I then entered the barracoon, and found 21 .slaves, 19 of whom were heavily ironed; the two without irons were in a dying state. I had the irons knocked off by one of Victor's own men, and the slaves were then told they were at liberty ; but that if they were afraid to remain where they were, they might go with me to Sierra Leone, upon which they all proceeded to the boats, with the exception of the two above-mentioned, who were too ill to be removed. I then requested Don Victor to accompany me to another barracoon he had some miles higher up the creek, which COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 477 which he immediately consented to do : at this second barracoon I found 48 slaves, men, women and children included : as they were on a small island in the creek, from which they could not easily have escaped, they were not kept in irons during the day, but were chained by the neck to each other at night ; the same choice of staying in the country at liberty, or of going to Sierra Leone, was given likewise to these slaves, when they all immediately declared their wish to be taken away, excepting one woman, who was accordingly left behind, and whom I suspect had connected herself with one of Don Victor's people. Not being able conveniently to stow so many people in our boats, I borrowed a canoe from some of the natives, in which to put a "part of them, promising to return the canoe the next day, and to pay for the use of it ; but when the money was offered to them, they positively refused to receive it, and therefore from first to last got no present of any kind ; I merely mention this circumstance to show how decidedly their feelings were in favour of my liberating these slaves, as they were on othei' occasions exceedingly alive to the advantages to be derived from the possession of money, and made those who purchased fowls or fruit pay a high price for them. Having ascertained from the liberated negroes that there were about 30 more slaves who had been sent up lately from the Ponga, by Joze Vanrell, on a small island called Papagaio, within a few miles of the ship, I took the boats there the next day : when I landed, Don Victor's man positively denied that any slaves were there ; but, upon sending parties to search the island, they very soon discovered, hid in the thickest part of the jungle, a party of 15 slaves chained by the neck, who pointed out where 19 women and children were like- wise hidden. Having taken the chains off these people, they expressed their anxiety to be taken on board this ship, which I accordingly did; and finding that we had now liberated all the slaves held by Don Victor, with the exception of the two dying men whom it was impossible to remove from the place where they were lying, and the woman who wished to remain, I lost no time in proceeding with them to Sierra Leone. I have the honour to enclose a classified list of the 101 negroes liberated as above stated. I have, &c. (signed) Hugh Dunlop, To Commodore Sir Charles Hothara, K. c. b. Commander. &c. &c. &c. (Copy.) Charles Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. (No. 164.) Copy of a Letter from Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary of the Admiralty. Sir, " Penelope," Ascension, 3 May 1848. 1. With reference to your letter, No. 41, dated 14 February 1848, covering a letter from Mr. Smith on the increase of Slave Trade at Trade-Town on the Grain Coast, I request you will inform my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty, that this has arisen from the exer- tions of the Liberians, in compelling the traders to quit the country subject to them. 2. The territory of Trade-Town is the only spot not purchased by them, between Cape Mesurada and Cape Palmas ; they are now in treaty for it, and ere long, I have reason to believe, they will annex it to their republic. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham, The Secretary of the Admiralty, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. &c. &c. &c. (No. 35.) Copy of a Letter from Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary of the Admiralty. Sir " Penelope," at Cape Mount, 31 January 1849. I REQUEST you wiU lay before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty the enclosed ^Qne Enclosure.) copy of a letter addressed by Commander Murray, of Her Majesty's sloop " Favorite," to Captain Cordeiro, the officer commanding the Portuguese squadron on the West Coast of Africa, indicating the existence of barracoons at the Rio Longo, Quicinga and Logito. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham, The Secretary of the Admiralty, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. &c. &c. &.C. 53. P 2 Encloburz, 478 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure, No. l, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 35 of 1849. Her Majesty's Sloop " Favorite," St. Paul de Loanda, Sj,. 8 November 1848. I CONSIDER it my duty to inform you that the Slave Trade has been, and still is carried on bris^kly from the coast between St. Paul de Loanda and Benguela. Since May last 1,100 slaves have been found in two vessels detained by Her Majesty's sloop '• Contest;" the slaves of one of them had been shipped at Quicinga. I am informed that barracoons filled with slaves, ready for export, exist at this moment at Rio Longo, Quicinga and Logito ; but that the largest, containing nearly 2,000 slaves, stands on Old Benguela Head. I am also informed that slaves are shipped from Bahia Tarta, after having been marched from the town of Benguela itself. I have, &c. (signed) Alexr. Murray, Commander, and Senior Officer of the Southern Division. To Captain Cordeiro, Her Most Faithful Majesty's Ship "Eighth of July," Senior Officer of the Portuguese Squadron, &c. &:c. &c. (Copy of a copy.) (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-(ihief (No. 48.) Copy of a Letter from Commodore Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary of the Admiralty. Sir, " Penelope," Cape Mount, 31 January 1849. With reference to your despatch of 28 August 1848, No. 233, and its enclosures, I have the honour to request you will lay before my Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty the accompanying copies of letters addressed by me to the Governor-general of Angola and Commander Wood, of Her Majesty's sloop " Philomel," relative to the destruction of slave barracoons on Portuguese territory on the West Coast of Africa. The Secretary of the Admiralty, &c. &c. &c. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Enclosure, No. 1, in Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 48 of 1849. Sir, " Penelope," Ascension, 18 December 1848. In the month of November, last year, I had the honour to address your Excellency's predecessor, the late Governor-general of Angola, on the desire of Her Britannic Majesty's Minister for Foreign Affairs, to see measures adopted by the Colonial Government over which your Excellency presides, for the destruction of the barracoons or factories used for slave purposes in the neighbourhood of Loanda. Her Majesty's Government are aware that the principal depots for slave-trading are at Maznia and Ambriz ; and the copies of the correspondence between Sir George Seymour and Senhor Gomez de Castro, tend to show that it is the demolition of barracoons which Her Majesty's Government most anxiously desire. I am, tlierefore, only fulfilling my duty in pressing your Excellency to take such measures for the demolition of the barracoons, and entire liberation of the slaves which they con- tain, as may appear to you most proper ; and I am especially directed to tender the services of the British squadron to your Excellency for that purpose, to be employed conjointly with the forces of Her Most Faithful Majesty, or separately, as might seem most convenient for the operation to be performed. I have, &c. (signed) Chas. Hotham, His Excellency Adria A. da Silveira Pinto, Governor-general of Angola, &c. &c. &c. (Copy.) Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. (signed) Chas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief E.NCLOSUHE, COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 479 Enclosure, No. -l, iu Sir Charles Hotham's Letter to the Secretary of the Admiralty, No. 48 of 1849. Sir, " Penelope," Ascension, 18 December 1848. Herewith I transmit copies of a correspondence between Her Majesty's Minister at Lisbon and Senhor Gomez de Castro, the Portuguese Minister for Foreign AHairs, relative to the destruction of the barracoons at Mazula. On the next occasion of your visit to Loanda, you will wait upon his Excellency the Governor-general, and place in his hands tlie accompanying despatch. You will, at the same time, express your intention to communicate any information you may gain relative to the Slave Trade in that quarter to his Excellency, with your earnest desire to be permitted to take part in any operation tending to their demolition. And if, as I believe to be the case, the barracoons, or any part of them, should have been already burnt, by the instrumentality of the Portuguese navy, you will take occasion to inform his Excellency that Her INIajesty's Government will learn, with peculiar pleasure, the result of an operation tending to strike a blow at the Slave Trade, and overturn a trathe they hold in abhorrence. Prior to your interview with his Excellency the Governor, you will wait upon Captain Cordeiro, the officer commanding the Portuguese navy on this station ; inform him of the object of your visit to his Excellency, and offer my hearty congratulations at the result of his proceedings. I am, &c. (signed) Charles Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. Commander Wood, Her Majesty's Sloop " Philomel," Senior Officer, Southern Division. ♦ (Copy.) (signed) Ohas. Hotham, Commodore and Commander-in-Chief. 53. 3V3 Appendix- ^30 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Appendix H. No. 1.— Effect of Liberia on the Slave Trade : Faok (1.) Extract from the President'8 Message - 481 (2.) Extract from a Letter of the Rev. Mr. Wynkoop to the Editor of the " New York Evangelist," dated Princeton, 6 April 1835 --- 481 (3 ) Extract from a Letter written on board the " United States " Frigate, off Monrovia, dated 28 March 1843 481 (4.) Extract from last Report of the African Colonization Society ----- 482 No. 2. — ^Testimony of British Naval Officers : (1.) Extract of a Letter from Captain A. Murray to Captain G. Mansell, of Her Majesty 'sShip " Acteon," dated Her Majesty's Sloop " Favorite," off Cape Mount, 31 October 1846 - 482 (2.) Extract of a Letter from Sir C. Hotham to the Secretary of the Admiralty, dated " Penelope," at St. Helena, 7 April 1847 - - - 482 No. 3. — Interesting Testimonies : (1.) Letter to the Editor of the " Morning Post," dated London, 19 May 1847 - - - 483 (2. ) Letter from Captain Mercer, of the United States Ship " Jamestown," to E. Cresson, Esq., Philadelphia, dated Madeira, 12 May 1848 485 (3.) Names of highly distinguished Americans who are Friends of Colonization - - -487 II No. 4. — Testimonies of the Emigrants themselves : ( 1 . ) Address of the Colonists to the Free People of Colour in the United States - - 487 (2.) Remarks by the Editor of " Africa's Luminary," a Coloured Man . - - - 489 No. 5. — Agriculture : (1.) Letter from a Liberiau ----------- -490 (2.i From the Liberia Newspaper, 1847 --------- 491 (3.) Letter from the Rev J. B. Pinney, Governor of Liberia ------ 491 No. 6. — Episcopal Mission : Extract from a Letter of E. Cresson, Esq., dated Philadelphia, 27 March 1849 - - 491 No. 7. — Estimates for the future: (1.) A general Estimate of Cost -.-.--.---- 492 (2.) Extract from the "Christian Examiner, " Boston, September 1848 - - . -492 (3.) Extract from the Address of J. A. M'Clung, Esq., before the Kentucky Colonization Society, 20 January 1848 -,-492 No. 8- — Climate : Extract from Colonization Papers ----..--..- 493 No. 9. — Constitution of the American Colonization Society __..-. 494 No. 10. — Constitution of the Liberia Republic --.-..-- -495 No. 11. — Agreement between the Colonization Society and the Republic of Liberia - 499 No. 1-2. — Treaty-making with the Natives : (1.) Agreement with the King and Chiefs of the Sinou Country - . . . -601 (2.) Proclamation of Governor Russwurm ----.-.-. 602 (3.) Extract from Governor Roberts' Message .----... §02 No. 13. — Deeds of Territory: (1.) Deed for the New Sesters Territory, purchased November 1847 . , . -502 (2.) Deed for the entire River Sesters Territory, 14 March 1848 . . - . - 603 (3.) Purchase Deed of Poor or Pooah River, made 4 February 1847 - . . . 504 No. 14. — Specimens of Liberia Legislation : An Act regulatmg Commerce and Revenue _.-...-.-. 605 No. 15. — Boundary of Liberia: Descriptionof the Boundaries of the Republic of Liberia- - 608 -No. 1. COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 481 — No. 1.— EFFECT OF LIBERIA ON THE SLAVE TRADE. (No. 1.) Extract from the President's Message, I HAVE the satisfaction of informing you, gentlemen, that during the last year we have succeeded in extinguishing the native title to five tracts of country, lying between the extreme points of our jurisdiction. In July last, we obtained a title-deed, from the rightful owner of the soil, for tlie North-west half of the Little Cape Mount Territory ; and in November, we negotiated for the purchase of four tracts, and obtained title-deeds ; viz., " Timboo," " Zepay," " Houralizon," and the well-known territory of " New Cess " No sooner, however, was it known by the slavers, established at this latter place, that the Kina: and Chief had ceded to this Government their country, than they set to work to induce the Chiefs to disavow the sale, and consent to receive from them, as a present, and for the privilege of continuing their slave establishment, as long as they pleased to remain in the country, an amount equal to the price agreed on between this Government and the Chiefs. Their eftbrts, however, as far as 1 am informed, have not been effectual. A few days ago, I received a communication from one Joze , the principal, I am told, of the slave establishment at New Cess, stating that the natives disclaim hiiving sold the country to the Liberians, and demanding proof of our title to the territory. But with him, I conceived, we had nothing to do, farther than to inform him of the fact that tliis Government had obtained, for a valuable consideration, a title to the country, and that the inhabitants had incorporated themselves with us, and are now citizens of this Republic, and that the laws of the Republic of Liberia will now extend over all persons and property within that territory ; and that the Slave Trade there must now cease. (No. 2.) Extract from a Letter of the Rev. Mr. Wynkoop to the Editor of the " New York Evangelist," dated Princeton, 6 April 1835. Grand Cape Mount was for many years an extensive mart. About two months previous to my visit, the natives had resolved to abandon the Slave Trade for ever. They were led to take this noble step, partly by their own convictions, and partly by the persuasions of the governor and citizens of Monrovia. , j . .v . „«• «k« Cape Mesurado was a slave mart at the tune it was purchased by the agents ot the Colonization Society. The establishment of the colony broke up the whole trade entirely. Little Bassa was a slave mart up to January 1834 ; two tribes the Fishmen ^nj ^roome.^ combined their forces, demolished the factory, and drove off the traders. Ih.s place is be ween Monrovia and Grand Bassa. It is st.ll owned by the natives^ Grand Bassa was a slave mart There were two factories, one on each side of the nver. The first was destroyed whenThe American Colonization Society obtained the North-western -etion, and he other when the Young Men's Society, by their agent, purchased the South-western section. (No. 3.) Extract from a Letter written on board the " United States" Frigate, off Monrovia, dated 28 March 1843. -. ^f iha " North American." writing from on board the frigate " United A CORRESPONDENT of the J'^f f ^J^J"', 943 ^.^ , « The Colonization Society has States," at Monrovia on ^^e 28Ui of Ma^^ch 1 843 sa^^^^^ ^^^^ ^^_^^ ^^^^^ ^^ ^^ rescued 300 mi es of African sea-coat from the^^ of England, France and destroy this inhuman traffic th.n a he combniea ^^.^^ ^^^^^^^^ ^^. ^^^^^^ and America. Ere long you w.U find t^ia ^"S'^^^ j^^^;^ civilization, religion. These tZT:TLt:^^:^(t.ffJ'^^^^^^ regenerate Africa. The health of ^.le 53. -^ ' ' ^82 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT officers and men of tlie several sliips of the squadron has been, and continues to be, mode- rately o-ood. Our cruiseis have been constantly and actively employed ; and yet, notwith- standino- the enero-y of the English and the watchfulness of the French, the Slave Trade flourislies, and wherever slaves are wanted, there they will be carried : the supply will be equal to the demand. I regret to say that the humane coalition of the tliree great Powers to put down the Slave Trade has signally failed. To colonize and settle the coast is the only feasible and available plan." (No. 4.) Extract from last Repout of the African Colonization Society. The purchase of territory has been prosecuted with vigour, and is nearly completed. The line v( coast from Little Cape Mount to Cape Palmas, a distance of 320 miles, is now all under the jurisdiction of the government of Liberia, and held in fee-simple by it, with the exception of a few small tracts, amounting to about 20 miles. It is gratifying to know that they have puicliased New Cesters, the only remaining slave factory on that part of the coast. It cost v^' 2,000. The slave traders established there refused to break up and depart at the warnin"'' of the authorities of Liberia. They armed several hundred of the natives who were in tlieir pay, iniending to defend theii- premises. There is no doubt, however, that they will soon be routed. When Governor Roberts was in this covmtry, an effort was made to obtain from our Government an armed vessel, to be placed for a few days under the direction of the President of Liberia, to aid in breaking up the slave factory. But the executive entertained some doubts as to their power to do it. While in Europe, President Roberts represented the case to the English and French Governments ; and the former ordered the commodore on the African coast to render to the Republic whatever assistance was necessary to enable the Liberians to break up the Slave Trade on that part of the coast; and the latter placed at their disposal two men of war for the same purpose. ._No. 2.— TESTIMONY OF BRITISH NAVAL OFFICERS. (No. 1.) Extract of a Letter from Captain Alexander Murray to Captain George Mansell, of Her Majesty's Ship " Acteon," dated Her Majesty's Sloop " Va\ orite," off Cape Mount, 31 October 1846." On the 28th October, accompanied by Captain Dacres, I paid a visit to the Governor of the free settlement of Monrovia, who expressed himself exceedingly anxious to repress the Slave Trade in this neighbourhood ; he stated that he had no reason to believe that any slavery existed at Cape Mount at present. I called upon the individual whose name you confidentially indicated to me; he assured me that in the event of any preparation being made for shipping slaves from Half Cape Mount, which is a territory distinct from Cape Mount, with which we have no Treaty, though the Monrovians have, that the Mesurado militia would instantly be put in motion to seize and liberate the slaves. The distance from Monrovia is not more than 20 miles, and ihe place is carefully watched by land. I may here mention that the 750 slaves from the Congo, who were put on shore at Monrovia last December, though very embarrassing to that place at first, have now become useful and industrious. It therefore does not appear to me that any reason at present exists for calling on the Chiefs of Cape Mount to observe the Treaty with England more strictly. (No. 2.) Extract of a Letter from Sir Charles Hotham to the Secretary of the Admiralty, dated " Penelope," at St. Helena, 7 April 1847. — {Received 26 May 1847.) Before I conclude my observations on the Northern part of the coast, I wish to call their Lordships' attention to the colony of Liberia. On perusing the correspondence of my pre- decessors, I found a great difference of opinion existing as to the views and objects of the settlers ; some even accusing the Governor of lending himself to the Slave Trade. After discussing the whole subject with officers and others best qualified to judge on the matter, I not only have satisfied my own mind that there is no reasonable cause for such a suspicion, but COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 483 but further, that this estabhshment merits all the support we can give it. Their views may or not tend to the increase of territory, but so long as they observe their present system of government both humanity and civihzation are directly interested in their pro<^ress; it is only through their means that we can hope to improve the African race, for commerce unauled may sliarpen the wits, but will not raise the negro above his present standard. On the aoility of Governor Roberts, their Lordships will best form an opinion by a perusal of his despatch, under date of the 10th December 1846. — No. 3. - INTERESTING TESTIMONIES. (No. 1.) Letter to the Editor of the " Morning Post," dated London, 19 May 1847. Sir, Encouraged by your favourable reception of my last communication upon emigration to Virginia, I now trouble you with a few remarks upon African colonization by free people of colour, as the most effectual mode of arresting the Slave Trade, and civilizino- Africa — a measure which I know has been previously advocated with great force in your valuable columns. The awful sacrifice of lives which occurred last year on board of Her Majesty's steamer " Eclair," by African fever, is too vivid in the recollection of many of your readers to render a repetition of its melancholy details necessary here. This being one of the many lamentable instances of loss of life in attempting to put a stop to that horrible trafhc, by means of a blockading squadron of cruisers on the coast, which, independently of the fearful risk of health, entails an enormous expense upon the country, witliout effectually accom- plishing the object in view ; and even with the colony of Sierra Leone, where such immense sums have been expended, the effect of the climate on the white settlers, and other causes, have prevented its influence extending beyond its own limits. These sad results would lead one to the conclusion that Providence, in its inscrutable wisdom, had permitted the Slave Trade originally to exist, that in the end some of Africa's sons might be civilized in the Western World, and returned to their benighted country, there to spread civilization, Christianity, and the arts of domestic life. In support of this proposition, I beg to draw the attention of your numerous readers to the colony of Liberia, founded by the Ameiicaa Colonization Society, which was formed in the year 1816 by a few philanthroj^ic individuals, under the sanction of the Government of the United States; and I happened to be in Washington in March 1819, when I met the Rev. Mr. Burgess, on his return from a visit to the coast of Africa, for the purpose of selecting a spot to found a colony under the auspices of that Society ; and although they found it expedient, at a later period, to remove from the position originally chosen to Monrovia, yet my interest in the success of the Society and the cause since my acquaintance with that gentleman has never ceased. Nothing eftiectual was accomplished till the year 1822; yet the colony has since been gradually gaining strength and usefulness, chequered by a few reverses, up to the present time, when it extends its territory and influence for about 300 miles along the coast, between Cape Mount and Cape Palmas, numbering at least .'»,000 colonists, besides numerous tribes of Africans, who have solicited admission under tlie jurisdiction of the colonial government and laws,, for the purpose of benefiting by their schools and religious instruction, and abandoning the Slave Trade. In the original formation of the Society, it was wisely determined (as the effects of the African climate are so fatal to those of European origin) tluit none but the offices of governor, physician, herbro Island. These have been living in Africa 25 years. In no part of the world have I met with a more orderly, sober, religious and moral com- munitv than is to be found at INIonrovia. On the Sabbath it is truly a joyful sound to hear hvnms of praise oftered up to Him who doth promise that " where two or three are gathered to<^ether in His name, there He is in the midst of them," and a pleasure to observe how- very o-eneral the attendance upon Divine worship is among these people. I believe every man and woman in Monrovia, of any respectability, is a member of the Church. If you take a family dinner with the President (and his hospitable door is always open to strangers), a blessing is asked upon the good things before you set to. Take a dinner at Colonel Hick's (who by the way keeps one of the very nicest tables), and " mine host," with his shiny black intelli- gent face, will ask a blessing on the tempting viands placed before you. In conversation with President Roberts during our third and last visit to Monrovia, in ]klarch last, I expressed my apprehensions that if he and a half dozen others of the lead- ino- men of the Republic were cut off by death, it would be impossible to replace them with men of equal abilities. The President did not at all participate in my apprehensions on this point, but expressed a perfect confidence in the belief, that from the general and increasing intellio^ence of the people, any gap occasioned in this way might be repaired without any detriment to the welfare of the Republic. On my second visit to Monrovia, while the Congress was in session, I had a fair oppor- tunity of conversing with several members from the three counties in which the State is divided, from whom I was pleased to learn that the people in the interior had begun to turn their attention to agricultural pursuits, being persuaded that their true interests lay in pro- ducino- more than they have yet been in the habit of doing. Of this pleasing fact I had previously been assured by President Roberts. It will sound stranger, perhaps, to European ears than to our own, to hear that the Secretary of the Treasury and of State, and the Chief Justice, are storekeepers, and that the Attorney-general of this little Republic is a blacksmith. They were the best materials at hand, and it is to be hoped that for some years to come the diplomatic relations and finan- cial affairs of the Republic will be of so simple a nature as to be easily managed by the present incumbents of the State and Treasury departments, who are men of good sense and honest intentions. Crimes of magnitude against the State will be but few tor some time, and such cases as are brought before the Supreme Court of Liberia will be so plain tliat honest Judge Benedict, the storekeeper and Chief Justice, and the equally honest black- smith and Attorney-general, Major Brown, will be able to see to the bottom of them as clearly as Chief Justice Taney and Mr. Attorney-general Clifford, in our Supreme Court, will unravel the knotty cases (made still more knotty by the astute and learned gentlemen who plead before them) submitted for their sage decision. I think Liberia may require a little pecuniar}' aid from abroad for a few years, until she can cast about and provide tiie ways and means to carry on the Government from her own scanty Tieasury. Already, as in our own country, there are many office seekers, and each officer expects to receive a reasonable price for his services. To meet these demands and others upon the Treasury, Congress has provided a tariff law, which, among its provisions, embraces one authorizing the Government to monopolize the sale of crockery ware, salt, powder, fire-arms and tobacco. From the duties on these, and the general tariii'on iinpoits, they hope to realize a sufficient sum to meet the public expenses ; and they feel so confident in not being disappointed in this expectation, that Congress refused to authorize a loan of 20,000 or 40,000 dollars, before their own financial experiment had been tried. It is impossible to foresee what will be the fate of this infant republic struoaling for national existence ; but, whatever that fate may be, it cannot be denied thai its "career of advancement, up to this period, has been the most astonishingly rapid of any other people, under similar circumstances, that history, ancient or modern, brings to our knowledge. It is not yet a quarter of a century since the first colonists landed at the mouth of the St. Paul's or Mesurado River, and took up their abode on a small island, from whence they were obliged to proceed to the main land in armed parties, and fight the natives for tiie water for their daily use. Now, the colony is peopled with more than 5,000 emigrants. Its rule extends, undisputed, along the coast from Cape Palmas almost to Cape Mount, a distance ^f nearly 320 miles — 70,000 natives living within the limits of the Republic, acknowledge its COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 48- Jts power and obey its laws. The capital of the State, Monrovia, boasts of about 200 houses most of them weh bu.lt comfortable dwellings, and a population of 1,200 inhabitant. S people are moral and rehg.ous, and to judge" from what I saw at Monrovia, rdoJot thmk ts;;::^^:^'-^''---^^^-^^ — -^ >--" i>appi.;esst:ra What a pleasing reflection it must be to those gentlemen whose humane and Chris- tian hearts hr.st conceived the happy idea of planting this colony, as S as to th, e equally to be commended, who have aided in carrying on the good wmk to it prJsent sta-e' when they look upon tins vast amount of human happiness bestowed by their Eal bounty upon a degraded and down-trodden race, who, in the land of their birU., could neverTae risen above the degree of " hewers of wood and drawers of water." 1 Jiave written this letter in rather a desultory maimer, but nevertheless it contains a true expression of my sentiments in regard to Liberia, and as such is at your service We are now on a short visit to Madeira-where next I can't say; perhaps down the coast a^ain Accept, dear sir, my best wishes for your happiness, and believe me most cordially yours. To Elliot Cresson, Esq., Philadelphia Satnl. Mercer, Commander U. S. Navy. (No. 3.) Names of highly distinguished Americans who are friends of Colonization. A consideration that must have great weight abroad is the extent to which the Liberia enterprise has united all the highest talent and the most distinguished cliaracters in America in its behalf. The Honourable Judge Jay, of New York, and the Honourable John C. Culhoun, of South Carolina, have, from opposite reasons, been hostile ; but it would be hard to find, from among the very most elevated families in the States, two other as distino-uished names to add to these. On the other hand, we have Judge Bushrod Washington, Chief Justice Marshall Jeffer- son, Madison, Monroe and Carroll ; the Right Rev. William "White, n. n.. Mills, Ashman Grimke, Wirt, Crawford, Lowndes, Clay, Mercer, Webster, Fielinghuysen, Southrea' Edward Everett, Bancroft, General Scott, John Cotton Smith, Dr. Ashbel Green, Bishop Meade, Dr. Alexander ; and these not mere approvers of the scheme, but, in almost every instance, officers of the Society, or public advocates of its claims before the people. — No. 4.. — TESTIMONIES OF THE EMIGRANTS THEMSELVES. I (No. 1.) Address of the Colonists to the Free People of Colour in the United States. At a numerous meeting of the citizens of Monrovia, held in the Court-house, on the 27th of August, for the purpose of considering the expediency of uniting in an address to the coloured people of the United States, John H. Folks in the chair, it was resolved, — That a committee of five persons be appointed to frame a circular address, to be published in the United States, for the better information of the people of colour in that country respecting the state of this colony and the condition of the settlers. Tuesday, September 4. — The Committee reported the following address, which was adopted : — As much speculation and uncertainty continue to prevail among the j)eopIe of colour in the United States respecting our situation and prospects in Africa, and many misrepresenta- tions have been put in circulation there, of a nature slanderous to us, and, in their effects, injurious to them, we feel it our duty, by a true statement of our circumstances, to endeavour to correct them. The first consideration which caused our voluntary removal to this country, and the object which we still regard with the deepest concern, is liberty— liberty in the sober, simple, but complete sense of the word ; not a licentious liberty, nor a liberty without government, or 53' 3 Q 3 ^^''''^'' ^88 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT which should place us without the restraint of salutary laws, hut that hberty of speech and conscience which distinguishes the free enfranchised citizens of a free State. We did not enjoy that freedom in our native countiy ; and from causes which, as respects ourselves, we shall soon forget for ever, were we certain it was not there attainable for ourselves or our children. Tliis, then, being the first object of our ])ursuit in coming to Africa, is probably the first subject on which you will ask for information; and we must truly declare to you that our expectations and hopes in this respect have been realised. Our constitution secures to us, so tar as our condition allows, " all the rights and privileges enjoyed by the citizens of the United States, and these rights and privileges are ours. We are proprietors of the soil we live on, and possess the rights of freeholders. Our suffrages, and what is of more importance, our sentiments and our opinions, have their due weight in the Government we live under. Our laws are altogether our own ; they grow out of our circumstances, are framed for our exclusive benefit, and administered by officers of our own appointment, and as such possess our confidence. We have a judiciary chosen from among ourselves, we serve as jurors in the trial of others, and are liable to be tried only by juries of our fellow- citizens ourselves. We have all that is meant by liberty of conscience. The time and mode of worshipping God, as prescribed to ns in His word, and dictated by our conscience, we are not only free to follow, but are protected in following. Forming a community of our own in the land of our forefatliers, having the commerce, and the soil, and the fresources of the country at our disposal, we know nothing of that debasing inferiority with which our very colour stamped us in America. There is nothing here to create the feeling of caste, nothing to cherish the feeling of superiority in the minds of foreigners who visit us. It is this moral emancipation, this liberty of the mind from worse than iron fetters, that repays us ten thousand times over for all that it has cost us, and makes us grateful to God and our American patrons for the happy change which has taken place in our situation. We are not so self-complacent as to rest satisfied with our improve- ment, either as regards our minds or our circumstances. We do not expect to remain stationary — far from it. But we certainly feel ourselves, for the first time, in a state to enjoy either to any purpose. The burden is gone from our shoulders. We now breathe and move freely, and know not (in siu'veying your present state) for which to pity you most, the empty name of liberty which you endeavour to content yourselves w'ith, in a country that is not yours, or the delusion which makes you hope for ampler privileges in that country hereafter. Tell us which is the white man, who, with a prudent regard far his own character, can associate with one of you on terms of equality ? Ask us, which is the white man who would decline such association with one of our number whose intellectual and moral qualities are not an objection ? To both these questions we unhesitatingly make the same answer — there is no such white man. We solicit none of you to emigrate to this country, for we know not who among you prefers rational independence, and the honest respect of his fellow-men, to that mental sioth and careless poverty which you already possess, and your children will inherit after you in America. But if your views and aspirations rise a degree higher, if your minds are not as servile as your present condition, we can decide the question at once, and with confidence say that you will bless the day, and your children after you, when you determined to become citizens of Liberia. But we do not hold this language on the blessings of liberty tor the purpose of consoling ourselves for the sacrifice of health, or the sufferings of want, in consequence of our removal to Africa. ^^ e enjoy health, after a few months' residence in this country, as unifijrmlv and in as perfect a degree as we possessed that blessins' in our native country; and a distressing scarcity of provisions, or any of the necessaries of life, has of late been entirely unknown, even to the poorest persons in this community. On these points there are, and have been, much misconception and some malicious misrepresentations in the United States. The true character of the African climate is not well understood in other countries. Its inhabitants are as robust, as healthy, as long-lived, to say the least, as those of any other country. Nothing like an epidemic has ever appeared in this colony, nor can we learn fiom the natives that the calamity of a sweeping sickness ever vet visited this part of the conti- nent. But the change from a tem])eiate to a tropical country is a great one, too great not to affect the health more or less, and in the cases of old people and very young people it often causes death. In the early years of the colony, wan: of good houses, the great fatigues and dangers of the settlers, their irregular mode of living, and the hardships" and discouragements they met with, greatly helped the other causes of sickness, which prevailed to an alarming extent, and were attended with great mortality. But we look back to those times as a season ot trial long past, and nearly forgotten. Our houses and circumstances are now comfoitable ; and for the last two or three years not one person in forty, from the Middle and Southern States, has died from the chanse of chmate. But you may say, that even health and freedom, as good as they are, are still dearly paid for, when they cost you the common blessings of "life, and expose your wife and children to famine, and all the evils of want and poverty. We do not dispute the sound- ness of this conclusion either ; but we utterly deny that it has anv application to the peopL of Liberia. Away with all the false notions that are circulating about the barrenness of this country; they are the observations of such ignorant and designing men as would injure both it and you. A more fertile soil, and a more productive country, so far as it is cultivated, there is not, we believe, on the face of the earth. Its hills and its plains are covered with a verdure which e COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 480 which never fades ; the productions of nature keep on in their o;,owtli throuoh all the seasons ot the year. Even the natives of the country, almost without farmin"- tools with- out skill, and with very little labour, make more grain and vegetables than They can con- sume, and often more than they can sell. Cattle swine, fowl, duck, goats and sheep, thrive without feeding, requiring no care but to keep them from strayuig. Cotton, coftije, indigo and the sugar-cane, are all the sponta- neous growth ot our forests, and may be cultivated at pleasure, to any extent, by such as are disposed. The same may be said of rice, Indian corn, Guinea corn, millet, and too many species of fruit to enumerate. Add to all this, we have no dreary winter here for one-half of the year, to destroy the products of the other half of the year. JVatuie is con- stantly renewing herself, and is also constantly pouring her treasures, all the year round, in the laps of the industrious. We could say on this subject more ; but we are afraid' of exciting too highly the hopes of the imprudent. Such persons, we think, will do well to keep their rented cellars, and earn their 25 cents a day at their wheelbarrow, in the com- mercial towns of America, and stay where they are. It is only the industrious and virtuous that we can point to independence, and plenty, and happiness, in this country. Such people are sure to attain, in a very few years, to a style of comfortable living wliich they may in vain hope for in the United States ; and, liowever short we come of this character ourselves, it is only a due acknowledgment of the bounty of Divine Providence to say, that we generally enjoy the good things of this life to our entire satisfaction. Our trade is chiefly confined to the coast, to the interior parts of the continent, and to foreign vessels. It is already valuable, and fast increasing. It is carried on in the produc- tions of the country, consisting of rice, palm oil, ivory, tortoiseshell, dyewoods, gold, hides, wax, and a small amount of coffee; and it brings us, in return, the product and manufac- ture of the four quarters of the world. Seldom, indeed, is our harbour clear of European and American shipping ; and tiie bustle and the thronging of our streets show something already of the activity of the smaller seaports of the United States. Mechanics, of nearly every trade, are carrying on their various occupations ; their wage.s are high ; and a large number would be sure of constant and profitable employment. IVot a child or a youth in the colony but is provided an appropriate school. We have a numerous public library, and a court-house, meeting-houses, school-houses, and forlifica- tions sufficient, or nearly so, for tlie colony, in its present state. Our houses are constructed of the same materials, and finished in the same style, as in the towns of America. We have an abundance of good building stone, shells for lime, and clay of an excellent cpiaUty for bricks. Timber is plentiful of various kinds, and fit for all the different purposes of building and fencing. Truly, we have a goodly heritage ; and if there is any thing lacking in the character or condition of the people of this colony, it can never be charged to the account of the country ; it must be the fruit of our own mismanagement, or slothfulness, or vices. But from all these evils we confide in Him to whom we are indebted for all our blessings, to preserve us. It is the topic of our weekly and daily thanksgiving to Almighty God, both in public and private, and He knows with what sincerity, that we were conducted, by His providence, to this shore. Such great favours, in so short a time, and mixed with so few trials, are to be ascribed to nothing but His special blessing. This we acknowledge. We only want the gratitude which such signal favours call for. Nor are we willing to close this paper without adding a heartfelt testimonial of the deep obligations we owe to our American patrons and best earthly benefactors, whose wisdom pointed us to this home of our nation, and whose active and persevering benevolence enabled us to reach it. Judge, then, of the feelinss with which we hear the motives and doings of the Colonization Society traduced ; and that, too, by men too ignorant to know what that Society has already accom- plished, too weak to look through its plans and intentions, or too dishonest to acknowledge either. But, without pretending to any prophetic sagacity, we can certainly predict to that Society the ultimate triumph of their hopes and labours, and disaj)pointment and defeat to those who oppose them. Men may theorize and speculate upon their plans in America, but there can be no speculation here. The cheerful abodes of civilization and happiness which are scattered over this verdant mountain ; the flourishing settlements which are spreading around it; the sound of Christian instruction, and scenes of Christian worship, which are^ heard and seen in this land of brooding pagan darkness; a thousand contented freemen united in founding a new Christian cini)iie, happy themselves, and tiie insiruments of happiness to others; every object, every individual, is an argument, is a demonstration of the wisdom and goodness of the plan of colonization. (No. 2.) •Remarks by the Editor of " Africa's Luminary," a Coloured Man. The editor of " Africa's Luminary," a coloured man, makes the following judicious remarks on the subject : — " Without any particular advocacy of either the system or measures which the American Colonization Society has approved of, we assert, in the face of its friends and foes, t.iat .t 53. jQ4 .QQ APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT has solved some important problems, the truth of which, but for this effort for our good, must have remained doubtful for centuries to come. " In the first place, it has demonstrated that the people of colour immigrating to the American colony of Liberia, with the usual success attendant upon industry, can be not only free, in all the meaning which that significant word embraces, but happy to the same extent of meanino-. It has demonstrated that we only require pecuniary power to place our various interests upon the footing of which they are obviously capable, and we need envy no man or nation of men on earth. We do not envy them now. " In the second place, it has demonstrated, we think, with sufficient conclusiveness, that the coloured race, in common with other races of the same Creator's forming hand, possesses the faculty of self-goveinment. " Theory and speculation have contested this point with great diversity of object in view, and with various degrees of successful argumentation ; but it has remained for the American Colonization Society, in the nineteenth century, to give to tlie nations of the earth a prac- tical demonstration. " Third. .It has demonstrated, in the great mortality of the whites, their admissions on this subject, and the success with which the labours of coloured men have been attended — moral and intellectual qualifications being supposed — that the coloured race is the proper medium through which to convert the swarming posterity of their ancestors. " Fourth. It has demonstrated, with the clearness of a sunbeam, that an American colony- is a most effectual antidote against either domestic or foreign slavery." — No. S.- AGRICULTURE. (No. 1.) Letter from a Liberian. The principal articles that we can expect to cultivate for exportation will be coffee ; that which is raised here is said to be better than most any other ; respectable strangers have pronounced it even better than the Java or Mocha. # * # j ]iave now growing on my farm more than 5,000 trees, all of which are of the wild plants brought from the woods and transplanted in the rainy season. Most of my plants have commenced bearing; it is thought our trees at full maturity will yield from 3 to 3 J lbs. of clean coffee on an average. In the West Indies two pounds is considered a fine crop ; however, there are trees in this place and elsewhere, in rich and moist spots, around the houses, which have yielded from five to seven pounds ; besides this, a coffee tree will bear well from 10 to 12 years ; thea you may cut it off, leaving the roots, which will spring afresh, and in one rainy season will grow so as to bear the next, being perfectly renovated ; so that once a good coffee plantation is established, it will remain for generations : at first it is of slow growth, taking from three to seven years, according to the quality of the soil. At present I can and do sell of the coffee raised by myself at 25 cents a pound ; this of course will not be the case when large quantities are raised. Next to coffee for exportation, is palm oil. As yet the palm tree has not been cultivated ; the millions of gallons which have been exported from our place and neighbourhood, besides the thousands consumed by ourselves, all of which have been manu- factured and brought in by the natives. But as the demand is yearly increasing, we will now have to begin the cultivation of the same. It takes very little longer than the coffee tree to commence bearing ; then will go on to unborn generations. The palm tree ought to be planted 25 feet apart each way; the coffee about 10 feet. Cotton grows here; but Liberia is not a proper cotton-growing country. We have excellent rice here, also sugar ; but in neither of the last-mentioned can we expect to compete with the United States and the West Indies. We have fine sweet potatoes, cassavas, yams, tan yans, &c. : just around here corn does not grow as well as in many parts of Africa. We have fair gardens in its seasons, and have something growing the year round. We have but few horses, but we are getting on finely in cattle ; 1 own about a dozen miich cows, and raise a number of fine hogs; both our cattle, sheep and hogs are smaller than in the United States ; but theirs too at one time were small. We have fine rivers, abounding with excellent fish, oysters, &c. Our woods abound with deer and other animals, many of which are killed by the natives and brought into our markets for sale. Both camwood" and ivory arc brought in by the natives, but depending too much upon this, being a more quick way of making money, has ruined many. However, we have need to be very grateful to Heaven" for His kindness in providing such ample means from the wilds for our support, and which has assisted us on until this time. The soil here is generally fertile, but it is like it is in other countries ; viz., good, middling, and poor ; but we have a plenty of it. What would the poor Irish and other Europeans give if they had our opportunities ? Wood COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 4g.l Wood for lumber are as yet plentiful, although the woods have been partially ruined of its largest growth by the natives ; in cutting for new farms every year. We have some verv handsome wood for furniture, &c. (No. 2.) From the Liberia Newspaper, 1847. The beautiful banks of the St. Paul's and the St. John's, it is said, will in a few years present a prospect that will richly repay the visitor for any trouble he may be at in wending his way up these noble streams. Already may be seen rich fields of rice, sugar-cane, and other productions adorning these banks. The cultivation of ginger, pepper, arrowroot, ground nuts and coflee, was engrossing all minds. These articles are raised for exportation, and it is stated that they will well repay the cultivator for any ouUay it may be necessary for him to make, while they are coming to perfection. Coffee, the most valuable of all the productions of Liberia, requires some four years to grovv before it will give to the cultivator any income. After that time, however, the tree, with little or no labour bestowed on it, will yield two crops a year. The quality of the Liberia cofiee, by competent judges, is pronounced to be equal to any in the world. In numerous instances, the Herald says, we have seen trees full of coffee only three years old. The other articles, if planted at the commencement of the rainy season, will arrive at maturity in less than one year from the time of planting. The rainy season had fairly set in. On the 10th, 11th and 12th of June it not only rained but poured. The Herald mentions one individual who had raised and manufactured the present season more than 3,000 lbs. of excellent sugar and a quantity of beautiful syrup. Some of the farmers were already eating new rice. (No. 3.) Letter from the Rev. J. B. Pinney, Governor of Liberia. No man, by farming, can get a living without labour in any country but in Liberia, there being no snow or frost or cold to provide against ; a large ])ortion of the labour needed here for keeping warm and comfortable is not needed there, and as it is always summer, much less land will support a family. Another consideration may here be added ; viz., tiiat many important plants and vege- tables continue to grow and bear from year to year, witii very little cultivation. Our garden Lima bean I have seen covering by its vines a good-sized tree, where it had been growing and constantly bearing for nine years. Sweet potato vines are often, when pulled, replanted, and go on to "bear more roots. The African potato, or cassada, grows for two years ; the cotton plant bears for nine or ten years. - No. 6.— EPISCOPAL MISSION. Extract from a Letter of Elliot Cresson, Esq., dated Philadelphia, 27 March 1849. The first Episcopal Mission to Liberia Proper has just been established. True Cape Palmas has one, but the new Republic has so tar been neglected ; and our good Bishop, Dr Potter and Dr. Stevens, of St. Andrew's Church, Philadelijhia, both sympathize so warmly with me, that, through their infiucnce, our new Missionary Society of fct. Andrew's Church has resc.lved to sustain the Bexley Mission siugle-handed. As you gave me the pleasino- intelligence of the Bishop of London being so deeply interested, I hope you will convev'io him this pleasing fact, with the additional important modihcation tha instead of the old error of sending out white men to perish by the climate, we have a black man horn South Carolina, hiohly Recommended by th"e Bishop of that diocese, who is to be ordained for this special service. We have there a native of ardent piety, who has been sometime at our Theological Seminary, and w.tli whom we hope in due season to be connected in these important movements. ,. 3R _No.7.- 402 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT — No. 7. — ESTIMATES FOR THE FUTURE. (No. 1.) A GENERAL ESTIMATE of CoST. There are in the United States, we will say, 3,000,000 of coloured people, bond and free. To purchase GO ships, at ^10,000, each fitted for sea, would cost - $ 600,000 To furnish each family of five persons with provisions for their passage would cost | 50 : for the whole number, at this rate, adding 1 600,000 for increase while the work is going on, viz., on $ 3,600,000, would be ----- - 36,000,000 Add, for incidental expenses ------- 500,000 Total Cost - - - ^37,100,000 But, secondly, in regard to time. The 60 ships will carry each 500 passengers a trip, and make three trips a year, making in the whole 90,000 a year. In 40 years, at this rate, the number will amount to 3,600,000. The whole number ! Thus, in 40 years, every man, woman and child of the coloured race in America could be transported to Africa at an expense of less than $ 1,000,000 a year ; but suppose we still add $ 2,900,000, and make the sum $ 40,000,000, $ 1,000,000 a year, what is that sum compared to the ability of the nation, and the value of the work to be accomplished ? (No. 2.) Extract from the " Christian Examiner," Boston, September 1848. The entii'e cost of the colonization enterprise, from the commencement, may be rated at $ 796,939. 98 cents. The lowest estimate of Hie expenses of the war (including incidentals) that we have seen is $ 200,000,000 ; the highest,|395,000,000. Thetotal amount contributed in 1847, for the relief of the Irish, besides an equal or greater amount sent by the Irish in this country (according to the incomplete estimate of the " American Almanac"), was ^ 591,313. 29 cents. The expense incurred by each emigrant to Liberia " may be set down at ^ 50 ; this includes outfit, passage-money, and provisions on the voyage, a house to live in, provisions, medicine and medical attendance, and nursing, when they are sick, for six months, and more or less aid in various other ways, in establishing them comfortably, and in a condition thenceforth to take care of themselves." (No. 3.) Extract from the Address of J. A. M'Clung, Esq., before the Kentucky Colonization Society, 20 January 1848. There can be no doubt that Liberia will, with every year, become more able to bear the increased emigration which must soon pour in upon her, j ust as America is now able to sustain an annual influx of nearly 300,000 ignorant foreigners, which, one hundred years ago, would have seriously endangered her Government. As religious oppression in the old world caused a constant stream of emigration to the infant coionies of New England — as that emigration has slowly increased during the last 200 years, until now it has swelled to a roaring flood which threatens to overwhelm us — so the uneasy and degraded condition of the free black in this country, contrasted with the brilliant prospect which invites him to Liberia, with the daily increasing facility of intercourse between America and Liberia, together with the continued and increasing operation of that great movement which I have endeavoured to illustrate, will cause the tide of emigration to COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 493 to set towards the African shore, at last, with a force which even the most sanguine can now scarcely nnagine. All the great causes now in operation are most surely destined to continue in existence, and to grow in power ; the root and foundation of the whole, the life and soul of the mighty movement, is the public opinion of the Christian and civilized world ; if that shall halt m its forward movement of the last 100 years ; if it shall retrace all the steps which it has taken ; if slavery shall again cover New England, Jamaica and St. Domingo, and the Slave Trade once more darken the ocean with its legitimate flag, then the death-knell of Liberia has struck, and the hope of African civilization is vain ; but if the march of public opinion is onward, and not backward, then shall the long night of African barbarism come to a close, and the starry flag of her great Republic shall yet flout the blue skies of the tropical world. Time, the mighty workman, the great philosopher, the builder up of truth and the destroyer of error — tune alone is necessary to disclose to a wondering world the incredible tale of African greatness ; let time roll on for the short space of a single human life, the three score and ten years, which the child now living may well hope to witness, and what vyill that child see upon the far Liberian coast ? — a cluster of little Republics, extending 300 miles upon the coast and 200 miles in the interior; their surface is dotted with villages and their ports are crowded with shipping ; we hear everywhere the familiar accents of our own language, and we see everywhere the evidences of that all-pervading commercial activity which democratic institutions and a maritime situation never fail to engender. The population is yet thin, except in the seaport towns ; but churches, villages and dwellings are rising with magical rapidity in the interior, and everything displays the bustle and activity of a young and growing people. But what is 70 years in the life of a nation? Let time still roll on, and look not again at the young Republic until her childhood is passed, and her strength confirmed by the years of a nation's growth ; let three times the span of man's brief existence be allowed her — let 200 years roll away — let her growth be incomparably below that of Ohio, and, after the next 40 years, let her ratio of increase be only that of the whole United States, and you have a Republic of 10,000,000 of souls. Let democratic freedom and geographical position exert but one-half the influence upon her that it has shown in the Anglo-Saxon race, and her flag will cover the ocean, and ransack every sea with the rich produce of her tropical climate. Let the Protestant religion have one-half the influence with them which it has exercised over the more favoured races of the earth, and the interior of Africa will sparkle in the light of the Christian faith, and the active hum of civilized industry will awaken the echoes of her long slumbering mountains. Why should not these things be ? Do we ask that any miracle should be performed ? Do we expect that nature shall alter her ordinary course, or even increase by a single degree the ordinary rapidity of her step ? So far from this being the case, we even abate somewhat of the ordinary power of second causes, in deference to the supposed inferiority of the African race — an inferiority assumed in argument, but never yet proved by the haughty races which have hitherto oppressed them ; for ifallmenare really descended from Adam, the difterence of races is the result of accidental, and not permanent and original causes. We assign to the African upon the Liberian coast only one-half of the growth of the Anglo-Saxon, within the same period, upon the American continent. What philosopher or politician in the days of King James, in the tobacco plantation of Jamestown, or the little Pilgrim Church of the wilderness, saw the mighty empire which in 200 years was to bestride the American continent, from the Isthmus of Darien to the North Pole, and move among the crowns of the old world with so haughty a crest ? _.-No. 8.— CLIMATE. Extract from Colonization Papers. Let us for a moment compare the mortality of Liberia with that of the colonies planted on our own shores. Within the first 17 years from the settlement of Jamestown, in Vir- ginia, 9,000 colonists arrived, and 150,000 I. steriing were expended in transporting them from'Sngland; yet at the end of that period but about 2,000 of them remained alive. All the rest had fallen victims either to the climate, or to the tomahawk of the savage, or had perished from other causes. Then look at Plymouth. History records that in less than six months after the arrival of the "Mayflower," full half of all who landed had been destroyed by disease, want and suttering. Now, compare with these efibrts at British colonization the results of our settlement at Liberia. In 25 years since the first emigrants landed from the United States, the deaths amount to but 20 per cent, of the entire number, beinp- far less than died at Plymouth within six months; far less than at Jamestown 111 17 years. The deaths at Jamestown were in 17 years more than four times as numerous, m proportion, as at Liberia in 25 years. 53- ■ 3 H 2 No. 9.— .q. APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT —No. 9.— CONSTITUTION OF THE AMERICAN COLONIZATION SOCIETY. Article I. This Society shall be called "The American Colonization Society." Article II. The object to which its attention is to be exclusively directed is, to promote and execute a plan for colonizing, with their own consent, the free people of colour residing in our country, in Africa, or such other place as Congress shall deem expedient. And the Society shall act to effect this object, in co-operation with the General Government and such of the State's as may adopt regulations on the subject. Article III. Every citizen of the United States who shall have paid to the funds of the Society the sum of $1, shall be a member of the Society for one year from the time of such pay- ment. Any citizen who shall have paid the sum of $ 30, shall be a member for life. And any citizen paying the sum of ^1,000, shall be a Director for life. Foreigners maybe made members by vote of the Society, or of the Directors. Article IV. The Society shall meet annually, at Washington, on the third Tuesday in January, and at such other times and places as they shall direct. At the annual meeting, a President and Vice-Presidents shall be chosen, who shall perform the duties appropriate to those offices. Article V. There shall be a Board of Directors, composed of the Directors for life, and of delegates from the several State Societies and Societies for the district of Colur.ibia and territories of the United States. Each of such Societies shall be entitled to one delegate for every ^500 paid into the Treasury of this Society within the year previous to the annual meeting. Article VI. The Board shall annually appoint a Secretary, a Treasurer, and an Executive Committee of seven persons ; all of wiiom shall, ex officio, be honorary members of the Board, having a right to be present at its meetings, and to take part in the transaction of its business ; but they shall not vote, except as provided in Article VII. Article VII. The Board of Directors shall meet annually, in Washington, immediately after the annual meeting of the Society, and at such otiier times and places as it shall appoint, or at the request of the Executive Committee. Seven Directors shall form a quorum. But if, at any annual meeting, or meeting regularly called, a less number be in attendance, then five members of the Executive Committee, with such Directors, not less than four, as may be present, shall constitute a Board, and have competent authority to transact any business of the Society ; provided, however, that the Board thus constituted shall cany no question unless the vote be unanimous. Article VIII. The Executive Committee shall meet according to its own appointment, or at the call of the Secretary. This Committee shall have discretionary power to transact the business of the Society, subject only to such limitations as are found in its Charter, in this Constitution, and in the votes that have been passed or may hereafter be passed by the Board of Directors. The Secretary and Treasurer shall be members of the Committee ex officio, with the right to deliberate, but not to vote. The Committee is authorized to fill all vacancies in its own body ; to appoint a Secretary or Treasurer whenever such offices are vacant ; and to appoint and direct such agents as may be necessary for the service of the Society. At every annual meeting, the Committee shall report their doings to the Society and to tlie Board of Directors. Article IX. This Constitution may be amended, upon a proposition to that effect, by any of the Societies represented in the Board of Directors, transmitted to the Secretary, and published in the official paper of the Society, three months before the annual meeting ; provided such amendment receive tiie sanction of two-thirds of the Board at its next annual meetine-. — No. 10 COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 495 — No. 10.— COiNSTITUTION OF THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA. Article I. — Declaration of Rights. The end of the institution, maintenance and administration of Government is to secure tiie existence of the body politic, to protect it, and to furnisli tlie individuals who compose it with the power of enjoying, in safety and tranquillity, their natural rights, and the blessings of life; and whenever these great objects are not obtained, the people have a right to alter the Government, and to take measures necessary for their safety, i)rosi)erity and happiness. Therefore \ve, the people of the Commonwealth of Lilieria in Africa, acknowledging with devout gratitude the goodness of God in granting to us tlie blessings of the Christian religion, and political, religious and civil liberty, do, in order to secure these blessings for ourselves and our posterity, and to establish justice, ensure domestic peace, and promote the general welfare, hereby solemnly associate, and constitute ourselves a free, sovereign and inde- pendent State, by the name of the Rejuiblic of Liberia, and do ordain and establish this Constitution for the government of the same. Section 1. All men are born equally free and independent, and have certain natural inherent and inalienable rights — among which are the rights of enjoying and defending life and liberty, of acquiring, possessing and protecting property, and of pursuing and obtaining safety and happiness. Sec. 2. All power is inherent in the people ; all free governments are instituted by their authority and for their benefit, and tliey have a right to alter and reform the same when their safety and happiness require it. Sec. 3. All men have a natural and inalienable right to worship God according to the dictates of their own consciences, without obstruction or molestation fiora others. All persons demeaning themselves peaceably, and not obstructing others in their religious worship, are entitled to the protection of law in the free exercise of their own religion ; and no sect of Christians shall have exclusive privileges or preference over any other sect, but all shall be alike tolerated ; and no religious test w-liatever shall be required as a qualification for civil oflice, or the exercise of any civil right. Sec. 4. There shall be no slavery within this Republic. Nor shall any citizen of this Republic, or any person resident therein, deal in slaves, either within or without this Republic, directly or indirectly. Sec. 5. The people have a right at all times, in an orderly and peaceable manner, to assemble and consult upon the common good, to instruct their representatives, and to peti- tion the Government or any public functionaries for the redress of grievances. Sec. 0. Every person injured shall have remedy thgrefor by due course of law ; justice shall be done without denial or delay ; and in all cases not arising under martial law, or upon impeachment, the parties shall have a right to a trial by jury, and to be heard in person or by counsel, or both. Sec. 7. No person shall be held to answer for a capital ur infiimous cnme, except m cases of impeachment, cases arising in the army and navy, and petty oflences, unless ujion pre- sentment by a grand jury ; and every person criminally charged shall have a right to be seasonably "furnished with a copy of the charge, to be confronted with the witnesses agamst him, to haVe compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favoui', and to have a speedy, public and impartial trial by a jury of the vicinity, lie shall not be compelled to furnish or give evidence against himself; and no person shall, for the same offence, be twice put in ieopardy of life or limb. . ,,,,11 Sec. 8. No person shall be deprived of life, liberty, property or privilege, but by the judg- ment of his Peers, or the law of the land. • • , , Sec 9 No place shall be searched nor person seized, on a criminal charge or suspicion, unless upon warrant lawfully issued, upon probable cause, supported by oath, or solemn affirmation, specially designating the place or person, and the object ot the search. Sec 10 Excessive bail' shall not be required, nor e.xcessive fines imposed, nor excessive punishments inflicted; nor shall the Legislature make any law impairing the obligation of contracts ; nor any law rendering any act punishuble. m any manner m which it was not punishable wlien it was committed. Sec. 11. All elections shall be by ballot, and every male citizen of 21 years of age, po^- sessing real estate, shall have the right of suffrage. Sec 1 ■-' The people hav. a right to keep and to bear arms for the common defence. And as in 'tim; of peace armies are dangerous to liberty, tliey ought not to be maintained without the "onsent of'the Legislature : aiufthe military power shall always be hela in exact subordi- nation to the civil authority, and be governed by it. ,.o,nnpn«ition Sec 13 Private property shall not be taken tor public use without ju.t compensation. Sec' 14 Tl e powers of this Government shall be .livided into three distn.ct departments, th^ iisbtive, cLcutive and judicial, arid no j.rson belonging to one cd ^^^f^>^^^^ shall exercise any of the powers belonging to either ot the others. I his section is not to be '^'^™;5.%hrll£i;SX P ':: Jr:S:ntial to the security of fVeedom in a State ; it ought not, therefore, to be restrained m this Republic. „, 53- ^""-^ .q5 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT The Press shall be free to every person who undertakes to examine the proceedings of the Leoi*lature or any branch of Government ; and no law shall ever be made to restrain the rio-hts thereof. The free communication of thoughts and opinions is one of the invaluable rights of man; and every citizen may freely speak, write and print on any subject, being responsible for the abuse of that liberty. In prosecutions for the publication of papers investigating the official conduct of officers, or men m a ])ublic capacity, or where the matter published is proper for public information, the truth thereof may be given in evidence. And in all indictments for libels, the jury shall have a rioht to determine the law and the facts, under the direction of the court, as in other cases. Sec. 16. No subsidy, charge, impost or duties ought to be established, fixed, laid or levied, under any pretext whatsoever, without the consent of the people, or their representatives in the Legislature. Sec. 17. Suits may be brought against the Republic in such manner and in such cases as the Legislature may by law direct. Sec.18. No person can, in any case, be subjected to the law martial, or to any penalties or pains, by virtue of that law (except those employed in the army or navy, and except the mihtia in actual service), but by the authority of the Legislature. Sec. 19. In order to prevent those who are vested with authority from becoming oppres- sors, the people have a right at such periods, and in such manner as they shall establish by their frame of government, to cause their public officers to return to private life, and fill up vacant places, by certain and regular elections and appointments. Sec. 20. That all prisoners shall be bailable by sufficient sureties, unless for capital offences, when the proof is evident, or presumption great ; and the privilege and the benefit of the writ of habeas corpus shall bo enjoyed in this Republic in the most free, easy, cheap, expe- ditious and ample manner, and shall not be suspended by the Legislature, except upon the most urgent and pressing occasions, and for a limited time, not exceeding 12 months. Article IL — Legislative Powers. Section 1. The legislative power shall be vested in a Legislature of Liberia, and consist of two separate branches — a House of Representatives and a Senate, to be styled the Legislature of Liberia; each of which shall have a negative on the other, and the enacting style of their Acts and Laws shall be, " It is enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Republic of Liberia, in Legislature assembled." Sec. 2. The representatives shall be elected by and for the inhabitants of the several counties of Liberia, and shall be apportioned among the several counties of Liberia, as fol- lows : — The county of Montserrado shall have four representatives, the county of Grand Bassa shall have three, and the county of Sinoe shall have one ; and all counties hereafter which shall be admitted in the Republic shall have one representative, and for every 10,000 inha- bitants one representative shall be added. No person shall be a representative who has not resided in the county two whole years immediately previous to his election, and who shall not, when elected, be an inliabitant of the county, and does not own real estate of not less value than 150 dollars in the county in which he resides, and who shall not have attained the age of 23 years. The representatives shall be elected biennially, and shall serve two years from the time of their election. Sec. 3. When a vacancy occurs in the representation of any county by death, resignation or otherwise, it shall be filled by a new election. Sec. 4. The House of Representatives shall elect their ow n Speaker and other officers ; they shall also have the sole power of impeachment. Sec. 5. The Senate shall consist of two members from Montserrado county, two from Bassa county, two from Sinoe county, and two from each county which may be hereafter incor- porated into this Republic. No ])erson shall be a senator who shall not have resided three whole years immediately previous to his election in the Republic of Liberia, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of the county which he represents, and who does not own real estate of not less value than 200 dollars in the county which he represents, and who shall not have attained the age of 25 years. The senator for each county who shall have the highest number of votes shall retain his seat four years, and the one who shall have the next highest number of votes two years, and all who are afterwards elected to fill their seats shall remain in office four years. Sec. 6. Tlie senate shall try all impeachments; the senators being first sworn, or solemnly affirmed, to try the same impartially, and according to law ; and no person shall be convicted but by the concurrence of two-thirds of the senators present. Judgment in such cases shall not extend beyond removal tiom office, and disqualification to hold an office in the Republic ; but the party may still be tried at law for the same offence. When either the President or Vice-President is to be tried, the Chief Justice shall preside. Sec. 7. It shall be the duty of the Legislature, as soon as conveniently may be after the adoption of this Constitution, and once at least in every ten years afterwards, to cause a true Census to be taken of each town and county of the Republic of Liberia, and a represen- tative shall be allowed every town having a population of 10,000 inhabitants, and for every additional 10,000 in the counties after the first Census one representative shall be added to that county until the number of representatives shall amount to 30 ; afterwards one repre- sentative shall be added for every 30,000. Sec. 8. Each branch of the Legislature shall be judge of the election returns and qualifications of its own members. A majority of each shall be necessary to transact business, but COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 497 but. a less number may adjourn from day to day, and compel the attendance of absent members. Lach House may adopt its own rules of proceeding, enforce order, and, witi, the concurrence of two-thnds, may expel a member. • o , , c Sec. 9. Neither House shall adjourn for more than two days without the consent of the other ; and botli Houses shall sit in the same town. Sec. 10. Every Bill or Resolution which shall have passed both branches oi the Legislature shall, before it becomes a law, be laid before the President for his approval If he approves he shall sign it; if not, he shall return it to the Legislature, with his objections. If the Legislature shall afterwards pass the Bill or Resolution by a vote of two-ihirds in each branch it shall become a law. If the President shall neglect to return such Bill or Re'^olution to the Legislature, with his objection, for five days after the same shall have been so laid before him, the Legislature remaining m session during that time, such neglect shall be equivalent to his signature. ^ Sec. 11. The Senators and Representatives shall receive from the Republic a compensa- tion for their services, to be ascertained by law; and shall be privileged from arrest, except for treason, felony or breach of the peace, while attending at, going to or returning from the session of the Legislature. Article III. — Executive Power. Section 1. The supreme executive power shall be vested in a President, who shall be elected by the people, and shall hold his office for the term of two years. He shall be commander-in-chief of the army and navy. He shall, in the recess of the Legislature, have power to call out the militia, or any portion thereof, into actual service in defence of the Republic. He shall have power to make treaties, provided the Senate concur therein by a vote of two-thirds of the senators present. He shall nominate, and, with the advice and consent of the Senate, appoint and commission all ambassadors and other public ministers and consuls, secretaries of state, of war, of the navy and of the treasury, attorney-general, all judges of courts, sherifls, coroners, marshals, justices of the peace, clerks of courts, registers, notaries public, and all other officers of State, civil and military, whose appoint- ment may not be otherwise provided for by the Constitution or by standing laws. And in the recess of the Senate, he may fill any vacancies in those offices, until the next session of the Senate. He shall receive all ambassadors and other public ministers. He shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed. He shall inform the Legislature, from time to time, of the condition of the Republic, and recommend any public measures for their adoption which he may think expedient. He may, after conviction, remit any public forfeitures and penalties, and grant reprieves and pardons for public offences, except in cases of impeach- ment. He may require information and advice from any public officer, touching matters pertaining to his office. He may, on extraordinary occasions, convene the Legislature, 'and may adjourn the two Houses, whenever they cannot agree as to the time of adjournment. Sec. 2. Tliere shall be a Vice-President, who shall be elected in the same manner, and for the same term, as that of the President, and whose qualifications shall be the same ; he shall be President of the Senate, and give the casting vote when the House is equally divided on any subject. And in case of the removal of the President from office, or his death, resig- nation or inability to discharge the powers and duties of the said oftice, the same shall devolve on the Vice-President ; and the Legislature may by law provide for the case of removal, death, resignation or inability, both of the President and Vice-President, declaring what officer shall then act as President; and such officer shall act accordingly until the disability be removed, or a President shall be elected. Sec. 3. The Secretary of State shall keep the record of the State, and all the records and papers of the legislative body, and all other public records and documents, not belonging to any other department, and shall lay the same, when required, before the Presicient or Leoislature. He shall attend upon them when required, and perform such other duties as may be enjoined by law. Sec. 4. The Secretary of the Treasury or other persons who may by law be charged with the custody of the public monies, shall, before he receive such monies, give bonds to the State, with sufficient sureties, to the acceptance of the Legislature, for the faithful discharge of his trust. He shall exhibit a true account of such monies when required by the President or Legislature ; and no monies shall be drawn from the Treasury but by warrant from the President, in consequence of appropriation made by law. Sec. 5. All ambassadors and other public ministers and consuls, the Secretary of State, of War.'of the Treasury and of the JSavy, the Attorney-general and Postmaster-general, shall hold their offices durins the pleasure of the President. All justices of the peace, sheriffs, coroners, marshals, c;lerks of courts, registers and notaries public, shall hold then- office for the term of two years from the date of their respective' commissions ; but may be removed from office within that time by the President, at his pleasure; and all other officers whose term of office may not be otherwise limited by law, shall hold their office durmg the pleasure of the President. „. , • , . r ,v • i Sec 6 Every civil officer may be removed from oftice by impeachment, for olficial misconduct. Every such officer may also be removed by the President, upon the address of both branches of the Legislature, stating the particular reasons for his removal. Sec 7 No person sliall be eligible to the office of President who has not been a citizen of this Republic for at least five years, and shall not have attained the age of 3.j years ; and who shall not be possessed of unincumbered real estate of not less value than GOO dollars. 53- -> ^ 4 .q8 APrENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Sec. S. The President shall, at stated times, receive for his services a compensation,, which shall neither be increased nor diminished during the period for which he shall have been elected. And before he enters on the e.xecutionof his office, he shall take the following oath or affirmation : " I do solemnly swear (or affirm), that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the Republic of Liberia, and will, to the best of my ability, preserve, protect and defend the Constitution, and enforce the laws of the Republic of Liberia." Article IV. — Judicial Department. Section 1. The judicial power of this Republic shall be vested in one Supreme Court, and such subordinate courts as the Legislature may from time to time establish. The judges of the Supreme Courts, and all other judges of courts, shall hold their office during good behaviour ; but may be removed by the President on the address of two-thirds of both Houses for that purpose, or by impeachment and conviction thereon. The judges shall have salaries established by law, which may be increased, but not diminished, during their continuance in office. Tiiey shall not receive any other perquisite or emoluments whatever from parties or others on account of any duty required of them. Sec. '2. The Supreme Court shall have original jurisdiction in all cases affecting ambas- sadors or other public ministers and consuls, and those to which the Republic shall be a party. Li all other cases the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction, both as to law and fact, with such exceptions and under such regulations as ths Legislature shall from time to time make. Article V. — Miscellaneous Phovisions. Section 1. All laws now in force in the Commonwealth of Liberia, and not repugnant to- this Constitution, shall be in force as the laws of the Republic of L'heria, until they shall be repealed by the Legislature. Sec. 2. All judges, magistrates and other officers now concerned in the administration of justice in the Commonwealth of Liberia, and all other existing civil and military officers- therein, shall continue to hold and discharge their respective offices in the name and by the- authority of the Republic, until others shall be apponited and commissioned in their steady pursuant to this Constitution. Sec. 3. All towns and municipal corporations within this Republic, constituted under the laws of the Commonwealth of Liberia, shall retain their existing organizations and pri- vileges, and the respective officers thereof shall remain in office, and act under the autho- rity of this Republic, in the same manner and with the like powers as they now possess under the laws of said Commonwealth. Sec. 4. The first election of President, Vice-President, Senators and Representatives shall be held on the first Tuesday in October in the year of our Lord 1847, in the same manner as elections of members of the Council are chosen in the Commonwealth of Liberia, and the votes shall be certified and returned to the Colonial Secretary, and the result of the election shall be ascertained, posted and notified by him as it is now by law provided in case of such members of Council. Sec. 5. All other elections of President, Vice-President, Senators and Representatives shall be held in the respective towns on the first Tuesday in May, in every two years, to be held and regulated in such manner as the Legislature may by law prescribe. The returns of votes shall be made to the Secretary of State, who shall open the same, and forthwith issue notice of the election to the persons apparently so elected Senators and Representatives ; and all such returns shall be by him laid before the Legislature at its next ensuing session, toge- ther with a list of the names of the persons who appear by such returns to have been duly elected Senators and Representatives ; and the persons appearing by said returns to be duly elected shall proceed to organize themselves accordingly as the Senate and House of Repre- sentatives. The votes for President shall be sorted, counted and declared by the House of Representatives ; and if no person shall appear to have a majority of such votes, the Sena- tors and Representatives present shall, in Convention, by joint ballot, elect from among the persons having the three highest numbers of votes a person to act as President for the ensu-- ing term. Sec. 6. The Legislature shall assemble once at least in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in January, unless a difierent day shall be appointed by law. Sec. 7. Lvery legislator and other officer appointed under this Constitution shall, before he enters upon the duties of his office, take and subscribe a solemn oath or affirmation to- support the Constitution of this Republic, and faithfully and impartially discharge the duties of such office. The presiding officer of the Senate shall administer such oath or. affirmation to the President, in convention of both Houses, and the President shall administer the same to the Vice-President, to the Senators, and to the Representatives m like manner, if the President is unable to attend, the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court may administer the oath or affirmation to him at any place, and also to the Vice-President, Senators and Representatives in Convention. Other officers may take such oath or affirmation before the President, Chief Justice, or any other person who may be designated by law. Sec. s. All elections of public officers shall be made by a majority of the votes, except. in cases otherwise regulated by the Constitution or by law. Sec. COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. ^qg Sec. 9. Office.s created by tliis Constitution which the ])resent circumstances of the liepubhc do not require that they sliall be filled, shall not be tilled until the Leiiislature shall deem it necessary. Sec. 10. The property of which a woman may be possessed at the time of her marriage, and also that of which she may afterwards become possessed, otherwise than by her hus- band, shall not be held responsible for his debts, whether contracted before or after iiiarriaoje. Nor shall the property thus intended to be secured to the woman be alienated otherwise than by her free and voluntary consent, and such alienation may be made by her, either by sale, devise or otherwise. Sec. 11. In all cases in which estates are insolvent, the widow shall be entitled to one- thud of the real estate during her natural life, and to one-third of the personal estate which she shall hold in her own right, subject to alienation by her, by devise or otherwise. Sec. 12. No person shall be entitled to hold real estate iii this Republic unless he be a citizen of the same. Nevertheless, this Article shall not be construed to apply to coloniza- tion, missionary, educational or other benevolent institutions, so long as the property or estate is applied to its legitimate purposes. Sec. 13. The great object of forming these colonies being to provide a home for the dis- persed and oppressed children of Africa, and to regenerate and enlighten this benighted con- tinent, none but persons of colour shall be admitted to citizenship "in this Republic. Sec. 14. The purchase of any land by any citizen or citizens from the aborigines of this country, for his or their own use, or for the benefit of others, as estate or estates in fee-simple, shall be considered null and void to all intents and jjurposes. Sec. 15. The improvement of the native tribes, and their advancement in the arts of agri- culture and husbandry, being a cherished object of this Government, it shall be the duty of the President to appoint in each county some discreet person, whose duty it shall be to make regular and periodical tours through the country, for tiie purpose of calling the attention of the natives to these wholesome branches of industry, and of instructing them in the same ; and the Legislature shall, as soon as can conveniently be done, make provision for these pur- poses by the appropriation of money. Sec. 16. The existing regulations of the American Colonization Society iu the Conmion- vvealth, relative to emigrants, shall remain the same in the Republic, until regulated by com- pact between the Society and the Republic : nevertheless, the Legislature shall make no Jaw prohibiting emigration ; and it shall be among the first duties of the Legislature to take measures to arrange the future relations between the American Colonization Society and this Republic. Sec. 17. This Constitution may be altered whenever two-thirds of both branches of the Legislature shall deem it necessary. Li which case the alterations or amendments shall first be considered and approved by the Legislature, by the concurrence of two-thirds of the members of each branch, and afterwards by them siibiuitted to the people, and adopted by two-thirds of all the electors at the next biennial meeting for the election of Senators and Representatives. Done in Convention at Monrovia, in the county of Montserrado, by the unanimous con- sent of the people of the Commonwealth of Liberia, this 2Gth day of July in the year of our Lord 1847, and of the Republic the first. In witness whereof we have hereto set our our names. S. Benedict, President,'] J. N. Lewis, M. leat/e, Ujontserrado County. Beverly 11. Wilson, ' Elijah Johnson, J. B. Gripon, John Day, '\ A. W. Gardner, I p,.,^,^j j.^^^^ (.^^,^j^._ Amos Herring, Ephraim Tiller, ' R. E. Murray, County of Sinoe. J. W. Prout, Secretary of Convention. — No. 11.— AGREEMENT BETWEEN THE COLONIZATION SOCIF.TY AND THE REPUBLIC OF LIBERIA. The reoulations which are hereafter to subsist between this Society and the Republic of Liberia have been settled in a satisfactory manner. At the meeting in January last, the Lenislature of Liberia appointed Commissioners duly authorized to act on this subject. They arrived in New York in July, and on the 12th of August a deputation from the Execu- tive Committee met them there by appointment, and continued their deliberations until the 53. 3 S l«th, r-QQ APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT 18th when the Board of Directors met, received the Report of the Committee, and heard the Commissioners in person ; and after three days' deliberation, Articles of Agreement were unanimously adopted. These Articles are yet subject to the approval of the Legislature of Liberia before they are finally ratified and binding. We presume that they will receive the full and hearty assent of every true Liberian. They are as follows : — Articles of Agreement between the Republic of Liberia and the American Colonization Society, entered into by the Directors of the Society and the Commissioners of the Republic, in the City of Neto York, on the 20th day of July, in the year of our Lord 1848 ; and which, if ratified by the Government of Liberia within the space of Twelve Months from this date, shall be binding both on the Society and the Republic. Article L The Society hereby cedes all its public lands within the limits of Liberia to the said Reoublic, subject to the following provisions ; viz. 1. The Government shall allow to emigrants the quantity of land heretofore allowed them by existing regulations, out of any unoccupied or unsold lands ; and when the Government sells any of the public lands, every alternate lot or farm, or section, or square mile or miles, shall be left unsold, to be assigned to emigrants. 2. All sales shall be at public auction to the highest bidder. Lands, after having been offered at auction and unsold, may be sold at private sale, not below a price to be fixed by law. 3. The tracts reserved for emigrants may, with the assent of the Society, be ex- changed for others of equal value, or sold, and the proceeds devoted to the purposes of education. 4. The Government of Liberia shall appropriate at least 10 per cent, of the proceeds of the sale of public lands to school or educational purposes. 5. The Government of Liberia shall hold the land heretofore appropriated to the Kentucky Society for the occupancy of emigrants from said State ; and the land here- tofore assigned to the Mississippi Society shall be held for emigTants from that State ; and the Blue Barre territory shall be assigned to emigrants from the State of Louisiana; it being understood that all these lands are to be held by the Republic on the same terms and provisions as the other public lands. 6. The Society shall retain the riglit of locating emigrants in any of the present settlements. 7. New settlements are to be formed by the concurrence and agreement of the Government of Liberia and the Society. 8. The lands held by the Republic for the occupancy of emigrants shall be exempt from taxation. 9. The Society shall retain possession of 100 acres of land around the United States building for re-captured Africans, for the use of the United States Government. 10. The Society shall retain the public farm, the colonial store, and lot, and wharf; also the lot in Greenville ; and, if requested, the Government shall deed to the Society a lot in Bassa coimty, and a lot of suitable size in each of the new settlements formed on the coast ; which property, and all the improvements which the Society shall make on it, shall be exempt from taxation ; but the Society shall take such care of said lots as the citizens are required to take of theirs, in order to prevent their becoming nui- sances ; and, in case of neglect, the town authorities shall be authorized to abate such nuisances at the expense of the Society. Article IL The Society shall have the privilege of introducing and selling in the Republic any and all the articles included in the monopoly of said Republic, the proceeds to be appropriated to the support of emigrants after their arrival in Liberia. Article IIL The Government shall allow the Society to introduce all its stores, provisions and fur- niture for the support and use of emigrants free of duty ; and the vessels chartered by the Society and carrying emigrants shall be free from lighthouse and anchorage duties. Article IV. Re-captured Africans shall be admitted as heretofore, the United States Government making provision for their support. Article V. The Society shall give lo the RepubHc of Liberia the Government-house, furniture and public offices, Fort Johnson, and such munitions of war now in Liberia as were presented by the Government of the United States to the Society. Article COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 50I Article VI. These Articles may be altered at any time by the mutual Agreement of the Directors of th. American Colonization Society and the Government of Liberia. l^nectors of the Article VII. fhi W^"-'^^'i'!-'T'^' ^^^!- ^^^^' ^^^ '^''^ ^epMk shall have acted upon and duly ratified the foiegomg Articles as herein provided for, and shall have furnished the Society UhtSe duly authenticated evidence thereof, the Society shall be bound, and hereby biJidrhself o execute and ransmit to the said Hepublic such instrument of vWiting or deed as sh"^ be by said Republic deemed necessary fully to confirm, convey and vest m said Repulc the cltalned?""'^ ^''"^ ''"''•'' ''''''''' ""'^ '° '^' c/nditionsand reservatiSs herein In testimony whereof, the Commissioners of the said Republic, and the Chairman and Seci^tary of the Board o Directors, and Secretary of the Society.' duly authoriz d t^ s'gn the foregoing agreement, have respectively set their hands and seals in duplicate. Beverly R. Wilso7i, (l. s.)"l ^ James S. Payne, (l. s.) J Commissi sioners. John Maclean, (l. s.) Chairman of Board of Directors Josq)h Tracy, (l.s.) Secretary of the Board. W.M'Lain, (l.s.) Sec. Am. Coh Soc. Signed, sealed and delivered in our presence, M. St. Clair Clarke. Elliott Cresson. John N. M'Leod. Paul T. Jones. John B. Piimey. — No. 12.— TREATY-MAKING WITH THE NATIVES. (No. 1.) Agreement with the King and Chiefs of the Sinou Country. The following is a copy of an agreement entered into between the Colonial authorities and the King and Chiefs of the Sinou country ; viz. : Be it known to all, That the Colonial authorities of the Commonwealth of Liberia, and the King and Chiefs of the Sinou country, having met in Grand Council this 24th day of February 1845, to settle all difficulties existing between the American settlers at Greenville and the Sinou tribe, have adjusted all misunderstandings, and agreed to the following terms : — 1st. The Sinou people agree to pay to Stephen Young as a compensation for certain articles stolen from said Young by one Pine, a Sinou man, the following : two bullocks, ten kroos palm-oil, and one goat. 2d. The Sinou people cede to the American Colonization Society their entire territory, and incorporate themselves with the American colonists, forming an integral part of the Go- vernment, and subject to the laws of the Commonwealth of Liberia. 3d. All difficulties arising between colonists and natives shall be adjudicated and settled by the authorities at Greenville, subject to an appeal to the Governor of the Common- wealth. 4th. In consideration of the grant of territory to the American Colonization Society, or to the Commonwealth of Liberia, the Colonial authorities promise to protect the Sinou jieople from the aggressions of the oilier tribes, as far as can be done consistently with the peaceable policy of the Government of Liberia. 5th. It is agreed that the Government will employ and encourage Sinou jjcople as labourers, when it can be done on as favourable terms as other natives are willing to be employed at. 6th. It is further agreed and understood, that for the considerations mentioned in the 4th section of this instrument, the Sinou Chiefs or people are permitted to trade with natives of other tribes, with colonists or foreigners, v/itiiout being required, as are the American colonists, to obtain from the Government a license to prosecute such trade. It is understood, however, that all goods or merchandize landed from foreign vessels, to natives 53. 3 S 2 ^^it'"" C02 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT within the Sinou territory, shall pay the lawful duty at present of 5 per cent, ad valorem, and shall be landed under the inspection of the Collector of Customs, or his deputy. Done at Greenville, Sinou, this 24th day of February 1845, (signed) J. J. Roberts. Geo. Sands. Soldier King. Peter Kimo. King Williams. Davis <%■ A'inney. (No. 2.) Proclamation of Governor Russwurm. Whereas the native Kings, George of Bassa, George Macauley of Grand Tabou, Crah of Tabou River, the true and lawful Kings of the Tabou country, and headmen : Whereas Kino- Nimlee and Governor Yellow Vvill of Bassa, the true and lawful King and Governor of the Bassa country, and headmen : Whereas Kings Darbo and Tom, of Grand Berriby, the true and lawful Kings of the Grand Berriby country, and headmen : Whereas King George of Tabou, the true and lawful King of the Tabou country, and headmen, have, by formal deeds of cession to the Maryland State Colonization Society, executed at Bassa, on the 2.3d and 24th days of February, a. d. 1846, annexed themselves, subjects and territories to this Common- wealth, and became a part thereof: It is liereby enjoined on all the citizens of this colony to honour the Kings and headmen of the aforesaid countries, with all due respect, as the true and lawful rulers thereof; to receive the subjects of said Kings as citizens of our common country, and not as strangers; and further, it is enjoined on all magistrates and civil officers to have justice fairly meted out to them in all palavers ; and that they have free passage throuc^h our common country without hindrance. Given under hand and seal at Government House, Harper, Cape Palmas, this 3d day of March, a. d. 1846. (signed) Jo/in D. Russwurm, Governor. (No. 3.) Extract from Governor Roberts' Message. Since the last annual meeting of this Legislature, another important acquisition of territory has been made. In February last, tlie natives occupying the lands lying between Blue Barra and Grand Cess, the territory of Settra Kroo, comprising about six miles of sea-coast excepted, ceded to this Government, including the rights of sovereianty, their entire terri- tories; also two tribes further south, occupying the territory known as Tassoo and Baffoo Bay; reserving for their members only what is sufficient to maintain them in an agricultural way. A few days ago. General Lewis, commissioned on the part of this Government, succeeded in purchasing about 15 miles of sea-coast, comprisi.-ig j)ortions of the territories of Manna, Curroo and Tiniboo. It is understood, in each case, that we shall extend to them our patronage and protection ; that we will estabHsh trading factories among them, furnishing them necessaries at moderate prices, in exchange for their commodities, and protect them against the incursions of their marauding neighbours. —No. 13.— DEEDS OF TERRITORY. (No. 1.) Deed for the New Sesters Territory, purchased November 1847. This Indenture, made this 19th day of November in the year of our Lord 1847, between Prince Williams and .lohn Freeman, King and Chiefs of New Sesters, of the one part; and J. J. Roberts, Governor of the Commonwealth of Liberia, and agent for the American Colo- nization Society, of the other part : \\ itnesseth. That we, the aforesaid King and Chiefs, for and in consideration of the sum of 2,000 dollars to us in hand paid by Stephen A. Benson, Commissioner, on the part of J. J. lioberts aforesaid, the receipt whereof we do hereby individually acknowledge, have bargauK-d, granted, sold, aliened, enfeofied and confirmed, and by these presents do bar- gam, grant, sell, alien, enfeoff and confirm, unto the said J. J. Roberts, in trust for the ^.merican Colonization Society, all that tract of country known as the territory of New ^esters, on the West Coast of Africa, and bounded as follows :— Commencing on the west by a part COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. ^^03 a part of the north-west hank of tlif> " Pn T?;,,^.." „ • ■ . ocean, and extending a fefmile .palonotl^rorthuTn'^T'^"' '1 ■'""'^*'°" "^^'' ^'^^ Trade J own n> a north-easterly direcdon, back into the inte or a' ar asl d t^Z^ office, m trust for the American Colonization Society. And we, the .aid P.ince Wilhan ^ John Freeman of the New Sesters territory, do coienant to and u.th the said J J Robe," Governor and Agent as aforesaid, that at and until the ensealinn- hereof, wel d o^ood rll t and lawful authonty to sell and convey the aforesaid territory in fee-sin>p e : !uid luU e the sa.d Prmce Wdhams and John Freeman, King and Chief of the country afore.a fo. 'ou ! selves, ourhen-s and successors, will for ever warrant and defend the said J J Robe.t' Governor and Agent as atoresa.d, and his successors in office, auainst any person or persins' claiming any part or parcel of tlie above-named territory 3' 1 "" 01 peisons nul'UTT T''"''°*; '"'' *'r ^^T^ ''"'^ Chief aforesaid, have hereto set our hands and affixed our seals the day and year first above written. his Prince x Williams. mark, his Jolm X Freeman. mark. Stejihen A. Benson, Commissioner. Signed, sealed and delivered in the presence of Samuel S. Hening. A. P. Davis. (A true copy.) J. N. Lewis, Col. Sec. (No. 2.) Deed for the entire River Sesters Territory, 14 March 1848. Tpiis Indenture, made this 14th day of March in the year of our Lord 1818, between Ben Grouse and Grand Bob, King and Chief of River Sesters, of the one part ; and J. J. Roberts Governor of the Commonwealth of Liberia, and Agent for the American Colonization Society of the other part : Witnesseth, That we, the aforesaid King and Chief, for and in consideration of the sum of 450 dollars to us in hand paid by John H. Chavers and William J. Roberts, Commis- sioners on the part of J. J. Roberts aforesaid, the receipt whereof we do hereby iiuli\idually acknowledge, have bargained, granted, sold, aliened, enfeofled and confirmed, and bv these presents do bargain, grant, sell, alien, enfeofl' and confirm, mitotlie said J. J. Ruberts in trust for the American Colonization Society, all that tract of country known as the territory of "River Sesters," on the west coast of Africa, and bounded as follows: — Comniencino- at the" Bar" of said territory, out of which a large river empties itself, called the " River Sesters," " River," which leads into the interior some considerable distance, forminsi' the northern boundary of said territory ; thence running along the line of the sea-coast in a south-easterly direction about six miles, to a river called " Panie," which forms the northera boundary line of " Poor River;" thence running into the interior about 40 miles : thence leading around at a right angle and running in the direction of the river, " River testers," until it strikes said river; thence along said boundary line to the sea or place of commence- ment. Said description of above boundary is intended to include all the territory known Ijv the name of" River Sesters." To have and to hold all the territory aforesaid, together with the harbours, islands, lakes, woods, ways, watei-, watercourses, mines, minerals and appur- tenances thereto belonuing or appertaining, unto the said J. J. Roberts and his sucfcssors in office, in trust for the Americm Colonization Society. And we, tht said J5en (■"rouse and Grand Bob, of the territory aforesaid, do covenant to and with the said J. J. Roberts, Governor and Agent as aforesaid, that at and until the ensealing hereof, we had good right and lawful authority to sell and convey the aforesaid territory iu fee-simple ; and that we, the said Ben Grouse and Grand Bob, King and Chief of the country aforesaid, for ourselves, our heirs and successors, will for ever warrant and defend the said J. J. Roberts, Governor and Agent as aforesaid, and his successors in office, against any person or persons claiming any part or parcel of the above-named territory. 53- 3 s 3 I" 504 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT In witness whereof, we, the King and Chief aforesaid, have hereto set our hands and affixed our seals the day and year first above written. his Hen X Grouse, Kinsc- mark, his Gra?id X Bob, Chief mark. J. H. Chavers,'] ^ • • W. J. Jio6e;-i;,J <^°"'"^'''^°''^'^'- Signed, sealed and delivered in presence of C. M. Warring. Henry Chase. (.A true copy.) D. B. Warner, Secretary of State. ■ • (No. 3.) PuECHASE Deed of Poor or Pooah River, made 4 February 1847. This Indenture, made this 4th day of February in the year of our Lord 1847, betAveen King Softly Wy, King Kyboy, King's Mate Weah, T. West, J. Gray and Fan Taylor, King and Chiefs of Poor or Pooah River territory, of the one part ; and J.J. Roberts, Governor of the Commonwealth of Liberia, and Agent for the American Colonization Society, of the other pai't : Witnesseth, That we, the aforesaid King and Chiefs, for and in considera- tion of the sum of 321 dollars to us in hand paid by James Brown and William J. Roberts, Commissioners on the part of J. J. Roberts, aforesaid, the receipt whereof we do hereby individually acknowledge, have bargained, granted, sold, aliened, enfeoffed and confirmed, and by these presents do bargain, grant, sell, alien, enfeoff and confirm, unto the said J. J. Roberts, in trust for the American Colonization Society, all that tract of country known as the territoiy of Poor or Pooah River, on the West Coast of Africa, and bounded as fol- lows : — Connuencing at a small river, called Parne, the southern boundary line of the River Cess territory, and running thence along the line of the sea-coast in a south-easterly direc- tion about four miles to Poor River ; thence into the interior about 35 miles ; thence leading around at a right angle, and running in the direction of River Cess until it strikes Parne River, the south-east boundary line of that territory ; thence along said boundary line to the sea or place of commencement. Said description of above boundary is intended to include all the territory known by the- name of Poor or Pooah River. To have and to hold all the territory aforesaid, together with the harbours, islands, lakes, woods, ways, water, watercourses, mines, minerals and appurtenances thereto belonging or appertaining, unto the said J. J. Roberts and his successors in office, in trust for the American Colonization Society. And we, the said King Softly Wy, King Kyboy, King's Mate Weah, T. West, J. Gray and Fan Taylor, of the Poor or Pooah River territory, do covenant to and with the said J. J. Roberts, Governor and Agent as aforesaid, that at and until the ensealing hereof, we had good right and lawful authority to sell and convey the aforesaid territory in fee-simple ; and that we, the said King Softly Wy, King Kyboy, King's Mate Weah, T. West, J. Gray and Fan Taylor, King and Chiefs of the country aforesaid, for ourselves, our heirs and successors, will for ever warrant and defend the said J. J. Roberts, Governor and Agent as aforesaid, and his successors in office, against any person or persons claiming any part or parcel of the above-named territory. In witness whereof, we, the King and Chiefs aforesaid, have hereto set our hands and affixed our seals the day and year first above written. his his King X Softly Wy. Tom x West. mark. mark. his his King X Kyboy. John x Gray, mark. mark. , . one of the Chiefs. "'^ his King's xMate Weah. ^^^ ^ j, . "^^'•l^- mark. one of the Chiefs. James Brown,'} ^ • ■ Signed, sealed and delivered in presence of Jas. E. Brown. P. P. Sandford. J. L. Brown. Henry Chase. (A true copy.) J. N. Lewis, Col. Sec. —No. 14.— COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 505 — Kg. 14.— SPECIMENS OF LIBERIA LEGISLATION. An Act regulating Commerce and Revenue. Article I. Section 1. It is enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the Reoublic of Libena, m Legis ature assembled, That the owners of all decked vessels, and boats whhout decks, over the burthen ot five tons, belonging to this Republic, aner ton per annum, which tax shall be paid by the master or owner before the above-named license sliall be granted. Sec. 2. It is further enacted. That all vessels hailing from ports, and sailing under the fla- of this Republic, are hereby prohibited from any and every species of intercourse with slaver ° at sea and elsewhere, and are forbidden to trade or hold any negotiation with them under a penalty of 100 dollars, and forfeiture of all the articles, or value of them, so traded for ; and no such vessel as above mentioned shall purchase at sea, from any vessel, any goods, wares cr merchandize, and land them at any port, or any factory they may be liceiised to keep within the limits of this Republic, without accounting to the nearest port oilicer lor the amount of duties chargeable on said purchases, and paying the lawful tariff duties imposed on the articles, under the penalty hereafter affixed to smuggling in this Republic. Sec. 3. It is further enacted. That no citizen of this Ilepubfic shall be permitted to act as agent for any person or persons engaged in the Slave Trade, under a penalty of beino- six months bound to hard labour in irons. And further, that no person resident within the jurisdiction of this Republic shall enter into the employ or service of any slave dealer, or any person in the remotest degree connected with him or them, under the penalty of ind'ict- ment and fine of 50 dollars ; and any person belonging to this Republic, being found on board any slave-boat or vessel, or in the neighbourhood of any slave-dealing establishment shall be deemed accessary to their crime, and suffer the penalty as above. But should any citizen so implicated show that he or she was, by accident or distress, thrown into that situation, being satisfied of such fact, the President may admit the plea in pardon or ex- tenuation ; but should he or she fail to make good such representation, he or she shall suffer the penalty last above named. Sec. 4. It is further enacted. That the masters or owners of any boat or vessel sailin commence- ment of the fiscal year, such person or persons shall pay a just ratio of the unc\i)iied term of the year. The Clerk of the court shall record all licenses issued by him, and shall receive, as his fee for each license, the sum of 50 cents, to be paid by the person or persons •obtaining license. , . r. Sec 9 It is further enacted. That no person or persons whatever within tins Republic 53. ' 3 s 4 «'»'^'l to6 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT shall trade or traffic, by buying or selling merchandize for gain, in any way or manner, without tirst complying with the 5th section under this Article, under a penalty of 50 dollars for the first otience ; and for the second, double the amount, to be recovered as hereinafter provided. Sec. 10. It is further enacted. That any person or persons found trading or transacting business, within the limits of this Republic, with the natives or others, in goods, wares or merchandize, on which the regular duties have not been paid, shall, on conviction, forfeit and pay to the amount of the goods, wares or merchandize so bartered or traded contrary to law. Sec. 11. It is further enacted. That in all cases where a sherift' or other person, charged with the collection of money due to the Republic, shall fail through neglect to accomplish the same execution shall be issued against him or them, and his or their securities immediately ; an'd all officers neglecting or refusing to pay over monies collected on account of the Republic shall be subject to a summary process for the recovery of double the amount claimed at their hands, to be levied on any goods or chattels belonging to them. Sec. 12. It is furtlier enacted. That nothnig in the preceding sections shall prevent any labourer or mechanic from being permitted to exchange the products of his labour, or any farmer the products of his farm, for articles necessary for the consumption of his family, and also for camwood, ivory, or other produce ; provided always such exchanges shall be made at the liouse of the colonist so making them, or with the merchant at his store. Sec. 13. It is further enacted. That on all ardent spirits, wines (claret excepted) and cor- dials, landed in any part of this Republic, there shall be collected a duty of 25 cents on each gallon; and all such articles shall be landed under the immediate observation of the collector or his deputy, and by him gauged, or the quantity otherwise ascertained on the spot, and the umount of duties thereon be paid before it goes out of the hands of the collector. Article II. Section 1. That the lawful commerce of all nations shall be on equal footing in this Republic, and shall be entitled to the same privileges and protection, and be subject to the same regulations ; nevertheless, the same or any part thereof may be at any time abrogated or modified by treaty or commercial arrangement. Sec. 2. It is further enacted, should any master, supercargo or other person in command of any foreign merchant vessel, refuse to pay the established dues authorized to be collected from said vessel, or otherwise resist the laws of the Republic, it shall be in the power of the collector to prohibit the citizens of this Republic, and all other persons residing within its territorial limits, from all and every species of intercourse with said vessel, under a penalty cf 50 dollars for each and every offence. Sec. 3. It is further enacted. That the captain, supercargo or conniiander of any foreign merchant vessel anchoring in the ports of this Republic, shall, within 24 hours from the xime of his anchoring, enter his vessel at the custom-house, by exhibiting to the collector a correct list or manifest of the cargo on board, to be certified by said captain, supercargo or commander by the following oath, to be administered by the collector : " You, , do solemnlv swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that the manifest of cargo exhibited by you is a just and true account of the goods on board of your called , according to the best of your knowledge and belief." And all articles which may be landed and not specified in the manifest, shall be liable to seizure and confiscation : said n;anifest shall be filed in the office of the collector, to be exhibited in evidence against said vessel, should it afterwards appear that there are goods landed not specified therein. Until such entry has been made and verified as above, it shall not be lawful for said vessel to commence to unlade any part of her cargo under a penalty of the seizure of said goods so landed, and a fine of 20 dollars. Sec. 4. It is further enacted, That every supercargo or commander of foreign vessels shall, before he commences to unlade or land any part of his cargo, give security to the collector, either by the deposit of funds in his hands, or by bond with good securities, to insure the revenue against loss by fraud, or attempt to resist or violate tlie laws established to regulate commerce. Every captain, supercargo or commander of any foreign merchant vessel having transacted commercial business in the ports of the Republic, shall sive at the custom-house at least twelve hours' notice of his intention to depart. He shall render a just account of all goods and merchandize landed from his vessel, and shall verify the same by the following oath, to be administered by the collector : " You do solemnly swear, in the presence of Almighty God, that the list or account now presented to the custom-house is a just account of the merchandize or other goods landed by you at this port, according to the best of your knowledge and belief So help you God." The collector shall thereupon immediately assess the duties, adding thereto all other dues and charges established by law; and when he shall have received the amount, he shall return to the said commander or supercargo his bond or other deposit for security, and grant said vessel a clearance. It shall be the duty of eveiy such captain, supercargo or commander to render into the custom-house, upon clearing his vessel, a just account of the amount of specie and African produce, stating the kinds of produce and quantities of each kind, as well as the names of all persons who are about to take passage m his vessel : all of which statements shall be regularly entered by the collec- tor in a book provided and adapted for the purpose, to be called " Export-book." It shall be the duty of the collector to enter all goods and merchandize brought into the Republic in a book adapted for the purpose, to be called " Import-book." Sec. COMMITTEE OX THE AFRICAN SLAVi- TRADE. 507 kept d.st.nct by he collector in a book to be kept for the purpose, in sucl, manner as may be chrectcd by the secretary. The citr/.ens of this Repubhc, or other persons residing within the same, who may receive direct consigrmients from abroad, shall, on predentin? their invoice or invoices, on which duties are to be assessed, make oath that such invoice or invoices jircsented exhibited the prime cost of all goods therein named, and the duties shall be assessed on the amount of each invoice or invoices. The method of securino- duties on direct importations shall he the same as is directed in the case of transient traders or vessels in the fourth section, excepting, nevertheless, that when the duties shall amount to loo dol- lars, 30 days shall be allowed for the payment of the same; when to -iuo dollars Go days shall be allowed ; and when over ^OO dollars, 90 days shall be allowed ; the' collector retaining the bond or olher deposit for the faithful payment of the same. The actual sales by all transient traders or vessels shall be the base of the assessment of the duties to be paid by them. Sec. 6. It is further enacted. That foreign merchant vessels shall be com])elletl to pav light duty at ports of the Republic only where there is a light established and kept up; anil when a vessel has paid the lawful anchorage at one port, sHic sliall not be held liable to pay sucli anchorage at any other port of the Republic during the same voyaoe. Sec. 7. K is further enacted. That the regular impost or custom on\oods brouoht into this Republic shall be six per centum, subjected, however, to such exceptions as are provided in the following sections. Sec. 8. It is further enacted, That the duty on soap shall be one cent a ])ound ; on all flannel and woollen cloths, costing more than two dollars a yard, ]'2 per centum ; on all ^woollen and cotton clothing, 1-2 per centum; on all silks, 12 per centum ; 01; all linen and 'cotton, costing over 50 cents a yard, 12 per centum; boots and shoes, 10 per centum; hats and bonnets, costing over two dollars each, 10 per centum; coft'ee, one cent a pound ; books, free ; horticultural and agricultural seed and specimens, free ; molasses 12 per centum. Sec. 9. It is further enacted, That no goods or merchandise shall be landed from anv vessel or boat without a permit, to be obtained therefor from the collector, for which he shall receive 25 cents, under a penalty of 20 dollars, and forfeiture of goods so landed in each and every case. Sec. 10. It is further enacted. That no vessel engaged in the slave trade, or havin"- con- nexion with the slave trade, shall be allowed to enter the ports of tliis Republic ; and no foreigner residing within the jurisdiction of this Republic shall be allowed to have anv connexion with the Slave Trade, or to act as aaent for any slaver, under ihe penalty of bcins; fined, on conviction thereof, in the sum of 100 dollars for the first offence, and for the second offence imprisonment in the common gaol for a period of not less than three months nor longer than 18 months. Sec. 11. It is further enacted. That no foreign transient trading vessel shall be allowed to trade within the limits of this Republic, except at the regular ports of entry, nor shall any trade be made in the harbours of the Republic between foreigners and foreigners, nor foreigners and citizens, if said goods are to be landed in this Republic. Sec. 12. It is further enacted. That no goods, wares or merchandise sliall be landed from any vessel before the hours of six o'clock in the morning, nor after six o'clock jjos^ meridiem. Sec. 13. It is further enacted. That it shall be the duty of the Secretary of the Treasury to see that the revenue laws are faithfully and promptly executed. He shall superintend the collection of the revenue arising from impost, under the direction of the President of the Republic. He shall issue all orders necessary to be given to the officers who may be enoaoed in collecting' the revenue: he may, from time to time, require all collectors to render in their accounts, and demand from them and all other persons engaged in tlie revenue service, all such information touching the revenue as may be deemed desirable for the department to have, and may from time to time make any arrangements compatible with the spirit of this Act. Sec. 14. It is further enacted. That the court having original jurisdiction in Admiralty shall have power to try all violations of this Act, exce])t those nuMiticned in tl e filth, sixtli and tenth sections of the first Article ; and in the second, fourth and hith sections of the second Article; and the monthly court shall have original jurisdiction in the violation of these sections. , • , , , , „ , >• Sec. 15. It is further enacted, That all sums of money which liecome due to the Uepublic under this Act, or by any other means, shall be paid in silver or gold coin at the established value of such coin in the Republic, or in such notes or bills of credit as may be issued under the authority and on the responsibility of the Republic, and all payments by the Govern- ment shall be made in the same medium. Approved, 28 January 1848. ... 3T -No, 15.- ^Q§ APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT —No. 15.— BOUNDARY OF LIBERIA. Description of the Boundaries of the Republic of Liberia, Whereas it is of the utmost importance to the peace, harmony, friendly intercourse and amicable rehition of nations, that the rights of each should be clearly ascertained and defined: And whereas sei'ious inconveniences may arise from the extension of jurisdiction over territory over which a rightful claim has not been asserted and recognized : And whei-eas a common interest demands that all needless and unreasonable impediments be removed from the free operations of a lawful commerce: And whereas it is among tlie attributes of sovereigntv and independence to prescribe regulations for the government of the conduct of all persons coming within its territorial jurisdiction: And whereas the people of the Republic of Liberia have at different times, for good and adequate pecuniary considerations, purchased, iiom the native proprietors of the soil the line of coast from Grand Cape Mount on the north-west, to Grand Cesters ou the south-east ; a few inconsiderable intermediate points only excepted, and of these some are secured by pre-emptive treaties : And whereas said native proprietors have not only ceded to this Rei)ublic their property in the soil originally owned by them, but yielded up to this Republic all and every species of political ascendancy and sovereignty over the same : Therefore, in order to accomplish the laudable purpose stated above, as well as being moved thereto by other good and sufficient reasons. We, the Representatives of the people of the Republic of Liberia, in Legislature assembled, in virtue of the purchases and treaties made as above stated, do hereby declare the following to be the territorial boundary of this Republic; to wit : A line conmiencing at the mouth of Grand Cape ]Mount River, ou the north-west, running along the centre of that river to its source, or to the interior frontier of the Cape Mount section of the Vey Territory; thence hyaline running eastwardly, separating the territory of the Veyand Day tribes from the territories of the contiguous interior tribes, until it strikes the northern boundary of the Millsburgh purchase ; thence along the north-eastern boundary of the i\Iillsburgh purchase, and through the tract of country lying between the said Millsburgh ])urchase and Junk, until it strikes the northern angle of the purchase of Junk territory; thence along the interior boundary of the purchase from Bassa to the St. John's River; thence across the St. John's and along the interior boundary of the territory of the Atlantic tribes from whom the purchases were nrade, until it reaches the south-eastern front of the Grand Cesters territory ; thence in a south-westerly direction to the ocean at Grand Cesters in 4° 41' north latitude, and 8° 8' west longitude, being a mean parallel distance iiom the ocean of 46 miles ; thence along the sea-coast in a north-westerly direction to the place of commencement ; including all rivers, harbours, bays, islands, and such a distance out in the ocean as is determined by the law of nations to be just and proper in such cases, or as security, protection and a wholesome jurisdiction may demand. Approved, 1 February 1848, Afpendix COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 50<» Appendix I. (No. 4.) Acting Consul Westwood to Viscount Palmerston. t.;t T J ■ British Consulate, Rio de Janeiro, ^^^y ^°'''^' 2S February 1849. In obedience to the instructions dated March 8th, 1843, I have the honour to make the foUowuig Report on the state of the Slave Trade within the district of this Consulate durin- the year 1848. => From the Custom-House Returns, it appears thai the departures from this harbour to Africa, and arrivals here from the African coast, during the past year, uere a? follows ; viz., Departures. Under American Flag- - . . . _ 23 „ Brazilian „- - - _ _ . n Portuguese „---.-- g French Under American Flag ,, Brazilian „ „ Portuguese „ „ French ,, 7 4i> Arrivals. - IG - 2 - () - 4 23 - Total - 77 I I On comparing the above lists with similar Returns for 1847, there appears an increase in the departures of nine vessels, and of one in the arrivals ; but, as I had the honour to state to your Lordship in my last year's Report, such returns do not furnish any criterion of the extent of the Slave Trade between this province and Africa, as, in addition to the fore- going, many vessels leave this under false clearances, and others sail from tlie diflerent neighbouring out-ports ; and, in the same manner, vessels that have landed slaves along the coast report themselves on arrival here as coasters, and often bring ])artial cargoes of Brazilian produce from the places where they have disembarked their cargoes of human beings. As in former years, the slave dealers have derived, during 1848, the greatest assistance luid protection for their criminal purjioses from the use of the American flag ; but I ain liappv to add, that these lawless and unprincipled traders are at present deprived of this valuable protection by a late determination of the American Naval Commander-in-Chief on this station, who has caused tliree vessels, illegally using the flag of the United States, and u liich were destined for African voyages, to be seized on their leaving this harbour. This proceeding has caused considerable alarm and embarrassment to the slave dealers, and, should it be continued, will be a severe blow to all slave-trading interests. Since the American authorities adopted this course, I have not heard of the fictitious sale or charter of any American vessel ; and the voyage of a brig called the " Flora,"' that had been ])urchased by a well- known slave-dealer, and destined for an African voyage, was abandoned, and her cargo transhipped to a French vessel, the particulars of which are set forth in two despatches ■which I addressed to Her Majesty's Charge d'Afliiires at this Court, copies of which are enclosed. To prove how entirely subservient the flag of tlie United States has been to all slave- tradmo- purposes, I have the honour to forward herewith, for your Lordship's information, a list of American vessels, with a memorandum of their cargoes, tliat saded from this port for -— -^..^^.V,, ., Africa durino- the last year, and which were directly or indirectly connected with the Slave Trade ; a mere reference to the cargoes conveyed to the African coast in tiiese vessels, and to the ultimate employment of most of the vessels themselves, will sufficiently e.xpost the prostitution of the American flag to the criminal traffic of .slave-dealers, and it is consequently the more sincerely to be hope'd that the Government of the United States will approve the steps lately taken by its authorities in this place, and cause the same system to be continued, not only at this port, but also along the whole coast of Brazil, and Iheieby put a stop to the hitherto unrestricted criminal proceedings of a few unprincipled citizens, by whose acts its flag has been polluted. 53- 3 'f 2 The 510 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT The number of slaves introduced into this province during last year, although very con- siderable, and quite adequate to the demand, was perhaps not so great as in 1847 ; and I beo- leave to transmit, enclosed, a Return, made up from the best information I have been abfe to collect, of the vessels that have landed their living cargoes at this harbour, and at the adjacent bays and out-ports. This Return is necessarily very incomplete, as your Lordship must be well aware, from former Reports, that it is impossible to obtain any exact and detailed information on this liead and many cargoes of slaves have been landed, of which I have obtained no certain data; but, from the estimates I have made, I consider that the total number of slaves landed within this district, from January to December, was upwards of 35,000. The most remarkable event that took place during the past year connected with the history of the Slave Trade, was the appearance of an anti-slave party among the Brazilians. Soon after the openino; of the Chamber of Dejnities, several members brought the question before tiie House, and spoke strongly against the traffic, pointing out, not only the evils inflicted on the country by the continued importation of African negroes, but also "the horrors connected with this barbarous and inhuman trade, and its baneful effects upon the morality of the Brazilian population; and so much weight did these discussions appear to carry with them, that it was generally supposed that some measure for embarrassing or preventing the trade would have been adopted by both Legislative Assemblies ; but, unfortunately, the Chambers closed without any law for so desirable an object having been passed. About the same period two anti-slavery papers were started, called the " Contempo- raneo," and " Monarchista ;" the first was principally written by a lawyer (now in the Foreign Office), and supported by the Viscount Barbecena (then President of the pro- vince), and by other influential Brazilians ; but its publication was ultimately stopped by the Government, no doubt influenced by the wealth and power of the slave party. Besides using his best exertions for the support of the " Contemporaneo," Viscount Barbacena was very active in his official capacity as chief authority of the province, and caused diffe- rent seizures of newly-imported Africans to be made. The " Monarchista" still continues to be published, notwithstanding several efforts have been made to buy it up ; and, from the well known anti-slavery principles of its chief supporters, I feel convinced that it will not relinquish the cause it has taken up. 'i'he enclosure. No. 5, is a statement of the quantity and value of the staple productions of slave labour exported during last year; by which your Lordship will perceive, that the increase in the growth of coft'ee still contmues, and that the production of sugar gradually decreases. I have, &c. (signed) Jno. J. C. Westicood, Acting Consul. Enclosure 1. Acting Consul Wjestwood to James Hudson, Esq., Her Majesty's Charge d'Aflfaires. British Consulate, Rio de Janeiro, Sir, 20 December 1819. I HAVE had the honour to make different verbal communications respecting the sale and preparing in this port for an African voyage of the American brig " Flora," and I now beg leave to report, that that vessel is nearly ready for sea, and to enclose, for your information, a memorandum of the cargo that has been shipped on board her. I understand that the "Flora" is to be cleared through the Cnstom-House for Monte Video ; but a mere reference to the manifest will immediately prove that the merchandise therein mentioned is in no way adapted for the River Plate, but a well-assorted cargo for the African coast. By the " Lei de Orcamento," which came into operation a short time since, the export duty to Africa was raised to 15 per cent., and it is to avoid this duty that the " Flora" proceeds, in the first place, to the River Plate, from whence it is intended to continue the voyage to Africa. It is well known that the " Flora" is now the property of Manoel Pinto da Fonseca, although still wearing American colours. I have, &:c. (signed) Jiw. J. C. Westicood, Acting Consul. (A true copy.) Jiw. J. C. Westwood, Acting Consul. Translation. COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 51 1 Translation. Memorandum of Merchandise shipped on board the American Brig " Flora," bound to the River Plate. Re-exported by Faustim Pereira de OUveira Guimaraes. Marks. -p. 4 Cases, with 240 pieces calico prints. >, -0 „ „ 400 ordinary muskets. V ^' / 1 „ „ 30 pieces cotton goods. „ 96 ordinary scarlet cloth. „ 40 pieces l)aize. „ 1 J? 2 Bales ;> 1 „ ') I „ ?> 3 „ J.R. G Cases R.M.M. 23 Bales >? 41 „ R S AI 25 Cases 5> „ />> n Rales 180 pieces pannos da costa. J ^ 3 „ 3G )) common scarlet cloth. 3 Cases „ 450 » „ .shawls. 10 „ „ 1,000 jj calico prints. G Bales „ 000 5? ordinary cottons. 5 Cases „ 1,000 » „ handkerchiefs V R.M.M. 29 Bales of ordinary cottons, corromandas and chillas. „ 33 Cases and bales ordinary handkerchiefs and cotton goods. ^s/y 43 Bales of chillas, corromandas, and pannos da costa. 3 „ common scarlet cloth and baize. ^ 4 „ with 800 woollen caps. .'P 38 Cases glass beads, false coral, &c. P Re-expohted by Vicenti Manoel Espindola. P 1,200 Barrels of powder. 114 Cases and bales various cotton goods, ordinary handkercliiefs, &c. 32 „ „ » » Re-exported by Isicolan Ventura Fortuna. B 40 Cases, with 800 ordinary muskets. 10 „ „ 200 , „ o Re-exported 53- 3 T J ^12 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDEXCE BEFORE SELECT Re-exported by Anto7iio Vieuva da Cunha. w Marks. ^^R 25 Bales, with 3,000 pieces chillas and corroraandas. 2 „ „ 240 „ salampores. \ „ „ 120 „ cliillas and corroraandas. 10 „ „ 600 „ salampores. 10 Cases „ 498 „ calico prints. 30 „ „ 1,500 „ „ 50 Bales „ 6,000 „ chillas and corroraandas. 50 „ „ 6,000 „ 6 „ ordinary striped cottons. H.C. k C". 1,016 Barrels of powder. R A correct translation. (signed) Jno. J. C. Westwood. (A true copy.) Jno. J. C. Westwood. Enclosure 2. Acting Consul Westwood to James Hudson, Esq., Her Majesty's Charge d'Affaires. British Consulate, Rio de Janeiro, Sir, 8 January 1849. You arc already aware of the steps taken by the American authorities respecting the brig " Flora," resulting in the abandonment of that vessel's voyage ; and I have now the honour to inform you, that the French barque " Princesse Francisca " has been chartered by Manoel Pinto da Fonseca to convey the " Flora's" cargo to the African coast, touching at Monte Video to avoid tlie export duty to Africa. Besides the " Flora's " cargo, I understand that the " Princesse Francisca " is also to take the cargo from the " Zenobia," American pilot-boat, that was preparing for an African voyage, but which has been abandoned in the same manner as the " Flora's." The seizure by the American Commodore of the " Ann D. Richardson" and " Inde- pendence," for the illegal use of the flatr of the United States, has caused much alarm among the slave-dealers in this city ; and should the American authorities continue their present course towards vessels leaving this port under the American flag for African voyages, it will be a great blow to the slave-trading interest in this place. Under actual circumstances, when the slave-dealers are embarrassed by the proceedings of the American authorities, and by the heavy export duty lately imposed by the Brazilian Government on merchandise shipped to Africa, it is much to be lamented that they so readily obtain for their nefarious piu'poses the assistance of the French flag ; and, taking this view of the case, I this morning called upon Mr. Tauney, the French Consul, and acquainted him with the circumstances under which the " Princesse Francisca " has been chartered, and explained to him the double fraud that is intended to be committed with that ■vessel. Mr. Tauney expressed his regret that the flag of France should be made subservient to slave-trading purposes, at the same time stating, that it was not in his power to prevent the intended voyage, but promised that he would watch the proceedings of the " Princesse Francisca," and report the same to the French authorities at Monte Video, at which port the first fraud is to be committed. I have, Sec. (signed) Jno. J. C. Westwood, Acting Consul. '» (A Irue copy.) Jno. J. C. Westivood. Enclosure COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 513 Enclosure 3. LIST of American Vessels reported to have been employed in ArnicAN Voyaces during tlie Year 1848. RIG. Barque Brig ~ Ditto Barque Ditto Schooner NAME. Mary Chilton Whig - Brazil - Laurens manifested cargo. California Brig - Schooner I Brig Ditto Ship Bii g - 53' Morr IS - sundries - ditto, ballast - sundries - - 100 casks and 12 jars rum, 150 bags beans, 300 bags farinha, 100 arrobas jerked beef, lo barrels rice, 12 barrels sugar, 20 barrels biscuit, 6 bar- rels bacon, and sundries. Caracas - | sundrie W. L. Smith - Frederica C. H. Rogers - - G80 sacks farinha, 330 bags beans, 20u arrobas jerked beefj 50 deal planks, 6 boat-anchors, 600 muskets, and 70 packages of merchandise. Herald Oregon ■ - - 70 bags beans, 28 bags rice, 1G8 barrels and 127 sacks fa- rinha, 104 packages jerked beef, 20 pipes rum, 30 barrels wine, 280 barrels gunpowder, and sundries. - - 38 pipes and IGo barrels of rum, 14 barrels biscuit, 13 sacks farinha, 1,200 barrels gunpowder, 50 cases muskets, 366 packages of merchandise, and sundries. 3T4 REMARKS. - - this vessel cleared for Batavia, but proceeded to Africa, where she was sold, and broughl over a cargo of slaves. - - sailed for Africa under a sea-letter from American Consul in this port. - - cleared for Batavia, but was bound to Africa, and was captured off this port by order of the American Connnander-in- Chief. - - sailed hence under a sea-letter from American Consul, and brought back a cargo of slaves. - - was delivered on the coast of Africa, and after- wards captured by British cruisers. - - cleared hence for Per- nambuco, from which port she proceeded to Africa, and brought back to this place a cargo of slaves. - - sailed hence under a sea-letter from American Consul, and brought back slaves. - - cleared for whaling, but proceeded to coast of Africa, and returned with a cargo of slaves, and supposed to be now at Paranaguay. 5H APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT American Vessels employed in African Voyages during the Year 1848 — continued. RIG. Barque Schooner Schooner Ditto Bri£ Barque Schooner Ditto NAME. Louisa Juliet Morris - Zenobia J. W. Hun- tington. Globe Brig - Schooner Barque Mary Catherine Marion ■ Venus - Henrietta Camilla MANIFESTED CARGO. - - 32 pipes and 25 barrels of rum, 30 sacks and 2 barrels of rice, 161 barrels farinha, 27 dozen deals, 30 bags beans, 400 arrobas jerked beef, 20halF- pipes wine, 320 barrels of gun- powder, 274 packages mer- chandise, and sundries - - - 20 barrels biscuit, 27 cwt. of farinha, 3 barrels coffee, 2 bar- rels bacon, 12 dozen deal planks, 1,205 iron bars, 20 barrels wine, 20 cases muskets, and sundries, and 487 packages merchandise. - - 20 pipes and 60 barrels rum, 22 packages of different articles, 31 cases muskets, 8 bales mer- chandise, 10 barrels wine and vinegar, and 74 packages sun- dries. - - 15 cases drugs, 12 deal planks, 600 barrels gunpowder, and 316 packages merchandise. - - 30 pipes and 145 barrels rum, 100 bags foi'inha, 20 bags beans, 10 bags rice, 200 arrobas jerked beef, 780 barrels gun- powder, 1,016 bars of iron, and 461 packages merchandise. - - 51 pipes and 100 barrels rum, 60 barrels jerked beef, 50 barrels farinha, 8 crates earth- enware, 3,300 barrels gun- powder, and 512 packages mer- chandise. - - 200 bags farinha, 100 bags beans, 6 bags rice, 60 bundles jerked beef, 1,198 barrels gun- powder, and 157 packages mer- chandise. - - 50 barrels rum, 100 bags and 30 barrels farinha, 60 sacks and 30 barrels beans, 4 barrels rice, 40 bundles jerked beef, 10 barrels biscuit and sundry mer- chandise. - - 6 cases soap, 3 barrels bacon, 60 bags rice, 12 barrels sugar, 50 barrels jerked beef, 6 bags coffee, 30 barrels biscuit, 2,500 barrels gunpowder, 40 bundles iron hoops, and 57 packages of sundries. - - 100 sacks and 5 barrels far- inha, 500 barrels jerked beef, 81 pipes and 80 barrels rum, lOObarrels common glassbeads, 20 barrels wine and sundries. REMARKS. sailed under a sea-letter. — sold on the coast, and brought over a cargo of slaves. second voyage this year. sailed under a sea-letter. - - sailed from this under sea-letter and brought back a cargo of slaves. - - was delivered on the coast of Africa, and brought over a cargo of slaves. under a sea-letter. - - this vessel has made several voyages to Africa, conveying every thing requisite for the Slave Trade. COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 515' American Vessels employed in African Voyages during the Year lS~iS-continued. RIG. Brig - Ditto Sciiooner Barque Ship - NAME. Barque Bris: Barque Brrs: Caracas Albertina Morris - Eunomus France - Louisa - Democrat A.D.Richard- son. Independence MANIFESTED CARGO. - - G3 pipes rum, 1 02 bags rice, 27(1 bags farinha, 14o" sacks beans, 10 rolls tobacco, 23 dozen deals, and sundry merchandise. - - 80 half-pipes ruin, I4!> bags beans, 150 hags farinha, 25 rolls tobacco, 8 bags rice, 1 carriaoe and 4 horses. - - 60 pipes and 100 barrels rum, 220 and 17 barrels farinha, 64 bags beans, 30 bundles jerked beef, 16 bags rice, 1,700 barrels of gunpowder, 22 cases muskets, 415 packages mer- chandise, and sundries. ballast - - - - - - - 180 bags rice, 2 barrels rum, 19 deal planks, 13,000 billets fire-wood, and 10 bags farinha. - - 43 barrels rum, 580 sacks and 120 barrels farinha, 345 bags rice, 221 sacks and llo barrels beans, 14 dozen deal planks, 2 beams, 600 arrobas jerked beef, and 18 cases. - - 191 barrels farinha, 75 bar- rels beans, 130 sacks rice, 4 cases drugs, 296 enijity pipes, 16 dozen deal planks, 2 barrels iTim, 179 packages of merchan- dise and sundries. REMARKS. second voyage this year. third voyage during 1848. - - sailed hence sea-letter. und er a - - sailed under a sea- letter, clearing for Monte Video, but known to be bound to Africa. - - cleared for the Cape of Good Hope, but suj)- posed to be bound ta Africa. - - sailed under a sea- letter, and captured out- side this harbour,and sent to United States. - - cleared for Monte Video, but intended for an African voyage, and captured oft' this harbour, and sent to United States. Jrio. J. C. Westivood, Acting Consul 53 3U Encloaiirc 5i6 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Enclosure 4. RETURN of Vessels stated to have landed Slaves within the Province o( Rio de Janeiro during the Year 1848. RIG. Steamer Barque Schooner - Ditto Barque Ditto Schooner - Ditto Barque Schooner - Barque Whale Barque Sciiooner - Ditto Barque Ditto Brigantine - Schooner - Ditto Ditto Ditto Brigantine - Barque Schooner - Smack Barque Smack Barque Steamer Ditto Ship - Brigantine - Schooner - Brig - Barque Scliooner - Fallucca Brig - Brigantine - Schooner - Ditto Barque Ditto Brig - Ditio NAME. Providencia - Antipathia Orethiza Meteor - Mary Chilton - Varela - Rival - Igual California Rosa Prudente Caveiia - Clementina Santa Rita Secrea - Maria - Castro 3° Nova Especulacao Arethica Sapphira Polka - Tentador Maria Christina Clementina Maria Candida Phenix - Sao Francisca Antoinette Thereza - Providencia Herald - Inveja - Nova Especulagao Assombro Maria Christina Amelia - Unknown Galgo Nova Rosa Bella Maria - Juliet Globe IMary Ann Frederica C. H. Roo'ers - NATION. NUMBER OF SLAVES LANDED- Brazilian - - - . - ditto - - - . not known - - - _ - ditto - - . _ sailed lience as American not known _ . _ Brazilian - - _ _ not known - _ . sailed hence as American - not known - _ _ - ditto - - . _ sailed hence as American - Brazilian - - _ _ - ditto - - . _ - ditto - - _ _ - ditto - - - _ - ditto - - - _ not known . _ . - ditto - - _ _ - ditto - _ _ _ Brazilian - - _ _ not known - - _ - ditto - - - - Brazilian - _ _ _ - ditto - - - _ not known - _ _ - ditto - . _ _ - - sailed hence under French colours. Brazilian - _ _ _ - ditto - . _ _ - - sailed hence under Ame- rican colours. Brazilian - - . . not known . _ _ Brazilian - - _ . not known . _ _ - ditto - _ _ _ Brazilian - - _ _ - ditto - - - _ Brazilian - - - . - ditto - - - - - - these five vessels sailed Jience under American colours, and all landed slaves; but exact number not known. I 1,250 1,050 590 450 600 650 400 517 400 360 600 1,250 450 280 430 650 350 210 450 320 380 350 930 500 70 600 340 900 600 1,050 1,150 390 250 650 700 350 240 700 360 540 22,307 Jno. J. C. IVestwood, Acting Consul. Enclosure COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRAPE. Jit-7 Enclosure 5. STATEMENT of the Amount and Value of Exports of such Staple Productions of Brazil as are cultivated by Slave Labour at Rio de Janeiro during the Year 1848. DESCRIPTION OF PRODUCE. Coffee - Sugar Rosewood QUANTITY. 1,710,000 bags 5,848 cases 15,852 planks STERLING VALUE. £. s. d. 2,500,000 - - 140,000 - - 22,000 - - Duties, Shipping Expenses, &,c. In addition to the above, other articles of produce, such as Hides, Rice, Horns, Tapioca, Tobacco and Rum, were Exported during the last Year, the value of which may be estimated at - Total Value of Produce Shipped in 1848 - - - £. TOTAL. £. s, d. 2,062,000 465,850 3,127,850 500,000 3,627,850 - - Jno. J. C. Westwood, Actinsr Consul. 53- 3U2 Appendix 5j\ APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Appendix K. COPIES of Despatches received from Captain Winniett, Lieutenant-Governor of Her Majesty's Settlements on the Gold Coast, relating to recent Missions to certain Princes in the Vicinity of those Settlements. Colonial Office, Downing-street,! 14 June 1849. / B. HAWES. No. 1. Lieut. -Governor Winniett to Earl Grey. I5tli Nov. 1848. -No. 1.— (No. 72.) Copy of a DESPATCH from Lieutenant-Governor Winniett to Earl Grey. Cape Coast Castie, 15 November 1848. My Lord, (Received 6 April 1849.) I HAVE now the honour of transmitting to your Lordship my despatch, descriptive of my recent visit to the King of Ashantee, and thinking that there may be incidents connected therewith, the interesting character of which can be more easily described in a journal than in any other way, I liave prepared the despatch in that form. From it your Lordship will receive information respecting ray progress from day to day during my journey, and also of the character of my intercourse with the King. 2. On receiving the presents which were sent out by your Lordship's directions, I imme- diately corresponded with the King ; and finding that he was desirous to see me, I at once commenced preparations for the journey. 3. Our travelling party consisted of myself. Captain Powell of the 1st West India regiment, commanding a detachinent consisting of 4S of his men as a guard of honour; the Rev. Mr. Freeman of the Wesleyan Missionary Society, who acted as my secretary, and about 150 men, consisting of the band, hammock-men, carriers of luggage and servants. 4. The most easy and convenient mode of travelling in this part of the world, where the climate is so inimical to all kinds of beasts of burthen that they cannot be successfully employed, is a light hammock attached to a pole, and covered with an awning. In this kind of conveyance, the native hammock-men, two at a time, will carry a person of ordinary weight a distance of about four miles ; they are then relieved by two fresh men, and thus they continue to relieve and change to the end of a day's journey, the average extent of which is 25 miles. 5. With these brief remarks, I now beg to insert, for your Lordship's information, a copy of my Journal, commencing on the 28th of September last, and closing on the 4th of November. I have, &c. (signed) W. Winniett, Lieut. -Governor. Journal of Lieutenant-Governor WinnietVs Visit to the King of Ashantee. Cape Coast to September 28, Thursday.— At 2. 15 p.m. we started from Cape Coast, and at 4. 15 p.m. Yamimnsah. stopped for the night at Yaminansah. Distance travelled, 6 miles. State of the weather, hot and dry. Yaminansah to September 29, Friday. — At 6. 15 a.m. we resumed our journey, and travelled through a DiiiikLa. fine tract of fertile country, studded with silk cotton trees, palms and plantations of the plan- tain and banana. At 8. 15 a. m. we stopped to take breakfast at the village of Assaybu, and Assaybu. ^f'^r refreshing ourselves, and giving the soldiers and people a little time to rest, we pro- ceeded COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 5IQ ceeded to Akroful, a village about miles distant from Assaybu, and on enteiino- it a Akroful party of men came out to welcome me by firing- a salute with muskets ; I was much c^.^tified with the nendly and loyal disposition manifested by the people. While we rested a short time ,n this village, the headman came to visit me and present' me some palm wine. In s place there is a small Christian society of the natives, under the care of the Weslevan Mis- sionaries; and I vyas pleased to observe a small chapel in the coarse of erection; and nearly finished, chiefly by the personal labours of this little band of native Christians At 4^ minutes after noon we reached Dunkwa, and took quarters for the nioht in the school-house Dunkwa. occupied by the VV esleyan Missionary Society. Here I was received by Otu, a Fanti chief anc. the successor of Payntree, mentioned so honourably by Bowditch, in his account of his journey to Kumasi in 1817. He (Otu) had come over from Abakrampa, the plax:e of his residence, distant about U) miles from Dunkwa, accompanied by many of his captains and people, to meet me, and bid me welcome to that part of the Fanti country which is yndcr his control. After resting a little from the fatioues of my journey, I spent some tmie in conversation with Otu and his captains. Shortly after our arrival, I received from Otu a present, consisting of two she-p, some yams and bunches ot plantain, with which token of good feelino- and attachment I felt much gratified. Dunkwa is well situated, on high ground, near to'"a good supply of water, at all seasons of the year, and surrounded by fine plantations of plantain and banana! It is one of the largest of the Fanti krums or villages, and has a population of about 1,200 souls. " '^ The Wesleyan school here is of recent establishment, but it contains .38 children, and pro- mises well. Among the captains of Otu, who had collected togetlier to meet me at Dunkwa, was Owisi, the chief of Domonasi, a place about 12 miles distant from Dunkwa. At this place, Domonasi. -also, the Wesleyan Missionary Society have a considerable establishment; it being one of their principal stations, or heads of circuits. Distance travelled, 19 miles. — Villages passed through, including Yaminansaii, 10. — State of the weather, heavy rain in the evenin ■ -<>i-led it altogether as a question of revenue, which he would be willing to make up in auj trea^,. ^ay, together with his consent to have a new system of hnance^tried and established, if equally productive, and his anxiety to maintain friendly relations with England, and to be guided by her counsel and assistance,— all afford tokens of as fair promise as could be expected from a King whose power has been based and whose ideas liave been formed upon a system so diametrically opposed to that which we would intioduce. Men of education and of enlightened mind have great difficulty in changing the political creed which has become endeared to them from habit and early prejudice. Mucli more dilhcult is it, then, for an uneducated African King to give up his cherished prejudices, — prejudices, too, which the only Europeans with whom he has hitherto had commercial intercourse have used their counsel and their riches. in fostering with all their ingenuity. On this account is it so desirable to have a resident agent in his covmtry to counteract the evil influence of the slave- dealers. The system which I have recommended in my Report appears to me the simplest and the best. It is one, too, which can be tried at a very trifling expense. So many arguments occur to my mind upon this subject, that I find it difficult to resist the temptation of mul- tiplying them here ; I believe, however, that I have been sufficiently explicit to render this unnecessary. It will afi'ord me, nevertheless, much pleasure to give your Excellency or Her Majesty's Government such further explanations as may be required. It onlv remains for me now to inform you, that the King received me with great lionour and distinction, and was highly gratified with the presents, not so much on account of their value, as for the proof which they seemed to him to attbrd of the friendship of England. He dictated two letters, one for Her Majesty and one for your Excellency ; these 1 have the honour to enclose. In the faithful discharge of my mission, I have given these letters verbatim, as dictated, as they will prove how much the King still requires to be enlightened. It must be gratifying, however, for the English Government to perceive his remarks respecting the ^>ade at Porto Nuovo, Badagry, ^ 4 Kcport hr B. Cruitk:.liank, Esq. of liis Mission to the King of Daliomey, yth Nov. 1848. 530 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT with his Majesty upon this subject, and of the impression left on my mind of the sentiments entertained by him, both in reference to this traffic, and generally with regard to other subjects connected with the amelioration of liis people and country ; and, lastly, I will offer a few observations upon the measures which appear to me most likely to lead to the attain- ment of the object which the English Government has in view. 1. For a period extending over the last 12 years, the annual exportation of slaves from the territory of the King of Dahomey has averaged nearly 8,000. In addition to this number, another thousand at least are annually brought down from the interior, and are kept in slavery in the towns and villages upon the coast, where they enjoy, when well con- ducted, a very considerable share of liberty, and all the necessaries of life in apparent com- fort and abundance ; but they are subjected to exportation for acts of gross disobedience, as well as for social offences of an aggravated nature. It appears to be a general practice with the masters of the slaves to permit them to pro- secute their own affairs, and to receive in exchange for this concession of their time a stipulated monthly sum derived from their labour ; owing to this arrangement, an industrious slave is sometimes enabled to acquire his freedom by obtaining funds necessary f;^r the pur- chase of two slaves, which will generally be accepted as the price of his redemption. Tliis annual supply of 9,000 slaves is chiefly, I may say entirely, derived from a systematic course of slave-hunting; for the number paid to the King by the IMahees and other tributaries, together with the criminal offenders who are exported, forms but a small item in the gross amount. The King generally accompanies his army to these slave-hunts, which he pursues for two or three months every year. Its miserable objects are weak and detached tribes, inhabitino- countries adjacent to his dominions, and at distances from his capital varying from 12 to 24 days' march. A battle rarely occurs, and the loss in killed in such expeditions is not so great as is generally believed in England. The ordinary plan is to send out traders to act as spies ; these carry their petty merchandize into the interior towns, and make their obser- vations upon their means of defence. The trader returns, after the lapse of some months, guiding the King's army, and instruct- ing the leaders how tliey may surround and surprise the unsuspecting inhabitants, who are often thus captured on awakening in the morning. As resistance is punished with death, they generally prefer to yield themselves prisoners, and thus the King's victories ore often bloodless. It is only when African kings, of nearly equal power, are ambitious to try then* strength, that those wholesale slaughters take place, which only terminate in the extermi- nation of a people. Such contests, however, are rare, the African chief having a mucli greater relish for an easy and unresisting prey, whom he can convert into money, than for the glory of a victory which costs him the lives of his people ; so at least it is with the King of Dahomey, who often returns to his capital without the loss of a man, either of his own party or that of his enemy. He has on more than one occasion been repulsed by the Akus and the people of Aberkoutah ; but in these and similar cases, where the resistance is likely to be strong and determined, his troops are led away before much slaughter has been done. After the surrender of a town the prisoners are presented to the King by their captors, who are rewarded by the payment of cowries, of the value of a couple of dollars for each captive, who is henceforth the King's slave ; but on his return to his capital after a successful enterprise, he is in the habit of distributing a number of these unfortunate creatures among his headmen, and at the same time bestowing large sums as bounty to his troops. A selection is then made of a portion of the slaves, who are reserved for the King's employment ; and the others are sent down to the slave merchant, who not unfrequently has already sold his goods on credit in anticipation of their arrival. An export duty of five dollars is paid upon each slave shipped from the King's dominions, even although tlie port of embarkation may not belong to him. It is a frequent practice to convey them by the lagoon, either to the eastward, as Little Popo, or to westward, as Porto Nuovo, neither of which towns are in subjection to the King. He, however, has command of the lagoon leading to these places, and the duty must be paid previous to their embarkation upon it ; so that from the export duty alone the King derives an annual sum of ,§'40,000. But this is not all. The native dealer who brings his slaves to the nierchant, has also to pay duties on each slave at the different custom-house stations on their road to the barracoons. The amount paid at these stations it is more dithcult to ascertain, as many of the slaves are the King's own property. A sum, however, of not less than ,^'20,000 may be set down for this item. If we estimate the annual number of slaves sold by the King himself at .3,000, and reckon them at the present price of ,§'80, we have an additional item of Jl' 240,000; thus making in all a revenue of ,§"300,000 derived annually from the Slave Trade. But this calculation, which is a near approximation to the truth, and is under, ratlier than above, the exact amount, does not by any means convey a just impression of the advantages which the King derives from the Slave Trade. By the laws of his country he inherits the property of his deceased subjects, so that his headmen and others who have been amassing property by this traffic, have only been actino- as so many factors to the King, who receives at their death the fruits of the labour of a lifetime; a very small jjortion of the estate, in sla\-es and cowries, is generally returned to the natural heir, which serves as a species of capital for him to commence, in like manner, his factorship. Under a system so calculated to induce an apathetic indifference, the King contrives, by repeated maiks of royal favour, and COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE, 53 1 and by appointments to offices of trust and emolument, to stimulate to industrious exertion the principal men of his kingdom. These appointments, moreover, become hereditary, and their holders form an aristocracy, with sufficient privileges to induce the ambition of enterino- its ranks. "= Tt would be out of place here to say anything more of the Kino's government. I have confined myself in the foregoing statement to the facts necessary to prove the deep interest which the King must naturally feel in encouraging and prosecuting the Slave Trade from which It has been seen that he obtains, in addiUon to a yearly revenue of at least l;iOO OdO a constant supply of slaves for domestic and field labour, and I believe I may add 'with perfect truth, for the equally important puri>ose of sacrifice, although it is now crenerallv admitted that criminals only are devoted to this purpose. With the perfect knowled'^e 6{ these facts, which I learned at Whydah, principally thiouoh the frank avowal of Mr De Souza, and which I found tuUy confirmed afterwards by the King, it will occasion no surprise that I felt my mission to be one of the most hopeless nature. This conviction, however, did not prevent my sti'ong advocacy of the cause wliicli I had undertaken, and which the King afforded mean opportunity of discussing with him at o-reat length on two diflferent occasions. These interviews, which were each of five hours' duration now claim a brief notice. ' 2. Upon my introducing the subject of the Slave Trade, and referring to the treaty which Lieutenant-Governor Winniett had brought under his notice, and informing him at the same time that my object in visiting him was to obtain, if possible, his sanction and ratification of that treaty, he appeared much disconcerted, and at a loss how to reply. There was an apparent struggle taking place in his mind ; his friendly disposition to Her Rlajesty's Govern- ment, and a desire not to give offence by a positive refusal, combating fur a time his feelings of self-interest. In such a contest, however, the victory could not be long doubtful; and it was evident that his hesitation arose not from any wavering in his determination respecting the Slave Trade, but from his difficulty in choosing the least offensive manner of expressing his negative. " His chiefs had had long and serious consultations with him upon the subject; and they had come to the conclusion, that his government could not be carried on without it. The state which he maintained was great ; his army was expensive ; the ceremonies and customs to be observed annually, which had been handed down to him from his forefathers, entailed upon him a vast outlay of money. These could not be abolished. The form of his govern- ment could not be suddenly changed, without causing such a revolution as would deprive him of his throne, and precipitate his kingdom into a state of anarchy. He was very desirous to acquire the friendship of England. He loved and respected the English cha- racter, and nothing afforded him such high satisfaction as to see an Englishman in his country, and to do him honour. He himself and his army were ready at all times to fight the Queen's enemies, and to do anything the English Government might ask of him, but to give up the Slave Trade. No other trade was known to his people. Palm-oil, it was true> was now engaging the attention of some of them; but it was a slow method of making money, and brought only a very small amount of duties into his coffers. The planting of coffee and cotton had been suggested to him ; but this was slower still. T he trees had to grow, and be himself would probably be in his grave before he could reap any beuetit fiom them. And what to do in the meantime? Who would pay his troops, or buy arms and clothing for them ? Who would buy diesses for his wives ? Who would give him supplies of cowries, of rum, of powder, and of cloth to perform his annual customs? He held his power by an observance of the time-honoured customs of his forefathers ; and he would forfeit it, and entail upon himself a life full of shame, and a death full of misery, if he neglected them. It was the Slave Trade that made him terrible to his enemies, and loved, honoured and respected by his people : how could he give it up? It had been the ruling principle of action with himself and his subjects from their earliest ol'.ildhood. Their thoughts, their habits, their discipline, their mode of lite had been formed with reference to this all-engross- ing occupation ; even the very songs with which the mother stilled her crying infant told of triumph over foes reduced to slavery. Could he, by signing this treaty, change the senti- ments of a whole people? It could not be. A long series of years was necessary to bring about such a change. He him>elf and bis people must be made to feel the superior advan- tages of another traffic in an increase of riches, and of the necessaries and luxuries of lifi;, before they could be weaned from this trade. The expenses of the English Government are great; would it suddenly give up the principal source of its revenue without some equivalent provision for defraying its expenses? He could not believe so. No more would he reduce himself to beggary. The sum offered him would not pay his expenses fur a week ; and evea if the English Government were willing to give him an annual sum equivalent to his present revenue, he would still have some difficulty in employing the energies of his people in a new direction. Under such circumstances, however, he would consider himself bound to use every exertion to meet the wishes of the English Government." Such were the arguments which the King used in justification of his refusal to sign the treaty and much regret did he express that the object which the English Government had in view was of such vital importance to him, that he could not possibly comply with its Althoucrh inwardly acknowledging the force of his objections, I did not give up the sub- ject witbo'ut endeavouring to convince him that in the course of a few years, by developing the resources of his rich and beautiful country, he would be able to increase his revenue tenfold and that the slaves whom he now sold for exportation, it employed m the cultivation 53-' 3Y of 1-02 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT of articles of European consumption, would be far more valuable to him than they now were. I endeavoured to make him comprehend this, by informing him of the price of a slave in the Brazils, and asking him if he thought the Brazilian would give such a price for him if he did not find himself more than repaid by his labour. He believed this to be the case, but the ]en"-th of time required, the whole process of an entirely new system, and want of skill among his people to conduct such operations, appear to him insurmountable difBculties. He was willing, however, to permit Englishmen to form plantations in his country, and to give instructions to his people. At last the King appeared anxious to escape from this harassing question, and by way of closing the interview, invited me to accompany him to witness a review of his troops. What principally struck me upon this occasion was the animus displayed by every one present, from the King to the meanest of his people ; every word of their mouths, every thought of their hearts breathed of defiance, of battle, and slavery to their enemies; his principal captains, both male and female, expressed an anxious hope that 1 would remain in their country to witness their first triumph, and to beheld the number of captives they would lead back to Abomey, and that I might be in no doubt that the general mass participated in these sentiments, such an assenting shout rent the air as must have often proclaimed the victory. A quiet smile of proud satisfaction passed across the King's face as he regarded me with a look which said " these are my warriors ;" and when I heard the loud raUle of their arms, and saw the wild sparkle of their delighted eyes, gleaming with strong excite- ment as they waved their swords and standards in the air, 1 fully acknowledged the force of the King's question, " could he, by signing the treaty, change the sentiments of a whole people ?" The sight which I was witnessing was to me a stronger argument than any the King had yet used ; here there was no palliating, no softening down, no attempt to conceal their real sentiments under the plea of necessity for undertaking their slave-hunting wars, but a fierce, wild and natural instinct, speaking in language that could not be misunder- stood . Upon my next interview with the King, I did not think it necessary to say anything more about the treaty. At no time before my arrival in his country did I ever entertain the faintest hope of his acceding to it in good faith ; and since I had ascertained at Wliydah the amount of revenue derived from this trade, and had seen the rude and expensive magnificence of his state, I could not but feel that a repetition of my paltry offer of an annual subsidy of 2,000 dollars would only clothe me with lidicule. I was anxious, however, to ascertain whether the King really regarded it in a merely pecuniary point of view, and would forego the trade in slaves upon finding his revenue made up from other sources. He assured me that he would ; but even wiih this assurance, 1 may be allowed to doubt whether a monarch and a people of such ambitious character would cense from making war upon their neighbours. The re-occupation of the English fort at Whydah was then discussed. The King intro- duced this subject himself, and seemed hurt, and after the repeated times he had lately represented to Englishmen his desire to see it resumed by the English Government, no steps had yet been taken to do so. This afforded me an opportunity of stating, that the " English did not care to occupy any fort where their right to govern the people was not acknow- ledged ; that the people of Whydah were his subjects, and subject to his laws, and that the Governor of the English fort would have no power to interfere when he saw things done which he did not like, and which were contrary to English laws. That the Slave 'I'rade was carried on very actively at Whydah, and that the English Government were not likely to consent to hoist the English colours within sight of the beach from which the slaves were shipped, without the right of interference ; that the Portuguese, Brazilians and otiiers had their barracoons filled with slaves ready for shipment within a few yards of the walls of the fort, and that it would be infamy and disgrace to England to permit her standard to float over a town devoted to such a nefarious trade. Cede to us the right to put down the Slave Trade in Whydah ; grant us the command of the lagoon and the sea-board of your coast, and the English government will not only be proud to re-occupy the fort, but English mer- chants will establish with you a trade which will soon lead you to forget your present traffic." Long did the King ponder over these words ; they were perfectly new to him. He had frequently spoken of the re-occupation of the fort by the English, but he never contemplated by this measure anything beyond a governor who would confine his authority to the fort, and to a small portion of the inhabitants called " English slaves," being the descendants of slaves of the old African Company. He had also a distant and pleasing vision of an annual visit and present, and a very vague and indistinct idea of theec/«^ of having an English governor in his country, and of the assistance which he would obtain from him upon occasions of diffi- culty and danger; more than this he had never imagined, and he was not a little staggered when he fully comprehended my meaning. He took some time to arrange his ideas, and appeared lo me to wave in his resolution. I seized the opportunity to assure him that he " had nothing to fear from the English establishing themselves in his country in the manner which 1 had pointed out ; that they would not interfere with his right to his duties in any part of his kingdom, but they would aid and assist him in establishing such a tariff upon articles of legitimate trade, as would soon recompense him amply for the sacrifice which he was apparently making." At length be spoke : " The words which I had spoken were very important, and could not be answered without much consideration. He was not, therefore, prepared at present to agree to those innovations at Whydah which I had proposed, but he still wished that the English Government would appoint an agent to reside in the fort there, who might be able to assist him with his advice, and keep him informed of the intentions COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 533 intentious ot the Goveinmeut. He mio;ht teach them many things tliat would be for the advantage of his country, and by estabhshiiig gradually a new and better system, migiit in the end, learn them to do without the Slave Trade." I informed him, that on the Gold Coast where we had forts, and where the Slave Trade used to be carried on as vigorously as at Whydah, there had now been no traffic of that kind for 30 years, and that the natives were much happier smce it had been put a stop to, and were becoming comfortable, and even rich, by means of legitimate trade. By this observation I unwittingly harped upon a string which seemed to jar on the royal ear. " No riches for my j)eopre," he cried ; " Porto Nuovo, Agudo, Badagry, and other towns on the coast, once belonged to me, and paid their tribute as regularly as AVhydah. Ships now go there and trade with them ; factories are established for the purchase of palm-oil, and the result is, that these people are becoming rich, and set my authority at defiance. It is true they still pay a nominal duty to prevent war, but I am cheated by them. I wish the English Government to prevent ships from trading at these places, and to remove the factories, in order that I may regain my lost authority. It is the English factory at Badagry which has withheld me from attacking that town, for I would not think of injuring the subjects of the Queen of England." I expfained to him how it was the object of England to encourage such trade, and not to repress it, and that he must not expect "the English Government to assist him in keeping ships from these places. I suggested, however, that it was possible he would be assisted in recovering liis legitimate authority and in maintaining it, if he would exercise that authority for the encouragement of lawful trade, and for the abolition of the Slave Trade. " This, altogether," he said, " i.« a very serious and complicated question; 1 have need of much information upon the subject. No one, but an Englisliman, has ever spoken to me in this way before. Let the Queen of England send you back to stay with me, and show me what is good for my country. I cannot promise for the Slave Trade until I have seen how I am likelv to do with- out it, but I am very anxious to have a good Englishman in my country." Ilis Majesty now seemed determined to forget for a while these perplexing questions, and showed his warlike implements, and related his exploits with much greater satisfaction. I had no difficulty in seeing that the prevailing idea in his mind was an ambitious thirst for glory as a conqueror. I took advantage, before leaving, of urging him to lay aside the practice of human sacrifice, which was highly displeasing to the English people. He assured me, that since the conversa- tions which he had had with Englishmen on this subject, and especially with Mr. Freeman, he had been content with very few sacrifices, and that these were criminals. It is unnecessary for me to detail at greater length those conversations. It may perhaps be thought that I have already dwelt too long upon them ; but it appeared to me that the King's sentiments would be more intelligible to a stranger, by following his own train of thought as developed in this report, than by a mere record of my own impressions. I left him with the conviction on my mind, that he is a man of superior intellect, and endowed with an extraordinary capacity for oovernment. Surrounded by the adulation of his people, which amounts almost to adoration, he nevertheless maintains a degree of modesty and equanimity in his deportment which is truly astonishing. His police, fiscal and judicial airiingemeuts, excited my admi- ration, and are worthy of a people much farther advanced in the scale of civilization. The nature of his government renders him dependent upon the etticiency and fidelity of his troops, and the manner in which he maintains these bespeaks the skilful commander. With power in his hands the most despotic, he is yet served from love rather than fear, and no aspersion has ever been cast upon appeals made to his justice. To strangers he is hospitable and kind; to his subjects, equitable and generous. Impressed with the dignity of his station, he maintains great frugality and teniperance in his personal habits, and rarely gives way to sudden ebullitions of anger. His mind is active and inquiiing, and he betrays a laudable anxiety to be made acquainted with the laws, maimers and customs of foreign nations. Like all uneducated Africans, he is strongly attached to the customs of his fathers, and reoards with much suspicion any attempted innovation ; hence the uneasiness which he display'ed in his conversations with me upon the blave Trade. 1 believe him to be attached to the English from sentiments and respect; to be more attached to the Slave Trade from feelings of selt-interest, and to be most attached to himself from causes which equally infinence the black man and the white. If the English Government, then, taking advantage (d his pre- disposition in its favour, should skilfully address itself to his feelings of selt-mterest, l)y raismg for him a laroer revenue than the Slave Trade now produces, the latter must give way. It is not to be doifc however, by treaties which guarantee no tangible equivalent; an equivalent there must be, immediately available too, and not prospective, no false creation of the brain, like " Macbeth's da'^-oer," but a bona fide recompense, "i)alpable to feeling as to sight. We may think that his rTvei.ue is expended for very useless, frivolous and even wi<;ked purposes, and that this expenditure might be much reduced without any detriment to his thnm.-. A\ e must look at it with his eyes however ; and as soon may we e.xpcct the Lnglish (.overnment to be carried on without its Army and Navy Estimates and C.vil Lists, as to convince him that he could give up one item of his expenditure. I ut it is much easier to say what will not put a stop to the Slave Trade in his dominions than wha will, and on this account I approach the concluding portion of my report with much difh.lence. T "I will tell you a secret," said De Sou/a, a name famous in the anna s of slave- dealino. I listened. " Your Government wishes to put a stop to the Slave l.ade ? I assented " Then leave it alone ; leave it alone," he repeated ; " and, believe me, you will disappoint the slave-dealer far more than by the most stringent laws you could form, aid^n the course of a couple of years you will be much nearer your object than by enforcmg the stnctest blockade which the whole navy ot England could make of the coast 53- 3 ^ - ro4 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT of Africa." The source from whicli this counsel was derived may render it very suapicious in the eyes of some; nevertheless, I am inclined to think that the old gentleman was giving a true opinion upon the subject, and certainly, as being the observation of a man of De Souza's shrewdness and experience, it is worth more than a casual notice. It is a dis- tressing truth, that our present blockade is no check whatever to the Slave Trade ; it is flourishino- at this moment to such a degree, that the last accounts from Brazil report more than 8,000 slaves in the market there without any purchaser ; and not long ago a cargo of slaves arrived at the same place, which found such a bad market, that they were given up to pay freioht. In presence of such f.icts as these, and the additional fact, that during the whole period that we have maintained cruisers on the coast, the Slave Trade has gone on uninterruptedly, we must be convinced of the futility of such a system ; it appears to me to serve no other purpose than to increase the horrors of the traffic. In the first place, the certainty of losinsj a considerable proportion by capture, increases the slave merchants' orders for supply to the slave-lnuiting African kings, and so renders more frequent and incessant their cruel forays, witii their endless tale of miseries from the bloody battle-field, where they were taken prisoners, or from their smoking huts, where they were surprised in sleep, throughout their toilsome journey over the burning plains and through the swampy forests, until their arrival on the sea-shore. In the next place, the precautions necessary to avoid the cruisers, oblige the slavers to cram these miserable objects into the stifling holds of small vessels, where it is well known thousands die from suffocation. In addition to this, I believe I may add, that it sometimes happens that the slave merchant has been more fortunate than he calculated upon, and that more of his slavers have escaped capture than he expected ; he does not therefore require the additional lot of slaves who have been hunted down for him ; so they are left sometimes to starve in the hands of their captors, and sometimes are led forth to giatify them with their tortures. There can be no doubt but that much of this incredible suffering would be avoided if there were no cruisers ; and, truly, if we cannot alleviate the miseries of these wretches by our blockade, let us not add to their torments by our philanthropic but fruitless exertions. But can we not effectually prevent the exportation of slaves from Africa ? We cannot, unless we occupy the whole line of coast where the Slave Trade is carried on by military positions. Let us bridle the coast with forts at distances of from 10 to 20 miles apart, according to the nature of the country, and with the assistance of a few armed steamers, it Vv-ill be impossible to carry off the slaves. If we cannot raise forts, and such an undertaking should appear altogether too gigantic, then we must despair of putting a stop to the Slave Trade. It is to the forts on the Gold Coast that we owe the total abolition of the export Slave Trade from Assinee to Accra, and these for many years cost the Government no more than 4,000 /. annually. The first expense of building and maintaining these forts, perhaps against the hostility of the natives, would be enormous, but not more than the maintenance of a squadron for a series of years. Measures might be adopted, too, to raise such a revenue upon the importation of rum and other articles, as would go far to maintain these forts after their first erection ; this also would be a boon to the natives, who are at present demoralized beyond their natural depravity by the country being flooded with spirits which are retailed at 2s. 6d. per gallon. It is for the Government to judge of the feasibility of such a measure, but I athrm, with the utmost confidence, that there is no' other way of effectually putting down the Slave Trade. A close blockade of all slaving ports, interdicting the natives from European commodities, although it might prevent the traffic for a time, would not be attended with the same beneficial results, and it would be an endless work to keep up a blockade upon such an extensive coast. Under the protection of the forts, legitimate trade would flourish, and the trade in slaves would die, from the perfect impossibility of getting them away from the country. Witii the extinction of the Slave Trade the occupation ot these warrior kings would be gone, and they would feel themselves compelled to convert iheir swords into pruning-hooks. If this fort system should be altogether a wild visionary chimera, incapable of being perfected, then is the abolition of the Slave Trade the same, and humanity herself, with weeping and sorrow, must cry aloud for Africa, in the words of De Souza, " Leave her alone ;" and yet we would not leave her alone without one effort more to mitigate her sufferings. If the slave-holding states of the civilized world must have an annual supply of slaves, let the exportation of a fixed number yearly to such states be made legal, and let such pro- vision be made for their health and comfort on their passage, as is done in our own emigration ships. Surely there is humanity enough left in the civilized governments of Europe to compel them to this. Much, certainly, of the suftering now endured would be obviated by such an arrangement. The number of slaves annually required from Africa would be known, and treaties might be made with the African Chiefs and Kings to supply a stated number to make up the tallv ; this would prevent the incessant wars now going on to provide an indefinite number. The freedom and restoration to their country, after so many years' servitude, might also be guaranteed. Such a proposition may sound revolting to the ears of a British statesuian, and may appear altogether a retrograde movement: but let us not trifle about words, when the slaves under the present system are dying by thou- sands. By the restoration to Africa of those slaves who had acquired their freedom by length of servitude, there would be a constant reflux of Africans into the country, skilled m all mannerof field-labour, who might be of ureat benefit to their native land. But, in considering the general question of the abolition of the Slave Trade, I have wandered from the territories of the King of Dahomey, to which I ought, perhaps, to have confined my report. COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. all nierchantmen , from Cape St. Paul's to La^os, would compel him to give up the Slave Trade to e,.able h,m to obtain the manufactures of Europe, which have now beccme indrs- pensab^ to hinu A blockade of this nature, however, might embroil us with the American or he l^rench Government, and perhaps with both ; and it would be attended with other evils which render such a measure far from desirable. In the first place, it is doubtful whetiier the slaves now exported from his country would not, in the case of a blockade be carried by the mterior beyond Lagos, and shipped there ; thus only entailing a more toilsome march I'pon the slaves ; and in the next place, it must be renienibered that there is a very extensive and yearly increasing oil trade springing up aloncj his whole coast, which bids fair at no distant day to rival the Slave Trade ; and it will be seen from my report of his conver- sations, how much this trade had done for Porto Kuovo, Badagry, &c. It would, therefore, be altogether impolitic to give any interruption to so promisino- a source of prosperity for the country. I believe it is through this trade, and legitimate trade generally, that the Slave Trade is to be put down in his dominions; and this may be very much encouraged and fostered by the appointment of a Government agent at Whydah. It does not appear to me that the appointment of a governor for the fort would be desir- able, where his power would be so limited. A consul to reside in the fort, as it is acknow- ledged as Government ground, would perhaps be the most suitable arrangement. I foresee that a prudent intelligent man in such a situation would exercise a very beneficial influence over the King, and would eventually become his principal adviser. It would aid greatly in turning the King's mind to lawful trade, if the English Government would send out a soiind practical agriculturist accustomed to cultivation in the tropics. 1 have already said, that he is desirous for instruction to his people in these matters ; and before anything can be expected to be done in the growth of cotton and coffee, a planter must be provided. All the expenses attending this experiment, with the exception of labour alone, must be paid by the Government, and the produce of the plantation given to the King, who will provide as many labourers as may be thought necessary. Only show him that he has a mine of wealth in the soil of his countiy, which he can extract by the labour of his people, and the Slave Trade in his dominions has received its death-blow. The proof, however, \\hich must be given of the existence of such a source of riches, must be in the produce of the riches themselves, and therefore must the original expenses of the establishment, such as the planter's salary, and the necessary supply of plants and of tools, be defrayed by the Government. No useful exer- tions need be expected generally among the people, until they have seen the first result; and should that result be favourable, our object is gained. The probable unsuitableness of the soil alone for the production of coflee or of cotton, is, in my opinion, the only possible obstacle. There is certainly nothing in the appearance of the countiy to indicate anything of the kind, for a more fertile soil, and one more abounding in rich and healthy planta- tions, I have never seen. But I do not wish to pronounce too confidently before an experiment has been made, as I have seen the injury done to coffee trees at Cape Coast by an insect which often attacks the jilant when in an apparent healthy state. It might be the same in Dahomey ; but I would fain hope there will be found nothing of the kind; as far as can be at present judged, everything promises well, and if the plants thrive, England may expect a large supply of coflee and of cotton from this country. It must not be expected that the King and his people will set about this industrious work of themselves; as soon may we expect the confirmed gambler, sharper, or blackleg to earn his livelihood by patient and honest industry, as to see a slave-dealing king and people become suddenly painstaking agri- culturists. It is not unreasonable to hope, however, that after the first harvest there will be a new spirit developed. The history of the palm-oil trade there affords a strong confirm- ation of this hope; in le.TC, a hundred puncheons of oil were not shipped (iom Whydah ; in the present year I am assured that 4,000 have been exported. V\ hen the King has a country with resources of this kind to fall back upon, who shall despair of fighting the battle of legal against illegal trade, upon .such a fair field ? It is an object worthy of the English Government to support the side at present weakest in the struggle; in no part of Africa will she find such an aogresate of favourable circumstances, and as an indication of the side to which victory wiUfinaily belong, it is .satisfactory to know that the price of a slave has risen within the last year 20 per cent^ in value. Let the Government not withhold its co-operation from any squeamishness about accrediting an agent to reside at the coast of a slave-dealing king ; rather " let us beard the lion in his den," not with threats of our deadly weapons, but with soothing words, and food suited to his palate, and although the wild instinct of the animal may occasionally break out, and induce him to follow his foimcr predatory habits for a time, yet let us hope that he will return to the fare which our kindness has provided for him and eventually follow like a lamb. If the suggestions which 1 have here made shall have any efi'ect in bringing about such a happy result, it will b(! a pleasing leHcctioii which will soothe every hour of my future existence, to think that I have been a humble instru- ment, under God, of repaying the kindness which 1 received in their country with such aa inestimable blessing. d y • ; i i (signed) Ji. Lrutcksnank. Lieutenant-Governor Winuiett, &c. &c. &c. ., Y J Appendix :J36 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT Appendix L. PETITION FOR SUPPRESSION OF THE SLAVE TRADE. Having been favoured this day by the Lord Bishop with a copy of his letter addressed to his Excellencv the Governor, on the subject of the Petition to Her Majesty from this island we have sincere pleasure in giving immediate publicity to it. We trust a Petition, involving a question of pure humanity, and of an ardent feeling for the wrongs of Africa, will not fail to meet with the serious consideration of our benevolent Queen. It is hoped that it will be followed up by Petitions to both Houses of the Imperial Parliament. Bishop's Court, Barbados, Sir, 20 February 1849. The honour has devolved upon me of transmitting to your Excellency the accompanying Petition, and of respectfully soliciting, on behalf of the subscribers, that you will be pleased to forward the same to the Right Honourable the Secretary of State, to be humbly laid before Her most Gracious Majesty the Queen. The number of signatures might have been greatly increased had we not been de- sirous to avoid delay, and, as a general rule (which has however, I observe, been partially infringed), to decline all signatures, when not made by the parties themselves. Even, how- ever, where this rule has been departed from, I feel perfectly satisfied, from the respectability of the channels through which the signatures have been received, that no names have been subscribed but with the distinct authority of the persons mentioned. The actual number of signatures is 1,658,* being from — Saint Michael's Parish -------- 293 Christ Church 247 Saint Andrew's --------- 198 ,, George's --------- io3 „ James's --------- 49 „ John's --------- 193 „ Joseph's --------- 31 „ Lucy's 169 „ Peter's ---- gg „ Philip's - 218 ,, Thomas's --------- 59 Fully assured of your Excellency's sympathy in so righteous a cause, and earnestly entreating all the support which it may be in your power to give to our Petition, I have the honour to be, &c. (signed) T. Barbados. His Excellency Colonel Sir W. M. G. Colebrooke, c.b. &c. &c. To the Queen's most Excellent Majesty. The humble Petition of the undersigned Inhabitants of the Island of Barbados. Most Gracious Sovereign, We, Your Majesty's dutiful subjects, inhabitants of Your Majesty's ancient and loyal Colony of Barbados, numbers of whom were once slaves, and many besides are of African descent, venture to lay before Your most Gracious Majesty, a cordial tender of our earnest and reverend aifection for Your Majesty's sacred Person, combined with a grateful ac- knowledgment • Not including the members of the Barbados AJrican Colonisation Society (234 in nmnber, besides their families), who signed by their President and Secretaries; or those of the St. Marys Friendly Society (119 in uumber), wlio siyiied by tlieir President. With these additions the number would be 2,011. COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 537 knowledgment of the blessings of freedom and Christian civilization, which, throuoh the just munificence of the mother country in the abolition of slavery, we now enjoy, by the mercy ot Divuie Providence, under Your Majesty's benignant rule. Whilst deeply thankfid for these blessinsrs, we reflect with pain and horror on the detestable blave Trade, by which ACiica is still debarred from civilization, and multitudes of her children deprived of liberty ; whilst their lives are sacrificed without scruple to a cold- blooded avarice, and unheard-of cruelties are perpetrated on them, in contemptuous defiance of the most distinct and solemn engagements entered into with Your JMajesty's Roval Predecessors to discontinue altogether the nefarious traffic. Amongst us are some who were once themselves owners of slaves ; but, equally with the rest of Your Majesty's Petitioners, they now feel and acknowledge the enormity of the traffic in which such property was founded, and from their hearts rejoice in the utter extinction of slavery within Your Majesty's dominions ; and being confidently persuaded of Your Majesty's pity for the miseries of Africa, as well as of Your Royal sympathy with the feelings of Your subjects of African descent, so numerous in these colcjuies, we do all most humbly and most earnestly solicit Your Majesty not to discontinue or relax, but graciously to redouble Your Royal exertions forthe suppression of this remorseless system of wholesale oppression and murder. And we venture most respectfully to submit to Your Majesty's just consideration, that whatever claims to compete with Your Majesty's free colonial subjects other nations may he considered to possess, such claims cannot be otherwise than forfeited by those who support their competition by wrong and robbery and unparalleled devices of the most revolting cruelty, insolently and flagitiously trampling under foot tlie laws and treaties by which they stand pledged to Your Majesty to a course of justice and luiinanity. Of the many peculiar evils accruing to these colonics from the continuance of this piratical Slave Trade, more especially in the discouragement of lawful industry, with the consequent obstruction of social improvement, and the prevention of a reciprocally beneficial intercourse between Africa and the \\'est Indies, we are by no means uniiiindCiil ; but great as these evils are, we feel them to be almost trivial in comparison with the enormous crimes and cruelties to which we have alluded, and for the suppression of which we all, in the name of justice and humanity, and many of us in behalf of our kindred, again with the utmost respect and deference, but with reiterated earnestness, humljly implore from Your Majesty a still more effectual interference. And Your Majesty's Petitioners, as in duty bound, will ever pray, &c. Circular. The Committee of the Barbados African Colonization Society, recently established in this island, being desirous of disseminating their views and aims as extensively as possible for general information, take the liberty to address to you this Circular, and rcsj)ectfully to solicit your attention to the synopsis which it contains. The undertaking of the Society is one wliich, they confidently hope, will commend itself to the favourable"^ consideration of the philanthropists of every clime and degree, and especially to their brethren of African descent in the*c colonies. To assist in arresting the progress of the Slave Trade, that fearful combinatif/n of every crime and aggravation of every misery ; to extend the blessing of Christian instruction amongst the partially enlightened or wholly benighted tribes along the coast and in the interior of Africa; to encounige legitimate commerce, and create or nourish, where it already exists, a taste for British manufactures and the requirements generally of civilized life ; to promote a direct inter- course with these colonies, opening up new means of employment for their artisan popula- tion new sources of public levenue, and, where needed, a regular supply of labour by free immio-iation at the least possible cost, and upon the only natural and most solid basis a diffused knowledge of its advantages,— these are among the objects of the Society, and these they presume, on calm and deliberate consideration, to flatter themselves, are not of improbable attainment, if they should but succeed in enlisting in the cause that co-operation and support, without which their own earnestness of purpose must necessarily be unavailing. The Committee, therefore, in submitting their undertaking to your consideration lake leave respectfully to solicit your countenance and support, and will be most happy to profit by any advice, with such other aid as it may be in your power to allor.i, for the furtherance ot that undertaking. t. r^ 1 r^i 1 m- 1 By Order, <^J'f'''^ ''!]'}!'• Secretariee. 1 <.»! -iQ^e Edward \V. Archer,] Bridgetown, November fith, 1848. The more we consider the circumsfances that have attended the forced transfer o numbers of t e Afiican race to this hemisphere, and the events «lnch have marked their history to The presen time, the more seriously are we impressed with a conviction that it was in the dSgCfthe Almighty Governor of the universe, in pernutting this great --;§>;';- 53. 3 ' ^ cog APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT descendants, reared within the circle of civilization, and acquiring a practical knowledire of its usages and arts, and of the truths of the Gospel, should, in due time, be His efficient instrunients in the regeneration of their fatherland. Everything seems to point to this end ; and the impression is not without confirmation on a review of the attempts that have been from tune to time made to effect the object by other agencies, and their signal failure, on the admission even of the parties themselves by whom they have been made. With respect to the Slave Trade itself— that frightful accumulation of crime and misery — not only have the means hitherto employed to put it down completely failed even to check it, but, "on the most unexceptionable testimony, the employment of those means has tended very greatly to aggravate its horrors, if not to increase, at the same time, the number of its victims. The vast sacrifices that have been made by the British Government of valuable treasure, and more valuable life, on the African Coast, have had no other effect than this ; and since human wit can devise no other similar means that shall promise to be attended with better results, it would seem that philanthropy has no alternative left it but to abandon the cause altogether, making no further effort to rid the world of this mighty evil, or at once to slide into the course which a wise Providence has to all appearance, appointed for the pur- pose, and colonize the Western Coast of Africa with her civilized descendants from these Colonies and America. In advancing colonization as probably the most, if not the only, effectual means of putting down the Slave Trade, independently of the abolition of slavery, and of eventually civilizing and christianizing Africa, we would not be understood as being either unmindful of the valuable labours of missionaries of the various Churches to the latter end, or indifferent to those labours. It is, nevertheless, not too much to say, that, unassisted by other means, missionary exertion, how earnest soever, and with whatever degree of devotedness and self- denial (and none can be more alive than ourselves to the extraordinary manifestation of these qualities in numberless instances), can scarcely be expected to effect the object before us, in the present social organization of that vast Continent, without an unbroken series of miracles, day after day, which it would be irrational to look for, and which, indeed, no Church, at the present day, would think of embracing in its estimate of means. Coloniza- tion would not exclude missionary labour ; but, on the contrary, would give it greater efficiency as part of a system directed to the same end. The Gospel teacher would be all the more efficient a labourer with a civilized and Christian community in his immediate neighbourhood, than he can ever hope to be entirely surrounded by barbarous tribes, having little in common with him save the mere externals of humanity. And we apprehend that it is not the humble and pious and devoted missionary who will be disposed to look with a jealous or unfiiendlyeye at the promoters of colonization, but the nian-stealer, the fraudulent factor, the grinding trader, the petty tyrant, and the bloated sensualist, to each and all of whom unhappy Africa now affords a facile field and a ready victim. The native chiefs, and the people generally along the coast, are not imfdvourable to colonization, and evince every disposition, on the testimony of missionaries and travellers, to cultivate legitimate commerce, and encourage the arts of civilization, were but facilities offered for the purpose. Many of them are engaged in the Slave Trade, only because the grovi'ing desire for European goods can be satisfied by no other means at present. When questioned by the missionaries on this subject, " European goods," they have said, " are " in great demand with us; you tell us that it is out of the line of your calling to supply us " with them ; we are therefore constrained by our necessities to get them from the slave- " traders, who will only let us have them in exchange for men, and we barter men with " them in consequence. Now, if you would either trade with us yourselves, or encourage " some of your people to come and trade with us, we would not sell men." Equally pointed and conclusive is the evidence abundantly furnished in missionary reports of the disposition of the native African to listen to the preaching of the Gospel, if he can be secured from the ravages of the Slave Trade. The climate along the coast, and in the interior, as far as penetrated, offers no impediment to our enterprise. Uncongenial as that climate is to European constitutions, and destructive of European life, it has no terror for men of African descent, born and nurtured in tropical climes. On the testimony of Dr. Randal and Dr. Mechlin, and hundreds of others, with some of whom, in the present day, we have personally conversed on the subject, it is *' in no material i-espect different from that of the West Indies generally," whilst the soil, by the accounts of all travellers and missionaries, is " the most fertile in the world." And according to the same authorities, a proprietary right to any quantities of this highly prolific soil may be easily and cheaply acquired by purchase from the native chiefs, they havino- frequently offered large tracts to the missionaries, and in the case of the American Coloni- zation Society sold an extent of territory nearly six times the size of this island for £. 35 sterling — about 168 dollars. Should the Barbados African Colonization Society obtain the patronage and support, as they trust they will, of philanthropic friends in the mother country, and of their brethren and others in these colonies, they would soon be able, under God's blessing, with the plentiful materials around them, to establish a colony on the coast that would most probably be but the beginning of a series of similar settlements immediately productive of considerable advantages to British manufacturers and to commerce generally, and tending, eventually, to the regeneration of their fatherland and the glory of God. A meeting COMMITTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 539 A meeting will, theiefoie, be held on iNlonday the 20th instant, at 12 o'clock, at the Bible Depository, Mason-hall-stieet, to which you are respectfully invited, when all further information touching the views of the Society will be given. 1 he chair will be taken at one o'clock precisely, and a collection made in aid of the funds. By Order, Charles Phipps, ^ c * • r; 1 14/ A I ; fcecretanes. ±i,awura W. Archer,^ Number of Members : — Men * married, 118; single, 110=234. Their families;, 84o. * Viz. 1 Draper. 18 Shoemakers. 3 Shopkeepers. C Turners. 11 Schoolmasters. 1 Newspaper Reporter. 45 CabiiieL-makers. 4 Masons. '19 Tailors. 4 Clerks and Accountants. 1 Architect. 1 Saddler. •2 Miilwriolits. 5 Upholsterers. 12 Wheelwrights. 4 Blacksmiths. 20 Carpenters. 20 Agriculturists. Besides Fishermen, Butchers, Bakers, Shipwrights, &c. &c. &c. 53- ^ 7 Appendix 540 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCK BEFORE SELECT Appendix M. Enclosure No. 1 . t Enclosure No. 2. Copy of a LETTER from Captain Henry Dundas Trottbr, r.n. (with Enclosures), to the Right Reverend the Lord Bishop of Oxford. My dear Lord, Great Malvern, 17 July 1849. I BEG to enclose a letter* upon the Slave Trade and preventive squadron, by the Rev. H. Tovpnsend, who has resided a long time in Africa as a missionary of the Church Missionary Society, which, I hope, the Committee will allow to be printed with the Appendix to the Evidence. In forwarding this letter, I would heg leave to offer a few general observations on the same subject. The more I consider the present position of the Slave Trade, and the means at command for putting it down, the more hope 1 have of seeing this great object speedily accomplished. Many circumstances justify this expectation. Portugal, which has never hitherto acted in good earnest with us, by all accounts feels it at length to be her interest to abolish the Slave Trade from her colonies in Africa. Her honest co-operation to the south of the Line would aid us materially in suppressing it there, whilst her example to the north of the Line, at Bissao (north of Sierra Leone), in the promotion of agriculture and commerce, and the example of the French at Goree and Senegal in liberating all their slaves, has already had a most beneficial efi'ect on the neighbouring native tribes. In fact, excepting at the River Pongos, where the Slave Trade is still occasionally carried on upon a small scale, the traffic has ceased to exist everywhere to the northward of Sierra Leone, where in future one or two vessels of war, at the most, will be sufficient to keep it down. I beg to refer your Lordship to the enclosed extractsf from the letter of Mr. Judge Hook at Sierra Leone, and of Mr. Consul Rendall, addressed to Lord Palmerston, dated in December 1848. Again, the effect of the late destruction of the barracoons and Slave Trade goods at the Gallinas has put an end to the Slave Trade to the south of Sierra Leone as far as the Bight of Benin, though it may for a considerable time be requisite to station six or seven vessels on that part of the coast to keep it suppressed. The Bight of Benin, therefore, may be said to be almost the only spot north of the Equator where the Slave Trade has not been suppressed. It is believed that six or seven vessels will accomplish this, keeping two vessels also in the Bight of Biafra as far as the Equator, to prevent its rise there. While the Slave Trade has thus been checked in north latitude, commerce is increasing almost everywhere, accompanied, in many places, by successful missionary operations, the great moral antidote to the tyranny and barbarity of the Slave Trade. The increasing prosperity of the newly recognized Republic of Liberia is also favourable to our cause, and the desire of the blacks at Barbados to colonize the coast and the interior, under British rule, is also very encouraging. The Barbados African Colonization Society, in their late Address to the Select Committee of the House of Commons, express their con- viction tliat it was in the design of the Almighty Governor of the universe, in permitting the great wrong [of carrying away their forefathers from Africa], that their descendants, reared within the circle of civilization, and acquiring a practical knowledge of its usages and arts, and of the truths of the Gospel, should, in due time, be his efficient instruments in the regeneration of their fatherland ; and they conclude by saying, that should they obtain the patronage and support of philani hrojnc foiends in the mother country, and of their brethren and others in the IVest Indies, they would soon be able, under God's blessing, with the plentiful materials aroxind them, to establish a colony on the coast that would most probably be but the beginning of a series of similar settlements immediately productive of considerable advantages to British manufactures and to commerce generally, and tending eventually to the regeneration of their fatherland and the glory of God. The following interesting letter from Abbeokuta is also highly interesting and encouraging : — " A noble prize has lately been taken by the ships of war — a cargo or cargoes of slaves said to be above 1,200, shipped from Lagos, the effect of which is felt through Abbeokuta ; a thing we never witnessed before. " A number of slaves were taken down to Lagos market, a few days ago, by the traders of this place, bought from the interior at the rate of 50 or 60 dollars eacli slave, with the prospect of selling them at a good piofit. On their arrival at the market, however, the Por- tuguese could disguise their enormous loss no longer, but plainly told the ))eople that they could give no more than 30 dollars for each slave, as they had suffered the loss of all they lately shipped. The consequence was, the people returned to Abbeokuta with all their slaves, very much discouraged in the trade. 1 have got this information from three independent persons, who are themselves traders in slaves. The prayer of a great number of COMMIT'J'EK ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 541 ot the inhabitants of this place is, that Lagos may be destroyed, and the Portuo-uese driven away, that the temptation held out to them 'in the Slave Trade may be removed. But I pray, rather, that leuitimute trade may be introduced at L-.i^os by tile Eno-lish, and that the water communication may be made accessible to all. In the meantime l'^hoi)e the force of the cruisers will not relax, lest the beneficial effect of checking the iSlave Trade in this part, which is begun now to be felt by thousands in the interior, die-away, and prove no lasting good to the cause of anti-slavery." If, under these many promising circumstances, the system of an in-shore squadron, so strongly recommended by Captain Denman and otiier experienced ofBcers, be adopted and carried out with the zeal and enertry with which Sir Charles Hotliam so conspicuously, though unsuccessfully, as he himself admits, carried out a difierent system, there cannot be a doubt that the Slave Trade will practically be at an end on the west coast within a very short period. And Commodore Wyvill, 011 the Cape of Good Hope station, in his evidence before the House of Commons' Committee last year, spoke as confidently regarding the suppression on the east coast. It is a very common argument against the keeping up of the African squadron, that it matters little whether we keep our vessels near the shore or at a distance ; that we have never been able to guard our own coast against the snmgglers; and why should we expect other results abroad ? But the fact is, there is no analogy between the two cases; between watches ranged along the line onmport, with power to seize contrabandists and their goods as they approach the coast, and a force stationed off the place o{ export, empowered to seize the ofiienders on their leaving as well as on their approaching the coast. As well mie whole oi thcu- property in Lagos, and on their waj to Abbeokuta, by the Lagos people.-H. D. 1 bottek. * TWe^"ou^nd of vdfom, as before stated, have vythin the bust few years returned to their own counto". ^^T^rrtl^^trTtfl^S^'t^^'^-^^r"'-^^ 5G geographical nu|es fnvm A town on •"'^ t."^'' , ;, ^„. , . "^fri,,.,... tVoni Siena Leone anded lierc on their way to Abbeokuta. ^la^pt^on andtLdl'uX^h^^^^^^ .»e two Landers, on their several journey, into th. interior.~H. 1). TnoTTER. 53. ^ ' 4 546 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT one infer that, because such events have taken place, no penal efforts should be made to suppress vice ? But it is an historical fact that the horrors of the middle passage existed when every nation legalized the Slave Trade. The slaves were then, according to the testi- mony of Falconbridge, " wedged in" in the room as a man in his coffin." cruisers' removal. the slave ships, " so that they had not as much We have also accounts of living slaves having been thrown overboard, not in the excitement of a chase, but more savagely, under a pretence that they had not water enough for the consumption of the whole, but really to obtain the price at which they were insured. Knowing, therefore, that the horrors of the middle passage existed before a single cruiser was sent to prevent the Slave Trade, it is most unjust to charge the preventive system with them ; indeed, the horrors of the middle passage are but a part of the cruel system of trading in human beings, although they may be occasionally increased by the preventive system. One instance of horror given in evidence before a Committee of the House of Commons, and related at an anti-slavery meeting, as an instance of one of the results of the preventive system, was to this effect : that 2,i)o6 slaves were massacred in Lagos because the dealers were unable to ship them. This, if true, would be the strongest proof of the effectiveness of the cruisers. The slave-traders who were thus obliged to destroy their victims would surely not purchase any more, knowing that they would he unable to ship them. But I have the strono-est reasons for thinking that the whole story is a mistake, originating in a rebellion that took place in Lagos at about the same time that it is said this massacre of slaves was perpetrated. In this war two chiefs fought VNith each other for nearly three weeks; and it is said that 10,000 persons, slaves and freemen, fell in the conflict, and that after the conflict a large number of the prisoners taken by the conquering chief were slain. Living, as we did, near Lagos, and hearing all the news of that town, it could not have escaped our know- ledoe had 2,000 slaves been destroyed because they could not be shipped. Such a tule we never heard, and I therefore doubt its correctness. Remonstrance with The advocates for the removal of the cruisers profess to have a better scheme in view for those who desire the the suppression of the Slave Trade. Would it not be better tor them to leave the cruisers to pursue their allotted task until at least the value of the new scheme be tested ? But some think the Slave Trade would die a natural death if left to pursue its detestable course unmolested. This is a theory for the suppression of crime, as novel as it is unjust and unchristian. Would those who think the Slave Trade is to be suppressed by permitting )t to be carried on without a check, like to have the principle tested in England first? Would they like to try if robbery in England can be suppressed by permitting it, expecting to see the market so glutted with stolen goods that thieves would become honest men because unable to sell the produce of their robbery ? The cases are parallel : slaves are stolen men ; the sale of slaves, or the Slave Trade, is a trade in stolen men ; a glut in the slave market would be a glut in stolen men. And what is the difference between robbery being legalized in England, and the Slave Trade being legalized wherever it can be pursued? and the difference between suppressing robbery in England by permitting it, until stolen goods shall become so abundant as to cause a glut in the market, and suppressing the Slave Trade by permitting it to go on unrestrained until the market shall be overstocked with slaves ? The only difference is, one is the robbery of mere goods, and the other is the robbery of mankind whom God has made free. Those who wish to see the cruisers withdrawn, are desirous, doubtless, to see fair and legitimate traffic introduced into Africa ; but it must be remembered that the African Slave Trade is that sort of trade which, from its nature, must destroy all fair trade. It is supposed that, when the restrictions upon the Slave Trade are removed, the jealousy and animosity shown by the slave-trader towards the English trader will cease, and fair trade will be able to introduce itself into the haunts of the Slave Trade, and destroy it by the superior influence of honest over dishonest traffic. But when this thouoht is entertained, it is forgotten that the means by which fair traffic is carried on are destroyed by the Slave Trade. The fair trader, we might suppose, obtains a footing at Lagos ; he there dwells without molestation from the Brazilian or native slave-trader, and seeks to dispose of his merchandise for the produce of African soil. We can further imagine that some peaceful negroes, desirous of earning their subsistence honestly, cultivate their ground in the hope of selling its produce to the fair trader. In the meantime, however, the price offered by the slave merchant for slaves has influenced other negroes, who are only desirous of making haste to be rich, and care not by what means they obtain wealth. These go to the farms, because there the people are scattered and few, and when their opportimity comes, they fall upon the farmers and make them their prey. Herein the life of fair traffic is destroyed, and that without remedy. The honourable merchant dwells in the same town, and in peace with the slave merchant; but what is the advantage of it, when he is unable to protect the honest farmei's life and liberty while pursuing his peaceful avocations ? I need not bring forth proofs of this, for it is but the natural result of the Slave Trade; but I will relate one event that took place ia Abbeokuta to illustrate what I say. A fact to prove this. The chiefs and people of Abbeokuta passed a law to prohibit kidnapping, under the most solemn sanction of their most dreaded god. One of them, however, under the influence and in the pay of the chief of Lagos, dissented, and in about two or three weeks afterwards he carried war into a neighbouring and peaceful country ; then followed retaliation. A party of the aggrieved people suddenly attacked the farms of the people of Abbeokuta, and made slaves of many of the farmers ; and those who escaped were obliged to abandon their farms and the produce they hoped to raise on them. The well-meaning chiefs of Abbeokuta were obliired Fair trade and the Slave Trade cannot co-exist. COMMITTEE ON THE AKRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 547 obliged to look upon this in silence ; tiiey had not sutRcieiit moral or plivsica! power to overcome the wealth of Lat'os. If the Slave Trade be permitted to have free course, what an impulse will be ijiven to transactions base as this ? and how thoroughly will the desire now awakenino in Africa to be free from this vile traffic be crushed? and how vain will it be then to think of lawful trade? Will men endanger their lives by cultivating the soil? Will they seek the palm-nut in the woods when they know a price is set upon their heads ? The peaceful and industrious are those who suffer most by this vile trade, those whom we could hope would exercise a whole- some influence upon the habits of their weaker and misled country people: and in the de- struction of these there is the destruction of all fair trade. I may here remark, that those who wish for the withdrawing of the squadron have had Probable eflFects of no personal experience of the dangers attending a residence in ttie midst of the Slave Trade. |jj^ crubcR * They do not contemplate that the withdrawing of the cruisers would (unless God himself ' interpose, which we have no right to expect when the means He has appointed fur the sup- pression of evils like these are witliheld) involve in it the destruction of all efforts to civilize and christianize Africa. To show that this is no idle fear, I will relate what has taken place to people in our employ, while engaged in their lawful business. A man named Lewis, employed by us as a me.ssenger and carrier between Badagry and illustrated by fact*. Abbeokuta, on his return to Badagry was attacked by an armed band of kidnappers ; some of those travelling with him were killed, and some made slaves; but he, and one or two more, escaped with the loss of their property. Another individual in my employ, sent by me to Badagry, was, with the party with whom he was travelling, attacked ; two women were mortally wounded ; but the travellers resisted, and drove away their assailants. A man sent to me in Abbeokuta, on his return was kidnapped. Some women, who were occa- sionally employed by us, and who sometimes lodged in my house in Abbeokuta, were kid- napped on one of their return journeys. Our messenger, Lewis, in company with another man, while bringing letters to me, was pursued and fired at ; they escaped. The same party, the day before, attacked a party of I believe five; one of those who escaped of these five "was fallen in with by our messengei, weak and wounded, and was assisted by him on his way. Soon afterwards I had occasion to travel the same road, and, providentially, arrived safely ; but a party of 20, that followed a day or two afterwards, were attacked, and half of their number never reached home. On my return journey kidnappers were lurking about for us, but the strength of the party, about GOO persons, prevented an attack. These attacks were made to obtain slaves ; they were the natural results of the Slave Trade ; and that too while the trade is burthened and oppressed by the preventive squadron. To what extent might we not expect these deeds of violence to be carried if the check now put upon the Slave Trade were removed? The removal of the cruisers would be followed by such a rush to obtain slaves, that a price would be set upon every man's head, and no human being would be safe. o • i j f The personal dangers of those engaged in missionary work would not be only those ^|;^J|;';^^,^°^-",t,\, common dangers which beset all alike, such as I have related, and increased by the addi- ^..^...t ^f the cruise™ tional impetus given to the Slave Trade ; but would involve the additional danger accruing to „.ithdrawal ; us from being left to stem the torrent of iniquity alone. Our danger, I must repeat, would not be the common danger that every one nmst expect from living in a country given up to ruin, but it would be a danger resulting from the opposition that, upon pruiciple, we nmst make to the vile schemes of the white slave-trader. And could we expect to find mercy m the hands of those whose trade is crime ? whose only check would be what they might meet from us ? when, too, our own country has confessed her inability to stem the torrent of their iniquity? The more successful we might be amongst the natives, the more surely we should excite the opposition of the slave-trader, because we should thereby be .successful in our opposition to his traffic, and no efforts would be spared by him to remove the objects of his hatred. Now, the slave-trader fears to give the cruisers a just cause for invading his mart; he kuoivs that they wait for such a cause, and would be but too glad to avail them- ''A^nother consideration forces itself upon us ; and it is one of no mean importance to f^J^f^^^^,^ Encrland, inasmuch as the moral condition of British subjects is of paramouni importance .^hj^eu in the Slave to her It is. How are British subjects to be prevented engaging m the Slave trade il the Trade, cruisers be removed? Direct participation in the Slave Trade by English sailors and mer- chants has been prevented by the squadron, and much demoralization to them thereby prevented; but what check would remain to hinder the evil-disposed of our countrymen [oininghelrtand hand in this traffic if the cruisers were removed? .«- - ---^- •Would be sent, it may be, to watch over British interests in the African eas, but what could they do to prevent British participation in so extensively diHused an evil . There is another consideration that should not be forgotten. The Br.ish W^^^^^^^^^^^^^^^ ^T^XT have been much injured by admitting the produce of slave labour into our maikets, how j^^^ '^ch Ire would t'hey be ,^jured_indeed,'would it not beattende by their com,.ee rum if the present hindrance to the Slave Trade were removed, by ^vhlch the sla e is o« "eces„ity so mucKearer, and the produce of his labour by natural consequences likewise .' t tie SkrTrade we e free, some might hope, under the plea of l-'-'^f '"^..'''Y''^'" ^, "^^ " ordlr to hberlte them in the West Indies, to partake in the general spoil : but it canno be credited hat the honest and humane feelings of England are so tar paralysed as o permit so ?oSl a blot to be put upon her fan- name. England may be deceived, may be -'^taken, Jor .53. ^^ 548 APPENDIX TO MINUTES OF EVIDENCE BEFORE SELECT England's worldly interest in the mat- ter. Africans not an in- dcilent race. Mr. Townscnd's conclusion on the whole subject. a time ; but wlien the time that discovers the mistake comes, re-action, with just indignation, will follow. It is not only England's duty to suppress the Slave Trade, but her best interest likewise. The civilization of Africa, which has been prevented by the Slave Trade, would cause millions of human beings to become consumers of English merchandise. The disposition so often manifested by the negro, his fondness for tawdry finery, needs but to receive a bias, from the example of civilized men, to become a taste for the conveniences and elegancies of civilized life. I have seen this exemplified in my intercourse with them. That chief of Abbeokuta who has shown the greatest fondness for finery, is the man who has first attempted to imitate our mode of building houses ; the first to have doorways to admit of men walking through them erect ; the first to have windows for light and air ; the first to floor his rooms with boards ; and the first to covet glass windows and paint for his house. His love of finery is here seen expending itself upon objects of real utility and comfort. This desire for articles of utility is not confined to a man or a class of men. The native carpenter, seeing the superior tools used by the Sierra Leone carpenters, seeks to obtain them ; the man long accustomed to see planks split from the log of timber, desires to acquire the art of sawing timber ; the man accustomed to have a door rudely made of hewn wood, desires to have one neatly put together and planed ; a bag formerly served to put clothes in — now, boxes are desired. In these things the negro's disposition to be fine above his neighbour puts itself forth in most desirable objects. Thus we can discern how Africa may become a market for English merchandise. The belief that so universally prevails that the negroes are too indolent to exert them- selves for their own good is one of the errors arising out of the Slave Trade. Their markets are supplied with all the necessaries of life in abundance. They carry on a very extensive international trade, and at a great risk of losing liberty or life in it. The instances already mentioned, showing the danger of travelling in Africa, prove this. These thinss will surely show that they are not so indolent as people are led to suppose. What better proof can be rendered of industrious habits than a market always stocked with the necessaries of life? When a country like this is torn asunder by slave wars, and when people like these are dragged into slavery, it is clearly a loss to the common welfare of mankind. Had they but liberty, were they but tree from the Slave Trade, they would raise the produce of the soil for our country, and take our manufactures in return ; but their eftbrts to raise the produce of the soil being constantly thwarted by Slave Trade wars, and contracted for want of a more extensive market, it is, indeed, a wonder that they are not a heart-broken, dejected people, subsisting upon the barest necessaries of life. How much, too, are the interests of mankind wronged, when, to make one slave, two persons are destroyed. One slave thus becomes the compensation for what would be, but ibr the Slave Trade, three human beings, producers for the good of others, and consumers, for their own comfort and welfare, of the produce of other countries.* Therefore, I conceive that England, influenced by every motive that should govern the actions of an enlightened nation, should continue — nay, redouble — her efforts to suppress the Slave Trade ; influenced by motives of justice, to undo the evils in which she has parti- cipated ; by motives of humanity, to relieve a suffering portion of mankind from the bondage of a cruel system ; by motives of self-interest, our own honest trade being injured by the basest * On this point Mr. Townsend was asked for further particulars. In his reply, he staled — " I obtained mj' infonnation respecting the loss to Africa of three individuals for every slave employed in America, from Sir T. F. Buxton's work, ' The African Slave Trade and its Remedy.' He states, p. 200, that out of 10 stolen in Africa, three only become available for labour in America after 12 montlis' residence there. 1 have no doubt that this result is con-ect ; but, to be within the mark, I only say one in three." Sir T. Buxton arrived at his conclusion from calculating the mortality consequent on the seizure m the interior — march to the coast — detention (here — middle passage — loss after capture — loss after landing, and in seasoning. Mr. Townsend then proceeds — " There are collateral evils and losses that it is difficult to estimate ; for instance, polygamj' has been enormously increased by the Slave Trade, and with it the births of cliildren have enormously decreased. That polygamy has increased needs not further proof than a reference to the well-knomi fact, that a large proportion of the slaves imported into America are males ; a large disproportion of tlie sexes must, therefore, exist in Africa. Two instances of the results of polygamy I am enabled to give. " It was said that Sodeke had 600 wives and 200 children ; thus 200 children are to represent, in the next generation, these 600 wives of Sodeke. Sagbua, the present chief, had, it was said, .50 wives,, and I could not satisfactorily ascertain that lie had as many as 10 children ; indeed I knew but one, and that one died. I heard of another, and that died also. " I endeavoured to ascertain what births there were among the people generally, in proportion to the number of wives, and I came to the conclusion that there could not be a child to every adult person in Abbeokuta ; a large number of women had no children, a large number but one or two, and a large number had lost all their children by death. One woman came to me for medicine for her infant, lier sixth child, the only one alive, and this one not at all likely to \ive,from (jeneral weakness. To show the comparative number of children in SieiTa Leone and Abbeokuta respectively, I can only refer to one instance ; but it was generally remarked by tlie natives that the Sierra Leone people had many' children. Mr. Crowther had two sisters by the same mother, one nearly his own age, and the other much younger ; these have two cliildren each, while Mr. Crowther has six. 1 think the same general result would be obtained, could I get correct information of a larger number of instances. The cause of all this, I have no hesitation in saying, is the Slave Trade ; for among its results maj' be mentioned, polygamy greatly increased, sufferings, privations, alarms, anxieties, labour, and other evils. These surely are enough to affect the increase of the population of any country." COMMllTEE ON THE AFRICAN SLAVE TRADE. 549 basest monopoly that ever existed ; ai.d by love to God, whose laws are constautiy broken through this nefarious irade. (signed) H. Townse.nd. P.S. — I am aware that other considerations might with advantaoe be adduced to show how unadvisable it would be to withdraw the cruisers. I .lave, however, only brought forward those which have presented themselves to me in connexion with the morality of the question, and such as have forced themselves upon me in a personal experience of the workuig of the Slave Trade in Africa. APPENDIX. Letter from Saobua, and other Chiefs oCAbbeokuta, to Her Majesty the Queen. (Referred to in page 199.) The words which Satrbua, and other Chiefs of Abbeokuta, send to the Queen of England. May God preserve the Queen in life for ever ! Sodeke, who communicated with the Queen before, is no more. It will be four or five years before another takes his office. We have seen your servants, the missionaries, wlioni you have sent to us in this country ; what they have done is agreeable to us. They have built a house of God; they have taught the people the word of God, and our children besides; we bepin to understand them. There is a matter of greiit importance that troubles us. What must we do that it may be removed away ? We do not understand the doings of the people of Lagos, and other people on the coast ; they are not pleased that you should deliver our country-people from slavery ; they wish that the road may be closed, that we may never have any intercourse with you. What shall we do that the road may be opened, that we may navigate the river Ossa to the river Ogun ? The laws that you have in your country we wish to follow in the track of the same — the Slave Trade, that it may be abolished. We wish it to be so. The Lagos people will not permit ; they are supporting the slave-traders. We wish for lawful traders to trade with us; we want also those who will teach our children mechanical arts, agriculture, and how things are prepared, as tobacco, rum, and sugar. If such a teacher should come to us, do not permit it to be known, because the Lagos people, and other people on the coast, are not pleased at tlie friendship jou are showing to us, We thank the Queen of England for the good she has done in delivering our people from slavery. Respecting the road, that it should not be closed, there remains yet much to speak with each other. %• The above letter was presented to Her Majesty in 1848, by the Right Hon. (he Earl of Chichester, President of the Church Missionary Society. Her Majesty has since authorized the President to return a most gracious answer, accompanied by a present of the Holy Scriptures in English and in Arabic. Enclosure No. 2. Extract from a Letter from Mr. Judge Hook to Lord Viscount Pal.meksto.n, dated Sierra Leone, 31 December 1848. I HAVE fuither the honour to report for your Lordship's information that Her Majesty's sloop "Alert," Commander Dunlop, arrived in our harbour this morning with 100 slaves on board, who were immediately landed in the Queen's Yard. I beo- respectfully to solicit your Lordship's attention to this novel and interestmg era m the historv^f the abolition of the Slave Trade, because it clearly proves that a highly important chance has taken place in the very locahty (Bissau) where an extensive Slave Irade has flourished for more than 100 years, but where now many thousands of natives are daily employed in cultivating ground-nuts for shipping; and the Slave Irade is strictly prohibited by the powerful voung^King Branc. of Beeomba. The notorious Cayetaneo, the I ortuguese Governor of Bissao, has also abolished the Slave Trade, and is employing vast numbers of slaves in cultivating ground-nuts upon the British island of Buhima. j:ff„,„„. It appears that Commander Dunlop sent his boats into Bissao to search the different creeks that run into the River Jeba for slavers, and that on hearing of their arrival, his Mate ty Kin.^ Branco, though sick, officially appbed to the commander or help and reque ted him to remote to Sierra Leone all the slaves m the barracoons belonging to the Jwo Spaniards, Don Bito (alias Victor) Dabreda, and Don Jose Vanrell; at the same S?e assurino Commander Dunlop that he, the King of Beeomba, had finally abolished thT'^^lave T ade in his dominions. Thereupon the slaves in the barracoons «cre asked if thev preferred to be then and there made hce and remain, when they all declared that they wished o be taken to Sierra Leone. This was acceded to by the authorities, and the daveswe^e embarked on board the " Alert," and, as before stated landed in this colony. Tl c two Sj^anmrds fled by land to then companions in huma.i traflac on .he Rio Pongo^ 4 A 2 'J'-jO appendix: select committee on the AFRICAN' SLAVE TRADE. where tlie noturlous Spanish dealers in slaves, Senior Pellegrin and Don Paul Fabre reside ; also the native slave-dealers, Mrs. Lightbourne and Mr. Allen. The Kio Ponchos may now be considered the sole mart for the Slave Trade to the northward of Sierra Leone. I have only heard of two slavers having escaped with slaves on board from the Rio Pon"-os during the year 1848, and I believe they were both owned by Spaniards. I have the pleasure to report to your Lordship that by order of the French Government all the slaves in Senegal and Goree have been emancipated. This highly interesting event connot fail to produce important effects upon the natives of the neighbouring kingdoms, and to convince them that Great Britain and France are determined not only to suppress the Slave Trade, but also slavery itself, in every part of their dominions. Already agiiculture, upon a most extensive scale, is in progress among the natives living between this place and Gambia ; rice and ground-nuts are the chief articles cultivated. 'J'he ground-nut trade has for several years past formed a highly important and valuable branch of export trade. The demand for ground-nuts from France, Hamburgh, and America, far exceeds the supply. I earnestly hope that the spirit of agriculture and commerce, nov? happily manifesting itself among the natives, is the sure dawn of brighter days for benighted Africa. With the only exception of the Rio Pongos, I consider that we have now no export Slave Trade between Cape Blanco and Sierra Leone, a distance of coast of upwards of 600 miles. Extract from a Letter from Mr. Consul Rendall to Lord Viscount Palmerston, dated December 1848. ■fHE efficiency, however, of the British squadron's proceedings must be judged by the present actual state of the Slave Trade question. What does the printed correspondence tell us upon this subject ? We learn that the English squadron is acting in concert and perfect harmony with the fleets of France, America, and Portugal, by open warfare against the abominable slave-dealer ; that they have made prizes in extent not known at any former period ; that France has wholly and for ever abolished the Slave Trade, and that the natives upon the banks of the Senegal and Gambia will soon become strangers to the horrors of slave-trading, because the white people of their neighbourhood no longer hold or deal in human flesh. Portugal has already done much, and is willing to do more, but is quietly waiting the decision of England in respect to the agitation in question. The harbours of Cuba and Porto Rico no longer swarm with slave ships; one or two during the last 12 months are as many as can be named. Spain is also anxiously waiting the result of the present agitation. Brazil is the only nation now pursuing this infamous traffic ; but 1 am informed that her losses have already been so heavy that she would at once give in and cease the trade, but she has hopes in the agitation also, and therefore holds on for a longer period. It also appears that Treaties are being made very generally with the native powers in Africa, and the most pleasing results have already begun to show. The ground-nut is cultivated to an incredible extent ; the people of the noted slave haunts of Catcheo, Bissao, Rio Grande, Nunez, and Pongos (places north of Sierra Leone), are devoting their time and means to the important subject of agriculture. A republican government has been declared south of Siena Leone, which embraces a very large tract of country ; and I have no doubt, my Lord, that other independent governments will come into existence, eflfecting much good in the abolition of slavery. I was informed the other day of three Portuguese vessels being at anchor at Sierra Leone in the pursuit of legitimate commerce. I think, my Lord, this fact speaks volumes in favour of the measures adopted for slave abolition, as within the last six years the harbour in question was nearly filled with the same flag, prizes to English men-of-war, on account of slave-dealing. In the face, therefore, of even the few facts I have quoted, no argument can remain good touching the non-effective state of the English squadron ; and the conclusions to be drawn must be, that as they have effected so much, there can be no doubt of their final and, I would say, early success. INDEX. ( 551 ) GENERAL INDEX TO THE PRINCIPAL MATTERS CONTAINED IN THE MINUTES OF EVIDENCE TAKEN BEFORE THE SELECT COMMITTEE OF THE HOUSE OF LORDS. APPOINTED TO CONSIDER "The best Means which Great Britain can adopt for the Final Extinctiov of the African Slave Trade." Session 1849- 53- 4 A 3 ( 552 ) LIST OF WITNESSES. Page Adams, Captain John, R. N. - - - 279. Angus, Reverend Joseph .-..------ 103. AuGUSTINO ...---------- 162. Beacroft, Captain John ....-.---- 235. BuTTERFiELD, Captain Edward Harris, R. N. 230. Chads, Commander Henry, R. N. 288. 302. Chaloner, Commander Thomas, R. N. 227. Childe, Reverend Charles Frederick -------- 96. Clarke, Reverend John - - - - - - - - - -106. Cliffe, Jose Estevano, M. D. -...-.-.- 149. Dawson, Ralph, Esquire - - 211. Denman, Captain the Honourable Joseph, R. N. - - - - - - 320. FisHBOuRNE, Commander Edmund, R. N. ------- 306. Glover, Frederick Robert Augustus, Esquire ------ 57. Hay, Commander John, R. N. ..-- 244. Herring, Charles, Esquire ---------- 164. Hesketh, Robert, Esquire 228. Horton, Commander Wilmot, R. N. -------- 340. Hotham, Commodore Sir Charles, K. C. B. 109. 129. HowDEN, Right Honourable the Lord - - - - - - - -12. Landoh, Henry, Esquire -..- 30. LusHiNGTON, The Right Honourable Stephen, D. C. L. 75. Lysaght, Commander Thomas Henry, R. N. 294. 296. Macdonald, Norman William, Esquire 87. 148. Macqueen, James, Esquire .-. 257. 258. Matson, Captain Henry James, R. N. - - - - - - - - 197. Maxwell, Mr. Thomas 101. Miller, Reverend John ..--------36. NicoL, Mr. George ..--.-..-..98. Peyton, Reverend Thomas -..-. 175. Sprigg, Captain George, R. N. --------- 248. Staveley, Thomas, Esquire -..-----.-1. Stephen, Sir George - - - - - - - - - - -172. Stokes, Robert, Esquire - - - - - - - - - -185. Symonds, Commander Thomas Edward, R. N. 284. TowNSEND, Reverend Henry --..------59. Trotter, Captain Henry DuNDAS, R. N. .--.--- 314. WiNNiETT, Captain William, R.N. .-....-- 50. ( 553 ) GENERAL INDEX. General Heads. Name of Witness and Number of Qiieition. Africa, natives of, to the North of the Line are more intel- ligent than those to the southward . . . effect of climate on European constitutions — reception of natives of, who have returned from Sierra Leone to their own country, havino- been released from slavery by English cruisers ''- — Abbeokuta {see Missionary Stations, Egba). — white dealers are the main cause of Slave Trade in - — European articles consumed by the natives of - — method of importation — natives of, are subject to the prevailing lever atl Sierra Leone ------ .J — Slave Trade is the main hindrance to the civiliza-1 tion of Africa ------ .J — liberated Africans readily receive Christianity - -i — principal hindrances to the spread of Christianity"! in - - / — statement resjjecting the effect of missions in im-l proving the general condition of the natives in I the neighbourhood of the stations - - -j — suggestions for the civilization of, and consequent! suppression of Slave Trade - - - - -J — value of imports and exports during 20 years prior"! to 1787 J — value of imports and exports in the years 1808,1 1809, 1810 / — manner of conducting trade with the natives — natives of, prefer Slave Trade to legitimate trade ./ I r natives are very apt to commercial pursuits productions of the country . . - method of extracting palm oil joods in the African trade arel J of Slave Trade on the South 1 no payments for made in money principal stations of Slave Trade on the South'! Coast in 1842 J general character of the country on the South Coast no appearance of Slave Trade between Little Fish"] Bay and Elephant Bay - - . - -j relaxing effect of the climate of the South Coast is"! not greater than in India or the Mediterranean -J climate of Fernando Po is perfectly healthy Kroomen are particularly good labourers ■ natives of the interior an much more intelligent and") industrious than those on the Coast - - -J surf on the South Coast of, is a great hindrance to"} the embarkation of slaves - - - - -f number of slaves exported from, at different periods • Returns of trade with England previous to 1812 general account of the trade with - - - . • remarkable fertility of the country generally - importance of opening a communication between"! Bornou and the Coast, and supporting the Chief in \ his endeavours to suppress Slave Trade - -J amount of imports and exports between, and England great central slave marts in the interior of - - extent of Portuguese territory in - - - - — •' — European managers would be necessary to conduct"]^ legitimate trade in ----- -J 53- 4 A 4 Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord - 147. Nicol - - - l.H)3 INIiller, Rev.J. - . - 480. Lushington, Right H 3n. S. - 1135 Macdonald - - - 1238 Angus, Rev. J. - - - 1 622 Dawson - - 3097 Tovvnscnd, Rev. H. . - 919. Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 2011. Townsend, Rev. H. . - 861. Townsend, Rev. PL . - 1085. Townsend, Rev. H. - - 1091. Nicol - - - 1491. Nicol - - - 1504 Pevton, Rev. T. - - - 2614. Nicol . - - . - 1525. Peyton, Rev. T. - . - 2621. Angus, Rev. J. Angus, Rev. J. Clarke, Rev, J. Stokes Stokes 1628. 1639. r Statement at - 1 tlie close of [ the Evidence. - 2759. - 2760. Dawson - - - Dawson - . - Dawson Macqueen - - - Dawson - - - Macqueen - - - Dawson - 2999. 3024. 3027. 3809. 303(1. 3810. 8062. Dawson - - - - 3105. Butterfield, Capt. - 3201. Bntlcrfield, Capt. Butlcrlicld, Capt. Sprigur, Cajit. ■: 3295. 3303. 3694. Butterfield, Capt. - 3383. Beacroft, Capt. - Beacroft, Capt. - - 3393. 3494. Beacroft, Capt. - - 3507. Sprigg, Capt. - 8700. Macqueen - Maccjueen - - - Macqueen - Macqueen - - - - 3736. 3745. 3746. .18113. Macqueen . - - r 3806. 3811. Macqueen - Macqueen . - - Macqueen - - - - 3816. 382(1. 3826. Macqueen . - - - 3834. 3303. 3809. S&4 Geaeral Heaili. GENERAL INDEX. Name of Witness and Number of QuHtioa. Afuioa, climate of, not so unhealthy as generally supposed - —-^question of immigration from, has given a great im-| pulse to the Slave Trade J , great scarcity of water on the South Coast ^ - .^^ effect of the squadron on the internal trade of - obiect of the expedition up the Niger - ' " establishment of model farms would be very desirable Africa, West Coast of, extent of, that treaties with native! chiefs apply to - - - ' , " .' '', princir.al slaving places on, Paper, No. 4, Appen- 1 dix (F.) ^ - ,■ . ' , Slave Trade does not exist between Accra and Uix- 1 COVG -•■"""* -' moral influence of British Government is very great! on ---■"""" '-' establishment of forts on, would be of great use in ) suppressing Slave Trade - - - - -j . Government of Cape Coast Castle influences a large! extent of coast - - - - ,"„,",.'< . American estimate of length of, where Slave Trade is 1 carried on - - - - " " " "J . extent of, civilized- - - - I , " ,., peculiar difiiculties of the command of the naval 1 station on - - -- "/-."o'-on . internal water communication between Cape St. Paull and Loango - - - - ].',"=! currents on, are strong, but vary according to the ) prevailing wind - - - - - "i,"-^ success of erecting forts on, is dependent on the! amount of commerce that can be brought to them J price of slaves on - opinion respecting the possibility of suppressing Slave Trade on, by naval means - - - - coal stations for steam cruisers on - - - - a small squadron is necessary on, for the protection of British interests, even if the blockade was relin- quished --"*"**. state of health of the crews of men-of-war on the station -------- Macqueen - Macqueen - Butterfield, Capt. Adams, Capt. Fishbourne, Com. Trotter, Capt. Trotter, Capt. Staveley Staveley Hothara, Sir Chas. Landor Landor Landor Winniett, Capt. - Beacroft, Capt. - Fishbourne, Com. Landor Miller, Rev. J. - Miller, Rev. J. - Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Beacroft, Capt. - Hay, Com. - Chads, Com. Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Matson, Capt. Butterfield, Capt. Sprigg, Capt. Adams, Capt. Symonds, Com. - Horton, Com. Cliffe, J. E., M. D. Peyton, Rev. T. - unhealthy nature of the climate - - - difficulties in obtaining land for the establishment of\ settlements similar to Sierra Leone might arise -J safety of factories on, is dependent on the presence of \ the squadron ------ -J points on, to the North of the Line, where Slave Trade! was carried on between 16.39 and 1842 - -J extent of lagoons, as marked in the Admiralty Chart,/ is incorrect - - - - - * "I • there is a possibility of marching slaves along the! coast for 420 miles, although subject to many in- > Matson, Capt terruptions ------ -J - extent of, where Slave Trade is carried on - -< - slaves may be embarked at innumerable places in the) neighbourhood of Loango - - - - -J - opinions respecting the possibility of one vessel watch-! ing 60 miles of, throughout the whole of which |- slaves can be embarked ... - -J - 3835. - 3837. - 3297. - 3928. - 4312. - 4382. - 4399. - 44. - 44. - 1710. Peyton, Rev. T. - Matson, Capt. Matson, Capt. Butterfield, Capt. Beacroft, Capt. - Sprigg, Capt. Matson, Capt. Denman, Capt., the Hon. Matson, Capt. opinions respecting the practicability of watching the Congo Hotham, Sir Chas. Matson, Capt. Hotham, Sir Chas. Matson, Capt. Butterfield, Capt. Sprigg, Capt. Adams, Capt. Symonds, Com. - Chads, Com. 342. 354. - 347. - 355. - 714. 744. - 3516. - 4366. - 384. - 562. - 570. - 1697. r 1710. 1771. ■\ 2115. - 1799. - 1822. - 1915. - 2039. - 3506. 3599. 4090. 4130. 4272. 2044. -( - 2108. - 2118. - 2913. - 3337. - 3713. - 3976. - 4031. - 4655. - 2304. - 2580. - 2714. - 2778. - 2790. - 3332. - 3448. - 3690. - 2804. - 2828. 2854. - 4453. 4563. - 2945. - 1784. - 2949. - 1856. - 2956. - 3316. - 3693. - 3915. - 4017. - 4066. I 40?6. GENERAL INDEX. General Heads. Name of Witness and Number of Question. Ai-uiCA, West Coast of, objections to a system of warehous-1 ing goods on the, for shipment - - . .j' trade on, is principally confined to Liverpool houses Kroomcn are generally employed on board Britishl ships trading on the Coast j • customs of the country would not allow of free emi-~l gration from - - . . . . .r papers, stating die names of merchants engaged in! the trade with, importation of ])alm-oil to Liver- pool in 1848, and exports from Liverpool to, in 1845 .J depots of goods, for the purpose of carrying on Slave! Trade on- - - . .". . .r amount of commerce in the Bight of Biafra - opinion regarding the correctness of the eonelusions-i come to by Mr. Jackson, as stated in a sjiecch | made by him in the House of Commons respecting the trade in the neighbourhood of Fernando Po -J extreme unhealthiness of the Rio Pono-os Dawson Beacroft, Capt. Da^^•son Da^vson Dawson Dawson Chaloner, Com. Beacroft, Capt. Beacroft, Capt. opinions respecting the extent of, that may be guarded by one vessel - - - . *. - .) Adams, Capt. Adams, Capt. SymonJs, Com. - Chads, Com . Lysaght, Com. Fishbourne, Com. Denuian, Capt., the Hon. ^ Horton, Com. duties of tlie Commander of the African Squadron! n. r. . .1 tt differ much from the ordinary service - - - f Penman, Cant., the Hon. only particular parts of the, available for embarking") t, /^ . .1 it slaves - - - - - - - .( l^enman, Capt., the Hon. African Chiefs, treaties have been concluded with nearly") c, 1 allon the West Coast of Africa - - - .] »taveiey - forms of treaties with (.see Paper No. 2, Appendix"! c.. ■ ip . subsidies to, are paid by the Treasuiy through naval"!^ 4,. , oiEcers ........J'- •> would be generally willing to concede the erection^ Landor ... of forts - - -- - - - -I Winniett, Capt. - conditions under which natives have joined thel Tr:ii„_ t)o„ t colony of Liberia ...-..) opinions of chiefs at Abbeokuta respecting the"! TQ,yr,send Rev H British squadron ....-.( > • • treaties with, have not proved as effectual as was! L„s],in„to,, r;,,],; Hon. S. expected J »'n will sometimes accept the mediation of the British^ Macdoiiakl - . - Government in their disputes ... - j Peyton, Rev. T. - no difficult}' in purchasing land from, on the West j Coast of Africa, for the purpose of erecting Angus, Rev. J. - schools, chapels, &c. ■•-.-- -J opinion respecting the production of beneficial j effects by treaties with, on suppression of Slave v Hotham, Sir Chas. Trade - - - - - - - -I . opinion respecting utility of, and suggestions of] stipulations to be made in treaties with, for the J. Macdonald . - - suppression of Slave Trade --".*. "J would be generally willing to substitute legitimate 1 for Slave Trade, if other means of supplying their • Peyton, Rev. T. - wants were afforded them - - - - -) description of goods employed in bartering with - Dawson ... chiefs of Old" Calabar, B'imbia, and Bonny, Iiavel adhered to the provisions of treaties entered into Beacroft, Capt. - with England - - J treaties with, for the abolition of slavery, are very! pj^hbourne, Com. desirable - J copy of agreement with chiefs of Aboh and Iddah] entered into with the Commander of the Niger ■ Trotter, Capt. expedition --------J - 3004. - .3499. - 3009. - 31!/. - 3125, - 3142. - 3270. - 3394. 3455. - 3421. 3970. 3936. 4013. 4003. 4105. 4318. 4449. 4014. 4430. 4510. - 30. - 43. - 79. - 301. 368. - 717. - 573. - 06S. - 1207. - 1380. - 2588. - 1640. - 2029. - 2114. - 2581. - 2994. - 3409. - 4357. - 4384. B. Badagry. (See " Missionary Stations," Badagry.J Baiiia, price of slaves at, has decreased - " „', \ S'''^*^'"-^ insurrections at, attributable to the race of siavesj jjo^.^cn, Right Hon. Lord employed - - - .-,,-,_■,,/. "J ,,_,,,, .,;',i,, it,,,,. Lord is supplied with slaves from the North of tlie Line attempted re-capturc of a slaver at - '., ,7 slave insurrections at, have been very formidable 53. 4 B Howden, Hight Hon. Lord Howdiii, Right Hon. Lord Howden, Right Hon. Lord 1 1 0. lOfe. 188. 214. 290. 55g GENERAL INDEX. Name of Witness and Number of Question* General Heads. Bahia, inhabitants of, are in considerable dread of slave in-| Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 319. surrections - "■'""" '-^ xr • ^.^„ moral state oftbe population of - - - - Herring - - - - 2428. r Landor ... - 373. Barracoons, distance of, from the Coast ' ' ' '{ Hotham, Sir Chas. - - 2088. system adopted by Liberia, respecting the destructiont j^jj]jgj.jjg^ J _ _ _ ^^^^ of J atWhydah ^ - Wmmett, Capt. - - - 748. destruction of, would not interfere with the embark- 1 ^jjjj^jgjj^ ^.^pj _ _ _ ^^^^ ation of slaves - - - - "i"-'=| effect of the destruction of, on the minds of the natives 1 T^^nsend, Rev. H. - - 970. ofAbbeokuta - - - " . '„ ' '-' t , • ' ^-^ „ r, opinionsof the legality of the destruction of - - Lushington, Right Hon. S. - 1144.1150. building out of reach of the cruisers' boats, would/ Lushington, Right Hon. S. - 1148. he a great hindrance to Slave Trade - - -t Chads, Com. - - - 4116. opinions respecting the right to destroy, when con-| L^ghij, j j^j j^^ jj^„_ g_ . ngQ, taining propertv belonging to a third power - -J » > s Commodore of Poituguese squadron has recentlyl g^^jj^^^ Sir Chas. - - 1859. destroyed several ----- -J being placed further inland, would be no practical j h^^j 3;^. chag. . . 0090. inconvenience to shippers ot slaves - -_ -J are of simple construction, and built in a short time- Cliffe, J. E., M.D. - - 2315. destruction of, with the goods stored in, is a very/ Adams, Capt. - - - 3961. severe blow to the slave dealers - - - -\_ Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 4496. building, at a distance from the Coast would be al great inconvenience and loss of security to the S Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 4504. slave dealers ------ -J destruction of, is justifiable Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 4514. in any expedition for the destruction of, the officer"! commanding is liable in an action at law for losses ^' Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 4521. caused by, to the slave dealers - - - -J Bight of Benin, strict blockade of, would tend much to thej -^yijj^jgtf q^ ^^ . _ _ y^g^ suppression of Slave Trade - - " " "J . . ' is not more unhealtliy than other places on the Coast Winniett, Capt, ... 742. . Slave Trade has recently broken out on the River\ jj^^jfj^jj, gj^ chas. Benin --------J 1711. number of cruisers stationed in - - - - Hotham, Sir Chas. - - 1830. Slave Trade is carried on throughout the whole ex-| jj^^j^^^^ gj, q^^^^_ . . ^335. tent of le surf ii any communication with vessels - tlie surf is at times too great on the shore to allow of\ ]y{„tgn„ Cant - . . "834 Brazil, Slave Trade is most prevalent in - - - - Staveley vessels employed in Slave Trade with, are larger and\ c^ 1 . . . «« better sailers than formerly - ... -j J number of steamers employed is increased - - Staveley - - - - 89 a communication from the minister of, is expected on"1 0^1 . . . . qq the subject of Slave Trade - . - - -J ^ a very small part of the country is yet in cultivation - Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 130. German emigrants are employed on an estate belong-| Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 131. ing to the Ji.mpei'or . - - - - -J ' o principal cultivation in ------ Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 141. distinction of colour is thought much less of in, than"! Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 158. in America - . - - - - -J Herring .... 2444. Slave Trade in Rio Grande ..... Herring - - - - 145. free labour in, has decreased - - - . . Herring .... 153. great mortality in, among slaves .... Herring .... 170. very few female slaves arc now imported - - - Herring - - . . 177. great difference between the Indo-Spanish and Indo-"l tt • ,-- " T> . 1 .- 1- Herring .... 155 I'ortuguese population - ... -J » mines in, chiefly worked by slaves - . - Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 190. 1- „, r • ■ • • X .1 ..•**• r Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 191. climate or, is iniurious to the negro constitution -■; tt • „.«^ '' ^ 1^ Herring .... 2422. slaves employed in, are not anxious to return to theirl tt 1 t>- 1 . xj t j -.^r, own country j Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 192. slaves to be emploved in the mines are principally! -rr j d- t,* xt t 1 ,«« imported to Macahe - - - - - {j Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 196. no Indians are made slaves in Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 197. importation of machinery for making sugar has muchl tt j t>- w tt t i increased in. within the last two or th?ee years -J Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 206. demand for slaves has increased in consequence ofl tt j -n- -u^ tt t j the alteration of the English sugar duties - -) Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 207. British capital is em])loyed in mining - - . Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 210. effect of withdrawal of British squadron on the im-\ Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 291. portation of slaves into - - - . .J Herring .... 2404. 2411. the direction of affairs of, is, indircctlj-, much in theT tt j t>- n^ tt t j hands of foreigners - - - - . .j Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 215. GENERAL INDEX. 557 Gcaer^eads. I^t^^^ of ^vimess and Number of Question. Brazil, Portucjtuese resident capitalists have great influence r Hovvtlen, Right Hon. Lord - 2ly. with the government (^ Hesketh - - . 3i(i4. Portuguese resident capitalists reside principallv inT tt , „• , xr ■, , the large towns - - - - . . ./ Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 220. Portuguese resident capitalists are much disliked bv1 tt , i>. , tx t , native inhabitants •'.j- Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 227. inhabitants are not in dread of any successful insur-1 Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 235. 257. rection among the slaves J Cliffe, J. E., M.D. - - 2351. insurance companies are maintained in, by Portuguese Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 237. government of, would find great difficulty in nre-l ,r , r.- i x tt t , venting the importation of slaves- - - .| Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 243. a slave blockade of the ports of Rio and BahiawouldT tt , t.- i tt t , be extremely difficult ( Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 248. blockade of port of Rio would cause great confusion! tt i t.- i . tt t , throughout the country - - - . -J Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 252. abolition party in Howden, Riglit Hon. Lord - 202. English cruisers on the coast are unable to prevent") Slave Trade unless with the internal co-operation ■ Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 260. of the Brazilian Government ... .J proposition to make Slave Trade piracy by law - Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 266. a party in the Chambers is anxious to carry into effect! tt i t.- i . tt V i the Treaties contracted with European Powers -/ "o"''le>', R'gl't Hon. Lord - 209. vacancies in the Council of State are filled up by thel tt i t»- i ^ tt t i Sovereign - -J ^°"''l^"' ^'^1'' Hon. Lord - 278. territory of, is exceedingly rich in natural produc-1 tr i t>- i,» xx t i oo- tions, and of great extent - - - - .} Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 28.,. there is no apparent limit to the importation of slaves] into, until a panic arise in consequence of the in- ■ Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 289. creased numbers ..... .J _— system of signals to slavers on the coast is veryl jjowden, Right Hon. Lord - 301. perfect ..---...J > a r. ,. X- »i T> ■.• I, c- J • r Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 307. feeling respecting the British bquadron in - -■> nr.a-f, r j? M D - - "'^OO the Slave question is not much debated in the Chamberj H^^^en, Right Hon. Lord - 310. ot Brazil ""'J '& increase of population in, is slow .... Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 312. — slaves receive very little instruction ... Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 321. Mulatto population is springing up in - - - Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 325. black slave-owners in, are the most severe masters - Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 328. feeling of enmity to England in .... Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 333. explanation of powers given by treaty with, and"! l,^,^;, ton, Right Hon. S. - 1170. opinion respecting a breach of - - - - 1 b ' a interference with the importation of slaves into, wouldi jjotham Sir Chas. - - 1921. 1927. be a serious injury to the country ■ ■ -J ' effect of climate on white people - - - - Hotham, Sir Chas. - - 1964. government of, would be very glad to co-operate with"! jjotham. Sir Chas. - - 2 103. England in the suppression of Slave Irade - - ! . , . n , , , r Cliffe, J. K, M.D. - - 2160. rate of exchange in, fluctuates very much - -| jjgjpi„,r .... 0471. .... . ,., f Cliffe, J. E., M.D. - - 2191. proportion of the sexes of Africans imported into -< ijgfrj„„ black population has increased on the sea-coast, but~l Qjjg-g j_ £_ M.D. not in the interior J valueoflandin, is very small .... Clifte, J. E., M.D. - - 2222. r Cliffe J. E. M.D. - - 2229. large extent of land at present uncultivated - -| fjpr,.i'„,r' '. . . - 2437. extreme fertility of Cliffe, J. E., M.D. - - 2233. if slaves were cheaper, more land would be broughtl Chflc, J. E , M.D. - - -2dO. into cultivation -/ Herring - - - - 2439. the low price of sugar is a great check to the culti-| ^y^ff^^ j j7 ^ M.D. vation of new land - - ' " ," 'j ,^,-fl. ' t t- -vr n deficiency of capital among landowners for tlie pur-1 Cliffe, J. t.., 31. U. chase of slaves - -J Hesketh - 2415 - 2191. 2204 2278. .3215. a great number of slaves are employed in the mines! (Cliffe, J. E., M.D. - - 2282 mines are not as profitable as formerly - - ". ^HJl!' "J" jf ' Jf" d ." . otfi. land in, is much mortgaged ^^ Herring '. . . - 2406. system of payment for slaves in - - - - Cliffe, J. E., M.D. - - 2288. proportion of free labour in the mines compared with j jjgj.j.;^g .... 2382. slave labour is very small - - - - "J . " „„„. black population is estimated at four millions - - Herring ... - ... account of the German settlement of Petropohs ^-^ Hem^^^^^^ - - - " -*^.J- importation of merchandize is principally m the handsj Herring - - - _ -4^^^ of Englishmen - - - " „ , " ' '< '^"'^ ^ price of slaves in different parts of, does not varyl jjerring much --------J paper money to any amount is issued by the Govern-| Ug^jnj; ment -----•"' 'J 53. 4B2 2485. 2486. 558 GENERAL INDEX. Geueral Heads. B-AziL, precautions have at different times been taken by the! authorities in the interior against a rising ot the [, slaves, in consequence of reports of intended insur- / rections - - ",".","," 'A . a continual supply of fresh slaves is, under the present 1 system, necessary for the cultivation of the country) a plan for the immigration of Europeans to, on al lar"-e scale, was not allowed by the Government -J , inhabitants of, do not believe England to be sincere iul her endeavours to suppress Slave Trade - -J . a large anti-slavery party exists in - - - _ - opinion respecting the best means of suppressing\ Slave Trade in ,i ' i."-^ exportation of sugar from, has been gradually on the i increase from 1846 to the present time - -J principal part of Brazilian Slave Trade is confined to) the Portuguese possessions in Africa - - -/ amount of slave population between the years 18331 Name of Witness and Number of Question. and 1847 - annual decrease of slaves in Herring ... Hesketh - . - Hesketh ... Hesketh ... Hesketh . . - Hesketh - - . Hesketh ... Sprigg, Capt. Macqueen ... Macqueen . - - Denman, Capt., the Hon. Macqueen - - - Denman, Capt., the Hon. Macqueen - - - annual importation of slaves into . - - entire population of - an open Slave Trade would increase the demand fori Penman, Capt, the Hon slaves to cultivate land at present uncultivated -J treaty with England ------ Anti-slave Trade party in, has little influence - Denman, Capt., the Hon. Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 2490. - 315.3. - 3153. - 3174 - 3188. - 3197. - 3'20C. - 3654. - 37-22 - 3724. - 4491. - 3725. - 4491. - 3727. - 4492. - 4529. - 4547. Cliffe, J. E., M.D., Evidence of, was concerned in the Slave \ Trade prior to 1830 J comparison between the manner of conducting Slave] Trade prior to 1830 and the present time - -J of late years has been principally engaged in mining! operations - - - - - - - ■) per-centage of deaths of slaves on the middle passage^ prior to 1830, and at the present time - - -J motive for abandoning the Slave Trade - - - exertions of the English squadron to suppress Slave"! Trade, has raised the price of slaves in Brazil -J unhealthy nature of the African climate - - - possesses a large number of slaves - - - - opinion of tlie effect of withdrawing the squadron - CvBA, Slave Trade less prevalent in, than Brazil number of slaves imported into in 1848 - - - government of, act with good faith - . - price of slaves in, in 1847 and 1848 - - - greater number of slaves exported from the Gallinasl are sent to .--..- -J population of, at different periods - ' - slaves imported into, are principally from the North\ of the Line ------ -J D. Dahomey, King of, is very anxious to be placed under the\ protection of England - - - - -J amount of income derived by, from head-money for\ slaves --------J price of slaves has increased ----- I^'"S of' 's unable to protect his subjects entirely 1 from incursions of the neighbouring tribes - -/ treaty with, for the suppression of Slave Trade, has^ failed ' / King of, would suppress Slave Trade in his dominions,! compensation being made for his loss of revenue -/ amount of, expected by the King of - - - description of razzias made by the King of - no resistance made to ----- - extent of territory along the coast - - . - female army is employed in - description of - 2145. King of, is well affected to the English - King of, districts invaded by ... articles of commerce - - - - - King of, has offered sites for the erection of forts payment of troops --.... distribution of slaves taken by the King of - - - 2149. - - - 21G6. . - - 2169, . - - - 2210. . . - - 2214. . . - _ 2304, . . - - 2329. . - - 2348, Slavelev - - 2. Staveley - - 100. Staveley - - 115. Staveley - - 122. Hotham, Sir Chas. - 18S3. Macqueen - - - 3733 Macqueen - - ■ 0734, Landor 385. Winniett, Capt. - - 630. Landor - - 401. Landor - - 402. Landor - - 421. Winniett, Capt. - - 627. Winniett, Capt. - - 637. Winniett, Capt. - - 680. Winniett, Capt. - - 652. Winniett, Capt. - - 667. Winniett, Capt. - - 659. Winniett, Capt. - - 668. ■\Vinniett, Capt. - - 733. Winniett, Capt. - - 677. Winniett, Capt. - - C78. Winniett, Capt. - - 681. Winniett, Capt. - . 717. Winniett, Capt. - - 723. Winniett, Capt. - - 769. 692. GENERAL INDEX. 55» General Hea(is. Danish Settlements, situation of - - - . foroe employed by do not interfere in the suppression of Slave Trade Xame of Witness and Number of Question. Winniett, Capt. Winniett, Capt. Winniett, Capt. 730. 731. 704. E. >in lias treaties respecting suppression of Slave Trade"! with most naval powers in Europe, and some small ;■ Staveley . - . . states in South America ---..] proceedings taken by Government in consequence of} _ . violation of a treaty with a native power - -/ ^'^'''^'^y capital is employed in workinp; the mines of Brazil - Howden, Right Hon. Lord - withdrawal of cruisers from the Brazilian station is~| -_ , t> • i tt t i likely to increase the Slave Trade - - - / Howden, Right Hon. Lord - feeling of enmity to England in Brazil - - - Howden, Right Hon. Lord - • moral influence of the Government is very great on 1 the Coast of Africa ----- -J • King of Dahomey is anxious to be placed under thej Landor protection of l^ Winniett, Cajit. - • is well affected to the English - - - - Winniett, Cajit, - - advantages likely to accrue to, from correspondence"! ,,.„ „ t with Liberia - - - - - - _ .j Miller, Rev. J. - the Eno;lish nation is much respected by the inhabit- 1 „ i t> tt ^ - ' •' . . f Townsend, Rev. H. of, to bel suppress Slave J- Landor ants of Abbeokuta Brazilians do not believe the Government sincere in their endeavours to Trade - - - " ." " " ."J since the abolition of the Navigation Laws, there isT nothing to prevent an English ship from taking out ( a cargo of African goods, shipping foreign sailors, ( and embarking in the Slave Trade - - -J ExGLAND, Acts of Parliament of, 2 & 3 Vict. cap. 73, "I prescribes modes of dealing with vessels taken Hesketh Macqueen Staveley 29. 46. 210. 213. 333. 347. 385. 630. 677. 523. 9C3. :00G. 3174. 3779. without colours or papers - - - - -J SuuGAR Bill of 184G gave a great impulse to Slave") T^j-jcduccn Trade J 1_ . . Sugar Duties, alteration of, tends to increase the I Slave Trade - - - - - - ■ 1 exportation of sugar from Bahia and Pernam-] buco has gradually increased from 1846 to the pre- 1- Hesketh sent time --------J Bill of 184S gave a great impulse to Slave! ^^Jacq„een - Howden, Right Hon. Lord Lushington, Right Hon. S. Herring . . - Trade -/ 29. - 3850. 207. 1117. 2432. 3202. 3850. England, Naval Squadron of, on the Coast of Africa,| jjo^jgn. Right Hon. Lord feeling respecting, in Brazil - - - - ( 307. opinions of officers and others respecting the eflect of withdrawing the squadron steamers are far more efficient than sailing vessels — necessity of a steamer to communicate with the forts! on the coast . ^ . . inimber of steamers employed is insutticicnt - opinions of Chiefs at Abbeokuta respecting the is a "Teat check upon the Slave Trade - -J opinion s respecting the success of the squadron Stavelev - - - 117. Townsend, Rev. H. - - 1083. Lushington, Rigl It Hon. S. - 1158. Hotlrnm, Sir Chas. - - 2003. Clitte, J. E., M. D. - - a348. Pevton, Rev. T. - - 2575. Matson, Capt. - - - 2919. Chaloiier, Com. - - - 3274. Beacroft, Capt. - - - 3437. Hay, Com. • - - 3611. Sprigg, Capt. - - - 3087. /3774. 1^3885. Macqueen - - ■ ■ Lvsaght, Com. . - - 4183. Cluuls, Com. - - - 4293. Fishbournc, Com . - - 4346. Winniett, Capt. - - - 71C. Glover - - - 782. Holliam, Sir Chas. - - 2037. Chaloner, Com. - - - 3278. Chads, Com. - - - 4076. AViniiiett, Capt. - - - 740. Glover . - - 794. Townsend, Rev. H. - - 968. TowMsend, Rev H. - - 1033. Townsend, lU'V. H. - - 1101. Lushington, Hig ht Hon. S. - 1126. Hotham, Sir Chas. - - 1933. Sprigg, Capt. Lvsaght, Com. - - - 3l',8.J. 4190. 2928- 3536. 3787. 4200. ■)3- 4 '5 560 GENERAL INDEX. General Heads. Name of Witness and Number of Question. England, Naval SauADHON of, ou the Coast of Africa— co^i/inwec?. opinions respecting the cruising ground of the! ^^^y^g^^^^^ ^j^j^^ ^^^^^ g_ . , , ^ r ^- ■ ^\ ( Lushinston, Right Hon. S. opinions respecting the employment of natives m the J jjotham, Sir cSas. - hoats of - [ Butterfield, Capt. effect of the system of giving bounty to, for the j i^^g^ij^gton, Right Hon. S. capture of slavers - - - - - -J o-/-.i Ailmii-alty instructions to officer in command of - Hotham, Sir Chas. opinions respecting the adoption of any general! Hotham, Sir Chas. system of operations by i Denman, Capt, the Hon. twenty-one slavers taken by the " Styx," off Ambriz,| jj^jj^gj^^ gir Chas. - in six months - - - - - - -J means adopted by slavers to ascertain the position of] jjQ^jjan,, Sir Chas. the cruisers J r Hotham, Sir Chas. . extent of coast that could be guarded by a steam- J Lysaght, Com vessel "1 Denman, Capt., the Hon. Horton, Com mode of cruising adopted by Commanders Dixonj Hotham, Sir Chas, and Murray J opinion respecting the employment of a large number I Hotham, Sir Chas. of steamers by England as - - - - -J the withdrawal of, would be disadvantageous to thej Hotham, Sir Chas. clIVP UGtllGrS «««» — » —J opinions respecting the increase in the sufferings of| Hotham, Sir Chas. slaves consequent on the withdrawal of - -J Matson, Capt. greatest number of vessels at work on the coast atl Hotham, Sir Chas. one time during Sir Charles Hotham's command J coal stations for steamers on West Coast of Africa - accurate information of the positions of the cruisers isl Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Chads, Com. obtained by the captains of slavers ■- — a small squadron is necessary on the African Coast for the protection of British interests, even in the event of the blockade of the coast being relin- quished ..----.-J Hotham, Sir Chas. Matson, Capt. Butterfield, Capt. state of health of the crews of, on the African station / Sprigg, Capt. Adams, Capt. Symonds, Com. - Horton, Com. opinion respecting the effect of the withdrawal of, on [ ^gf^gj^^' ^'' ^^'^' the importation of slaves - - - - "[chads, Com'. "- - one effect of, has been to increase the price of slavesY „ . ^ in Brazil ------- -j o f Stokes - . - Matson, Capt. Fishbourne, Com. Denman, Capt., the Hon Matson, Capt. Chaloner, Com. - Butterfield, Capt. Beacroft, Capt. - system of cruising near shore more effective than at I ^^^' ™ present crowded state of slave vessels is not caused by a distance Adams, Capt. Symonds, Com. - Chads, Com. Fishbourne, Com. Trotter, Capt. Denman, Capt., the Hon. Matson, Capt. Matson, Capt. Beacroft, Capt. - stations of vessels for close cruising . - - the number and class of vessels at present composing f the, is very inefficient - . . - - 1_ a larger number of vessels are required at the present! , ^ x r t time than prior to 1846 - - - - _j"-a.n, p ..,,,. 1 f f Matson, Capt opinions respecting the disposal oi - - - - Loango to Little Fish Bay - - - - - f Butterfield, Capt. a dread of the combined Frencli and English] squadrons at one period deterred many dealers [■ Hay, Com. - from prosecuting the Slave Trade - - -J " Prometheus " effectually guarded the mouth of thel tt /-, Congo during 10 montjis / '*-^' ^°^- ' Sir Charles Hotham's orders to, differed much from) those of his predecessors - - . . .J many persons in England, connected with the West 1 Indies, are anxious for the removal of - - -J loss to foreign nations since 1808, in vessels taken by whale-boats are not calculated to carry guns or suffi-\ cient men to attack an armed slaver - - -J men-of-war's boats, generally, are unfit for landing! Svmonds Com through a surf ------ .j •' ' ' suggestions respecting a more serviceable description! gynjonj^ r< „ of boat for- - - - - - - -J^ >•, o. Sprigg, Capt. Macqueen - Macqueen - Adams, Capt. tenders would be very useful in assisting receiving-vessels for captured slaves would be off great use -..---- -\ a small steam power applied to some of the larger boats of, would be very useful - . - f Cliads, Com. ) Fishbourne, Com. " 1 Trotter, Capt. t Denman, Capt. the Hon. Adams, Capt. Chads, Com. Adams, Capt. Chads, Com. Fishbourne, Com. cruising at a distance from shore more effective than\ Lysa„],t c^m near ---------J-'''' withdrawal of the squadron would tend to lower thel pigJibourne Com price of slaves in Brazil, and increase it in Africa J ' suggestions for increasing the efficiency of j Fishbourne, Com. '\ Trotter, Capt. [_ Denman, Capt. the united opinion of several officers as to the requisite! number of, given to the Due de Broglie and Dr. [■ Lushington in 1845 ----- -J if withdrawn. Slave Trade woidd revive on the\ Guinea Coast J present rate of bounties for the capture of slayers officers of, are placed in a very iinproi)er position - in any expedition for the destruction of barracoons,") the officer commanding is liable in an action at law |- for losses caused by, to the slave-dealei-s - -J in-shore cruising is most effective on the South Coast,1 and at a distance in the Bights of Benin and I Horton, Com Biafra -- J Trotter, Capt. Trotter, Capt. Denman, Capt. the Denman, Capt. the Hon. Hon. Hon. Denman, Capt- the Hon. - 2910. - 1784. - 2949. - 1856. - 3316. - 2956. - 3693. - 3916. - 4017. 4026. - 4066. - 2971. - 3229. - 3243. - 3264. - 3349, - 3670. • 3591. - 3649. 3656. - 3846. - 3853. - 3946. - 4020. - 4038. - 4077. - 4321. - 4401. - 4576. - 3996. - 4081. • 3937. - 4083. 4128. - 4329. - 4152. 4182. - 4304. r 4320. 4329. "\4347. - 4400. - 4469. - 4390. - 4404. - 4479. - 4482. - 4521. 4590. FoRTsonthe African Coast are of great use in the suppres-l Landor - - sion of Slave Trade -J Townsend, Rev. H. ) Landor number of, requisite on |^ Winniett, Capt. - occasional visits of the Governor of the district to,| j^.^j^jp^ would be necessary J 53- 4B4 351. i)0]. 364. 709. 384. 502 General Heads. GENERAL INDEX. I Name of Witness and Number of Question ■ Forts on the AfricanCoast, expense of, to the Government j wimiktt, Capt. is very small extent of military force at Cape Coast Castle - force requisite to garrison the - [ Macdonald - Lander Lander Winniettj Capt. - 356. 694, : 1231. 415. 365. 697. 43. France, account of convention with Lushington, Right Hon. S. - 1108.1115. distinction between rielit of visit and right of search Lushington, Right Hon. S. - 1109. reasons for the cruiser's of, not being as effective as"! ^^.y ^on, Right Hon. S. - 1116. was expected ------ -j number of, is reduced ------ Lushington, Right Hon. S. - 1203. cruisers of, can only interfere with vessels carrying! jjotham, Sir Chas. - - 2074. tlie French colours, or those without any colours -J G. Gold Coast, system of judicial assessors, together with the\ establishment of forts on, is of great service - -J forts established on, have been the principal means of\ suppressing Slave Trade . - - - -J expense of, to the Government is very small - -■] the Delta of the Niger is the greatest mart of Slave f Trade J white men suffer much from the climate " " " | little difference in the effect of the climate betweent the higher and lower ground - - . -J occasional visits of the Governor of the district to the") different forts would be necessary - - -J Delta of the Niger is very unhealty ... jirice of slaves has increased on ... - articles of commerce ...... natives do not appreciate the arts and refinements of 1 civilized life ------ -J missionaries have established schools - . - extent of military force at Cape Coast Castle - " " "I H. force requisite to garrison forts on Landor . - . . 351. Townsend 1, Rev. H. . - 961. Landor - . - - 355. Winniett, Capt. - . - 714. Landor - - - - 35G. Winniett, Capt. - - - 694. 743, Landor - - - - 371. Landor - . _ - 376. Winniett, Capt. - - - 700. Landor - - - - 380. 434. Landor - - - - 384. Landor - - - - 370. 387. Landor - - - - 402. Landor - - - - 405. Landor - - - - 406. Landor . . - - 411. Landor - . - - 415. Landor - - - - 363. Winniett, Capt. - - - 697. HoTHAM, Sir Charles, K. C. B., Evidence of: peculiar difficulties of the Commander-in-chief of thel African station ------ -J preliminary steps taken by, on assuming the command opinion of, respecting parts of the Coast of Africa) where Slave Trade is principally carried on - -J measures adopted by, for the suppression of Slave") Trade j opinion respecting the feasibility of blockading the] Coast of Africa, and the sufficiency of the squadron > for so doing ------ -J the recommendations of a previous Commodore are in "I no way binding on his successor - - . -j opinion respecting the adoption of any general system"! by cruisers for suppression of Slave Trade - -J internal water communication between different points! on the Coast of Africa - - - . -J impossibility of preventing the embarkation of slaves,) excepting on the North Coast - - . -j cruising ground of the squadron - . - . means adopted by slave vessels to ascertain the posi-l tion of the cruisers ----- .j currents on the Coast of Africa are very strong, but) vary according to the prevailing wind - - -/ success of erecting forts on the Coast of Africa is de- ] pendent on the amount of commerce that could be J- brought to them - - - - - - -J the position of slave factories is sho^vn by flags hoisted) on the shore ...... .j opinion respecting the practicability of watching the) Congo - - - - . - - -j" number of captures made by the squadron during the) command of - - - - - . ' -J description of slave factories destroyed by greatest number of slaves liberated from the fac-) tories by--.--.-.!' 1697. 1707. 1710. r 1717. 1727. .1 1740. 1782. [ 1798. - 1731. 1731. ■( 1757. 1766, 1773. 1814. 1710. 1771. 2115. 1774. 1785, 1788. 1793. - 1799. 1822. 1852. 2070, 1856. 1874. 1875. 1890. GENERAL INDEX. S63 General Heads. HoTHAM, Sir Charles, K.C.B., Evidence oi—contiiiued. further measures adopted bj-, for the liberation ofl slaves, after having destroyed the depots - -J opinion respecting the employment of a large number] of steam-vessels by England, as affecting the sup- [• pression of the Slave Trade J interference witli the importation of slaves into Brazil"! would be a serious injury to the country - - j" opinion of the success of tlie squadron "- - . despatch to the Admiralty, dated Ascension, 5 De-1 cember 1848 J impossibility of suppressing Slave Trade without thel co-operation of the Brazilian Government - -J suggestions of grounds of a negotiation with the Bra-I zilian Government for the ultimate suppression ofl Slave Trade - .] opinion respecting the production of beneficial effects! by treaties with African chiefs for suppression of )■ Slave Trade J steam-vessels much more efficient than sailing-vessels") as cruisers -- -J — — ^ impossibility of suppressing Slave Trade by naval"! means on the West Coast of Africa - - -J gi-eatest number of cruisers actually at work on thel coast at one time during the command of - - j — a sum of secret service money placed at the disposal] of the Commander-in-Chief of the station, for the | purpose of obtaining information, would be of great [ use in suppressing Slave Trade - - - - 1 Brazilian Government would be very glad to co-ope-"| in the suppression of Slave state of health of the crews of men-of-war on the 1 African station / Name of Witness and Number of Question. rate with England Trade - ' - . . 1893. - - 1899. - - 1921. 1927 - - 1933. 20 IG - - 1940. - - 1955. , _ 1957. 1963 2029. 2037. 2039. 2041. 20oS. 210.?. 2118. Labour, European, chiefly employed in Rio Gi'ande - free, has decreased in Brazil ----- attending coffee is less irksome than sugar attending cotton is not severe - - - - - ___ — some free, is employed in the district of Para - system of, among the Egba tribe - - - - rate of payment for ....-- su])eriority of imported slaves over slaves born in the'\ country ------- -J proportion of free, compared with slave, in the Bra-| zilian mines, is very small - - - - -J slave, is preferable to free .... - Kroomen are particularly good labourers impossibility of free competing with slave Legitimate Trade has arisen in Liberia, in lieu of Slave"! Trade J effect of Slave Trade on - would be considerably injured if English cruisers were withdrawn from the coast - - - \ has increased in Badagry cannot co-exist with Slave Trade 53' of Sierra Leone is much in the hands of liberatedj Africans - - - - " ' ' j -"^ manufacture of ground-nut od lias much increased in the nei"-hbourhood of Sierra Leone - - -J su"-gestions for facilitating the prosecution of - - African chiefs would be willing to substitute, fori Slave Trade, if other means of supplying their wants were afforded them - - - ' (-, '^ 4 ^ Howden, Right Hon. Lord Howden, Right Hon. Lord Howden, Right Hon. Lord Howden, Right Hon. Lord Howden, Right Hon. Lord Townsend, Rev. H. Townsend, Rev. H. Lushington, Right Hon. S. Herring . . - Herring . . - Bcacroft, Capt. - Fishbourne, Com. Miller, Rev. J. - Winniett, Capt. - Townsend, Rev. H. Macdonald - - - Macdonald - Lushington, Right Hon. S. Dawson ... Beacroft, Capt. - Beacroft, Capt. - Macdonald - - - Hotham, Sir Chas. Peyton, Rev. T. - Matson, Ca])t. Beacroft, Capt. - INIacqueen - - - Macdonald - - - Hotham, Sir Chas. Stephens, Sir G. - Peyton, Rev. T. - Bcacroft, Cajit. - Fishbourue, Com., 143. l.->3. 174. 181. 185. 864. 92J^. 900. 1120. 2382. 2383. 2459. 3494. 4310. 431C. 461. 518. 685. 855. 1056. 1250. 877. 1158. 3113. 3437. 1090. 1232. 2032. 2573. 2930. 3404. 3798. 1297. 2035. 2518. 2581. 3501. 4344. 2129. 3512. gg^ ■ GENERAL INDEX. General Heads. Legitimate Trade, an improved condition of the natives has "I been consequent, in all cases, on the establishment ^ of missions and ------ -J value of African imports and exports, during 20"! years prior to 1787 ----- -J value of African imports and exports, in the yearsi 1808, 1S09, 1810 - - - _ - - -J , with Africa, is principally confined to Liverpool houses — _— where established, tends to keep out Slave Trade natives of Africa prefer Slave Trade to - has been substituted for Slave Trade in the River\ Bonny ----- - - -J great difficulty in keeping separate from Slave"! " Trade - - - - _ - - - -J the presence of British cruisers is advantageous to~i lawful traders ------ -J Name of Witness and Number of Question. Peyton, Rev. T. Stokes Stokes Dawson Dawson Dawson Dawson Dawson Macqueen Dawson papers stating the names of merchants engaged in the"! African trade, importation of palm-oil to Liverpool I in 1848, and exports from Liverpool to Africa, in ( 1845 -J opinion regarding the correctness of the conclusions come to by Mr. Jackson, as stated in a speech made by him in the House of Commons, respect- ins the trade in the neisrhbourhood of Fernando Po — ^— ^ is not so jirofitable as Slave Trade - - - - ■■ if once firmly and securely established, would destroy foreign Slave Trade -.----_ . European managers would be necessary to conduct, in Africa ------- Table, showing the amount of palm-oil imported intoT England from the Bonny, and estimate of probable I increase in consequence of suppression of slave ex- [ portation --------J Liberia, treaty with, -------- -^^^ origin of the colony ------ motives of founders of the colony - - - - — — — date of establishment of colony - - - - — — — amount and description of population, - - - — — — extent of territory ------- •^—^ a trade has arisen in place of Slave Trade ■ has had serious wars with the natives - - . — large amount of Slave Trade existed previous to the"| colonization of ------ -J ' cause of suppression of Slave Trade in - estimate of price given for land in - — — ^— revenue of ------- system adopted by, respecting the destruction of bar- racoons ------- clergymen of, are now coloured men present President of, is a coloured man - - - right of vote in ------- class of emigrants from America - - - - acclimating fever is almost universal among emi-"\ grants --------J unwillingness to settle in, among the African popu-l lation of America ----- .j prejudice is decreasing against colonization Colonization Society provide for emigrants on their\ arrival in- - - - - - - -j produce of -------- has no official connexion with the United States advantages likely to accrue to England from corre-\ spondencc with - - - - - - -J palm-oil trade is increasing ----- no systematic relations of trade have been establishedT witli the interior as yet - - - - -J expedition into a neighbouring territory, to recap-] ture men taken from the colony, has been success- '- ful - - . -] reasons for not cultivating the sugar-cane state of morality of the colony - - - - slave traders much fear the effects of such settlements! on their trade - - - - - . .(" emigration to, is checked, by the deficiency of funds] *" supply passage-money and to purchase ter- ;■ Dawson :} Fishbourne, Com. Staveley Miller, Rev. J. Miller, Rev. J. Miller, Rev. J. Miller, Rev. J. Miller, Rev. J. Miller, Rev. J. Miller, Rev. J. Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Miller, Rev. J. Rev. J, Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. Rev. J. to ntory Miller, Rev. J. - Miller, Rev. J. - Miller, Rev. J. - Miller, Rev. J. - Miller, Rev. J. - 2586. 2759. - 2760. - 3009. - 3018. - 3023. - 3077. - 3109. - 3771. - 3112. - 3142. - Beacroft, Capt. - - - 3421 Beacroft, Capt. - . Macqueen - - - 3466 - 3796 ■ Macqueen - - - 3811. - Macqueen - - - 3834 - 4300. - 49. - 442. 454. - 443. - 446. - 449. - 455. - 461. 518. - 463. - 468. - 471. - 474. - 475. - 477. - 481. - 482. - 487. - 488. - 496. - 502. - 513. - 514. - 515. 519, 538. - 522. - 623. - 524. - 534. - 537. - 540. - 551. - 553. - 55a, GENERAL INDEX. 5^^ General Heads. •„ , •_. , „ . Wame of Witness and Number of Question. Liberia, price given by, for land Miller, Rev. J. - . . 505 republic of, would he willing to enter into treaties fori ,r'ii t> suppression of Slave Trade ... .J Aliiler, Kev. J. - - . 568. extent of civilized coast - - . . _ Miller Rev. J, - . - •%-() conditions under whicli natives have joined the! ,,.„ ' t, J colony . -j- Miller, Rev, J. - - . 573. has been in treaty for the purchase of the Gallinas - Miller, Rev. J. . . . 577 total expense of Miller, Rev. J. . . . 58'>'. advantages possessed by, over other civilized settle-"! ^.„ x> t ments in Africa, for the suppression of Slave Trade/ "^"''^'■'"'^''•"^- " ' ' 584. tendency on the part of free people of colour to! ,,.„ -a emigrate to, at their own cost - - - .j- Muler, Kev. J. - . . 587. description of climate and soil .... Miller, Rev. J. . . . 595. very few white people resident in - - - - Miller, Rev. J. . . . 596 colonists, although having accumulated capital, show"! ,,.„ „ a strong disposition to remain - - - -/ ^'^^er, Rev. J. . . . 602. mechanics could earn high wages - - - . Miller, Rev. J. - - . 606. method of expelling Slave Trade from newly pur- "I ,^.„ „ ^ chased territory - - - . . .j Miller, Rev. J. . - - 611. — enumeration of towns in ..... Miller, Rev. J. ... 614. a great check has been given to Slave Trade by - Fishbourne, Com. - - 4361. M. Missions, the health of European missionaries is very muchj Miller, Rev. J. - - - 480. aflFected by the climate . . . . .(^ Angus, Rev. J. ... 1622. Liberian clergymen are now coloured men - - Miller, Rev. J. . . .481. practical effect of Slave Trade on . - - J Townsend, Rev. H. - . 997 '^ \^ Nicol .... 1521. — — — missionaries are much interfered with by slaved m jt> it -mn^ ,^-n I -^ Townsend, Rev. H. - - 1035. 10 j3. f Lushington, Right Hon. S.' - 1160. probable effect of the withdrawal of the squadron -< Angus, Rev. J. ... 1633. [ Dawson .... 3085. native Africans educated at the Church Missionary "f nijjifjg j? gv C F - - 14" " College, Islington ......j »••• the first Baptist mission in Africa was commenced^ Anp-u, npv J - . . 1619 . statement respecting the effect of, in improving tliel general condition of natives in the neighbourhood J- Angus, Rev. J. - . - 1639. of the stations ...... -J missionaries experience no difficulty in purchasing! A^^^jg ^tev J - • - 1640 land for the erection of schools, chapels, &c., from • r;j"]^g' Rev' j' ... I669! the native chiefs on the coast . . . . ) > • • Baptist Society have converts at Fernando Po and! dai.j^e Rev. J. - - - 1653. Bimbia .-.-..--J missionaries are well received by the chiefs of thel Isubu tribe, although none have as yet been con- J- Clarke, Rev. J. ... 1657. verted ........J an improved condition of the natives has been conse-l quent,inallcases,ontheestablishment of legitimate |- Peyton, Rev. T. . - . 2586. trade and --.-----J Missionary Stations, Badagry, English and Portuguese\ i^-Q^yngcj^ jiey. H. - - 1044. parties in -J effect of Slave Trade in, on missions - - - Townsend, Rev. H. . - 1053. condition of natives of Townsend, Rev. H. - - 1087. legitimate trade has increased in - - - - Townsend, Rev. 11. - - 1090. Missionary Stations, EGBA,Abbeokuta is capital of, distance! ,p^^j^gg^j^j^gyjj ^ , gjg_ of, from the coast J i w rr «.->. orio'in of Townsend, Rev. H. - - 924. popukdonof Townsend, Rev. H. - - 822. B of Townsend, Rev. H. - - 824. =1= form of government - Townsend Rev. H. - - H29. reasons for the formation of a law against Slave Trade lownsenil, Rev. H. - - 8. / . mode ofconductingShre Trade in - - - Townsend, Rev. H. - - 842. natives of, are very anxious for the suppression ofj Townsend, Rev. H. - - 860. Slave Trade J system of labour among j Townsend, Rev. H. - - 864.929. great demand for foreign commodities - - - Townsend, Rev. H. - - 872. traffic in slaves is at present the only mode of pro-| Xownsend, Rev. II. - - 876. curing , " "i '"I probable result of importing foreign goods to exchange 1 Townsend, Rev. U. - - 870. ,3^f^lnl nn rplntinns with white slave traders - Townsend, Rev. II. chief of, has no relations with white slave traders BB- SS}. 4C 2 566 GENERAL INDEX. General Headt. Name of Witness and Number of Question. Missionary Stations, Egba — continued. slaves could not be exported from, if treaties for tliei suppression of Slave Trade were made with the [ Kintr of Dahomey and the Chiefs of Lagos and Badagry -------- description of houses in Abbeokuta - - - rate of payment for labour in - , - - wars caused by Slave Trade in the Yoruba country - reception of natives who have returned to their own"] country from Sierra Leone, having been released ■ from slavery by English cruisers ' " "J .. — description of slaves in Abbeoliuta - - . . . — productions of the countr^^ - . - - . mode of transporting merchandise . - - - a great many inhabitants of Abbeokuta have been"! converted to Christianity . - - - -j inhabitants of, have a great respect for the English") nation --------j effect of the destruction of barracoons on the mindsl of the natives of Abbeokuta - - - - j climate of--------' natives of, would be willing to give up Slave Trade,"! if another source of profit was open to them - -J punishments for crimes inilicted by - - . — price of slaves at ------- -^— — opinion of natives of, respecting the means adopted"! by England to suppress Slave Trade • - -J civilization is Jikely to extend more quickly in thel neighbourhood of Abbeokuta than Sierra Leone -/ Portugal, possessions in Africa, produce of, and unmercan-l tt i r.- /-,i tile character of inhabitants - - - .j Hotham, Sir Chas. - - 1827, Commodore of squadron of, on the African station,"! „ .■• o- rv, has recently destroyed several barracoons - - / -'iO''ii™> ^^ir Chas. - - 1859, government of, might put down Slave Trade in their 1 „ , o- ^, possessions j -Hotham, Sir Chas. - - 1861, suppressionofSlaveTradeinpossessionsof, in Africa,! tt j, would be a great discouragement to it generally -/ ^ot"am, Sir Chas. - - 1869, extent of territory Macqueen - government of, is determined to suppress Slave Trade") , ,, in their African dominions - - - - .j J^lacqueen . - - s. Sierra Leone, reception of natives who have returned to i ™ , their own country from, having been released from '^ io^™send, Rev. H. slavei-v hv F.ntrisli .-riiicorc - ' - _ Peyton, Rev. T. - Townsend, Rev. H. - 889. Townsend, Rev. H. Townsend, Rev. H. Townsend, Rev. H. - 891. - 900. - 914. Townsend, Rev. H. Peyton, Rev. T. - - 919. - 2011. Townsend, Rev. H. Townsend, Rev. H. Townsend, Rev. H. - 933. - 939. - 950. Townsend, Rev. H. - 954. 1! Townsend, Rev. H. • - 963. lOOG. i Townsend, Rev. H. - 970. Townsend, Rev. H. - 973. Townsend, Rev. H. - 1007. Townsend, Rev. H. Townsend, Rev. H. - 10.37. - 1065. Townsend, Rev. H. - 1078. J Trotter, Capt. - 4399. ■ - 3826. - 3814. 3839. 919. 2611. 1293. 2554. 1297. 1344. 1300. 1301. slavery by Engis'h cruisers - ' - - . -J -l^eyton. Rev effect of climate on European constitutions - - Macdonald - - - - 1238. an anxiety to return to their own country is shown [ ^acdonald - - - - 1275. by many liberated Africans - -' - - 1 :^icol ----- 1470, L Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 'T664 method of dealing with liberated Africans on arrival! at 1 , , in the colony J --^lacdonald - . . . 1079, settlers are satisfied with their lot - - - -/ ^facdonald - - - . 1291. ,,.,.,, I Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 2732. state ot morals in the colony Peyton Rev. T. trade of, is much in the hands of liberated Africans Peyton' Rev', t". - Free Town contains 15,000 inhabitants - - - Peyton Rev T - police regulations of Peyton,' Rev! T. - description oftradem the colony - . - - Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 1311 articles exported from Pe3,ton, Rev. T. - - - 1315.' 2546 traders in the interior are occasionally attacked and") t. t» deprived of their goods by the natives - - -J ^^eyton. Rev. T number of inhabitants is between 40,000 and 50,000 Macdonald - there are no Roman Catholics in the colony - - Macdonald - - - - 1334. difference of character between liberated Africans f ^f.'''^'^""^''^' " " ■ " 1304.1335 and those born in the colony of coloured parents -1 °°' ^'^^^' . , ,. , , " l Maxwell - . . . 1602. present extent ot the colony - - . - . Macdonald - - . - 134^. further extension of, would be very advantao'eous *" J^^acdonald - - - . 1349. iiui- .,,. , ' "L Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 2597 would be ofusem checking Slave Trade - -Macdonald- - - . I354 reasons why an extension of territory would be de-1 ^, , ,, sirable - . . . - . . j- Macdonald - - - - 1358. considerable numbers of natives from the interior"! ,^ , , , nave settled in the colony - - - r Macdonald - . . . 1364. are all Mahometans 'J Macdonald - 1327. 1331. 1334. 1367 GENERAL INDEX. 567 General Heads. Name of Witness and Number of Question. SiEBRA Leone — conthmed. liberated Africans prefer living under British rule to"! Macdonald - - . - 1384. that of native chiefs - - - . . -J Jvicol ----- 1035. have, in one or two instances, become slave traders - Macdonald - - - - 1398. the system of trial by iury is adopted, as in thisT -.t i 1 1 country - - -' - " \ - .) Macdonald - - - - 1405. native Africans educated in the Church Missionarvi /-,i -i i -n ,-, t^ College, Islington _ -_ - - - - •-) ^l^l^^e. Rev. C. F. - - 14-!a. state of party feeling existing between different tribes^ Macdonald- - - . ]400. of liberated Africans in the colony - - -J Nicol 1478. — — — the English language is principally spoken by the) -y- i colonists ------ -.j native Africans are subject to the prevailing fever - Nicol ----- 1491. o;reat difference of relisioiis opinion in the colony - w> .' " t> " rn " " " «?. ,/ == o 1 I Peyton, Rev. 1 . - - - 2G40. description of Freetown ------ Nicol ----- 1041. manufacture of eround-nut oil has much increased in 1 tt ^i o- r<-\. nnn- ^, • , , ^ , \ Hotham, Sir Chas. - - 203o. the neighbourliooa ----- -j ' . flourishing state of the colony - - - - Peyton, Rev. T. - - - -2543. 2CC-2. nature of the soil ------- Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 0047. character of the colony-born children has much im-~l t, *„ t>„ m ,..„ ,-. , . ^ r■^ ^ •' f i^eyton, liev. 1. - - - J-j.jO. 2u4j. proved oi late years - - - - - . -j many official situations are occupied by persons born~l p . Ppv T - - . •■>5fio in the colony .--... -^ ^ ^ ""' ' trades and manufactures carried on in - - - Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 2569. establishment of similar settlements at different ports "( pgytgj, pg^ f . . . 0,575 would be very advantageous - - - -J •' ' ' ' — influence of, upon the surrounding districts, has tended"! pg„tj,„ jjgy t_ . . . 2583. much to promote trade . . . . -j ^ ' ' ' — large numbers of natives in the neighbourhood have") pgyj^^ j^gy^ -p. - - - 2592. joined the colony for the sake of protection --/■''*' .._ Slave Trade exists within 30 or 40 miles of the colony Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 2600. — natives are employed as schoolmasters and mistresses"! pg^t^^ j^gy_ t. - - - 2G34. — some of the colony-born population have amassed\ pgyjo^ Rev. T. - - - 2647. considerable sums of money by trade - - -J " ' ' ' — between 16,000 Z. and 20,000/. of gold exported in"! pg j^^ j^g^ rp _ _ . .-,(.--._ 1847 j- J- ' • • — general health of the colony at the present time - Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 2663. several European physicians in the colony - - Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 2682. style of living among the native merchants in -_ - Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 2684, liberated natives of the Yarraba tribe keep up inter-| pgyt^p^ Rgy_ t. - - - 2704. course with their own nation - - - "J ' ' fitness of character of liberated Africans to hold re-\ pgytp^ Rgy_ tp. - - - 2705. sponsible situations - - - - - -j population of ; - Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 0718. 2722. Mahometan natives generally adhere to their own") pgy{Q„^ j^gy_ t. - religion --------J state of morality among the Mahometan population - Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 2730 Slaves, number of, imported into Cuba in 1848 - - - Staveley - - - - 100. • accounts of the numbers imported are much exagge-\ gtaveley - . . . lOl. rated "■'•1^,.' -i^, r Staveley - - - - 120. reported massacre of 2,000 at Lagos IS untrue - -|_ Townsend, Rev. H. - - 1010. from the North of the Line are more intelligent thanj U(,^^.jg„^ Rt. Hon. Lord - 147. those from the Portuguese possessions - - "J ^^ , t.. tt t 1 ,-0 from Elmina are a particularly fine race of men - Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord - 148. those imported into San Paulo are brought chieflyl jjo^^jgn^ Rt. Hon. Lord - 163. from Rio and coastwise from the North - 'J ,, , -n tt t 1 ■,/.- great facilities for landing at Rio - - - - Howden, R . Hon. Lord - 6... at Rio are compelled to speak Portuguese - - Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord - 69. ' _ . r Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord - 1/0. great mortality among, in Brazil - - - "j_ Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 4491. very few females now imported into Brazil - - Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord - 177. when landed at Rio, are sent on at once to their des-| jjy^.jgn^ Rt. Hon. Lord - 106. tination "■"'"",". 1=! liable to seizure by British cruisers when sliipped Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord - 167. are coastwise .------') _-- Braz1u:nmin'es chi'efly worked by - - - - J-^-^ Jt Son S " lo" are uot anxious to return to their own country - _ - Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord - 19., those to be employed in the Brazilian mines are prin- j Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord - 196 pally imported to jNIacahe - - - " , .'i frequently have a feeling of attachment to theirj Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord - 034 masters "■''""""■1 demand for, has increased in Brazil, in consequence 1 Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord - 274 of the increased demand for sugar in England -J children imported as, into Brazil, are sold for domestic! Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord purposes and apprentices to trades - - "J 53- ^ "" 2 277. 568 GENERAL INDEX. General Heads. Slaves, no apparent limit to the importation of, into Brazil,"! until a panic arise in consequence of the increased > numbers - - - " " ■ ""J insurrections of, have been very formidable at Babia ^-_— receive very little instruction in Brazil - . - . . black men are much the most severe masters - -| time occupied in the embarkation of - - -> . . destruction of barracoons would not interfere with the\ embarkation of - - - - - 7 '} could not be exported from Abbeokuta if treaties for") the suppression of Slave Trade were made with the [ King of Dahomey and the Chiefs of Lagos and j' Badagry ------- -J description of slaves in Abbeokuta - - - - opinion respecting an increase in the number of, ex-T ported from the Coast of Africa - - - -j for exportation are brought principally from the in-1 terior ....... -j Name of Witness and Number of Question, manner of collecting an anxiety to return to their own country is shown by account of the capture of two of the Bomou tribe,! afterwards liberated by a British cruiser - -J impossibility of preventing the embarkation of - greater part of, exported from the Gallinas are sent"l to Cuba ------- -J interference with the importation of slaves into\ Brazil would be a serious injury to the country -J on parts of the coast where there is a surf, are em-1 barked by means of canoes and catamarans -/ . — merchandize intended for the purchase of, is chiefly] imported into Africa from Brazil, in vessels bear- '■ ing the Sardinian or other neutral flag - -J per-centage of deaths of - opinion respecting the probable effect of withdrawing"! the English squadron on the importation of -J a great number are employed in the mines of Brazil system of payment for, in Brazil - - - - — ■ • brought from the East Coast of Africa are a fine race • black population of Brazil is estimated at 4,000,000 possibility of marching for 420 miles along the coast, "l although subject to many interruptions - -J difficulty of transferring from one station on the coastl to another ------ -j" may be embarked at innumerable places in the neigh-"! bourhood of Loango - - - - - 1 importation of, into Brazil, does not so much depend\ on the demand as on the vigilance of the cruisers J would probably not be so much crowded on the mid-"! die passage, if not interfered with by British [■ cruisers -----..-J facilities of embarking, at different points between"^ Cape Lopez and St. Paul de Loando - - -J can be embarked by means of native canoes, notwith- ) standing the surf . - - - . . | surf on the South Coast of Africa is a great hindrance"! to the embarkation of . . . . .j — amount of slave population of Brazil between the"! years 1833 and 1847 j annual decrease of, in Brazil ----- annual importation of, into Brazil - - - -J those imported into Cuba are principally from places t to the North of the Line - - - - - j number of, exported from Africa at different periods great distances carried previous to embarkation ■ a regulated trade in, woidd not be practicable • facilities of moving from point to point are much") overrated - - - - . - - .f number exported from Africa is much diminished"! since 1821 j Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord Howden, Rt. Hon. Lord Cliffe, J. E., M. D. - Winniett, Capt. - Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Townsend, Rev. H. Townsend, Rev. H. Townsend, Rev. H. Macdonald Cliffe, J. E.,M.D. Townsend, Rev. H. Macdonald Cliffe, J. E., M.D. Macdonald Nicol Maxwell Maxwell Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Hotham, Sir Chas. Beacroft, Capt. Hay, Com. Hay, Com. - - - Adams, Capt. Chads, Com. Sprigg, Capt. Macqueen - - - Macqueen - - - Denman, Capt., the Hon. Macqueen - - - Denman, Capt., the Hon. Macqueen - - - Macqueen - - - Macqueen - - - Fishbourne, Com. Denman, Capt, the Hon. Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 289. - 296. - 321. - 328. - 2187. - 752. - 1811. - 753. 889. 933 1071. 1263. 2177. 842. 1271. 2180. 127.5. 1470. 1574. 1565. 1774, 1883. j" 1921. 1927. '1^ 1959. 2049. - 2066. Cliff-e, J. E., M.D. • - 2169 Cliffe, J. E., M.D. - 2219 Cliffe, J. E., M.D. Cliffe, J. E., M.D. • Cliff-e, J. E., M.D. - 2282 - 2288 - 2312 Herring - 2387 Matson, Capt. - 2804 Matson, Capt. - 2814 Matson, Capt. - 2945 Hesketh - - 3220 - 3473. 3550. - 3631. - 3634. - 3922. - 4074. - 3700. - 3722. - 3724. - 4491. - 3725. - 4491. - 3734. - 3735. - 3824. - 4313. - 4485. - 4532. GENERAL INDEX. 5g^ General Heads. '^=""= of Witness and Number of Question. Slaves, mortality among, is less than prior to the abolition of! T^ Slave Trade by England J Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 4534. general price of, at Rio and Bahia has decreased f Staveley - . . - lio. vanes very much at Rio ^ S^,' S S^n! S l f.J' in Brazil and Cuba in 1847-8 .... Staveley - - . . io.> at Dahomey has increased T Laiulor - - . . 402. t A 1 1 1 ^ 1 T. , I Winniett, Cant. ... g.'Jo" atAbbeokutaandBadagry IWnsend, Rev. H. - -So pn^ie coast of Africa - Hotham, Sir Chas. - . 9,5" in Brazil at the present time Ciiffe, J.' £., M.D. . . oiJo* IS raised by the exertions of the English cruisers tol Cliffc, J. E., M.D. . . 0014 suppress Slave Trade - J Herring - . . . ^J. ^ ,n Brazil ,n 1800 _- H„rin| .... .^'go variations in the, m Brazil, between 1830 and thel „ • " present time - - . . . . .( Herring in the interior of Africa Macqueen - treatment of, at Rio is good Lord Howden - . . u', at Abbeokuta, previous to sale .... Townsend, Rev. H. - . 849 in Brazil, frenerally, is o-ood / Howdeii, Right Hon. Lord - 254. . p, . , " , 1 Ciiffe, J. K, M.D. . - .2.3.-U in Cuba is occasionally very cruel .... Ciiffe ,T. E. M.D. . on the coast of Africa' Ciiffe,' J.' E.,' M.D. description of, on board a slave vessel - . - Auijustino . withdrawal of the British Squadron from the Coast] of Africa would tend to lower the price of, in Brazil, ' and increase it in Africa - ... .J sufferings of, on board a captured slaver brought intoi tt , ■.,.,,, Bahia ■ - - - . . . . j Howden, Right Hon. Lord - opinions respecting the increase of, on the middle"! t i • „. , „ passage | Lushington, Right Hon. S. - IIG7. r Maxwell . - - - I;>71. description of, on board a slave vessel - - . ' Augustino - - . . 2357' I Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 44I;5. opinion respecting the increase of, if the Squadron [ Gotham, Sir Chas. - . 2005. were withdrawn - .1 Herring - - - .2411. I Beacrolt, Capt. ... 3548. 2163. 246G. 3825. 179. 2335. •2339. 2357. Fishbouriic, Com. . . 4304. >14. much increased since 1830 Ciiffe, J. E., M.D. occasionally are great, from want of food in the bar-") r-,,-rr t x-, ,, t, racoons / C^'^*^' J- ^■> ^.D. . - 2314. when exposed to cold are very great ... Ciiffe, J. E., M.D. - - 2318. cruelties to slaves are much exaggerated in publica-T z-,,.^ t -,-,,, , tions on that subject - - - - - .j Ciiffe, J. E., M.D. - - 2343. sufferings of; crowded state of slave vessels previous \ (j , to the abolition of slavery by England - . .jftoJces .... 07.5,5. — — sufferings prior to embarkation .... Stokes .... 2702. are increased by crowding on board the slavers, in] y , ^ consequence of the presence of the English Squa- . i:P'*8'"^, '-'°™- " ' " 4193.4014. dron . - . ' . . - - - -i ^''"'^^' ^' 4259. crowded state of slave vessels previous to 1830 . Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 4411. Slave Trade, foundation of present arrangements for the"! ^ , suppression of ------ -J y • - • - 1. most prevalent in Brazil. ..... Staveley . - . .2. is declared piracy by United States law ... Staveley .... 28. Portuguese have some cruisers actively engaged in"! ^ , suppression ...-.-.j'- y----o. United States vessels are much employed in assisting Staveley .... 3:5. principal stations of, on West Coast of Africa (Pa- J ^^"^ ^v ... "^^* per No. 4, in Appendix (F.) ) . . - -| Hotham, Sir Chas. - . J^^||- 1710. )S52. a communication with reference to, is expected from") jj(j{],a„, g;^ Qjj^g . _ q„ ter .... .J ' .--... would be much increased, in the opinion of several officers and others, if the British Spuadron should < be withdrawn - .... the Brazilian Minister Denman, Capt, the Hon. . 449J. Slaveley - - - .117. Townsend, licv. H. . - 1083. Lushington, ]{ight Hon. S. - 1158. Ilf!3. ll;iy, Coin. - - - - 3011. Sprigg, Capt. ... 3087. Macqueen .... 3885. Lysaght, Coin. ... 4227. price of slaves at Rio and Bahia has decreased - Staveley - - . - 110. prices of, in Brazil and Cuba in 1847 and 1848 - Staveley .... 122. has sprung up, within the last few years, in the pro-| jiowdcn. Right Hon. Lord - 150. vince of Rio Grande . - - - - -J is likely to be increased by the withdrawal of British 1 jjo^j^,,^ rj j.^ Hon. Lord - 213. cruisers from the Brazilian station - - "J proposition to make piracy by the Brazilian law - Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 203. 53- 4 c 4 5-0 GENERAL INDEX. ^ , TT J Name of Witness and Number of Question-. OeQCiiii rieads. ^ Slave Trade, feeling in favour of, is stronger in Rio than else-| Howden, Right Hon. Lord - 271. where in Brazd i' • , "t i. carried on in Brazil both by companies and mdi-l jjo^vden, Right Hon. Lord - 281. viduals ------- -J . (Iocs not exist between Accra and Dixcove - - Landor - . . . 342. Delta of the Niger is the greatest mart of the Slavel -^.^^^^^ 07, Trade J ,. , , , e .. • *i I Landor - . . . .355. forts established on the coast are of great use in thej ^^.j^^^j^jj^ ^^^^^_ _ _ ^j^-^^^ suppression of [ Beacroft, Capt. - - - 3.516. no reason why Slave and Palm-oil Trade cannot be \ £3^,^^^^ . _ _ .396 carried on together ----- -J legitimate trade is springing up in Liberia in place! ]y[iiier Rev. J. - - - 461. of -------- -J >•• large amount of, existed in Liberia previous to the| ]yj;]|g^ -j^^^ J. . . - 468. establishment of tlie colony -,-"■-/.'"' cause of suppression of, in Liberia - - - - Miller, Rev. J. ... 472. American estimate of extent of West Coast of Africa,! Miller Rev. J. - - - 562. where carried on ----- -J Liberia would be willing to enter into treaties for thel jjjjjg^ jjg^ J . . . 568 suppression of ------ -J ; • • when stopped at one particular point, has frequently"! jjjjjgj. jj^^, j . . . 559 re-appeared at others ------ f » • • treaty with the King of Dahomey, for the suppres-j ^,Yi^^^■^^^ Capt. - - - 62T. 727. sion of, has lailed ----- -j i King of Dahomey would be willing to suppress, com-! ,yjj^^j(. _ . . ^3.^ peiisation being made lor his loss ot revenue -J '■ sum expected by King of Dahomey as compensation Winniett, Capt. - - - 680. r Winniett, Capt. - - . 685. effect of, on legitimate trade Townsend, Rev. H. - - 855. [ Macdonald . - - 1250. strict blockade of Bight of Benin would tend much! ^-.r- , • ,. p. ^ ^„,, , . f'p (■ >> inniett, l./apt. - - - 709. to the suppression ot ----- -J ' Danish forts on the coast do not interfere in the sup-! Winniett Cant - . - -f 4 pression of --------J '!• settlements of liberated Africans, formed at the slave! pifvpr - - - - •-«- stations, would assist in the suppression of - -J mode of conducting, among the Egba tribe - - Townsend, Rev. H. - - 842. natives of the Egba country are very anxious for the! Townsend Rev. H. - - 860. suppression of ------ -J ->•• white dealers are the main cause of, in Africa - - Townsend, Rev. H. - - 861. is the only mode at present by which the Egba! ^^^.^^^g, j^^^^ jj_ _ _ g^. natives can procure foreign articles - - -J if unobstructed by English cruisers, would destroy! townsend, Rev. H. - - 877. all other trade ------ -J wars caused by, in the Yoruba country - - - Townsend, Rev. H. - - 914. ,.,„.' J, . . ' f Townsend, Rev. H. - - 997. practical effect 01, on missions " " * " Ninnl - - - - - Vi effect of, on cultiv.ition among the Egbas - - Townsend, Rev. H. - - 879. 1028. is much checked by the Squadron - - - - Townsend, Rev. H. - - 1033. opinion of natives of Abbeokuta respecting the means! townsend, Rev. H. - - 1 078. adopted by Jbngland to suppress - - - -J is increased by the passing of the Sugar Duties Act! j^,,^^,^^^ rj j^j Hon. S. - 1117. in 1840 -.---.--J o'» suggestions for the punishment of persons captured j when engaged in, being subjects of a power in [■ Lushington, Right Hon. S. - 1177. treaty with England for tlie suppression of - -J is not considered piracy b)- international law - - Lushington, Right Hon. S. - 1200. description of ground constituting favourable posi-! Macdonald - - - - 1221. t ion for j Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 4511. f Macdonald - - - 1228. 2125. effect of the suppression of, in one place - - --^ jioth^ra, Sir Chas. - - 1 ^^ V' l^^^* [_ ^ 1869. Macdonald - - - - 1232. Hotham, Sir Chas. - - 2032. legitimate trade and, cannot co-exist - - J ^El^^u' '- "- I llli. Beacroft, Capt. - - - 3404. (_ Macqueen - - - - 3798. extension of the colony of Sierra Leone would act as! -it 1 1 1 -.n-. a check on - / Macdonald - - - - Ua4. . r Nicol 1504. IS the main hindrance to the civilization of Africa -i Peyton, Rev. T. - - - 2614. [ Macqueen - - - - 3801. has recently broken|out in the River Benin - - Hotham, Sir Chas. - - 1711. GENERAL INDEX. General Heads. 571 Name of Witness and Number of Question. Slave Trade, state of, from the Soutli of the (^ono-o to Little! Fish Bay, is very active - - ." . r would be, generally, much discouraKed if in the Portuguese possessions suppressed\ J opinion respecting the employment of a large number! _ ot steamers, by England, as a preventive squadron J impossibility of suppression, without the co-operation1 of the Brazilian Government - - . .j" Suggestions of grounds of a negotiation with the Bra-1 zilian Government for the ultimate suppression of / opinions respecting the possibility of suppressino- by naval means, on West Coast of Africa -" 1 53. — opinion of the advantage of subjecting persons found [ engaged in Slave Trade to personal penalties -') — goods intended for the purchase of slaves are! chiefly imported into Africa, from Brazil, in '- vessels bearing the Sardinian or other neutral flag J — comparison between the manner of conductin"- tlie,"l prior to 1830 and the present time - - -J — a sum of money placed at the disposal of the Com-] mander-in-chief of the Squadron, would be of great [■ use in obtaining information - - . .J — exists within 30 or 40 miles of the colony of Sierra^l Leone j — points on the West Coast of Africa, to the North of I the Line, where carried on between the years 1839 I and 1842 J — extent of West Coast of Africa, where carried on -! — is more remunerative to the Brazilian than theCubanI merchant - - - - - - - -J — opinions respecting the policy of legalizing, for a) certain term of years J — an opinion that England is not in earnest in her en-1 deavours to suppress, is very prevalent in Brazil > and Africa --..-. -J — principal stations of, on the South Coast, in 1842 — the efforts of England to suppress, would be much"] assisted by the sincere co-operation of the Por- J- tugucse Government J — is more profitable than legitimate trade - - - j — goods to be employed in bartering for slaves, have in"! some instances been purchased direct from English |. vessels .--.----J — if suppressed at any points on the West Coast, would"! be very likely to re-appear on the eastern - -J — a fear of the combined French and English squadrons,] at one period, deterred many dealers from prose- > cuting the - - - - - - - -j — legitimate trade and, are in some places carried on\ together ------- -J — principal part of the Brazilian, is confined to the) Portuguese territories in Africa - - - -J — estimated profit of a slave adventure — question of immigration from Africa lias given a\ great impulse to the ----- -j — alteration of the English sugar duties in 1846 gave a\ great impulse to - - - - - ■ I — resolution respecting, passed by the Spanish Cortes - — a regulated Slave Trad'^ would not be practicable - _ if legalized, uould incrtase the demand tor slaves in\ Brazil to cultivate land at present uncultivated - j — is much iliminished since 1821 . . . - — as large a squadron would be required to enforce the | conditions of a legalized trade as to suppress Slave Trade - - - " " " ",, ,'J — if treated as piracy by the law of nations, would be suppressed ■, ■ ■> '^ — subjects of a foreign country taken engaged in slave] trading could not be dealt with as pirates by Eng- ( land imless a treaty to that effect had been pre- j viously entered into "■""","< — if suppressed on the West Coast, would be attempted \ on the Eastern r^ ' 4 D Hotham, Sir Chas. - 1857. Hotham, Sir Chas. - 1869. Hotham, Sir Chas. - 1899. Hotham, Sir Clias. - 1955. Hotham, Sir Chas. - 1957. Hotham, Sir Chas, Matson, Capt. Hay, Com. - 2039. - 2810. - 3o09. 2901 Macqueen - Hotham, Sir Chas. Macdonald Hortoii, Cora. - 3884. - 2095. - 2129. - 464C. 4660 Hotham, Sir Chas. Cliff"e, J. E., M.D. Hotham, Sir Chas. Fishbourne, Com. Peyton, Rev. T. - Hay, Com. 2066. 2149. 205S. 4303. 2600. Matson, Capt. - 2778. Matson, Capt. Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 2828. - 4453. Matson, Capt. - 2846. Matson, Capt. - 2933. Matson, Capt. - 2938. Butterfield, Capt. - 3291. Butterfield, Capt. Sj)rigg, Capt. - 3371. - 3707. Beacroft, Capt. - Macqueen . - - - 3466. - 3795. Beacroft, Capt. - - 3481. Beacroft, Capt. - - 3520. Hay, Com. - 3670. 360S. Sprigg, Capt. - - 3054. Macqueen - - - 3792. Macqueen - - - 3839. Macqueen - - - 3850. Macqueen - Fishbourne, Cora. - 3852. - 4313. Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 4492. Denman, Capt.» the Hon. - 4532. Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 4538. j Denman, Capt.. the Hon. - 4539. Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 4561. Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 4573. 572 GENERAL INDEX. Name of Witness and Number of Questioa- General Heads. Slavin-g Vessels, those employed at present in the Brazilian! gjg^^gj . . . . trade are larger and better sailers than lormerly -J an increased number of steamers is employed in the| gt^veley - - - . Brazilian trade J ^^ , „. , tt t , attempted re-capture of, at Bahia - - - - Howden, Right Hon. Lord - estimate of the cost and profits of a - - - - Howden, Right Hon. Lord - not many built in Africa Howden, Right Hon. Lord - system of shore signals with, on Brazilian coast, isj jj^^den, Right Hon. Lord - very perfect ..---- -J steamers are built at Rio for the purpose of - - Howden, Right Hon, Lord - , , . , f Winniett, Capt. - - - time occupied by, in embarking slaves - - - j^ Hothara, Sir Chas. - description of treatment of slaves on board - - Maxwell - - - - o]^ taken by the " Styx," in six months, off Ambriz Hotham, Sir Chas. means of ascertaining the position of cruisers - - Hotham, Sir Chas. come on the coast ready to take slaves on board - Hotham, Sir Chas. losses incurred by seizure of, are met by the insurancej jj^fij^^ gj, Qja,s. companies --------J slaves are put on board, on parts of the coast where"! JJ^^^ gjj. ^jj^^^ there is a surf, by means of canoes and catamaransj accurate information of the positions of the cruisers! jj^tjjg^nj gj,. Qi^g^^^ is obtained by captains of slavers - - - -J ' ^ plan of proceeding of, on arrival on the coast - - Hotham, Sir Chas. merchandize intended for the purchase ofslaves is"! chiefly imported into Africa from Brazil in vessels > Hotham, Sir Chas. bearing the Sardinian or other neutral flag - -J description of manner of stowing and general treat-\ ^^o-ugfj^o . ment of slaves on board - - - - -J ° crowded state of, was as great before the abolition of] gj^j-gg slavery by England as since - - - - - j C Matson, Capt. treatment of the captains and crews of, when taken J Sprigg, Capt. at the present time I Chads, Com. L Fishbourne, Com. • treatment of the captains and crews of, when taken,) Butterfield, Capt. previous to 1844 / Adams, Capt. . would probably not be so much crowded, if not inter-1 Beacroft Cant fercd with by British cruisers ... -J > I • suggestions for the treatment of the captains andl gprig-n- Cant crews of / ^ °^' ' punishment inflicted on the crews of, when taken - Sprigg, Capt. loss to foreign nations in, since 1808, taken by Britishl ]\£acnueen cruisers ....--- -j average value of _ - - Macqueen - voyag-e from the Havana is often of six months'^ ]yjn(.Q„een duration ..-..-- j ' previous to 1835, the cargoes carried out by, werel i>, />, 111 ^ iYLacQue* often very valuable - - - - - 'j _ een opinions respecting the value of information obtained y i* n ~ ^r y °j c ^ Lvsaght, Com. irom masters and crews oi - - - - - -rV r^ j. *i, tt„ [^ Denman, Capt., the Hon. plan for employing some of the fastest sailers, when ) Lysaght, Com. - taken, to assist the squadron - - - -\ Horton, Com. - - crowded state of, previous to 1830 - - . - Denman, Capt., the Hon. present rate of bounties for the capture of - - Denman, Capt., the Hon. better vessels are employed at the present time than\ p. C t ihp TTo formerly -...----j > V •' crews of, when captured, much dread being landed^ ti f ("i m at or near a Portuguese station ... -J ' * capture of one of 38 tons, containing 214 slaves - Horton, Com. great mortality among the crews of, when put onl tt (. n shore on the coast of Africa j- Horton, t.om. - 86. 89. 214. - 245. - 249. - 301. - 302. - 752. - 1811. - 1571. - 1787. - 1793. - 1808. - 1819. - 2049. - 2080. - 2062. - 2066. - 2357. - 2753. - 2975. - 367 4. - 4097. - 4353. - 3378. - 3964. ■ 3473. - 3673. - 3710. - 3853. - 3854. - 3872. . 3875. 3881. - 4097. - 4158. - 4488. / End of Evi- (^ dence. - 4647. - 4411. - 4479. - 4536. - 4633. - 4637. - 4664. T. TowNSEND, Reverend H., Evidence of: Abbeokuta, account of - ..---.--..- 816. Slave Trade among the Egba Tribe ....-..-. 826. House built by, at Abbeokuta ..-.. 898. Opinion of, respecting the withdrawal of cruisers ------- 1083. Treaties with Foreign Powers respecting Slave Tradinsr,"! o, i List of ^Appendix (F.) Paper No? 1) - - ".j" Staveley - . - . 2. GENERAL INDEX. *78 General Heids. Name of Witness and Number of QuestiQEU Treaties with Foreign Powers respecting Slave Trading— con Staveley ment with reference to the convention of 1845, ^..v* ■ reply to-------.] with France, of 1845, prescribes the number of vessels! c^ , to be employed / '*"aveley with the United States in 1842, stipulations of - Staveley Great Britain has concluded, respecting suppression] of the Slave Trade with most naval powers in I Staveley Europe, and some smaller States in Soutli AmericaJ Act of 2 & 3 Vict. c. 73, prescribes mode of dealing! « , with ships taken without colours or papers - -/ '''*^^'*y ■ — ■ have been made with the native chiefs on the WestT „. i Coast of Africa j Staveley nature of rights given by native treaties - - . Staveley forms of native treaties (see Paper No 2, Appendix"! ctn„pip„ extent of coast, as far as can be given, affected by - Staveley — — — have been generally well observed - - - - Staveley proceedings taken by British Government in conse-\ quence of violation of - - - - - -J give power of destroying barracoons - . . — — — with Liberian Republic ------ — — important one has been concluded with Chiefs of\ River Bonny ...... -j are negotiated by naval officers on the station - Dahomey is the only power still refusing to conclude a communication with reference to, concerning Slave"! gjavelev Trade, is expected from the Brazilian Minister -J there is a party in the Brazilian Chambers anxious to"] carry into effect those contracted with European > Howden, Right Hon. Lord - Powers - - - - - - ' . '' Republic of Liberia would be willing to enter into,\ njiHg^ Rgy. J. . . . for the suppression of Slave Trade - - ■/ with King of Dahomey for the suppression of Slave"! wjnnjett, Capt. - - - Trade has failed - - - - - -J explanation of powers given by, with Brazil, and"! Lushington, Right Hon. S. - opinion respecting breach of - - _ - -J opinion respecting the production of beneficial eflfects"! by, with African Chiefs, for suppression of Slave ^ Hotham, Sir. Chas. Trade - - - - - - " . "J . opinion respecting utility of, and sugestions of stipu- lations to be made in, with African Chiefs, for the suppression of Slave Trade natives of Africa are generally willing to contractl j^j^^g^Q treaties for suppressing Slave Trade - - -J chiefs of Old Calabar, Bimbia and Bonny have] adhered to the provisions of, entered into with [- Beacroft, Capt England - - - - Staveley Staveley Staveley Staveley Staveley Staveley 3. 7. 15. 4. 12. - 16. - 19. - 24. - 29. - 29. - 36. - 41. - 43. - 44. - 45. - 46. - 49. - 49. - 53. - 60. - 72. - 93. 269. Macdonald ■i with Brazil Denman, Capt., the Hon. - 568. - 627. 727. - 1173. - 2029. - 2124.2131. - 3095. - 3409. - 4520. u. over vessels o '5 United States' Cruisers have no power foreign countries . - , Slave Trade declared Piracy by law, but only applies I to their own citizens - - - " . '« i S vessels much employed in assisting m spite ot the 1 Treaty - J representation made by British Government respect-1 ino- the use of American vessels for slaving purposes, an"d suggesting the making such practices penal -J class of einmigrants from, to Liberia Abolition jiarty in, is unfriendly to Liberia 53- Staveley Staveley Staveley Staveley Miller, Rev. J. Miller, Rev. J. 25. 28. 33. 84. 488. 506. 574 GENERAL INDEX. Gfiwral HmiU. Name of Witness and Number of QuestioB. United States has no official connexion with Liberia - - Miller, Rev. J, - . . 522. estimate of length West Coast of Africa where Slave "1 jyjjjigj. jjg^,_ j. . . . ggo Trade is carried on ----- -) > • • squadron of seldom interfere in the suppression of 1 jj^t^am, Sir Chas. - - 2083. Slave Trade - -J black population has increased very rapidly in somel of the Slave States, where the sexes are nearly J- Cliffe, J. E., M.D. - - 2198. equal ...-.---J . slaves in, now amount to 3,000,000 ... Macqueen .... 3741. extreme sevi defeats its erity of the law of, against Slave Trade,| j^^ ^^^ jj^^_ _ i own end ----- -j y r 7 w. West India Colonies, impossibility of competing with Bra-T zil and Cuba, in the production of sugar, &c., if the I t i,- . -d- i.» tt c British Squadron were withdrawn from the Coast L"sh">gton, Right Hon. S. - 1161. of Africa --------J Whydah, distance of, from Dahomey - - . . Winniett, Capt. - - . 632. is a great mart of the Slave Trade ... Winniett, Capt. - - . 634. King of Dahomey is very anxious for the re-eBtablish-j y^■^^■^^^ Capt. - - - 631. ment of the Fort of ----- -J ' r barracoons at ....... Winniett, Capt, - . . 748 ■JL # ^ UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY Los Angeles This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. ">.■'' Iejeelibrae^^qUPI ff-B 17 15- ^?^ ^^ <»- 1 9 \0 Form L9-50m-7,'64 (5990) 444 mi\]\ ^mm rvt '^- ^'^ Oz Qr ♦HT 1850 ^t: iii ct =5^ Z3^ Qni ^Jiy UiLi m^ m mm ■■iiiilli 'ijl liu- iiiliiiilliliilp- iiiiilii;! 'if ■i-rl' ii^ f r ( ; I , i ' ' ' i ■- 1 ^* f ' ■ i ^ ' t ; -t ■ ■■ i ' ■■ ■ ■ i ■ ■ i ■ i ■ if liiiiipli III ;i':"! I! ;-'^Mll