THE LIBRARY OF SANTA BARBARA COLLEGE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESENTED BY MR. AND MRS.R.W.VAUGHAN ANCIENT ITALY w h ANCIENT ITALY HISTORICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL INVESTIGATIONS IN CENTRAL ITALY, MAGNA GRAECIA SICILY, AND SARDINIA BY ETTORE PAIS TRANSLATED FROM THE ITALIAN BY C. DENSMORE CURTIS CHICAGO THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO PRESS LONDON T. FISHER UNWIN, 1 ADELPHI TERRACE 1908 COPYRIGHT 1907 BY THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO Published January 1908 Composed and Printed By The University of Chicago Pros Chicago. Illinois. U. S. A. TO PROFESSORS DANA CARLETON MUNRO MOSES STEPHEN SLAUGHTER AND FREDERICK JACKSON TURNER OF THE UNIVERSITY OF WISCONSIN IN REMEMBRANCE OF THE YEAR WHEN I WAS THEIR COLLEAGUE AUTHOR'S PREFACE The papers incorporated in the present volume were written in part during the last few years, in part at a much earlier period. The earlier productions were printed in the proceedings of various Italian societies, or in separate pamphlets for private distribution, and in either case came before a very limited public. I am led to offer this volume to the English-speaking public, both because it presents practically unpublished material, and because of the close connection between the various subjects of which it treats, since all were suggested by my researches in prepar- ing my History of Magna Graecia and Sicily and my History of Rome. E. P. TRANSLATOR'S PREFACE In translating this volume it has been my aim to reproduce the articles exactly as they were written. Owing to the difference between English and Italian idiom, it at first seemed necessary to modify the text to some extent in order to produce readable English. After a little practice, however, it became evident that such modifications were not only unnecessary, but even inadvis- able, and the translation as it stands follows the order of presenta- tion of the original material very closely. The chapter on the Temple of the Sirens was translated by a college student while Professor Pais was in this country two years ago, and appeared in the American Journal of Archaeology. The translation is good, but to my mind loses force because of the number of changes made in the arrangement of the material. It has been practically retranslated for the present volume. In his preface Professor Pais has alluded to the limited public to which these articles were presented. He himself did not possess a copy of the chapter on Strabo, and after writing to those of his friends to whom the few pamphlets which were printed had been presented, was able to secure but a single copy, and that from Professor Beloch in Germany. I am greatly indebted to Professor Pais for his kindness in explaining the various points concerning which I was in doubt. I spent nearly a week at his villa near Naples while engaged upon the translation, and was thus enabled to secure his advice in many cases where my own ignorance of the subject-matter might have led to error. C. D. C. LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS PAGE Plate I. Castle of Ischia (see chap, xvi) .... Frontispiece Fig. i. Coins of the Auruncians (see pp. 2 f.) 26 Fig. 2. Coin of the alliance between Temesa and Croton (see p. 43) 51 Fig. 3. Coins of Terina 52 Fig. 4. Coin of the alliance between Sybaris and Posidonia (see p. 83) 66 Fig. 5. Coin of the alliance between Siris and Pyxus (see p. 83) . 86 Plate II. Eryx, facing "... 112 Fig. 6. Coin of Ergetium 116 Fig. 7. Coin of Ergetium 116 Fig. 8. Coin of Naxos 116 Plate III. Archaic relief from S. Mauro, facing 132 Plate IV. Ancient column near the Assinarus, facing . . . 148 Plate V. Etruscan column at Pompeii, facing 174 Fig. 9. Coins of Hyria (see chap, xv) . . . % 180 Fig. 10. Coin of Fenser (see chap, xv) 180 Plate VI. Archaic head from Temple of the Sirens, facing . . 214 Fig. ii. Peninsula of Sorrento 214 Plate VII. Inscription referring to cult of Athena Siciliana, facing 218 Plate VIII. Funerary relief (front of slab shown in Plate VII), facing 218 Plate IX. Enna (Castrogiovanni), facing 250 Plate X. Gate of the Citadel, Perugia, facing 368 Plate XI. Relief and Inscription from Sardinia, facing . . . 372 TABLE OF CONTENTS PAGE I. AUSONIA AND THE AuSONIANS I II. THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN REGIUM AND TARENTUM AGAINST THE lAPYGIANS 2J III. THE LEGEND OF EUTHYMUS OF LOCRI .... 39 IV. TERINA, THE COLONY OF CROTON 53 V. THE ORIGIN OF SIRIS 67 VI. THE HARBOR OF SATYRIUM 87 VII. THURIAE 91 VIII. THE EXPEDITION OF ALEXANDER OF EPIRUS TO ITALY 99 IX. ERYX= VERRUCA? in X. ERGETIUM AND NAXOS 117 XI. PLACIIS 123 XII. THE ARCHAIC GREEK RELIEF OF S. MAUR& AND THE ANCIENT CITIES OF THE HERAEAN PLATEAU . . . 131 XIII. THE DEFEAT OF THE ATHENIANS AT THE ASSINARUS 147 XIV. THE PRETENDED EXPEDITION OF AGATHOCLES AGAINST ff&v(ai> is the statement attributed to Hecataeus by Stephen of Byzantium, s. v. It is true, however, that the extracts from Hecataeus in Stephen are often open to suspicion (cf. the well-known fragment concerning Capua), and that Callimachus (apud Athen. Ep. ii, p. 270, Schw.) alluded explicitly to a falsi- fication of the works of Hecataeus. On the other hand, there is no reason for believing that the legend of Auson who went from Sorrento to Lipari, and that of his sons who occupied the eastern and northern shores of Sicily (see Diod. v. 7; cf. Eust. ad Dion. Perieg., vss. 461-67) do not contain elements referring to the expansion of the Ausonian race along all of these shores. 3 Cluverius, Italia Antiqua (Lugduni Batav., i624\ II, pp 1048 ff.; Nissen, Ital. Landeskunde, II, 2, pp 656 ff. AUSONIA AND THE AUSONIANS 3 preserved, has on the other hand, been an obstacle to the recogni- tion of the extent of the region which they occupied. An ancient writer informs us that the Ausonians originally inhabited the region in which Cales and Beneventum were located ; J but an eminent modern critic has denied the historical value of this statement, which he says to be of literary origin, and to have made its first appearance in the Alexandrine age. 2 In like manner, another prominent critic has asserted that not until the Alexandrine age was the term "Ausonian" used to designate the Siculian or Ionian Sea. 3 According to capable modern critics also, it was not till this period that the name was applied to a more or less extensive portion of the Italian peninsula situated beyond the borders of the Auruncian land. We shall see shortly that these statements are erroneous. The confusion is in part due to a misleading passage in Strabo. After affirming that, although the Oscans had disappeared, there still existed traces of them in the language which the Romans used under special circumstances, Strabo continues as follows : " And although the Ausonians never dwelt near the Siculian Sea, nevertheless one calls that sea Auso- nian." 4 In opposition to this, Strabo himself affirms that Temesa, on the border of Bruttium, was originally an Ausonian city. 5 This coincides with the statement of Cato the Elder, who affirms that the Auruncians were at an early period established in the territory of Taurianum near the confines of Chalcidian Regium. 6 The presence of the Ausonians on the Ionian coast has recently been made certain by the discovery of a fragment of Pindar, in 1 Paul. Ep. Fest , p. 18 M., s. v. Ausoniam; for Cales see also Dion. Hal. apud Steph. Byz., s v. Ka\ijv KaXetrat. s Strab. vi, p. 255 C.: Te/xArij .... A.WOVUV xrlfffUL. 6 Cato apud Prob. in Verg. Bttc. et Georg., p. 326, ed. Thilo et Hagen fr. 71, Peter. 4 ANCIENT ITALY which the region where Epizephyrian Locri was situated is termed Ausonian. 1 The Opician Ausonians had, moreover, occupied Bruttium, the modern Calabria. According to Antiochus of Syracuse, the Opician Oenotrians had driven the Siculi from Bruttium and forced them over to Sicily. 2 We have seen that, according to Antiochus, the Opician Oenotrians were the same as the Ausonians. According to Hellanicus also, the Ausonians invaded southern Bruttium and forced the Siculi across to Sicily, 3 and Thucydides, probably following Antiochus, as has often been noted, affirmed that the Opicians had driven the Siculi from that region. 4 On the whole, it is evident that in the fifth century B. c. the Ausonians were held to have been the earliest inhabitants on the shores of southern Bruttium. The many allusions of Lycophron to the Ausonians, when speaking of Scylla and the Strait of Messina, and of Petelia and Croton on the Ionian coast, were not new literary creations, as certain modern writers have held, but merely repeated the early traditions referring to the presence of the Ausonians on those shores; and here, as elsewhere, Lycophron showed himself a faithful follower of early writers. 5 It does not require many words to show the error of those who hold that not until Alexandrine times was the Siculian Sea termed Ausonian. The sea in question extended from Sicily to the shores of lapygia and the mouth of the Adriatic, not far from the borders of Epirus. We are told expressly by ancient writers that the name of Ausonian preceded that of Siculian for this sea, 6 and we have no reason to doubt their statements. The great expansion of Sicilian commerce, and the power of Syracuse after 1 Oxyrh. Pap. iii. 408, 586. a Antioch. apud Dion. Hal. i. 22; and apud Strab. vi, p. 257 C. aHellan. apud Dion. Hal. i. 22. According to Hellanicus, the Ausonians were driven over to Sicily on account of the invasion of the lapygians. 4 Thuc. vi. 2. 4. s Lycophr. Alex., vss. 44, 922. 6 Strab. ii, p. 123 C., says expressly: ri> Ktol>v<.ov fj.kv irdXcu, vvv 8t KO.\O{>^VOV ZticeXi^ (i. e., irAa-yos); cf. ii, p. 128 C.; vii, p. 324 C.; Polyb. apud Plin. N. H. iii. 75; ibid., 14. 95: "in tres sinus recedens Ausoni maris, quoniam Ausones tenuere primi;" cf. ibid., 151; xiv. 69; Eustach. ad Dion. Perieg., vs. 78. AUSONIA AND THE AUSONIANS 5 the beginning of the fifth century, explain very well why the sea between Greece and Sicily should be termed Siculian. It is also easy to understand why this new name superseded that of Ausonian, which had been given the sea on account of the ancient Ausonian inhabitants of its shores. That the Ausonians really dwelt there is shown not only by the statement of Ephorus, according to whom they were driven from their homes by the lapygians, but also by the recently quoted passage from Aristotle. According to this passage, which agrees perfectly with the statements of Antiochus and was probably derived from him, both the Chones, who inhab- ited the territory of Siris on the Tarentine gulf, and the Opician Ausonians, whom we have already found in Bruttium, in Campania, and near the Pomptine marshes, were of Oenotrian descent, and belonged to the same people to whom Italus gave his laws. 1 Lycophron, however, does not limit himself to giving the name of Ausonian to the region situated on the shores of the Siculian or Ionian Sea, and to that occupied by Campania. He also men- tions the Ausonians in connection with Daunia and the myth of Diomede. 2 It does not seem that we should regard this as an inno- vation of the Alexandrine poet. The best proof that in this case also he followed early sources is given by a passage in Pseudo-Scylax, where, after speaking of the lapygians who inhabited the region between the Tarentine peninsula and Mount Orion or Garganus, reference is made to the neighboring Samnites. The Samnites occupied the territory extending from Mount Garganus to the land of the Umbrians and to Ancona. Among them the Greek historian records five peoples: the Laterni, Opici, Cramones, Boreontini, and Peucetii (15). Few passages have been so maltreated by critics at this. The fact that certain of the peoples mentioned are unknown has led to attempts to amend the text by various conjectures, and the mention of the Opicians as dwelling toward the Adriatic has led to strange errors. Critics have over- 1 Aristot. Pollt. vii. (10) 9. 3, p. 1339 Bk. : oticovv Si rb fj^v vpbs TTJV Tvpptjvlav Oiriicol xal vpbrepov Kal vvv /caAotf/nei/oi ri\v firuvvfiiav A&rojfS, rb 5 vpbs TTJV 'Ira.\iav iced rbv 'Uviov Xwm rty KO.\OV/J^IV)V 2/ptv jjffav Si Kal XWKS Oivorpol rb ytvos. * Lycophr., Alex., vss. 593, 615, 1047. 6 ANCIENT ITALY looked the fact that the author had already described the Tyrrhe- nian shores, having at that time made mention of the Campanians and Samnites ( 10, u), and have wrongly supposed that he here describes peoples inhabiting the Mediterranean side of the peninsula. The truth is that Pseudo-Scylax was describing a circumnavigation and mentioned only the peoples on the coast, not those in the interior; and among the peoples inhabiting the plains or the mountains near the Adriatic coast, between Mount Garganus and Ancona, must be sought the five above-mentioned tribes, who spoke five different dialects. Of the Laterni and Cramones we know nothing. The Boreontini probably inhabited certain of the mountains, which in that region often reach to the sea. The Peucetii were evidently the inhabitants of Picenum and Asculum, names which reappear in those of the Peucetii and of Asculum in Apulia. The name of the Opicians indicates clearly that, just as the Samnites had established themselves on the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian shores, so the Opicians had settled in the neigh- borhood of both seas. In like manner we find traces of Luca- nians and Daunians on both shores. 1 We have already noted that in the country of the Auruncians, not far from Minturnae, the modern names of the Ausente and Ausentiello recall the ancient Opician Ausonians, who were among 1 Pseud. -Scyl., vs. 15: Savvtreu Iv 8t TOIJTQ r< fOvei y\&ves, 'Bopeovr'ivoi, IlevKeTiets. Miiller, G. G. M., I, p. 24, gives extracts from the comments of Niebuhr, Grotefend, and Mommsen. In the Aartpvioi some recognize the Leuterni of the Sallentine peninsula, or of Liternum in Campania. The name is unknown to me. By way of conjecture we might read 'Ar^woi, and think of the people dwelling near the Aternus; but this is purely hypothetical. The 'Otrncot have suggested the strange correction to 'A.irov\ol. Without reason the K^d/iows have been brought into relation with the Samnite Kapa/c^voi of Ptol. iii. i. 58. The name of the Bopfovrivoi (which recalls the form Bopetyovoi which Lycophr. Alex., vs. 1253 applies to the abori- gines of the Abruzzi, the modern Borini, and which signifies "mountain people") has been emended by Grotefend and Niebuhr to 'Bpevreff'ivoi. Through a mis- understanding of this passage in Pseudo-Scylax, Niebuhr supposes that it was out of place, although it is really in its proper position. And through a like misunder- standing Mommsen was obliged to suppose that the author was alluding to the Opicians of Campania, and to Liternum or Linternum, or to Nuceria Alfaterna of that same region. AUSONIA AND THE AUSONIANS 7 the first to occupy these regions in historic times. It may be noted that even today not far from the ancient Sagrus (the modern San- gro), and parallel to it, flows the river Osento, which takes its origin in the mountains of Atessa and empties into the Adriatic not far from the modern Torino di Sangro. " Osento " is evidently a contracted form of " Ausento," and we have proof of the existence of the Opician Ausonians on the Adriatic as well as on the Tyrrhe- nian shores. There is, however, evidence for the modern name of Ausente in more than this one region. According to a most credible statement of Verrius Flaccus, the Ausonians originally occupied the inland region of the Apennines where Cales and Beneventum are located today. If we examine on a map the region lying between Beneventum, on the one hand, and Mount Vultur and the borders of ancient Daunia, on the other, not far from ancient Aquilonia (Lacedonia) we come upon the river Laosento, which flows into the Aufidus on the slopes of Mount Vultur before reaching the Adriatic. The form " Lausento" stands in the same relation to "Osento" and to "Ausente" as that of the neighboring "Lacedonia" stands to the ancient "Aquilonia." In like manner, in various regions of southern Italy the form " La- vella" bears the same relation to "Avella" as the modern name of "Lamone" in Romagna to the ancient "Anemum." Not far from Monteverde, near the Lausento or Ausento, there still exist traces of Cyclopaean walls a fact, however, which has little bearing on the ethnical side of our problem. Of more importance are the mention of the Adriatic Opicians in Pseudo-Scylax, and the evidence of the two rivers Osento and Ausento, both of which facts make it more than probable that here as elsewhere Lycophron echoed faithfully the early traditions which located the Ausonians on the shores of Daunia. With the statement of Lycophron, more- over, agrees the passage in Appian to the effect that Sipontum in Daunia was termed an Ausonian city. 1 We have already noticed that, according to Hellanicus, the lapygians drove the Ausonians from their territory. 2 It is quite 1 App. B. C. v. 56. From the context of the two following chapters it would seem that Appian also located Thurii and Consentia in Ausonia. 3 Hellan. apud Dion. Hal. i. 22. 8 ANCIENT ITALY possible that this may have happened in Datmia as well as in Bruttium. According to Ephorus, as quoted by Strabo, the lapy- gians dwelt near Croton. 1 It may be suspected that Ephorus derived this from the T&V 'Icnrvyfov aicpai rpet?, or from the three promontories of the lapygians which were situated near the famous Italiot city. 2 If that is true, Ephorus acted after the manner of modern critics, and in default of historical evidence resorted to reconstructive arguments. It does not follow that he was wrong in so doing. Through similar means modern criticism often arrives at the truth. It is worthy of note that Pseudo-Scym- nus, whose contact with Ephorus is well known, also locates the Oenotrians between Croton, the lapygians, and Brindisi, and that his statements correspond to other data which rest on the authority of Hecataeus and Strabo. 3 Certainly there was a time when the name of Ausonia was applied to a large portion of southern Italy; and quite possibly Verrius Flaccus drew from the ancient authors who had spoken of such an extension, when he wrote that Ausonia was originally the portion of Italy where Cales and Beneventum were located, and that the name was gradually extended to apply to the entire portion of the peninsula which was bordered by the Apennines. 4 1 Ephor. apud Strab. vi, p. 262 C. Strab. vi, p. 261 C. 3 Pseud.-Scymn., vs. 363. * Paul. Ep. Fest., p. 18 M., s. v.: "Ausoniam appellavit Auson, Ulixis et Calypsus films, earn primam partem Italiae, in qua sunt urbes Beneventum et Cales; deinde paulatim tota quoque Italia quae Apennino finitur, dicta est Ausonia ab eodem duce, a quo conditam fuisse Auruncam etiam ferunt. " Cf. Lycophr. Alex., vs. 702, where there is a reference to Mount Ades, from which flowed all of the streams and fountains which watered the Ausonian territory. According to the commentators (see the excellent edition of E. Ciaceri [Catania, 1901], p. 238), the Ades is the same as the Apennines; cf. Polyb. iii. no; Cic. De orat. iii. 19. 69; Lucan. ii. 403 ff. Besides the cities of the Aiiruncan region, and besides Cales and Beneventum, the names of three other Ausonian cities have come down to us; i. e., Mo/id/cpn'a, Br*cfa, and Iltda (Steph. Byz., s. w.). The first is entirely unknown to us, and possibly here, as elsewhere in Stephen, the name is corrupt. Perhaps Ma/xd/cptva is the Ma/tpim spoken of by Strabo (v, p. 251 C.), who, however, calls it a Tu/>- pilS>v KTlffna oUot/jxvov fork Zaimrwv. Possibly we have to deal with a repetition of the first syllable similar to that in B^3picej (from fcpifyej) and Mamers (from Mars). In this case it must be that the Oenotrians occupied Marcina near Salerno AUSONIA AND THE AUSONIANS 9 When, in another passage, Lycophron speaks of Caere in Etruria as a city situated in Ausonia, he is not alone in so doing. 1 Neither Verrius Flaccus nor Lycophron expresses personal opinions ; nor do they represent the result of late literary speculation. This is shown by the writings of Antiochus ; by the author of the periplus, known by the name of Scymnus of Chios, who depended, it seems, on Apollodorus; and finally by the annalistic sources of Livy and Dionysius. From the statements of Livy we learn with all cer- tainty that within historic times the Ausonians not only occupied the region more specifically termed Auruncian, which extended from the Pomptine marshes to Mount Massicus and to the extinct volcano of Rocca Monfina, but they that extended as far as Cales. 2 Pseudo-Scymnus has occasion to speak twice of the Ausonians. In one place he says that they inhabited the inland region closely adjoining the territory of the Latins. The second time he speaks of them as dwelling beside the Samnites, who occupied the southern shores of Campania, and who lived, therefore, in the regions bord- ering on the territory of Benevetum. 3 A careful interpretation before the Etruscans. Bevtav (vss. 244 ff.), by which perhaps he alludes both to the Ausonians of Nola and to the population which was pressing into the interior of the Samnite territory. In like manner, shortly afterward (vs. 246) Pseudo-Scymnus mentions the Oenotrians who inhabited the inland district behind Posidonia (Paestum). Both Verrius Flaccus and Pseudo-Scymnus, in giving the well-known legend referring to Auson, son of Circe, and to Calypso (cf. above, and io ANCIENT ITALY of the fragments of Antiochus, as compared with the passages from Hellanicus, Thucydides, and, above all, Aristotle, who, according to the majority of critics, derived his material from Antiochus himself, shows that, according to this writer, and, indeed, according to all the historians of the fifth century B. c., the Opician Ausonians once occupied the entire region of Italy situated between the Ionian Sea and the shores of Bruttium, on the one hand, and the Tyrrhe- nian Sea, on the other. Ausonia itself however, as is expressly stated by Verrius Flaccus, was that region of Italy which was bounded by the Apennines; and with this fact in mind one better understands the numerous passages in Vergil alluding to Ausonia and the Ausonians. According to the opinion which is today generally accepted and defended by the best critics, Vergil, on a par with other writers of the Alexandrine period, by the use of poetic license applied the words "Ausonia" and "Ausonians" to regions which that people never inhabited. Latium for example he called Ausonia, and the indigenous inhabitants of that region, against whom Aeneas had to contend, he termed Ausonians. In Vergil the Tiber is Ausonian, and so is the spear which killed the Greek Pallas. The Rutulian Turnus, too, is called Ausonian, and all of the Rutulians and Latins are held to be of that race. 1 Both ancient and modern critics agree that, instead of giving his fancy free rein in illustrating the early myths, Vergil generally followed very closely the ancient traditions. That the present instance is no exception, and that Vergil followed Lycophron, is shown by a passage in Aristotle also the other passages relating to this in the article by Procksch on Auson in Roscher, I, i, col. 734), cause us to wonder in what region this legend originated. It is pos- sible, however, to apply it either to the shores of the Ausonian or Siculian Sea, or to those of Campania. In favor of the first hypothesis may be mentioned the fact that Pseudo-Scylax, vs. 13, and the source of Iambi. Vit. Pyth. 57, place the island of Calypso near Croton; cf. Plin. 2V. H. iii. 96. In regard to Campania, according to some writers Calypso was worshiped near Lake Avernus (Dio. Cass. 48. 50). Of the two hypotheses the first seems preferable. ' For the Tiber as Ausonian see Aen. v. 83; Turnus, xii. 183; the Rutulians. xii. 447, cf. xi. 41 ; Latium and the Latin cities, iv. 236; vii. 39, 55, 105, 198, 537, 547, 623; viii. 328; ix. 99, 639; x. 268; xi. 253; cf. iii. 171, 378, 385, 477; iv. 349; vi. 346; x. 54; in a more general sense, Georg. ii. 385. AUSONIA AND THE AUSONIANS II which we know through Dionysius of Halicarnassus. In discuss- ing the beginnings of Rome, Dionysius gives under the name of the Greek philosopher a tradition, according to which certain Greeks, on their way home from the Trojan war, were driven to a place in Opicia termed Latinion, situated on the shores of the Tyrrhenian Sea. Probably in this case also Aristotle followed Antio- chus, 1 or at any rate followed an author who agreed perfectly with him. According to the source of Aristotle, this Latium on the Tyrrhenian coast formed part of the region occupied by the Opicians. According to Antiochus, the Opician Ausonians of southern Bruttium had pushed as far as the Tyrrhenian Sea, and Latium was included in their territory. And that these two writers were not alone in affirming this, we learn from the source of Lydus, from Stephen of Byzantium, and from a valuable passage in Cato the Elder. Lydus, in addition to certain false and remark- able statements, often gives information derived from ancient sources which had fallen into disuse, and in one such passage he states expressly that Laurentum was in ancient times termed a city of the Opicians. 2 Stephen declares the Latin Pedum to have been an Ausonian city. 3 Cato protests vigorously against those Greeks who, to offend the Romans, call them Opicians. 4 Evidently, therefore, we have to deal, not with isolated passages, but with a well-established tradition, according to which Latium formed a part of the territory occupied by the Opicians. 5 And since Antio- 1 Aristot. apud Dion. Hal. i. 72 : \0eiv e/s ri>v T&TTOV rovrov TTJJ 'OiriKTJs $3 Ka\elrai Aarlvioif irl rtp TvppijviKf ireXdyei /cet/xews. For the myth cf. Heracl. apud Sol. i. 2; Fest., s. v. Romam, p. 269 M. ; Plut. Quaest. Rom. 6; Serv. in Aen. i. 273. There is no need of changing A.arlvtov to Aaovlviov as Kiessling does. a loh. Lyd. De mens. i. 13. Aeneas was driven iv ir6X TT?S 'IraXias Xeyo/u^pfl Aavpevrlq., f)V Ka.1 OTTIK^V (paffiv dvofjuffd^vai wore, % ijs ical dirTriiclfeiv Kal (ws rb v\rj0os) 6iKL^eiv rd f3a.pj3apleii> 'Ira.\oi \yov. This 6iKl^etv mentioned by the source of Lydus should be compared with the statement of Steph. Byz., s. v. : 'OirtKoi e&vos "IraXJas . . . . ol 8t '0(j>iicol a.irb TWV 6ewt>. 3 Steph. Byz., s. v. Ilitfa. 4 Cato apud Plin. N. H. xxix. 14: "nos quoque diclitant barbaros et spurcius nos quam alios Opicon [i. e., 'OirtK&v] appellatione foedant. " s That the Opicians in ancient times occupied territory bordering on Latium (i. e., the valley of the Trerus and that of the middle Liris) we learn from a frag- I2 ANCIENT ITALY chus, the earliest and most authoritative source in such questions, states that the Opicians were termed Ausonians, it follows that in this case also Vergil displayed his customary fidelity in follow- ing ancient literary tradition. II It now remains to discover from what country the Ausonians originally came, and in what way they were able gradually to spread themselves over all of southern Italy. There are two traditions referring to this question, one of which maintains that the Oenotrian- Opician Ausonians moved from the south toward the north, while the other holds that the Ausonians descended from the region in which Cales and Beneventum were situated, and conquered all of Italy as far as the Apennines. The first of these traditions is represented by Antiochus ; the second, by Verrius Flaccus. Accord- ing to Antiochus, as we have seen, the Opician Ausonians were one of the two main branches of the great Oenotrian race, and inhabited the Tyrrhenian side of the peninsula. The other branch, on the other hand, the Chones, occupied the territory of Siris bordering on lapygia. A comparison of the name of the Chones in Italy with that of the Chaones in Epirus, and also of various other local names found in both regions, suggests rather an Epirot than an Italic origin. Acheruntia and Pandosia are purely Chaonic names, and are found in various portions of the region inhabited by the Italian Chonian Oenotrians. Moreover, these names, which are also of a purely Epirot character, appear not only in the territory of Siris, but also in other regions of southern Italy which were inhabited by Oenotrians. From a comparison of these names we must conclude that the Chones and the peoples coming from Epirus occupied, in addition to the Siritis, others of the regions which were inhabited by the Oenotrian tribes. 1 mcnt of Dion. Hal. apud Steph. Byz., s. v. : p^yeXXa iriXu 'IraXfas, % rb fj.tv o.pxaiov fiv 'OTIKWV tireiTa Ofo\o6ffKut> tytvero. ' Pandosia and Acheruntia, names characteristic of the Epirot Chaonia, are found in the heart of Bruttium, in the valley of the Crathis (near modern Cosenza), where Alexander of Epirus perished (see e. g., Strab. vii, p. 324 C ). In the Siritis we also have a city named Pandosia, near Heraclea (see Kaibel, 7. G. 5. /. 645, AUSONIA AND THE AUSONIANS 13 However, although this Epirote emigration was very important, it could not possibly alone have furnished the entire population of southern Italy in ancient times. Without doubt there were numer- ous early invasions of peoples from the north, similar to those which throughout historic times have influenced the history of the south- ern regions of the peninsula. For this reason there is probably some truth in the statement of Verrius Flaccus to the effect that the Ausonians conquered all of Italy as far as the Apennines, starting out from the region where Cales and Beneventum were situated. We shall, perhaps, more easily attain the desired solution of our problem if we examine the statements of ancient writers on the subject from a political as well as from an ethnographical point of view. By neglecting this, modern critics have often lost their way amid the intricate by-ways of Italic origins. Antio- chus informs us that the earliest inhabitants of Italy were the Oenotrians, who originally inhabited the region extending from the southern part of Bruttium on the Strait of Messina, to the Napetine (S. Euphemia) and Scylacine Gulfs. Italus became their leader, and from him the Oenotrians took their new name. He transformed his followers from shepherds to tillers of the soil, and gave them good laws and precepts for their mutual intercourse. He was succeeded by Merges, under whom the Oenotrians, who under Italus were termed Italians, were called Morgetians. Under Merges the name of Italy was extended to apply to the region along the Tyrrhenian coast as far as Posidonia (Paestum), and along the Ionian or Ausonian Sea as far as Tar- entum. When an old man, Merges gave shelter to an exile i, 12) not far from the river Aciris. A third Acheruntia (the present Acerenza) was situated near Venusia, in the territory whose fans Bandusiae (Pandosia) was made famous by Horace. Other Acheruntiae are known near Croton (see Nova Tactica, 1791, ed. Gelzer; possibly near the present site of Cerentia Antica) and near the Albumo in the valley of the Tanager in eastern Lucania (see An. Rav., IV, 34; cf. Tab. Peut. and CIL, X, p. 2). Finally, the name of Acherusia appears on the Campanian coast as applied to the well-known marsh near Cumae. In this, however, we probably have not a local name, but a localization of the necromantic myths of Thesprotia. The same holds for the sacrarium of Albunea near Tivoli (cf. Verg. Aen. vii. 81 ff.). I 4 ANCIENT ITALY from Rome by the name of Siculus. This Siculus caused dis- sension among the Oenotrian people, and his followers, called after him Siculi, were forced by the Opicians and Ausonians to abandon Italy (i. e., southern Bruttium), and betook themselves to the neighboring island, which was named Sicily after them. 1 At first sight it would seem that Antiochus was referring to the emigration of peoples of a different race. He says that Italus was of Oenotrian descent, and, according to Aristotle, he made the same statement in regard to the Chones. A close examination of such statements, however, shows that he was alluding to the political development of these peoples, and to the formation and subsequent expansion of the empire of the Oenotrians under the rule of Italus, Merges, and Siculus, who created the states of the Itali, Morgeti, and Siculi. The small state of the Itali, which at first occupied southern Bruttium, was gradually extended to form the larger Oenotrian state, and ended by embracing all of southern Italy as far as Paestum and Tarentum. With this politi- cal concept correspond the statements regarding the laws of the wise King Italus, who introduced agriculture and the practice of eating together from a common mess. The reference to the yevos^ however, has only a secondary value as compared with the political fact which makes the account of especial significance. The 1 Antioch. apud Dion. Hal. i. 12, 22, 35, 73; Strab. iv, pp. 253 f., 257 C.; cf. Arist. Pol. vii. 9. (10), p. 1339 Bk. Antiochus says that the names of Italia and Itali were at first restricted to the country and inhabitants of the region IVT&S the Napetine and Scylacine gulfs. The following reference to the extension of such names to the shores (irapdXioj) of Tarentum and Posidonia shows that ^ir6s cannot be taken in the sense of referring to the region comprised between the two gulfs (i. e., merely the region in which Cantanzaro and Tiriolo are situated), but that it refers to the territory beyond, and comprises all of southern Bruttium from Regium and Locri as far as Terina and Scylax. The successive extension of the name and realm of Italus and Merges as far as Tarentum on the one side, and Posidonia on the other, shows clearly that this is the only possible explanation. When Aristotle, in speaking of the original state of King Italus, refers to the \67toi ran v Olvurpuv, because it reminds us of the Malies of the coins of the Campanian type which some attribute to Maleventum or Bene- ventum, and of the passage in Verrius Flaccus which located the Ausonians at Beneventum. Velia too is said by Herodotus (i. 167) to be in Oenotria, and it is of interest to observe that, just as near Mount Alburnus there is mention of Aceronia, so opposite Velia were the Insulae Oenotrides (Strab. vi, pp. 252 C. extr., 258 C.), in the name of which Pliny (N. H. iii. 85) had already seen an "argumentum pos- sessae ab Oenotris Italiae." In Stephen (s. v.) among the cities of the Oenotrians is that of IW|ts, which may possibly be the same II^ous ir6Xis SiKeXfaj or Buxentum which is mentioned immediately afterward. (See below, chapter xxi, for the meaning of Tr6\is St/ceXfas.) Also ' ApTf/jiiv>> ol re "EXXrji'es KOI pdppapoi irpbs 20 ANCIENT ITALY had never inhabited the shores of the Ionian Sea, and yet have repeated the statement that at one time the Siculian Sea was termed Ausonian. m The above results have been reached by a study of ancient literary tradition. If we desire to consider our problem from every point of view, we must call to our aid the study of languages, of primitive archaeology, of toponomy, and of anthropology. The anthropologists, however, although they have made noteworthy progress in their investigations, are not yet able to furnish entirely trustworthy and final data. Even though we follow with the great- est sympathy and interest the results of craniological and somato- logical research, and recognize that certain of the hypotheses evolved are deserving of the most attentive consideration, we must nevertheless admit that the results are not yet mature, and that the work is not always conducted with unity of purpose. We must, therefore, observe caution in our consideration of the series of more or less ingenious and probable theories which have succeeded one another during the past few decades, and which, after attract- ing their share of attention from scientists, have easily made way for new, and often opposing, hypotheses, much in the way that one fashion is succeeded by another in other branches of human activity, such as in the use of garments and domestic utensils, and in social usage and ceremonies. Very little has been done toward determining' with certainty and exactness the somatological and anatomical characteristics of the indigenous peoples in the mountainous regions of central Italy a procedure which will some day furnish the key to more than one ethnical problem. In the same manner, notwithstanding the marvelous results obtained by comparative linguistics, sufficient attention has not as yet been paid to the sounds which have endured among the various Italian populations. Possibly through some such study we may in time be compensated for the scarcity of epigraphic material of a really ancient period, and, in part at least, be enabled to discover and reconstruct the singularities and affinities which are determined by the persistence of early elements of ethical character. AUSONIA AND THE AUSONIANS 21 The archaeological material appears to be much more abundant, and the students of primitive archaeology or, as they call it, paleology have made laudible efforts at solving these difficult problems with new material. Certainly much praise is due those who have attempted to check, by means of the early archaeological material of the peninsula and the neighboring regions, the data furnished us by the ancient traditions. An examination of these studies, however, does not show that definite results have as yet been attained, nor that material has been discovered of such a nature as to furnish a foundation for substantial and incontrovert- ible conclusions when applied to problems similar to that which we have been discussing. The study of primitive archaeology has disclosed different burial customs and distinctive forms of pottery; but none of the discoveries as yet made has revealed an element of strikingly ethnical character. In Italy tombs in which the bodies were buried in a crouching position seem to have pre- ceded those in which they were stretched out; but this character- istic has been noted elsewhere among peoples of different race, and it would be hazardous to draw any ethnographical conclusion from it. The earliest tombs show evidence of primitive and bar- barous customs, such as scraping the flesh from the bones and painting the skulls; but analogous customs are found among savages in other parts of the globe. The excavations have brought to light many thousands of broken vessels, and fragments of vases and other utensils ; but an examination of the style of such objects often shows elementary forms analogous to those which, by virtue of the psychological unity of the human mind, are found in other regions. When we come to deal with more highly developed forms and styles, we have come down to the beginning of history and find the key to the accounts of the first commercial relations existing between Greece, the islands of the Aegean, Illyricum, and Italy. None of the elements hitherto discovered throws sufficient light on Italic origins. On the other hand, it has been possible to prove that in certain regions of central and upper Italy there existed till a late historical period elements of ethnographical origin which have not as yet been well de- 22 ANCIENT ITALY fined, and which had long since disappeared in the southern regions of the peninsula. There is no need of despairing for the future of these researches. The results attained from them will be of constantly increasing usefulness, and, when aided by strictly philological examinations of the texts, by the comparative history of civilization, and by the other modern auxiliary sciences, will be of the greatest value to the many students of primitive forms. As compared with the pale- ological investigations of a few years ago, the achievements of modern students of primitive archaeology show as great advances as those which separate the various periods of civilization which form the object of their studies. Notwithstanding this rapid prog- ress, however, due to the greater learning of the younger inves- tigators, in this case also we have as yet no incontrovertible data which will aid in the solution of our problem. This is partly ow- ing to the strong foothold gained by the erroneous theories ad- vanced by earlier investigators along this line, in the combating and setting-aside of which much valuable time has been lost. There remains the study of toponomy, which by its nature is still more closely connected with historical and geographical researches. Unfortunately the pursuit of this study also has led to grave errors. Although the resemblance of names has at times been of assistance in tracing the distribution of various peoples, it has more often given occasion for investigations based merely on similarity of sounds, on simple homophony, and on elements pertaining to different peoples and times. Moreover, while in other parts of Europe research along this line has found expert advocates, in Italy it is still in its infancy, and its followers have many deep-seated prejudices to overcome. There is a lack of systematic and complete lists of names, and thus in only a few cases is it possible by means of methodical inquiry to establish the origin of local names which have survived. In spite of these drawbacks, however, and awaiting the day when we shall have more material at our disposal, let us now examine a few toponomical data which may be of assistance in solving the problem before us. 1 1 For the nature of the problems which may be solved by toponomy, and for AUSONIA AND THE AUSONIANS 23 Students of toponomy long ago discovered that the ancient names of rivers and mountains endured much longer than those of cities. In the foregoing we have seen how the name of the early Ausonians is still preserved in the names of the rivers flowing through certain of the regions which were inhabited by the Opician- Ausonian race. An analogous phenonemon is presented by the river Aufidus, or Oufens, or Ufens, which flows through the Pomp- tine marshes on the borders of the Auruncian territory. This name is found both in the Aufidus, or Ofanto, of Apulia, and in Aufidena in the center of the Abruzzi, the region which was the cradle of the Samnite race and bore the same relation to ancient Italy as did Arcadia to the other portions of the Peloponnese. The same name, moreover, appears in the Aufinium of the Piceni, and in the modern Offida in the same region. 1 Another character- istic example is furnished by the name of the Oenotrian Morgetians. According to Antiochus, these occupied, together with the Siculi, the region in Bruttium where Regium arose, even before that city had been founded by the Chalcidians. 2 Since Antiochus of Syracuse affirms that Merges extended the realm of the Oenotrian Morgetians as far as Tarentum, this should be brought into relation with the names found on those high, undulating plateaus which are separated from the Apennines and, running through Apulia, extend as far as the Sallentine plains. Thus the name of Morgia, which is found in various points about Mount Garganus a region which has faithfully preserved such ancient names has probably come down from the time of the ancient Morgetians. There is probably also an echo of the Oenotrian branch of the Morgetians in the name of the regions termed le Murgie, situated in the upper valley of the Sinni (ancient Siris), in the district of Castiglione, the necessity of providing a toponomatical dictionary for the different nations see the excellent article of C. Jullian in Beitrage zur alien Geschichte II (1902) e, i ff. 'The name "Aufidus" seems to mean "the foaming," as does Albinia in Etruria (the modern Albegna). 2 Antioch. apud Strab. vi, p. 257 C. The Morgetes and Siculi are said to have been driven out inrb Olvdyrpuv, that is, by that portion of the Oenotrians who did not follow Siculus, who had made for himself an ISlav apxri" and had created a division in the f0vos (Antioch. apud Dion. Hal. i. 12; cf. ibid. 22). 24 ANCIENT ITALY where there also flows a Rio le Murgie. J Among all of these ancient names which have come down to the present day, the most charact- eristic are perhaps those of the Osento and Lausento, already noted, since there seems no doubt that they bear the same relation to Ausente that Aufidus does to Oufens and Omda. It may be worthy of note that a somewhat similar form is found in Etruria a region which, according to Lycophron, was, in part at least, comprised in the Ausonian territory. I allude to the river Auser which joined the Arnus at Pisa. Moreover, in the central Apennines a region which from a very early period was inhabited by the Umbrians there are two short rivers which are still called Ausa. One of these rises in the territory of San Marino, and empties near Rimini into the Adriatic. The other descends from Bertinoro and, joining the Ronco, likewise empties into the Adriatic beyond ForlL 2 The forms "Auser" and "Ausa" should possibly be compared with that of "Ausente," just as the river Sagrus near the Osento is connected with the ancient Sagras which had its course in Ausonian territory near Locri. It is even possible that another similar parallelism exists between the name of the Umbrian river Metaurus and that of the Ausonian Mataurus which flowed through the territory of the Tauriani in Bruttium between the Casu- entus, or Basuentus, near Metapontum (the Kao-a of Bacchylides) and the Casuentini of Tuscan Casentino. Until the study of Italian toponomical history has made greater 1 Livy (x. 1 6) mentions a Morgan tia in the southern part of the Samnite terri- tory near Apulia; cf. Steph. Byz., s. v. : 'M.opytrriov ir6\n 'IraXtay diri> Mopy^ruv X^yeTcu Kal TVLopyevrla. For the region termed Morgia in the neighborhood of Garganus see Carlo, Stato Magg. Ital., sheet 25; for le Murgie in the district of Latroncino see sheet 95 ; for Rio le Murgie and the Regione Murgetta near Poggio Reale in the district of Castiglione see sheet 21. 2 In the codices of Plin. N. H. iii. 115 one of the two streams near Ariminum is called Aprusa (in cod. r is the form prusa). Following Cluverius, Ital. Ant., II, ed. 1624, p. 605 (cf. Nissen, Ital. Landeskunde, II, i, p. 248) it is generally admitted that Aprusa corresponds to the modern Ausa. Is it certain, however, that the text of Pliny is exact; and, if it is, would the name of the Ausa near Forli also be derived from a Latin form "Aprusa" ? It does not seem so to me. In addition, it should be noted that Ausa is the name of a third stream which flows to the west of Aquileia and empties into the laguna of Marano in the Venetian estuary, between the mouths of the Tagliamento and the Isonzo. AUSONIA AND THE AUSONIANS 25 progress it will be impossible to give a definite answer to this and similar questions. Furthermore, the study of toponomy must be closely associated with that of the ancient and mediaeval texts, and with historical literary tradition. Thus, in the case under discussion it would be impossible to attain definite results without seeking, for example, the reasons why Philistus, the Syracusan historian of the fourth century B. c., differing from Antiochus and Hellanicus, should have affirmed that the Siculi were driven from Italy, not by the Oenotrians and Ausonians, but by Siculus, son of Italus, the Ligurian leader, impelled by the Umbrians and Pelas- gians. 1 It should be noted, however, that although ancient writers differ regarding the way in which the Ausonians spread, they agree in affirming that they occupied nearly all of the central and southern portion of the peninsula. Moreover, Lycophron, Vergil, and Verrius Flaccus made no mistake in assigning to the Ausonians a greater extent of territory than that which was inhabited by the Auruncians. Vergil was a faithful follower of ancient tradition when he included in Ausonia the plain traversed by the Tiber, and certainly he was repeating these same traditions when he wrote : Est locus, Hesperiam Grai cognomine dicunt, Terra antiqua, potens armis atque ubere glebae; Oeiiotri coluere viri; nunc fama minores Italiam dixisse ducis de nomine gentem. 1 * Philist. apud Dion. Hal. i. 22. Verg. Aen. i. 530 B.; cf. Dion. Hal. i. 35. Also in the passage (Aen. vii. 85) where Vergil speaks of the entire Oenotrian land whence those who went to consult the oracle of Albunea at Tivoli took their departure, he gives Oenotria the same extension as that given Ausonia by Antiochus and Aristotle. FIG. i. Coins of the Auruncians. II THE ALLIANCE BETWEEN REGIUM AND TARENTUM AGAINST THE IAPYGIANS Diodorus places in the fourth year of the seventy-sixth Olym- piad (473 B. c.) the war between the Tarentines and the lapygians which resulted in the well-known defeat of Tarentum. Herodotus does not hesitate to call this the greatest defeat which in his memory ever befell a Greek people. 1 Diodorus tells the story as follows: In Italy arose a conflict between the Tarentines and the lapygians concern- ing their boundaries. For some time they limited themselves to skirmishes, and to laying waste the neighboring country of the enemy. Soon the feeling of hostility increased. Numerous slaughters occurred, and they at last decided upon a pitched battle. The lapygians drew up the forces they had at their disposal, and added those of their neighboring allies, so that they were finally able to bring together over 20,000 men. The Tarentines, when they heard the strength of the forces collected aganist them, assembled their own city militia, and added that of their ally, Regium. A terrible battle ensued, and many fell on either side, but the lapygians finally came out victorious. The conquered troops fled in two divisions, of which one retreated toward Taren- tum and the other fled toward Regium. The lapygians followed their example and also separated into two divisions, of which one pursued the Tarentines, there being but a short distance between them [or else between the field of battle and Tarentum], and killed many of their enemy. Those who pursued the other division displayed such valor that they rushed into Regium together with the fugitives and took possession of the city. 2 The account of Diodorus deserves entire credence in that which refers to the alliance between Tarentum and Regium, and to the great slaughter effected by the lapygians. It is confirmed by Herodotus, who says that Micythus, ruling in Regium in the name of Anaxilaus (d. 476-75 B. c.), compelled his fellow-citizens to hasten to the aid of Tarentum, and that 3,000 of them perished. 3 Aristotle, too, confirms this narration and speaks of the great number of yvwpipoi Tarentines killed in that defeat, and of the change from an aristocratic to a democratic constitution in Taren- i Herodot. vii. 170. * Diod. xi. 52. 3 Herodot. vii. 170. 27 28 ANCIENT ITALY turn. 1 Moreover, the account of Aelianus concerning the days of fasting which the Regians instituted for the benefit of the besieged Tarentines an account which I think critics have hitherto over- looked should be referred to this alliance. 2 Diodorus' narration, however, is utterly absurd when it speaks of the flight of the Regians, and of the pursuit of the lapygians, who kept so closely behind their enemy that they were enabled to enter Regium with them, and to take possession of the city. Lorentz, who has done so much for the history of Tarentum, does not think that this account should be doubted; 3 and Doehle merely finds it exaggerated. 4 Grote, however, observes justly that it does not deserve credence, both because Micythus continued to govern Regium till 467, 5 and because Regium was too far from the field of battle. To use his own words, Diodorus "must have had a strange conception of the geography of southern Italy, to speak of a flight from lapygia to Regium. " 6 To the arguments of Grote could be added others, such as the number of Italiot cities in between, the nature of the territory to be traversed, etc. It is useless, however, to stop to refute a statement which at the first glance is seen to be absurd. Diodorus was evidently wrong, but no one, so far as I know, has sought the origin of his error. It is natural to think that his account is not entirely false. He drew from good sources, and probably often gave passages taken from Timaeus. If the other 1 Aristot. Polit. v. 2. 8. 2 Aelian. V. H. v. 20 says that Tapavrlvuv Tro\iopKovfj.^vuv virb ' A6-r)va.iuv Ka.1 fj\\bvT!av a.\S)va.L \ifjiip oi 'Pyyivot. ^^(plffavro fj,iav rj^pav iv rats 5^/ca vt]- VTefaiv Ka.1 inelv-ris ras rpo0as tKxvpTJffcu TapavTlvois. I am not certain whether it has already been noted that there is an error in the word' AOyvaluv, which is present even in the Teubner edition of Hercher. It is impossible to conceive of a siege of Tarentum by the Athenians, especially at the time of their expedition against Sicily. It seems to me that the word should be changed to Meo-ou? before they came to pitched battle. Even a superficial reading of the text brings out the fact that all of this could not have- taken place in 473, as even the more careful modern scholars are accustomed to state. The date of the Regine colony of Pyxus (471 B. c.) gives us approximately a terminus ad quern for the battle itself. There seems to me no doubt that Regium must have been mistress of that city at the time when she sent over 3,000 of her own citizens to the aid of Tarentum. Strabo, who also mentions the founding of Pyxus by Micythus, adds that Trd\iv 8' curfjpav ol iftpvcrOevres Tr\rjv oXiycov. 1 This also is clear. As a result of the intrigues of Hiero, four years after having founded Pyxus, Micythus left Regium and went to live at Tegea in Arcadia. 3 With his departure disappeared the last rival 1 Strab. vi, p. 252 C. * Herodot. vii. 170; Diod. xi. 66; Paus. v. 26. 4, 38 ANCIENT ITALY of Hiero, for Theron died in 472, and his son Thrasidaeus was afterward conquered at the Himera. Syracuse could now domi- neer in the Tyrrhenian Sea as well. I In 467, however, Hiero himself died, and with him perished the glory and power of the Deinom- enids, and the might of the proud Corinthian colony suffered a temporary eclipse. 1 Rathgeber's observations (op. tit., p. 189) to the effect that the Regine colony of Pyxus became less important on account of the rivalry between Croton and Terina, have neither foundation nor value. Ill Pausanias, in speaking of the statues dedicated at Olympia to victorious athletes, mentions among others that of Euthymus of Locri, the work of Pythagoras of Regium, and takes occasion to introduce a legend which is also referred to by Aelianus and Suidas, and which, in brief, is as follows : Ulysses in his wander- ings touched at Temesa, where one of his companions, having violated a virgin, was stoned to death by the natives. Shortly afterward, the ^ai^wv of the man began to take such savage vengeance on the inhabitants of Temesa that they even planned to leave Italy. An answer from the Pythian Apollo, however, induced them to remain, and to placate the hero with a temple and with the annual sacrifice of one of the most beautiful of the virgins. Euthymus of Locri, son of the river Caecinus which separates the Regine from the Locrian territory, oh his return from his victory in boxing at Olympia, arrived at Temesa at the moment when the hero was being offered his usual victim. He obtained permission to enter the temple, and at sight of the maiden his pity was changed to love. He therefore decided to conquer the hero and marry the maiden. Arming himself, he firmly awaited the hero, and forced him to leave the land and throw himself into the sea. After this feat Euthymus celebrated a splendid wedding. This much Pausanias says he had from hearsay (rjfcova-a^ and then he adds: I remember that I once came upon a picture which was a copy of an old painting. It was like this: There was a youth [i. e., Euthymus], Sybaris, and a river Calabrus, and a spring Lyca, and near a hero's shrine the city of Temesa ; and there, too, was the ghost which Euthymus expelled. The ghost was of a horrid black color. His whole appearance was most dreadful, and he wore a wolfskin. On the picture was also written the name of Alybas. 1 1 Paus. vi. 6. 4 ff.; cf. Suid. ad v. Etiffvfws, who abridges either Pausanias or their common source, and who more correctly calls the ghost 'AXtf/3as, which in the codices of Pausanias is certainly erroneously termed Lycas or Lybas; cf. Ael. V. H. viii. 18; Prov. Alex. 131. 39 40 ANCIENT ITALY The character of Euthymus, although involved in legend, is cer- tainly historical, as is also the fact that a statue was erected to him by Pythagoras of Regium. 1 And that even in the account of his struggle with the hero of Temesa there is involved some truth, is shown by a passage in Strabo, who, in speaking of Temesa, says : Near Temesa, surrounded by a grove of wild olives, is the heroon of Polites, one of the companions of Ulysses, who was betrayed and killed by the bar- barians, and became so desirous of vengeance that those who inhabited the region were compelled to pay him tribute, in response to an oracle, and gave rise to the proverb which is used when speaking of an unmerciful man: "The hero of Temesa is in him." When the Epizephyrian Locrians captured the city, it is said that Euthymus the boxer contended with the hero and, having conquered him, forced him to return the tribute to the inhabitants. 2 The account of Pausanias agrees with that of Strabo, and is probably derived from the same source. The passage from Strabo has the additional advantage of showing that we have to deal with more than a myth pure and simple, and that the account involves one absolutely historical fact, namely, the conquest of Temesa by the Locrians, who were probably captained by the boxer Euthy- mus, just as the inhabitants of Croton had been by the athlete Milo in the struggle against Sybaris. It is also probable that the tribute which Euthymus wished restored was a real tribute which Temesa had been paying to Croton. From about the middle of the sixth century Croton had been either the ally of Temesa or else her mistress. As I shall have occasion to repeat, Temesa was not in origin an Achaean city, but was regarded as a colony either of the Aetolians or of the Phocians. 3 1 The base of the statue of Euthymus, inscribed as the work of Pythagoras (here termed a Samian), was found in the excavations at Olympia; cf. Roehl, Inscr. gr. ant., no. 388, and Loewy, Inschr. gr. Bildhauer (Leipzig, 1885), pp. 19 ff. 2 Strab. vi, p. 255 C.; cf. Ael. loc cit. A partial comparison between the two passages was made by Marincola-Pistoia, Opuscoli di storia patria (Cantanzaro, 1871), p. 105, the first among Calabrian scholars to recognize the importance of the account for the history of Temesa. 3 Temesa was a colony of the Aetolians led by Thoas, according to the source of Strab. vi, p. 255 C.; or of Phocians led by Schedius and Epistrophus, grandsons of the Phocian Naubolus, and coming from the Crissaean Gulf, according to that of Lycophron, vss. 1067 ff. The legend of Thoas seems of Achaean origin and is derived from the domination of Croton over the city. Thoas was a hero of the LEGEND OF EUTHYMUS OF LOCRI 41 Let us now see with what other events the conquest of Temesa on the part of the Locrians is connected, and at what period this conquest occurred. So far as I know, no one has as yet attempted such an investigation. Pausanias, after stating that Euthymus was declared victor in the boxing contests in the seventy-fourth, seventy-sixth, and seventy-seventh Olympiads i.e., in the years 484, 476, and 472 B. c. goes on to say that on his return to Italy he contended against the hero. 1 That Euthymus really won three times at Olympia, as Pausanias asserts, is confirmed by the inscription to which we have just referred. 2 According to Suidas, s however, the three victories occurred after the defeat of Euthymus at the hands of the Thasian Theagenes, who conquered in the seventy- fifth Olympiad, 4 or in 480 B. c., and therefore in the seventy-sixth, seventy-seventh, and seventy-eighth Olympiads, or in 476, 472, and 468 B. c. A comparison between the texts of Pausanias and Suidas, however, makes it probable that Suidas erred in deriving his information, whether his authority was Pausanias, whom he often seems to copy directly, or a common source. Following the words of Pausanias, it would seem at first glance that Euthymus arrived at Locri after 472. If, however, we examine this passage more closely, it will be found necessary to modify this opinion, as it is hardly possible that Euthymus remained at Olympia between the years 484 and 472. In all probability he returned home after each of his three victories. The expression eirav^icw is vague and general, and might refer to either 484, 476, or 472 B. c. But, although vague, the passage from Pausanias is precious, since from it we learn that Euthymus conquered Temesa at the time when the Deinomenids were ruling at Syracuse. Gelo was in power between 484 and 478, and his brother Hiero died in 467 B. c. It is the study of the Italiot policy of these rulers, and of their actions in Peloponnesan Achaeans (see Paus. v. 25. 8ff.; and cf. Horn. //. vii. 168). It should be remembered that the Opuntian Locrians were ashamed of their origin and were accustomed to call themselves Aetolians (cf. Paus. x. 38. 4). 1 Paus. vi. 6. 7. 2 Roehl, op. cit., no. 388: Etf0u/>s Aoxpds 'A<7Tu/c\6>s rpij *OXJ/ri' MKUV. 3 Ad v. Etf0v/ios. 4 Paus. vi. 6. 5. 42 ANCIENT ITALY regard to Locri, which will make us fully understand the meaning of the capture of Temesa by the Locrians. Up to the preceding century Temesa had been either a colony or an ally of Croton. This is shown by the silver staters bearing the names of the two cities. These staters endured as late as the beginning of the following century. 1 The attack of Locri was in reality directed against Croton. Since the middle of the pre- ceding century the inhabitants of Croton had in vain tried to sub- jugate the Locrians, who in their city beside the Sagras had ably succeeded in defending their liberty. In the battle of the Sagras, however, they had the Regians as allies, and now these also had become their fierce enemies. Between 478 and 476 Anaxilaus, the powerful ruler of Regium, was at war with the Locrians, and only the intervention of Hiero compelled him to respect the allies of Syracuse. 2 In 476 Croton made war upon the Sybarites, who likewise were saved from ruin by the intervention of Hiero. 3 It seems to me that there is no need of any great amount of political insight to establish, by means of these apparently iso- lated and fragmentary passages, which are in reality closely con- nected, the fact that the inhabitants of Regium and Croton were the common enemies of the Locrians, and that their taking of Temesa was merely an episode in these events. Through Herodotus 4 we know that the Carthaginians were led to assail Theron of Agrigentum by Anaxilaus of Regium, father- in-law of Terillus, whom Theron had driven from Himera. The battle of Himera (480 B. c.) brought to naught the designs of Anaxi- laus, and confirmed the power of Theron, and also that of Gelo of Syracuse. It was natural that Gelo should now make Anaxilaus pay dearly for bringing the Carthaginians into Siceliot affairs, even to the extent of making him give up his own children as hostages. And, although it is said that Gelo was generous toward him, 5 it Head, op. cit., pp. 80, 96. 1 See Sch. Find. Pyth. i. 89; ii. 34. Hiero mounted the throne in 478 (Diod. xi. 38); Anaxilaus died in 476 (Diod. xi. 48). 3 Diod. xi. 48; Sch. Find. Ol. ii. 29. * Herod, vii. 165. 5 At least Diodorus (xi. 66) makes Hiero say this to the sons of Anaxilaus. This LEGEND OF EUTHYMUS OF LOCRI 43 is nevertheless evident that he wished to derive benefit from the victory, and in his turn mingle in the affairs of Italy. Duns of Samos, the historian of Agathocles, relates that near Hipponium was a sacred grove, in which was an edifice erected by Gelo, entitled the "Horn of Amalthea." 1 From this passage we are certainly not authorized to deduce that Hipponium fell under the domination of the Deinomenids. 2 We may, however, conclude from it that Gelo, when he benefited Hipponium, the colony of Locri, initiated that Italiot policy which was continued by his brother Hiero when he interfered in favor of Locri, and which was closely copied by Dionysius I when he made Locri a stepping-stone toward his domination of the Italiot cities. We know that Diony- sius rewarded Locri for her loyalty by giving her the territory of the various colonies of Croton i. e., Caulonia, Scylacium, and possibly, as we have elsewhere noted, that of Terina. Hence, when at the time of the Deinomenids we see the Locrians assail and take possession of Temesa, which was likewise a colony or an ally of Croton, it is evident that in this also they were supported by Syracuse. Thanks to their alliance with her, they were enabled to accomplish similar results against like enemies both in the fifth and in the succeeding century. A confirmation of the above is given by another passage from Pausanias, who says that Astylus of Croton was thrice declared victor in the stadium at Olympia, but that the second and third times, as a favor to Hiero, he had himself proclaimed, not from Croton, but from Syracuse. Pausanias adds that on account of this the inhabitants of Croton regarded the house of Astylus as infamous and used it as a prison, and that they threw to the ground his statue, the work of Pythagoras of Regium, which he had dedi- cated in the temple of Lacinian Hera. 3 Astylus conquered in the would also prove the strict bonds of relationship existing between Hiero and Anaxilaus. 1 Duris apud Athen. xii, p. 512 A. =M F. H. G , III, p 479, no. 441. 2 It seems to me that Holm (Gesch. Sic., I, p. 211) exaggerates when he says in this connection: "Wir haben sogar Spuren, dass Gelon ausser dem grossten Theile Siciliens auch einen Theil von Italien beherrschte. " 3 Paus. vii. 13. i. One of the victories of Astylus was sung by Simonides (see Bergk, Poet. lyr. Grec., Ill-*, p. 391, fr. no. 10). 44 ANCIENT ITALY seventy- third, seventy-fourth, and seventy-fifth Olympiads, corre- sponding to the years 488, 484, and 480 B. c. 1 It seems to me, how- ever, that before 480 the inhabitants of Croton could not have been hostile toward Syracuse, for otherwise they would not have allowed Astylus to place in the temple of Hera the statue which had been made by Pythagoras of Regium; and it also seems to me that any resolutions detrimental to Astylus, who had declared himself a Syracusan in 484, must have been taken after 480, the year of his third victory, and also the year of the battle of Himera, since it was after that battle that the Syracusans interfered directly as masters of the affairs of Italy. It was with reason that Croton bore such hatred toward Syra- cuse, since the aid given the Locrians, as also the loss of Temesa, was for her an inestimable injury. Temesa was so situated that Croton could compete successfully along commercial lines with the Chalcidian cities controlling the Strait of Messina. To lose her meant no longer to have free access to the Tyrrhenian coast. Sub- sequent to the period of which we are speaking we have no more coins of Temesa. On the other hand, it was not till about 480 that the coins of Terina appeared. Thus the numismatical data are in perfect harmony with the literary. About the middle of the fourth century Temesa was in the power of the Brettians, from whom she was taken by Hannibal. She continued to exist as a Roman colony, and Pausanias pro- vided, of course, that he is really giving personal information, and not reproducing exactly his ancient source asserts that she was still inhabited in his time. 2 That after 480 she ceased to coin money is evidently due to the fact that she then came into the power of the Locrians, who coined money neither in their own city nor in their colonies of Mesma and Hipponium. There are no coins from these cities before the middle of the fourth century. 3 In all probability the inhabitants of Croton sought by the found- ing of Terina to remedy the loss they had suffered. The new city, 1 See Eus., ed. Schone, I, p. 203. 2 See Strab. vi, p. 255 C ; Paus. loc. cit. 3 An analogous phenomenon is presented by Sparta, which did not commence to coin money till about the end of the fourth century, under King Areus (see Head, op. cit., pp. 363 ff.). LEGEND OF EUTHYMUS OF LOCRI 45 which dominated the isthmus between the gulfs of Hipponium and Scylacium, and which protected the road leading to the Ionian Sea and to Croton, was a point of offense toward the valley of the Lameto, which certainly in the course of time also fell into the hands of Croton. It is likewise probable that Temesa again became a possession of the Achaean* cities at the time when, with Hiero and Thrasybulus, the power of the Deinomenids, as also that of Locri, disappeared. Thus we understand why Temesa, although no longer in the hands of Locri, coined no more money; for by that time Terina had become mistress of the valley of the Lameto, and would not tolerate an autonomous and rival city in such close proximity. We have seen that at about the same period, and possibly in the same year, in which Hiero intervened in favor of the Locri ans, he also aided the Sybarites, who were threatened by Croton. The inhabitants of Croton were the common enemies of both of these cities, and we may suppose that the Locrians were at that period friends of the Sybarites, who were living in their colonies of Laos and Scidrus, 1 and possibly also at Posidonia. A possible confirmation of this supposition may be found in the legend of Euthymus. Pausanias, as we have seen, describes a painting in which appeared all of the characters and elements represented in the legend; i.e., Temesa, the temple of the hero, the Batpcov, the spring Lyca, the river Calabrus, the veavia-icos, or Euthymus, and 2v/3a/ot9. It seems to me that Sybaris can here be nothing else than the name of the liberated maiden. It has already been noted that the legend of Euthymus and his struggle against the Satfjicov sets forth in poetical form a historical fact, and relates to the conquest of Temesa by the Locrians led by Euthymus. We have also considered it probable that the tribute which the ghost demanded, and which Euthymus returned, indicates a real tribute imposed upon the city of Croton. Is it not also more natural, instead of believing that a marriage occurred between Euthymus and the liberated maiden, to think that also the name of this maiden, this 2v/3a/ota\^v, which had been dedicated by the Locrians of Italy, and was the work of Patrocles of Croton. Although this Patrocles is unknown and his date uncertain, nevertheless from the nature of the LEGEND OF EUTHYMUS OF LOCRI 47 Temesa itself is said to have been colonized in ancient times by the Phocians of Phocis. It is therefore natural that in the countries inhabited by the same people should be found this Greek myth, which reappears also in the legend of Perseus and Andromeda. We are struck, nevertheless, by the similarity between the name of the monster Sybaris and that of the Achaean city, and especially by the statement of Antoninus Liberalis to the effect that this gave origin to the founding of Locrian Sybaris in Italy. It is also to be noted that Solinus, 1 in speaking of the founding of Greek colonies in Italy, in a passage where he mentions various traditions which were derived from good sources, and of which some are also pre- served by other writers worthy of credence, asserts that Sybaris was founded " a Troezeniis et a Sagari Aiacis Locrii filii." Is it true that Locrians had a share in the founding of Sybaris ? I see no reason for doubting such an assertion. Aristotle 2 says that Troezenians took part in its foundation. 3 If Solon, or his source, agrees with the great philosopher in this, why should we think him in error in saying that Locrians as well came to Sybaris ? His statement is confirmed by the passage just quoted from Nican- der, a writer who is fairly well informed concerning the peoples of northern Greece. It is not strange that the Achaeans who founded Sybaris should have summoned to take part in their colony the Ozolian Locrians who dwelt along the shores of the Corinthian Gulf, and who were directly opposite the metropolis of Sybaris, Helica, and separated from it merely by a narrow arm of the gulf. It is a characteristic of all Greek colonies, and indeed of most colonies past and present, that they are made up of mixed elements. 4 If it is true that there was a Locrian contingent in the population of Sybaris, we understand better how the Locrians and the Syba- image we may conclude that it was archaic, and the friendship of the Epizephyrian Locrians for the Sicyonians finds a plausible explanation in the relations which must have existed between the two peoples inhabiting the opposite shores of the Corinthian Gulf. 1 Solin. ii. 10, ed. Mommsen. Aristot. Polit. v. 3. 3 See below. 4 It is worthy of note that Lycophron (vss. 1075 ff.), when speaking of Temesa and the Phocian colony of the Naubolides, refers to the legend of the Trojan Setaia who perished at Sybaris. 48 ANCIENT ITALY rites could have been united about 476 B. c. To the political reasons of the time would be added those determined by tradition and by affinity. Probably no small part of the strengthening of the mutual bonds was played by the laws of the Locrian Zaleucus. These laws were also in force in Achaean Sybaris at an early period. 1 We are far from asserting positively that the tradition is true. It could, for example, have had its origin in later political events. It may be that the alliance of 476 between the Sybarites and the Locrians gave rise to the tradition that Tarentum was founded by those citizens who did not wish to take part in the expedition against the Messanians. However one decides in regard to this intricate question, one thing I hold to be most probable, namely, that the name of Sybaris on the painting seen by Pausanias refers to the bonds of alliance which existed between Locri and Sybaris about 476 B. c. 2 The legends of Euthymus and Eurybatus are worthy of study in other respects also. It is interesting, for example, to note how a legend which was of either Phocian or Locrian origin, and which was localized in Magna Graecia, should have become fused with the myth referring to the adventures of Ulysses, and how a historical fact should finally have become adorned and clothed with the com- bined features of the two myths. Euthymus, a perfectly his- torical character, is no longer considered the son of Astycles, but becomes the son of the river which divides the territory of the Locrians from that of the neighboring Regians. He is not over- 'Pseud.-Scymn., vss. 246 f. 2 Paus. vi. 19. 9 says that according to some authors the ancient name of Lupiae (Lecce) was Sybaris. Keeping in mind a passage from Hyginus (apud Serv. ad Aen. iii. 553: "Aulon mons est Calabriae in quo oppidum fuit a Locris conditum;" cf. Hor. Carm. ii. 6. 18), and also one from Guido (ed. Parthey, 67, p. 502: "regionem Solentinam [sic] quae et Locria antiquitus dicta est, provincia Apulia est"), one might think that the Sybaris of Nicander, founded in Italy by the Locrians, was the one on the Sallentine peninsula. That a city of that name existed there is shown by Ovid Met. xv. 50 ff. (cf. my pamphlet, Sibari nella Mes- sapia [Pisa]). Varro (apud Prob. ad Verg. Eel. vi. 31) also speaks of Locrians in Messapia. But both the passage from Solinus, and a comparison between the legend of Eurybatus and that of Euthymus, render it unnecessary for me to refute this supposition. LEGEND OF EUTHYMUS OF LOCRI 49 taken by death, but after a long life becomes a hero of more than mortal nature. With the legend which Pausanias either heard at Olympia, or more probably reproduced from some early source, agrees the brief and concise account of Aelianus, who adds that Euthymus descended to the banks of the Caecinus and disappeared. With it agree also the words of Callimachus, as cited by Pliny : Consecratus est vivos sentiensque eiusdem oraculi [i. e., of Delphi] iussu et lovis deorum summi adstipulatu Euthymus pycta, semper Olympiae victor et semel victus. Patria ei Locri in Italia. Ibi imaginem eius et Olympiae alteram eodem die tactam fulmine Callimachum ut nihil aliud miratum video ad eumque iussisse sacrificare, quod et vivo factitatum et mortuo, nihil de eo mirum aliud quam hoc placuisse dis. 1 With the myth of Euthymus may be compared that of Epidius, a hero of Nuceria who is said to have fallen into the neighboring Sarnus, and to have felt horns sprouting upon his forehead. Shortly afterward he disappeared and was worshiped as a god by the Alfaterni of Nuceria. From him M. Epidius, the rhetorician, and teacher of Augustus and Anthony, pretended to derive his origin. 2 This is a well-known form of myth, appearing also in the story of Aeneas, w r ho fell into the Numicius and became a god. The diffusion of the legend of Euthymus, as also the general use of the proverb concerning him, shows clearly that the legend was soon treated of in literature, and was possibly in origin a literary product. Stesichorus of Himera, though born at Metau- rum and a citizen of a Locrian colony, 3 sang of the victory at the Sagras in a palinode, and told the adventures of Leonymus, the Croton leader, who was wounded by Ajax, the protecting deity of the Locrians, and on that account betook himself to Leuce, an island in the Euxine Sea sacred to Achilles, where he was healed of his wound, and where he saw Helen, who sent by him the well- known message to the poet. 4 One immediately suspects that the 1 Plin. N. H. vii. 47; cf. Schneider, Callimachea, II, p. 579, fr. 399. Possibly fr. 493, p. 650, 6 8' tic AoKp&v Tex eoj 'ITO.\IKOV vap' .... fyv dfjuurrup, refers also to Euthymus (cf. Bergk, Ant. lyr., II, praef. p. xviii). 3 Suet. De rhetor. 4. Epidius is also represented on the coins of Nuceria (cf. Head, op. cit., p. 35). 3 Cf. Suid., s. v. STTJO-J xP* ; Steph. Byz., s. v. Mdravpot. * Paus. iii. 19. n; cf. Bergk, Poet. lyr. Graec., Ill*, pp. 2i8ff. 50 ANCIENT ITALY victory of the Locrians and of Euthymus at Temesa may have furnished the opportunity for a poet of the school of Stesichorus or Xenocritus of Locri to compose a similar song of victory, in which real and fantastic elements, both historical and mythical, were mingled. 1 It is hardly necessary to recall that the accounts which have come down to us are mainly derived from the learned Alexan- drine poet Callimachus, who related other myths of this nature, and from the historian Timaeus, who collected the historical facts and the fables relating to the western Greeks. Finally, the account of Pausanias is valuable for still another reason. The painting which was seen either by him or by his source was, according to his own confession, a reproduction of an ancient original. Archaeologists may decide upon the value of this statement for the history of painting. It will suffice for me tc 1 According to the explicit and authoritative testimony of Glaucus of Regium (apud Plut. De mus. 10; Miiller, F. H. G., II, p. 24, fr. 4), it as said of Xenocritus of Locri: ^pwi'/cwc y&.p iiiroOfoeutv irpd'y/j.a.Ta. i\ov T^S ruv KoKpSiv 7r6\ews. According to Pausanias, on the other hand, this river, which he alone calls KaiK^s, separated the territory of the Locrians from that of the Regians. The fact that Philistus (apud Steph. Byz., s. v.; Miiller, F. H. G., I, p. 86, fr. 10) speaks of a Kalicivov Xwplov 'ITO.\IK&V is possibly in favor of Pausanias, who nevertheless depended on the same source as Aelianus. It is, however, natural to suppose that his words in regard to the position of the Caecinus and to the story of the grasshoppers are due to a contaminatio of two different accounts made by Pausanias himself, which forbids our indulging in suppo- sitions concerning the author of the epinicion. It might be noted here that, if we accept the correction of Coray, who for the words AI/KU 71-1771^ of Pausanias substitutes KaXtf/ca irtiy/i, we have another allusion to. the school of Stesichorus, who sang of KaXtfKTj, the beloved of Euathlus (cf. Bergk, Poet. lyr. Grace., III4, p. 222, fr. 43). At any rate, the myth was most popular and appears frequently in later literature. LEGEND OF EUTHYMUS OF LOCRI 51 note that on the painting seen by Pausanias was recorded the river Ka\a/3/w, near Temesa. 1 It is known that the Romans gave the name of lapygia to Calabria, and generally admitted that the name of Calabria passed over to Bruttium between the sixth and seventh centuries. The passage from Pausanias has the further merit of making us better understand how the transition from one name to the other could have occurred, and adduces another favorable argu- ment to the theory of Mommsen, who held that, before the arrival of the Greeks, southern Italy from the Gulf of Tarentum to the Strait of Messina was inhabited by a people of like descent. 2 We are led to the same result by the name of Alybas, the 8afa(ov honored near Temesa, if this 'AXv/Sa? was really the name of the earliest city at Metapontum. 3 1 The name of a confluent of the river Marro (Metaurus) which rises in the mountain-range northeast of Regium, is also Calabrian. 3 Mommsen, Unterit. Dialekte, pp. 97 ff. 3 See Eustath. ad Horn. Od. xxiv. 304; Hesych. and Steph. Byz., s. v.; Apoll. Lex. 24. Whether or not Metapontum was the Homeric Alybas is another question. FIG. 2. Coin of the Alliance between Temesa and Croton. FlG. 3. Coins of Terina. IV TERINA, THE COLONY OF CROTON Terina, a colony of Croton, was, to judge from its coins, one of the most flourishing of the Hellenic cities, and although it is rarely named by historians, we shall see that it nevertheless played an important part in the wars waged in Magna Graecia. Our first problem will be to determine its location. The critics who in recent years have treated this question have seen only a portion, and certainly the least important portion, of the truth. I think it possible to contribute new material and new considerations to the solution of the problem, thanks to which we shall better under- stand the important strategic position held by the city in former times. According to the generally accepted opinion among Calabrian scholars, Terina should be sought near the river Savuto (the Saba- tus), about four miles north of Nocera Inferiore, on a plateau where fragments of masonry are seen, and where numerous anti- quities, have been discovered, among which were a few coins of Terina. 1 Lenormant in his last work, the book, both good and bad, which he wrote on Magna Graecia, has produced a strange mixture of keen observations and innumerable, possibly intentional, inaccuracies. In this he has thought it wise to take up again the problem of the topography of Temesa and Terina, and, as it seems to me, has rendered probable, or almost certain, that Terina was situated near the modern Fiume di S. Biase, in the valley of the Lamato, or Fiume di S. Ippolito (the Lametus or Lamatus of the ancients), on the very spot which is today termed Bagni di S. Eufemia. Temesa he places at Le Mattonate, two miles south of the Savuto. 2 1 L. Grimaldi, Studi archeologici sutta Calabria ultra seconda (Naples, 1845), p. 62. 2 Lenormant, La grande Grece, III, pp. 83 ff. I refer to this, although all of his assertions cannot be accepted. Thus I cannot follow his reasoning in the case of 53 54 ANCIENT ITALY The Calabrian scholar Marincola-Pistoia has recently treated of this subject in a monograph on the city of Terina; but, after reproducing the arguments of Lenormant, he remains undecided as to whether the city should be placed at S. Eufemia, or on the pla- teau already mentioned, which he says (without giving his author- ity), "still preserves the ancient name of the city in its present appellation of Tirene or Tirina." 1 I gladly recognize the merit of Marincola-Pistoia, but in this case I doubt whether his assertion is of value, and suspect that he has been deceived. This would not be the first instance in which an ancient site has preserved the name given it by some local scholar who believed that he had discovered there the remains of the city of which he was in search. It often happens that later writers are mistaken, and believe to be local and popular tradition that which is merely the result of literary speculation. 2 Without a complete collection of the writings of Calabrian scholars on this subject it is useless to attempt to discover the origin of the confusion. It seems to me, however, that without doubt Terina should be sought in the valley of the Lameto. The Sinus Terinaeus of Pliny could not be derived from a city situated beyond Cape Suverum. For my own part I would rather seek the ruins of the ancient city of Temesa on the plateau near the Savuto. 3 the coin of Terina which represents a nymph near a fountain, and bears the legend AFH. This, following Mellingen, he thinks a corruption of "A-yiJs, and to be the ' APTJS of Lycophron, vs. 730. It is now known that the dp^s is not another river of Terina, but an epithet (=&rxvp<5j) of the Ocinarus (cf. the edition of Kinkel, p. 31; Sch. Vet. ad loc., ibid,, p. 136). For the Homeric origin of this cipT/s see the observations on Lycophron by Scheer in the Programm of Ploen, 1876, pp. 25 ff. The "Ayi of the coin, as has often been noted, is probably, the name of the designer (cf. Rathgeber, Gross griechenland u. Pythag. [Gotha 1886], pp. 5 ff . 1 Marincola-Pistoia, Di Terina e di Lao (Cantanzaro, 1886), p. 14. In this work mention is made of a rich Greek tomb from the time of Agathocles, found near S. Eufemia (cf. pp. 16 ff.). 2 This kind of error is unfortunately perpetuated by the unconscious laxity of the government in too readily allowing certain municipalities to embellish them- selves with ancient names which do not belong to them. This may seem an idle objection, and the matter is unimportant in itself, but as a result the government maps show many names which are destined either to create or to perpetuate both ancient and modern errors. Cf. Lenormant, op. cit., II, pp. 24 ff. 3 Even the excellent map of Kiepert which ornaments Vol. X of the CIL. TERINA, THE COLONY OF CROTON 55 Lenormant was not the first to place Terina near S. Eufemia, and to recognize in the Fiume di S. Biase the Ocinarus of Lyco- phron. He was preceded, possibly without knowing it, by Rath- geber, who dedicated to Terina a good portion of that coarse and curious medley, entitled Magnagrecia e Pitagora, in which, mixed with many gratuitous assertions and tedious and absolutely unne- cessary digressions, are found many valuable bibliographical data, and now and then some observation of value. 1 There is no doubt that from the passages in ancient writers we should be led to place Terina in the valley of the Lamato, on the Tyrrhenian coast. Lycophron, on one of the two occasions when he mentions Terina, says that the body of the siren Ligea was carried by the waves to Terina, and that she was buried there by sailors near the mouth of the Ocinarus, which bathed her tomb. 2 Ligea was one of the three sirens who were honored on the coast of Campania and Lucania as far as Bruttium, and were worshiped in the localities which received their names; i.e., Parthenope (Naples), Leucosia (Cape Licosa), and Ligea (Terina). 3 places Terina on the plateau of the Tirena, a strategic point which dominates the entrance to the valley of the Savuto and the approach to that of the Crathis. I should prefer to place there the ancient Temesa, and attach little importance to the fact that the distances in the Itineraries would rather lead us to place it two miles to the south (Torre del Casale ? cf. Romanelli apud Marincola- Pistoia in Opuscoli di storia patria [Cantanzaro, 1871], p. 92). Lenormant (op. cit., Ill, p 89; cf. Marincola, Di Terina, etc., p. 21, n. 3) wrongly asserts that Temesa was situated at Le Mattonate, for in the course of centuries it may have been moved, even in antiquity, and either the Greek Temesa may not have been the one which still existed in the second century (cf. Paus. vi. 6. 10), or else the city may have been on the plateau near the Savuto, while at Torre del Casale were the mines of which Romanelli speaks, and which are said to have pertained to Homeric times (cf. Horn. Od. i. 184). 1 Rathgeber, op. cit., pp. 5 ff., 82 ff. 3 Lycophr., vss. 726 ff.; cf. vss. 1008 ff. 3 Solin. ii. 9, pp. 35 ff. Mommsen says of this: "Insula Ligea appellata ab eiecto ibi corpore Sirenis ita nominatae." He agrees, therefore, with Lycophron; cf. Steph. Byz., s. v. Tpiva. The Calabrian historians (cf. apud Marincola- Pistoia, Di Terina, etc., p. 23) think this island is the rock between Nocera and the Savuto, termed Pietra della Nave. This was originally an island, although today it is joined to the mainland, thanks to the heavy deposits of the Calabrian fiumare. I have before me the map of the Italian Stato Maggiore, reduced by Kiepert to the 56 ANCIENT ITALY Pseudo-Scymnus (or his source) interrupts at Velia 1 his descrip- tion of the Italian coast on the Tyrrhenian side, to describe the Aeolian islands and Sicily. He then takes up the coast again, 2 and. after mentioning the regions which he calls Italia, Oenotria, and Magna Graecia, he enumerates the Greek cities located there. Commencing at Terina, he says : 'EAAiyvwcas yovv irapaOaXaTTiovi f\ft TroAets ' Tepeivav Trpwrov, rjV airtaKurav KporwvtaTat, irpoTCpov. 3 and proceeds to name Hipponium, Medma, Regium, etc. More- over, Strabo states 4 that Terina was a-vve%ij<; to Temesa; and Pliny, who, as is well known, follows the same source as Strabo, which was probably Artemidorus, makes the same observation: "oppidum Tempsa a Graecis Tefhese dictum et Crotoniensium Terina sinusque ingens Terinaeus." 5 There remains, however, one passage which, so far as I know, has hitherto been overlooked by critics, and which completely contradicts the above conclusion, in spite of its apparent finality. This is from no other than Thucydides, one of the earliest and most authoritative of authors, who narrates how Gylippus, having sailed from Thurii for Sicily in order to aid Syracuse, 7rapeTr\t rrjv /av KOI dpTracrOeis VTT' avepov Kara rov Tepivaiov KO\TTOV 69 ravTrj /leya? /cara flopeav ea-rrjicdy;, was forced back to Tarentum by the tempest. 6 There can be no doubt about the meaning of this: the Teri- naean Gulf of Thucydides is the Scylacine Gulf famous for its tem- pests, the namjragum Scylaceum of Vergil. 7 How, then, shall we harmonize this passage with the preceding, and especially with that of Pliny, who gives the name "Terinaean" to the opposite scale of i : 800,000. The map is relatively small, and yet in front of S. Eufemia is plainly seen a narrow tongue of land in the shape of a peninsula. It seems to me that this must originally have been the island of Ligea mentioned by the two ancient writers just quoted. 1 Vs. 252. 2 Pseud. -Scymn., vs. 300. * Plin. N. H. Hi. 5. 72; cf. 10. 95. 3 Pseud. -Scymn., vs. 305. 6 Thuc. vi. 104. 2. 4 Strab. vi, p. 256 C. * Verg. Aen. iii. 553. TERINA, THE COLONY OF CROTON 57 gulf, which other authors e. g., Antiochus call Lametine, from the city or river of Lametus (today the Amato), or Hipponiate from the city of Hipponium (Monteleone) ? The difficulty might be avoided by supposing that Thucydides mistook one gulf for the other; but who would dare employ such a remedy, and accuse this learned and diligent writer of error ? In the many and valuable data on the geography of Italy and Sicily which he has given us it would be useless to search for the slightest mistake. Moreover, there are no serious arguments which would lead us to agree with those who deny the value of the statements of Timaeus, according to whom Thucydides himself visited Italy. 1 The well-known description of Syracuse and its neighborhood is alone an excellent argument in favor of this statement. 2 Before deciding, then, that Thucydides was wrong, it is neces- sary to seek some means for checking his data. I believe that this is possible, and am convinced that Terina was neither to the west nor the east of the point where the two Silae ranges 3 sink suddenly and form the Lamatine and Scylacine Gulfs, but lay in a central position, precisely at the point where today is situated the town of Tiriolo, which, at a height of about 540 meters above the sea, dominates the two gulfs, of which either might with justice be termed Terinaean, and commands by its position the means of communication with the surrounding territory. 4 This theory is based on two series of facts. In the first place, Tiriolo is a conspicuous archaeological center. The numerous finds, from flints and stone axes to the artistic products of the best Greek period, suffice to show that a flourishing Greek city once occupied this site. The museum of Cantanzaro, which I visited several years ago, may to a certain extent be called the museum of 1 Tim. apud Marcell. Vit. Thuc. 40. 52. Timaeus was, however, in error in asserting that Thucydides died in Italy (cf. Marcell. ibid. 52). a Cf. Holm, Die Stadt Syrakus im Alterthum (ed. Lupus, Strassburg, 1887^, pp. 114 ff., who has worked out this theme better than anyone else. 3 See below, pp. 59, 63, for the phrase "the two Silae." 4 Calabrian writers agree that Tiriolo was an ancient city (cf. Grimaldi, op. cit., pp. 79 ff.), and have evolved strange theories in this connection. That it occupies the site of Terina has hitherto escaped notice. 58 ANCIENT ITALY Terina. Even a hasty examination of this scientific institute will convince anyone of the truth of this assertion. 1 At Tiriolo was found the famous senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus, but it is not possible, as will be shown, that the ancient town was the ager Teuranus mentioned in the inscription. A poor vicus could not leave so many and valuable remains, and Terina is the only name that can be given to the city which once flourished there and which is attested by numerous monuments, since no other is mentioned as having existed in that region. On the other hand, I hold that Terina played an important part in the military history of antiquity. It was founded by the inhabi- tants of Croton for the same reason that they either founded or seized both Scylacium and Caulonia on the Ionian Sea. 2 Although on a few occasions Croton had been the avowed ally of Sybaris 3 she was in general her rival, as also that of Locri. These two cities possessed maritime colonies on the Tyrrhenian coast, and pressed upon the territory of Croton from either side. To compete suc- cessfully with Sybaris, who was mistress of the valley of the Crathis and also of a portion of the Tyrrhenian coast, where she had the colonies of Posidonia, Laos, and Scidrus, it was necessary to fortify the entire neck of land between the Hipponiate and Scylacine Gulfs. The possession of this made it possible for Croton to carry on commerce by portages through the valleys of the Corace and Fiume di S. Biase, just as the Sybarites and Locrians crossed the peninsula to reach their colonies of Mesma and Hipponium. 4 1 It would be worth while for someone, preferably one thoroughly acquainted with the region, to catalogue the finds made at Tiriolo. 2 That Terino was a colony of Croton is expressly stated by Pseud. -Scymn., vss. 306 ff.; Plin. N. H. iii. 5. 72; Solin. ii. 10; Phleg. Trail., fr. 18, ed. Keller; and obscurely by Lycophron, vss. 1008 ff.; cf. Sch. Vet. ad loc. For Caulonia see Pseud.-Scymn., vs. 319; Solin., loc. cit., Steph. Byz., s. v. AtXdv. For Scylacium or Squillace see Strab. vi, p. 261 C. 3 Cf. the staters of Croton on which also the name of Stf(/3a/>is) is found (Headj op. cit., p. 80). 4 For Laos and Scidrus see Herodot. vi. 21; cf. Strab. vi, p. 253 C. For Hip- ponium and Mesma see Thuc. v. 5. 3; Pseud.-Scymn., vs. 308; cf. Strab. vi, p. 256 C. TERINA, THE COLONY OF CROTON . 59 To succeed in their purpose, the inhabitants of Croton seized upon Caulonia on the Ionian Sea and assured themselves of full liberty of action toward Locri. On the Tyrrhenian side they either seized or allied themselves with Temesa at the mouth of the Savuto, which was both politically and commercially a point of defense against Sybaris and Locri. 1 In order to secure means of communication between the two gulfs, it was necessary to possess the key to the intervening neck of land ; and this was found at its highest point, where the northern Sila range sinks rapidly to Tiri- olo. This position not only commanded the two gulfs, but was a useful point of offense and defense against the valley of the Crathis, where was situated Pandosia, the Oenotrian capital which soon became the ally of Croton. 2 The above-mentioned circumstances, and also the fact that on the Tyrrhenian side Croton exercised control at least over Temesa, show clearly that she had no need of founding Terina in the immediate neighborhood of that city. Moreover, Terina is mentioned as a place of great strategic importance even in connec- tion with later events. For this reason the Thurians, the succes- sors of the Sybarites, moved against her under Cleandridas; 3 and when the Brettians, the earliest inhabitants of Bruttium, rebelled against the Lucanians and founded an autonomous government (about 356 B. c.), they attacked Terina first of all, and then moved against Hipponium, Thurii, and the other Italiot cities. 4 1 The alliance between Temesa and Croton in the fifth century is known to all numismatists (cf. Head, op. cit., pp. 80, 96). Garrucci alone (Le monete delF Italia antica, II, pp. 147 ff., Plate CIX, no. 6) wrongly opposes the identification of Temesa with the city designated by the letters TE, which he believes to refer to Terina. His statement is confuted by the coin which he himself publishes (Plate CXVI, no. 27), bearing the objects common to the coins of Croton and Temesa (helmet, greaves, and tripod), and the legend TEM. * That relations existed between Croton, Temesa, and Pandosia in the fifth century is known only from coins (cf. Head, op. cit., pp. 80, 90). We shall later discuss this matter in full detail. 3 Polyaen. ii. 10. i; Antioch. apud Strab. vi, p. 264 C.; Diod. xiii 106. 10. 4 Diod. xvi. 15. 2: Kal TtpSiTov n^v Tepivav ir&\iv ^ciroXiopc^(rarres, iirfLTa. 'Iviruiviov Kal Qovplovs Kal iroXXds AXXas xfipuad^voi KOIVTJV 60 ANCIENT ITALY This last statement is inexplicable if Terina is placed near the sea, but is easily understood if we admit that the Brettians besieged Tiriolo, which was the necessary key for those desiring free passage both toward Thurii, through the valley of the Crathis, and toward Hipponium. It was on account of this position that Alexander the Molossian captured Terina when he moved against the Bret- tians. 1 And finally, by holding that Terina was at Tiriolo, we understand why Hannibal, when compelled to leave Italy and return home, "destroyed Terina which he was not able to guard," as Strabo says, 2 thus treating it in the same way as he did the soldiers and horses he could not take with him. These last, we know, he put to death before he sailed. 3 Terina, therefore, is mentioned in connection with nearly all the military events which occurred in Magna Graecia between the fourth and second centuries B. c., and presents itself as an impor- tant strategic point. 4 It requires no great amount of military learn- ing to recognize that it must have been situated in some strong position, and not in the level valley of the Lamato near the S. Biase River. Had it been located here, it would have been diffi- cult to understand why it should have occurred to Hannibal to destroy a place which was not worth guarding, and which had none of the strategic advantages which Terina certainly possessed. 5 These results seem to me fairly certain, although they flatly contradict the preceding statements. This discrepancy becomes still more evident from what follows. At Tiriolo in 1640 was found the text of the celebrated senatus consultum de Bacchanalibus of 186 B. c., in which it is said that it was promulgated "in agro 1 Liv. viii. 24. The words ac Terinam in the texts were proposed by Sigonio in place of the acrentinam of the codices. 3 Strab. vi, p. 256 C.: Teptva ffv ' A.i>vl/3as Ka8fi\et> ov duvd/jLevos v\d.TTeiv 6re Si) els aiiTTjv Kara7re(/>et/7et TTJK EpeTrlav (therefore between 207 and 203 B. C.). 3 App. B. Hann. 60; cf. Liv. xxx. 20. 4 Cf. also Liv. xxv. i, for the year 213 B. c. s It was because there was no city and no position on the Gulf of Hipponium that had a situation of a strategic character, that the Romans, when they sent a military colony to Croton, sent another to Temesa (cf. Liv. xxxiv. 45, for the year 194 B. c.). TERINA, THE COLONY OF CROTON 61 Teurano." 1 Strabo says that imep 8e ruv %ovpia>v was the Tavptavrj %a)pa. 2 It seems to me certain, other writers, including Mommsen, to the contrary, that this ager Teuranus is identical with Tiriolo. We need not be surprised that the Greek Tepeiva or Tepiva was transformed into the noun from which the adjective Teuranus is derived. It is probable that the Greeks who occupied the place modified the indigenous name, sounding like Tauros (which reap- pears in the form Tavpiavrj xeo/oa, and presents itself again farther on in Bruttium, 3 and produced the new form Te'peiva, which is equivalent to the Latin tener. 4 But even were this incorrect, it would not be surprising if the Lucanians or the Bruttians had modified the Greek form to make of it an ager Teuranus. Was it not the Lucanians who coined the uncouth Paestum from Posidonia ? Thus it is not strange that the senatus consultum mentions a vicus, and not a city, at Tiriolo in 186 B. c. This circumstance agrees perfectly with the passage from Strabo previously quoted, to the effect that Terina had been destroyed by Hannibal about twenty years before the promulgation of this document. More- over, the decree was intended to suppress a religious institution which could have flourished only in a place having a dense and civilized, and even corrupt, population. From this it is evident that at Tiriolo, which at that time was merely a vicus, there had formerly flourished an important city. I am struck, however, by the fact that Strabo himself, who i CIL, X. 104. ' Strab. vi, p. 254 C. 3 Cf. Plin. N. H. iii. 73: "Metaurus amnis Taurentum oppidum;" Pomp. Mel. ii. 68: "Taurianum et Metaurum;" or the Tapiai>6j <7c6ireXos of Ptol. iii. i. 9, which Calabrian writers wrongly confound with Terina. Mommsen (CIL, X, 104) rightly distinguishes these places from the ager Teuranus, but without reason asserts that either the Tavpiavri x^P"- of Strabo was not the same as this, or else the Greek geographer indicated such a place "perperam omnino." Strabo always describes the interior of a country with less accuracy and under general headings only. His words leave no doubt in my mind that he intended to record the ager Teuranus or Tiriolo. 4 The form TVpeiw of Pseudo-Scymnus is not an error. It is confirmed by several coins; cf. Imhoof-Blumer, "Zur Miinzkunde Grossgriechenlands, Sicilien, etc.," Numis. Zeitschr. (Vienna), X (1878), pp. 25 f. 62 ANCIENT ITALY speaks of a Tavpiavrj %&Y>a, also mentions 1 a Terina erwe%77a= Miiller, F. H. G., IV, p. 310), ^KaXetVo 3 *al /xeyrfXi; 'EXXds, would seem to allude to the great importance of Terina in antiquity; but there is some doubt about the correctness of the passage. Much more important in this connection are the numer- ous archaeological finds from the neighborhood of Terina. For these see Notizie degli Scavi, 1881, p. 173; 1882, p. 390; 1883, p. 137; 1898, p. 274. FIG. 4. Coin of the Alliance between Sybaris and Posidonia. THE ORIGIN OF SIRIS Siris, on the coast of Chonia in Magna Graecia, was held to have been founded first by the Trojans and later by the lonians of Colophon. The Achaean founders of Metapontum, Sybaris, and Croton are said to have besieged and captured it, and to have slaughtered its inhabitants at the foot of the altar of Athena Polias. 1 It is further stated that the Athenians, who even in the West repre- sented the rights and traditions of the lonians, wished to refound the city and seize its rich territory. When, therefore, according to Herodotus, on the eve of the battle of Salamis the Spartan Eury- biades refused to follow the counsels of Themistocles, he threat- ened to go with his fellow-citizens to the Siritis in Italy, which, according to an oracle, was to be repopulated by Athenians. 2 The Siritis became an object of contention among the colonists who under the auspices of Athens had founded Thurii, the successor of Sybaris, and on that account Siris did not rise from its ruins with its ancient name, but when, in 433 B. c., the Tarentines had brought about an agreement concerning the possession of the Siritis, the inhabitants of Siris were transferred a short distance to Heraclea. Both contending parties were granted the right of inhabiting the Siritis, and Heraclea, which had been founded under the auspices of Tarentum, was considered as its metropolis. 3 It is not my intention here to discuss the passages which relate to the Siritis and to Heraclea in the following period, but rather to 1 Tim. et Arist. apud Athen. xii, p. 523 d; Strab. vi, p. 246 C.; cf. Lycophr., vs. 989, and Sch. Vet. ad Joe.; Pseud.-Arist. De mir. ausc. 106, p. 840 Bk.; lust. xx. 24; Steph. Byz., s. v. Ho\leiov; cf. Etynt. magn., s. v. Also see my Storia della Sicilia, etc., I, p. 225, and E. Ciaceri in his noteworthy comment on the Alexandra of Lycophron (Catania, 1901, pp. 281 ff.). The opposite opinion has been set forth by Beloch (Hermes, XXIX [1904], pp. 604 ff.). 3 Herodot. viii. 62: dvaXa^6vres rows otic^ras K0/ue6fj.e8a h Stpii> T)JV rt ftrri. K iraXatoO fri, *aJ rd \6yia. X^yet far' ijfj^uv OLVT^V Set 3 Diod. xii. 36. 3. 67 68 ANCIENT ITALY examine in some detail those which refer to the origin of Siris a city whose* beauty, according to a fragment preserved by Athenaeus, was compared by Archilochus of Paros with the less- pleasing charms of the island of Thasos. 1 Archilochus is said to have been a contemporary of^the Lydian Gyges. 2 If, however,' as ancient writers affirm, it is true that Siris was founded by lonians who were fleeing from the domination of the Lydians, it follows that, if the Ionian Archilochus of Paros did not participate directly in the colonization of Ionian Siris, as it is said the poet Eumelus did in that of Syracuse, and Herodotus in that of Thurii, he at least had occasion to see the Italiot city at its very beginning. It is this question of Ionic origin which has recently become an object of dispute among students. It is asked how Siris could have been an Ionic city, when its coins from the middle of the fifth century bear inscriptions in the Achaean alphabet; and how lonians from Ionia could have come to Italy, although, with the exception of the Phocaeans, during the following century no other people from that region founded colonies in the West. The Colo- phonians inhabited a Mediterranean city, and it is even doubtful whether they ever took part in such colonization. Everything, therefore, would lead us to believe that Siris also was of Achaean origin. When we read in Herodotus that Themistocles threatened to go to the Siritis as to a land which from early times had belonged to the Athenians, this is explained, we are told, by the fact that Herodotus wrote at the time when Thurii and Tarentum contended for the Siritis. A drama of Euripides, Me\avi7r7rij Aecr/x&m?, is said to have been the occasion for the final localizing of the myth of Metapontus, husband of Siris, who founded the city of Meta- pontum in Italy and gave rise to the legend that Siris was of 1 Archil, apud Athen. xii, p. 23 d; fr. 21 in Bergk, P. L. G., 114, p. 389. A Siris which existed in Paeonia is mentioned by Herodotus (viii. 115; cf. v. 15) in connection with the military operations of the Persians. The explicit statement by Athenaeus that the Siris mentioned by the poet was the one in Italy prevents us from thinking that he was alluding to the Paeonian city of the same name, which was nearer Thasos. I do not understand why the visit of Archilochus to Siris is not mentioned by modern writers on Greek literature, such as Christ, Geschichte d. griech. Litt., 3d ed., p. 135, and Croiset, Hist, de la litt. grecque, II 2 , p. 179. 3 Archil., fr. 25; cf. Herodot. i. 12. THE ORIGIN OF SIRIS 69 Metapontine origin. We are told, in addition, that the tomb of Calchas, who is said to have been buried at Colophon, cannot be cited as evidence of the tradition that Siris was founded by the Colophonians, because the myth was due merely to the confusion of the Greek Calchas with the hero KaX^o?, whose tomb was also pointed out in Daunia. 1 Such, in sum and substance, are the observations made by Beloch a few years ago on the origin of Siris. The standing of Beloch as a critic is undisputed, but in this case his statements do not seem to be borne out by the passages in ancient literature, as I hope to show in the following pages. Little needs to be said concerning the pretended arrival of the Trojans on the coast of the Siritis, where they are said to have founded a city similar to Troy, which received the name of HoXiecov. Certain modern archaeologists show a tendency to accept such legends, and possibly they wiU some day be able through new dis- coveries to substantiate the available literary and linguistic data and to persuade those who oppose them. For the moment it will suffice to recall that the tradition of the arrival of the Trojans in Latium was preceded by others referring to their arrival, not only on the coast of the Siritis, but also in the region where Achaean Croton was founded. Still other versions stated that they came to the Cyrenaica, where as early as the fifth century Pindar had localized the same Antenor who according to later writers came to the Veneti. It is likewise known that the Sicilian sources of Thucydides spoke of fugitive Trojans who came to the extreme western portion of the island inhabited by the Elymians. In support of such arrival of the Trojans ancient writers even gave monumental evidence. The historian Timaeus, who in this re- spect also preceded our scientists and archaeologists, observed that Trojan vases were preserved in the temple of the Penates at Lavinium; and the same Timaeus, or another writer who was either the direct or the indirect source of Strabo, derived confirma- tion for the coming of the Trojans to the Siritis from the presence i Beloch (op. cit.} accepts the observations of Stoll and Immisch in Roscher, II, i, col. 923. 70 ANCIENT ITALY of a statue of Athena Polias, which was preserved even in historic times, and which displayed Trojan characteristics. In speaking of a miracle which was said to have been worked by this statue, Strabo shows himself displeased by such reports, 1 and also dis- plays irritation at having to record that in many othep localities, such as Rome, Lavinium, Luceria in Daunia, and in the Siritis, statues of Athena of ostensibly Trojan origin were shown. Ancient writers who believed thoroughly in such accounts may perhaps have accused Strabo of being hypercritical, but we of the present day have no more difficulty in believing Strabo to be right than we have in agreeing with those who are skeptical concerning the many teeth of St. Apollonia, the numerous pieces of the true Cross, and the portions of the garments of the Madonna, which in many places are preserved as sacred relics. The conclusion is obvious that the statue of Athena which was held to be of Trojan origin in reality belonged to the oldest period of Greek art, together with statues from the hands of such workmen as Daedalus, which are mentioned by the Greeks as existing in their ancient colonies, and even among the Veneti and other indigenous peoples of Italy. The fact is that the present state of our knowledge forbids our criti- cizing the stylistic and chronological judgment of the ancients, and that the problem is impossible of solution. Of more importance for our purpose is the fact that the earliest inhabitants of the regions where later Greek Siris and Croton arose, were the Chones, whose name recalls that of the Chaones of Epirus. Both the Chaones and the Chones were in antiquity 1 The fact that the miracle to which Strabo, Lycophron, and Trogus Pompeius allude, is said to have occurred, according to the first-mentioned writer, at the time when the Ibnians seized Siris, and, according to the others, when the Achaeans slaughtered the lonians, may be due as much to different narrations of the miracles worked by the goddess as to the inexactness of the epitomizer of Strabo. These chronological variations do not make it certain that the sources were divergent, for in the last analysis the common source was possibly Timaeus. Moreover, the same contempt with which Strabo refers to this fact is displayed by the opinion which both he and his model Polybius held of Timaeus, whom Strabo especially avoids consulting directly, and quotes as little as possible. The hypothesis of Chavannes (De Palladii raptu [Berlin, 1891], referred to by Beloch, op. tit., p. 607, n. i) con- cerning the shape of the eyes of archaic statues which seem to have the eyes closed deserves attention. THE ORIGIN OF SIRIS 71 judged to be Trojans, and in addition we find among both peoples mention of the Pelasgians. But even though the Trojan question is one which the majority of the best modern critics regard as the result of late literary and political speculation, the mention of the Pelasgians takes us back to real historical beginnings. Nothing is more certain than the presence of the early Pelasgians in Epirus, the region where the Chaones were the earliest and most powerful inhabitants ; and there is, on the other hand, no reason for doubting the statement that the indigenous slaves of the Italiots were termed Pelasgians. 1 And just as the Chaones came from Epirus to Italy, so too may have come the Pelasgians, who together with the Cha- ones may have been the earliest emigrants from the coast of Epirus, which was less than a day's sail from the shores of the Sallentine peninsula. It is with the arrival of these early emigrants that the name of Chaonic Pandosia is connected. This was situated not far from Heraclea, and near the place where the so-called lonians founded the city of Siris. It now remains to decide whether the founders of Siris were really lonians, as is asserted by Aristotle and Timaeus, and whether they came as exiles fleeing from the yoke of the Lydians. Before attempting to give an adequate answer to this question, it is, how- ever, necessary to consider briefly the source of the statements which have hitherto been mentioned. There exist today two noteworthy tendencies among students of antiquity : one, to believe everything which Greek and Roman tradition relates concerning the periods of Italian history for which we have no contemporary writings; and the other, to deny faith in the few periods of Greek history for which, even though we have no writings of contemporary his- torians, we have at least the works of the poets who narrated real events, and whose productions were either repeated or made use of by later prose-writers. The fact that the Colophonian origin of Sybaris is mentioned by both Aristotle and Timaeus cannot be dissociated from the fact that Timaeus seized every occasion to attack his predecessors, and that Aristotle was among those whom he bitterly refuted, as is * Steph. Byz. s. v. X/oj. 72 ANCIENT ITALY shown by the harsh manner in which he criticizes him in connection with the origin of Epizephyrian or Italian Locri. 1 When, there- fore, Timaeus agrees with Aristotle, it is not because he repeats the latter's opinions, but because he was following a common source which he held to be authoritative. In seeking out this common source, we find ourselves able to present a hypothesis which even on close examination seems most reasonable. We know that the Colophonian poet Xenophanes narrated the history of his native land, and that in a poem of two thousand lines he also set forth the events connected with the foundation of Velia, in which he participated. Moreover, from a fragment of his writings we learn that in one of his parodies, in speaking of the invasion of the Persians, 2 he alluded to Velia. It is, therefore, most probable that in his verses and in the history of his native land he would have alluded to the colonization of the Colophonians in the Siritis. We have seen that the verses of the Parian Archilochus made reference to the beauty of Siris, and it seems reasonable to suppose that the Colophonian Mimnermus, who related the arrival of Diomede among the Daunians, also took occasion to localize at Siris the myth and the Colophonian cult of Calchas. 3 Thus writers who were contemporary with the foundation of Siris, and who were citizens of Ionian colonies, or even of Colophon itself, alluded, if not with certainty, at least with great probability, to the origin of Siris, and we understand how Aristotle and Timaeus, two of the greatest and most diligent scholars of Greece, were able to draw upon authoritative works for their accounts of the origin of this Italiot city. To depreciate the value of their statements would without doubt overstep the bounds of just criticism. It is clear that even though the critic should not believe too readily in events which are not verified by the direct or indirect authority of contemporary historians, he should not, without sufficient reason, brand as spurious, or as the 1 Tim. apud Polyb. xii. 5 ff.; and Athen. vi, pp. 264, 272. Cf. my Storia della Sicilia, etc., I, pp. 199 ff. * Diog. Laert. ix. 2. 20; Xenoph. apud Athen. ii, 54 e. 3 For Diomede and the Daunians see Mimn., fr. 22, in Bergk, P. L. G., !!*, p. 33. Cf. my Storia della Sicilia, etc., I, pp. 352, 574. THE ORIGIN OF SIRIS 73 result of late literary speculation, accounts which rest on the state- ments of authors who were contemporary with the events narrated, or who learned of them from those who either participated in, or were witnesses of, the deeds recorded. Since there seems no reason for doubting the authority of the statements referring to the arrival of the lonians on the shores of the Siritis, we may discuss with greater confidence the value of the observations made by the critic who denies the importance of such evidence. It is known that the lonians of Ionia spread by prefer- ence along the shores of the Thracian Bosphorus, the Propontis, and the Black Sea; but it does not follow from this that they wholly refrained from voyaging westward. Aside from isolated facts e. g., the discovery of Tartessus attributed to the Samian Coleius such circumstances as the participation of the Samians, about 530 B. c., in the colonization of Cale Acte in Sicily, and the excellent commercial relations which existed between the lonians of Miletus and the Achaeans of Sybaris, show that the West had also occupied their attention. Of still greater importance is the fact that when Harpagus, the general of Cyrus, about 543 B. c., undertook the conquest of the Ionian cities, Bias of Pirene advised the lonians to abandon the coast of Asia Minor entirely and to go to Sardinia advice which Herodotus thought to be most prudent. 1 In this case their love of their native land proved stronger than that of independence. The Phocaeans, however, who had already entered into favorable commercial relations with the West, and had founded Massilia (modern Marseilles) and Aleria (in Corsica), decided, at least in part, to turn again toward those shores; and, after a brief sojourn in Corsica, they betook themselves to the lonian-Chalcidian Regium, and, with the aid of that city and of Posidonia, founded Velia on the coast of Oenotria, near the modern Cilento. 2 Among those who founded Velia was a citizen of Colophon, the poet Xenophanes, who established the famous Eleatic School. This proves that other Greeks from Ionia were united with the Phocaeans. Moreover, that Xenophanes was not the only Colo- 1 Herocbt. i. 170. a Herodot. i. 163-70. 74 ANCIENT ITALY phonian to join the Phocaeans is perhaps shown by the fact that the river beside which Velia was located was given the same name as that of a stream near Colophon, although it is of course possible that the resemblance is only fortuitous. 1 Of more importance is the fact that when confronted with the danger of Persian domina- tion, Xenophanes and the Phocaeans acted in exactly the same manner as, according to Aristotle and Timaeus, did the Colo- phonians when threatened with an analogous peril at the time of the Lydians. There seems no reason for doubting this latter state- ment, especially since we learn from Herodotus and other author- ities that although the inhabitants of Miletus and Smyrna succeeded in repelling the forces of the Lydian Gyges, Colophon fell into his hands. 3 Another confirmation of the account of Aristotle and Timaeus is apparently found in the fact that the Ionian- Parian Archilochus visited the region of Siris. Archilochus, as we know, was a con- temporary of Gyges, whom he praised on account of his riches. It has been objected that the Colophonians inhabited an inland city. This is true, but Notium, the port of Colophon, was distant only about nine miles, and Beloch has evidently overlooked the passage in Strabo which states that in the earliest times the Colo- phonians had a powerful fleet at their disposal. 3 And since there- appears no reason for doubting the Colophonian origin of the inhabitants of Siris, it seems probable that the cult and tomb of Calchas at Siris, which the source of Lycophron mentions, refer also to such origin. I have elsewhere treated of the introduction of this Colophonian myth into the Siritis, 4 and would merely note here that the counter- arguments of Beloch are without value. Thus he is wrong in thinking, with Stoll and Immisch, that the Calchas of Daunia (the modern Capitanata) is the Daunian hero Calchus, 'The name "Hales" or "Halentus" (from which the form "Cilento" is derived) may perhaps be indigenous. It is the name of a small stream near Fran- cavilla, on the Adriatic coast, at a point not reached by the earliest Greek coloni- zation. * Herodot. i. 14. 3 Strab. xiv, p. 642 C: tKr^ffavro $4 irore ical vavTiicty &.i6\oyov duvamv * See my Storia detta Sicilia, etc., I, p. 575; cf. Ciaceri, op. cit., p. 281. THE ORIGIN OF SiRIS 75 since, as will be seen later (chap, xv below), Calchus was connected with the Daunians of Campania. Moreover, the myth of Calchas, the conqueror of the Lucanians, which Pliny mentions, 1 has nothing to do with the Siritis and with the better- known and larger Lucania, since these Lucanians were the inhabitants of Daunia or Capi- tanata, while the Lucanians or Leucanians were located in Luceria or Leuceria. Of even more importance than the myth of Calchas is the fact that at the time of Themistocles, about 480 B. c., the Athenians considered the Siritis as belonging to them and to that Ionian branch of which they had gradually come to regard themselves as the propagators, representatives, and protectors. As Beloch says, it is easy enough to avoid the consideration of any piece of evidence by affirming that it did not arise till a much later period than the one in question, but in such a case the burden of proof always rests upon the one who denies the evidence. The fact that the Athe- nians sent to Thurii a colony which was in name pan-Hellenic, but in substance Attic, and that this from the very beginning struggled with Tarentum for the possession of the Siritis which lay between them, does not oppose, but rather favors, the assertion of Hero- dotus that from 480 at least that region was considered the property of the Ionian peoples, of which Athens was regarded as the metropo- lis. Unless the lonians had at some early period attempted to seize at least some portion of the Italian coast on the side toward the Ionian Sea, it would not have been possible for such pretensions to be made. The name of the Ionian Sea may naturally be left out of the question, since etymologically it has nothing to do with the name of the lonians. Even early writers, such as Theopdmpus, con- nected it with an Illyric Ion, and others brought it into relation with a like-named individual of Italian origin. 2 The important fact is that the lonians were the first to visit the shores of southern Italy for the purposes of commerce and colonization. Starting out ' Plin. N. H. iii. 104; cf. my Storia della Sicilia, etc., loc. cil., and my Storm di Roma, I, 2, p. 303. 1 Theopomp., fr. 140 M. 76 ANCIENT ITALY from the harbors of Chalcis and Eretria in Euboea, they first estab- lished themselves on Ischia and later at Cumae, which latter even by Thucydides is considered the earliest of all the Greek colonies in the West. It does not seem possible, however, that the Euboe- ans, who had spread along the coast of Sicily and Campania, and had founded Regium and Zancle, did not also possess some commer- cial settlement on the shore of the Ionian Sea. Ancient writers expressly state that Scylacium the modern Squillace on the coast of Bruttium, was of Attic origin; and, even aside from such pretensions, the form of the name is Ionic. It is by no means improbable that, even before the colonization and possession of Scylacium by Croton, Ionian navigators from Euboea had landed both there and at other points on the same coast. There is like- wise no reason for doubting the statement that the Euboeans also occupied the coast of Epirus opposite Italy. The colonization of the Achaean enemies of the lonians, and also that of the Locrians, Phocaeans, and Tarentines, caused the traces of the Euboean commercial settlements to disappear. This is rendered all the more probable by the fact that, in the beginning at least, the Euboeans seem to have aimed at the possession of commercial landing-places, while other peoples, and especially the Achaeans, sought to secure new and stable possessions, which they made agriculturally prosperous before developing them commer- cially. It often happened, however, that even the Achaeans were obliged to occupy themselves actively with the interchange of their produce with other regions, and with meeting the competition of the Chalcidian cities commanding the Strait of Messina. We are therefore not surprised at finding a colony of Colopho- nians at Siris, in a region later occupied by Achaeans; nor is there anything strange in the statement that a colony of Rhodians existed at Siris, when we remember that the inhabitants of Rhodes and Cos, while on their way to Sicily, may easily have taken occa- sion to land at some point on the shore of the Ionian Sea, just as, for example, the Spartan Dorieus halted there when on his way to Eryx, and at a later period also the Spartan Cleonymus. 1 It is 1 Strab. vi, p. 264 C. I have discussed the extension of Rhodian colonization THE ORIGIN OF SIRIS 77 easy to understand the statement concerning the arrival of the lonians, when we bear in mind that this occurred in the first half of the seventh century that is to say, shortly after the founding of the Achaean colonies of Croton and Sybaris. Moreover, the declaration that an Ionic colony existed at Siris is borne out by the reference to the scarcity of Greek colonists on that coast, and by the invitation which, according to Antiochus, was extended by the Achaeans of Sybaris to the other colonists of their nationality to occupy the region where Achaean Metapontum later arose. 1 The opinion that Siris was by origin an Ionic city was universally held in antiquity, which explains why it was accepted by both Lycophron and Trogus Pompeius. Indeed, the epitomizer of the latter alludes clearly to the non-Achaean origin of Siris when he says that it was attacked and besieged by Metapontum, Croton, and Sybaris, these cities having formed an alliance and decided to pellere ceteros Graecos Italia. With this statement harmonizes another by the same author, to the effect that in this war the inhab- itants of Siris were aided by the Locrians, who thus in their turn drew upon themselves the wrath and attacks of Croton. From the above, Siris does not seem to have been an Achaean city, in which case it remains to explain why its earliest staters, dating from the second half of the sixth century, bear the well- known legends St/atvo? and IIuo'e?. The explanation which first suggests itself is that given by the numismatist Head, who supposes that the Achaean cities which attacked Siris forced it to enter into their league. 2 This hypothesis, however, is open to one rather serious objection. From the words of Herodotus mentioned above, and attributed by him to Themistocles about the year 480 B. c., it appears that Siris was to be founded anew by the Athenians, and therefore must have been previously destroyed. In 576 or 572 B. c. Damasus of Siris aspired to the hand of Agarista, daughter of Cleisthenes of Sicyon, 3 and in 511 B. c. Sybaris was destroyed. It in the West in my Storia della Sicilia, etc., I, pp. 569 ff. Here I wish merely to note that the doubts expressed by modern writers are purely hypothetical and not based on specific facts. 1 Antioch. apud Strab. vi, p. 264 C. * Head, Hist, num., p. 69. 3 Herodot. i. 127; cf. Busolt, Griech. Geschichte, I 1 , p. 666. 78 ANCIENT ITALY therefore seems natural to suppose that the destruction of Siris occurred some time between these two dates, since the downfall of Sybaris must have occurred after the attack made on Siris by the three Achaean cities, Metapontum, Sybaris, and Croton. On the other hand, both the episode of the fifty inhabitants of Siris who were barbarously put to death at the altar of Athena Polias, and the fate which befell the same Siris a few decades after 511 B. c., make it clear that the envy and hatred existing between the various Achaean cities was inextinguishable. The same fact appears from the account of the uprisings which occurred successively in the different Achaean cities against the aristocratic societies of the Pythagoreans. Two different conclusions may be derived from the above. It may be held that between 572 and 511 Siris was conquered by the Achaeans and transformed into one of their cities, and was later destroyed; or else that the coins bearing Achaean characters belonged to a city which used the alphabet of the neighboring cities, but was of different race. The first hypothesis is not abso- lutely impossible. After their victories over their foreign enemies the Achaean cities were torn by internal wars with their neighbors. After the war against Siris, Achaean Croton attacked Sybaris, although it too was Achaean. As we learn from the text of Jus- tinus, the Metapontines were the most directly interested in the war with the neighboring Siris, and the material at our disposal offers no real objection to the theory that they had first made Siris their colony, and that this was later overthrown as a result of the jealousy of the neighboring and powerful Achaean cities. Possibly the silence of ancient writers regarding the history of the cities of Magna Graecia is due to the fragmentary condition of our texts, in which we find recorded only a small portion of the events which really occurred; but, at any rate, this silence enjoins the greatest caution in our criticism. Instead, therefore, of indulging in hypotheses which are easy to sustain and easy to oppose, we prefer to accept the second hypothe- sis, and ask ourselves how it was possible that an Ionian city, such as Siris seems to have been, should have made use of the Achaean THE ORIGIN OF SIRIS 79 alphabet on its coins. This phenomenon seems strange enough when considered by itself, but is easily explained when approached from an economic and political, as well as from an epigraphical and numismatical, standpoint. Sins was an Ionian city, but she was pressed as in a vise between the Achaean cities of Metapontum and Sybaris. In her maritime undertakings she had greater freedom of action, but in her commer- cial transactions by land she found herself confronted by the indigenous populations, and was compelled to carry on her com- merce in that direction with the peoples of the peninsula which had also entered into commercial relations with her neighboring cities. Material and political interests must soon have prevailed over those pertaining merely to race, and when, about 433 B. c., an end was made to the war between Thurii and Tarentum for the possession of the Siritis, it was agreed that those from both cities who so desired might inhabit that region in common. Thus the Siritis became more than ever a border district, instead of a powerful center for independent and national organization. Moreover, it seems very probable that the mixed racial character typical of the Siritis in the fifth century existed also in the sixth and seventh centuries. The account of Amyris of Siris, the father of Damasus and renowned for his wisdom, who was sent to Delphi with an embassy from Sybaris to inquire of Apollo the fate of that city, shows that about 572 B. c., even before Siris and Sybaris had com- menced to coin money, there existed the best of relations and prob- ably a political alliance, between the Achaean and the Colophonian city. Unless some such alliance had existed, Siris would never have permitted one of the wisest of her citizens to inquire of the protecting deity of colonies the fate of her neighbor and rival. 1 Moreover, it is only by means of a strict alliance between these two cities that we can explain the perfect resemblance in the types of their coins bearing the figure of a bull looking backward. The resemblance in this case is much greater than that existing between * I combine the account of Athen. xii. 520 b with that of Herodot. vi. 127, where it is related that Damasus of Siris, who aspired to the hand of Agarista, was TOV i-vfj.poi> fj avdyK-g %v and Ba/^dcnov RpevSecrivcov. The second line is to be read from right to left, and in it the letter VI has the value of 2. I shall not here discuss the importance to be attached to this difference in direction of reading the two lines, of which one is in ordinary, and the other in archaic, Greek, as I have already treated of this in my studies on the lapygians. Following Momm- sen, they were published by Kaibel, 3 who concluded that the two inscriptions were incised by order of two different communities, that of the Thurii and that of the Brendesini. Kaibel, however, adds: ad quodnam tempus hoc illarum civilatum commercium sine foedus pertineat nescio. It seems to me that the problem may be at least partially solved by reading for the word OTPIftN, not ovpio)v } but ovpiwvf and by recognizing in the name, not the city of Thurii in Campania, as do Mommsen and Kaibel, but rather the Thuriae mentioned by Livy, which, as we learn from that author, was situated not far from Brindisi. Livy relates for the year 302 B. c. that when the Spartan * See Hermes, III (1869), pp. 298 ff. 2 Inscript. Grace. Sic. et It., No. 672. 3 It is hardly necessary to note that either form may be read on the caduceus, and that the form Qovpla, the name of the fountain where Thurii arose, and also of one of the irXaTeiat of that city (cf. Diod. xii. 10. 6), appears as the name of Thurii on its coins (cf. Garrucci, op. cit., II, Plate CVII, Fig. 7; Thuc. vi. 104; vii- 33) where, as is observed by C. Miiller (Geogr. Grace. Min., I, p. 19) TJ Qovpla indicates, not the territory of Thurii, but the city itself. In like manner probably the }) Qovpla in Strab. vi, p. 280 C., indicates the city and not the surrounding territory. 91 92 ANCIENT ITALY Cleonymus arrived on the coast of Italy, Thurias urbem in Sallen- tinis cepit, but that when the consul Aemilius arrived on the spot, he fled, and Thuriae redditae veteri cultori, Sallentinoque agro. pax parta. In other annals, however, Livy states that the dictator lunius Bubulcus was sent to the country of the Sallentines, and that Cleonymus departed without contending with him. He adds that Cleonymus sailed around the promontory of Brundisium, and was carried by the winds into the midst of the Adriatic, with the coast of Italy on his left and that of Illyricum on his right, and that having traversed the Adriatic, he finally arrived at Patavium, the native town of Livy, who for this reason made his digression. Livy then goes on to say that in the temple of Juno at Patavium were preserved the rostra of the ships, spoils of the victory obtained over Cleonymus and his Laconian followers. 1 It now remains to discover the location of this Thuriae which Livy mentions. Certainly it was not at the extremity of the Sal- lentine peninsula, since, aside from the fact that Livy uses the word Sallentini to indicate generically the inhabitants of the region in the neighborhood of Tarentum, 2 it is not probable that the Romans at the time in question could have pressed as far as that region. The Romans were then allies of the Lucanians, and it seems natural to admit that Thuriae was situated in Peucetia. 3 From the account in Livy, however, it appears to have been near Brindisi, but to the south of that city and on the Sallentine penin- sula; otherwise Livy could not have stated that Cleonymus, when 1 Liv. x. 2. * It is true that Livy (ix. 43) says for the year 307: "cum .... Sallentini hostes decernerentur," but, as has been noted above, the term "Sallentini" is also used by him to indicate the region situated in general in the neighborhood of Tarentum (xxv. i) and Brindisi (xxiii. 48. 3; cf. xxiv. 20 16). Thus Livy employs the name "Calabria" to indicate, not the northern part of that peninsula, but rather the southern portion, where, as we know from other writers, the Sallentini lived (cf. xlii 48. 71. In the same manner Plin. N. H. ii. 240 records the "in Sallentino oppido Egnatia," which was really in Peucetia. 3 Diod. xx. 104 (303 B. C.) states: KO.TO. 8t r^v 'IraXlav TapavrTvoi Tr6\ffiov XT ""P 1 ^ Aeu/cavoi)* *al 'Pwyitafovs, in connection with the summoning of Cleonymus by the Tarentines. Possibly the statement ( Pseud. -Arist. De Mir. Ausc. 78 [75]) referring to the Peucetian Aulus who tried to poison Cleonymus alludes to relations between that leader and Peucetia. THURIAE 93 after the capture of Thurii he proceeded northward in the Adriatic, had on his left the coast of Italy and on his right that of Illyricum, after he had passed beyond the promontory of Brindisi. It seems, however, that in this detail Livy should be corrected by Diodorus, who, after speaking of the deeds of Cleonymus, and stating that he came from Corcyra, where he had received notice of the rebellion of the Tarentines, and arrived in Italy in a region inhabited by barbarians (the Sallentini of Livy), narrates that Cleonymus seized a city (our Thuriae), laying waste its territory, and afterward captured a fortress called Triopium (TO KaKov^evov TpioTTiov^ taking three thousand prisoners. There then followed a nocturnal incursion on the part of the barbarians of that region whom Diodorus does not expressly name, but who were the Sal- lentini of Livy, the allies of Rome who killed over two hundred of his men and made about a thousand prisoners. In addition to this disaster, there came up a tempest which destroyed twenty ships along the shore where Cleonymus was encamped. Overcome by such misfortune, Cleonymus returned with his army to Corcyra. I Taken as a whole, these accounts agree with those of Livy. Diodorus, however, differs from Livy in that he makes Cleony- mus return to Corcyra, and not go at once toward the northern part of the Adriatic. It would seem that in this he must be right. Livy passes over in silence the relations existing between Cleony- mus and Tarentum, which were nevertheless of great impor- tance for the history of Rome in her dealings with that city. He alludes briefly to the achievements of Cleonymus among the Sal- lentini, but speaks at great length of what he accomplished at Patavium. Diodorus, on the other hand, who was under the guidance of Greek sources in relating these events, and who has the point of view of a compiler of universal history as conceived by a Greek, treats with much more detail of the relations of Cleony- mus with Tarentum and the barbarians of that region. If he does not take the trouble to tell us that the Romans were among the barbarians who harassed the Spartan leader, we must not accuse him of negligence. For the earliest period of Roman his- 1 Diod. xx. 104 ff. 94 ANCIENT ITALY tory his references to that people are dry and meager in the extreme, and, as every student knows, this adds not a little to their value. Moreover, he had shortly before asserted that the Tarentines summoned Cleonymus to their aid against the ^Lucanians and Romans. Cleonymus had seized Corcyra before coming to Italy, and had left a garrison on that island. 1 After losing in Italy a considerable portion of his followers and fleet, he naturally wished to return to Corcyra before undertaking an expedition along the Adriatic shores. This fruitless wandering of Cleonymus along the entire Adriatic coast as far as the country of the Veneti nulla regione marls Hadri- atici pros pere adita, as Livy says cannot be explained as the work of a man who, having become master of Corcyra, was unwilling, as we learn from Diodorus, to enter into an alliance with either Cassander or Demetrius, because he aspired to obtain control of a more extensive Greek country. 2 The fact is that Corcyra had been taken from him. 3 We learn from Diodorus- 1 that two years after these events (300 B. c.) the Corcyrans were besieged by Cas- sander. This means that before 300 they had been freed from the tyranny of Cleonymus, who, having lost this rich city, and having been repudiated by the Tarentines and become the enemy of the Lucanians and of Agathocles of Syracuse, had nothing better in view than to attempt to secure a territory among the barbarian inhabitants of the Adriatic. Accepting (as I accept) the statement of Diodorus regarding the departure of Cleonymus from Italy toward Corcyra, it does not seem that the Thuriae of Livy could have been located south of Brindisi, although there is no way of determining precisely from this reference just where the city lay, since we have no other mention of the Triopium to which Diodorus refers. In the Tabu- la Peutingeriana there is mention of a locality on the Adriatic coast to the south of Brindisi and Bari, termed Turenum, and cor- 1 Diod. xx. 105. 2 Diod. xx. 104: diavooti/j.evos opfjuiTtiply rotrtf r irepl 'AXe^dvSpov. This passage settles the question, raised by certain critics (e. g., Bouche-Leclercq, Hist, des Lagides, I, p. 135), as to whether Lycus related the deeds of Alexander the Great or of the Molossian. It is generally admitted that Scidrus must have been located on the Tyrrhenian coast not far from Laos, and here, just as in Laos, the Sybarites must have taken refuge (Herodot. vi. 25). Possibly it occupied the site of the modern Sapri (cf. Nissen, /to/. Landeskunde, II, p. 898). * Compare Liv. viii. 24. 4, "cum saepe Bruttias Lucanasque legiones fudisset, " with lust. xii. 2. 13: "sed Bruttii Lucanique cum auxilia a finitimis contraxissent, acrius bellum repetivere." After these words follows the account of the last battle at the Acheron. 3 Strab. v, p. 231 C. EXPEDITION OF ALEXANDER OF EPIRUS 107 Ancient writers have discussed the problem as to whether after this war Alexander would have kept faith with the Romans. There is, however, little use in wasting time over problems such as this, concerning what might have occurred had human events followed a different course. In addition to the Romans, we expect to find some reference to the Campanians, and there can be no doubt that Alexander had relations with such close neighbors of Paestum. It is evident, however, that our accounts of these events accept the version according to which the Campanians had of their own accord sub- jected themselves to Rome, a few years before the arrival of Alex- ander. In reality the Campanians preserved their autonomy until the time of Pyrrhus, and in part even to the time of Hannibal. 1 The existence of an autonomous state at Capua possibly explains the Campanian coins with Oscan legends, and with the same type of Jupiter Olympus and the eagle which exists on the coins of the Bruttian Hipponium or Vibo, which have been correctly connected with Alexander of Epirus. 2 Of the two confederate states of Latium and Campania, the former certainly possessed the preponderating influence. Thus Alexander, in allying himself with the Campanians, could not disregard the Romans, who were masters of the most powerful state in Italy, and who prevented free access to the regions north of the peninsula of Sorrento. He therefore limited himself to the conquest of the Italy of the Greeks, and, instead of going north to contend with the Samnites in the heart of their own territory, descended toward the south to attack the flying Lucanians from the rear, thus traversing the valley of the Tanagrus. This is the valley which was later chosen by Alaric, to whom it proved equally fatal. By this march Alexander aimed at conquering the entire Hin- terland of his ally Thurii, and at penetrating to the valley of the Crathis, where Pandosia, the ancient capital of the Oenotrian kings was located. At first he succeeded in making good progress. The 1 See my Storia di Roma, I, 2, pp. 229, 255. 2 Garrucci, Man. d. It. Ant., Plate 116, Fig. i3=Head, Hist, num., p. 85; cf. Garrucci, Plate 96, Fig, 33; Plate 97, Fig. 16. io8 ANCIENT ITALY Lucanians, however, driven by necessity, united with their ancient subjects, the Brettians of Calabria, who were a cross between the earliest Italic peoples, formerly the slaves of the Italiots, and their fut- ure conquerors, the Lucanians. Leading a proud and savage life, the Brettians had shaken off the yoke of the Lucanians and united in a powerful confederation. They aimed at subjugating all of the rich Italiot cities on the Ionian and Tyrrhenian coasts. Alexan- der presented himself as the liberator of the Italiots, and as the founder of a single and compact empire in southern Italy, which naturally forced the Bruttians to make common cause with their neighbors. Alexander approached the walls of Pandosia, the ancient capital of the Oenotrian kings, and there, close to the banks of the Acheron, the dart of a Lucanian exile put an end to his life. When he heard the fatal name of the river which he had avoided in his native Epirus, he must have felt the same dejection as did Ezzelino da Romano when he found himself before the very Cassano which he had tried to avoid. 1 The joy of the Tarentines at the tragic death of Alexander was but short-lived. Incapable of defending themselves, by various wiles, they had recourse, in quick succession, to the arms of the Gauls, the Umbrians, and the Samnites, and later to those of .Pyrrhus. On the other hand, the faithful friends of Alexander from Thurii and Metapontum felt great sorrow at his death, and paid the last honors to his mutilated remains. 2 With him vanished their last hope of constituting, as at the time of the ancient Achaean League, a state which would enable them to escape, not only the yoke of the Lucanians and the Bruttians, but also the hegemony of Tarentum. It is not correct to assert, as has been done, that with the death of the brave Epirote leader there disappeared a great Greek princi- pality, extending from Garganus to Metapontum, and from 1 An analogous account refers to Lysander, whom an oracle is said to have warned to "shun loud Oplites, " and who met his death near the river "Oplites" (Plut. Lys. 29. 7). A similar legend relates to Hannibal. It was prophesied that he would be buried in Libyssan soil, and he met his death, not in his native Libya, but at Libyssa in Bithynia (cf. Plut. Han. 20). 2 lust. xii. 2. 15; Liv. vii. 24. 16; Strab. vi, p. 256 C.; Suid., s. v. r6i/oj. EXPEDITION OF ALEXANDER OF EPIRUS 109 Regium to Paestum and the banks of the Silarus. There is nothing to suggest that, when Alexander turned toward the west, his Apulian empire had not already been dismembered and assailed by the Lucanians and Tarentines. The battle at the Silarus, the limit reached by his conquests, leads to the supposition that he aimed at bringing under his control all of the ap-%a(a 'IraXta of the Italiots between Posidonia (Paestum) and the borders of the Tarentines and lapygians, and that he sought compensation on the Ionian and Tyrrhenian shores for the ephemeral empire which he had formed on the Adriatic coast. In other words, Alexander, confronted with the invasion of the Lucanians and Brettians, and of the Romans who had almost secured control of Campania, conceived a plan not dissimilar to that of the Corinthian Timoleon, who, having arrived in Sicily a few years earlier, had succeeded in bringing a portion of the Sice- liot cities under the control of Syracuse. It is true that Timoleon was favored by the still existant traces of the great political and commercial prosperity of Syracuse a prosperity such as no Italiot city ever attained. He gathered the last fruits of a sounder and more extended political organization than ever existed in southern Italy. Moreover, in Sicily the enemy could be easily watched. On the other hand, the ver italicum which was urging the new generations onward to the possession of southern Italy, made it easy to foretell that the domination of the peninsula could no longer remain with the Italiots, incapable as they were of defend- ing themselves and having recourse to soldiers of fortune for aid. It was clear, too, that southern Italy could not become a possession of the fierce and uncivilized Celts of the Po valley. Such a destiny was reserved for the peoples of central Italy, which to their fresh- ness of physical vigor added the advantage of knowing how to utilize the gifts of the Greek and Punic civilizations. Cleandridas, the father of Gylippus, Archidamus of Sparta, Alexander of Epirus, Agathocles, Cleonymus of Sparta, and Pyrrhus, whether they turned their arms to the aid of Thurii or of Tarentum, all represent the vain attempt to prevent the rapid disintegration of the Italiot civilization, which, owing to geographical conditions and no ANCIENT ITALY to the frequent Sabine invasions, was not destined to last beyond the fourth century. At the end of the fifth century or the beginning of the fourth, Campania was removed from the influence of Greek civilization, and there grew up instead that of the Oscans, of which too few fragments have come down to us. On the other hand, the power of Rome was being strengthened, both by the arresting of the barbarian invasions from the north, and by the able way in which the Latins took advantage of the culture of the south. Greek historians who were contemporaries of Alexander of Epirus and the conquest of Naples, had already mentioned Rome among the cities of Greek character, and at the same time the victory of L. Camillus over the Gauls who had invaded Latium and pushed as far as Apulia, commenced to check the series of invasions from the north which were successively restrained at Sentinum, the Lacus Vadimonis, and Casteggio, and later by the natural frontier of the Alps. The defeat of the heroic Molossian prince had no lasting results either for the conquerors or for the conquered. The Greek cities remained for only a short time subject to the Brettians and the Lucanians. The wiles and money of the Tarentines retarded for only half a century the recognition of the supremacy of the indige- nous peoples of the central portion of the peninsula. Through the irony of fate, Attic Thurii, which from the time of Pericles had struggled to rival Spartan Tarentum and to keep in check the Lucanians of the neighboring city, at about the same time lost her own independence, and had to proclaim herself freed from the Lucanians on the day when she recognized forever the supremacy of Rome. Just as the hope of forming a republic in Sicily perished with Timoleon, so with the death of Alexander came to an end the plan of forming a Greek empire in Italy. Rome allied herself with, and practically ruled over, Campania the year in which Timoleon died. In the same way she seized Naples the year in which Alexander met his fate by the Acheron. 1 And, finally, the ever-increasing vigor of the Latin races was destined to frustrate the later attempts of Agathocles and Pyrrhus. 1 See my Storia di Roma, I, 2, p. 488. IX ERYX= VERRUCA? The belief is almost unanimously held by critics that the Ely- mians were not indigenous to Sicily, 1 and some, such as Holm, rec- ognize in them traces of Semitic blood. 2 In opposition to these theories I have elsewhere attempted to show that, in spite of the Asiatic appearance of their name, there is no reason for thinking that the Elymians were of different race from the Sicani. The statements of both ancient and modern writers to the contrary notwithstanding, in the last analysis the Sicani were of the same stock as the Siculi. 3 I have also sought to show 4 that the ancient Ligurians (who without reason have been judged non-Aryan and different from the other Italic peoples) not only extended to the Apennines by Arezzo and to Latium, but occupied nearly all the shore regions of E. g., Freeman, Hist. Sic., I, p. 198. 1 Cf. Holm, Gesch. Sic. (Leipzig, 1870), I, p. 86. 3 Cf. my Storia della Sicilia, etc., I, pp. 123 ff. My opinion is not accurately quoted by Lupus in his translation "of Freeman (p. 509). That the name of the Elymians is the same as that of the Solymians seems probable from the presence of the forms "Helymus" and "Solymus" corresponding to 'EXu/itos, just as "Egesta" corresponds to "Segesta." This is rendered still more probable by the no small number of exact parallels between Elymian, Carian, and Libyan geo- graphical names (cf. Storia, etc., pp. 132 ff.). From this I did not conclude that the Elymians were of the same stock as the Solymians, and that these latter came to Sicily. I explained this identity of name by the colonies planted in both countries by the Dorian Rhodians, to whom also is due the statement that the founders of Phaselis below Mount Solymus, and of Siceliot Gela, were brothers. The correspondence between the names of the river Telmessus, near Elymian Segesta, and that of the Carian city Telmessus is also confirmed by the myths, since the legend of the river-god Crimisus, who, in the guise of a dog, had a child by the Trojan Segesta (see Serv. ad Aen. i. 550; cf. the coins of Segesta), is the same as that of Telmessus, the eponymous hero of the Asiatic city, who, in the form of a dog, had relations with one of the daughters of Antenor (see Dionys. Chal., fr. 4; Muller, F. H. G., IV, p. 394). 4 See my Storia, etc., I, pp. 56, 492 ff. For the Ligurians in Aquitania cf. Sieglin apud Hirschfeld in the Sitzungsberichte d. Berlin Akad., 1896, p. 446, n. 3. 112 ANCIENT ITALY the peninsula, of Gallia Narbonensis, and of the larger islands of the Mediterranean. It seems to me that the soundness of my theory regarding the Elymians is incontrovertibly shown by the presence among them of the same names as appear on the coast between Genoa and Luna; i. e., Segesta, Entella, and Eryx. I noted that the fifth- century coins of the Elymian Segesta lead one to suspect that the goddess Segesta there represented is the same as Segetia, the god- dess of the segetes, honored by the Romans. Moreover, the name of the Elymian Eryx is not Semitic nor oriental, but, just as that of the like-named Ligurian city (the Lerici of today), finds its explana- tion in the Italic dialects. It is my opinion that v E/wf should be brought into relation with 'Epvicr), an ancient city of the Ausonian Siculi, and also with the Volscian Verrugo. This last named town is several times men- tioned by the annalists 1 in connection with fifth-century events. Diodorus in one passage literally transcribes from a Latin annalist, and writes "Eppovicav 7ro\tv OvoXa-icav. 2 In another place 3 he gives the hel'lenized form Ovepprj^lvof 7ro'A.e&> Si/eaixwz^ said to be the home of Epicharmus, 3 and in which appears the equivalent of the Roman castrum; and also Kpifjua-os, the Elymian river, which reappears both in the name of cape Kpifjua-a, between Thurii and Croton, and in the Cremera, the well-known river near Veii, and not far from Rome. The relation which we have endeavored to show as existing between the Volscian Verrugo and the Sicilian Eryce and Eryx does 1 Serv. ad Aen. ii. 683. 2 See the material collected by Mommsen, CIL, V, p. 885. I agree with Pedroli (Roma e la Gallia Cisalpina, pp. 112 ff.) concerning the condition of the allied cities. 3 Steph. Byz., s. v. 'Eir/xW>j. ERYX= VERRUCA? 115 not constitute an isolated example, since the Sicilian Echetla and Vessa have parallels in the Volscian names of Ecetra and the Sinus Vescinus. 1 Even if we accept the opinions of Keil, 2 as opposed to those of Kinch and Meister, and interpret the coin legends SErESTAIIB and ERYKA I I IB, not as ZeyevTatfr) and 'EpvKa&'r), but as Zeyea-Tafyfi and 'Epvtcai/3, this offers no serious obstacle to the theory concerning the Italic origin of the Elymians. At the worst, and granting that these coins suggest a non-Aryan element in the Elymian population, it should not be forgotten that, according to Thucydides, 3 the Elymians were a mixture of Sicani and Trojans, to whom a few Greeks had united themselves. Leaving to one side the Trojans here localized by the Greek myth, 4 we may well admit that there were Phoenician and Libyan elements in the population of Eryx and Segesta cities which first were allies of Carthage, and then became her subjects. It is strange that in treating of this question one should take as a basis for argument merely the coins, which belong to an age when the political and commercial influence of Carthage had become impor- tant, and should neglect the other evidence, in which any critic who frees himself from all preconceived ethnographic and linguistic ideas must find proof that the Elymian population took its origin from the other Aryan peoples of the peninsula and the island. 1 Steph. Byz., s. v., in addition to the Sicilian 'ExerXa, notes an'Exer/a x6X IroXfai, and an Ex^rpa ir6Xtj 'IraX/aj which is the well-known Volscian city. Possibly 'ExT/a is a second form for the name of the same city. 2 Keil, Ath. Mitth., 1895, p. 406, n. i. 3 Thuc. vi. 2. 3. 4 Cf. my Storia della Sic., etc., I, pp. 139 ff. FIG. 6. Coin of Ergetium. FIG. 7. Coin of Ergetium. FIG. 8. Coin of Naxos. ERGETIUM AND NAXOS The best-known numismatists are generally inclined to consider the following silver stater, of the normal weight of 7 . 90 grams, as an Italiot coin: MEP: Bearded Dionysus, naked, standing, holding a cantharus in the right hand and a vine branch in the left. R: Vine branch with grapes; and its twelfth : MEP: Head of bearded Dionysus. BL: Bunch of grapes. Although Garrucci publishes this coin among those of Italy, he is undecided as to the city to which it should be assigned. Poole, following Sambon, thinks it a stater, and attributes it to one of the uncertain cities of Lucania or Bruttium; and even Head thinks it may with probability be assigned to this latter region. 1 The reasons which led the English numismatists to attribute this coin to Bruttium in Magna Graecia are, if I am not mistaken, identical with those which caused Sambon to put forth the same hypothesis. Sambon observed that one of the rarest specimens of the coins of Ergetium (by him doubtfully attributed to Merusium), weighing y.Qog., was discovered in a Calabrian find of 1863, together with incuse coins of Achaean Caulonia, Laos, Metapontum, and Sybaris, and with archaic coins of Posidona, Tarentum, and even Caulonia. Forty of these staters weighed 7 .90 g. each. 2 In addi- tion, the style of the coin of Ergetium confirmed him in his convic- tion that it was of Italiot, not of Siceliot, origin. * Garrucci, op. cit., II, p. 154, Plate III, Figs. 9, 10; Sambon, Recherches sur les monnaies de la presqu'ile italique (Naples, 1870), p. 239, Plate 22, Figs. 7, 8. Sambon, following Sestini, from the erroneous reading Mer is inclined to attribute the stater to the Sicilian Merusium mentioned by Theopompus apud Steph. Byz., s. v.; cf. also Poole, Cat. o} the Greek Coins, "Italy," p. 395, no. i ; and Head, op. cit., p. 98. The two examples of staters published by Sambon weigh 8 and 7 .90 grams respec- tively. Poole and Head give the normal weight of 7.90 grams=i22 grains. 3 Sambon, op. cit., p. 34. 117 n8 ANCIENT ITALY Nevertheless, Sestini (apud Sambon) had already seen that we here had to deal with a Sicilian product, and de Luynes 1 recognized that the coins came from the Sicilian Sergentium. It could not, indeed, be otherwise. A glance at the archaic coinage of Naxos from the end of the sixth century will convince anyone of the truth of this assertion. The following is one of the earliest drachms of Naxos of the normal weight of about 5 . 90 g. : a Head of bearded Dionysus. Ifc: Grapevine with grapes: N AX I ON. The points of resemblance both in the types and in the execu- tion are very striking. The head of Dionysus on the fraction of the coin from Ergetium is similar to that on the Naxian drachm, while the reverse of the latter seems cut by the same artist who pro- duced the stater of Ergetium. Also the forms of the letters on the coin from Ergetium take us back to the end of the sixth century, or at least to the beginning of the fifth, which is the time when the Naxian coins just discussed were struck. Thus we see that without doubt this Sergetium is not the Ergetium near Arpi in Apulia, as one might suppose, but the well-known Sergetium or Ergetium of the Siculi. 3 We shall shortly discuss the reasons why the coins of the two cities apparently do not correspond exactly in weight, but first let us examine more closely the coins themselves, for the purpose, if not of definitely solving, at least of better determining, the problem of the location of this Siculian city. Where Ergetium was situated is not known. From a passage in Polyaenus 4 describing the stratagem employed by Hippocrates of Gela (about 494 B. c.) in effecting its capture, we learn that it was 1 De Luynes, La monnaie de Servius Tullius, p. 29, Plate 4; quoted by Garrucci, loc. cit. 1 Concerning the weight of the archaic coins of Naxos, see Imhoof-BIumer, "Le systeme mone'taire euboique, " Annuaire d. 1. Soc. num. (Paris, 1882), p. 13; cf. Head, op. cit., 139; and Poole, Cat. of the Greek Coins, "Sicily," p. 118. 3 The form Se/j (yerivuv) of the coin stands in the same relation to the literary form 'Epytriov in which the ^ Ef E^TAI I B EM I of the archaic coins of Segesta stands to the Greek form " 4 Polyaen. v. 6. ERGETIUM AND NAXOS 119 a stronghold situated not far from the Laestrygonii Campi and Leontini. From the words of Stephen of Byzantium ad v. TO eOvitcbv 'Epyerivos Kal A.LTVT) 'TLpycTivrj, we are all the more con- firmed in our conviction that it was not far from the plain where Hippocrates caused the citizens of Ergetium, who had joined him as mercenaries, to perish, and which is located at the foot of Aetna. The coins which we have just now attributed to Ergetium, and which are either but a few decades earlier than, or contemporary with, Hippocrates, make it all the more certain that it was not far from Chalcidian Naxos, a city which also fell a prey to the tyrant of Gela, just as did Ergetium, Naxian Callipolis, Chalcidian Leontini, and Zancle. 1 If any remains of Ergetium still exist, they must be searched for on some slight eminence on the eastern slopes of Aetna, where the warm sun and rich volcanic soil produced the vines which rendered prosperous both Ergetium and Naxos, and where the luxuriant and productive vineyards still arouse the admi- ration of the visitors to this most beautiful among the beautiful shores of Italy. The exact site of Ergetium is a problem for local scholars to solve. Let us rather note that the perfect resemblance between the coins of the Siceliot and of the Siculian city shows that commer- cial relations existed between the two places and the two peoples. Thucydides, in his discussion of the first expedition sent by the Athenians to Sicily and of the siege of Naxos by the Massanian allies of Syracuse, says that ol 2te\ot iirep rJ KJJvaj from the neighboring Adranus (see Ael. N. A. xi. 20). It is precisely on account of their size that these animals have been thought to be leopards animals which never existed in Sicily, and which could not be represented as seizing hares. The physician Scribonius Largus narrates (Composit. Med. 171) that his teacher, Appuleius Celsus of Centuripa, was in the habit every year of sending to that city a remedy of his which was of aid in cases of hydrophobia. It is perhaps worthy of note that even today the peasants from the most remote portions of Sicily, who have been bitten by mad dogs, visit the miracle-working spring of S. Vito at Regalbuto, situated between Agyrium and Centuripa. Possibly in these two cities, as in the neighboring Adranus, were also lepol icvves. Moreover, it is admitted by these nu- mismatists that a dog is represented on another coin from Agyrium (see Salinas, p. 29, Plate XV, no. 15; Poole, p. 26, no. 8; Head, p. 109), although a close exam- ination will show that it does not differ from the so-called leopard. 126 ANCIENT ITALY found were called Nebrodes. 1 The scene on the reverse of the coin has probably some symbolic meaning, and might refer either to a townsman of Piacus overtaking a fleeing enemy, 2 or to the numerous sacred dogs in the region about Adranus. At any rate, the few indications furnished by this coin lead us to place Piacus in a region to the north or northwest of Catana. This supposition is further supported by an examination of the political value of the accounts of Diodorus. Although the informa- tion which he gives us concerning the history of Sicily for the period between the driving-out of the Deinomenids and the second Athe- nian expedition is not abundant, and is at times very fragmentary, it is in the present instance sufficient to enable us to determine the location of the pretended Tpivatcir), or rather of Ilta/co?. About 451 B. c. the Syracusans succeeded in overthrowing the confederation of the Siculi led by Ducetius. After the defeat at Nomae, Ducetius was obliged to flee to Syracuse, to which he intrusted both himself and the entire region which had been under his control. 3 The region which thus came into the power of Syra- cuse was situated between the territory of Agrigentum and that of Leontini, and embraced both Menae, the home of Ducetius, and Palice, which he had made the seat of the Siculian confederation. 4 About 446 B. c., shortly before the time when the Syracusans defeated the proud Agrigentines at the Himera, 5 Ducetius fled from Corinth, whither he had been relegated by Syracuse, and, returning to Sicily, landed at Calacte, where he founded a colony and associated with himself Archonides, the despot of Herbita, with the intention of creating another Siculian confederation. 6 1 Solin. 5. 12. Mommsen: "Nebroden damnae et hinnulei gregatim perva- gantur: inde Nebrodes." This derivation seems to me better than that of Holm (Gesch. Sic., I, p. 95), who thinks they were thus named from Nebrod or Nimrod. 2 One is reminded of the coin of Regium with the figure of a hare, which pos- sibly gave rise to the ancient expression, 'Ptjylvov 5etX6repos; see I. F. Ebert, Disser. Siculae, I (Regimonti, 1825), pp. 187 ff. 3 Diod. xi. 92. i : tavrbv [i. e., AOVK^TIOV] re /cal T^V %(ipo' ijs ty Kvpio? trap. TOIS ^vpaxoaiois. 4 Ibid. xi. 78. 5; 88. 6. s Ibid. xii. 6. 6 Ibid. xii. 8. (cf. 29): dvreir oi-fiffa.ro ptv [i. e., AOUK^TIOS] TTJS rCiv PIACUS 127 Thus, instead of approaching the shores which were under the dominion or hegemony of Syracuse, he landed at a place inhabited by people who did not recognize the supremacy of the powerful Doric city, and where, among the Nebrodes mountains, various indigenous tribes still preserved their independence. The poli- tical plan of Ducetius was well conceived. Diodorus, in speaking of the events of the year 442 B. c., which was about two years before the death of Ducetius and the taking of Piacus, observes that Sicily was then quiet, and that the treaties of alliance which had been concluded between Gelo and the Carthaginians after the victory at the Himera (480 B. c.) were still in force. He adds that the other Siceliot cities, including even Agrigentum subsequent to the battle of the Himera, 1 recognized the hegemony of Syracuse. Ducetius, however, although he had come to a place to which the dominion of Syracuse had not as yet extended, did not remain idle, and was proposing to found a new Siculian confederation, when death overtook him in the midst of his plans. 2 Since Diodorus tells of the expedition of the Syracusans and their allies against Piacus, immediately after mentioning the death of Ducetius, it is clear that the two facts are in some manner connected. Between 446 and about 440, while Ducetius had been planning to construct a Siculian empire as a rival to that of Syracuse, the Syracusans themselves had not been idle, and hardly was Ducetius out of the way before they seized upon his death as an occasion for conquer- ing the last refuge of the Siculi. When Piacus was attacked, all of the neighboring cities had already been captured. Since, there- fore, Ducetius had founded a new colony at Calacte, and had allied himself with the despot of Herbita, which was situated not far from Nicosia and the Monti Nebrodi, the Siculian city of Piacus was probably not far from these mountains, on the road leading from Catana to Calacte. The very account of the defense of the city and of the brave death of the Piacines is better suited to a band of independent and fierce mountaineers than to the inhabi- tants of a more civilized city on the plains. According to the authoritative judgment of Head and Poole, 1 446 B. c.; Diod. xii. 26. 3. * Diod. xii. 29. i. 128 ANCIENT ITALY the above-mentioned coins of Piacus date from the final years of the fifth century; and Imhoof-Blumer also attributes them to this period. If this opinion is correct (as it seems to me to be), we must admit that after its destruction the city of Piacus was rebuilt upon its old site. This fact need cause no surprise. With brief inter- vals many of the Siculian and Siceliot cities were several times destroyed and rebuilt. On the other hand, the existence of Piacus between 415 and 400 B. c., as Head would conclude from the coins in question, corresponds well with the political conditions of that time. When, after 427, the Athenians came to Sicily, they found that Inessa, which was situated at the foot of Aetna and on the road leading to the Nebrodes and Calacte, was in the hands of the Syracusans. Out of hatred toward the Syracusans, by whom they were harshly governed, during the ensuing campaign the Siculi of that region favored the Athenians. 1 When in 415 the Athenians undertook their second and greater expedition, they found that Hy- bla, Gereatis, Inessa, and Centuripa were hostile. 2 Evidently these places were at that time well disposed toward Syracuse, which had extended anew in that region her hegemony or domination, as the case might be, to the detriment of the Chalcidian cities of Catana and Naxos, and of the Siculi. That Gylippus found Siculi who were friendly to Syracuse in the region in question between the Himera and the Leontine territory was due to the fact, as shown by Thucydides, that Archonides, the friend of the Athenians, was dead. 3 In this individual we should probably recognize either the very Archonides of Herbita who was a friend of Ducetius, or else one of his descendants. At the time of the second Athenian expedition, therefore, it was possible for Piacus to have recovered to some extent from her crushing defeat, but the fact that she is never mentioned after 440 shows that her new lease on life was but of brief duration, and that i Thuc. iii. 103. 2 Thuc. vi. 62. 5, 94. 3 Thuc. vii. I. 4: TUV "SiKe\uv rives ot iroXi) Trpo8vfjd>repov irpoa '\iapetv eroi/xoi %v rw&TTQ Zi/ccXup fiaffiXetiuv rivu>v Ko.1 &v OVK dSuvaros TOIS ' AOijvaiois l\os 1ji>. Both Holm (II, p. 39) and Freeman (III, pp. 158, 236) agree that one has to deal with the same Archonides. PIACUS 129 she soon again provoked the wrath of powerful Syracuse. To judge from the words of Diodorus, Piacus was an important city of the Siculi, ranking with Hybla and Ergetium; and like these places, as shown by the above-mentioned coins, she received the germs of civilization from the Ionic Chalcidian cities. 1 And since, for the period anterior to that of the Deinomenids, the history of even such important towns as Naxos and Catana is nearly all lost, it is not strange that we know nothing of Piacus save for the tale concerning the heroic end of her citizens. 1 For Ergetium, see above, chap x XII THE ARCHAIC GREEK RELIEF OF S. MAURO AND THE ANCIENT CITIES OF THE HERAEAN PLATEAU The beautiful archaic Greek relief which is here 1 for the first time depicted was discovered in November, 1837, by a peasant who was plowing in the region of S. Mauro, nearly five miles distant from Caltagirone. Its discovery came to the notice of Baron Filippo Perticone, who at that time was devoting himself to the study of the antiquities of Caltagirone. He hastened to carry the precious monument to a place of safety, and four years later published it in a pamphlet, in which he also promised a reproduction of the relief, together with many other antique objects which he had discovered. 2 Such plates, as far as I know, were never published. 3 It is this circumstance, together with certain inaccuracies in the pamphlet, 4 and the unfavorable criticism of a rather well-known Sicilian bibliographer, that has kept so precious an object from students of the early art and history of Sicily. It would still be unknown, and would have remained so for who knows how long, had I not decided to include a scientific explora- * See Plate III. 3 Anlichitb della greca Gela mediterranea oggi Caltagirone, rinvenute, osseruate, e discritte da Filippo M. a Perticone (Catania: Giontini, 1841); see pp. i8ff. Perticone says that in that region were found "diverse objects of burnt clay, and bronze images of different kinds, among others a fine cow of Corinthian ( ?) metal;" and adds, that also "a quantity of coins, both Graeco-Sicilian and Roman, come daily to light." Many years later, in 1857, the author reprinted his work at Catania under the title: Le antichita della Gela medit. oggi Caltagirone. 3 The plates are lacking in the copy given me by Baron Perticone himself, nor could I find them in the public library of Caltagirone, which I examined carefully. 4 For example, an inscription which Perticone says was in the fortress of Cal- tagirone has been correctly identified by Mommsen as no. 1067* of Vol. X of the CIL; and the same lack of accuracy is seen in the case of other inscriptions in the pamphlet. But while Perticone showed himself ready to accept any and all material, I do not think he ever knowingly deceived. 132 ANCIENT ITALY tion of Caltagirone in my itinerary during a recent visit to Sicily for the purpose of collecting the necessary material for the compilation of the Supplementa Italica of the CIL. In addition to the hope which was to some extent realized of finding epigraphical material, I was led to visit this city, which is for the most part neglected by travelers and archaeologists, by the desire of solving a historical problem which had long been present in my mind. It seemed very strange that in that corner of Sicily there should be such a lack of monuments of the Greek and Roman periods, although the references in ancient authors, the history of the island, and the nature of the country would lead one to expect exactly the opposite. On these Heraean moun- tains, justly celebrated by the ancients for their fertility and beauty, 1 and in this region which even today passes for one of the richest and most densely populated of the island, thanks to the Greek cul- ture which from east as well as west ascended the valleys in which Gela, Camarina, Syracuse, Megara, and Leontini had been founded, there was early formed that confederation of the Siculi which for some time even tried to rival the Syracusan dominion, a few decades after it had been established by the Deinomenids. I was, moreover, persuaded that in the region about Caltagirone a city which in modern times has been considered as the first on the Mediterranean side of Sicily should be located some of those oppida of the Siculi which are alluded to more or less frequently by early writers, and which, for various reasons which we shall in part have occasion to notice, have been, and still are, attributed by modern Sicilian historians to other and distant localities. The precious monument, the obscure and forgotten resting- place of which I had the good fortune to discover in a garret at the Lyceum of Caltagirone, 2 not only confirmed, but even surpassed 1 Cf. the excellent and ample description of their fertility in Diod. iv. 84. 3 I owe my knowledge of this monument to Baron Perticone himself. At the time of my visit this nearly blind octogenarian, who was just recovering from a severe illness, in response to my request for epigraphical material, came from his estate to Caltagirone to give me his only copy of his publication, and to show me the antiquities which, together with the monument in question, he had presented to the town of Caltagirone. It is hardly necessary to say how grateful I am to him PLATE III ARCHAIC RELIEF FROM S. MAURO ARCHAIC GREEK RELIEF OF S. MAURO 133 my expectations. It is sculptured upon a slab of compact lime- stone 0.85 m. high, 1.62 m. broad, and 0.14 m. thick. In the upper zone are represented two groups of dancing satyrs, one to the 'right and the other to the left. The space between these groups is much corroded, but one can still distinguish traces of another figure which bore an oenochoe. In the lower zone are two sphinxes, back to back, and holding one paw raised. In the center, between the wings of the sphinxes, is a double palmctte, the upper portion of which seemed to me to show plainly discernible traces of painting. The details are executed with exceeding fine- ness and delicacy of touch. I shall not attempt to describe this monument from an archae- ological standpoint. From now on it will certainly be studied by students of archaeology and art. The striking similarity between the Bacchic dance in the first zone and the dances frequently repre- sented on archaic Greek vases will be noticed at first glance ; likewise that between the type of the sphinxes and the sphinx represented on the archaic metope from Selinunte recently discovered by Salinas ; between the arrangement of the hair of the sphinxes and that, for example, of the Apollo of Tenea; and between the arrangement of the figures and that of the figures on certain bronze plates from Olympia. In this manner all of the peculiarities of the relief should be noted, taking into account the form and proportion, and the distribution and importance of the subject. I repeat that I leave to archaeologists the task of publishing this monument from the standpoint of its artistic value, and of bringing out by minute comparisons its relation to the art of the Peloponnese and of Rhodes. Certainly from now on it will find a place in all the histories of sculpture and of Greek art. 1 It will be found natural I hope, that I, who am especially a student of history, and who came across the relief while in search of epigraphical and topographical for this. I must also express my gratitude to Dr. Salvatore Di Gregorio, professor of natural science in the Lyceum of Caltagirone, who aided me in finding and photographing the monument. The photograph itself I owe to the kindly and disinterested courtesy of Sig. Benedetto Bellia-Malfa, of Caltagirone. 1 As a consequence of the publication in Italy of this paper, the relief is now mentioned in Penot et Chipiez, VIII, p. 497. 134 ANCIENT ITALY data, should limit myself to bringing out its importance from a chronological and historical point of view. As regards the dating of the monument, I think there can be no dispute among archaeologists, and it may with almost absolute certainty be placed in the first decades of the sixth century B. c. It was probably of architectural origin, and may without doubt be considered as a product of the Dorian art of Gela. Monte S. Mauro, where the relief was found, is situated about sixteen miles from Gela. It dominates two valleys those of the Maroglio and of a minor tributary and in a certain measure closes the valley of the Maroglio, the stream which descends from Caltagirone and empties into the sea at Terranova, the ancient Gela. On the side toward Caltagirone, which faces it but a short distance away, the hill of S. Mauro ends very precipitously; and it may be asserted with sufficient certainty, even by one only slightly versed in the study of military science, that the city there situated would have been the extreme colony and outpost of Gela in that region, by means of which she not only guarded the valley of the Maroglio, but also protected herself and her territory from the neighboring plateau, on which are now situated Caltagirone, and, farther away, Granmichele, Viccini, Buccheri, and Buscemi, and where in early times were located the Siculian populations which were soon succeeded by colonies from Leontini, Megara, and Syracuse. 1 The chronological data furnished by Thucydides are based on an approximate calculation by generations. According to these, seventy years after its foundation (c.y34 B. c.) Syracuse was able, by the foundation of Acrae, to control the entire pla- 1 It is evident that, had they been able, the Geloans would have occupied Caltagirone instead of S. Mauro, since the former commanded the principal valley leading to the territory of Leontini. That they did not means one of two things: either the plateau now occupied by Caltagirone was in the hands of the Siculi, or else Leontini had already pressed as far as Caltagirone when the Geloans occupied S. Mauro. Leontini is said to have been founded (729 B. C ) about forty years before Gela. Of these two hypotheses the former seems to me preferable. Pro- fessor Di Gregorio tells me that a paleontographical study of the grottoes near Caltagirone would yield a rich harvest. The Arab name of Caltagirone would seem to mean "city of grottoes;" see A. Cremona, Delle origini di Caltagirone (Palermo, 1892). ARCHAIC GREEK RELIEF OF S. MAURO 135 teau above her. This assured her a means of communicating with the interior, both with the Siculi and with the southern shore of the island where, forty-five years before Acrae, she had founded Camarina (c. 599 B. c.). The position of S. Mauro and its dis- tance from Gela correspond in the main fairly well with the position and distance of Acrae in relation to Syracuse. Admitting that it had required two generations for the Geloans to get possession of the upper valley of the Maroglio, as far as the hill of S. Mauro where it ends, we may conclude that Gela, which, according to the same computation based on Thucydides, was founded forty-five years later than Syracuse (i. e., about 689 B. c.), seized that place about the end of the seventh century. 1 The date of the founding of Acrae has been taken for this comparison, not from love of conventional parallelism, but because of natural analogy. If Syracuse, whose actions on the left were limited by the neighbor- ing Megarians, needed two generations to obtain complete control of the plateau behind her, a similar extension of power could not have been accomplished in less time by Gela, which, in addition to the conquest of the valley of the Maroglio, had of necessity to provide for the simultaneous subjection of the other valleys which run back from the Geloan plain, and which afford means of com- munication with the regions in which Mazzarino and Piazza Armerina 2 are situated. The nature of the stone upon which our relief is cut shows that it could not have been carved during thefirst few years after the founding of Gela, but rather several generations later, when the Lindians, who founded the new city, had gained possession of the surrounding territory. Professor Salvatore Di Gregorio, in answer to my question, informs me that the material is commonly called pietra di Palazzuolo (Acrae), and that it is a more compact variety of the Syracusan limestone. He adds that even today these two 1 Thuc. vi. 3 ff. For the character of this chronology see Busolt in Rhein. Mus., XL (1885), pp. 466 ff. a According to an early reference, which I think was first made use of by me (see my Storia della Sicilia, etc., I, p. 235, n. 4), certain Geloan colonists are said to have perished fighting their enemies. The occupation of the territory was cer- tainly not entirely unopposed and pacific. 136 ANCIENT ITALY materials are freely used at Caltagirone in better-class construc- tions. 1 Considering the distance between the height of S. Mauro and that of S. Palazzuolo-Acreide, and also the distance between S. Mauro and Gela, and further considering the fact that the relief belongs without doubt to the sixth century, it must be admitted that it confirms the approximate correctness of the chronology of Thucydides which deals with the Greek colonies of Sicily. Bearing this in mind, it is perhaps not too bold an assertion that, just as some of the archaic reliefs of Selinus are attributed to the early years when that city was founded by the Megarian Hyblaeans, so our relief may easily belong to the first few years after the time when the Geloans, having taken possession of the height of S. Mauro, founded a colony there. Let us now consider whether a name may be given to this city of Greek foundation, and whether the city which was situated on the height of S. Mauro corresponds to any of the pre-existing cities of the Siculi which the Geloans later occupied. The exact location of many of the Siculian cities of the interior is still unknown, and, in the present state of our knowledge, any attempt to determine it may seem premature, and possibly useless. If, however, while hopefully awaiting future excavations, I dare discuss this problem, it is because there seems to me good reason for so doing. I hope at least to outline more clearly the disputed points, and to bring out the important fact that on the summits of the Heraean Mountains we should seek several of the more famous cities of the Siculi, which have wrongly, as it seems to me, been attributed to other regions of the island. Many names present themselves to the mind. I exclude at once Echetla, not alone because it is never mentioned for so early a period, but especially because it seems certainly to have stood at a more eastern point of the Heraean plateau, at or near Vizzini. 2 1 Although the case is far different, I cannot refrain from recalling that when, in the sixth century, the Geloans built their treasury at Olympia, they carried with them the necessary material; see Ausgrabungen v. Olympia, p. 33. Thanks to the researches of Dorpfeld, it is known that others, such as the Sicyonians, followed their example. 1 According to Diod. xx. 32, it was evidently a fortress commanding a valley ARCHAIC GREEK RELIEF OF S. MAURO 137 Eryce may also be passed over, for, as Cluver has already noted, it occupied a position near the lake of the Palici. According to Callias, Eryce was ninety stades from the border of the Geloan territory, and occupied a strong position above the famous lake. 1 between the territory of Leontini and that of Camarina. When Polybius (i. 15) says that for the period of Hiero II it was tv fdffy Kei^vifv ry r&v "SvpaKovfflwv Kal Kapx-ndovluv ^rra/.x^, this should, I think, be brought into relation with the boundaries which existed shortly after under Hiero and the Roman dominion. See Diod. xxiii. 4. i; cf. my Osserv. s. storia e s. ammin. d. Sicilia (Palermo, 1888), p. 60, n. 3, where I accept the opinion of Neuling, who thinks that Echetla is also mentioned in Diod. xxiii. 5. I shall on another occasion give a complete and satisfactory explanation of the passage from Polybius. Here it would take too long, and be out of place. It may merely be noted that even in the peace between Syracuse and Carthage in 405 B. c. (cf. Diod. xiv. 114), Echetla, according to all probability, marked one of the confines of Syracuse or of Leontini. 1 Callias apud Macrob. v. 19. 25: 17 Si *Epi5/cij TT)S ptv FeXyay 8a ZtKeXfas) it results that the modern name, rather than Palice, corresponds to the ancient name, and is identical with Palagonia. Since I have touched upon this point, I may be permitted to note that the much-discussed references to Minae are merely the result of a duplication in Dio- dorus of one and the same statement. Diodorus says (xi. 78. 5) that Ducetius ~M.eva.tvov (M.evaivov cod. P.) fjv if6\iv KTi P av TO ' J KOLT - oiKiffOftffi die/jicptire. In the second passage, which has already been quoted (xi. 88. 6), he affirms that rds Mv&is (M/veas cod. P.; cf. Steph. Byz., s. v. Meca/) ^TIS fy avrov irarpts, /jT(pKtV 6vofj.aff/j.^vuv IlaXijcwj' e/cTt 6/xopoc X^paf. It is clear that M^atros and Meval are two forms of the same name, just as Aebvriov and Aeovrlmj, and are equivalent to Minae. The difference in form, in addition to the fact that two authors were followed who referred the same events 138 ANCIENT ITALY We must, on the other hand, pause briefly to discuss Omphace, and also Mactorium, Morgantina, and Galerina. Omphace was said to be a town of the Sicani (Tro'Xtcr^a "Ziicavwv^ and older than Gela itself. From it the Rhodian Antiohemus, the founder of Gela, is reported to have carried away a statue which, like many other works of art among the Rhodian colonists of Gela and Agri- gentum, was held to be the work of Daedalus. 1 Art critics may determine whether our relief should receive a like attribution. It would seem in this case that too much weight might easily be laid upon such references. It should be taken into account that the ancients rightly distinguished between the Siculi and the Sicani. Ethnographically such a division has no justification, but from a political and geographical standpoint it is entirely borne out by what we know of the history and location of these peoples. Gela stood, so to speak, in the territory which separated one from the other, and if the statement of Pausanias is correct, we may at once exclude the supposition that Omphace could have been located at S. Mauro, which was in the direction of, or even actually within, the territory of the Siculi. 3 As to Mactorium, this was evidently also a very ancient city, as is shown by the fact that Philistus speaks of its foundation in the first book of his history, 3 and by its mention in connection with the Geloan revolt as related by Herodotus, this revolt occurred before the fifth century at least. From Herodotus we learn that Mactorium was farep FA,?/?, 4 but the events which occurred might apply to Niscemi, which is situated on a hill commanding to different periods, it seems to me, caused Diodorus to mention twice, under different dates, the same event i. e., the transference of Minae, the native town of Ducetius, to the plain, and the founding of Palice. Whether or not this opinion be accepted, there is nothing strange in supposing Diodorus guilty of several of these duplica- tions, which are of such frequent occurrence in early Greek and Roman history. At the very point where he refers to the history of Sybaris (xi. 90) he gives a con- spicuous example of double redaction which led to diverse narrations of the same facts (cf. xii. 10). 1 Paus. viii. 46. 2 ; ix. 40. 4. * For the geographical value of the designations Siculi and Sicani, see my Storia della Sicilia, etc., I, pp. 94 ff . 3 Philist. apud Steph. Byz. s. v. * Herodot. vii. 153. ARCHAIC GREEK RELIEF OF S. MAURO 139 the road between Gela and S. Mauro, or to Mazzarino. At about the place where the last-named city is located Ptolemy 1 places a city called Mdrcvpov, which is entirely unknown. This fact has several times given rise to the hypothesis that the modern Mazza- rino corresponds to the form MaKTupivos. Naturally it would be hazardous to venture any definite opinion upon this point. Let us pass on to Morgantina. It has been the custom to locate this on Mount Judica, which dominates the plain of Catania and stands opposite the mouth of the Simeto. This theory, however, is certainly wrong, even though it seems favored by a passage in Diodorus which states that when Magon was contending against Dionysius I, he encamped ev ry 'Ayvpvvaicov %&y>a irapa rov X/3y Trora/ioi/ eyyv? TT)? 68ov Try? povcrr)<; et? Mopyav- Tivav. 3 This passage, if it stood alone, might justify the placing of the city on Mount Judica, but since, as we shall see, many other passages prove that it was situated much nearer Syracuse and more to the south, we are forced to conclude either that Morgantina was the principal city of this entire inland district, and that on this account the road of which Diodorus speaks was named from it, as from an important center; or else that its terri- tory extended so far on that side (as did later that of Caltagirone) as to reach the valley of the ChrysasorDittaino. 3 That Morgantina must really be sought on the summit of the Heraeans, at a point which marks the boundary between the terri- tory of Camarina and that of Syracuse, is seen from Thucydides (iv. 65), who, in speaking of the peace of Gela, 424 B. c., concluded as a result of the exertions and exhortations of the Syracusan Hermocrates, says that there was established TOW 8e Ka/jiapi- JAop^avrivrjv elvai, apyvpiov ra/CTov rot? 2ty>a/eoucruH9 It is easy to understand why the inhabitants of 1 Ptol. iii. 4.7. 3 Diod. xiv. 95. z. 3 That many of the Siculian cities possessed extended territories in antiquity, when the island had no more than sixty-eight communes, is natural. Just as in antiquity the Centuripini were granted a considerable part of the territory of the neighboring towns (Cic. Ver. II. iii, 104), so after the twelfth century Caltagirone became mistress of the lands of Fatanasino and Judica; see Amari, Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia, III, p. 228. * Beloch, La populazione antica della Sicilia (Palermo, 1889), p. 13, n. 7, is 140 ANCIENT ITALY Camarina, who were continually contending over boundaries with Syracuse, 1 and who were therefore on friendly terms with the Leontini, who were likewise enemies of Syracuse, 2 should have sought an outlet toward the plain of Leontini, and have aimed to secure a foothold among the Heraean heights which dominated such a means of communication. Moreover, that Morgantina was really situated on these heights is shown by the other refer- ences to it, from which it may be of advantage to derive a few data concerning this important Siculian city which we find mentioned in the various periods of the early history of the island. Diodorus, in speaking of the conquests of Ducetius, imme- diately after stating that he founded Minae (probably Palice, see above), adds: cnpaTeva-d^evo^ 8' evrt Tro\iv a^i6\oyov M.oypav- rlvav KOI xeiptoa-dfjievos avrrjv Sdav aTrrjvejKaro Trapa rot? op.oe6- i/eo-f.3 Discussing the wars of Dionysius I against the Siculi, he then says that he captured Mevaivov and Morgantina. 4 Finally the same author, in speaking of the slave war, says of Salvius Tryphon that, having besieged Morgantina, he overran the country as far as the plain of Leontini, and adds that he went to the lake of the Palici and sacrificed to these divinities. 5 Also the exile Agathocles, while leading the contingent from Morgantina in the war against Syracuse, "urben Leontinorum capit." 6 From all of these passages it is seen very clearly that Morgantina was situated on the heights above Minae; but we cannot be equally the only one, as far as I know, who on the basis of this passage recognizes that Morgantina "should be sought farther to the south than one generally supposes." Without giving reasons, Schubring (Camarina [Palermo, 1882], p. 21) advised the substitution of Karavalois for Ka.fM.piva.tots. 1 Even at the time of the second Athenian expedition, Thucydides (vi. 88) says of the inhabitants of Camarina : rots S ~vpa.Kocrloii del (card rb Sfjiopov 5idv of Hesychius, since we know of no other victory gained by the Syracusans on the banks of the Helorus. We know, on the other hand, of a defeat which they there suffered when they were conquered by Hippocrates of Gela. 4 It is evident, however, that Gelo and Hiero of Gela, the tyrants of Syracuse, would not have undermined their well-known popularity by commemorating such a victory. They were anxious rather to have it forgotten that they came from Gela. Nor would the Syra- cusan democracy, after the expulsion of the Deinomenid Thrasy- bulus, have celebrated the victory of the powerful tryant from that city. A still better proof that the Helorus and the Assinarus were the same river is the column which is situated not far from the Tellaro. It is a tall and beautiful Doric shaft, such as Syracuse may well have raised to commemorate a victory. 5 It is not exactly 1 Thuc. vii. 79. 1 For the date see Holm, Die Stadt Syrakus, p. 158. Thuc. vii. 81. 4. 4 Herodot. vii. 154; Sch. Find. Nem. ix. 95. s It is not constructed of superposed drums, as are the columns of the Doric temples of Selinus and Agrigentum, but of various pieces joined together and formerly covered with stucco. Moreover, it is not fluted, as Doric columns gen- erally are. This does not prevent its being a fifth-century monument, since it is to be 152 ANCIENT ITALY on the Helorus, but is much nearer it than it is to the Falconara, being less than a mile from the former, and over two miles from the latter. 1 That it is not situated exactly on the banks of the Tellaro proves nothing. The battle or, better yet, the slaughter of the Assinarus took the name of the river for the reason that the last act of the drama took place at the river. But Thucydides 2 states clearly that the battle commenced at dawn, when Nicias moved from the banks of the Erineus in order to gain the Assinarus. The column therefore is situated near the river on the banks of which the battle ended, on a low plateau not far from the sea and dominating the adjacent mouth of the Helorus, and its posi- tion would confirm the account of Thucydides. Nevertheless, the lack of a good architectural study of this column, and of the other which is situated on the banks of the upper Tellaro at the place called Saccollino, forbids the definite acceptance of this argument. There exists also the possibility that the Athenians may have tried to cross the stream higher up to the west. Moreover, it cannot be asserted that the banks of the Falconara only are steep. Those of the Tellaro, where it empties into the sea, on the side toward the column are in several places steep enough to explain the passage in Thucydides, as I was able to verify when I visited the region. 3 considered more as a pedestal to bear a dedicated object, such as a tripod or a Nike, than as a column. By way of comparison it seems right to mention the high (4.60 m.) triangular base found at Olympia in 1875, which bore the Nike of Paeo- nius, and which was dedicated by the Messinians of Naupactus about 421 B. c. (see Paus. v.26. i; Roehl, Inscr. antiq., no. 348; Ausgrabungen zu Olympia, II, Plate 34). For the sepulchral character of the monument see the final note of this chapter. 1 Holm-Lupus (Die Stadt Syrakus, p. 158) wrongly assert that the column stands between the Tellaro and the Fiume di Noto; cf. the map of the Italian Stato Maggiore, where the column, called today, as at the time of Fazello, la Pizzuta, is indicated. It is situated about half-way between the Tellaro and another small torrent farther to the north, the Laufi, a name already known to Fazello (see Dec. i. 4. 2), who also speaks of the column situated at the place called Saccollino. Thuc. vii. 84. 3 I have on my side Pindar, who in speaking of the deeds of Chromius says (Nem. ix. 95) : fiaOvicp-finvoiffi. 8' d/u0' d/crais 'EX<6pov. Another argument in favor of my assertion is as follows: Thucydides (vii. 84. i f.) says that Nicias left the DEFEAT OF ATHENIANS AT ASSINARUS 153 There is not, therefore, sufficient reason for identifying the Erineus with the Cavallata, and the Assinarus with the Falconara. The probabilities are much more in favor of the supposition that the Falconara is the Erineus, and the Assinarus the same as the Helorus, the modern Tellaro. Is it possible, however, that the river Helorus could also have had the name of Assinarus ? Certainly it would not be the first case of one river having two names. It would take too long to enumerate all the rivers which either have changed their names, or have different names for different portions of their course. The Olbius, for example, was a river of Arcadia which certain Arcadians called the Aroanius. 1 At the time of Lysander a certain river of Thessaly was called the Hoplias, and at a later period the Isomantus. 2 One also naturally thinks of the Padus, which the Greeks called the Eridamus and the Ligurians the Bodincomagus. 3 The Danubius, too, was also called the Istrus, and at an early period was known as the Matoas. 4 The Eurotas near Tarentum is better known as the Galaesus. 5 The Tiber is said to have first been called the Albula. 6 According to Vibius Sequester, Paneus was another name for the Siris, and Titaressus for the Thessalian Orcus. 7 To take an example from Sicily itself, Heisterbegk 8 has shown that the river Sicanus was identical with the southern Himera. Even the Helorus had a third name, as we learn from Vibius Sequester, 9 who says: "Herbesos qui et f Endrius [i. e. Erineus at dawn, and that when he arrived at the Assinarus the Athenians rushed into the river on account of their fatigue and thirst. The fact that the weather was still warm, and that the Athenians, being harassed by the Syracusans, had proceeded slowly for the 3^ miles between the two rivers, accounts for their thirst so shortly after breaking camp. This would be much less intelligible did we admit that they proceeded from the Cavallata to the Falconara, since these two streams are but a little over a mile apart. 1 Paus. viii. 14. 3. 2 Plut. Lys. 29. 8. 4 Steph. Byz., s. v. Mvovpi?. 3 Metrod. Seeps, apud Plin. N. H. Hi. 122. s Polyb. viii. 38. 8. 6 Liv. i. 3 ; cf . the names of Rumon and Serra which are also given the Tiber in Serv. ad Aen. viii. 63. 7 Vib. Seq., s. v. 8 Heisterbegk, Fragen der dltesten Geschichte Siciliens (Berlin, 1869), pp. 45 ff. 9 That there really was a river Herbessus is shown by the coins of the city of 154 ANCIENT ITALY Elorius] oppido Alorino [i. e. Elorino] decurrit per fines Elori." Fazello 1 tells us that at his time the lower course of the Tellaro was not called thus, but Abisus a name in which it is not difficult to discover the ancient Herbessus, or the third name of the river. Two or even three names for the same stream are not surprising, if we consider that the Helorus, just as the others mentioned above, was a boundary river. The name " Helorus," which also belongs to the fortress at the mouth of the river, seems to be of Syracusan origin (cf. 'E\c6/3to5 aj(ov and 6809 'EXwpivrj). Herbessus was certainly the name given it by the inhabitants of Hermessus who dwelt along its upper banks. The name " Assinarus" seems to indicate its marshy lower course, the "praepingue solum stagnantis Helori." 3 According to a law which holds good for both ancient and modern times in Sicily, cities often derive their names from rivers which flow past them, and vice versa. 3 Moreover, the city of Helorus was not situated on the banks of the Tellaro, but on those of the neighboring Laufi, where Fazello (loc. cit.) saw many and conspicuous ruins, while at the mouth of the Tellaro was situated the fortress of Helorus, which is also mentioned by Pliny. 4 From these facts we are led to the conclusion that Helorus was originally the name of the small stream which today is called the Laufi, and that name, on which the river is represented with the usual head and neck of an androcephalous bull (see Imhoof-Blumer, M onnaies grecques, p. 19, Plate A, Fig. 21). These coins still further prove, what I have elsewhere attempted to demonstrate (see Alcune osserv. sulla storia e sulla amministr. d. Sicilia durante il dominio romano [Palermo, 1888], pp. 46 ff., note), that Herbessus should not be sought, as it usually is, along the Anapo, or at Pantalica or Sortino, but rather opposite Acrae and near Buscemi, where the streams of the Anapus, and of the Herbessus or upper Helorus, take their origin. 1 Fazello, loc. cit.: "et defluens pontem ipsum Bayhachemum, qui eius ripas utrimque colligat, abluit, et inde, neglecto priori nomine, Abisus adpellatus .... in mare illabitur." Cf. supra "Elorus fluvius .... Abisus hodie vulgo dictus." 2 Verg. Aen. iii. 698. In the same way the Bacchiglione had one name near Vicetia and another near Patavium; cf. Nissen, Italische Landeskunde, II, p. 218. 3 Heisterbegk, Fragen der altesten Geschichte Siciliens, pp.- 21 ff. Even today the Sicilian streams of this region are named from the neighboring cities, as Fiume di Noto, Fiume di Ragusa, Fiume di Scicli. The names "Assinaro" and "Ermi- ninio," which figure on modern geographical maps, are of literary origin. 4 Plin. N. H. xxxii. 16. It lay on a hill, today termed "Stambagi," where I picked up fragments of Greek pottery. DEFEAT OF ATHENIANS AT ASSINARUS 155 that, when the city spread from its banks as far as the mouth of the Tellaro, the name passed over to designate the mouth and lower course of that river, which there lost its earlier name of Assinarus. 1 That the Tellaro is really the Assinarus the following argu- ment makes still more probable, or even certain. During my visit to the valleys of the Tellaro and the neighboring streams I asked of every peasant I encountered the names of the rivers, knowing how little the map of the Italian Stato Maggiore is to be trusted in this regard. The peasants of the territory of Modica always asserted that the Tellaro was called u Teddaru, while those of Noto, who dwell nearer the stream, constantly repeated the form Atiddaru. This made me suspect that the name Atiddaru has been wrongly interpreted by geographers and map-makers as a Teddaru, or il Tellaro. A similar mistake was made by tran- scribing as VAmato the name of the Calabrian river Lama to, the ancient Lametus, and today termed also Fiume di S. Ippolito. The form VAmato unfortunately figures on many otherwise excel- lent maps. 2 It at once seemed evident to me that Atiddaru was the Sicilian equivalent for the 'Ao-atW/ao? of Thucydides, and when I later came across the work of Fazello (loc. cit.}, I noted with pleasure that he called the river Atellarus, a name which must henceforth be substituted for the other on geographical maps. 3 1 Only by admitting that the Helorus was originally identical with the Laufi can we explain the "undae clamosus Helorus" of Silius Italicus xiv. 269. See Fazello, loc. cit.; Cluver, Sic. Ant., p. 185. On the map of the Italian Stato Mag- giore the Laufi is termed Elaro, a name of obviously literary origin. Professor Mattia Di Martino, of Noto, writes that this name is unknown to the inhabitants there, who commonly term the stream Ciumistieddu (fiumicello) di Laufi. See, however, the differing views on the Laufi advanced by my pupil and friend, Professor Ciaceri, "La disfatta degli Atenesi all' Assinaro," in my Studi storici (Pisa, 1904), III, pp. 345 ff. * The river Lamatus in the Ionian form Ad/xijroj was already known to Heca- taeus, fr. 40 (Miiller, F. H. G.,- 1, p. 3). It is to be deplored that on the excellent map reduced from that of the Italian Stato Maggiore and published under the direc- tion of Kiepert, the Falconara, which the peasants today term Fiume di Noto, is called the Asinaro. 3 My learned friend, Professor Fumi, formerly my colleague in the University of Palermo, writes me as follows: "'A.ffOINIKH Among the stratagems of Agathocles Polyaenus 1 recounts an incident in which he is supposed to ask the Syracusans for two thousand soldiers, to enable him to accept an invitation from some who were seeking to put QotvUr) into his hands. 2 The men were granted, but Agathocles, when he had received what he desired, took no more heed of 3>otz/i/c77,3 but went off to take certain fortresses near Tauromenium. At first sight it would seem as if Polyaenus meant to speak of a maritime exepdition of Agathocles against the Phoenicians. Droysen, 4 however, thought differently, and advanced the hypoth- esis, which was also accepted by Holm, 5 that we have here to deal neither with the Phoenicians nor with the island Phoenicusa of the Aeolian group, but with <&OIVIKT], the Epirote city opposite Cor- cyra, and that the incident refers to the expedition which Agathocles made to Corcyra in 300 B. c. at the time when he defeated the Macedonians led by Cassander. 6 In his history of Agathocles Schubert opposes this hypothesis, which seems to him untenable : Aside from other improbabilities, from grammatical reasons alone .... since as the name of a city the word SXH^/CTJ would not have the article, and the inhabitants of a city named ^oivlxtj could not bear the name of Qotviices. Apparently Polyaenus found in his sources that Agathocles had spoken of an expedition against the *ofwicej (i. e., Carthaginians), and, in his haste, after the word 8w.pi)dffK' *4>il- 4 Droysen, Histoire de I'Hellenisme (Paris, 1883), II, p. 532, n. i a. s Holm, Geschichte Siciliens, II, p. 479. 6 Diod. xxi. 2. i Schubert, Geschichte des Agatlwkks (Breslau, 1887), pp. 200 f. 157 158 ANCIENT ITALY did not faithfully repeat his source, and that he created the form 3>oiviKr], I do not see why one might not consider that some other like mistake was made, as, for example, that the author of the stratagems may have confused the Epirote city Qoivifcr) with the Asiatic region, and have added the word OoiWe? on his own initiative. However, that in this passage the Epirote city is not meant is evident. When, after the expedition to Africa, Agatho- cles undertook the war against the peoples of Magna Graecia and against Corcyra, he was king. He was master of half of Sicily and had entire control over the destinies of Syracuse. He also had at his disposal an excellent army, composed for the most part of mercenaries whom he enrolled at his pleasure according to the amount of money at his disposal or which he promised, 1 and had no need of resorting to pretexts for demanding two thousand soldiers of the Syracusans, nor reason for concealing the real enemy whom he proposed to attack. It is evident and it is strange that the historians of Agathocles have overlooked this fact that the statement of Polyaenus refers to the period of his life which either preceded or was but slightly later than his being made a-Tparr)j6<; (317 B. c.), a time when he was not as yet absolute master of the lives and property of the Syracusans. 2 The hypothesis advanced by Schubert that Polyaenus alludes to an expedition against the Carthaginians is at first sight plausible. An examination of the words d(?Ka)v rwv e/cet rivas 7rpo8iS6vTa<; fjiera (T7rov&f)S avrbv Ka\elv ) however, shows clearly enough that the sources of Polyaenus made mention, not of a region, nor of o4wf . As is seen from Appian and the Itineraries, this city was situated not far from Cape Coccynus, about twenty miles north of Tauromenium, 3 the fortress against which the attack of 1 Diod. xxi. 2. 2, 3. a Diod. xix. 5 f. 3 That the *om of Appian (B. C. v. no) is the same as the Palma or Tama- PRETENDED EXPEDITION OF AGATHOCLES 159 Agathocles was really directed. The change between &oivi% and 3>oiviK<; is not difficult to explain, and, having once occurred, and it being understood whence the meaning of the word and of the narration was derived, one understands how the reference to an expedition of Agathocles against rrjv i&oivhcrjv was made pos- sible. 1 I am not able, nor do I wish, to decide whether the error is due to Polyaenus, or whether he derived it from his direct source. In this connection various hypotheses might be evolved, all of them probable, but none of them certain. It is needless to insist on the fact that the hypothesis which holds that the <&oivil; near Tauromenium is meant, is quite probable, and that from a historical and geographical point of view it at least appears much better than the others mentioned above. I prefer instead to discover the approximate date of the expedition against the territory of Tauromenium, and to find out why Agatho- cles concealed the real end which he had in view. From lack of data it is impossible to establish the terminus ante quern. It may merely be noted that, after Sosistratus had returned to Syracuse only to be driven forth, Agathocles, according to Dio- dorus Trore pev t&om;? a>v, TTOTC Be e<' rjyepovias Terc^/^eVo?, sought every occasion to push himself forward, and to show, as before the walls of Gela, his strategic capacity. 2 This all came about after Agathocles had attempted to seize Croton and Tarentum, and had aided Regium when besieged by Heraclides and by Sosistratus, and before the return of the petty tyrant to Syracuse. If we bring into relation the aid which Syracuse sent Croton, the more or less disinterested services which Agathocles rendered the cities of Magna Graecia, and also the expedition of Alexander of Epirus, in favor of these same cities, and against the Brettians and Luca- nians (c. 335-331 B. c.), we come to the conclusion that Agathocles, ricium of the Itineraries was noted first by Corcia, Storia d. due Sicilie (Naples, 1852), IV, p. 88, and then by Holm, Beitrage zur Berichtigung der Karte des alien Siciliens (Liibeck, 1866), Praef. p. n. 1 Certainly in the first sources the inhabitants of owf were not recorded as $olt>iices. According to Siceliot analogy as brought out, e. g., by Steph. Byz. (s. v. 'A.fhuaurar), the derived form would be * Diod. xix. 4. 160 ANCIENT ITALY who was born about 361 B. c., 1 held the office of general toward 330 B. c., when he was about thirty years of age. It is impossible, however, to determine accurately the date of the relations of Syracuse with these cities, or to verify that which it is merely possible to surmise ; namely, that there was some relation between the aid sent by Syracuse to Croton and the expedition of Alexander of Epirus. In any case, the results attained are very indefinite. It may be, however, that Syracuse fought in favor of Croton even after the battle of Pandosia in which Alexander perished (c. 331 B. c.). We are led to less vague conclusions by the statement of Euse- bius (version of Hieronymus), who says that in 323 B. c. : " Agatho- cles Syracusis tyrannidem exercet." 2 Diodorus, on the other hand, states that Agathocles obtained control over Syracuse in 317 B. c. 3 It may be that in this case Hieronymus and Syncellus were mistaken, and that we have here one of the common cases where two numerals, such as CXIV . II and CXV . IIII, were con- fused. It is possible, however, that Hieronymus here indicates the date when Agathocles first obtained control of public affairs, even if but for a short time and with powers not clearly defined. 4 When driven out by Sosistratus, Agathocles went to Morgan- tium; but shortly afterward, with the consent of the Carthaginian leader Hamilcar, he succeeded in returning to Syracuse, and in being recognized as general by the new democratic government. 5 Not even then, however, was he able to consider himself as abso- lute master, on account of the power of the optimates. To suc- ceed in having an army which would be trustworthy and ready to carry out any orders whatever, he concealed from the citizens his real designs and told them that he had been given to understand that the rebels had been assembling forces at Herbita, a city situ- ated in the central part of the island. He pretended to make an 1 Diod. xxi. 1 6. 5; cf. Schubert, op. cit., p. 33. 2 Eus., ed. Schoene, II, p. 117. This date is not even discussed by Holm and Schubert. 3 Diod. xix. 5. 4 See lust. xxii. i : " Bis occupare imperium Syracusarum voluit, bis in exilium actus est." For the meaning of these words see Schubert, op. cit., p. 44. s About 317 B. c.; see Diod. xix. 5; lust. xxii. 2. PRETENDED EXPEDITION OF AGATHOCLES 161 expedition against Herbita, but in reality assembled from Mor- gantium, and from other friendly or allied cities, the sold ers who at his command were to kill the citizens, either because they were rich, or because they were adverse to his absolute government. 1 From that period on, Agathocles was really master of Syracuse, and, having no longer to render an account of his actions to any- one, he commenced to assail openly the neighboring cities, whether friendly or hostile, and at times even those which were relying on their alliance with Carthage. 2 The action of Agathocles in the case of the expedition against Herbita recalls vividly that which, either then or in the past, he had taken in regard to Tauromenium. If that city did not recog- nize his dominion as a result of the treaty of 314 B. c., 3 it at least fell into his hands together with Messana in 312. 4 That the assault on the fortress in the territory of Taurome- nium took place by sea is easily explained by an examination of the geographical and strategical position of Tauromenium itself. Moreover, other similar unforeseen marine assaults on the part of Agathocles are attested as having occurred against Messana and Mylae. 5 The reason for his concealing the fact that the attack was in reality directed against Tauromenium is given by Poly- aenus himself; i. e., because the inhabitants of Tauromenium were allies. When the Corinthian Timoleon, having overcome the obstacles placed in his way by the Carthaginians, succeeded in setting foot in Sicily, it was Andromachus, the father of the historian Timaeus, who received him at Tauromenium, which he had recently founded. With that place as a starting-point, Timoleon succeeded in freeing Syracuse from the tyrants. Accord- ing to Diodorus, or rather Timaeus, Andromachus aided the under- taking of Timoleon because he was well disposed toward Syracuse. 6 The good relations between the two cities evidently lasted for several decades, and the reason for this is to be sought in the origin of the inhabitants of Tauromenium. According to Dio- 1 Diod. xix. 9 f.; Polyaen. v. 3. 7; 8; lust. xxii. 2. 4 Diod. xix. 102. 2 Diod. xix. 9; 65 f.; lust. xxii. 3. s Diod. xix. 65. 3 Diod. xix. 72. 6 Diod. xvi. 68; 345 B. c. 1 62 ANCIENT ITALY dorus, 1 Tauromenium, having been taken from the Siculi and made a colony of Syracuse by Dionysius I, received through Andromachus the ancient Naxians whom Dionysius I had driven from their native town. 2 How was it possible, however, for Andro- machus, who had founded a city of the ancient Naxians, to favor Syracuse, of which city the Naxians had always been the fiercest of enemies ? We are not surprised that Diodorus does not find it necessary to explain this contradiction. The earliest coins of Tauromenium, of about the time of Andromachus, have the Doric legends APXAFETA5 and TAYPO- MENITAN, 3 and the official language in the inscriptions is also Doric. 4 Moreover, Andromachus was well disposed toward Syra- cuse, and his son, the historian Timaeus, was called a Syracusan by the Sicilian Diodorus. 5 From these facts we should perhaps conclude, not only that the base of the population of Tauromenium was Doric, as has, of course, already been observed, but also that it had been founded by Syracusans who differed from the policy of the Dionysii. Andromachus founded, or rather reconstituted, Tauromenium in 358 B. c., at the commencement of the revolu- tion which was to put an end to the tyranny of the second Dionysius. 6 If this theory is correct, and Tauromenium was really an offshoot of Syracuse, we understand better why the Romans, in addition to handing over to Hiero II the possessions of Acrae, Netum, Helorus, Megara, and Leontini, all of which were near Syracuse, and had been conquered by her centuries before, should also have granted him Tauromenium, notwithstanding the fact that between it and the territory of Hiero were Catana and the Roman province, and that the strategic position of Tauromenium should have coun- seled the Romans not to allow it to fall into the hands of others. 7 i Diod. xiv. 96; cf. 59, 86; 396 B. c. 2 Diod. xvi. 7; 358 B. c. 3 See Head, op. cit., p. 165. 4 E. g., Kaibel, Inscr. Gr. Sic. et It., No. 434: d 5a/*os TUV TavpofteviTav .... s Diod. xvi. 1 6. 5. 6 Holm (Gesch. Sic., II, p. 438) thinks Tauromenium was inhabited by a population of mixed Doric and Ionic elements (and among these also the Zan- claeans), and that the Doric dialect was in official use, because at the time of the founding of the city the influence of Syracuse in Sicily was preponderant. 7 See Diod. xxiii. 4. i ; cf. Athen. v. 208 f . XV THE DAUNIANS AND UMBRIANS OF CAMPANIA In describing the extent of Campania, and the peoples who inhabited it, Polybius first mentions the inhabitants of the cities on the coast, such as Sinuessa, Cumae, Dicaearchia, Naples, and Nucera, and those dwelling in the interior at Cales and Teanum, and then, before describing Capua, the most important city of the plain, says that the region lying to the east and south was occupied by the Aai5i>ot /cat NwXapoi. 1 Who these Daunians were has often been asked, but with no success. It has been supposed that the text of Polybius is corrupt, and Holstenius, among others, proposed to correct the word Aauz/ot to KavS&oi t while others, such as Schafer, have suggested the reading KaXartvoi. Neither from a paleographical nor from a geographical standpoint is either of these two changes entirely satisfactory. Caudium did not belong to Campania, but to the region of the Hirpini in Samnium, 2 and the fact that it was situated beyond the mountains which surrounded Campania would seem to preclude its being considered in this connection, especially since Polybius, who was describing rather the geographical than the political characteristics of the country, alludes expressly to the numerous and continuous mountains which surround and isolate the Campanian plain. 3 From a geographical standpoint the correction to Ka\arlvoi has greater probability, but it is paleographically incorrect. Upon close examination still other corrections suggest themselves, although no one of them seems convincing enough to warrant its acceptance. Thus, for example, instead of the words TTPOC . . . . * Polyb. ii. gf. 4 f. 2 Plin. N. H. iii. n. 105; Liv. xxiii. 41. 13: Samnites Caudinos. Also Ptol. iii. i. 58 places it in the country of the Samnites. There is nothing definite to be derived from Strab. v, p. 249 C.; vi, p. 283 C. 3 Polyb. ii. 91. 8: rb di ir\etov 6pe ?,dpvq>, which they used in common with the inhabitants of Nola and Nu- cera. 2 As has also been brought out by Nissen, this fact alludes clearly to political relations which existed before the Roman era, 3 and although it is not necessary to come to the same conclusion as does Nissen, that the Acerraeans were one of the peoples which founded Pompeii, it is evident that between the inhabitants of Acerrae and those of the valley of the Sarno there existed at an early period ethnical and political relations which were strength- ened by material interests. The statements of ancient writers concerning the origin of the inhabitants of Nuceria and of the peoples of the valley of the Sarno lead to the same conclusions. According to Conon, as quoted by the commentator on Vergil who is known by the name of Servius, the Pelasgians founded Nuceria and many other towns, and were the earliest of the so-called Sarrastes who inhabited the valley of the Sarno. 4 As we have already stated, Nuceria was a purely Umbrian name; but, on the other hand, it is not possible to harmo- nize these statements with the passage in Strabo which affirms that Pompeii and the fortress of Herculaneum were occupied, first by the Oscans, then by the Etruscans and Pelasgians, and lastly by the Samnites. In the well-known passage in which Strabo 1 Plin. N. H. iii. 114: "in hoc situ interfere . . . . et Sarranates cum oppidis Acerris quae Vafriae cognominabantur." 2 Strab. v, p. 247 C. s Nissen, Pomp. Studien, p. 581. 4 Con. apud Serv. ad Aen. vii. 738. 176 ANCIENT ITALY discusses the origin of Caere, and afterward that of the Etruscans, as a result of the theory that the Pelasgians emigrated from Thessaly to Tyrrhenia at a very early period, he mentions them together with the Etruscans. 1 This agrees perfectly with another state- ment, also found in Strabo, according to which the Umbrians were of Thessalian origin. 2 This theory was derived from fifth- century writers, such as Hellanicus, and was also repeated by the source of Trogus Pompeius. 3 From this it is evident that Strabo, in speaking of the occupation of Pompeii and Herculaneum by the Tyrrhenians and Pelasgians, alludes to the Etruscans and Umbrians who, together with the Daunians and other barbarians, invaded Campania about 524 B. c. It is possible that a trace of this inva- sion is preserved in the coins with types in imitation of the Neapoli- tan coinage, and bearing the legend I D N <8> f- , of which examples have been found in various parts of Campania, and even in the Oscan tombs of Pompeii. 4 From this it would seem that in the valley of the Sarno and near the territory of Nuceria there long remained traces of peoples which were less ancient than the Oscans, but which nevertheless preceded the Samnites in the conquest of Campania. The rela- tion in which these early inhabitants stood to the Nucerians and their allies may be at least partially determined from an examina- tion of the coinage of Nuceria and the neighboring cities. From the coins of Campania in general it is clear that certain cities, such as Hyria, Nola, Fenser, Phistelia, and Alipha, were especially prosperous. They had been influenced to a greater or less degree 1 Strab. v, pp. 221 f.; cf. p. 225 C., where he speaks of Regis Villa and the Pelasgian Mallus, and x, p. 443 C., referring to Thessaly. In this last passage Strabo refers to Hieronymus of Cardia; in the passage treating of Caere he declares that he follows the generally accepted opinion (6fj,o\oyovmes jrdrres 0-x56v ri). Also in his discussion of Pompeii and Herculaneum, Strabo naturally does not give his own opinions, but those of his sources. 2 Strab. v, p. 213 C. 3 Hellan. apud Dion. Hal. i. 28; lust. xx. i. i. 4 Dressel, Beschr. d. ant. Munzen, III, i, pp. 162 ft.; Sambon, op. cit., I, pp. 337 ff. It may be noted, in passing, that the name "Phistelia" or "Fisteluis" (see Sambon, op. cit., I, pp. 331 ff.) recalls not only the Samnite Phistlica near Saticula (Liv. ix. 21) but also the Umbrian name of the Plestini (Plin. N. H. iii. 114). DAUNIANS AND UMBRIANS OF CAMPANIA 177 by the Greek element in Naples, and maintained commercial relations with that city. We are told that both Nola and the neighboring Abella were held to be Chalcidian colonies, 1 but the exclusively Greek legends on the coins of Nola, together with the pottery which has been found there, show that it had at least been greatly influenced and modified by the Greeks of Naples. More- over, the good relations which existed between Nola and Naples are brought out by the story of the capture of Nola by the Romans. 2 On the other hand, the fact that the coins of Uria and Fistelia bear legends which are at times Greek and at times Oscan, proves that in these cities the native, element was more numerous and more capable of resistance. In the case of Alipha and of Fenser the same thing is true to an even greater degree. The coinage of Alipha, Hyria, Fistelia, and Fenser endured only about a hundred years (from the fifth to the fourth century), on a par with the Campanian coins with Greek legends. The time of its disappear- ance corresponds to the appearance of the coins of Nuceria in southern Campania, of those of Atella and Calatia in the central portion, and of Cales and Suessa Aurunca in the north. The coinage of the two last-mentioned cities was the result of Roman conquest; that of Calatia and Abella proves the spreading of the Sabine Campanian element; the coins of Nuceria Alfaterna indicate the strengthening of the Samnite confederation at the expense of the neighboring peoples. From the coins, and from passages in the ancient authors, we learn that to great ethnical and political changes often corresponded changes in the names of cities. The Tarentines gave the name of Heraclea to the city which took the place of Siris, and Dionysius II of Syracuse entitled Chalcidian Regium Phbebea. In Campania also the same phenomenon frequently occurred. As a result of the hellenizing influence the native Moera changed its name to Abella; 3 the con- quest of Campania brought it about that the Etruscan Voltumum was called Capua; and as a result of the Roman conquest the 1 lust. xx. i. 13; cf. Sil. Ital. xii. 161. Lav. viii. 23. 25 f. 3 Serv. ad A en. vii. 740* 1 78 ANCIENT ITALY name of Aurunca took the place of that of Suessa, and Dicaearchia was termed Puteoli. It is also probable that southern Campania was affected in much the same way. The very name of Nola, the "New" pre- supposes an earlier city with another name. Noucria is termed a Tyrrhenian city by Philistus, and coined money with the inscrip- tion Nuvkrinum Alafaternum, which reminds one of the Oscan Alfaterni (the Albii, or "White" ?), who also appear in Latium, in the region of the Hernici, and in the Sabine territory. 1 It is even possible that the Samnite gens of the Aljaterni may have seized the city of the Umbrians and of the Tyrrhenian Pelasgians of Noucria. 2 In the same way the gens of the Pompeii (or of the Quinctili) may possibly have gained possession of the region where the city arose, the Greek and Etruscan ruins of which bear witness to the fact that it had been colonized at various periods even before the time of the Samnites. Future excavations may enable us to decide whether Pompeii arose on the site which had formerly been occupied by the Etruscan Fenser or by the obscure Irnthe, and whether the ruins of Varano, or of the Campanian Stabiae, still preserve traces of the still older Hyria or Uria of the Daunians. 3 The question of the Etruscan origin of Pompeii I shall defer till another occasion, but in the meantime, from the above observations on the Daunians and Umbrians, it is at least possible to conclude that the traces of these peoples endured more persistently in the valley of the Sarno than in the northern and central portions of Campania. Greek writers as early as the fourth century distinguished the region of this valley from the other territory of the Campanians, and attributed it rather to the Samnites dwelling adjacent to the Lucanians. 4 The successive influence of the Greeks and of the Sabine Campanians absorbed the Etruscan element, of which, however, * Plin. N. H. iii. 63. 108. ' For an analogous reason the Nucerini of Umbria are termed Camellani. 3 Varano, as we have seen, is a modern name found near Mount Garganus, which corresponds to the ancient Hyrianus, near the ancient Hyria. 4 Pseud. -Scyl., 11; cf. Pseud.-Scymn., vss. 244 ff. Also in Liv. viii. 23 ff., the inhabitants of Nola are distinguished from the Samnites. DAUNIANS AND UMBRIANS OF CAMPANIA 179 noteworthy traces remained in the Sabine alphabet, which is commonly termed Oscan. The Etruscan element, and also that introduced by the Daunians and Umbrians, became more and more faint, and after the fourth century, when Rome forced the Campanians to ally themselves with her and seized upon Greek Naples, it was probably no longer recognizable. That traces of the Daunians and Umbrians, who invaded Campania together with the Etruscans, remained longer evident in the southern por- tion of that region, and in the valley of the Sarno, is probably due to the fact that the frequent successions of peoples had less direct influence on southern Campania, and also to the fact that the im- portance of Magna Graecia, and of the indigenous peoples which succeeded the Greeks, was rapidly declining. And, this being so, we find an explanation for the fact that, notwithstanding the later Samnite occupation, Polybius could still speak of the Daunians as one of the principal peoples of Campania. It may also be that the inferior development of this portion of Campania from the standpoint of civic organization bears some relation to the fact that, while in northern and central Campania, Polybius mentions the cities of Sinuessa, Cumae, Dicaearchia, Naples, and Capua, and the inhabitants of Cales and Teanum, when he discusses the southern portion he mentions only the inhabitants of Nuceria and Nola, and the Daunians. Even today, whoever traverses the two great sections of the Campanian plain which are separated by Mount Vesuvius cannot fail to notice the inferior civic and social development of the villages situated in the valley of the Sarno, as compared with the cities to the north of Vesuvius or near the sea. A closer examination, such as I have several times had occasion to make, will result in the conviction that in the valley of the Sarno there still exists a dense population which anthropologically seems to differ greatly from the surround- ing peoples, and which in many ways reminds one either of the ancient indigenous tribes anterior to the later Sabine invasions, or of some people entirely different from the Campanians and Romans, of whose presence numerous traces still remain among the inhabitants of the other regions of Campania. FIG. 9. Coins of Hyria. FIG. 10. Coin of Fenser. XVI' CONCERNING THE EARLY HISTORY OF ISCHIA I Ischia was the earliest Greek factory which was located on the shores facing Campania, and, if we follow tradition closely, was the earliest of the factories which the Greeks founded in all of Italy. This is shown by the fact that Cumae was held to be the earliest of the Greek colonies in Sicily and Italy, 1 and that the Euboeans, who founded it, are said, according to a tradition repeated by Livy, 2 to have halted first on Ischia and the small neighboring islands, whence only after the lapse of some time they dared to establish themselves on the mainland at Cumae. This statement of Livy's deserves credence, both because it entirely corresponds to the character of the earliest Greek colonists, who, like the Phoenicians, first selected the promontories and small islands, where it was easier to resist unforeseen and hostile attacks of the natives; 3 and also because the accounts of Livy, even though at times erroneous, in the case of the history of Naples are generally worthy of attention, and seem either directly or indirectly to be derived from some fairly well-informed local writer. 4 1 Strab. v, p. 243 C. * Liv. viii. 22. 5: "Cumani Chalcide Euboica originem trahunt. Classe, qua advecti ab domo fuerant, multum in ora maris eius, quod accolunt, potuere, primo in insulas Aenariam et Pithecusas egressi, deinde in continentem ausi sedes trans- ferre." As has often been noted, Livy here seems to mention Ischia twice by the two names of Aenaria and Pithecusae, and to forget Prochyta, or Procida. Pom- ponius Mela (ii. 121), too, mentions Prochyta in addition to Aenaria and Pithe- cusae. One might be tempted to believe both Mela and Ovid wrong. Ovid (Met. xiv. 89 f.) makes the statement: "Inarinem Prochytenque legit sterilique locatas colle Pithecusas." It is quite possible, however, as we shall see, that the poet distinguishes the island of Ischia from the city of Pithecusae. 3 The same norms and precautions which Thucydides (vi. 2. 6) considers as characteristic of Phoenician factories have, of course, value in the case of the earliest Greek colonization, and of every other of the same nature. 4 See my Storia di Roma I, 2, pp. 487 ff., for the great value of the statements in 181 1 82 ANCIENT ITALY In the present state of our knowledge we cannot be certain of the origin or the value of the report that Cumae was the oldest of the Greek colonies of Sicily and Italy, and was therefore earlier than those which arose on the Strait of Messina and the Ionian coast. Nor is it easy to determine why its foundation was attrib- uted to a date anterior to 1000 B. c. several centuries earlier than the historical and apparently reliable date assigned for the origin of the other Greek colonies in the West. 1 For our purpose it is enough to note as certain that Cumae was the earliest colony on the shores of the region inhabited by the Opici, just as Pithecusae or Ischia, which preceded it, was the first region to receive the Euboeans, who in later periods were to do so much toward civiliz- ing the country which they inhabited. A fresh examination of the problems involved in the history of Campania is far from useless, and will be undertaken by me from time to time; but, aside from this, owing to such noble, even though remote, origin as that mentioned above, the details pertaining to the history of Ischia are peculiarly attractive. This charm is further increased by the marvelous beauty of that classic region, and by the fact that there is no noteworthy event connected with the maritime history of southern Italy, with which the name of Ischia is not in some manner joined. The ancients praised the virtues of the health-giving waters of Epomeus, but they seem to have suffered from its wrath much more frequently than have the modern inhabitants of the island. 2 It is perhaps due to this greater volcanic activity that the safe and welcome refuge of Alphonse of Aragon, Pontanus, Jovius, Vit- Livy in regard to Naples. It is worthy of note that Velleius (i. n) makes no mention of the halt of the Chalcidians at Pithecusae. 1 See my Storia della Sicilia, etc., I, pp. 158 ff., where these various problems are discussed. 3 The ancients supposed that the giant Typhon, overcome by the thunderbolt of Jove, was lying under Epomeus. Strabo (v, p. 247 C.) recalls three eruptions: (i) that which drove out the Eretrians and Chalcidians; (2) that which occurred shortly after 474 B. c. and caused the Syracusans to leave the island; (3) that which took place shortly before the birth of Timaeus. A fourth eruption, in 91 B. c., is mentioned by Julius Obsequens, 54 (114). Timaeus (loc. cit.) says that the ancients narrated many wonderful things in regard to Ischia. EARLY HISTORY OF ISCHIA 183 toria Colonna, and Maria of Aragon, although celebrated by Pindar and Vergil, did not in early times offer attractions to men who were famous in politics or in letters, or at least was not fre- quented by them to such a degree as were Baiae, Puteoli, and Capri. 1 Even more than by the beauty of land and sky, and the excel- lence of the waters, the Chalcidians and Eretrians were probably attracted by the commercial opportunities which Ischia offered. And it is clear that even after the foundation of Cumae a Greek city must have flourished on the island. It is not equally easy to decide in what way the inhabitants of Pithecusae or Ischia attained noteworthy prosperity. According to Strabo, this was due to the fertility of the soil (evKap-jria) and to the gold mines (ra xpvaela). 2 The statement concerning the fertility needs no comment. Even today, after such a lapse of time, Ischia may well boast of the extraordinary productive power of its soil. It is far different in regard to the gold mines. Although various writers on Ischian affairs, from the time of the Renaissance on, have discussed the existence of such mines in antiquity, they have been able to offer 1 It is obvious, however, that even in antiquity Ischia must have attracted numerous visitors, if only for the salubrity of its waters. Among the inscriptions dedicated to the protecting deities of the springs are one of a freedwoman of Poppaea (CIL, X, 6787), and another of Lacco (ibid., 6804) recalling a freedwoman of the Antonines who was related to the Julian gens. From this latter inscription (unless, like 6802 from the same place, it was imported from a some other locality) it would seem that the imperial family held possessions on the island. At a more recent period various Neapolitan princes, such as Alphonse the Magnificent, had interests there. As has been noted by Fraccaroli (Per la chronologia delle odi di Pindaro, p. 57), the most famous of those who in antiquity seem to have made use of the waters of Ischia was Hiero of Syracuse, who in 474, in spite of illness, was present at the battle of Cumae. He was afflicted with gravel, and the waters of Pithecusae were especially famous for their power to cure this malady (cf. Strab. v, p. 248 C ; Plin. N. H. xxxi. 9). It is by no means improbable, as Fraccaroli conjectures, that on the occasion when Hiero built a fortress and established a garrison on the island (cf. Strab., loc. cit.} he may also have tested upon himself the power of the waters. 2 Strab. v, p. 2470.: Tit&ijKovffffat 8' 'Eperpieis $KivffiniAriiiv ir\jpbs Kal 0aXXd(rv vddruv. 1 84 ANCIENT ITALY no other proof than the words of the Greek geographer. 1 More- over, all of the less credulous writers, and those less blinded by love of their country, have been forced to recognize that no trace of such mines has been found in. Ischia, 2 and I am assured by a young and able geologist, who has also made a careful study of the neighboring regions, and to whom I turned after I had been led by historical and literary reasons to judge the traditional data without value, that the geological formation excludes the possi- bility of rinding gold there at any period. 3 In considering the above-mentioned passage from Strabo, it seemed to me some years ago that there must be some error, and that the pretended gold mines must be due to a corruption of the 1 A definite statement that such mines existed seems to be made by lasolino, Dei rimedi natural* che sono nett' isola di Pithecusa (Naples, 1588), p. 25. He writes: "And there are gold mines, as is shown not only by Strabo, but also by modern testimony. Thus we have the authority of Giovanni Elisio, who in the book on the Bagni di Terra di Lavoro .... says that the island of Ischia pro- duced abundantly and luxuriantly diverse fruits and excellent grain, much wine, sulphur, alum and gold, as has also been discovered and proved by the most noble and clever Venetiani." Cf. also p. 38: "There is also a gold mine at Campag- nano, near the chapel of S. Sebastian. This I believe to be the one mentioned by Strabo, which was examined and tested during the last few years by the Vene- tiani, as we learn from Giovanni Elisio." In the book of Elisio, however (Opus- culum de balneis [also republished by Scipione Mazzella, Naples, 1591], p. 38) there is no allusion to this. 2 Chevalley de Rivaz (Description des eaux minero-thermales el des etuves de I'ile d' Ischia [Naples, 1846], p. 13) writes: "In regard to the gold mines which according to Strabo fomerly existed on this island, there is no longer any trace of this precious metal to be found, although it may possibly have existed there once. The rich mines of Nagyac, situated in the crater of an extinct volcano, prove that the existence of a gold mine in a volcanic region is not impossible." Chevalley here certainly follows Breislak (Topografia fisica della Campania [Florence, 1798], p. 315), who, after confessing that at his time there were no traces of gold mines on Ischia, cites the mine of Nagyac, and, relying upon the statement of Strabo alone, con- cludes that "at the time of the Eretrians such a mine could have existed on Ischia, and was destroyed or buried by the subsequent eruptions." Beloch (Campanien, p. 207) limits himself to the observation that the mines mentioned by Strabo have long been exhausted, and that their location is unknown. 3 I am indebted for this information to Dr. G. de Lorenzo, who together with C. Riva has written the article, "II cratere di Vivara nelle isole Flegree," in the Attid. R. Accad. (Naples, 1900). For the geological formation of Ischia see Fuchs, L'isola d'Ischia (Florence, 1872). EARLY HISTORY OF ISCHIA 185 text. For example, it seemed to me, and still seems, improbable that they should not have been mentioned by other writers, such as Pliny, who have discussed the peculiarities of the island. Con- sidering also that by the Euboeans and Campanians the island was called Aenaria, I came to the conclusion that Ischia derived this name from the commerce in copper. Since no copper is found on the island, however, the name must have been derived from a storehouse of the metal which formed an important article of commerce between the Etruscans and the Greek colonies, just as at the neighboring Puteoli the iron was deposited which had been brought from Elba. This led to the final conclusion that instead of %/3uaeta we should read %aX^eta ? and that we have the Latin equivalent of this word in Aenaria. 1 The above hypothesis, however, had no real historical founda- tion, and there is no especial reason for supposing that the trade in Etruscan copper was carried on more on Ischia than at any other point of the Campanian coast. On the other hand, a more careful examination of the peculiarities of the island, made on the occasion of a recent visit to Ischia, has led to the formation of a hypothesis which I regard as better than the other, and which, being based on a fact which has, so far as I know, hitherto escaped observation in this connection, I am emboldened to submit to the judgment of students. We do not know why Ischia was called Aenaria, nor by whom it was first brought into relation with the myth of Aeneas. 2 In the same way, the origin of the name "Pithecusae" is obscure. A Greek legend affirms that the island was originally inhabited by the malicious Cercopes, who were said to have been changed into monkeys or iri6r)Koi. It is uncertain, however, whether this myth, which is quoted by the historian Xenagoras of the Alexandrine age, has any connection with a legend earlier than the one of Aeneas just mentioned. 3 Be that as it may, it will suffice to note that both of these explanations of the names "Aenaria" and 1 See my Storia delta Sicilia, etc., I, p. 159, n. i. 1 As is well known, both this myth and this etymology are found even in Nae- vius, frr. 1 7 ff ., Baehrens. 3 Xenag., fr. 13, in Miiller, F. H. G., IV, p. 528; cf. the other references col- lected by Seeliger, s. v. "Kerkopen" in Roscher, II, p. 1170. 1 86 ANCIENT ITALY "Pithecusae" derive their origin from cults and myths which at a fairly early period were localized on these and the neighboring shores. The name of "Aenaria," like "Procida," "Caieta," and "Leucosia," was brought more or less into connection with the cycle of legends relating to Aeneas, whose myth as early as the sixth century had been connected with these shores by Stesichorus of Himera. The derivation of "Pithecusae" from the monkeys, on the other hand, seems to be connected with the deeds of Hercules, which in neighboring regions, such as Heracleion or Herculaneum, at Baiae, and on the near-by Via Heraclea, had been localized by the Chalcidians, who had brought the cult with them from their native land. 1 For our purpose it is worthy of note that still another derivation of "Pithecusae" was given. Pliny says that it was thus called, not "a simiarum multi- tudine, ut aliqui existimavere, sed a figlinis doliorum." 2 Although there is no reason for preferring the latter of these derivations to the former, it is difficult to understand how Pliny, who was the prefect of the fleet of Misenum, and who was fairly well acquainted with this and the neighboring regions, could have insisted so strongly on the derivation of the name "a figlinis doliorum," if there had not existed at Pithecusae a manufactory of dolia, or TriOoi, and of clay vessels in general. Today Ischia has no reputation for the production of pottery, but even to our day it has furnished in abundance the best of material for such an industry. De Siano, a writer of the begin- ning of the nineteenth century says : In various places on the island is found a clayey earth in soft, tenacious, and glutinous masses, which some term plastic clay, especially in the territory of Casamicciola, where it is commonly called creta. The income furnished by this article of commerce amounts to 30,000 ducats a year. Some of it is employed on the spot for making vases and bricks, and some is transported to Naples for making the vasellame del Ponte. It is there mixed with other clayey earths. The wonder is that the enormous yearly consumption which has gone on for so many centuries . . . . 3 1 The myth of the Cercopes seems to have originated at Thermopylae; cf. Seeliger, loc. cit. . ' Plin., N. H. iii. 82. 3 F. De Siano, Brevi e succinte notizie di storia naturale e civile dell' isola EARLY HISTORY OF ISCHIA 187 This last particular is confirmed by Capaccio, a Neapolitan writer of the seventeenth century, who affirms that the Neapolitans had long made use of Ischian clay for making bricks. 1 All of the writers on Ischian conditions, moreover, have alluded to the enor- mous quantity of clay which was annually exported from the beds near Casamicciola. At the present day this condition of affairs is greatly changed. During a recent visit to Casamicciola I ascertained that very little clay is now being produced. The workmen assured me that up to 1883, the date of the last earthquake, there were in the neighbor- hood of Casamicciola between sixty and seventy manufacturies of clay objects, and that their produce was exported throughout the gulfs of Gaeta and Naples as far as Salerno. Today Gaeta and Sessa are the greatest producers, and have for a long time supplied the Neapolitan market. If during the last few centuries the excellent and abundant clay of Ischia has been so freely used in the fabrication of vases and bricks for Naples, it would be wrong to conclude that Pliny erred when he alluded to the manufacture of dolia in Pithe- cusae. 3 Moreover, if we consider the important part played in ancient times by the production of clay objects for exportation, and that clay vases were imported and scattered in large quan- tities by the Greek colonists among the indigenous peoples of Italy, it is more than natural to believe that the commerce in clay on Ischia was even more important in ancient than in modern times. If this is correct, the passage in Strabo which speaks of the %/3vv e%e\nrov rb icara- ' eavrfav ret^o? ical TTJV vrjcrov. eTreXddvres 8e NeaTroXmu /carea-^ov are not clear. The city of Naples, to judge by literary evidence, did not arise before 446, when Thurii was founded. This results from a fragment of Timaeus 2 which alludes to the participation of the Athenians in the Neapolitan festivals in honor of Parthenope. The presence of Athenians in Naples is also recalled by Strabo, and is attested by the types of several Neapolitan coins, which imitate those of Thurii. In opposition to the above chronological result it should be noted that the earliest Neapolitan coins are not those with the type of the Athena of Thurii, as is held by the best numismatists. The first coins of Naples recall those of Terina and are connected in substance with those of Syracuse between 470 and 446 B. c. 3 of a recent visit to Monte di Vico, and learned that it had been thrown down from the mountain into the tonnaro below (cf. Beloch, Campanien, p. 208), although it deserved preservation more than any other of the national monuments of Ischia. Several of the older inhabitants recall the existence of the inscription, and connect its contents with the very fact of the overthrowing of the mass of rock upon which it was inscribed. The monument has already given occasion for the formation of a local legend. 1 Strab. v, p. 247 C. Fuchs {op. cit., pp. 46 f.), like many others, reproduces this erroneous opinion of the local writers. 2 Tim., fr. 99, M. For the origin of Naples see my " La missione civile e po- litica diNapoli nell' antichita," in the Neapolitan periodical Fkgrea, February, 1900. 3 I am indebted for this important observation, which overthrows the chronol- ogy of Head (Hist, num., p. 32), to the courtesy of Sig. Gabrici, director of the coin department of the Neapolitan museum. See Garrucci (Mon. d. Hal. ant., 84, 18) for the similar coins of Naples and Terina, and cf. Head, op. cit., p. 96. For those of Syracuse see Holm (Geschichte Siciliens, III, Plates I, II); cf. also the bull's head on the coins of Gela from about the middle of the fifth century. It will not do, however, to lay too much stress on the archaic letters of the 192 ANCIENT ITALY Thus Naples, instead of about 446 B. c., seems to have arisen some decades earlier, and the Attic element does not seem to have pene- trated there until some time later. But even the numismatical evidence does not support us as well as might be desired. Even the earliest Neapolitan coins may easily be attributed to a period as late as 450 B. c. On the other hand, the fragment of Timaeus which makes explicit mention of the intervention of the Athenians at the time of the first or second expedition against Syracuse, does not exclude the possibility that some decades earlier than 427 or 415 B. c. Athens may have par- ticipated in the foundation of Naples, as Strabo seems to imply. The coins lead us to suspect, what would be most important if true, that the Attic-Thurian element of 446-427 was preceded by another, purely indigenous, derived from Cumae and Pithecusae; or, in other words, Chalcidian. Even this conclusion, however, is not entirely certain, since with the words rives J Kdrjvaiwv the sources of Strabo indicate that even at first the Attic influence was rather weak. The imitation of the Thurian coins with the figure of Athena could have occurred some years later, after the relations with this metropolis of Attic origin had become closer and more important. To sum up, various indications lead us to believe that Naples arose between 480 and 446, but in the present state of our knowledge we cannot decide in what decade its foundation occurred, nor when the Attic element first entered. In case Naples was not founded till about 446 B. c., it is impos- sible that the Neapolitans could have seized Ischia after 474, when the soldiers of Hiero left. Either Strabo confounded the Nea- politans with the Parthenopeans who inhabited the Rhodian Palaeopolis (the Pizzofalcone of the present day), or else his words eTreXddvTes Se NeaTroXtrat Karea-^ov should not be interpreted as referring to an immediate occupation on the part of the Neapolitans after the Syracusans had left. On the other hand, it is hardly probable that Syracuse would Neapolitan coins with the type of Terina, since similar letters appear on the coins of the Campanian Hyria from about 420 B. c. (cf. Head, op. cit., p. 32) and on the oldest Campanian coins, which cannot date before 438 B. c. EARLY HISTORY OF ISCHIA 193 have given up her interests in Ischia in the years following the death of Hiero (467) and the driving-out of the Deinomenids (466 B. c.). The maritime policy of the Syracusan republic was precisely similar to that of the Deinomenids and that which was later held by the two Dionysii. Considering that about 453 the Syracusans, more hostile than ever toward the Etruscans, seized Elba, and pushed as far as Corsica, 1 and that about 384 B. c. Dionysius pressed as far as the coast of Etruria and Corsica, 2 it is not probable that after 466, when Thrasybulus, the brother of Hiero, was driven out, and when the democratic government was estab- lished, Syracuse should have entirely abandoned her plan of guard- ing the Campanian coast, and of keeping on that account a foothold on Ischia. The Greek inscription of Monte di Vico seems to indicate that the Neapolitans expected to construct a fortress there, and the Oscan names of the leaders cause us to think that this occurred, not about 48(5-440, when Naples arose as a purely Greek city, but rather several generations later, when the Samnite invaders had forced their way in, and formed a second element in the make-up of the population. 3 The inscription of Monte di Vico (possibly * Diod. xi. 88 f. Diod. xv. 14; Strab. v, p. 225 C. 3 This is shown by Strab. (v, p. 246 C.), who, after stating that Naples was founded by Chalcidians of Cumae, and some Pithecusians and Athenians, observes: dffrepov Si Kau-Trapwc nvas tStl-avro ffwolifovs Sixoffrar^ffavre^ Kal ^vayKderOricrav rois ixOI- a " roi * w oiKfiordrois xP^l ffaff ^ al i fifftSi) robs olnflovs aXXorplovs tffx v - M-tlvvei Si TO. TU>V STj/j.dpxuv 6v6/j.ara, TO. (itv irpub-a 'EXXijvicd 6vra, rd 8' &i? given to the city of Pithecussa by Pseudo-Scylax belongs to Monte di Vico, and whether Ovid was alluding to this height or to the Castle of Ischia when he recorded the "sterilique locatas colle Pithecusas." IV Before leaving the subject of Ischia, let us consider briefly the relations which the island may have had with the shores of Africa. Pseudo-Scylax, in several passages which, so far as I know, have not as yet been brought into connection with our subject, in describ- ing the coast and islands near Carthage mentions an island termed Pontia, and a city called Pithecusa which had a small island facing it. On the island was a city called Euboea. 2 This naturally brings to mind Euboean Pithecusa or Ischia and the Pontine Islands, and leads to the question whether the mention of these three names in connection with the African coast is merely casual or is due to ethnographic reasons, or to ancient commercial and maritime relations. To prevent us from regarding as merely fortuitous the perfect resemblance between the three names, we may mention the fact that at Naples a quarter, or rather a block, of houses had a name (Megaris) recalling a quarter of Carthage, and that this same 1 For example, Al\uv TIJ atrrdv ffi TTQIUIV ofn rwi> ^Opdv KO.K&S inrepfidXeTO (Plut. Syll. 38). By this Sulla wished one to have in mind the benefits or punishments with which he rewarded or afflicted, not so much his particular friends or enemies, as the cities or states which either favored or opposed him. 3 Cic. Pro Balbo 8. 21: "in quo magna contentio Heracliensium et Neapoli- tanorum fuit, cum magna pars in eis civitatibus foederis sui libertatem ante- ferret." 208 ANCIENT ITALY rather in the S^/ia/a^o?, a democratic magistrate corresponding to the tribune of the plebs. 1 From the above it results that in 90 B. c. the Julian law which granted to Naples Roman citizenship in reality deprived her of the independence derived from the foedus aequum, although it did not reduce her to the level of one of the numerous municipia clmum Romanorum. The very fact that Naples was able to pre- serve her war triremes for eight years longer, or until 82 B. c., shows that she was granted some favors. Even after the bloody devastation and repression of Sulla, Naples still preserved note- worthy traces of her former autonomy, and down to the Augustan age or even later made use of the Greek language in official documents. With the sacking of Naples and the slaughter of her inhabitants seems to be connected the establishing of the villa of Lucullus, which occupied the entire hill of Pizzofalcone and the Castel dell' Uovo. It was easy for Lucullus, the intimate friend of Sulla, to appropriate for his magnificent villa the region where Rhodian Parthenope or Palaeopolis had been situated, since this was destroyed during the war of 82 B. c. a An analogous fate again befell the hill of Pizzofalcone in 902 A. D., when Ibrahim- ibn-Ahmed passed the Faro and threatened even the coast of Campania. Gregory, the consul of Naples, together with the bishop, Stephen, and others in power, decided to dismantle the Lucullan fortress, and for five days in September and October of that year the Neapolitans themselves leveled the houses of that pleasant region, and transferred its inhabitants within the walls of the city to the east. 3 It is true, however, that the most splendid period in the history 1 This explains the singular fact that at Naples Titus and Hadrian, instead of filling the office of archon, although this office endured, accepted that of demarch. See below, chap. xix. 2 Concerning the existence of Parthenope or Palaeopolis at Pizzofalcone, I accept the view of Capasso, which seems to have been corroborated by new argu- ments and considerations. See my Storia di Roma, I, 2, pp. 470 ff. 3 Joh. Diac. Ada transl., n. 98; Sever, in Capasso, Monum., I, pp. 291 ff.; cf. Schipa, Storia del ducato napolitano (Naples, 1895), pp. 2i8ff. NAPLES AND ISCHIA AT TIME OF SULLA 209 of the rich Roman villas which extended from Pizzofalcone to Posilipo and Pozzuoli, seems to coincide with the overthrow of Neapolitan autonomy. The decadence of Naples was closely connected with the increasing prosperity of Pozzuoli, just as the growth of Parthenope had been with the decay of Cumae. 1 Cer- tainly Puteoli was the first to benefit by the destruction of the Neapolitan fleet in 82 B. c. Although about 172 B. c. Naples had been the most important of the Tyrrhenian maritime cities, after 82 B. c. the region which seemed best adapted for the Roman arsenal was the strip of coast between Puteoli and Misenum. This condition of affairs was suggested, or rather, necessitated, by the nature of the region; and even today, after so many cen- turies, the naval workshops which have been established near Pozzuoli will have the effect of rendering useless the Neapolitan arsenal. Of the labors undertaken for transforming the lakes near Baiae, and for giving them gates and a deeper approach, there is no men- tion until after the peace of Misenum in 39 B. c., when the incur- sions and opposition of Sextus Pompeius, the master of Sicily, obliged the Romans to readopt the maritime policy which in 313 had led to the founding of Pontia. That between 82 and 39 there is no mention of Pozzuoli and of a Roman arsenal on the coast of Campania is easily explained by the fact that during that period Rome neglected more than ever all maritime precautions. It was for this reason that about 66 B. c. pirates were enabled with impu- nity to coast along and lay waste the shores of Campania and Latium as far as Ostia, and to take numerous prisoners at Gaeta and Misenum. 2 From still another circumstance, though only indirectly, we learn that up to 82 the destruction of Naples was of advantage to Pozzuoli. It was at Pozzuoli that Sulla passed the last months of his life, after he had given up the dictatorship, and even a few days 1 Lutat. apud Philarg. In Verg. eel. iv. 564=^. 2 P. For the relations between the history of Naples and that of Pozzuoli see my "La missione civile e politica di Napoli nell' antichita," in the Neapolitan periodical Flegrea, February, 1900. 3 Cic. De Imp. Gn. Pomp. 12. 33. 210 ANCIENT ITALY before his death he succeeded in subduing a serious rebellion and in giving the city new laws. Pozzuoli was, however, among the cities preferred by Sulla, and possibly, like Brindisi, among those which he benefited. And that the city was really dear to him we know from the fact that his death was caused by his having taken the proper aedilian and financial administration of the colony too much to heart. We are told, in fact, that he vomited blood in a fit of rage brought on because Granius or Gavius, the supreme magistrate, had not kept his promise of restoring the money necessary for the reconstruction of the Capitolium of the city. 1 Thus Sulla was at the same time the enemy of Naples and the benefactor of her rival, Puteoli. 2 Following the oligarchical reaction, the various cities of Cam- pania which had been injured by Sulla again raised their heads. Capua, for example, despite the conservative party, in 63 B. c. received back the colony which had been planted in 83, and obtained the territory of the colony Urbana. To Naples, however, the death of the dread dictator did not bring the same advantages, or at least did not restore her to her former condition. 3 Before she could recover the fertile island of Ischia, it was necessary to await the munificence of Augustus, who exchanged it for the pleasant little island of Capri, which the Neapolitans still owned. At that time, however, the maritime career of Naples was at an end, and for her at least, neither Ischia nor Capri was of the slightest strategic importance. Thanks to the triumph of the oligarchic party and to the wrath of Sulla, Naples suddenly fell from the important position which she had occupied since the Second Punic War. Up to about 172 * Plut. Syll. 37. 2 Val. Max. viii. 3. 8. Possibly the two inscriptions from the neighborhood of Pozzuoli recording a centuria Cornelia have something to do with the reorganization of the colony by Sulla. See CIL, X, 1874; and cf. the inscription of L. Aurelius Pylades, N. S., 1888, p. 237=Ihm, Add. ad CIL, X. 369. 3 I refrain from discussing the internal condition of Naples at the time of Pom- pey and Sulla. From Cic. Ad Attic, vii. 2. 5; 4. 2; 13. i; cf. Pro Coelio 23, we may conclude that the aristocratic party, having become powerful at Naples, favored the policy of Pompey and combated that of Caesar. NAPLES AND ISCHIA AT TIME OF SULLA 21 1 Naples had been the principal maritime and military arsenal of the Romans. With Sulla ended a glorious period in the life of Naples, and there commenced what has ever since been one of the two principal aspects of our civic greatness. Lucullus, the confi- dant of Sulla, for the purpose of creating a villa, took for himself alone the region of Pizzofalcone, which was perhaps the most healthful as well as the most beautiful on the gulf. Even today after so many centuries, we still find here a few dwellings belonging to the well-to-do, and the population in general seems much more scattered than is the case in the other quarters of the city. The example of Lucullus was soon followed by others, and the adjoining regions as far as Posilipo and Baiae were given up to the villas of the rich and powerful few. Thanks to Sulla, and to the policy of Caesar, which in this respect followed much the same course, Naples, whose fleet had assisted the Romans in their conquest of Sicily and subjugation of Carthage and the East, became merely a pleasant place of sojourn. 1 Just as that which is good is rarely dissociated from evil, so evil brings with it to a greater or less degree something of good. In the case of Naples, the misfortunes which befell her at the time of Sulla obliged her more than ever to cultivate music and the arts, and even more than in the past, poets, artists, and philosophers flocked thither from every direction. The Neapolitan philosopher Staseas became the leader of the Peripatetics; 2 the Nycaean Par- thenius was greatly admired for the passion displayed in his love-stories; and finally it was at Naples that Parthenius educated the greatest and most delicate of Latin poets : Hlo Vergilium me tempore dulcis alebat Parthenope studiis florentem ignobilis oti. 3 * Ovid. Metam. xv. 711. * Cic. De Oral. i. 104; De Fin. v. 8; 75. 3 Verg. Georg. iv. 563 f. XVIII THE TEMPLE OF THE SIRENS NEAR SORRENTO The Notizie degli Scavi makes no mention of certain discoveries made on the Sorrentine peninsula about 1896, at the time when the new road leading to the harbor of Massa Lubrense was constructed. The following information was secured by me on the spot itself, on the slope of the ridge which from the west overlooks the portion of the village lying on the shore. There, just behind some ancient ruins in which are recognizable traces of a church, in the district termed Fontanella, and on the estate of Canon Luigi Rocco, a contractor by the name of Caselli brought to light various fragments of columns and statues, which were soon dispersed, some be- ing taken to Sorrento, some to Rome, and possibly some else- where. 1 The architectural fragments and pieces of statues which I saw at Sorrento, and some of which may still be seen at the Hotel Vic- toria, belong to the Roman period. It was also rumored that traces of rosso antico and columns of marble had been found, but this I was unable to verify. From this it is clear that at the point in question, situated on the bay between Cape Corno and Cape Massa, the traces of an ancient temple had been discovered. Among the objects found I wish to direct special attention to a fragment of a head in the archaic style, which was accidentally discovered by me in the neighborhood during the course of my investigations for the purpose of locating the site of the temple of the Sirens. From well-known passages in Pseudo-Aristotle, Strabo, and Stephen of Byzantium, who derived their information from Timaeus, we learn that the temple of the Sirens was greatly venerated by those dwelling in the vicinity, and that it contained 1 For this topographical information thanks are due to Sig. Almerico Gar- giulo, of Sorrento, who kindly accompanied me on my excursions, and to Sig. Fr. Sav. Astarita, of Massa Lubrense. "3 214 ANCIENT ITALY Capo Hi ancient offerings which had been presented by the inhabitants of the place. 1 Every student of Neapolitan history knows how many opinions have been advanced concerning the site of this famous temple, from which, according to some, the name of Sorrento itself was derived. Among the best known of modern inves- tigators of Sorrentine to- pography is Capasso, who placed the temple be- tween Massa Lubrense and the present Sorrento. The more generally ac- cepted opinion, however, is that of Beloch, who holds that this edifice should be sought near the marina of Massa, where today is located the church of Santa Maria della Lob- bra, a name in which he rightly recognizes a deri- vation from the Latin de- lubrum. 2 The discovery of the nead would seem to favor this theory. According to Beloch, the church of S. Maria della Lobbra, which is situated below the village of Massa Lubrense and above its marina or landing-place, is built over an ancient temple. I 1 Strab. i, p. 22 C.; v, p. 247 C.: K 8t rou Tr/ods 'Evppevrbv /A^/JOUS lep&v TI SelicvvTcu Kal avaQ-fffjiaTa ira\aia TI/JL^VTUV T&V ir\-ri>'TCU Kaff' birepf:)o\T)v virb T&V irfpiolKUv dfoiais ^7ri/ie\ws. a Capasso, Memorie storiche archeologiche della Penisola Sorrentina (Naples, 1846); Beloch, Campanien, p. 276. FIG. ii. Peninsula of Sorrento. PLATE VI ARCHAIC HEAD FROM TEMPLE OF THE SIRENS TEMPLE OF THE SIRENS NEAR SORRENTO 215 shall not here discuss this theory, but merely note that, according to the authorities of the church or of the delubrum it has occu- pied its present site since the sixteenth century only, while before that time it was situated in the region termed Fontanella, beside the ruins which produced the fragments described above. It is my intention merely to present a few topographical data, and not to discuss the head in question from an artistic standpoint. I shall leave it to more competent students of ancient statuary to discover whether it is a work of the sixth or of the beginning of the fifth century B. c., or whether it is an ancient copy of a work of that period. Certain of my colleagues, whom I have questioned, have not been entirely agreed in this regard. For my own part I wish to note that, even in case the fragment is a copy of an ancient monument, aside from the fact that it is not made of Italian marble^ it is worthy of consideration that it comes from a place which from other indications seems to have been the site of the famous temple of the Sirens, in which there existed the offerings (avadri^ara] which already seemed ancient (TraXcua) to a historian of the end of the fourth or the beginning of the third century. The cult of the Sirens was naturally connected with the diffi- culties experienced in navigating the straits between Capri and the mainland difficulties which are even referred to by Italian writers of the Middle Ages. As a result of this, the entire mountain above Sorrento on the side toward the sea, and the islands which were also called "of the Sirens," were held as sacred to these divinities. The modern name li Galli for the "Islands of the Sirens" causes one to think of the opinion held by the ancients that the Sirens had the form of birds. 1 It is readily understood that those who feared shipwreck, or who had been rescued from such a fate, should have held in great honor those whom they believed to be the tutelary divinities of these dangerous places; and if we examine closely the configuration of Capo della Campanella and of the steep precipices near by, we 1 For the mons Sirenianus see Lib. col. (ed. Lachmann), p. 237; for the opinion that the Sirens had the form of birds, see Schander apud Bulle in the Strena Helbigiana, pp. 31 ff. 2i6 ANCIENT ITALY see that the first harbor which could offer any degree of security to the mariner was the little gulf between Cape Corno and Cape Massa. From the writings of Serafino Montorio 1 concerning the cults of southern Italy we learn that at the festival of S. Maria della Lobbra, which was originally held, not at the actual church, but at the maritime region termed Fontanella near Cape Corno, rites were performed suggestive of those which the ancients must have accorded the Sirens. Moreover, the cult of S. Maria della Lobbra was very important in that region in the past, and the sailors who departed from the present landing-place of Massa Lubrense, on arriving at Cape Corno saluted the little church "with the firing of mortars and arquebusses," and were answered "by the sound of the bells of the church." In addition I was informed that traces of this cult are still preserved, and that here, just as elsewhere under similar circumstances, an annual religious festival is cele- brated by the seashore, at the place where the Christian church is said to have formerly stood. I do not wish to maintain that we have in this an absolute proof of the persistence of the pagan cult of the Sirens. But at any rate, if the fragment really belongs to the end of the sixth or the beginning of the fifth century, it forms an additional argument in favor of the presumption that the temple of the Sirens stood on the shore below the present village of Massa Lubrense, and justifies our belief that the problem regarding the location of the temple has been solved.* 1 Zodiaco di Maria (1713), p. 199. The mutilated copy at my disposal does not give the place of publication. 2 The marble fragment was presented by me to the National Museum of Naples, of which I had the honor of being in charge. It is now the first monument to the right as one enters the gallery devoted to works of the archaic and archaistic p eriods. XIX THE CULT OF ATHENA SICILIANA AND THE AOH- NAION OF PUNTA BELLA CAMPANELLA In 1892 was published for the first time the following inscription from Naples: 1 AOMITIA KAAAICT (sic) H A0HNAC IHPHA (sic) CIKEAHC YTTO CYNKAHTO (sic) AHMOCIA TENOMENH The inscription is incised on the back of a still older funerary relief representing the customary scene of leave-taking, and having in addition the inscription 7TAKKI HPAAAEQN, which, with its mixture of Greek and Samnite names, recalls the statement of Strabo regarding the Neapolitan fasti and the names of the demarchs. 2 The most noteworthy characteristic of the more recent of the two inscriptions is the mention of the cult of Athena Siciliana, a cult nowhere else recorded. This peculiarity has already caused several critics to study the monument, and to seek the occasion and time when the cult reached Naples; and, echoing the observations of Beloch in his excellent work on the Campania, it has been stated that the cult of Athena was foreign to Naples, and an attempt has been made to connect it with the relations which existed between Naples and Sicily at the time of the two Dionysii of Syracuse. 3 1 N. S. (1892), p. 202. Count L. de la Ville, to whom the preservation of the monument is due, confirms its Neapolitan origin. I am informed by Professor G. De Blasiis that it was found in the excavations made for widening the Vicolo Cavalcatoio outside of the Porta Capuana, where other sepulchral stones had already been found. 3 Strab. v, p. 246 C. Cf. the inscription in the Arch. stor. Nap., I (1874), p. 567; and CIL, X, p. 970. 3 See E. Gabrici, in the Rendiconti d. R. Accad. di Arch. Lettere e Belle Arti (Naples, 1896), pp. 31 ff. 217 218 ANCIENT ITALY It does not seem to me that this reasoning is based on a secure foundation. Beloch deserves credit for having noted the impor- tance of the Neapolitan coins bearing the head of Athena, in better establishing the participation of the Athenians in the foundation of Naples; 1 but is far from the mark when he says that "they are rather imitations of the types of Athenian and Thurian coins than the expression of a special cult, of which not the slightest trace has elsewhere come down to us." 2 Ancient writers are unanimous in declaring that the cult of the nymph Parthenope existed at Naples, although it finds mention on no epigraphic monument. With this I do not wish to deny the general correspondence existing between the special cults which flourished in different cities, and the fre- quence of inscriptions recording them. Thus, for example, it is by no means accidental, as we shall later have occasion to note, that in the entire tenth volume of the Corpus inscriptionum Lati- narum the cult of Minerva appears but twice, and in both instances in maritime cities. 3 In the case of Naples, it seems to me that proof of this cult, which has hitherto been thought lacking, in reality is furnished by those same coins bearing the head of Athena, which teach us that the cult was imported from Attica. To this result we are also led by an examination of the coins of Cumae, Nola, Capua, Allifae, etc., which bear the head of Athena with her helmet decorated with olive leaves. All of these coins show rela- tions with Attic Naples, and indirectly with Athens. 4 The fact that Naples soon ceased to record the cult of Athena on her coins and confined herself to representing other deities, 5 together with the lack of inscriptions making mention of this goddess, can 1 Beloch, Campanien, p. 30. 3 Ibid., p. 50. 3 CIL, X, 6102 (Formiae) and 7120 (Syracuse). For Scylacium, which was originally an Attic colony and had the epithet of Minervium, see Veil. i. 15; cf. CIL, X, 103. 4 In certain coins from Cumae, Allifae, and Nola (see Garrucci, Le monete dell' Italia antica, Plate 83, Fig. 28; Plate 88, Figs. 20/22), in addition to the helmet of Athena crowned with olive of the Attic -Thurian type, one sees the Attic owl. Cf. lust. xx. i. 13: "iam Falisci Nolani, Abellani nonne Chalcidensium coloni sunt ?" s Head, Hist, num., p. 33. PLATE VII INSCRIPTION REFERRING TO CULT OF ATHENA SICILIANA PLATE VIII FUNERARY RELIEF (FROXT OF SLAB SHOWN IN* PLATE VII) CULT OF ATHENA SICILIANA 219 at the most lead one to suspect that the cult of Athena did not attain primary importance in that city. This supposition is strengthened by the fact that Pallas Athena is missing in the list of the dii patrii which Statius makes for Naples. Ceres, Apollo, and the Dioscuri are the divinities recorded in this connection. 1 We must, however, be careful not to lay too much stress on this argument, in spite of its plausibility, for Statius makes no allusion to the cult of Dionysus Hebon, although, as Beloch has brought out, from the evidence of literature he was the 0eo, %y, Avdpes OT) Trapi r(av yyeubvwv TJV 's N ediro\it> &iro0vTes irapa 'Itpuvos rou rvpdwov T&V 'Zvpa.Kovfflwv t\iirov rb Ka.TO.ffKtva.ff 6^ v far' eavruv Tet%os Kal TTJV vrjoov. bre\66vTfs 8t NeairoXtrai Karfoxov, indicate that there existed some connection between the Neapolitan occupation and the departure of the Syracusans. How- ever, about 474 B. c. Naples was possibly not yet in existence, in which case one must either think of an occupation on the part of Parthenope (Palaeopolis) about 474-466 B. c., or else conclude that the text of Strabo is erroneous. The maritime prosperity of Syracuse about 453 would favor the opinion that Naples seized Ischia about 415-412, at the time when Athens was everywhere seeking allies, and those hostile to Syracuse, even among the Etruscans. See Thuc. vi. 88, 103; vii. 53. ' Strab. v, p. 226 C.; and see below, p. 268. 3 Diod. xx. ii ; cf. below, p. 291. * See below, chap, xx.; see also my Storia della Sicilia, etc., I, pp. 5, 484, 618; and my Storia di Roma, I, i, pp. 141 ff. For the Etruscans see, in addition, Lyd. De magistr., praef. s See Steph. Byz. IlufoOs, Upoxfrri} (cf. Krfymj), 2t6rV Ka/j.irav(av. Cf. the correct observations of Beloch, Campanien, p. 240. 3 Liber col., p. 236 L. 4 See above, Chapters XVI and XVII. s Strab., loc. cit.; Suet. Aug. 92. CULT OF ATHENA SICILIANA 227 sion of Capri, the Punta della Campanella, and Ischia, if she could not prevent the approach of hostile ships (which was and still is impossible), it was at least possible for Naples to learn of the impending danger and to take the necessary precautions against those who would have threatened the safety of the state from that quarter. Moreover, with the possession of the Athenaeum it was easier to control the Nucerini, who in 310 B. c. were the enemies of Rome and Naples. The Nucerini would naturally seek to have free access to the channel between Capri and the Punta della Cam- panella, even though they could reach the Gulf of Salerno by other routes. 1 Aside from this, other and no less important considerations impelled the Neapolitans not to neglect the Sorrentine peninsula; for in the temple of the Sirens was also honored the Parthenope whose sepulcher Naples showed with such pride. On account of this cult, the inhabitants of the neighboring regions assembled there; and it is hardly necessary to call attention to the fact that in antiquity such cults and such gatherings were of much more im- portance, both commercially and politically, than at a later period. 2 The inscription of Domitia Calliste given at the beginning of this paper has been interpreted as meaning that this Domitia had been promoted from the rank of priestess of Athena Siciliana to that of public priestess of the city of Naples. 3 This interpreta- tion, however, can hardly be correct. The words 'A&yms typea (sic!) St/eeA.?)? VTTO iKro K 'Pw/j-rjs (frvyds (cf. ibid. 12). Pliny (N. H. iii. 57) says: " Theophrastus qui primus externorum aliqua de Romanis dili- gentius scripsit, nam Theopompus, ante quern nemo mentionem habuit, urbem dumtaxat a Gallis captam dixit, Clitarchus ab eo proximus legationem tantum ad Alexandrum missam." That Pliny is in error here is explained by the fact that such writers as Antiochus were soon forgotten. Pliny cites among his authors (i. 4; v; vi; vii. 154, 207) another writer of the fifth century, Damastes of Sigeum, who also made mention of Rome; see Dion. Hal. i. 72. 233 234 ANCIENT ITALY uncertain, and even the personality of this consul shows a mingling of various fantastic elements, yet there is no reason for doubting that in the middle, or toward the end, of the fifth century, at the time of Antiochus, Rome was the most conspicuous city of Latium. 1 The statement that after the time of Sp. Cassius and Coriolanus (494-486 B. c.) the Roman plebs were fed with Sicilian grain is doubtful, or possibly altogether false. On the other hand, the two shipments of Sicilian grain which, according to the Roman annals, took place in 435 and 411, and which perhaps really occurred in 427 and 403-401 B. c., are probably historical. 2 This friendly intercourse between Rome and Syracuse finds confirmation in the references which have come down to us con- cerning the relations between the Etruscans and Syracusans. The Etruscan enemies of Syracuse, and of the other Greeks of Italy and Sicily, were defeated at Cumae by Hiero when, in 474 B. c., he went to the aid of that city, 3 and about 414 B. c. they sent ships to aid the Athenians against Syracuse. 4 They were also the obsti- nate enemies of Rome. At the end of the sixth century Rome had undermined the Etruscan power, and in the fifth century she fought against Fidenae and Veii. Roman tradition, when shorn of the particulars added by later annalists, and of a pretended chronological atcptfieia (which, as we shall see in the following, and as I hope to show still better by future investigations, is utterly valueless for this period), finds general confirmation both in the history of the Greeks of Italy and Sicily, and also in their legends, which show a knowledge of the political conditions of the fifth century. Since from the fifth century on there existed friendly relations between Rome and Syracuse, it is natural to seek for the nature and importance of these relations. To be sure, the problem has often received partial treatment, especially since the keen eye of 1 For the foedus Cassianum and Sp. Cassius, see Mommsen, Rom. Forsch., II, pp. 153 ff. For the Sicilian grain and Coriolanus, see ibid., p. 147. * Liv. iv. 25. 4, 52. 6. The results of Holzapfel (Rom. Chronologic, pp. 156 ff.) seem to me to give the correct dates of these two events. 3E. g., Diod. xi. 51; Find. Pyth. i. 72. 4Thuc. vi. 88, 103; vii. 53, 54, 57. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 235 Mommsen noted the great influence which the Dorians of Syra- cuse exercised upon Roman civilization. Following his example, it has been attempted to determine what words of their language have penetrated into Latin. The resemblance between the words which indicated the systems of monetary weights and measures in Sicily and in Latium has furnished material for extended dis- cussion. 1 Art students too have seen the importance of this problem, and Helbig has well shown that the great hostility of Athens toward Syracuse at the beginning of the fifth century was due to the commercial hegemony of Syracuse, which prevented rival cities from participating directly in the traffic in Greek vases and other wares with the shores of Campania, Latium, and Etruria. 2 It seems to me, however, that this problem has not been inves- tigated in all its aspects, and that it is worth while to seek out the influence of these commercial relations on the earliest chronicles of Rome, and to ascertain how much of this history was derived from the Sicilian Greeks. It is natural to suppose that Syracuse and Sicily, which furnished Rome with many words relating to measures, coins, navigation, private contracts (loans), adminis- tration of justice, games, etc., should have been the first to occupy themselves with her history. Antiochus, Timaeus, and Callias were Syracusans, Silenus of Calatia and Philinus of Agrigentum were Siceliots, and all had a hand in the writing of Roman history. To trace their influence on the formation of the earliest history of Rome is both interesting and profitable, since, for the same reasons that this history contains various elements taken directly from that of Greece, 3 it is natural to suppose that other elements were borrowed from the history of the Greeks of Sicily and Italy. 1 See Mommsen, Rom. Gesch., I 6 , pp. 198 ff.; cf. p. 444; Weise, Die griech. Worter im Latein (Leipzig, 1882), pp. 75 ff.; idem in Rhein. Mus., XXXVIII (1883), pp. 556 ff. It is hardly necessary to recall, for example, the name of the Roman coin (the forty-eighth part of an as) called the sicilicus, the medimnus termed sicilianus, etc. * Helbig, in the Rendiconii dell' Accad. dei Lincei, 1889, pp. 79 ff. 3 Cf., for example, the two stratagems of Tarquinius in regard to Gabii (Liv. iv. 50 ff.; Dion. Hal. iv. 50 ff.). They were taken directly from the story of Zopyrus and Thrasybulus (see Herod. Ui. 153 ff.; v. 92). 236 ANCIENT ITALY That this really is the case is shown by the fact, as we shall see more clearly farther on, that the earliest Roman historians admit that the Siculi were the most ancient inhabitants of Latium; and it is brought out even more definitely by the myths of Heracles and of Aeneas. How and when these two myths became localized on the banks of the Tiber, and whether they came from Sicily or from Campania, it is not easy to determine. It will suffice to recall that at the beginning of the sixth century Stesichorus of Himera sang of the arrival of Aeneas in Campania, and localized in Italy the myth of Heracles and the herds of Geryon. Indeed, the arrival of Heracles on the banks of the Tiber was anterior even to the legend of Romulus, and was the most ancient fact in the pseudo- history of Rome, just as it was the most ancient fact in the pseudo- history of nearly all the Italiot and Siceliot cities, to which Heracles was said to have come even before the Greek colonists. x If we remember that the Greek peoples and Greek historians localized the myths of their mother- country in the various countries where they dwelt for longer or shorter periods, and that the Romans were later disposed to receive these myths and false historical origins as readily as they did the Greek culture, it is more than natural to believe that the early Siceliot historians after Antiochus should have localized Italiot and Siceliot events and legends in Latium, and that their example should have been followed by the Roman annalists. - In the following pages I propose to enumerate and to examine the elements in the earliest history of Rome which are derived from Sicily, while the following chapter will deal with the elements which for the same reasons were derived from Magna Graecia. The enumeration will be brief and probably incomplete; but if the general plan is correct, the missing details may easily be filled in at some later period, either by myself or by someone else. On more than one occasion Dionysius indicates the cities i For the arrival of Heracles in the various Italiot and Siceliot cities, see Diod. iv. 23; Dion. Hal. i. 44; Etym. mag., s. v. Mraos; Sch. Theoc. i. 116. The legends which are connected with the Tijpvovis of Stesichorus were already mentioned in connection with the various Siceliot cities by Hecataeus; see Steph. Byz., s. v. SoXoOj. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 237 which were said to have been occupied by the Siculi before the pretended arrival of the aborigines. These were Caenina and Antemnae, 1 Falerii and Fescennium, 2 Tibur, 3 and Rome itself. 4 In this Dionysius does not quote Antiochus, but deduces his state- ments from his own sources, or rather from his Roman source. Varro the teacher, so to speak, of Dionysius asserts that Rome was originally occupied by the Siculi, and says that he learned this from the early Roman annals. 5 In the fragments from the Roman annalists we find other references of this nature. Cassius Hemina, an annalist of the second century B. c., says that Aricia and Crustumerium were founded by the Siculi ; 6 a like origin was attributed to Gabii, on the authority, even if indirect, of an early annalist; 7 according to Cato, 8 the Sicani are said to have occupied Tibur before the Greeks; and finally Fabius Pictor, the father of Roman annalists, asserts that the Volscians also were Siculi by origin. 9 Certainly not all of these accounts are derived from Antiochus, but are the development of his theory and statement that Siculus was an exile who came from Rome. Whether or not the names of Ciciliano near Tibur, and of other localities termed 1 Dion. Hal. ii. 35. a Dion. Hal. i. 21. 3 Dion. Hal. i. 16. 4 Dion. Hal. i. 9. 40; ii. i; cf. i. 73. For the Siculi at Lanuvium, see Serv. ad Aen. i. 2. s Varr. D. L. L. v. 101: "Lepus quod Siculi quidam Graeci dicunt \tiropit>, a Roma quod orti Siculi, ut annales veteres nostri dicunt fortasse hinc illuc tulerunt et hie reliquerunt id nomen." Cf. Fest., s. v. Sacrani, p. 321 M.=468 Th. d. P. 6 Cass. Hem. apud Sol. ii. io=fr. 2 in Peter, F. H. R., p. 68: "Ariciam ab Archiloco Siculo;" Serv. ad Aen. vii. 66i = fr. 3: "Siculum quendam nomine uxoris suae Clytemestrae condidisse Clytemestrum, mox corrupto nomine Crustu- merium dictum." Both Cassius Hemina and Varro make use of the expression Siculus to indicate the Siceliots also. This has been overlooked by certain critics who in studying the language of the Siculi have regarded as indigenous and Sicilian various words of purely Greek character. I shall discuss this elsewhere. 7 Sol. ii. 10. 8 Cat. apud Sol. ii. 8=Peter, F. H. R., fr. 56, p. 52. 9 Fab. Pict, fr. 2 in Peter, F. H. R., p. 8. Also according to Cato (Peter, ibid., fr. 7, p. 44), the aborigines (the earliest inhabitants of Latium) are said to have occupied in early times the country of the Volscians. It is possibly not out of place to note that the names of the two Volscian cities Ecetrae (Liv. ii. 25) and Vescia (Liv. viii. ii. 5) recall the Sicilian Echetla (Diod. xx. 31. 5) and Vessa (Polyaen. v. r. 4). For the Siculus who went to the country of the Rutuli, see Serv. ad Aen. i. 533; cf. Verg. Aen. xi. 312. 238 ANCIENT ITALY Siculian by the ancients, really allude to the existence of the Siculi in various parts of Latium and central Italy, it is evident that only by referring to Syracusan influence can we understand the theories advanced by Antiochus and Philistus, the latter of whom connected Siculus, son of Italus, with the Ligurians, while Antiochus said that after the death of Italus, at the time of his successor Morges, Siculus came from Rome. It is hardly necessary to note that neither the derivation of Aricia from the Siculian Archilochus, nor that of Crustumerium from Clytemnestra, wife of a Siculian, has anything to do with the real existence of indigenous Siculi. In this case Siculus, by an obvious literary elaboration, is equiva- lent to Siceliot. We cannot now determine with accuracy what writer was the originator of the above-quoted statements. It may have been either Philistus or Timaeus. At any rate, it is certain that before they were received by the early Roman annalists they had been given by Sice- liot historians, in the same way that, even before the Romans, Greek writers had narrated the Trojan origin of Rome and Romulus. 1 All of these various statements came into being as a consequence of the active commercial relations existing between Rome and Syracuse at least from the end of the fifth century, and as a result there arose the following curious legend, which is preserved in the commentary on Vergil known under the name of Servius. The story goes that the Syracusans, after conquering the Athenians, made the prisoners dig a trench called Thybris airo rfj? u/3/9e&>9, and that "later, when the Siculi [i. e., Syracusans] went to Italy, they inhabited the region which extends from the present site of Rome to the Rutuli and Ardea," and when they arrived there, "ad imaginem fossae Syracusanae," they gave the name of "Tybrim" to the river which had formerly been known as the Albula or Tiber. 2 As far as I know, such an etymology, which is 1 For the reference of Callias to Romulus and Remus, and to Telegonus, the founder of Tusculum, all descendants of Trojan Rome, see Mommsen in Hermes, XVI (1881), pp. 5 ff. For the Trojan origin of Rome according to Timaeus, see Geffcken, Timaios Geographic des Westens (Berlin, 1892), pp. 39 ff. 1 Serv. ad A en. iii. 500; cf. viii. 330. The form 6ri/3/9ts to indicate the Tiber is used by Paus. viii. 43. 2, in telling the myth of the Arcadian Evander, and by SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 239 also given to the Syracusan Thymbris, is accepted by no Roman writer for the Tiber, 1 but it is nevertheless natural to expect it in connection with the river of a city which called the early prisons cut in the sides of the Capitoline cliff lautumia a word which, as early writers have also noted, was derived from the Xaro/Aiat, or prisons, of Syracuse. It is possible that Rome also got from Syra- cuse the name of career, which was given to the neighboring Tul- lianum. 3 The Siculi who came to the banks of the Tiber were of course the Siceliots, since the Romans gave the name of Siculi indiscriminately both to the original inhabitants and to the Greeks of Sicily. This sort of attribution arises from the same cause which led Dionysius to term Fescennium and Falerii Siculian, and others to call them Argive, although Falerii was of Chalcidian origin. 3 Plut. Paul. Ael. 30. Plutarch, moreover, often uses the form Qtufipts (e. g., Rom. i; Cam. 18; cf. Dionys. Per., vss. 352 ff.), which corresponds exactly to the Syra- cusan 6iV/3pis; cf. Theocr. i. it 6. 1 The Syracusan origin of this legend is indicated by the fact that for the Syracusan Thymbris, to the banks of which, just as to the Tiber, Heracles is said to have come with the cattle of Geryon, was derived the etymology d?r6 rrjs C/Spewj; see Sch. Theocr. i, vs. 116. 2 Varr. D. L. L. 151 : "quod Syracusis, ubi delicti causa custodiuntur vocantur latomiae, inde Lautumia translatum, vel quod hie quoque in eo loco lapidicinae fuerunt." icdptcap also is a word used by Sophron. apud Phot. Lex., p. 132. 2; cf. Hesych., s. v. 3 For Argive Falerii, see Cat. apud Plin. N. H. iii. 51; Steph. Byz., s. v. (XurKo$; for the Chalcidian designation see lust. xx. n; for Argive Fescennium see Sol. ii. 7; for Achaean Perusia see lust. xx. 13. Moreover, the Argei, who belonged to the most ancient sacra of the Roman patriciate, were Argives or Pelo- ponnesans, as was noted by Wilamowitz apud Mommsen, Rom. Staatsrecht, III, p. 123, n. 6. Probably (see Mommsen, ibid.) they were prisoners taken in war. It may be that the pretended Argive founders of Fescennium and Falerii were called into being after the Sabines had accepted from the Samnites the belief that they were descended from the Laconians. But this belief, which the Tarentines had evolved for political purposes (see Strab. v, p. 250 C.), although it had already been noted by Cato (apud Serv. ad Aen. viii. 638), did not arise at Tarentum before the beginning of the fourth century, when the Samnite-Lucanian invasion succeeded that of the Peucetian lapygians. Although the influence of the Taren- tines is evident in Campania after the second half of the fourth century (see Liv. viii. 25. 7, 27. i, 39. i; Dion. Hal. xv. 5. 10; cf. the coins of Suessa of the fourth century, Head, Hist, num., p. 35), it possibly did not extend to the Sabines proper before the beginning of the third century. On the other hand, Falerii and Fescen - nium were not Sabine. It seems permissible to suppose that the Argive Pelopon- AXCBEXT ITALY According to Dionysras of Tlift naa^m, die Greek writers who before his time had buskd themselves with die deeds of die Roman people, had treated this 'jJy.il in rather brief com- pendia. 1 The mere readiagof even the few fragments of Thnaeus' peitaming to die hEtoir of Rome whkh have come down to its does not, however,, give this impression. He discusses minutely, for ex- ample, die Trojan cubs of Larmimn. and also the coins 'M"lpf4"l to Serous Tuflius.* Dionysius* ii*fa""^ AnnM be received wrthcautbn. As a writer he was diffuse, and it fe natural that the narratives of his predecessors skodUL appear to him more in Ac tight of compendia. In comparison with h^ first ekven books, the first three of LETT are in reahtr bat mere i^l^y althou^i to modern writersv pountry on accoont of the ^Jsxry or uncertainty of their contents, they seem mmA too kng drawn out. However, the of Antbchus that Sicuhs was an exile who came from Rome is not isolated, but is iummliil with a theory thebe^nnin^of Larium and of the adjacent country of the Rm^ andVofedL Mommsen has well Imm^il oat the value of Ac MII off ^*** g L ike historian of Agpifc^ V*^ concerning Romulus and Remus, uuiflms of the Tekgonus who founded Tusculum. and of the Trojan Roma. 2 For the will I have -:::-/: i- : ->i ;-.^: :_- r >.:-:.:.;_ ;: :_- -. -. . ~; : H 7 - _- 7 - _ ;. _: B.C. {cL DiodL a. 4% % j; BniR Itatr- Gr. A*^ 95; P*s. T. ?j. i). M" 7"::.-- v-:.,;- i::-:r^_-:z :: _-j:c-:^r ..-..- / - (Can*. *-*-& as Aipvc. -5 : *Fnr T iiiiiaii see Tm. agnd DKK. BaL L 6g jo MBfc.1, cL Lfcophc. " :' "_T ~ : 151. For Ac cenagr of : A". H. xxnL 4j: thaahcadT ~r . .". .-.- : .-:: r. 7. ,: :: :~ .- :;: :: :- : .: . r - >_-. .- .; :: xvi(iSkXip.6ff. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IX EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 241 nothing to add to this, and confine myself to a mere mention of the fact that in the legendary history of Rome at the time of the kings there is another element which refers to Syracuse ; i. e., that relating to the Corinthian Demaratus. It is not easy to decide whether this legend at first referred to Tarquinius and was not localized at Rome till later, or whether it was related in connection with Rome from the very beginning. 1 It will suffice to recall that it is often explained as a result of the commercial relations between Corinth and Rome, since Corinthian vases were common in Rome and Etruria, and since, as has been noted by Helbig, in the fifth cen- tury Corinthian Syracuse monopolized the importation of Greek vases into Italy. Tarquinius is said to have been the son of this Demaratus, and, according to the explicit statement of Cicero,* introduced the provisions concerning widows and orphans which were found in the constitution of Corinth. Still another indication of the influence of Sicily on Rome is found in the cognomen of Siculus, which was used by one of the oldest of the Roman families, the Cloelii, who boasted of Alban origin. 3 I shall not dwell longer on allusions of this nature, but prefer to discuss a complex of facts pertaining to the first years of the Republic, which relate to Sp. Cassius, Coriolanus, the cult of Ceres, the Roman secessions, the tribunate of the plebs, and the agrarian laws. It seems to me that all of these betray clearly enough Siceliot, and especially Syracusan, origin. Let us commence with the first sccessw piebis. The plebs who retired to the irums sactr were reconciled with the patricians by Menenius Agrippa, who recounted to them the anecdote of the various members of the body conspiring against the stomach. I shall not pause to show the numerous contradictions and improba- bilities which have been noted in this narration, as well as in others 1 It should not be forgotten that, according to die Greek historians, Rome was an Etruscan city; see Dion. Hal. L 29. Cfc. De kg. iL 36. 3 For the Cloelii Skuli see Mommsen, RSm. F*rack, I. p. 113. In the earliest documents L e., the statutes of the year 456 or 426 B. c. die rogmmira does not yet appear. See Plin. JV. H. jccdv. 23; cf. Cichorius, "De fastis consular, anti- quiss.," in Lripsigtr Stxdif*, iSSo, p, 179. 242 ANCIENT ITALY of early Roman history. 1 For our purpose it will suffice to recall that, according to a tradition followed by Cicero, and known also to Plutarch and Livy, it was not Menenius Agrippa, but the dictator Valerius (which brings to mind the consul Valerius of the second secession), who related the fable and made peace between the patricians and the plebs. 2 It is also necessary to note that the legendary character of the first secession appears from the fact that, while according to the source of Livy it took place on the mons sacer, according to other annalists, such as Piso Frugi, it occurred on the Aventine, whither the plebs are said to have retired at the time of the second secession in 449 B. c. The uncer- tainty of the tradition appears from the fact that in certain authors the plebs in both the first and second secessions occupied succes- sively, but in different order according to the different sources, the two hills above mentioned. 3 1 See my Storia di Roma, Vol. I. 2 Cic. Brut. 14. 54; Val. Max. viii. 9; Plut. Pomp. 13; cf. Liv. viii. 18. 12; Oros. ii. 5. 5; cf. Miinzer, De gente Valeria (Oppoliae, 1891), pp. 18 ff. 3 Pis. Fr. apud Liv. ii. 32. 3; iii. 54. 8; Cic. Pro Mur. 7. 15; cf. Sail. lug. 31. 17. The uncertainty of the tradition brought it about that the first secession was fixed upon both heights in two successive occupations (see Cic. De rep. ii. 33. 58; Sail, apud Aug. D. C. D. ii. 18; cf. Schwegler, loc. cit.). Also the second secession was fixed, first upon the Aventine, and then upon the mons sacer on the Via Nomen- tana (Liv. iii. 52. 3). In referring to the first secession Varro says (D. L. L. v. 81): "tribuni plebei quod ex tribunis militum primum tribuni plebei facti qui plebem defenderent in secessione Crustumerina." From this secession the tribe of the same name is said to have been called. See Mommsen, Ro'misches Staats- recht, III, pp. 167, 171. The territory of Crustumerium also figures in the account of the second secession (Liv. iii. 42; Dion. Hal. xi. 23, 25, 27). The fact that Cicero narrates these secessions differently has caused Volkmar (De annalibus Romanis quaestiones [Marburgi, 1890], pp. 14 ff.) to think that Cicero may have written his accounts at different periods, both before and after the pseudo-history of the decemvirate had become further falsified, and having in mind contempo- raneous facts relating to the history of Julius Caesar. Without entering into the question as to whether or not the character of Appius Claudius contains elements taken from that of Caesar, I wish merely to note that the diverse opinions expressed by Cicero may be explained by the different sources which he used, and that the Menenius Agrippa of 493 is quite possibly identical with the Menenius Agrippa who was tribune of the plebs in 410 B. C., and who was no less known and dear to the plebs than the other (see Liv. iv. 53. n). We have various examples of such duplication of a single individual. The plebeian Junius Brutus of the first secession SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 243 Eminent historians, Mommsen among others, 1 believe, in sub- stance, in the historical reality of the first secession. It seems, however, that the by no means casual resemblance in the particu- lars of the two secessions throws much doubt upon the actual exis- tence of at least the first, especially since, as Niese has pointed out, 2 the names of the tribunes of the plebs who are said to have been nominated for the first time in 493 resemble too closely those men- tioned by Diodorus for 471 in connection with the second seces- sion for one to think that they do not refer to the same persons. From all these considerations I deem fictitious not merely the fable of Menenius and Valerius, and the particulars of the first secession, but the very occurrence of a secession in 493 B. c. I am confirmed in the above statement by the further fact that Herodotus narrates a somewhat similar circumstance in connection with the Siceliot Gela. A sedition having occurred in that city, says Herodotus, those of the citizens who were worsted betook themselves to Mactorium, a city situated above Gela, whence Telines, an ancestor of Gelo, the tyrant of Syracuse, led them back to their native town. He accomplished his purpose without assis- tants, merely by the employment of the ipd of the infernal deities. How Telines obtained possession of these Ipd Herodotus does not tell us. He only asserts that by means of them, and on the condi- tion that the office of priest to Demeter and Proserpine should remain in his family, 3 he led his countrymen back to Gela. It is (Dion. Hal. vi. 70) is nothing but a poor duplication of the patrician of the same name, the liberator of Rome, who, as Mommsen says, is himself quite probably apocryphal (see Mommsen, Rom. Forsch., I, p. m). 1 Mommsen, Rom. Staatsr., Ill, p. 144, n. i. 3 Niese, De annalibus Rom. observationes (Marburgi, 1886), pp. vi ff.; cf. my Storia di Roma, pp. 532 ff. 3 Herodot. vii. 153. The following words should be noted: TOITTOVJ &v 6 1ri\ltnjy Kanr/ydfe 4s Tt\i)v, x wj ' ovSefj.la.v dvSpuv dtiva.fj.tv, d\X' tpd TOVTUV r&v df&v. 66ei> 5t ai/rci. eXa/3e i) ovr6s ^Kri) KaTJyaye. Possibly in place of iKTJv Kal rots ri, and this appellation is explained by Hesychius as i\fv6epla. Demeter, as we learn from the inscriptions of Cos (see Paton-Hicks, The Inscriptions of Cos [Oxford, 1891], pp. 341 fL), was the most important goddess among the Pamphylians iv Str^p, one of the three Doric tribes which also existed at Agrigentum (see Kaibel, Inscr. Gr., It. et Sic., No. 952), and which certainly existed at Gela, the metropolis of Agrigentum, and at Syracuse itself. It is possible, as the name would seem to indicate, that this tribe of the Pamphylians was in origin less ancient and honorable than the others. 4 This is expressly stated by Diod. xix. 3, who speaks of his 8t][j.r)yopta.i, and says that by public discourses he opposed the increasing tyranny of Sosi stratus (ibid. 5; cf. lust. xxii. i. 9). 248 ANCIENT ITALY cuse in 487 ; with this difference, however, that at Syracuse it was the patricians, and at Rome the plebs, who abandoned the city. From this latter point of view, on the other hand, the situation at Rome and at Gela was exactly the same. If we keep in mind the plebeian or democratic character of Ceres, both in Rome and in Sicily, we understand still better the connection which at first glance seems to exist between the fable of Menenius and the half- fictitious story of Telines. Unfortunately, Herodotus does not inform us what use Telines made of the sacred objects of the two goddesses. We certainly cannot assert that in his source was related some trifling affair similar to that attributed to Agrippa or to Valerius. At any rate, grain was in antiquity, as it is today, the main source of nourish- ment of all social classes, and especially so of the less well-to-do both at Rome, where Ceres also meant "bread," and at Syracuse, where Demeter was 2m, or " grain." 1 The fable of Menenius Agrippa presupposes that the food there spoken of was the sacred grain of Ceres. In this connection we may also note that, according to the Roman tradition, during the first secession the plebs were nourished by the mythical Anna Perenna, who is nothing else than the symbol of the ever-recurring year. One of her festivals 1 Livy (ii. 32. 10) speaks only of cibus, but Ovid, in Fast. iii. 655 ff., where he relates the story of Anna Perenna in connection with the first secession, after stating that she offered cibos to Jupiter, continues: "iam quoque, quern secum tulerant defecerat illos .... victus et humanis usibus apta Ceres." Cf. iv. 401; Luc., vs. 152 (Baehrens): "deficit alma Ceres, nee plebes pane potitur," referring to the same fact. See Verg. Georg. \. 7; Serv. ad Ceorg. i. 7: "Sabini Cererem panem appellant;" Terent. apud Cic. De dear. not. ii. 60: "sine Cerere et Libero friget Venus." Cf. Auct. ad Herenn. iv. 43; Cic. De oral. iii. 167; De dear. nat. iii. 41 : "cum fruges Cererem vinum Liberum dicemus." Cf. o?'os=Ai6w)i> ffvyypa\oyovffi. 6 Ibid.: o ir/owros i> ra?s %povoy pa i} ffv/j.irdffa Si/ceXa TT/JOJ evdai/Mtvlav. Cf. 76. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 261 fifth century the plebs were led by Trpoffrdrai TOV 877/101;, who during the secessions deliberated in the name of the people in opposition to the aristocratic party. 1 At Syracuse, after the time of the second Athenian expedition, about 415, we see Athenagoras, Trpoa-7 arris TOV Srj/iou, opposing the propositions of Hermocrates, one of the generals of the aristocratic party, and denouncing to the plebs the proposals of the aristocratic youths who would not brook democratic equality. 2 Diocles, the adversary of Hermo- crates, seems to have been a leader of the democratic party ; and so were probably at first also Dionysius and Agathocles, who commenced their political career by attacking as demagogues the leaders of the aristocratic party. 3 Unless I am mistaken, Laphistius and Demenetus too were irpoa-Tdrai. It is recorded by Plutarch 4 that, by means of accusations in the assembly, they wished to make 1 Thuc. iii. 75 ff.; iv. 46; Aen. Tact. xi. 15. The narratives of Aeneas Tacti- cus in regard to Corcyra remind somewhat of the alleged historical incident of the plebeian maltreated by his patrician creditor, which Livy vividly relates (i. 23. 3). The fact as set forth by Aeneas has a comic touch, and is possibly historical. The dramatic emphasis of the Roman historian is certainly the result of late pragmatic and pseudo-historical speculation. Another, and certainly historical, fact of this nature is found in Plut. Dion. 34. a Thuc. vi. 35. That the irpoffrdrris TOV dtffjav of Syracuse was an institution corresponding to the Roman tribunate was noted by Giardelli (Saggio di antichita pubbliche siracusane [Palermo, 1887], p. 89), who, however, overlooked the fact that the second was derived from the first. The fact that this office appears both at Corcyra and at Syracuse leads one to suspect a common derivation from a Corin- thian institution, since we find at Corinth the origin of other institutions of her colonies. (See Beloch, "L'impero siciliano di Dionisio," Atti dei Lincei [Rome, 1881], p. 17.) At Corinth as elsewhere were naturally ffrdtreis, both irXowriot and Trtvyres (see Polyaen. i. 41. 2). At the time of Timoleon the laws of Syra- cuse were revised by the Corinthians Dionysius and Cephalus (Plut. Timol. 24; Diod. xvi. 82). 3 This is also the opinion of Giardelli (loc. cU.~). In regard to Agathocles, see above; for Diocles, see Diod. xiii. 19. 4; for Dionysius I, see Diod. xiii. 91. 3; for Theodorus of Syracuse, see Diod. xiv. 64. In regard to other Greek cities, Aristodemus Malacus, tyrant of Cumae, is said to have commenced his career as irpoffTd.TT)s rov 8i)/xoi; (see Dion. Hal. vii. 4). * Timol. 37; cf. Corn. Nep. Timol. 5.2. The Syracusan Sosistratus mentioned by Polyaen. i. 43, at the time of Hermocrates, seems also to have been a irpov\aice<; at Sicilian Tauromenium, 4 so it seems that the tribunate was an institution borrowed from Greece, where the TrpoaraTai rov Sijfjiov occur 1 Zon. vii. 15; cf. Dion Cass., fr. 16. 13. Mommsen (Rom. Staatsr., Ill, p. 145, n. 2), taking into account the fact that the Greeks translated tribunus plebis as 3i)/uapx*> and considering that the title of SiJ/iapx* as head of the state occurs only at Naples, is led to the conclusion that the Romans derived the Greek name for the tribunes from the Campanian Greeks. This conclusion does not seem to me justified. The tribune, in origin at least, was not a state official (Plut. Quaest. Rom. 81; cf. Mommsen, Rom. Staatsr., II 3 , p. 271), and would not have taken his title from the highest magistracy of the neighboring city. It seems to me that the translation 5i^iv\al, as most modern writers hold. At Crete also the KOfffjuoi were drawn tic rivav yev&v (Arist. Polit. ii. 7, p. 1272 Bk.). On a coin of Himera, and therefore not later than 409, Silenus stands beside a fountain. This should be noted in connection with the fact that the Romans gave the name of Silani to grotesque fountain masks whence water issued (see Lucr. vi, vs. 1263). The cult of Silenus seems to have been of special importance in the Pelo- 266 ANCIENT ITALY If we keep in mind what has just been said concerning the Siceliot origin of the cult of Ceres at Rome, with the added fact that among the Romans Liber, just as Dionysus among the Greeks, was associated with the cult of Demeter-Ceres, we understand better how Silenus became the symbol of liberty at Rome, and it seems less strange to assign a purely Sicilian origin to the tribunes and aediles of the plebs, whose intimate connection with the cult of Ceres is certain. The above will seem strange to those who wish to see in the political institutions of Rome an autonomous development with little contact with neighboring peoples. Nevertheless, that Greek elements had penetrated even into the earliest of Roman institu- tions is unconditionally admitted by ancient writers in the case of the legislation of the decemvirate, and is also in part admitted by some of the most authoritative of modern writers. Mommsen, for example, recognizes the Greek origin of the Servian military system, and notes the close resemblance between the arrangement of the Roman cavalry and that of Attica. 1 We have also seen that he admits the Greek origin of the functions of the aediles after 367 B. c. Whoever approaches the study of the earliest history of Rome with an unbiased mind, will recognize that, from this point of view, the Rome of which we speak was no different from that of the last centuries of the Republic or the beginning of the Empire. The city which already in the fifth century had received the cults of Hercules, Apollo, the Dioscuri, Mercury, and Ceres, would not have hesitated to receive political and military institutions from Greece, in the same way that at a later date it received the Phrygian cult of the Magna Mater, and the civic institutions of Alexandria. The objection may be raised that even if the ancient, and with them modern, writers recognize the dependence of a portion of the ponnese. At Elis (Paus. vi. 24. 8) he had a temple of his own (cf. Wide, Lakonische Kulte [Leipzig, 1893], p. 254), while at other places (Paus., loc. cit.) he was asso- ciated with Dionysus. 1 Mommsen, Rom. Gesch., I 6 , p. 95; Rom, Staatsr., Ill, p. 253, n. 2. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 267 political institutions and laws of Rome on those of the Greek peoples, there is never any mention of special dependence upon Syracusan legislation. Such an objection, however, is not valid. When Cicero asserts that certain Roman institutions were similar to those of Corinth, we are at once reminded of the fact that Syra- cuse was a colony of Corinth. 1 And if Roman tradition admits that the legislation of the decemvirate was modeled after that of Solon, but makes no mention of what was borrowed from the code of Syracuse, it should be noted that in 212 B. c., at the time of Fabius Pictor, Syracuse had been captured by Marcellus and was being severely punished. It became a censorial city, and on the occasion of the process against Verres, Cicero still calls it a hostium urbcm. 3 From the time when they commenced to write their own history, the Romans must have felt a certain repugnance toward confessing how much they had been aided by the civiliza- tion of Syracuse, which during the fifth and fourth centuries had been the most powerful and famous of the Greek cities of the West. For that reason, possibly, no Roman writer mentions the fact that the tribunes and aediles of the plebs were introduced into Rome from Sicily; and for a similar reason, or else because of a sincere admiration, mingled with an interested benevolence and tolerance, as I hope to prove, the Romans exaggerated the influence of the constitution of Solon upon their own legislation. That even in 'Cic. De R. P. ii. 36. * Cic Verr. ii. 14; v. 82 ff , 131. With the words "Syracusanis hostibus" he opposes the Syracusans of his time to the citizens of other allied and associated cities. (See my op. cit. on the Roman administration of Sicily, pp. 76 ff.) The objections of Beloch in his otherwise excellent work, La populazione delta Sicilia [Palermo, 1889], pp. 82 ff., are without value. When Cicero defends the Syra- cusans, this is due to the fact (op. cit., p. 75) that he does not defend the inhabitants of the censorial city, but rather certain of the many Roman citizens who inhabited the capital of the island. Syracuse was the residence of the praetor and the seat of one of the four judicial assemblies, and was also the home of many "negotia- tores cives Romani." That she was punished by Rome is strikingly brought out by the fact that she was treated as was Marseilles by Caesar, and had her territory divided. In the case of Athens this occurred but rarely and to a lesser degree. The censorial communes of the Bidini, Acrenses, Megarenses, Herbessenses, and possibly also of the Tyracinenses, which were still in existence at the beginning of the Empire, were all created at the expense of the territory of Syracuse. 268 ANCIENT ITALY early times, however, they recognized the intellectual superiority of Sicily is shown by the fact that they placed in the Curia a statue of the Sicilian Empedocles, and also one of Pythagoras. 1 II Although in general the sources are silent concerning the dependence of certain Roman institutions upon those of Magna Graecia and Sicily, in connection with the pretended embassy of 454 to Athens they admit that the Romans visited the cities of Magna Graecia. 2 It should also be noted that after the beginning of the fifth century, Syracuse was in a position to exercise great influence upon the coast of Latium and Etruria. Up to the battle of Himera (480 B. c.) Syracuse had not played an important part in the history of the Siceliot and Italiot cities, but after Hiero in 474 had destroyed at Cumae the fleet of the Carthaginians and Etruscans, she became the first maritime power of the western Mediterranean. After the victory of Cumae, Hiero seized Ischia and built there a fortress, 3 and after the expul- sion of Thrasybulus, Syracuse never ceased to exercise on an ample scale her hegemony over the shores of the Mediterranean. In 453 (of Diod. = 458 of Varro) the Syracusan admiral Phayllus laid waste the coast of Etruria as far as Elba, and his successor, Apelles, with sixty triremes, not only plundered the Etrurian coast, but pushed as far as Corsica and brought Elba under the control of Syracuse. 4 In 435 and 41 1 (or 427 and 403) the Romans received grain from Sicily; 5 and if, as seems probable, the state- ment is authentic that in 396 (Varr. = 393 Diod.) the Lipareans restored to the Romans the tripods which were being sent to Apollo as a thank-offering for the taking of Veii, 6 it should be remem- bered that the Lipareans were at that period the allies of Syracuse. 7 The Etruscans, in their turn, were enemies of Syracuse at that 1 For the statue of Empedocles see Diog. Laert. viii. 2. 72; for that of Pythago- ras see Plin. N. H. xxxiv. 26. Dion. Hal. x. 51, 54. 3 Strab. v, p. 548 C. 4 Diod. xi. 88. Possibly fr. 23 M. of Philistus refers to facts of this nature. s See above, p. 234 6 Diod. xiv. 93; Liv. v. 28; Plut. Cam. 8. 7 Diod. xiv. 56. 2; cf. Thuc. iii. 88; Diod. xii. 54. 4. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 269 time, as they had been in 413. For that reason Dionysius I in 384 laid waste the shores of Etruria, where he plundered Pyrgi, the harbor of Caere, and pushed as far as Corsica. 1 The good rela- tions between Rome and Syracuse probably gave rise, as we have seen, to the legend that Siculus came from Rome; and even-if there is no truth in the assertions of Gellius, Licinius Macer, and many other Roman annalists, that Dionysius sent a gift of grain to the Romans in the sixteenth year after the expulsion of the kings, they at least presuppose the existence of friendly relations between Rome and Dionysius at Syracuse. The influence which Sicily, and especially Syracuse, exercised over the coast of Campania, Latium, and Etruria, from the time of the battle of Cumae till the fall of Dionysius II (357 B. c.), was cer- tainly important. According to one legend, Daedalus and the Thes- piades betook themselves to Cumae; 2 and, according to another, Cumae was the metropolis of Tritaea in Achaia. 3 This second legend shows that Achaeans and Arcadians had established them- selves at Cumae. As at Regium and Himera, Peloponnesan ele- 1 Diod. xv. 14; Ael. V. H. i. 20; Polyaen. v. 2 20; Lucil. apud Serv. ad Aen. x. 184. The plundering of the temple of Pyrgi by Dionysius while on his way to Corsica is recorded only by Strabo v, p. 226 C. From that period probably dates the origin of the 2upa/c66puv TCUS i\oTx"lais (Diod. xvi. 83. 3; cf. also the pyramidal tombs of horses at Agrigentum, Plin. N. H. viii. 155). Moreover, the labyrinth which, according to Varro (apud Plin. N. H. xxxvi. 91), was found in the base of the monument of Porsenna, is connected with the legend of Daedalus in Sicily and the West, and with his work in Sicily and also in Sardinia where the turreted nuraghi were thought of as having been made by him (Diod. iv. 30. i, 78). This last tradition arose as a result of the relations which existed between Sardinia and Syracuse from the middle of the fifth to the middle of the fourth century. 2 Notizie degli Scavi, September, 1886. Other facts of this nature might be adduced. Cf. also the relation between Etruscan bucchero ware and the monuments of the Peloponnesus, which is explained as resulting from Siceliot commerce. See Helbig, Annali del Inst , 1884, p. 145. 3 Liv. xxxix. 9. i says clearly: "huius mali labes ex Etruria Romam veluti contagione morbi penetravit." 272 ANCIENT ITALY This influence, moreover, was no less felt at Rome itself, as is shown by the cult of Ceres. It seems to me, however, that this cult, and that of Mercury as well, could not have extended thus far before the battle of Cumae. Varro asserts that the temple of Ceres was the first at Rome which was not constructed according to the rules of Etruscan art and religion. l The artists Damophilus and Gorgasus who decorated it were Greeks, but we have seen that this Damophilus seems to have been from Himera, and that he could not have come to Rome until about 450, and not in 493 B. c., the year in which, according to tradition, the temple was erected. It was by no means accidental that the builders of the first temple, which was purely Greek in style, should have been Doric, and even Sicilian. If I am not mistaken, this was connected with the battle of Cumae (474 B. c.), which, as will be brought out more in detail, had the effect, not only of overthrowing the sea- power of the Etruscans, but also of substituting the influence of Siceliot, and especially of Syracusan, civilization for that of the Chalcidians of Regium and Cumae, and that of the Phocaeans of Velia and Massilia. 2 Thus it was not by mere chance that about 450 B. c., as a result of the laws of Valerius and Horatius, and after the second secession of the plebs and the fall of the decemvi- rate, it was established " ut qui tribuni plebis aedilibus iudicibus decemviris nocuisset, eius caput lovi sacrum esset, familia ad 1 Plin. N. H. xxxv. 154: "ante hanc aedem Tuscanica omnia in aedibus fuisse auctor est Varro." 2 That the victory of Cumae in 474 B. c. exercised a certain influence on the history of Latium is admitted by Niebuhr (Rom. Gesch., II, pp. 233=187 Isler), and also by Mommsen (Rom. Gesch., I 6 , p. 323), who bases his conclusion on the fact that in 474 Veii made a forty-year truce with Rome (Liv. ii. 54. 2). But, aside from the fact that the year 474 of Livy does not correspond to the 474 of Diodorus who places the battle of Cumae (xi. 51), it is true, in 474, but who records for 469 (xi. 63) the magistrates mentioned by Livy for 474 (of Varro) the truce of forty years' duration does not seem to me historical. It resembles closely the truce of forty years granted Tarquinii in 351 B. c. (Liv. vii. 22. 6). The first came after the death of the 306 Fabii who were killed at the Cremera by the inhabitants of Veii (478 B. c.; Liv. ii. 50); the second, after the killing by the inhabitants of Tarquinii of 307 warriors led by a Fabius (Liv. vii. 15. 10, in 358 B. c.). Apparently we have to deal with a duplication. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 273 aedem Cereris, Liberi, Liberaeque venum iret." 1 Livy adds that the same consuls brought it about that the senatus consulta should be taken to the plebeian aediles in the temple of Ceres, and that in the same year were established the asylums connected with the cult of Ceres, 2 which must have been introduced at about the same period. In the preceding pages we have noted the legendary character of the first secession, which is really a proleptic duplication of the second. It should be noted further that the names of the tri- bunes mentioned in connection with the Publilian rogation (471 Varr. =466 Diod.) are the same not only as those of the pretended tribunes of 493, but also as those nominated after the fall of the decemvirate in 449. With these facts in mind we are led to the following conclusions which, if not certain, at least seem probable. As a result of the victory at Cumae, and the subsequent mari- time and commercial expansion of Syracuse, the grain from Sicily competed favorably with that which in time of famine was imported from Etruria and Campania, and which was both inferior in quality and of higher price. From the fifth century on Sicily commenced to be the cella penaria and nutrix plebis Romanae, as she was called by Cato. 3 The plebs, who derived the greatest benefit from this importation of Sicilian grain, naturally received from Sicily the cult of Ceres, and with the cult arose the temple decorated by Sicilian artists. But the essential character of the cult of Ceres was the protection of the plebs, and for that reason, just as the myth of the Geloan Telines was transformed into the fable of Menenius Agrippa in connection with the first secession, and just as the Siceliot Silenus became the symbol of liberty, so the Romans derived from Syracuse the institution of the tribunes and of the aediles of the plebs an institution which was closely connected with Demeter, who both at Syracuse and at Rome represented democratic liberty. On account of falsifications of the annals it is impossible to tell in what year the tribunes and aediles of the plebs were first intro- duced. It could hardly have been earlier than 466 B. c., and 1 Liv. iii. 55. 8. * Cic. De leg. agr. ii. 36. 3 Cat. apud Cic. Verr. II. ii. 5. 274 ANCIENT ITALY might easily have been close to 449, or even later. Diodorus fixes the fall of the decemvirate and the restitution of the tribunate in 433-32 B. c., 1 and Livy places in 443 the story of the secession of Ardea, which is simply a duplication of the Roman secession. 2 We come thus to the same years in which the lex Canuleia regarding intermarriage between patricians and plebeians was proposed (445 B. c.), 3 and in which the censorship is said to have arisen (443 B. c.). 4 These coincidences are more important than appears at first glance. The tribune Canuleius did not limit himself in 445 B - c -> to tne proposition that marriage be permitted between the two classes, but, according to the version of Livy, demanded that one of the consuls be chosen from the plebs. 5 This proposition was not accepted, however, and it was not till 367, according to Livy and other authors, that the measure was finally carried. 6 According to Diodorus, on the other hand, the plebs received this concession in 443-42, after the fall of the decemvirate and the passing of the laws of Horatius and Valerius. 7 We have, therefore, to a certain degree, another element in favor of the date and theory of Diodorus which in recent- years have been well sustained by Niese. 8 1 Diod. xii. 24 ff. ' Liv. iv. 9; cf. my The Legends of Earlier Roman History (New York, 1905). It is evident at first glance that this secession is merely a repetition of the story of Virginia and of the second secession of the Roman plebs. 3 Liv. iv. 6. 4 Liv. iv. 8. s Liv. iv. i. 2. 6 Liv. vi. 42. 9. According to Burger, Sechzig Jahre aus d. alt. Gesch. Roms (Amsterdam, 1891), pp. 188 ff., this occurred as early as 377 B. c. 7 Diod. xii. 25. 8 With regard to the character and value of the tradition of Diodorus concern- ing the second secession and the laws of Valerius and Horatius, I agree with Meyer, Rhein. Mus., XXXVII, pp. 620 ff. I think Niese (Hermes, XXIII [1888], p. 423) wrong in accepting this tradition concerning the origin of the plebeian consul. The date in Livy referring to this one of the Licinio-Sextian laws is in the main well confirmed by the Fabius Pictor (apud Cell. N. A. v. 4), who places the first ple- beian tribune twenty-five years after the taking of Rome by the Gauls. This date seems correct, although it does not harmonize with the theory of Mommsen (Rom. Forsch., II, pp. 221 ff ), according to which Fabius Pictor was the source of Diodorus. I agree, on the other hand, with the greater portion of the article of Niese, which shows that the majority of the so-called Licinio-Sextian agrarian laws are really SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 275 Owing to the inaccuracy of Roman tradition, it is not possible to determine the precise value of these chronological data, nor just when the tribunate arose. In the final pages of this chapter these questions will again be considered. For the moment let us limit ourselves to noting that, whatever truth there may be in the history of the decemvirate (see below), as a result of its abolition the institution of the tribunes of the plebs was not restored from some earlier period, but made its first appearance at that time. Tradi- tion wished to add dignity to the office by ascribing to it an earlier origin than it really possessed. An additional argument in favor of the theories advanced above is offered by another fact relating to the history of the second consulship of Sp. Cassius. According to the unanimous tradition of ancient writers, in the same year in which the first secession occurred, and in which he dedicated the temple of Ceres, Cassius concluded the foedus aequum with the Latins. 1 Nevertheless, as Mommsen has observed, this important event is connected neither with the preceding nor with the subsequent happenings. 2 Momm- sen is led to suspect that the early annalists were silent in regard to this foedus, and that a later examination of the document brought about its insertion among the events of 493. It seems to me, how- ever, that the data connected with this foedus are of very doubtful value, although Mommsen believes in the authenticity of the document and in the substantial accuracy of the information con- cerning it. Livy, it is true, speaks in explicit terms of the columna aenea on which was incised the treaty of Cassius with the Latins, and Cicero declares that he saw this bronze column behind the rostra in the forum. The fact is, however, that neither Cicero nor the source of Livy saw the original document. During the six months in which, after the taking of the city, the forum remained in the possession of the Gauls, the treaty in question, together with the other public a proleptic duplication of a law of the second century B. C. The objections of such writers as Burger (op. cit., p. 187) have little weight. 1 Cic. Pro Balb. 53; Liv. ii. 33. 4; Dion. Hal. vi. 95. 2 Mommsen, Rom. Forsch., II, p. 159. 276 ANCIENT ITALY documents which were incised upon a material as precious as bronze was at that period, must have disappeared. 1 What Cicero saw was a later copy. The bronze column preserved in the temple of Diana on the Aventine was likewise a copy, and not the original (as Mommsen himself admits). This was still in existence at the time of Dionysius of Halicarnassus who tells us that on it was cut the treaty between the Latins and King Servius Tullius. 2 The doubtful historical personality of this king naturally leads one to suspect that his name was inscribed on the column only in a late copy, which was seen by Dionysius and Varro. Similar doubts may be formed in regard to the treaty of Cassius, since the very existence of this consul is by no means certain. According to one tradition, for example, instead of a patrician and consul, he is said to have been a plebeian and a tribune of the people. The names of the eponymous magistrates are lacking in the inter- national treaties of the Greek republics of the sixth century, and seem at times to be lacking even at the end of the fifth century. 3 But even if in the fifth century the names of the contracting parties were ordinarily signed to the Greek treaties, it is hardly possible that as early as 493 B. c. the Roman state was far enough advanced to follow this rule closely. The reasonableness of this conclusion is shown by the famous question concerning the date of the first treaty between Carthage and Rome. Polybius, 4 as is well known, 1 Schwegler, Rom. Geschichte, I, pp. 19 ff. This document certainly met the same fate as did the Twelve Tables, which too were incised on tables or columns of bronze and placed in front of the rostra. See Diod. xii. 26. i; Dion. Hal. x. 57; cf. Liv. vi. i. 9. 2 Dion. Hal. iv. 26; cf. Mommsen, Rom. Gesch., I 6 , p. 216; and my Ancient Legends, etc. (New York, 1905), pp. 128. ff 3 See the early decree from Elis (Rohl, Inscr. gr. ant , no. no); the laws of the colonies of Naupactus of the fifth century (ibid., no. 321) and the treaties mentioned by Thucydides v. 47 (421 B. c ), 77 (418 B. c.), 79 (418 B. c.). For the opposite see Thuc. v. 19, 24 (422 B. C.); CIA, I, no. 8. It is worthy of note that the above- mentioned decree from Elis, the oldest Greek international treaty, already shows the possibility of text-corruption. Such corruption is attested by Roman tradition for the senatus consulta anterior to the laws of Valerius and Horatius: Liv. iii. 55. 14: "senatus consulta in aedem Cereris ad aediles plebis deferrentur quae ante arbitrio consulum supprimebantur vitiabanturque." 4 Polyb. iii. 22. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 277 assigns this treaty to the first year of the Republic, and says it was made in the year of the consulship of Junius Brutus and M. Hora- tius. The Roman annalists, on the other hand, do not speak of a treaty between the two states before 348, which is the date accepted by Mommsen. In this Mommsen seems to me to be perfectly correct, although his theory is rejected by many critics. However, even some of those who oppose him recognize that the names of the consuls mentioned by Polybius are contrary to the order and chronology accepted in the various traditions and in the fasti, and that these names did not exist in the document which \vas trans- cribed and interpreted by Polybius. I agree with the many critics who hold that Polybius added on his own account the names of consuls who were not colleagues. 1 But even if we admit that in the original of the joedus Cassianum, and not alone in the copy seen by Cicero, the name of Cassius appeared, and that he was consul in 491 and not tribune after 457, the dates of 520, 493, and 486 for his three consulships are not sufficiently guaranteed. Livy, himself notes that the names and chronological series of the magistrates of the first century of the Republic were different in the various annals. 2 There is no reason for attaching importance to the fact that these three consul- ships appear in the Fasti consolari. To those who make a careful study of Roman history it is now well known that even when accompanied by ancient documents, and especially for the earliest periods, these jastiweTe compiled at a rather late period, and take into account the narrations of even the more recent annalists. 1 Mommsen, Rom. Chronologic, zd ed., pp. 320 ff. 3 Liv. ii. 8. 5, 18. 4, 21. 3 f. (499-95 B. c.): "tanti errores implicant temporum aliter apud alios ordinatis magistratibus, ut nee qui consules secundum quosdam, nee quid quoque anno actum sit in tanta vetustate non rerum modo sed etiam auctorum digerere possis;" 33. 2; Hi. 23. 7 ( cf., however, Fasti triumph, for 459 B. c.); iv. 7. 2, 10. 8; cf. with 22. 7; 16. 4, 20. 5 f., 23. 2: eosdem consules insequenti anno refectos lulium tertium Verginium iterum apud Licinium Macrum invenio, Valerius Antias et Q. Tubero M. Manlium et Q. Sulpicium consules in eum annum edunt .... sed inter cetera vetustate comperta hoc quoque in incerto positum" (434 B.C.); 46. u. Moreover, uncertainties and errors of this nature also occur in the following century; see Liv. vii. 42 (342 B. c.); viii. 40 (322 B. c.). 278 ANCIENT ITALY One is strengthened in the belief that the year fixed for .this treaty is not authentic (4933.0.; 491 according to Dionysius; possibly 487 according to Fabius) by the fact that in the same year Gelo succeeded Hippocrates of Gela, and inaugurated the rule of the Deinomenids, who brought the greater portion of Sicily under either the direct dominion or the hegemony of Syracuse. 1 According to this, the recognition of the hegemony of Rome over Latium would have occurred at the same time as that of the Deino- menids over Sicily. But both Sp. Cassius and the Deinomenid Gelo were closely connected with the cult of Ceres, and the Roman consul was even author of a proposition relating to the distribution of Sicilian grain. This leads us to suspect that this synchronism is as false as the two just examined, and deliberately invented in order to bring the history of Rome into relation with that of Syra- cuse. In the same way and for the same reasons the expulsion of the Tarquins from Rome was made to coincide with the driving- out of the sons of Pisistratus from Athens (509 B. c.). If, as Mommsen has already suspected, the accounts concerning the pretended agrarian laws and the intentions of Sp. Cassius with reference to Sicilian grain are false, we are naturally led to doubt the statements concerning the second consulship of Cassius and the date assigned to the treaty with the Latins. Mommsen has shown that the deeds of Coriolanus are also legendary, and it is worthy of note that the name of Coriolanus is associated with that of Sp. Cassius and with the importation of Sicilian grain. In the same year in which Sp. Cassius is said to have made the treaty, Coriolanus is said to have taken Corioli, and to have opposed the distribution of the Sicilian grain which later Sp. Cassius wished to introduce. We see in this a complex of events which are closely connected, and thereby intended to receive mu- tual support. They have, however, no serious historical value, and it is only necessary to disprove one to show the falsity of the rest. 2 1 According to the chronological system of Soltau (Rom. Chronol., p. xxi), the treaty of Cassius was made in 491; according to Matzat (Rom. Chronol., II, 12), in 486 B. c. 2 See among others, Mommsen, Rom. Forsch., II, p. 136, for the fact that the legend of Coriolanus does not belong chronologically to the time of Sp. Cassius. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 279 The importation of Sicilian grain into Rome had the effect, not only of introducing the cult of Ceres and the Greek legends con- nected with this cult, but also, if I am not mistaken, of bringing into the history of the fifth century the pretended agitation con- cerning the agrarian laws. Mommsen, whose acuteness of intellect is equaled only by his immense learning, has shown that there is no historical value in the accounts which have come down to us concerning the agrarian laws of Sp. Cassius, Cn. Manlius Capitolinus, and Sp. Melius, the three well-known demagogues of the Republic who aspired at becoming tyrants; and has noted that the legend of Sp. Cassius mirrors the agrarian agitations of the time of the Gracchi, and those of Manlius and Melius the internal revolutions of the age of Sulla. 1 It seems to me that Mommsen is in the main correct, but that the first material from which these legends were constructed, and the dates assigned for the various events, were drawn from the history of Sicily. Diodorus for the year 454 B. c. (459 of Varro) states that after the fall of the tyrants and the establishment of democratic govern- ment in the various Siceliot cities, grave public seditions arose as a result of the lists of the citizens which had to be compiled, and on account of the assignments of land. This was especially the case at Syracuse, where a certain Tyndarides, by favoring the poor and attracting clients, formed a faction which was ready to aid him in becoming tyrant. For this he was tried and condemned to death, but on his way to prison was liberated by his partisans. In the ensuing sedition the aristocratic party killed Tyndarides and many of his followers. Events of this nature, Diodorus adds, were of frequent occurrence, and gave rise to the law of petalism, which was similar to the ostracism at Athens. This new provision, however, proved detrimental to the state, and the city was agi- tated by frequent seditions. Petalism was applied to the better The reason why it was connected with him, it seems to me, is that the Sicilian grain figures in both legends. 1 Mommsen, loc. cit., pp. 153 ff.; cf. my Ancient Legends of Roman History, pp. 204 ff. 280 ANCIENT ITALY citizens (i. e., those belonging to the aristocratic party), and as a result those who did not wish to run the risk of exile abstained from public affairs, and gave themselves up to easy and sumptuous living. The state thus came into the hands of the worst element of its citizens (Trovrjporaroi^ who, under the pretext of educating the youths in the forensic art, sought to make great gain for them- selves. Caring little for harmony and honesty, they stirred up the plebs (ra TrX^??), and incited them to sedition (ra/aa^a?) and political change (veatrepia-fjiov'). To free the state from this band of demagogues and calumniators (Brj/JLaywyav TrX^o? /cat O-UKO- $aVT&M>), in 454 B. c. the law of petalism was finally abrogated. 1 Let us now consider the history of Rome as it has been handed down to us for the period between 466 and 454 B. c. In 466 the government of the tyrants was overthrown at Syracuse, and in 466, according to Diodorus (471 of Varro) the popular magistracy of the tribunate arose at Rome. In 454 the democratic law of petalism was abrogated at Syracuse, and in 454 (Varr.), as a result of the abuse of the tribunician power and in connection with the processes of the consuls Veturius and Romilius, an agreement was reached at Rome between the patricians and the plebs, and the commission nominated which was to prepare the material for the laws of the decemvirate. The decemvirate, finally, abol- ished the popular magistracy of the tribunes. 2 This strange similarity is made more striking by the fact that the calumnies of the Syracusan demagogues and the institution of petalism have their parallel in the lawsuits brought by the tribunes against the patricians, both magistrates and non-magistrates, who in the annals are continually represented as lamenting over the calum- nies of the tribunes. In every respect the tribunes resemble the demagogues, or rather the Trpoa-TaTai, of Syracuse. 3 i Diod. xi. 86. 3 ff. 3 Liv. iii. 31. 7 (454 B. c.): "tune abiecta lege quae promulgata consenuerat, tribuni lenius agere cum patribus: finem tandem certaminum facerent. si ple- beiae leges displicerent, at illi comuniter legum latores et ex plebe et ex patribus qui utrisque utilia ferrent quaeque aequandae libertatis essent, sinerent creari." Cf. Dion. Hal. x. 51. 3 It would take too long to quote all of the passages in which the patricians SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 281 The process of Coriolanus, which, as Mommsen recognized, is placed arbitrarily in 491, has a noteworthy parallel in that of Caeso Quinctius (461 B. c.). Neither was a responsible magistrate, and especially in the case of Coriolanus it is hard to undei stand how it was possible for the plebs, who had been in possession of the tribunate for barely a year, to have so quickly transformed this means of protecting their rights into such a powerful means of offense against the patricians. 1 The more recent Roman annalists sought to conceal the improbability of these narrations, either by inventing a series of non-historical particulars in regard to the offense of Caeso, or by assigning to the tribunes and plebs rights which they acquired only gradually during a long period of internal history. Especially in the case of Coriolanus, however, they failed to give their narrative a purely historical aspect and to make it correct from a juridical point of view. The pretended processes of Coriolanus and of Caeso Quinctius, of which one seems a dupli- cation of the other, are best explained, if I am not mistaken, by supposing them to be infiltrations into the pseudo-Roman history, and to be applications of the law of petalism a law similar to that of ostracism at Athens and which struck a blow at the citizens who were in the way of the democratic state, even though the elements for establishing political guilt were lacking. This supposition gains additional probability when we recall that as a result of lament the calumnies of the tribunes. See, e. g., Liv. iii. 9. 2. (462 B. c.); 10. 7 (461 B.C .) ; 15.2: "quantum iuniores patrum se magis insinuabant, eo acrius contra tribuni tendebant ut plebi suspecto eos criminando facerent" (460 B. c.). 1 For the process of Coriolanus see Mommsen, Rom. Forsch., I, p. 140; Rom. Staatsr., II 2 , p. 288, n. 2. Mommsen asserts that the process of Caeso Quinctius is juridically correct, inasmuch as he had offended a tribune (Liv. iii n ff.). It should be noted, however, that while according to Livy (iii. 13. i), Volscius, the principal witness in the trial of Caeso which resulted in his conviction, is said to have been "tribunus ante aliquot annos" at the time when he was offended; according to Dionysius (x. 7), on the other hand, he was a private citizen when he was offended and tribune when he appeared as witness in the trial. It is true that Livy (iii. n. 6) says of Caeso that "hoc duce saepe pulsi foro tribuni, fusa ac fugata plebes est," but Dionysius (x. 5) does not speak of such insults to the tribunes. In short, the version of Livy aims at being juridically correct, while that of Dionysius makes no pretense at accuracy. In reality Caeso, although a private citizen, was con- demned merely because he was against the plebs. 282 ANCIENT ITALY petalism the Syracusans of the aristocratic party retired from public life and abandoned the city to base demagogues, and that according to Roman tradition, L. Quinctius Cincinnatus, made consul in 460 B. c., the year following the exile of his own son Caeso, " adsiduis contionibus pro tribunali non in plebe coercenda quam senatu castigando vehementior fuit, cuius ordinis languore perpetui iam tribunis plebis non ut in re publica populi Romani, sed ut in perdita domo lingua criminibus regnarent." On the occasion of the exile of his son Cacso, he said: "virtutem, con- stantiam, omnia iuventutis belli domique decora pulsa ex urbe Romana et fugata esse; loquaces seditiosos, semina discordiarum, iterum ac tertium tribunes pessimis artibus regia licentia vivere." 1 It would take too long to enumerate the various events connected with the discords and tumults which fill the annals of Livy and Dionysius, and which resemble closely that which is said concern- ing the Tapa%ai at Syracuse. On the other hand, I wish to note that the episode of Tyndarides has an exact parallel in the legend of Sp. Melius, who about 439 B. c. brought much grain from Etru- ria and the harbors of Cumae and Miseum, and thus secured a numerous following, by the aid of which he hoped to become tyrant. Minucius discovered his plot, and the dictator Cincinna- tus, through Servilius, magister equitum, invited him to disculpate himself. Melius sought to save himself, first by calling on the plebs for aid, and then by flight ; but Servilius overtook and killed him. In the main the Syracusan event and the Roman legend agree perfectly. There is no importance attached to the fact that the killing of Tyndarides is referred to about 454 B. c., while the legend of Melius is placed by Livy in 439, since, according to the same version of Livy, it is associated with a pretended dictator- ship of Cincinnatus. This dictatorship of Cincinnatus, however, is one of the many duplications of a single event and legend which are attributed to about the year 458 B. c. Moreover, the earliest Roman annalists do not bring Sp. Cassius into relation with Cin- cinnatus. 2 For our purpose it is sufficient to note that the two 1 Liv. iii. 19. 4 ff. 3 Liv. iv. 13; Cine. Al. and Calp. Pis. apud Diod. Hal. rii, if. Cic. De SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 283 similar events are placed at about the same period, and that the picture given by the annalists of Roman life between 466 and 454 corresponds too closely in its various aspects with the real and historical life of Syracuse of that period. We are therefore justified if not in asserting, at least in suspecting, that one is a copy of the other. The only element lacking is the eloquence of Corax and Tisias, which could not be reproduced in the Roman copy. Notwithstanding all his patriotism, Cicero, the great advocate of early Roman eloquence, could find no examples of famous orators anterior to Pyrrhus, save the Valerii, who by their eloquence are said to have checked the plebs in their two secessions. T We have little information concerning the internal history of Syracuse for the years subsequent to 454. From a speech which, according to Thucydides, was pronounced by Athenagoras, Tr/ooo-TctTT/? rov Stffjbov, about 415 B. c., we learn that, while Her- mocrates was seeking to convince the Syracusans of the possi- bility of a war with Athens, and exhorting them to ally themselves with the neighboring cities, the popular orator declared these presages of war idle, and to have been spread merely to divert the minds of the plebs from internal questions. From the same discourse we learn that at Syracuse there was a party of aristocratic youths who aimed at attaining office before reaching the legal age, and who would not brook civic equality. 2 One seems to be reading the account of the pretended Roman history of the period, both in regard to the frequent interference of the young patricians, senect. 16. For the dictatorship and consulships of Cincinnatus see Ihne, Rom. Gesch., I, p. 140 n. 3. I am not sure it has been noticed that the episode concern- ing Cincinnatus and Minucius is merely a proleptic duplication of that regarding Fabius Cunctator and Minucius magister equitum of 217 B. c. (Liv. xxii 29). This last event is naturally historical, but even it is not free from rhetorical embel- lishments, as is shown by the speech of Minucius which contains a version of several lines of Hesiod, as was noted by Weissenborn among others. 1 Cic. Britt. 14. 54. The annalists had fewer scruples. Both Livy (iii. n. 6) and Dionysius (x. 5) state that Caeso was eloquent, but by their own confession his eloquence consisted in using his fists, and he was unable to quell the confusion which reigned during processes. 2 Thuc. vi. 36 ff.; cf especially 37. 3: ^ *-6Xts wuv 6\iydicis ^v Vx*f, S ToXe/tifovs irXe/ofas ^ vpbs a.vri)v dwipetrai, TvpavvlSas Si ilffnv 8re ical dwaffrelas 284 ANCIENT ITALY such as Coriolanus and Caeso, 1 and in regard to the intercessions of the tribunes, who are said to have prevented the consuls from forming an army, on the pretext that there was no danger of incurring the war which the consuls predicted. 2 With the exception of those, especially among my countrymen, who on account of preconceived and erroneous patriotic opinions are unable to discriminate between truth and falsehood, modern critics are almost unanimous in declaring Roman history up to 1 See Liv. iii. 14, 15. 2, 65 5. 2 See Liv. iii. 10. n (461 B. c.): "libertatem populi Romani .... arte eludi, quia occidione prope occisos Volscos et Aequos movere sua sponte arma posse iam fides abierit, novos hostes quaeri; coloniam fidam propinquam infamem fieri, bellum innoxiis Antiatibus indici;" 16. 5 (460 B. c.): "tantus enim tribunos furor tenuit ut non bellum, sed vanam imaginem belli ad advertendos ab legis cura plebis animos Capitolium insedisse contenderent;" and 24. i (459 B. c.): "clamant [the tribunes] fraude fieri, quod foris teneatur exercitus; frustationem earn legis tollendae esse." Cf. iv. 53 (410 B. c.). Even in regard to external history the deeds of the Syracusans resemble some- what those related of Rome. Cloelius Gracchus, the leader of the Aequi, was a man of great energy and had attained an almost regal position among his people. He caused much annoyance to Tusculum, the ally of Rome, and in 458 B. c. (Varr.) he surrounded the army of the consul Minucius, who, together with his men, was freed by the legendary dictator Quintius Cincinnatus (Liv. iii. 25; Dion. Hal. x. 22 ff.). This account resembles somewhat that of Ducetius, the leader of the Siculi, who, having attained almost regal authority over his people between 459 and 451, gave much trouble to Syracuse and her ally Agrigentum. The general Bolcon, whom he overcame, was punished with death by the Syracusans (see Diod. xi. 78, 88 6, 91 ff.). It is true that Bolcon was killed, while the Roman general went uninjured; but it must be remembered that the episode of Minucius follows the story of the later and historical Minucius of 217 B. c. a time when conquered Roman generals were no longer punished nor put to death (thus in 216 the senate went out to meet the defeated Varro to thank him for not having lost hope for the Republic Liv. xxii. 61. 14). The dramatic episode of the defeated Ducetius prostrating himself before the altars of the gods, and placing himself and his people under the control of Syracuse, recalls vividly the story of The- mistocles, who before going to Asia came as a suppliant to the domestic hearth of Admetus (Plut. Them. 24); and this scene in turn (Mommsen, Rom. Forsch., II, p. 118) brings to mind the occasion when Coriolanus presented himself to Attius Tullius, the Volscian leader. I shall treat elsewhere of the influence of the history of Greece proper upon that of the Greeks of Sicily. Be it merely noted here that, according to Stesimbrotus of Thasos (apud Plin., loc. cit.), before going to Asia, Themistocles is said to have visited Hiero of Syracuse. Thucydides knew nothing of this, and the origin of the story is uncertain. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 285 the fourth century at least false and legendary. 1 Livy himself, much more than many modern critics, was convinced of the slight historical value of the narratives up to the time of the capture of the city by the Gauls. 2 Possibly his famous statement concerning the loss of the earliest monuments pertaining to Roman history, which perished during the Gallic invasion, contains an excusatio non petita on the part of the annalists from whom he drew, who were glad of an opportunity to escape furnishing proofs for so many gratuitous assertions. The fact is that the early annalists, no less than those of a later period, know how to falsify. Just as for the Greeks after Hero- dotus and Antiochus, so at least for the first of these annalists history was a political product, even though it had originated and developed under the influence of Greek history when this had 1 The falsity of the Roman accounts of the agrarian agitations of the fifth century is recognized by Poehlmann, Gesch. d. aniiken Communismus (Munich, 1901), II, p. 474. 2 Liv. Praef. 6, vi. i, viii. 40; cf. Polyb. vi. 3. 3. It is to be deplored that these fairly explicit passages have not received from Italian critics the attention they deserve. The last few years have witnessed the appearance of Roman histories and articles on Roman history, in which are accepted as true not only the events referred to the fifth century B. C., but even those connected with the regal period. As a matter of curiosity, it may be noted here that the legend of Lucretia, which is mirrored in that of Virginia, has an authentic parallel in the history of Syracuse. The wife of Dionysius I, having been violated by the Syracusans during an uprising, freed herself from dishonor by a voluntary death (see Plut. Dio. 3). Moreover, it was noted even by Aristotle (Pol. v. 3, p. 1303 Bk.) that revolutions were frequently caused by love-intrigues. For similar reasons occurred the driving-out of the sons of Pisistratus, reported by a false synchronism as con- temporary with that of the Tarquins, and also the coming of the Gauls to Chiusi (see Liv. v. 33). Still another parallel may be drawn from the case of Valerius Publicola, who freed the land from the yoke of Porsenna. Being without a colleague, he exercised his power somewhat as a ]yt>s auTOKpdrwp, granted the people the right to choose another consul, destroyed his own house, was well disposed toward the plebs, separated the axes from the fasces, and rendered the consular power less terrible by the law de provacatione. This closely resembles the case of Gelo, who freed the country from the Carthaginians, pretended to wish to abandon his power, and, like Publicola, acquired fame as a humanitarian and friend of the people. Even if we make allowance for the many exaggerations with which the character of Gelo has been adorned, there is still much truth in that which is narrated con- cerning him. Is Publicola likewise a historical character ? 286 ANCIENT ITALY become an opus oratorium rather than a literary practice. Even before the introduction of historical falsehoods for artistic reasons, they were used to strengthen the pretensions of the state, and were, to use a phrase of Livy, a salubre mendacium. Thus Fabius, a Roman senator and the first historian of his country in point of time, acted like a good patriot when he borrowed from neighboring peoples the events and glorious deeds which he inserted into the history of his own country, just as much as when he went to Delphi to consult the oracle after the defeat at Cannae. But just as there is no falsehood which does not presuppose some real fact which it has more or less hidden and distorted, so the Roman annalists, in creating a history which they did not possess, did not manufacture the events out of whole cloth. The lack of originality of the human mind would not lead us to expect this at any period, and especially not from the Romans, who had much less ability in that direction than the Greeks. They therefore frequently borrowed from the history of neighboring peoples, localizing and adapting the facts to suit their own conditions. 1 It is a well-known fact that in the same way many stories and legends of Greece proper had been localized and adopted by the various Greek colonies, and that the Romans followed their ex- ample is obvious, as may be seen from the preceding pages. Such borrowing, moreover, did not occur in the case of political history alone, but also in literature and art. From Greek poetry that of the Latins borrowed not only its inspiration, but also its substance, characters, situations, similes, metres, and at times even phrases. Every student of classical philology has noted how much in each of these respects Catullus, Vergil, and Horace owe to the poets of Greece, even when they appear to have other events in mind. The same is true in the case of the fine arts. It will suffice to recall that the Tuscan order is merely an awkward imitation of the Doric, and that the Etruscan urns and coins imitate well-known Greek types. It will be of aid for our purpose to apply to the peoples of central Italy that natural psychological procedure according to which 1 See the first chapter of my Storia di Roma. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 287 the history of one country is taken as a model for that of another. The famous tomb discovered by Francois in 1847 near tne banks of the Fiora, in the territory of Vulci, shows that the history of the Tarquinii, of Caelius Vibenna, and of Masterna or Servius Tul- lius, was conceived in exactly the same manner as that of Achilles, the avenger of the death of Patroclus, and as that of Eteocles and Polynices. 1 The events of the Greek legend are depicted in parallel groups which correspond entirely with the events of the Etrusco-Roman history or pseudo-history. Thus it is evident that from the third century, before which period the pictures must date, as a result of Greek commerce and politics the Etruscans were accustomed to represent their history in a manner analogous to that of Greece. We have a later trace of this psychological process in certain traditions relating to the legend of Coriolanus. As ancient writers have noted, his story, especially in regard to his death, was deliberately falsified in order to obtain a perfect parallel with the story of Themistocles, with whom Coriolanus was held to correspond. 2 Among the places which in this manner exercised great influ- ence upon the writing of Roman history, Sicily and Syracuse were the foremost, especially after the battles of the Himera (480 B. c.) and of Cumae (474 B. c.). This condition lasted till 357, when, with the overthrow of the tyranny, of the second Dionysius, Syra- cuse commenced to decline and pale before the transient splendor of Tarentum as ruled by Archytas, or even till 289, when with Agathocles the last of her glory came to an end. During this entire period Syracuse was the most powerful of the Greek cities of the West. Her ships controlled the Mediterranean, and Diony- sius and Agathocles were among the most powerful princes of their time. The history of the famous city even after 289 was 1 See Annali d. Inst., 1859, pp. 325 ff., Plate M; cf. Gardthausen, Mastarna oder Servius Tullius (Leipzig, 1882), who, in an otherwise excellent article, wrongly attributes historical value to the paintings of myths merely because they represent the opinions of the auctores Tusci instead of those of the Roman annalists, although their authority is not superior to that of common tradition. 1 Cic. Brut. 41 f. : "consessum est rhetoribus ementiri in historiis;" cf. Momm- sen, Ram. Forsch., pp. 115, 118, 146. 288 ANCIENT ITALY written by such an able and famous historian as Timaeus. Her deeds were on the lips of everyone; and to a certain extent might be said of Syracuse in regard to the West what Pericles said of Athens, viz., that she was the mistress of Greece, and that her laws served as examples for other states. * Unfortunately our knowledge of the early history of the Siceliot cities is very fragmentary. That we know something more of Syracuse at the time of Gelo, Hermocrates, Dionysius I, and Hannibal is due to the intervention and wars of Carthage, Athens, and Rome. Had fate preserved the histories of Philistus and Timaeus, or even those of Callias and Silenus, we should doubtless have been in a position to establish the origin of the greater portion of the pseudo-history of Rome of the fifth century a pseudo- history contrasting vividly with the scarcity of references for a large portion of the true history of Rome for the two succeeding centuries. If I am not mistaken, however, even in its fragmentary state enough of Siceliot history has come down to warrant us in asserting that this pseudo-history is in part a duplication and locali- zation of the history of Sicily. We cannot now ascertain how much of this pretended history had become localized at Rome at a very early period by means of the cults, how much was invented by Greek writers such as Timaeus and Silenus, and how much, finally, owes its origin to analogies in the history of the two countries which were noted by the early annalists, such as Fabius Pictor and Cincius. It seems permissible to assert, however, that this, in general, is what happened; and, unless we are mistaken in this particular instance, it seems certain that the cult of Ceres, and the tribunate of the plebs connected with it, came from Syracuse, and that this fact furnished a handle for the parallel chronological development of the two institutions. The cult of Ceres, moreover, does not seem to have been the only one which came from Sicily. To it should possibly be added that of Mercury. Certainly, at a later period the Romans imported from the island the cult of Venus Erycina; and possibly the very doctrine of the Indigitamenta had its origin from the same source 1 Thuc. ii. 37, 40. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 289 from which sprang the doctrines set forth by Empedocles of Agri- gentum. 1 In an excellent article, Beloch 2 has noted many points of contact between the political institutions of Dionysius and those of Rome; such, for example, as the military colonies and the confederate states. Whether or not these resemblances are acci- dental we cannot at present determine. At any rate, just as at the time of Dionysius, so during the ensuing period down to Agath- ocles and Hiero II, Syracuse stood in close relations with Latium; 3 and on that account we are not surprised to find other points of contact in the history of the two countries for the period after the fifth century. The complete subjugation of the Latins and the admission of Campania on the part of Rome fell, according to Diodorus, in the same year in which occurred the death of Timoleon (337 B. c.) 4 a man who had devoted all his energies to freeing a part of Sicily from the domination of Carthage, and who three years before had made an alliance with the Romans. 5 We have here another synchronism, and one which occurred at a period which for all three peoples is perfectly historical, and is therefore, in substance at least, authentic. From the fifth century on, Syracuse had important and continuous relations with the maritime regions of central Italy, and in addition often drew upon Campania for mer- 1 For the statue of Empedocles brought from Agrigentum and set up before the Curia at Rome, see Diog. Laert. viii. 2. 73. 3 Beloch, op. cit., pp. 12 ff. 3 Two treaties between Carthage and Rome are cited by Polybius (iii. 24, 25). The second of these, at any rate, falls in the fourth century ,and speaks of Roman navigation about Sicily. Moreover, Postumius, called the- Tyrrhenian, in 339 B. c. entered as a friend the port of Syracuse with a fleet of twelve ships, but was killed by Timoleon for pirating (Diod. xvi. 82. 3). Varro (D. R. R. ii. 10. n) states that in 300 B. C. barbers came for the first time from Sicily to Ardea. It is curious to note that the Romans, in this case wrongly, thought they owed to Sicily one of their fundamental domestic and political institutions i. e., that of the patrons, which is in reality common to both Aryan and non-Aryan races. The eponymous Udrpuv of patrons who came to Latium with Evander (Plut. Rom. 13, 14) is, I think, the same as the Ildrpuv of Aluntius, the companion of Aeneas (see Dion. Hal. i. 51). 4 Diod. xvi. 90. 2=340 B. c. according to Liv. viii. 10 ff. s Diod. xvi. 69=348 B. c. according to Liv. vii. 27. 2. 2QO ANCIENT ITALY canaries in her wars against Carthage. She must naturally, there- fore, have been on her guard against this new and extraordinary increase in the power of Rome. As has been noted by Niese, among others, Duris, the historian of Agathocles, spoke of the victory of 295 B. c. at Sentinum. 1 It should be added, however, that the Romans were not indifferent to the relations which existed between Agathocles and the Etruscans, Samnites, lapygians, and Peucetians. 2 In the same year in which Agathocles tried to regain for Syracuse the maritime hegemony which had been lost in conse- quence of the civil wars succeeding the death of Timoleon, the Romans, by the foundation of the maritime colonies of Suessa 1 Dur. apud Diod. xxi. 6. For Callias and his mention of Rome, see above, p. 238, note i. 2 For the fleet of eighteen ships sent by the Tvppijvol to Syracuse, see Diod. xx. 61. These Tyrrhenians were hardly the inhabitants of Caere who in 353 B. c. had been deprived of half of their territory by the Romans (see Dio. Cass., fr. 30, ed. Melber; cf. Liv. vii. 20. 8), and still less the inhabitants of Antium who after 338 B. c. had become Roman subjects (Liv. viii. 15. 8). It is true that even after this time the Antians continued their piratical practices (Strab. v, p. 232 C.), but in this case aid on the part of the state is evidently meant, and this could not come from the Antians, whose warships had been destroyed. On the other hand, we know that between 312 and 294 the Romans were continually at war with the Etruscans (Liv. ix. 29 ff.; x. 5. 10), the friends of Agathocles in 310 (Diod. xxi. 3). At that time Rome was friendly to Carthage, with whom in 306 (Liv. ix. 43) she had made a second or third treaty. This alliance was sincere, since both had common interests of expansion, the one in Sicily, the other in Italy, to the detriment of the preponderance of Syracuse. In 306, however (Diod. xx. 79), Agathocles made peace with the Carthaginians, renounced his claims on the Punic territory of Sicily, and attempted, as had Dionysius before him, the conquest of Bruttium. Had he lived longer, and succeeded in his undertaking, he would of necessity have come into conflict with the Romans, as did Alexander of Epirus a few decades later. On the other hand, since Diodorus (xxi. 3) mentions the Tyrrhenian allies of Agathocles in connection with the Ligurians and Celts, it seems more natural to suppose that they, together with the Etruscan ships, came from some Etruscan city not far from Liguria. This might have been Volaterrae (Liv. x. 12), or still more probably Pisa. The maritime importance of Pisa has been brought out, if not by Timaeus (Geffcken, op. cit., pp. 44, 148), at least by writers who flourished shortly after the period in question (see Lycophr., vss. 1355 ff.). For the Samnites see Diod. xx. n; for the Peucetians and lapygians, ibid. xxi. 4. Such questions as the above were overlooked by Schubert in his Geschichte des Agathokks (Breslau, 1887). It is curious to note that, according to Lydus (De mens. i. 19; cf. De mag. i. 22), the Roman trabea was derived from Agathocles. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 291 and Pontia in 312 B. c., 1 by the creation of the duoviri navales (311 B.C.), 2 and by their naval operations along the southern shores of Campania (310 B. c.), 3 guarded themselves against the Samnite allies of Agathocles, who at this period (310 B. c.) in his expedition against Carthage took with him mercenaries hired from the Samnites. Agathocles had to keep close watch on the progress of Rome as well as of Tarentum. This latter city more or less openly aided the Samnites in their operations against Rome, and tried to prevent the Romans from conquering Naples and Luceria. 4 The old and perennial state of hostility between Agath ocles and Tarentum was certainly one of the causes which led to the defeat of the Samnites between 320 and 290 B. c., and which enabled the Romans to found their colonies of Luceria (314 B. c.) and Venusia (291 B. c.). Moreover, we know that in the last years of his adventurous life Agathocles seized Corcyra, made alliances in Epirus, and in general followed the Adriatic policy of Dionysius I, including, among other things, the forming of a league with the inhabitants of the Apulian coast. On this account it does not seem accidental that in the very year in which the death of the dread Syracusan tyrant occurred, the Romans should have secured a foothold on the Adriatic and have founded there the colonies of Castrum Novum, Sena Gallica, and Adria (289 B. c.). It seems to me that this and the preceding synchronisms have hitherto been overlooked. The relations, now friendly, now hostile, between Syracuse, Latium, and Campania were probably much more important than would appear from the scanty tradition which has come down to us, for which reason we seem justified in holding that the legislation and political system of Syracuse exercised influence on Rome in the fourth century as well, in the same way and for the same reasons that Rome later learned from Alexandria certain measures pertaining to city administration. Thus, in modern times, the English constitution introduced in the seven- teenth century served (and still serves in part) as a model, first for 1 Diod. xix. 101=313 B. C., Liv. ix. 28. Liv. ix. 30. 4. 3 Liv. ix. 38. 4 Liv. viii. 25, 27 (cf. Dion. Hal. xv. 5. 10), 29; ix. 14; Diod. xx. 104. 292 ANCIENT ITALY France, and later for a large portion of the civilized nations of Europe. That Rome after the middle of the fourth century was called a Tro'Xt? 'EXX^t? is due not only to the fact that Greek navi- gators were hospitably welcomed at Ostia and Rome, but also to the facility with which the future mistress of the world adopted outside institutions. 1 This is proved by the coins of Greek types which Rome commenced to strike about that period, 2 and also by the censorship of Appius Claudius Caecus, the at once kindly, cultivated, and terrible Roman, in whom, as we shall see, it is not difficult to recognize an imitator of such statesmen as Dionysius I and Archytas. In regard to the narration of the deeds of the Romans, the Siceliot historians could not have been less active in the fourth century, when they wrote of the Greek cities on the Campanian confines, than in the following century, when Campania belonged to Rome. A rather striking example of this seems to me to be offered by the story of the taking of Rome by the Gauls. From Polybius, the chief source for this event, we learn that Rome owed her safety to the Veneti who invaded the territory of the Gauls. 3 Both Livy and Diodorus, moreover, state that after capturing Rome the Gauls pressed as far as Apulia. 4 Certainly the memory of this could not have been preserved in the Annales Maximi, 1 Heraclides Ponticus, a contemporary of Plato and Aristotle in speaking (apud Plut. Cam. 22) of Rome when captured by the Gauls, calls it a ir6\iv ''EXXrjvlda.. This was said, not by a merchant, but by a philosopher in a discourse irepl ^vxys- 3 1 accept, in the main, the data concerning the origin of Roman coinage of Samwer, "Geschichte des alteren romischen Miinzwesen," Numismatische Zeit- schrijt, Vienna, 1883. He is followed by Milani, "Acs rude, signatum e grave," Rivista italiana di numismatica, pp. 18 ff. The Pegasus which figures on the bronze quadrilaterals assigned by Milani to the second half of the fourth and the beginning of the third century, is, I believe, a type derived from Syracusan coins, just as in the middle of the fourth century the figure of Pegasus on the coins of Regium, Terina, and Locri was derived from Syracuse. See Imhoof-Blumer, "Die Mtinzen Akarnaniens, " Numismatische Zeitschrift, Vienna, X (1883), p. 6. For the aes grave with Sicilian types see below, p. 294, note i. 3 Polyb. ii. 18. 3. 4 Diodorus (xi. 96; 387 B. c.) speaks of the invasion of Apulia by the Gauls in connection with the taking of the city. Livy (vi. 42. 8; vii. i. 3, 26. 9; 349 B. c.) refers to it in connection with the wars fought by the Gauls in 368 B. c. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 293 which dealt merely with facts relating to the city, nor in the oral tradition of the people, since the accounts refer to distant countries with which Rome did not come into contact till several generations later. 1 We know, on the other hand, that the capture of Rome by the Gauls is spoken of by Greek historians, such as Aristotle and Theopompus. The memory of the facts involved had of course been preserved by Greeks, and very probably, we may add, by Siceliots. In the years immediately following the taking of Rome (i. e., between 385 and 384 B. c.) Dionysius I not only laid the foundation for a colonial empire on the Adriatic, where he made allies of certain Epirote leaders, and where he founded Pharus and Lissus, but he also, ably profiting by the loss which the Gallic invasion had inflicted on the Etruscans on both sides of the Apen- nines, plundered the harbor of Caere and pushed on with his ships to Corsica, the shores of which were then in the power of the Etruscans, especially those from Caere. 2 He also founded Syra- cusan colonies on the coast of Picenum and Venetia, at Ancona, and at Adria, where he reared his famous horses, and whither he 1 Cf. Liv. viii. 25 (326 B.C.): "Lucani atque Apuli, quibus gentibus nihil ad earn diem cum populo Romano fuerat, in fidem venerunt." This would be still truer of the Veneti, with whom the Romans could not have had any direct and constant political relations before the beginning of the ensuing century. 3 Diod. xv. 13 ff.; Strab. v, p. 241 C.; see above, p. 268. This important subject has never received the attention it deserves. To give a single example, no attention has been paid to the statement of Arist. (Pol. i. 4. 7, p. 12559 Bk.), to the effect that a certain Sicilian at the time of Dionysius bought up all the iron iK rdv ffiSripeluv and sold it to the merchants who came from the various markets, so as to gain the modest amount of 100 talents for every 50 spent. Dionysius allowed him to keep the money, but expelled him from Sicily. At the time of Aristotle the ratio of silver to iron was as i to 2,000 (see Busolt, Grifch. Cesck., I, p. 202), which shows that an enormous amount of iron had been brought to Syracuse. Since, however, at that period Elba was the only place in the West possessing such rich iron mines, we are led to the probable induction that when, in 384 B. C., Dionysius made the expedition against Caere and its subject Corsica he held Elba for some length of time, just as the Admiral Apelles had done when he brought Elba under the control of Syracuse in 453 B. c. (Diod. xi. 88. 5). Probably also the revolt of Sardinia against Carthage in 379-378 (Diod. xv. 24) is to be connected with this expedition, and with the war against Carthage which was recommenced by Dionysius in 383 B. c. 294 ANCIENT ITALY relegated Philistus, his former counselor, who in that region wrote at least a portion of his histories. l In the same manner, we know that about 358 B. c., the time when the Gauls infested Apulia, Dionysius II founded there two colonies. 2 The historians of Syracuse more than of any other city had occasion to record these various events. This is shown by a statement of Trogus Pompeius, 3 who says that while Dionysius was waging war on Regium, the Gauls, who had shortly before burned Rome, sent envoys to 1 See Holm, Gesch. Siciliens, II, pp. 440 ff., for the references in ancient writers to the Adriatic colonization of Dionysius I. For Philistus and his writing at Adria, in addition to Plutarch (Dion, ii), cf. Pausanias (i. 13. 9), from whom we learn that he wrote the portion of his history referring to Dionysius (cf. Dion. Hal. Ep. ad Pomp. 5; Cic. Ad Q. Fratr. ii. 11.4); cf. also Theopompus, frr. 140 ff.). It should be noted in this connection that the aes grave found between Pe- rugia and Todi, with the triquetra on one side and a trident on the other (see Gar- rucci, Le monete d. It. ant., Plate LIV, Fig. 7), is explained by the fact that Sicily was wrongly identified with the Qpi.va.Kpla, of Homer. It was said that Sicily was thus named (i. e., Thrinakria) )) STI rpj 5/cpas =x ei ^ ^ Tl 6piva.Ki ivrtv 6/j.oia (Steph. Byz., s. v.). Garrucci thinks (op. cit., p. 29) that the aes grave is from Ancona (cf. also the coins with triskeles in Garrucci, Plate XLV, Fig. 4). Thus the Dionysus which figures on the aes grave of Atria Picena (Garrucci, Plate LX, Fig. 6; Plate LXI, Fig. i; note the Pegasus of Fig. 2) is of Syracusan origin. Even today the upper valley of the Vomano above Atria at the base of the Gran Sasso d' Italia (the Mons Fiscellus) is called Val Siciliana, although we are in doubt as to whether the name is of ancient origin. Certainly the name of the region above Tivoli, termed "Sicilian," is ancient, and possibly also the name Goirano dei Siculi on the confines of the Paeligni and Marsi. All of these names recall the words of Dionysius of Halicarnassus (ii) where he says that the presence of the aboriginal Siculi (we should call it Siceliot influence) was attested in various parts of Italy by localities termed ZtKeXi/cd. These localities, however, probably derived their names at a period anterior to the fifth century, after the great commercial and political expansion of the Siceliots. The influence of the aes grave of Atria Picena is shown on the aes grave of the Umbrian Tuder (Garrucci, Plate LV, Fig, 2; Plate LVI, Figs. 3, 4). When Pliny (N. H. iii. 56), following more or less closely ancient sources, says that the Siculi were the earliest inhabitants of Latium, and repeats the same thing in regard to Picenum and Umbria (iii ff.), it is clear that we have to deal, not with two distinct traditions relating to indigenous peoples and to late Siceliot colonies, as has been asserted, but with two traditions arising from an analogous cause. The Siceliots of Ancona are responsible for the indigenous Siculi of Picenum. 1 Diod. xvi. 5. 3; 10. 2. 3 lust. xx. 5. 4; vi. 6; Freeman, Hist. Sic., IV, p. 219. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 295 Dionysius with offers of friendship and alliance, which the tyrant gladly accepted. He might employ them either in the van of his armies or against the rear of his enemies. With the Gauls as allies the war was carried on as if just commenced. To inquire into the direct source of Trogus Pompeius, and to discover whether he depended on Timagenes or on Theopompus, has for the moment little interest for us. It is more important to note that the syn- chronism between the siege of Regium by Dionysius and the taking of Rome by the Gauls is probably derived from some Siceliot his- torian, just as was the other between the year of the death of Timoleon and that of the annexation of Campania by the Romans. Both this synchronism and also the use made by Dionysius of Gallic mercenaries are found in Diodorus, 1 a Sicilian writer whose source for the history of his country, as everyone knows, was mainly Timaeus. The chief source of Timaeus, even though he himself denies it, and also of Theopompus for the history of Diony- sius, was certainly Philistus. 2 In none of the fragments of Philis- tus, it is true, is there any mention of Rome. Nevertheless, since in the books before the one in which he commenced to speak of Dionysius, Philistus treated of the Samnites and Tyrrhenians, 3 and discussed the deeds of his leader which had to do with the peoples of central Italy, it is clear that he could not have been silent concerning Rome. Antiochus, his predecessor, had already written of Rome, and it was from him that Philistus derived and developed the theory regarding the coming of the Siculi from Latium. 4 The synchronism between the siege of Regium by Dionysius 1 Diod. xiv. 113: *<(?' Sv dt Kaip&v /juiXuna 'Pifiyiov tiroXibpicfi Ato^crtos, of KaroiKovvres ret irtpav rS>v 'AXireuv KeXrol. Cf. xv. i C.; Polyb. vi C. Holz- apfel (Rom. Chronologic, p. in) thinks that this synchronism is derived from Timaeus. For the Gallic mercenaries see Diod. xv. 70. 1 Fl. los. C. Apion. 3. 3 See Philist., frr. 39 ff., Miiller. 4 Since Philistus (apud Dion. Hal. i. 22) says that the Siculi were Ligurians who had been driven out by the Umbrians and Pelasgians, he is evidently the author of the theory, accepted by the Romans, that the earliest inhabitants of Latium were Ligurian Siculi (see Fest., s. v. Sacranl, p. 321 M.). The mention of the Umbrians is noteworthy as coming from such near neighbors. Their Pelasgians, finally, were the Etruscans or Tyrrhenians of Hellanicus (see Dion. Hal. i. 28). 296 ANCIENT ITALY and the taking of Rome by the Gauls shows the way in which the source of the others that we have mentioned must be sought. To this same source, it seems to me, may be traced all of the few facts extraneous to the history of Rome which are preserved in the first ten books of Livy. The fact is that such synchronisms refer exclusively to the history of Campania, Magna Graecia, atid Sicily. 1 1 Thus we have in Livy mention of the early power of the Etruscans and of the origin of the Gauls (v. 33. 3); of the introduction of scenic games from Etruria and then from Campania (vii. 2); of the pseudo-embassy of 491 to Sicily and of the embassy of 432 (iv. 25. 4, 41. i; iv. 52. 6). In addition to these, the following synchronisms may be noted: I. Liv. iv. 25 (433 B. c.): the demand for Sicilian grain. II. Liv. iv. 29. 8 (431 B. C.): the first Carthaginian (Athenian ?=427 B. c.) invasion into Sicily. III. Liv. iv. 37. i (424 B. C.): the taking of Capua by the Samnites=Diod. xii. 31 (438 B. c.). IV. Liv. iv. 44. 12 (420 B. c.): the taking of Cumae=Diod. xii. 76 (421 B. c.). V. Liv. v. 28. 2 (394 B. c.) : the capture by the Liparian pirates of the tripod which the Romans were sending to Delphi=Diod. xiv. 93 (393 B. c.). VI. Liv. vi. 42. 8; vii. i. 3, 26. 10 (368, 366, 349 B.C.): the invasion of Apulia by the Gauls. VII. Liv. vii. 25. 4 ff. (349-348 B. c.): the Greek fleet (which Livy believed to be Sicilian) off the coast of Latium; see below, pp. 345 ff. VIII. Liv. viii. 3. 7, 24; ix. 17 (341-327 B.C.): the undertakings of Alex- ander of Epirus in Magna Graecia, and his death. (As we know, Livy also gives the date of the founding of Alexandria, and, as in the case of the Egyptian Alexandria, is several years out of the way c. 335-332 B. c.) IX. Liv. x. 2 (303-302 B. c.=Diod. xx. 103 ff., 303 B. C.): the undertakings of Cleonymus, the enemy of Agathocles, in Apulia and among the Veneti. (A portion of this account depends on Paduan sources.) A complete study of the origin and value of these synchronisms, and of others not noted by Livy, but which may be derived from the references to plagues, famines, etc., would require a detailed treatment of the earliest Roman chronology. I wish here merely to point out the error of Unger (" Romisch-griechische Syn- chronismen," in the Sitzungsberichte d. Munch. Akad., 1876, p. 592) in stating that certain of these, such as those concerning the deeds of Alexander of Epirus, were added gratuitously by Livy as a result of his reading of Greek authors. More- over, the subject has not been sufficiently probed by Matzat (Rom. Chronologic}, who recognizes the Greek origin of the synchronisms in Livy (cf. I, p. 211), but draws back when it comes to the mention of Theopompus (ibid., p. 138) and the synchronism concerning the siege of Regium and the capture of Rome by the Gauls. In this Matzat is too much influenced by the passage in Pliny (N. H. iii. 57): "Theopompus, ante quern nemo mentionem habuit, urbem dumtaxat a Gallis captam dixit." These words, however, do not show that Theopompus named the year of Rome's capture, and Matzat has overlooked the fact that Pliny is here in error SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 297 Livy naturally owes his information to Roman sources, but these in turn were doubtless derived from Siceliot writers. In the second hah" of the fifth century Campania became Oscan, and Magna Graecia at about the same time was invaded by Lucanians, and a century later by the Brettians. It is therefore allowable to suppose that some Siceliot rather that Italiot historian followed in the footsteps of Antiochus and Philistus in comparing the history of central Italy with that of Magna Graecia and Sicily. What we know concerning Timaeus corresponds with the supposition that he was one of the historians whom we are seeking. From Cicero we learn that Timaeus as well as Philistus was read and esteemed in the first century B. c., and the very polemic of Polybius against him shows how he was read and admired in the preceding century, in which the Roman annals commenced. These annals followed the lines laid down by the histories of Greek origin, which had by that time become falsified and rhetorical. Timaeus was certainly studied by Varro and Vergil, for the history of Rome and Italy, and it is more than probable that he was also drawn upon by the earliest annalists, who wrote about a gen- eration after the appearance of the history of this learned and elo- quent Siceliot historian. Timaeus connected the origin of the Gauls with Sicily, saying that they were descended from the Sicilian Cyclops and the nymph Galatea. The explanation of this tradi- tion is found in the alliance which Dionysius formed with the (see above, p. 233, note 3), since Rome had already been mentioned by Antiochus and Damastes. We know, on the other hand, that Philistus took the chronology into consideration, since in his history of Sicily he used as a criterion the chrono- logical list of victors in the Olympic games (see Steph. Byz., s. v. AiV"?), and with pretended chronological exactness indicated the passing of the Siculi from Italy (i. e., Latium) to Sicily in connection with the Trojan war, with the words: Xp6voj (jv TTJs dia^dfffus [see Dion Hal. i. 22] f/v ITOS dySoriKOffTbv irpd TOV TpwixoO iroX^uou. Possibly the 6ySoi)KooOs, IIpox^TT; (cf. TLtinrj), Sivfeffffa. For Pali- nurus see Horace, Carm. iii. 4. 28. Livy (x. 21; 296 B. c.; cf. Plin. N. H. iii. 59) says that Sinuessa was a Greek city, called Sinope before the Roman occupation (and the statement may be true, inasmuch as the Greeks adopted native names according to the character of their own language). It is interesting to note that the neighboring Saltus Vescinus recalls the Sicilian Uessa, and that the Volscian city Ecetra is paralleled by the Sicilian Echetla (see above, p. 237, note 4). For Meta- pontum tv SiKtXip, see Apoll. His mir. 2. For Tarentum, see Suid. (s. v. 4>t\o- ttvov ypafj./j.driov), where he says that Philoxenus, having fled from the quarries tv Tdpavri TIJS SiKeXiaj, did not accept the invitation of Dionysius I to return to Syracuse. Tarentum was an autonomous city, but could be called Sicilian for the same reason that the sea between Greece and Sicily, although entirely Ionian, was called Siculian (see Polyb. i. 42. 4; x. i. 2; Eratosth. apud Plin. N. H. iii. 75). Tarentum may have looked askance at the power of Syracuse at the time of Dionysius I (see Polyaen. v. 8. 2), but had nevertheless, to recognize her superiority, and in part her hegemony, as is shown, for example, by the relations between Archytas and Dionysius II (Aristox. apud Athen. xii, p. 545 a; Euph. ibid. xv. 700 d) ; by an account relating to the Pythagoreans of Tarentum (see Iambi. De vit. Pyth. 189 ff.); and especially by the existence of at least two Syra- cusan colonies in Apulia. Tarentum and Syracuse seem to have enjoyed friendly relations in the fourth century. The fact that the Tarentines were suspicious of Agathocles, who had been their leader, was one reason why this friendship did not endure till the end of that century and into the third, and why it was even easier for the Romans to subdue them separately one after the other. 3 Fest , p. 134 M. SICELIOT ELEMENTS IN EARLY ROMAN HISTORY 301 Umbria, the Volscian territory, and Latium, nor that the Gauls who invaded Italy and became allies of Dionysius and of Syracuse were considered descendants of mythical Sicilian characters. For analogous reasons the Phocaeans had already evolved the theory concerning the Lydian origin of the Umbrians and Etruscans, and had transplanted the Bebryces from Asia Minor to Spain. From like motives the Rhodian founders of Gela localized in western Sicily the Solymi who dwelt in the mountains back of Rhodian Phaselis in Asia Minor. Similar reasons, too, gave rise to the theory regarding the Trojan origin of the Latins. In the same way, as a result of the above-mentioned political circumstances, the history of Sicily and Syracuse became a model for that of Rome. Nor is this all. Just as in the language and cults of the Romans there exist traces of Ionic as well as Doric influence, so in the formation of the pseudo-political and constitutional history of Rome, in addition to Sicily and Greece proper, the Ionic and Doric cities of Magna Graecia exercised their influence. The extent of this we shall endeavor to trace in the following paper. 1 1 In regard to the influence of Syracuse on the coast of Etruria, the frequency with which Syracusan coins are there found should be noted. It would be useful to have accurate statistics of finds of this nature on the Adriatic and Tyrrhenian coasts, both of Siceliot and of Italiot coins. XXI ITALIOT, SAMNITE AND CAMPANIAN ELEMENTS IN THE EARLIEST HISTORY OF ROME It has often been affirmed that the written history of a people is exactly according to its deserts ; but such a statement is true only in part. It is not always easy to distinguish how much of any human action has been either recorded or forgotten, as the case may be, on account of the virtue or the vice of the one performing it. Nor does tradition always represent faithfully the most note- worthy events of the world. In general, it tells us much less than we should like to know. We are very well informed of the idle life of certain emperors, but know little enough of certain great thinkers t and statesmen. A wealth of detail has been handed down to us concerning more or less imaginary heroes, such as Romulus and Theseus, but we are not able to form an adequate idea of philosophic and political doctrines which have recreated human knowledge and civilization. Such is the case in regard to the early history of Latium. We possess scattered legends telling us of kings and of heroes, but these, strictly speaking, have no historical or chronological value. Only rarely, and in the most fragmentary manner, are we informed concerning the origin and development of Italic civilization, and of its contact with the civilization of Greece and its colonies. In spite of this, we are now in a position to assert that, contrary to the statements of several ancient writers, the Roman people did not develop their own military, administrative, and juridical organizations. As a matter of fact, they took them over by slow degrees from the various peoples with which they came in contact, and which had preceded them on the road toward civiliza- tion. No one is now ignorant of the fact that even that great body of civil law for which we are so greatly indebted to the Roman 33 304 ANCIENT ITALY people, represents a series of stratifications which in the final analysis lead us to those great oriental monarchies where history had its origin. To determine how much of the Egyptian and Babylonian civilizations was transplanted and spread along the coast of Asia Minor, and contributed either to form or to transform the Greek spirit, constitutes one of the vastest and most difficult problems of history. There exist certain elements which would aid in attempt- ing a solution, and it is to be hoped that Egypt, which daily sur- prises us by discoveries of inscriptions and papyri, will some day enable us better to understand the references of classic literary tradition, in which we find constant allusion to such relations, but containing data which we are not always able to check, and there- fore to value properly. This, however, is a digression. Our present task is to formu- late a problem which, though smaller, is no less worthy of atten- tion, namely: How much did Greek influence, as it spread along the shores of Italy, contribute to modify, or to create, the civiliza- tion of the Romans ? The influence of Greek upon Latin civilization may be divided into three great periods. The first teachers of the Romans not to mention the impulses received from the Phoenicians of Utica, Carthage, and Sicily were the Greek colonists along the shores of southern Italy and Sicily. These were succeeded by Greece proper, and, last of all, by the Hellenistic cities, especially Alex- andria and Pergamum. It is not my purpose at present to set forth the importance of each of these relations, and especially those of the last period. To do so would require a volume. Since, however, there are many among us who believe that the Romans derived both their laws and their customs from the Greeks, it should be stated that without a proper study of the Alexandrine age, it is possible to understand neither the art and poetry of the time of Ovid and Catullus, nor the application of those mechanical principles which enabled the Romans to erect their colossal struc- tures during the imperial age. Roman civilization, far from absorbing them blindly, rejected ITALIOT, SAMNITE AND CAMPANIAN ELEMENTS 305 more than one of the elements of Greek science. For example, witness the proud disdain with which a Roman scholar observes that his fellow-citizens had been very careful not to introduce and practice the results of medical science. The few Romans who had made themselves famous in this branch of learning were regarded, observes this writer, as deserters, and to some extent as Greeks. 1 And yet this despised learning had created, not only the doctrines of the school of Hippocrates, but also those of such Italiots as Alcmaeon of Croton and Heraclides of Tarentum, and had already produced numerous physiologists and anatomists, followers in the footsteps of Erophilus and Erasistratus. Instead of nourishing itself on vain theoretical disquisitions, or on simple empiricism, the science of medicine in Alexandria had adhered to the experimental method, and had even practiced vivisection on the bodies of criminals. Roman writers, intent upon recording the military virtue and political triumphs of their own race, began only at a late period to recognize and praise the literary achievements of the conquered Greeks. But while conceding to Greece a literary and artistic supremacy which they would hardly have been able to deny, they were always loath to admit how much they owed the Greeks with respect to political and military science. 2 This 1 Plin. N. H. xxix. i6ff. : "solam hanc artium Graecarum nondum exercet Romana gravitas, in tanto fructu paucissimi Quiritium attigere, et ipsi statim ad Graecos transfugae." 3 Although in a few cases Cicero does not hesitate to confess the superiority of Greek over Latin culture (e. g., Pro Archia 23; Pro Flacco 62; Tusc. iv. 4), on other occasions (the passage De oral. i. 197 represents merely the opinion of one of the interlocutors of the dialogue) he shows himself persuaded of the supe- riority of Roman culture; e. g., Tusc. i. i: "sed meum semper iudicium fuit omnia nostros aut invenisse per se sapientius quam Graecos, aut accepta ab illis fecisse meliora, quae quidem digna statuissent in quibus eleborarent. nam mores et instituta vitae resque domesticas ac familiares nos profecto et melius tuemur et lautius, rem vero publicam nostro maiores certe melioribus temperaverunt et institutis et legibus. quid loquar de re militari ? in qua cum virtute nostri multum valuerunt, turn plus etiam disciplina." But this is the same Cicero who in the same work (Tusc. iv. 4), after declaring that Appius Claudius was a Pythago- rean, says: "multa etiam sunt in nostris institutis ducta ab illis, quae praetereo, ne ea, quae repperisse ipsi putamur, aliunde didicisse videamur." The real point was touched upon by Cicero himself where (Tusc. ii. 5) he exhorts the Latins to 306 ANCIENT ITALY repugnance was still felt at the time of Cicero, the great creator of Latin literature, although he was very well aware how much Rome owed to Greece, and to what extent during the preceding two centuries Greece had dominated, with the arts of civilization, over her proud conqueror. It was much more keenly felt, however, at an earlier period, when Rome barely deigned to glance at the works of art, and at the literary and philosopic doctrines, of a conquered people art and doctrines which she was not as yet able to appreciate fully. Notwithstanding this studied demeanor, the traces of the influence of the conquered over the conqueror emerge very clearly, and this not only at a relatively late epoch, when Rome had come into direct contact with Greece proper, but also at a more remote age, when the hellenizing of the Latins was furthered more especi- ally by the Greeks of southern Italy and Sicily. The invasion of the Sabine races, which soon barbarized the coast of Magna Graecia, and which took place at about the same time that the writing of history began to flourish among the Italiots, together with the increasing prosperity of the cities of Sicily, especially Doric Syracuse (after the battle of the Himera, 480 B. c.), makes it less difficult for us to trace the numerous politi- cal and literary relations which existed between Rome on the one hand, and the Siceliots and Magna Graecia on the other. The relations with Sicily have already been discussed, at least partly, in the preceding essay. The following pages will attempt to trace the connection between Magna Graecia and Latium. The difficulties which beset this task have already been set forth, and forbid its being treated as befits its importance. I shall con- sider the present paper merely as a formulative attempt, which will, I hope, have its greatest value in inciting others to a better transplant into Latium the cult of philosophy also: "ut huius generis laudem, iam languenti Graeciae eripiant." It is difficult to understand the attitude of such a writer as Horace, who recognizes without reserve that the Latins had been civilized by the Greeks (it is hardly necessary to recall the passage Ep. ii. i. 185 f., "Graecia capta ferum victorem cepit et artes intulit agresti Latio,"), unless we remember that Horace, although of Roman origin, was born in a country thoroughly under the influence of Greek civilization. Cf. my Storia della Sicilia, etc., I, p. 591. 37 definition of the elements which are here merely outlined, or which have escaped me altogether. In order to better understand our subject, it will be of aid to dis- cover what commercial impulses spread themselves along the shores of Latium, and to what degree these crossed one another. A full comprehension of the history of this commerce helps us greatly in explaining the political relations of the various states, and in determining what forms of speech, and even what literary forms, have passed from one people to the other. It would cer- tainly have been of the greatest value for our subject to have had a text anterior to the Punic wars, or, better yet, before the fourth century, when Campania was conquered, analogous to the one in which Cato enumerates the places from which agricul- tural supplies were best secured. Cales, Minturnae, and Suessa, according to Cato, 1 furnished farm implements; Pompeii, Nola, and Capua, objects used in the oil industry; from Venafrum came tiles; from Nola and Capua, vases of every description; from Capua alone hemp rope and twine. It is true that these various local industries were not all created at the time of Cato, but had their origin several centuries earlier. It is more than probable that even before the fourth century the kitchen utensils and bronze vases which Cato mentions found their way to the plains of Latium, a region which both agriculturally and commercially was always tributary to Campania. Of far more value than the data of Cato for explaining the more remote periods are numerous and eloquent documents which for the most part are still buried in the earth. There exist, it is true, scattered through the museums of central Italy, vases which have been attributed to various regions of southern Italy 1 Cat. De agric. 135: "Calibus et Minturnis cuculliones, ferramenta, fakes, palas, ligones, secures, ornamenta, murices, catellas: Venafro pa las. Suessae et in Lucanis plostra, treblae Albae: Romae dolia, la bra: tegulae ex Venafro, aratra in terram validam Romanica bona erunt, in terram pullam Campanica, iuga Romanica optima erunt: vomeris indutilis optimum erit: trapeti Pompeis, Nolae ad Rufri maceriam: claves, clostra Romae: hamae urnae oleariae, urcei aquarii urnae vinariae, alia vasa ahena Capuae, Nolae: fiscinae Campanicaef eame utiles sunt, funes subductarios, spartum omne Capuae: fiscinas Romanicas Suessae, Casino, optimae erunt Romae." Cf. 22, 107, 146, 153 et passim. 308 ANCIENT ITALY as their place of origin. But, so far as I know, we still await a definitive work by means of which we may be able to establish which of the different cities of Magna Graecia sent their wares to the markets of Etruria and Latium, and, let us add, of Liguria also, and what mutual relations and interests existed between these various currents. Such a problem can be completely solved only when the Italian government shall explore the various regions of Latium by means of ample and rigorously scientific excavations. In this district there are a very large number of places which still await the spade of the archaeologist. Surely, the intact condition of certain portions of the great Latin plain gives reason to suppose that the vases still buried there are no less numerous than in Etruria. Let us note, in passing, that there is almost no literary tradition in this regard. There is a possible allusion to a trade in vases in the legend of the Corinthian Demaratus who came to Tarquinii, but I have elsewhere had occasion to remark that such a myth is easily explained if we bring it into connection with the commerce of Corinth from the seventh and sixth centuries on, and with that of Corinthian Syracuse, especially after 480 B. c. 1 Roman tradition, on the other hand, alludes frequently to the dependence of Latium upon Etruria in agricultural matters, and above all upon Campania. In spite of serious chronological errors to which ancient writers also have alluded, the true state of affairs appears with remarkable clearness from the statement that dur- ing the famines which afflicted Rome during the fifth century, Cumae and Capua sent her the desired supplies. The Roman annalist also affirms that Rome demanded grain from the Samnites of Capua shortly after they had become masters of the Campanian plain, as also from the Etruscan Volturnum, and that her demands met a harsh and proud refusal. True or false, this statement mirrors admirably the general hostile relations which existed between Capua and Rome, especially after the time of Pyrrhus, at the period when the Latin annalists became active. It is equally 1 With Demaratus of Corinth are said to have come the artisans Euchir, Diops, and Eugrammus (Plin. N. H. xxxv. 152). Euchir is nothing but a localization of the mythical Euchir, brother-in-law of Daedalus (Plin. N . H. vii. 205), inventor of the art of painting. For the value of this myth see the preceding article, p. 241. ITALIOT, SAMNITE AND CAMPANIAN ELEMENTS 309 certain that the superiority of Campanian to Roman soil obliged the inhabitants of Latium more than once to make purchases of grain in the same region which they eagerly seized after the fourth century. Thus in general the account in the Roman annals appears worthy of credence, although the critic must reduce to their true value the details which embellish such legends as those of Coriolanus and of Spurius Melius. 1 In this connection it is worth while to note that with these legends, and with the importa- tion of grain and other supplies into Rome, the introduction of the plebeian cults of Mercury and Ceres must be related. Elsewhere I have sought to show the value of such cults in explaining the legends of Menenius Agrippa, Coriolanus, Sp. Cassius, and Sp. Melius, and how they derived vigor from the commercial relations with Sicily and Magna Graecia. Here I may be permitted to recall merely that the Italic Ceres, owing to the relations with the cities of Sicily and Magna Graecia, became identified with Demeter, and was henceforth honored according to the Hellenic rites. But this plebeian divinity, only at a late period recognized officially by the patricio-plebeian state, was never granted Roman priestesses, and much less those of patrician origin. 2 From an inscription we learn of one of the priestesses who was a Sicilian by birth. Cicero states that still in his time Velia and Naples were the cities whence those who were to attend to the cult of the Greek Ceres came to Rome, and that these priestesses were rewarded with the citizenship in their new home. 3 The importance of the cult of Demeter at Naples is well known and hardly requires mention. 4 The observations in regard to grain hold, though to a less 1 Liv. ii. 41; iv. 25, 52. I also refer to the previous essay, and to my Storia di Roma, I, i, pp. 510 ff.; 2, p. 238. 2 Cf. the preceding article, and my Storia di Roma, I, i, chap. iv. 3Cic. Pro Balbo 55; cf. CIL, VI, 2181. The Greek origin of the cult of Ceres, notwithstanding the Italic name of the goddess, is attested throughout antiquity; e. g., Fest. 237 M., s. v. Peregrina sacra. The granting of citizenship to a foreign priestess is a juridical consequence of the citizenship granted to the goddess herself. 4 Stat. Silv. iv. 8. 50. For the Neapolitan inscriptions relating to the cult of this goddess, see Beloch, Campanien, p. 50. It is possible that one of the three decumani of the city was named from Demeter (via Nilo ?) ; see Beloch, op. cit., p. 70. 310 ANCIENT ITALY degree, for olives and grapes. According to the historian Fene- stella, at the time of Tarquinius Priscus the olive did not exist in Italy, Spain, or Africa. But it is a question whether Pliny, when he quoted this author, reproduced his text accurately, or whether Fenestella, if he really expressed himself thus, followed his own sources exactly. It is hardly credible, even if the olive were totally unknown on the Italian peninsula, that it did not exist among the Achaean and Dorian colonies, brought with them from the Pelopon- nese when in the eighth century they civilized a great portion of the coast of the Ionian Gulf. The statement of Fenestella prob- ably must be accepted with some reserve, and stress be laid merely on the rarity of the olive in Italy about the year 581 B. c. 1 It is true that on the most ancient coins of the Italiot cities the olive is represented much less frequently than the sheaf of wheat and the bunch of grapes. It is, however, indubitably present on the coins of the second period of Velia, 2 which go back to the beginning of the fifth century, and it is hardly possible that it could have been lacking in the cult of Apollo, the special divinity 1 Plin. N. H. xv. i : " Fenestella vero omnino non fuisse in Italia Hispani- aque aut Africa Tarquinio Frisco regnante ab annis populi Romani CLXXIII" (=581 B. c.). We are ignorant of Fenestella's sources, but his statement has been properly brought into connection with that of Herodotus (v. 82), who says that Athens alone possessed olive trees. But that the olive existed in Elis at a very remote period, and was not imported from Athens, is shown by the fact that, while in Athens the victors in the games were crowned with olive branches, at Olympia they used for this purpose the wild olive (cf. Plin. N. H. xv. 19). For the original provenience of the olive see Hehn, Kulturpftanzen und Hausthiere, VI, pp. 101 ff. Among other things, Hehn points out that the Latin words relating to the oil industry, such as amurca, orchis, trapetum, are derived from the Greek (cf. Weise, Die griech. W drier im Latein, Leipzig, 1882). The supposition that the myth of Aristaeus alludes to the influence of the Phoenicians in introducing the olive (see Hehn, op. cit., p. in) has, I think, no foundation. The myth of Aristaeus is manifestly of Greek origin, and its localization in Sardinia (see my Intorno alia Storia di Olbia, Sassari, 1895) falls in with the relations which existed between that island and Sicily (whither Aristaeus is said to have returned) during the sixth, fifth, and fourth centuries B. c. 2 Cf. the coin shown by Garrucci, Le monete d' Italia antica, Plate 118, Fig. 38, the style of which would date it about 500-450 B. c. (cf. Head, Hist, num., p. 74). So far as I know, the olive branch does not appear on vases of Magna Graecia before the fifth century. It must also be remembered that on vases, as on coins, it is not always easy to determine whether olive or laurel leaves are intended. ITALIOT, SAMNITE AND CAMPANIAN ELEMENTS 311 of all the Italiots, and indeed protector of Greek colonization itself, to whom it was customary to offer the sacred branch, the elpeo-Kovi), on the occasion of the Pyanepsia and the Thargelia. 1 Surely there could have been no lack of oil in rich Croton, in Metapontum, and in Sybaris, whose athletic contests became so popular as to rival those of Olympia. 2 To be sure, some impor- tance must be attributed to the tradition which declares the olive to be sacred to Athens, and to the laws by means of which that city tried to monopolize the trade in oil. Nor were the pretensions of Athens to the ownership of any land capable of producing the olive a mere matter of words. 3 It cannot be denied that the numismatical evidence attesting the abundance of the olive in Italy does not reach back of the fifth century. The time when Attic Thurii was founded represents one of the periods in which the olive was especially spread along the shores of Calabria, Campania, and Apulia. The coins of Apulia bear witness to such a culture, and also to the commercial relations which existed between that region and Athens in the fourth century, at which period it received an Attic colony. 4 1 Cf. the passages collected by Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen, pp. 57, 144, 279. 2 That the ancient Sybarites (before 510 B. c.) held games similar to those of Olympia is expressly asserted (see Pseud. -Scymn. 349 ff.; Heracl. Plat, apud Athen. xii. p. 521^). The same thing was also said of the people of Croton (see Tim. apud Athen. xii, p. 5226 [=fr. 82 M.]). We learn of games at Metapontum from a rare didrachm dating from the first half of the fifth century. (For its correct interpretation see Kinch, Rev. num., II [1898], pp. 71 ff.) On it, however, is not represented the olive, but a marsh plant, on which leans the god of the river Ache- lous. s Cf. Herodot. v. 82; and Cic. D. R. P. iii. 9. 15: "Athenienses iurare etiam publice solebant omnem suam esse terrain, quae oleam frugesve ferret." 4 The presence of the owl and the olive in connection with various cities of Apulia such as Teanum, Apulum, and Butuntum (see Garrucci, op. cit., Plates 112, Figs. 5-8; 117, Fig. 7; coins in general of about 300 B. c.), would seem to allude to the influence of Athens in these regions; and, in fact, we know of an Attic rolony planted on the Italian side of the Adriatic about 324 B. c. (cf. CIA, II, 2; and my Storia della Sicilia, etc., I, p. 589). Thus may also be explained the cult of Athena which existed at Rubi (Garrucci, op. cit., Plate 114, Fig. 32). On the other hand, it must not be forgotten that by means of the Tarentines the olive became widely spread on the Messapian peninsula, where it was known by the 312 ANCIENT ITALY Be that as it may, the statement of Pliny that in 249 B. c. that is to say, eight years before the end of the First Punic War two pounds of olive oil cost ten asses, while in 74 B. c. one could purchase ten pounds, for one as, 1 proves how little, if any, oil was produced in Latium. Indeed, toward the end of the fourth century, when Rome began to coin money and make definite the valuation of fines, ten asses represented the value of a sheep and a tenth part of the price of an ox. The ox represented the highest unit of value, and from it, just as from the sheep, came the word pequnia, " money." 2 Remembering that the ratio of value between the as of 249 B. c., spoken of by Pliny, and the most ancient as was about as i to 2^, it follows that the sum necessary to purchase an ox in the fourth century would not buy fifty pounds of oil. At Athens, on the other hand, for one obolus one could buy three cotulae of oil; that is to say, a kilogram for a little over an obolus. Thus at about the same period oil cost about fifteen times as much at Rome as at Athens. 3 Moreover, the price of ten asses for two pounds represents an under- rather than an over-valuation. From another passage in Pliny, which the texts hitherto have given incorrectly, but which seems to me to be easily emended from what has just been said, it results that this price held in 249 B. c., the year after that in which, thanks to the conquest of Palermo and the triumph of the proconsul L. Caecilius Metellus, all of the principal food supplies grain, wine, dried figs, meat, and oil were brought in abundance to the markets of Rome, and at a fairly low price. 4 The conquest name of oliva sallentina or oleastellus (Cat. De agricult. 6; Colum. xii. 49). As to the oil of Thurii, suffice it to note that it was alluded to by Amphis a pud Athen. i. 30 b; ii. 67 b; that is to say, by an Athenian comic poet of the middle of the fourth century. * Plin. N. H. xv. i. * Varr. D. L. L. v. 95; Fest., p. 144 M., s. v. maximam multam; p. 202 M., s. v. ovibus; p. 237 M., s. v. peculatus; cf. Paul. Ep. Fest., p. 24 M., s. v. aesti- mata poena; Dionys. x. 50; Gell. N. A. xi. i. 3 CIA, II, i, nos. 631, 695; cf. the discussion from these data by Mommsen, Feste der Stadt Athen, p. 77. 4 Plin. TV. H. xviii. 17: "M. Varro auctor est cum L. Metellus in triumpho plurimos duxit elephantos, assibus singulis farris modios fuisse, item vini congios ITALIOT, SAMNITE AND CAMPANIAN ELEMENTS 313 of Sicily was therefore of great importance for Rome, both for her grain and for her oil supply. It is obvious, however, that before the time of Cato, who makes explicit mention of the fact, the oil of Pompeii, Nola, and other regions of Campania was in demand in Rome. Moreover, the pan-Athenaic amphorae, which after the sixth or fifth century were eagerly sought for in the markets of Etruria and Latium, came filled with the precious oil, which to such an extent nourished the commerce both of wealthy Athens and of the Italiot Thurii, and which became as famous as that of the Sallentine peninsula. We have every reason to believe that the olive was introduced into Latium from Campania, where it was cultivated as far as Venafrum. At any rate, that oil was brought to Rome at an early period from the regions of southern Italy is shown by the fact that the image of Saturn, to whom there was erected a temple in the Roman Forum in 348 B. c., was filled with oil. Let it here be observed that ancient writers expressly attest the fact that the cult rites of this divinity were of distinctly Greek, and not of Latin, character, although the god himself was indigenous. 1 Much older than the cultivation of the olive is certainly that fici siccae pondo XXX, olei .pondo X, carnis pondo XII." This, however, contra- dicts another passage of Pliny N. H. xv. 2: "urbis quidem anno DV Appio Claudio Caeci nepote L. lunio cos. olei librae duae denis assibus veniere, et mox anno DCLXXX, M. Seius L. f. aedilis currulis olei denas libras singulis assibus praestitit populo Romano per totum annum." According to these two different passages, in 250 B. C. the year of the triumph of Metellus, one pound of oil cost ten asses; in 249 B. c. two pounds could be had for the same price. But since Pliny (xviii. 17), in speaking of the price in 250, cites it among the cases of great reduction, it seems more than probable that the price in 249 was the same as that in 250. And since the agreement between denis assibus and denas libras makes it probable that the passage xv. 2 is correct, it follows that the other passage should be corrected. 1 Plin. N. H. xv. 32: "veteri quoque usus est ad quaedam genera morborum existimatur et ebori vindicando a carie utile esse. certe simulacrum Saturni Romae intus oleo repletum est." That the temple of Saturn was erected toward the middle of the fourth century, at the time of L Furius Camillus, and not at a much earlier period, as affirmed by dubious tradition, we learn from the annalist Cell, apud Macrob. i. 8. 2, where the different traditions are mentioned, and where it is stated that the rites of Saturn were Greek. This is confirmed by Dionys. i. 34; Fest., p. 322 (Saturnia); Plut. Q. Rom. u. 314 ANCIENT ITALY of the vine. This is shown by the coins of Magna Graecia and Sicily, and also by the Roman cults. The legend concerning the Etruscan Mezentius, who wished to make the Romans give him the produce of all the vineyards which were cultivated on Latin soil, has no value in proving that the vine was cultivated before the eighth century B. c. and before the arrival of the Greek colonists. The legend proves, however, that the grape industry was associated with the two indigenous and patrician deities, Jupiter and Venus, and that the tradition which mentioned the recent introduction of the olive referred the cultivation of the vine to the very beginning of the Latin race. An examination of the legend shows that it arose as a consequence of the ceremonies per- taining to the cult of Jupiter Latiaris, and that it stood in intimate relation with the prosperous and well-known vineyards of the Alban Hills. It also shows that vines were planted at Rome still earlier than the introduction of the cult of Bacchus or Diony- sus. 1 That the introduction of this last-mentioned divinity of Magna Graecia and Sicily had a certain effect even upon the plebeian cults is shown clearly by the triad Ceres, Libera, and Liber, who correspond exactly to the Demeter, Persephone, and Dionysus worshiped in Sicily, and probably in several regions in Magna Graecia. 2 Wine was not produced abundantly in Latium before the fourth century. This is shown by the fact that it was considered more as a medicine than as an ordinary drink. Suit could even be brought against those who used it immoderately, and a woman who drank of it without the knowledge of her parents could be condemned to death. According to ancient writers, the parents by kissing the woman could discover whether or not she had tasted * The myth of Mezentius and his pretensions to the wine of the Rutili and Latins is spoken of by Cato apud Macrob. iii. 5. 10; cf. Varr. apud Plin. N. H. xiv. 88; Dionys. i. 65; Fast. Prasn. ad d. 23 Apr. (=Veinalia); Fest., p. 226: Rustica Veinalia; Ovid Fast. 879; Plut. Q. Rom. 45; cf. also the material collected by Mommsen, CIL, I', pp. 316, 325. As to the cult of Venus, which, I believe, was at first joined with that of Jupiter, and was ancient, I do not follow the views of this great critic. I shall give the reasons for this in their proper place. See above, p. 250. ITALIOT, SAMNITE AND CAMPANIAN ELEMENTS 315 of the forbidden liquor. 1 Finally, the same legend according to which Mezentius laid claim to the yield of all the vineyards of Latium, shows the precious character of this produce, and proves that the Latins, even earlier than the neighboring Etruscans, had taken to cultivating a plant which throve better in their southern soil than in the colder or more marshy regions north of the Tiber. 2 It would be useless to insist on the circumstance that the Romans commenced to cultivate the vine only at a rather late period, since ancient writers expressly attest this fact, 3 and note that this is the reason why in the earliest sacrifices, which are attributed to the regal epoch, no use was made of wine, but only of milk. 4 The extensive cultivation of the vine which the Romans carried on in western and southern Europe was not commenced till after the conquest of Campania. It was then that they came into possession of the vineyards of Mount Massicus and of Caecubus, and of the Aminaean vines from Falernum and Salernum, which, according to a statement which takes its origin from Aristotle, 5 were imported by the Thessalians. 1 For these well-known facts it will suffice to refer to Polyb. vi. 2. 3; and Plin. N. H. xiv. 89 ff. The ban upon wine-drinking figures also in the laws of Locri, Ael. V. H. ii. 37. From Alcimus Siculus apud Athen. x, p. 441 a, we learn that such laws were in force both at Croton and in other Greek cities of Italy. 2 In regard to the early use of the vine and of wine among the Etruscans and Latins, it is characteristic that the templum is connected with the word vinea, as may be derived from the legend of Attus Navius (see my Storia di Roma, I, pp. 315 ff.). For those who believe that such a division of the vineyards by the cardes and decumanus represents a practice unique among the Etruscans, as even the legend of Attus Navius might lead one to think, it is not out of place to recall that even today in the countries whence the vine originally came, such as Colchis and Armenia, the vineyards are still cultivated and arranged in this manner (see the authorities cited by Hehn, op. cit., p. 64). It is also a noteworthy fact that the iritis was the symbol of the authority with which the centurion was invested. It would be interesting to determine whether the curved pedum of the archaic statue found at Isola di Fano symbolizes the vitis. The statue is illustrated by Milani (N. S., 1884, p. 270; Museo topogr. d. Elruria), who sees in it a representation of the god Vertumnus but without reason, as it seems to me. 3 Plin. N. H. xviii. 24: "apud Romanes multo serior vitium cultura esse coepit." 4 Plin. N. H. xiv. 88; cf. Hehn, op. cit., p. 65. s Aristot. apud Philarg. ad Verg. Georg. ii. 97. The Aminaean vines were in the course of time planted in various parts of southern Italy, as at Naples (Galen, 316 ANCIENT ITALY I do not propose to treat of the vicissitude of the wine industry in Campania and the other regions of the peninsula after the fourth century. In regard to this part of the material civilization of the ancients let us merely note that the antiquity and importance of the commercial relations between Campania and Rome are shown by the fact that the same unit of linear measure was used in the two regions. The metrological studies of Nissen, confirmed by those of Mau, Dorpfeld, and Richter, show that up to the time of Sulla the foot of o . 278 m. was in use at Pompeii, and also in Latium at Ardea, Lanuvium, Ferentinum, Anagnia, and possibly even at Rome, preceding the introduction of the Attic-Roman foot of o . 296 m. In Rome itself this latter foot seems to have been intro- duced not earlier than the fifth or the beginning of the fourth cen- tury. According to national tradition, it was introduced not earlier than 451 B. c., the time of the decemvirate, when the Romans first came into direct contact with Attica. For my own part, I am disposed to believe that the Attic-Roman foot, which seems not to have been accepted at Tarentum before the fourth century, was received in Rome not earlier than the founding of Attic Thurii (466 B. c.), and possibly much later. 1 We shall be better informed Meth. Med., XII, 4), in Peucetia (Hesch., s. v. 'AfuvaToi), near Sorrento and Vesuvius (Plin. N. H. xiv. 21 S.), and in Calabria (e. g., CIL, X, 114). It is not easy to establish where these Thessalian Aminaeans originally located, for in the passage of Macro bius (iii. 20. 6: "nam Aminaei fuerunt ubi nunc Salernum est") the codex Salisburgensis has Falernum instead of Salernum. The reading Faler- num is accepted by Eyssenhart, the most recent editor of Macrobius, while Rose (Arist. q. fereb. libr. fragment., n. 495, p. 313) prefers the other. In favor of this hypothesis Rose quotes the passage in Pliny (N. H. iii. 70) from which we learn that in the territory of the Picentini, near the Silarus, there was a temple of the Argive Juno, founded by Jason himself. On the strength of this passage I have surmised that at Vietri near Salerno (where, according to Strabo, the ancient Etruscan city of Marcina was located) should be placed the seat of the Aminaeans, to whom Garrucci attirbutes the coin with the inscription 'A/u, which De Petra (Arch. star. p. 1. prov. Nap., IV, p. 179) erroneously interpreted as As(ia) (cf. my Storm della M.. Grecia, I, pp. 246, 528 ff.), although there is no literary evidence for a town of that name. The passage in Steph. Byz., s. v. Tiff la us 'Affla ir6Xis 'IraX/as, does not mean, as generally interpreted, that there was one city in Italy named Tisia, and another in Asia. The author, following his well-known custom, merely observes that Tisia has the same ending as Asia. In Diod. xxxvii. 2. 13, and Appian, B. Hann. 44, we read 'Iffla, or fiTe? .3 To explain the coexistence 1 There is no reason for doubting the statement of Nicolaus Damascenus apud Athen. iv, p. 153 /, where he says that the use of gladiators came from Etruria to Rome (about 264 B. c.; see Liv. xvi; Val. Max. ii. 4. 7); cf. also C. O. Miiller, Die Etrusker, ed. Deecke, II, p. 223. But the fact that the Samnites had already appeared as gladiators at Capua (310 B. c.; Liv. ix. 40), the main center of gladi- atorial games (see the passages collected by Lafaye in Daremberg and Saglio, s. v., II, 2, p. 1578), and go back farther than the Galli and Thraeces, and also the fact that there is no special epithet, as there is for the histriones, to indicate Etruscan origin (there is, on the contrary, in lanista; see Isid. Orig. x, p. 247), both go to prove that the Campanians aided in introducing such games at Rome. Possibly such influence was exercised by both peoples, as was the case with the cults of Bacchus, which were introduced into Rome by both the Campanians and the Etruscans; see Liv. xxxix. 8, 13. 1 Mommsen, Rom. Staatsrecht, III, p. 145, n. 2; p. 841, n. 2. For a dedication to the goddess Si^jcXi/ros at Karabounar, north of the Meander, see Bull. d. cor. hellen., XVIII, 1894, p. 9; for the x OIrr and to the 8-fifia.pxoi is discussed by Mommsen, CIL, X, p. 172; cf. N. S., 1896, p. 105. Sogliano ("L' epigrafe di P. Plozio Faustino," Mon. dei Lincei, 1891, p. 565) justly alludes to the grave diffi- culties which beset this theme. An objection to my hypothesis would be offered by the passage in Spart. Vita Hadr. 19, where it is said that this emperor was "apud Neapolim demarchus," and also by the Neapolitan inscription (Kaibel, /. G. S. /., 729) from which we learn the same fact for Titus. Here as at Athens 326 ANCIENT ITALY and correlation of these two magistracies, various hypotheses have been evolved. My own explanation is that at Naples as well as Rome the struggle between the patrician and plebeian elements ended in the full triumph of the plebs. In other words, the same revolutionary movement more or less embellished with fictitious elements by tradition which occurred at Rome, and which, accord- ing to tradition, dates its origin from the beginning of the Repub- lic, or even from the reign of Servius Tullius, took place in the various cities of Magna Graecia, and in the other cities of Greece and Italy as well. Thus I am led to believe that the development of the power of the tribune of the plebs was the same at Naples as at Rome. At Rome not only did the rex sacrorum recognize the authority of the pontifex, but (which is more important for our purpose) it also happened in the course of time that the cousuls, praetors, and censors, while maintaining the external prestige of their title, in reality became of much less importance than the tribunes of the plebs, who had the right of bringing suit against them, and also of fining them. 1 That the same sequence of events took place at Naples, at Capua, and elsewhere, is consistent with the laws of history and of mankind. We are not surprised, therefore, that at Naples the demarch possessed greater authority than the archon. And we should expect to find Hadrian holding the office of archon (Spart., loc. cif). But since the inscription of Faustinus given by Sogliano throws light on the passage in Strabo (v, p. 246 C.), and shows that in 71 A. D. the demarch had the greater authority in Naples, we not only understand the passage from the author of the life of Hadrian, but we are led to the conclusion that, in the democratic constitu- tion of Naples, the demarch, just as the tribune of the plebs at Rome, ended by obtaining the advantage, and attained the leading position even in the matter of official precedence, while at Rome, as far as appearances went, the patrician magi- stracy never lost its prestige. By this I do not claim to decide a difficult question, which may be settled at a later period by the discovery of some new document. I wish merely to present a hypothesis. Moreover, that the revolutionary process pertaining to the tribunes of the plebs, or Trpoffrdrai. rod ST^/J-OV, occurred also in the cities of Campania, may be seen, for example, from the history of Cumae at the time of Aristodemus Malacus (Dion. Hal. vii. 4.). 1 Mommsen, Rom. Staatsrecht, II 2 , pp. 304 ff. ITALIOT, SAMNITE AND CAMPANIAN ELEMENTS 327 it is not improbable that Rome, finding there a system similar to that which she herself developed, should have taken from Naples the title of . The same conception animates the tradition followed by Dion. Hal. i. 13. 23, where he states that the Romans received from the Spartans the institution of the 300 equites; cf. Plin. viii. 24. 4. 3 Strab. V, p. 250. See also my Storia della Sicilia, etc., I, p. 613. Those critics who, in noting the points of contact between Roman and Spartan institu- tions, think their explanation is found in primitive Aryan customs, overlook the fact that these institutions, which are often precisely identical with those of the Aryans, are found among Semitic peoples as well. ITALIOT, SAMNITE AND CAMPANIAN ELEMENTS 329 dent, however, that this came about much later than the alliance with Capua in 338 B. c., at the time of the much more important league with the Italiots and Samnitas. 1 In fact, the Samnites were no less proud of the name of "Italy" than were the descendants of the early Greek colonists. The origin of the Twelve Tables shows better than anything else the extent of Italiot influence on Rome. The subject is not easy to handle. We poss'ess more or less numerous fragments both of the legislation of Solon and of the various Greek states, and also of the earliest Roman laws; but rarely have characteristic or well-explained portions of any length come down to us. More- over, the Greek laws contain general principles connected with ideas of property and of the family which are far different from those of the Romans. Thus the Twelve Tables and other Roman laws regarding the family are conceived on the plan of strict agna- tion, and take no account of the institution of the eVitfX 77/305 (a daughter who inherits in default of male issue) which appears ;n the laws of Athens and Thurii. In these latter laws, on the other hand, we find none of the dispositions regarding the care of orphans which aroused the admiration of the ancient writers who examined the laws of Charondas. 2 The great difficulty involved in making such comparisons is shown by the fact that Mommsen, the most recent and best-known interpreter of the Roman penal code, although he admits the validity of the tradition which affirms the Greek origin of the laws of the Twelve Tables, instead of examining the vast problem in its whole extent, limits himself to one new and noteworthy linguistic proof of such Greek influence. 3 Ancient writers are unanimous in their opinion that Roman legislation was modeled after that of Athens, and critics (whether or not they reject the mention of the Roman embassy to Athens about 453 B. c.) agree in admitting this tradition of Greek influ- ence to be trustworthy. But, save for a few isolated cases, or 1 For the origin of the Latin league, see my Storia di Roma, I, 2, pp. 229 ff. For the difference in meaning between nomen Latinum and socii Italici, I refer to the splendid pages of Mommsen, Rom. Staatsrecht, III, pp. 607 ff., 645 ff. * Diod. xii. 12 f. 3 Mommsen, Rom, Strafrecht (Leipzig, 1899), p. 127. 33 ANCIENT ITALY later additions, there was no direct borrowing from a given legis- lation of earlier date, although later history can offer numerous examples of such borrowing. 1 The fragments of Roman laws which have come down to us give evidence of a more ancient period of legal procedure than can be shown for the Greek cities, or, better yet, for Athens. It will suffice to recall the Roman disposi- tion concerning retaliation (talio). If in some fragments of the Twelve Tables there is evidence of later composition, without doubt this shows later additions to the primitive code. I have elsewhere advanced the theory that the real codification of the Twelve Tables, instead of dating from the time of the mythical Virginia and the decemvir Appius Claudius (i. e., about 453-450 B. c.), occurred more probably about 312-304 B. c., at the time of the censor Appius Claudius, and of Cn. Flavius, who for the first time published the civil code, which had hitherto been jealously guarded by the pontifices. Naturally, what was codified about 312-304 was for the most part the customary procedure by which for several centuries the Latin tribes, and particularly the city of Rome, had been governed, and which, through a process of evolution, the chronological phrases of which we can no longer trace, was either modified or amended as necessity de- manded. 2 Certain facts show conclusively that the laws of Solon were not transplanted bodily from Attica, although for certain portions, such as the funerary laws and those pertaining to the right of association, the declarations of the ancients are too explicit to be disregarded. On the other hand, other data show that the Romans had no need of traveling to the distant shores of Attica to learn the results of Greek legislative wisdom. At about the time when the Roman embassy is said to have sailed for Greece, or even in the same year, according to a trustworthy chronological calcu- lation, Athens founded the purely Greek colony of Thurii (446 1 Take, for example, mediaeval maritime legislation. a See my Storia di Roma, I, i, pp. 569 ff.; II, 2, pp. 6306?. Those familiar with ancient Germanic legislation will find more than one point of resemblance between it and the earliest Roman codification. ITALIOT, SAMNITE AND CAMPANIAN ELEMENTS 331 B. c.); 1 and but a few years later, with the aid of Athens, the Rhodian Chalcidian Parthenope awoke to new life under the name of Neapolis (about 433 B. c.). 2 On the classic soil of Magna Graecia they did not await the spreading of Athenian influence before codifying the laws. The legislation of Locri, known by the name of the law-giver, Zaleucus and that of the Chalcidian cities of Italy and Sicily, connected, according to tradition, with the name of Charondas, had attained a great reputation either earlier than the time of Solon, or at least at a period but slightly later. With these traditions and legisla- tions are connected rather strange statements concerning Zaleucus and Pythagoras, both of whom are said to have received Roman citizenship. Epicharmus, too, is said to have made mention of relations between Pythagoras and the Romans. 3 I shall not dis- cuss here whether Rome received her knowledge of Hellenic laws through an embassy sent from Greece, as one tradition has it, or rather through some Greek philosopher who came to Rome, as another tradition seems to affirm. 4 Some weight should be given to the version of Tacitus, according to which models for the laws which made up the Twelve Tables were taken, aot from Athens alone, but from all the cities which could offer useful ele- 1 The date of Thurii is discussed by Pappritz, Thurii, seine Entstehung und seine Entwickelung (Berlin, 1891). 2 See my "La missione politica e civile di Napoli nell' antichita, Flegrea, Naples, February, 1900. 3 These passages are discussed in my Storia di Roma, I, i, chaps, i and iv, passim. In the prohibition against burying within the city walls, A. Chiappelli ("Sopra alcuni frammenti delle XII tavole nelle loro relazioni con Eraclito e Pitagora," Archivio giuridico of Serafini, 1885) sees a connection with the tradition concerning Hermodorus and the teachings of Heraclitus. Another point of con- tact between the laws of the twelve tables and those of Zaleucus and Charondas seems to me to exist in the laws of Locri and Croton, already referred to, which forbid the use of wine (Ael. V. H. ii. 37; Ale. Sic. apud Athen. x, p. 441 a; see above). 4 I hope shortly to treat of this more in detail. The legend of Hermodorus seems to have arisen in opposition to that concerning the embassy to Athens, and is with difficulty connected with the legend referring to the legislation of Servius Tullius, or to the embassy sent to Greece for the same purpose at the time of the kings. 332 ANCIENT ITALY ments for codification. 1 There is also something in the state- ment of Dionysius of Halicarnassus, according to which the Roman ambassadors not merely betook themselves to Athens, but visited also the Greek cities of Italy. 2 Certainly at Thurii, about 446 B. c., was partially published that codex of Attic laws which is supposed to have gone into effect at Rome either four years earlier or, according to another tradition, in the very same year; and on that occasion considerable choice was exercised in the selec- tion of certain laws of other places. 3 Such selection, according to the version of Dionysius and Tacitus, constituted the chief value of the Twelve Tables. The laws of Thurii were compiled by the sage Protagoras, who collected what was best in those of Locri, of the various Chalcidian .cities, of the cities of the Pelo- ponnesus and Crete, and, finally, of Athens. The new code of Protagoras, given out under the name of the aged Charondas, spread from Attic Thurii to Athens, and, either from there or from the Rhodian cities of Sicily, to Cos and Asia Minor, to be finally received in distant Cappadocia. 4 1 Tac. Ann. iii. 27: "creati decemviri et accitis quae usquam egregia." 2 Dion. Hal. x. 54: fv 5 T< ai/r< Ka-i-pf irapfytvovro air& re A.0r)v(av Ka.1 rG>v iv 'IraXots "E\\r)vlS^o-/3e. I am far from believing, however, that an embassy, properly speaking, occurred, especially at the time and in the way indicated by Dionysius. It is interesting to note that while those critics who are less disposed to blindly accept all tradition, declare there is some truth in the theory regarding the Greek derivation of the ancient Roman laws, the modern Italian school, which aims to glorify the mythical deeds of our race, and to confirm the less trustworthy side of tradition, refuses the version of ancient writers who unanimously affirm that the Twelve Tables contained laws which imitated in the main those of Athens. Cicero asserts this with all certainty (Pro Flacco 62): "adsunt Athenienses unde huma- nitas docrtina, religio, fruges, iura, leges ortae atque in omnis terras distributae putantur;" also Pliny (viii. 24. 4): "ha bet ante oculos hanc esse terram quae nobis miserit iura, quae leges non metis sed petentibus dederit, Athenas esse quae adeas, Lacedaemonem esse quam regas." For Sparta, see above, p. 328, note 2. 3 As I have elsewhere observed, the year 446 B. c. in which Thurii was founded, according to the computation of Diod. xii. 7, 9, corresponds exactly to the 453 B. c. of Liv. iii. ^32 (system of Varro), and to the 452 B. c. of Dion. Hal. x. 53. In this year, according to these last two authors, the three Roman ambassadors are said to have gone to Athens to study the laws of Solon. 4 The early statements regarding the life and legislation of Charondas and 333 Can it be admitted that a later diffusion of this nature took place along the shores of the peninsula? And did that which penetrated from Thurii to Athens, and possibly also to Attic Naples, spread from there and along the coast of Campania to Latium, the region which stood in such close relations with Naples and with Campania ? We have too few elements to admit of a positive solution of such problems, although there are too many analogies and other indications to permit us to totally reject the hypothesis. It has often been noted, for example, that a fragment from Theophrastus pertaining to the laws of Thurii, and regarding Zaleucus have caused modem writers much perplexity, and have led to very dis- similar conclusions. Thus the same set of traditions are ascribed to Zaleucus, to Charondas, and to Diocles of Syracuse. Diodorus states that the lawgiver Cha- rondas lived at the time of the foundation of Thurii, but by other authors he is said to have been almost a contemporary of Solon. At Sybaris, according to Pseudo- Scymnus (vs. 347) were in force the laws of Zaleucus which, according to Ephorus apud Strab. vi, p. 260 C., were selected from the laws of the Cretans, Spartans, and Athenians. We also learn from Ephorus (ibid.) that these laws were accepted by the inhabitants of Thurii. It seems to me that these difficulties are eliminated if we remember that at the time of the founding of Thurii the sage Protagoras of Abdera was intrusted with the formation of the new code for that city (see Heracl. Pont, apud Diog. Laert. ix. 8. 50). In the colonization of Thurii, Dorians, lonians, and Achaeans took part; in a word, citizens of all Greece; and certainly Protagoras knew of the various laws of these peoples. From this it is clear why it was said that Zaleucus had taken into consideration the legislation of Lycurgus, Solon, and Minos. Admitting that the code of Locri was in part accepted by the neighboring Thurii, it is seen why Zaleucus was regarded as the lawgiver of the last-named place. Finally, the fairly widespread tradition that Zaleucus and Charondas lived at the time, and were followers of Pythagoras (see Diog. Laert. viii. i. 16; Iambi. De vit. Pyihag. 33, 104, 130, 172; Porphyr. De vit. Pythag. 21) acquires meaning only when we recognize that the Pythagorean doctrines had the same influence upon the constitution of Thurii and Locri that they did upon that of Tarentum. The fact that Charondas, although a contemporary of Solon, is reported as living at the time of Pythagoras and of the foundation of Thurii finds, as I have elsewhere noted (see my Storia di Roma, I, i, pp. 580 ff., and my article entitled "A propo- sito della legislazione di Diocle Siracusano," Florence, 1899), a parallel in the actions of Appius Claudius, the censor of 312, which are in part attributed to Appius Claudius, the decemvir of 452-450 B. c. For the spreading of the laws of Charondas to Athens, see Hermipp. apud Athen. xiv, p. 619 b; to Cos, see Herond. Mim. ii. 48; and to Mazaca in Cappa- docia, see Strab. xii, p. 540 C. 334 ANCIENT ITALY the sale of certain objects, shows decided resemblance to an analo- gous Roman disposition. 1 At any rate, there took place in Magna Graecia, if not the first, certainly the most important, codification of the classic world, and one which embraced more than the views and experience of a single city or of a single people. In that region was practically begun the movement of universal codification which was later to become the object of the studies of Plato, Aristotle, Theophrastus, and Callimachus, and which formed the base of the ius gentium and the ius naturale, which some still wrongly think are the result of the juridical knowledge of the Romans alone. 2 The fragments of the code of Thurii which is attributed to Charondas call our attention to two facts. In the first place, we learn that the legislation of the Twelve Tables was not in harmony with the national character of the Romans, if, as it seems, it differed from that which previously was in force in such particu- lars as those pertaining to the law of obligations and to the pro- tection of orphans. In addition, it is clear that the laws of the Italiot cities represent a much more advanced stage of civilization than the Roman people had as yet attained. A detailed comparison between the features of private right in the code of Charondas and in Roman legislation would require more space than the present volume admits. Awaiting the fuller treatment which I hope to give the subject, I here limit my justifi- cation of the statement to a reference to the legislative dispositions of the two peoples in regard to educational matters. Ancient writers attest the difficulty experienced in introducing the study of grammar and rhetoric at Rome. It will suffice for our purpose to refer to the senatus consulta of 161 and of 92 B. c., which decreed the expulsion from Rome of Greek philosophers and Latin rhetori- 1 Theophr. apud Stob. Flor. xliv. 22; cf. Hoffmann, Beitrdge zur Geschichte d. grifch. und rom. Recht (Vienna, 1870). 3 Also in this connection it is probable that Greece was preceded by the oriental monarchies, just as she was anticipated by Egypt in regard to various features of the penal code. In the same way there may some day be found something of truth in that which was attributed to the humane King Bocchoris (734-729 B. c. ?); see Diod. i. 65. ITALIOT, SAMNITE AND CAMPANIAN ELEMENTS 335 cians. We may also recall how the education of children was intrusted to slaves, and how during the last two centuries of the Republic only a few of the wealthiest and most powerful Romans sought to have teachers, to whom were intrusted not only their own children, but also those of their friends. 1 The institution of muni- cipal schools proper, on Roman soil, is, as is known, the result of the policy of Caesar and of the Empire. In this respect also the life of the Greeks was far different, and we learn from Herodotus that a public school existed at Chios at the beginning of the fifth century B. c. J Moreover, that the same conditions of culture existed in the cities of Magna Graecia and Sicily, where philosophers of the Pythagorean school were allowed to take part in the government of the state, and where scientists such as Pythagoras and Empedocles could control the destinies of Croton, of Metapontum, and of Agrigentum, is shown by one of the best dispositions of the laws of Thurii which are attributed to Charondas, in which is imposed upon parents the obligation of having their children instructed. 3 Thus compulsory public instruc- tion was recognized on the classic soil of Magna Graecia, at a time when the Greeks, regarding with disdain the indigenous peoples of the peninsula who were far behind them in culture, called the Etruscans and Romans barbarians. Without doubt, whatever 1 See Suet. De gramm. iS.; De rhetor, i ff.; cf. Marquardt, Rom Staatsvcrw., IV, p. 95. We are also informed by ancient writers of the miserable condition of teachers up to the beginning of the Empire. As an example of this, see the inscrip- tion of the Ausonian teacher Furius Philocalus, who died at Capua, and who, to make a living, followed the profession of notary as well (CIL, X, 3969). Vespa- sian was the first to establish honorary stipends for professors (Suet. Vesp. 18). It is a question whether from this we may conclude, as does Marquardt (op. cit., II 1 , p. 107; cf. the material in Liebenam, Stadteverw. im rom. Kaiserreich [Leipzig, 1900], p. 76), that official instruction was then introduced in Rome for the first time, or whether the -annua centana for the payment of instructors was then first established. Certainly the plans of Caesar embraced the protection of teachers of the liberal arts; Suet. Goes. 42: "omnisque medicinam Romae professes et libera- lium artium doctores quo libentius et ipsi urbem incolerent et ceteri adpeterent, civitate donavit." ' Herodot. vi. 27. 3 Diod. xii. 12. 5: ivoiMdiriife ybp TUV woXiTwi' roij vWs Aravras ypdu.u.a.ra. xopifyot/ffes 7 "5 J iri>\eut rods fiitrdous roa didaffKv\a.TTOfdvti>v t yeyovbras TXapci/nevot vtpl TTJV He\oir6vvrj6r}ffai> ir ffrpa.Ti.UTwv OVK eiJiropoOiros. 4 Diod. xvi. 60. 2. 6 Plut. Timol. 25. 4; Diod. xvi. 68. 3. s Diod. xvi. 61. 4. 1 Plut. Timol. 30. 35 2 ANCIENT ITALY Bruttians. 1 Certainly Timolcon did not drive them out because he had scruples about men who had soiled themselves by taking part in the Sacred War. A good general cares for nothing but courage and discipline in his soldiers. In reality he freed himself from these mercenaries because certain of them, in a mutiny which preceded the battle of the Crimisus, had jeopardized the success of his undertaking. Even after the victory Timoleon continued to make use of part of these Phocaean soldiers, and by the his- torians whose writings are preserved, and who have presented Timoleon in a false light, depicting him as a hypocrite, it is asserted that in this case also the gods wished to manifest their good-will toward him, and freed him from these men without his incurring the odium of putting them to death. 2 It is clear, therefore, that certain soldiers and mercenaries from among those who had taken part in the Phocaean war came over to Italy and reached both Tarentum and Sicily, and it remains to discover whether these were the Greeks who in 349 laid waste the coast of the Volscian territory and of Latium. It is, of course, impossible to give a definite answer to this question. When Livy himself writes, " cuius populi ea cuiusque gentis classis fuerit nihil certi est," we who have no access to the primary sources, and who have at our disposal only the few statements preserved by com- pilers, must of necessity remain uncertain, and can at best only emphasize the probability of the case in question. Unfortunately, the year 349 of Livy does not correspond exactly to the annals of Diodorus. The year 350 of Livy corresponds to 347 of Diodorus, 3 and 348 to 344- 4 But for 349 Livy 5 and the Fasti Capitolini have as consuls L. Furius Camillus and Appius Claudius Regillensis, while Diodorus records for the corresponding 346 the consuls M. Aemilius and F. Quinctius. 6 However, for 345, 7 a year which stands midway between the 349 and 348 of Livy, Diodorus records as consuls M. Fabius and Serv. Sulpicius, who are found in the Fasti Capitolini and in Livy for the year 345 also. In addition, 1 Diod. xvi. 82; Plut. Timol. 30. i. 2 Plut. Timol. 30. 4 ff. 5 Liv. vii. 24. 3 Diod. xvi. 56. 6 Diod. xvi. 59. * Liv. vii. 26; Diod. xvi. 69. 1 Diod. xvi. 66. THE GREEK FLEET IN 349 B. C. 353 in this year 345, corresponding to the 345 of Diodorus, Livy 1 has as dictator the L. Furius Camillas whom in 348 he makes contend as consul against the Greeks. This time, however, he does not fight against them, but only against the Auruncians. It is well known that there is a great deal of duplication in the annals of Livy and in Roman history in general, and that in regard to the Gallic wars, for example, the fasti of Diodorus are much less corrupt and more trust- worthy. If, in addition to this, we remember that in the account of Livy of the war waged by the consul L. Furius Camillus against the Gauls and Greeks, 2 it is expressly stated that he was not made dicta- tor after th'e death of his colleague in the consulship, Appius Claudius, it does not seem entirely fortuitous that Diodorus and Livy should in the main agree concerning a year which they both call 345 B. c. Let us leave this question for the present, since it is connected with numerous other problems pertaining to Roman chronology which cannot be solved here. It is sufficient for our purpose to note that in the year 345 of Diodorus, corresponding to the 349 of Varro and Livy, L. Furius Camillus contended against the Gauls. The best chronology for the Gallic wars is that of Polybius, who places the capture of Rome by the Gauls in 387 B. c. According to this author, the Gauls returned a second time thirty years later, and, when twelve more years had elapsed, for the third time attacked the Romans, who this time proceeded courageously against them and put them to flight. 3 If we subtract 30 plus 12 from 387, we come to the 345 of Diodorus (xiv. 80), who in regard to the chronology of the taking of Rome by the Gauls fol- 1 Liv. vii. 28. 2 Thus for the year 359 B. C., Livy (vii. 26) recalls the prowess of Valerius Corvinus against the gigantic Gaul, although he himself (vii 9 ff.) had already narrated the same incident for the year 361 B. c., when the father of Manlius was dictator and C. Sulpicius and C. Licinius were consuls, attributing it to T. Man- lius. Moreover, Livy gives us to understand that, according to Claudius Quadri- garius, this remarkable contest was waged by T. Manlius at the time when M. Furius Camillus, the father of our L. Furius, was dictator, in 367 B. c. Livy holds that this occurred "decem haud minus post annos." We should therefore expect the mention of this event after 357, instead of which he speaks of it in 361. In a word, a single deed is said to have been accomplished by two heroes and under two different dictators, and to fall in three separate years, according to three distinct redactions. And yet there are still some among us who call this history! 3 Polyb. ii. 18. 5 ff. 354 ANCIENT ITALY lows Polybius. Moreover, according to these two authors we must refer to 345 B. c. the victory over the Gauls won by L. Furius Camillus a victory which is referred by Livy to 349, or the same year in which he says Camillus caused the Greeks to withdraw by sea. If this is admitted, then, since 345 is the year following the end of the Phocaean war, and is also that in which Timoleon arrived in Sicily, it is probable that the Greeks who in that year harassed the shores of Latium and of the Volscians were Phocaean mercenaries, like those who followed Phalaecus, Archidamus, and Timoleon, and sought fortune or safety in the West. Livy expressly declares that he does not know to what region the Greeks who tried to seize the coast of Latium belonged. This is important, because it shows that the statement was not derived from a Greek source. If some Greek historian had even indirectly recorded the information which we find in Livy, he would certainly have known who these robbers were. The igno- rance of Livy, on the other hand, is well explained when we con- sider that his data were derived from the early Roman annals. It was from the local annals, for instance, that he got his information concerning the arrival of Cleonymus on the shores of Patavium. 1 This ignorance of Greek affairs fits in well with the nature of the Roman annals, which had no horizon beyond that of the regions in which the Romans waged their wars, and which limited them- selves to a few inexact synchronisms when they had to deal with events occurring in Sicily and Campania. In the present instance, however, it is but natural that Greek historians should have neglected to give an account of the insig- nificant band which sought refuge on a barbarian coast for such was Latium in the eyes of the Greeks and Livy is not to be blamed for not knowing the country of marauders such as the Phocaean mercenaries, who were a heterogeneous lot from many cities. Moreover, if the above observations are correct, the state- ments of Livy in this connection are of the greatest value; for they made possible the discovery of an important synchronism in the history of Rome for the year 345 B. c. 1 Liv. x. 2. XXIII CONCERNING THE EARLY HISTORY OF PISA There is no doubt that Pisa was once an Etruscan city. In addition to the testimony of Vergil, Strabo, and Pliny, 1 this is made certain by passages from even more ancient authorities. Lycophron, who, as we know, depends upon Timaeus, tells of the arrival of Aeneas at Pisa and of the conquest of that city by the Etruscans. 2 The elder Cato declares that he does not know with certainty what people occupied Pisa before the Etruscans, but, probably on the authority of some ancient Greek writer, asserts that even before the Etruscan Tarchon ruled over Pisa, it was inhabited by a Greek-speaking people. 3 Finally, Polybius, 4 in discussing the extent of the Ligurian territory, says that it extended inland as far as the territory of Arezzo, and along the coast as far as Pisa, which from the point of view of the frontier is called the city TrpatTf) .... TT)? Tvpprjvias. Notwithstanding these explicit statements, it has been main- tained that Pisa was a Ligurian rather than an Etruscan city; and quite recently a young Italian scholar, Dr. Uberto Pedroli, has elaborated certain observations made by E. Bormann, 5 and brought out the following points: (i) that the collector of the mirabiles auscultationes places the mouths of the Arno and Auser where Pisa is situated, in the territory of the Ligurians; 6 (2) that 1 Verg. Aen. x. 179; Strab. v, p. 223 C.; Plin. N. H. iii. 50. 2 Lycophr., vss. i24off.; vss. 1335 ff.; cf. Geffcken, Timaios Geographic des Westens (Berlin, 1892), pp. 42 ff., 148. 3 Cat. apud Serv. ad Aen. x. 179; cf. Plin., loc. cit. The Teutanes graece loquentes mentioned by Cato (loc. cit.) as the founders of Pisa were possibly the same as the Pelasgians who under the leadership of Teutamides (see Hellen. apud Dion. Hal. i. 28) arrived at the mouth of the Spinetic branch of the Po, and there also founded Cortona. 4 Polyb. ii. 1 6. 2. s E. Bormann, in CIL, XI, p. 273. 6 Pseud. -Arist. De mir. ausc. 94 (92). 355 35 6 ANCIENT ITALY Claudianus places Pisa in Liguribus; 1 (3) that until the age of Sulla it would seem that Pisa remained outside the borders of Italy ; (4) that, in distinction from the other Etruscan cities, Pisa was attributed to the tribe Galeria, together with the Ligurian Luna, Veleia, and Genua; (5) that it has not been demonstrated that the Etruscan remains found at Pisa really belong to that city. Pedroli concludes with the statement: "One easily sees that the opinion of those who maintain that Pisa was an Etruscan city rests on very slight foundation." 2 What is the value of these observations ? It seems to me that the question has not been properly answered, and that in reality Pisa changed inhabitants at different periods, and from being a Ligurian city was twice included within the bounds of Etruria. It is more than probable that in early times the Ligurians occupied the coast of central Italy at least as far as Rome, in which case Pisa was originally situated in their territory, 3 and we find an explanation for the mention of the Arnus as Avyyevs by Lycophron. 4 It is clear that the Etruscans, who had not only crossed the Apen- nines toward the north, but had pushed along the Tyrrhenian coast as far as Luna, 5 also conquered Pisa. This is asserted by both Lycophron and Cato, although the evidence of Lycophron is of less value, as he was speaking of mythological times. 6 Just when the Etruscans succeeded in conquering Pisa it is impossible to state, but it is not true that no traces of such conquest have been found. 7 Certainly the city was Etruscan at the time of Timaeus, I Claud. De bell. Gild., vs. 483. Pedroli might better have attached weight to the statement of Trogus Pompeius apud lust. xx. i, 2 : "Pisae in Liguribus Graecos habent et in Tuscis Tarquinii." 3 Pedroli, Roma e la Gallia Cisalpina. (Turin, 1893), pp. 6 ff. 3 That the Ligurians pushed as far as Rome was already admitted by Roman writers; see e. g., Dion. Hal. i. 10, 40; Fest., s. v. Sacrani, p. 321 M.; cf. also Helbig, Die Italiker in der Poebene, pp. 30 ff. 4 Lycophr., vs. 1240; cf. the comment of E. Ciaceri (Catania, 1901), ad loc. s Liv. xli. 13: "et Lunam colonia eodem anno duo millia civium Romanorum sunt deducta . . . . de Liguribus captus ager erat; Etruscorum antea quam Ligurum fuerat." 6 Lycophr., vss. 1358 ff. I 1 defer in this to the authority of Professor Gh. Ghirardini ("Scoperte di EARLY HISTORY OF PISA 357 the source of Lycophron, in the third century, and it is probable that it became so much earlier, at the time when the Etruscans were masters of the sea in the sixth and fifth centuries. It is also probable that the Etruscans who took from the Ligurians the territory of Pisa, found in that city a Greek commercial factory, probably of the Phocaeans, whom I would identify with the Teu- tanes or Pelasgians graece loquentes of the source of Cato. I do not intend to examine in detail all the passages relating to the earliest history of Pisa, but since at the present day the existence of a Greek colony at Pisa is generally doubted, I may be permitted to allude briefly to the reasons which lead me to believe that at the confluence of the Arno and Auser there was once a Phocaean factory. In the comment attributed to Servius it is stated that according to certain authors there was at Pisa a Phocida oppidum* and in another place there is a reference to the tradition that Populonia originally belonged to the Corsicans, or, as we should say, to the Phocaeans who founded Aleria 2 in Corsica, and also the Nicaea of that island, which recalls the Massilian Nicaea, wrongly called by Diodorus a colony of the Tyrrhenians. 3 It is true that these state- ments are derived from a work which in itself is none too authori- tative, but they are fully justified when considered from a geo- graphical and political standpoint. It is clear that the Phocaeans, who about 600 founded Marseilles, about 562 occupied the coast of Corsica, and about 542 founded Velia to the south of Campania, must have had occasion to visit the coast of Etruria where Popu- lonia and Pisa were situated. Moreover, the existence of a Greek colony at Pisa is alluded to by Strabo, 4 who says that the Pisans antichita in Pisa," Not. d. Scavi [May, 1892], p. 9), who also informs me of the discover}' of an Etruscan tomb of the fifth century B. c. near the Lake of Bientina, between Pisa and Luca, in the region which originally belonged to the territory of Pisa. As we shall see shortly, Pisa gave to the Romans the territory on which the Latin colony of Luca arose. 1 Serv. ad Aen. x, vs. 179. * See Herodot. i. 165. 3 Serv., ibid., vs. 172; for Nicaea see Diod. v. 13. 4. In this passage, as is known, Diodorus also confuses Aleria with Calaris in Sardinia. 4 Strab. v, p. 223 C. 35 8 ANCIENT ITALY were formerly flourishing and made use of their forests in con- structing ships to guard against danger by sea, and then adds: "The Ligyens, more warlike than the Tyrrhenians, were for them bad neighbors, and even worse, enemies, attached to their flanks." This population, which was at the same time hostile to the Tyr- rhenians and to the Ligurians, is evidently the Greek people which even Strabo mentions in connection with a tradition found in numerous other writers, including Vergil, to the effect that Pisa was a colony of the Pisaeans of Elis; a baseless tradition, which is due merely to the resemblance between the names of the two localities. There seems, however, no reason for doubting the existence at Pisa of a Greek factory, which naturally favored the growth of a tradition such as that mentioned above; and in this the direct source of Strabo, whether it was Artemidorus or Apollo- dorus, finds a confirmation and an illustration in the passage from Cato, and also in the statements of the commentary of Servius and in the verses of Lycophron as derived from Timaeus. Strabo states explicitly that the Pisans contended against the Tyrrhenians, by which statement we are referred to the time of the maritime war between the Tyrrhenians and the Phocaeans of Marseilles and of Aleria in Corsica. It was the Tyrrhenians of Agylla who drove the Greeks from Aleria in Corsica, where nevertheless we find a Nicaea at a later period, and it was probably these who drove the Phocaeans from their station at Pisa, either alone, or else united with the inhabitants of Volaterrae, who, according to Servius, seized Populonia from the Corsicans. In dealing with a series of facts to which we possess but scanty references references which are either fragmentary, or often presented in a manner which obscures their real meaning it is difficult to piece together our information and to convince students who approach the question from different standpoints, and who either follow their individual inspiration, or base their judgment upon the preconceived ideas of a critical school which, from a blind faith in the statements of ancient writers, has passed with excessive strictness to a skepticism that is often most unreasonable, espe- cially when we have to deal with statements which do not rest EARLY HISTORY OF PISA 359 upon the direct authority of an ancient writer. These scholars to the contrary notwithstanding, however, it seems reasonable to suppose that the complex of references which we have just exam- ined are derived from Timaeus, and that the tradition of the third century which, according to all probability, is based on earlier sources, especially Massilian (such as Euthymenes of Massilia, for example 1 ), does not err in connecting the existence of Pisa in historical times with the colonial expansion of the Phocaeans. Even in the fourth and third centuries the Phocaeans continually visited the coast of Etruria, as is shown by the story of the Roman tripod which was sent to Delphi on a Massilian ship after the cap- ture of Veii, 2 and by the fact that in the fourth century the Massi- lians sailed on commercial expeditions as far as Syracuse and Athens. 3 Another circumstance which tends to prove this is that Phocaean coins have been found along the coast between Populonia and Volaterrae, and that a portion of the Etruscan coinage is in imitation of that of Marseilles. 4 Moreover, a peri plus of the fourth century 5 states that Pisa was connected with a Greek city on the Adriatic coast, probably Spina, by a road which it required three days to traverse. This bears witness to the importance of Pisa at that time, and increases the probability that although she became Etruscan, she still received in her port the ships of the Greeks, who, as we learn from the history of Syracuse, in the fifth and fourth centuries had possession for a certain length of time of the coast of Corsica and Elba, and were accustomed to lay waste the coast of Etruria. To these historical considerations may be added others of a topographical character, since Strabo states that Populonia was the only Etruscan city situated on the sea. 6 This, however, applies also to Pisa, which in the earliest times was situated at the confluence of two rivers, and in a swampy region easily defended against the natives a situation analogous to that of Venice. 1 See Berger, Geschichte d. wissensch. Erdkunde (Leipzig, 1887), pp. 107 ff. 2 Diod. xiv. 9. 3. 3 Demosth. C. Zjenoth. 4, p. 883. 4 Gamurrini in Periodico di Numis., etc. (Florence, 1872), p. 208; Garrucci, Le monete dell' Italia antica, p. 47, Plate 71, Fig. 4. 5 Pseud.-Scyl. 17; cf. Studi storici, II, pp. 67, 78. 6 Strab. v, p. 223 C. 360 ANCIENT ITALY We are not able to trace the history of Pisa in the third century, since the account of the wars of the Romans against the Etruscans after 298 B. c. unfortunately have been lost. We know that the Romans contended with the inhabitants of Volaterrae, whose terri- tory was and still is next to that of Pisa, until 225, in which year the consul C. Atilius landed at Pisa on his return from Sardinia. 1 From this latter fact, together with the concession which in 180 the Pisans made of a portion of their territory to the Romans in order that the Latin colony of Luca might be founded, 2 it has been rightly concluded that Pisa was joined to Rome by a foedus, like Ravenna and possibly Genoa, 3 and also the Greek maritime cities of southern Italy. It seems to me possible, however, that at that time Pisa had again passed into the hands of the Ligurians. It is true that the passages in Pseudo-Aristotle and Justinus stating that Pisa was in the territory of the Ligurians, may be explained by the circum- stance that her territory adjoined that of this people, and still more easily by the fact that after the Second Punic War Pisa was for several decades the point where the Roman forces were con- centrated against the Ligurians, 4 and that we find in Livy such ex- pressions as " (provincia) Pisae cum Liguribus " s and " de provinces deinde consultus senatus Pisas et Ligures provincias consulibus decrevit." 6 I prefer, nevertheless, to believe that Pisa was again conquered by the Ligurians, and am led to take this view both by the passages already quoted, of which one, that of Pseudo- Aristotle, is derived from a writer of the third century, of whom we shall speak later on, and also by the following considerations : In the first place, Pisa is not recorded among the Etruscan peoples that in 205 aided P. Scipio Africanus, although in the list, in addition to the inhabitants of Perusia, Arretium, and Clu- sium, are mentioned those of Caere, Populonia, Tarquinii, Vola- 1 Polyb. ii. 17. i. 2 Liv. xl. 43. 3 In spite of the opinion of Mommsen, I agree with E. Bormann (loc. cit., p. 272) and Pedroli (op. cit., pp. 7 ff.; p. 112) that this last passage refers to Luca and not to Luna. 4 See the passages collected by Bormann, loc. cit. s Liv. xxxviii. 35. 7. 6 Liv. xli. 14. 8. EARLY HISTORY OF PISA 361 terrae, and Rusellae, or all of the principal cities of the Tyr- rhenian coast. Had Pisa been Etruscan at that time, she would surely have been included; for she was an ally of Rome, and, with her rich forests, which, as we have seen, had already been "used for naval constructions, she was in a position to rival the generosity of the inhabitants of Perusia, Clusium, and Rusellae, who on that occasion furnished Scipio with "abietes in fabricandas naves." 1 In the second place, it must not be thought that in the second century all of the Ligurians were barbarians like the inhabitants of the ridge of the Apennines. The proximity of the Etruscans and Massilians was not without results. During the third century the Ligurians formed a political confederation somewhat similar to that of the Lycians, who were likewise robbers both by land and by sea. 2 The Ligurians possessed a certain knowledge of military tactics, and in 177 succeeded in seizing the colony of Modena, which the Romans had founded six years before. 3 In 193 Pisa was besieged by 40,000 of them, and, when about to fall into their hands, was saved by the appearance of the consul A. Minucius. 4 Moreover, when the Romans founded Luna in 177, that city, as we have seen, was taken from the Ligurians, who, in turn, had taken it from the Etruscans. 5 It is especially important for our purpose to note that in the third century the Ligurians were greatly feared by sea. Plutarch 6 tells us that in 181 B. c. the Ligurian pirates had made themselves dreaded as far as the Strait of Gibral- tar. Also Livy says that in that year the Massilians "de Ligurum navibus querebantur." 7 In another passage Livy states that one of the duoviri navales was intrusted with the surveillance of the coast from the " Promontorium Minervae" in Campania as far 1 Liv. xxviii. 45. 2 Liv. xxxiv. 56: "Ligurum viginti millia armatorum, coniuratione per omnia concilia bula universae gentis facta." Also the statement of Strabo (iv, p. 203 C.) concerning a road twelve stades wide granted by the Ligurians to the Romans, bears witness to a deliberation taken by all of the peoples living near the coast. 3 Liv. xli. 17. 4 Liv. xxxv. 2. The scutum Ligustinum adopted by the Roman army, and which was believed to be of Greek origin (see Liv. xliv. 35. 19; cf. Strab. iv, p 203 C.) also bears witness to the excellence of their military arrangements. s Liv. xli. 13. 6 Plut. Paul. Aem. 6. 7 Liv. xl. 18. 5. 362 ANCIENT ITALY as Marseilles, and that five years later, in 176 B. c., the Senate ordered both duoviri navales "cum classe Pisas ire qui Ligurum oram maritimum quoque terrorem admoventes circumvectaren- tur." 1 Writers of a later period speak with admiration of the boldness of the Ligurians who on little barks braved the tempests, and for commercial reasons pushed as far as the Sardinian Sea and Africa. 2 And since the Ligurians were strong both by sea and by land, and were able to take the city of Luna from the Etrus- cans, it is at least possible that they could have taken Pisa. It is only by admitting this that we can explain why Pisa was placed among the Ligurian cities by Pseudo- Aristotle, who drew upon the third-century writer Timaeus, and upon the one who summarized the works of Trogus Pompeius, a writer who made use of good Greek historical works, and was especially well informed concern- ing the history of Marseilles and the Ligurians. 3 In other words, it seems to me probable that the Ligurians were able to benefit by the decay of the maritime and land power of the Etruscans, which had received a crushing blow at the battle of Sentinum in 295 B. c. ; and that, having attacked their nearest neighbors, they succeeded in capturing Luna and Pisa, and in driving the Etruscans from the upper Tyrrhenian coast. In the same manner, in the sixth and fifth centuries the Etruscans united with the Carthaginians against the Phocaeans, and forced them from Corsica and the Tyrrhenian shores, but were not able to drive them from Marseilles, which not only resisted the Etrusco- Carthaginian sea power, but also the Ligurians, who in the second century still gave them trouble. 4 It is natural that in the second century Rome should have favored Marseilles at the expense of the Ligurians; but it is also 1 Liv. xli. 17. 7. In 193 the prefect M. Cincius (prefect of the land garrison or orae maritimae ?) informed the consuls that the Ligurians, after having devas- tated the territory of Luca and Pisa, "omnem oram mans peragrasse." Possibly this has reference to piracy along the coast as well as to an invasion by land. 2 Diod. v. 39. 8 (=Poseidonius). Strab. iv, p. 203 C., on the authority of Polybius and his successor Poseidonius, also speaks of the maritime power of the Ligurians. 3 lust, xliii. 3. 4 ff. 4 Fast, triumph, for 125 B. c ; Liv. Ep. Ix; Flor. i. 37, Halm. EARLY HISTORY OF PISA 363 natural that when, at the end of the fourth and during the third century, she was at war with the cities of northern Etruria, such as Aretium and Volaterrae, she should have encouraged the Ligurians in attacking these cities. This is no mere hypothesis. That the Romans were well disposed toward the Ligurians of Italy at this time is attested by the source of Plutarch (Polybius), who tells us 1 that in 181 Aemilius Paulus displayed much clemency in his victories over this people, because, instead of destroying the Ligu- rians, he wished to make use of them as a bulwark against the Gallic invasions with which Italy was continually threatened. Thus we see that this was a precept of the Roman policy, even though it was not generally practiced at that time. The fact is that the Ligurians and Gauls had many interests in common, 2 and about this time Rome had to proceed against the Ligurians with much energy. It is enough to recall that during the first decades of the second century Liguria was considered a consular province, and was intrusted to both consuls, 3 and that in 180 B. c. 47,000 Ligurian Apuani were transported, with their wives and children, into Samnium. 4 The fact that, the year before, Aemilius Paulus had shown himself so lenient is explained by his hope of deriving the political profit mentioned by Plutarch by the applica- tion of an old and tried principle of Roman policy in his dealings with the Ligurians, among whom the Romans had numerous allies, such as the Anamari near Piacenza, possibly Genoa, and certainly the Statielli, who had caused the consul M. Popilius so much trouble. 5 By admitting, finally, that at the end of the fourth or the beginning of the third century Pisa had again become Ligurian, we reach a full explanation of her alliance with Rome an alliance which would be almost inexplicable should we hold i Plut. Paul. Acm. 6. See, e. g., Liv. xxxiv. 48 (194 B. c.), 56; xxxv. 4. 6 (193 B. C.); xxxvi. 38 (191 B. c.); xxxvii. 2 (190 B. c.); cf. xxxvi. 39. 6: "bella Ligurum Gallicis semper iuncta fuisse." 3 See, e. g., Liv. xxxviii. 42 (187 B.C.); xxxix. i (187 B.C.), 32 (185 B. c), 45 (183 B. c.); xl. i (182 B. c.), 16 (182 B. c.), 36, 38, 41 (180 B. c.), 53 (179 B. c.); xli. 14 (176 B. c.); xlii. i (173 B. c.), 10 (172 B. c.). * Liv. xl. 38. 40. s Liv. xlii. 8 ff. 364 ANCIENT ITALY that she had remained in the power of the Etruscans, since in that case it would be necessary to concede that she had betrayed the national cause, which is most improbable considering the com- pactness of the league of Etruscan cities against Rome. More- over, if Pisa had become Ligurian, we have an explanation of the fact that, together with Luna, Genoa, and Veleia, Pisa appears enrolled with the Ligurian cities in the Galerian tribe. It now remains to explain the statement of Polybius to the effect that, of the Etruscan cities, Pisa was the nearest to the Ligurian border. Polybius says that the territory of the Ligurians extended as far as Pisa and Arezzo, the two cities which together with Luna were of importance in the military operations against the Ligu- rians; 1 and since in general this author gives data of a statistical nature, it is probable that by this he means to indicate the course of the Arno as marking the frontier of Italy and the confederate states on the side toward the Ligurian province, from the point where, according to Dante, this river torce il muso at the Arretines, to its mouth near Pisa. This is rendered even more likely by the fact that the valley of the Arno offered a natural highway for the Roman armies during the Ligurian wars. 2 It is true that the best authorities on Roman history, including Mommsen and Nissen, maintain that before the time of Sulla, in addition to the Aesis, the borders of Italy were marked, on the one hand, by a locality n?ar S. Giovanni, in the valley of the Arno between Florence and Arezzo, and, on the other, by the little river Fine to the north of Cecina, between Pisa and Volaterrae ; and that in 8 1 B. c. Sulla extended them as far as the Rubicon and Pisa. 3 This theory, to which we gladly subscribe, does not oppose what we said above, since Pisa, as an allied city, must, it is true, have been situated outside of Italy proper, but, on the other hand, could not have been comprised within the provincia Ligures after the Ligurians had been entirely subjugated, although about 1 In regard to Arezzo, see Liv. xxxi. 21; xxxiv. 56; xxxv. 3. J Liv. xxxv. 3 : " Minucius consul Arretium .... venit .... inde qua- drato agmine ad Pisas duxit." 3 Mommsen, Rom. Gesch., I 6 , p. 428; Nissen, Ital. Landeskunde, p. 71. EARLY HISTORY OF PISA 365 189 it had been considered a part of the Ligurian province. 1 This subjugation took place before the year 155, in which we find mention of a war against the Ligurian Eleati, 2 and some years before Polybius commenced to write his history. 3 It is evident that even if, as I believe, the Ligurians succeeded in conquering Pisa, between 300 and 225 B. c., they were not able to entirely obliterate its character as an Etruscan city, and much less to exercise such influence upon its vast territory, especially on the side toward Vola- terrae. It is thus readily understood why the booty captured by the Ligurians on Pisan soil was termed Etruscan. 4 It was not even possible for the Ligurians to entirely remove the Etruscan imprint from the region between the Arno and the Magra, near which the Etruscans had once possessed Luna. It is therefore clear why many writers, as Strabo asserts, 5 gave the Magra as the dividing line between Liguria and Etruria. This is the border which is mentioned in the descriptio Italiae of Augustus, 6 was accepted by Dante, 7 and after nineteen centuries is still ethno- graphically correct. 1 Liv. xxxviii. 35. 7: "consulibus, alteri Pisae cum Liguribus, alteri Gallia provincia decreta est." 2 See Fast. Triumph., ed. Schon., for this year. Since 176 B. c. Pisa had been separated to a certain extent from Liguria. Liv. xli. 14. 8: "senatus Pisas et Ligures provincias consulibus decrevit; cui Pisae provincia obvenisset," etc. Cf. Liv. xli. 15: "Pisae Cn. Cornelio. Ligures Petillio obvenerunt." 3 See Susemihl, Gesch. der griech. Litteratur in $. Alexandrinerzeit, II, pp. 107 ff . * Liv. xxxv. 21 (192 B. c.). $ Strab. v, p. 222 C. 6 Plin. N. H. iii. 48 ff. 7 Dante, Paradiso, ix, 89 ff. XXIV AN ERROR IN APPIAN CONCERNING THE BELLUM PERUSINUM In his account of the helium Peruslnum Appian states that the commencement of the burning of the famous and wealthy city which gave its name to this war was the work of a certain Cestius Macedbnicus, and affirms that the entire city was destroyed with the exception of the temple of Hephaestus, or Vulcan (X W P^ rov 'H^ato-reiou). This, he says, was the end of one of the most important cities of the Etruscans, a people who "Upav ecre/Sov, and adds that after the fire those who ra \etyava rf)? TroXew? Sie\a%ov, rov *Hai(rrov trfyttnv eOevro deov elvai Trdrpiov ami TT)? "Hpo?. 1 In these words we have a striking proof of the haste with which Appian, even though he was accustomed to draw from trust- worthy sources, reproduced and summarized the works which he read. Dio Cassius is certainly much more accurate when, in nar- rating briefly the burning of Perugia, he expresses himself as follows : teal q Tro'Xt? avrr), 7T\rjv rov 'H^awrei'ou rov re TT}? "Hpa? Tracra Karexavdrj rovro Be (ea~(i>07j yap TTW? Kara rv^v) avrj^dr] re ecr rrjv 'Pcoprjv e o-^rea)? ovetpov TJV 6 Kato-a/3 elSe. 2 Following this, Dio Cassius alludes to the colonies sent by Augus- tus to Perugia, to whom also the above-quoted words of Appian refer: otrot ra \efyava TT}? TroXeco? &ie\a%ov. The cults of Vulcan and of Hera were contemporary at Perugia, according to Dio, and the statement of Appian to the effect that those who inhabited Perugia after its burning substituted Vulcan for Hera as guardian of the city is evidently due to a misunderstanding of the reference to the carrying to Rome of the statue of Hera. This image suffered the same fate as, according to tradition, did that of Juno Regina after the taking of Veii. 1 App. B. C. T. 49. Dio Cass. xlviii. 14. 5. 367 368 ANCIENT ITALY In what manner, however, was the cult of Hephaestus, or rather of Vulcan, associated with that of Hera or Juno ? In a well-known passage of the interpolator of Servius 1 we read: "prudentes Etruscae disciplinae aiunt apud conditores Etruscarum urbium non putatas iustas urbes, in quibus non tres portae essent dedicatae et tot viae et tot templa lovis, lunonis, Minervae." I do not intend to undertake here the by no means easy investigation of the value of this statement, and much less do I intend to deter- mine how and when it came about that this triad of divinities which are associated together, penetrated to certain cities of central Italy, such as Rome and Falerii. I limit myself merely to record- ing that there are said to have existed traces of the cult of Minerva at Perugia also in pre-Roman times. 2 The chief object of this discussion, however, is to call attention to the fact that, in place of the cult of Hephaestus or Vulcan as divinity paredros of Juno, we should expect to find that of Jupiter at Perugia just as we do at Rome and Falerii. This difficulty is not so great as it seems at first glance. I have elsewhere treated of a group of facts and arguments 3 which seem to me to prove that up to the age of Pyrrhus the most ancient Jupiter of Rome was honored under the name of Vulcanus-Summanus, and that for this reason the region at the foot of the Capitoline Hill and adjoining the Comi- tium continued till a late period to be called the area Volcani. The name of Hephaestus, as preserved by Appian and Dio Cassius, would seem to confirm this statement, and is of assistance, as it seems (differently from that which occurred in the case of the Umbrian Iguvium, for example), in proving that the primordial divinity of the state retained the ancient name of Vulcan. 1 Serv. ad Aen. i. 422. 2 I do not hesitate to attribute to Peiresa or Perugia the coins edited by Gar- rucci (Le monete dell' Italia antica, Plate LXXVI, Fig. 15, p. 59), on which one sees the head of Athena. Garrucci, with other numismatists, attributes them to an unknown city called Peithesa on account of a letter which he writes as an and interprets as a 9. If I am not mistaken, it is really a P; cf. the coins of Tuder, op. tit., Plate LXXV, Figs. 16 ff. The existence of a form Peiresa beside the more common Perusia may also be derived from Steph. Byz., s. v. Heppalviov . . . . -rb iOvmbv Hfppaia[T7;]9 Atoi/vcr[a>] ave'drjK[ev. Her- mam Libero dono datam Caralibus inventam habes C/L, X, 7556." From the Bullettino archeologico Sardo of Spano, Kaibel might have seen that the inscription is still preserved in the National Museum of Cagliari. From a squeeze of my own taking I read: HPAEEIS AIONYSQI ANE 0HK// 'Hpacets Aiovwrw av07)K[av It is hardly necessary to note that Augustine saw the inscription when it was less mutilated. The letters HK are not visible today. It is important to determine whether this inscription is of Sar- dinian origin. Monsignor Cavedoni thought that the Heraeans mentioned were those of Arcadia.* He was opposed by P. Mar- tini, of Cagliari, who, on account of the reference of Ptolemy 3 to a place called "Hpcuov in the northern part of the island, attributed the monument to the inhabitants of that obscure village. This last opinion was unfortunately accepted by me in my article on the traces of Greek inhabitants in Sardinia. 4 I am now convinced that the inscription is not Sardinian, but belongs to 1 Kaibel, Inscr. Gr., Sic. et It., no. 605. * Cavedoni, Bull. Arch. Sard., VI (1860), p. 77; VII (1861), pp. 163 ff.; Martini, ibid., pp. 171 ff. 3 Ptol. iii. 3. 7. 4 "La Sardegna prima del dom. rom." AM dei Lincei (Rome), p. 57, n. 2. This has recently been sustained by Wilamowitz-Mollendorff (Hermes, Lcsefritchte, XXXIII, p. 524), who did not have at hand the present article. 37 2 ANCIENT ITALY Greece proper. In the first place, the marble on which it is cut is certainly not of Sardinian origin, and I am assured that it is Greek, and probably Parian. Moreover, the character of the cutting, and the relief which is sculptured below it, lead to the same results. In the center of a well-executed bas-relief is seen an actor in female attire, and holding a mask in his hand. Before him, to the right of the beholder, where the inscription becomes mutilated, there are traces of another figure. To the left there is a nude male figure, holding in his hands two objects which the con- dition of the monument makes it impossible to recognize. 1 Above his head are three theatrical masks for male roles. In front, to the left, a large two-handled amphora stands on the ground. Other objects of this nature are known. Thus the bas-relief of Philiscus 2 offers a close analogy to the one under discussion. That our relief, however, is earlier and belongs to a good Greek period is shown by the cutting of the letters and the style of the carving. The letters are well formed and elegant, worthy of the period following the archonship of Euclides (403 B. c.). The style of the sculpture is Attic and easily of the fourth century B. c., as I am assured by the authoritative judgment of my colleague, Gh. Ghirardini. Leaving aside the question of the age of the monument, we may be certain that it did not originally belong to Sardinia. It is true that Ptolemy speaks of a "Hpaiov on the island, and this town was probably of Greek origin and situated near Olbia, 3 which too, according to all probability, was a Greek city. 4 But even if we admit that at certain points on the shores of Sardinia, such as Olbia and Neapolis, there were established sporadic Greek colonies, 1 In the right-hand corner there was probably an oenochoe, and in the left a patara, with a possible allusion to a sacred libation. From the absence of Silenic characteristics in the masks we may suppose the monument to represent a tragic rather than a comic subject. Its poor state of preservation, however, prevents further considerations of this nature. * Schreiber, Kulturhist. All, I, Plate 5, Fig. 4. 3 See La Marmora, Voyage, II, p. 403; C. Miiller ad Ptol., loc, tit., p. 384. A small island near Sardinia had the name of Heras lutra; cf. Plin. N. H. iii. 85. 4 Cf. my pamphlet entitled Storia di Olbia (Sassari, 1895). PLATE XI RELIEF AND INSCRIPTION' FROM SARDINIA TWO GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FOUND IN SARDINIA 373 it would be strange to think that there was a Greek theater at Cagliari, and that the inhabitants of distant Heraeum should have honored with gifts the Dionysus there worshiped. Such a sup- position could only appear probable in case Sardinia had been conquered by Greek rather than by Punic civilization. Even if we should hold that the monument dates from Roman times (which I believe impossible), no one could believe that a small village lost among the mountains would have preserved such important traces of Greek life, when Olbia itself so soon became thoroughly Roman. It is useless, however, to dwell longer upon such hypotheses. The contents and form of the inscripiton, the sculptured relief, and the nature of the stone show the monument to be from Greece, and possibly from Athens itself, where the cult of Dionysus was of such great importance. Having excluded the Heraeans of Sardinia, it remains to dis- cover who were the 'H/aaee? or 'H/jaet? who dedicated the monu- ment. Cavedoni thought they were the Heraeans of Arcadia, where there existed a temple of Dionysus the Citizen and Dionysus the Increaser. 1 Others have connected them with the 'H/aaet? who formed one of the five Ka>/j,ai and pepr) of the territory of Megara, 2 and where also the cult of Dionysus was popular. 3 It is more probable, however, that, as Maass recognized, instead of giving the name of a city, the monument refers to an association of drama- tic actors who took the name of their founder Heraeus. 4 As was the case with many other objects, it was transported to the shores of Sardinia from some maritime city of Greece, probably at a late period, although earlier than the beginning of the seventeenth century. 3 1 Paus. viii. 26. i. * Plut. Quaest. Gr. 17. s Paus. i. 40. 6. * Cf. Poland, De collegiis artific. ap. Gr. (Dresden, 1895; dissertation of Wet- tinger Gymnasium); Maass, Jahrb. d. K. detUsch. arch. Inst., XI (1896), p. 102 ff. s On the back of the monument is the sepulchral inscription of the Sardinian Francesco Area Dessl, who died in 1603. It was found in 1849 in the church of the cemetery of Bonaria near the shore; see Spano, loc. cit., p. 129. Another case of an inscription transported to Cagliari is offered, I believe, by no. 140 of the Corpus Inscr. Semiticarum, in which is mentioned Venus Erycina. I have found 374 ANCIENT ITALY II Of Sardinian origin, on the other hand, is probably a noteworthy fragment of a Greek inscription found at Oristano and described by Tamponi, 1 as follows: "square tile of tufo on which are deeply incised the rough letters ZAV1A." This pretended tile is in reality a bit of sandstone (banchina), similar to that on which are cut the Greek inscriptions of Sicily, and also the Phoenician remains of the Punic city of Tharros, near the finding- place of the present example. The few letters of the inscription have not attracted the attention even of those who have published it, but are of great importance for the study of the inscriptions of Sardinia. The fragment is now in the possession of Sig. P. Tamponi, of Terranova. My reading of it is as follows : pavacr . . The letters are archaic character and deeply cut. They read from right to left. At the beginning there are clear traces of the digamma, which show also on a cast of the inscription. Between the second A and the ^ the space is greater than between the other letters. Considering the irregular character of many of these archaic inscriptions, it does not follow that the ^ formed part of another word, especially as the initial f seems to oppose such an opinion. There is not sufficient space between the ^ and the fracture to enable us to determine whether it was followed by another letter on the same line, or whether the next letters came below. The inscription is clearly from the sixth, or at the latest from the material similar to that on which this is cut at Eryx itself, and the monument probably comes from there or from the neighboring Trapani. On the other hand, the Greek inscription found at Cagliari and published by Kaibel (no. 606; "lirirap- Xos f H]yriffiffTpdTov) is, from the nature of the marble, really Sardinian. It, and no. 609 as well, are in the museum of Cagliari. In the latter Kaibel fails to note that the a is always cut thus: A. * N. S., 1891, p. 363. TWO GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FOUND IN SARDINIA 375 very beginning of the fifth, century B. c. Were it from a Greek city, it would evoke some discussion as to the the presence of the san and digamma, but would attract no great attention. 1 Coming as it does from Sardinia, on account of the lack of other documents from the same period, it offers no occasion for similar discussion, but furnishes material of another nature for possibly even more important consideration. It might be thought that the fragment was brought to Sardinia from some other country, such as Sicily. Sailors often take as ballast the stones which they find on the shore, and for this reason the same inscription is often reported from several and widely separated lands. 2 Moreover, the fragment was found at Oristano (Othoca), which is not far from the sea, and in antiquity was even nearer to the gulf of the same name. It should be noted, however, that the material of the fragment is the same as that of the inscrip- tions from the neighboring Tharros, which makes its Sardinian origin at least very probable. The difficulty lies in explaining the presence of an inscription of the sixth century, or possibly even of earlier date, on an island and in a region which at that period commenced to recognize the Punic hegemony. It is true that in the Punic necropolis of Tharros there were found two Greek sepulchral inscriptions of two Massilians, 3 one of which, incised on a stele of the same sandstone, is preserved in the museum of Cagliari, and seems fairly ancient. It is, how- ever, written from left to right, and belongs to a much later period than our fragment. It. may be noted here that opposite Tharros, about seventeen miles from Oristano, the city of Neapolis was located, the name of which probably alludes to the presence of a Greek emporium. The Massilians, although enemies of the Carthaginians, like all commercial peoples, must have had relations with them, and on their way to Carthage could not have helped 1 In regard to the characters it may merely be noted that the ^ is the same as that on a bronze cymbal from Misitha near Messene; see Rohl, I. G. A., no. 50. 2 Cf., for example, CIL, X. no. 3702, seen by Beloch at Cumae, by Acton and Agosta in Sicily, and by me at Venice. The inscription really seems to be Dal- matian. 3 Kaibel (/. G. S. /.)> n s- 609, 610. 37 6 ANCIENT ITALY visiting the eastern coast of the island. If we find them at Tharros, we expect all the more to find them at Neapolis, which was prob- ably a Greek emporium under Punic supervision, as was Nau- cratis in Egypt, or, to take an even more striking example, as was Neapolis in the Zeugitana, at the very gates of Carthage, and where, as it seems, the Siceliots had the right to disembark. 1 The probability of this theory is shown by the fact that the inhabitants of Sardinia sent to Delphi a bronze statue of their eponymous hero Sardus. 2 The temple of Sardus Pater stood on a promontory near Neapolis, 3 and it seems probable that the sending of a similar gift to a Greek temple must have some connection with the presence of this city with a Greek name, even though Pausanias (probably on the authority of Polemon) says that it was a gift fiapPdpav Se TWV 777)05 ry ecnrepa ol e^oz/re? SapSto. Even the above does not explain the presence at Oristano of our fragment, which dates back to an earlier period. At the most, it may be noted that in the necropolis of Tharros, where Greek vases of the fifth century and later have come to light, some were dis- covered which are attributed to the sixth century. 4 If the inscrip- tion is not earlier, it may at least be from the period when the Punic domination in Sardinia began (about the middle of the sixth century), and was, at any rate, incised when the Carthaginians made their pertinacious and successful struggle against Greek ex- pansion in the west. In this connection it is hardly necessary to recall that the Carthaginians always showed themselves jealous of the possession of Sardinia. 5 1 This may be derived from the statement of Thuc. vii. 50. The presence of a Neapolis near a city termed Othoca (//. ant.), or Uttea (Tab. Pent.} or 'Odala (Ptol.) causes one to suspect that Neapolis is the Greek version of the Punic name of Carthage, opposed in Sardinia as in the Zeugitana to the ancient city or Utica. Cf. the Latin inscription from Uselis, which is very near Othoca (CIL, X, no. 7846: f]ulius lu . . . . nus utice\nsl\s). In regard to the Zeugitana, see Meltzer, Gesch. der Karthager, I, pp. 91 ff. Even admitting this, however, the Greek name still shows Greek influence. a Paus. x. 17. i. 3 Ptol. iii. 3. a. 4 Now in the museums of Sassari and Cagliari. s Cf., for example, the well-known treaties between Rome and Carthage of various periods. TWO GREEK INSCRIPTIONS FOUND IN SARDINIA 377 The various legends regarding the arrival of lolaus, the Thes- pians, and Aristaeus 1 would seem to presuppose the arrival of Greek ships and colonists in Sardinia at an early period. These legends, however, instead of mirroring authentic research in mat- ters pertaining to such early immigration, were brought into being by the maritime hegemony of Syracuse, which at the time of Dionysius I exercised much influence over the coasts of Corsica and Sardinia. Nevertheless, we cannot be positive that at the end of the seventh century, or during the sixth and the beginning of the fifth, some attempts were not made by the Greeks to establish themselves in Sardinia. The Samians and Phocaeans who at the end of the seventh century (630) pressed as far as Tartessus, and in the following century founded Massilia, and who about 562 B. c. established themselves, if only for a short period, in Corsica, must also have come in contact with the coast of Sardinia. A knowl- edge of this island on the part of the Greeks is also presupposed by the advice which about 546 B. c. Bias gave to the lonians to found there a pan-Ionic colony advice which in 499 B. c. was repeated by Aristagoras of Miletus, 2 likewise to the lonians. But if Bias thought that the lonians who were to establish themselves there would become prosperous and powerful, and if Istieus, the cousin of Aristagoras, believed that it was possible to conquer this island and render it subject to Persia, 3 it is evident that during the sixth century the Carthaginian domination in Sardinia (this is also confirmed by the story 4 of the defeat of Malcus or Mazeus) was by no means firmly established, and that it was thought possible to gain even that island for Greek colonization. 5 If, however, as everything leads us to believe, our epigraphic fragment belongs to Sardinia, it is not to be considered as an 1 [Arist.] De mir. ausc. 100; Diod. iv. 29; v. 15; Strab. iii, p. 225 C.; Paus. vii. 2. 2; ix. 23. i; x. 17; [Apollod.] ii. 7. 6. 2. 2 Herodot. i. 170; v. 124. 3 Ibid. v. 106; cf. vi. 2. 4 lust. xvii. 7. 2 ff. s I attach no importance to the statement that Manticlus, after the taking of Ira, proposed that the Messenians go to Sardinia (Paus. iv. 23. 5), since, granting the worthlessness of the tradition regarding the details of the wars of Messene (see Niese, Hermes, XXVI [1891], pp. i ff.), it may also be that this advice of Manticlus is merely a proleptic duplication of that of Bias. 378 ANCIENT ITALY isolated example of the presence of Greeks on the island, but is connected with other literary data, which unfortunately are also fragmentary. We know very little of the history of Greek colonization in the West, and very little also of the deeds of the Phocaeans of Mas- silia in their wars against Carthage. It is only by chance, and as a mere episode, that Herodotus informs us of the war of the Pho- caeans of Aleria and the Carthaginians with their Etruscan allies. Such is the dearth of literary tradition that further information of this nature is wanting. In regard to the monuments the case is different. Although Sardinia possesses very little authentic history, she has as recom- pense archaeological material which is both abundant and homo- geneous. This serves to control and to complete the data of the ancient authors, and, much more than do similar monuments for other regions of more mixed population, serves to give a clear idea of the degree of culture attained by the inhabitants. To cite a single example, Sardinia was one of the regions from which the Phoenicians and later, the Carthaginians, derived their supply of tin. This fact was demonstrated by archaeological finds some years ago, 1 but, strangely enough, has as yet attracted very little attention among students. It is not improbable that at some future day, at some place on the coast of this practically deserted island, will be found other archaic Greek inscriptions in addition to the four letters from Oristano which have seemed worthy of this brief comment. 1 See the observations of F. Nissardi in the Bull. Arch. Sardo. (Cagliari, 1884), Appendix, pp. 20 ff. XXVI THE TIME AND PLACE IN WHICH STRABO COMPOSED HIS HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY The problem as to when and where Strabo composed his His- torical Geography seems at first sight important merely from a philological point of view, but it is in reality as much, or even more, deserving of solution from a historical standpoint. Strabo is an important source for the political and administrative history of his time. To know where he wrote is equivalent to establishing the num- ber and character of his sources of information. To know when he wrote is especially valuable for determining the date of many events for which he is often the only source, and of which he did not fix the chronology for the evident reason that he was not writing a history, but a work which was a commentary on, and an appendix to, his history, which has not come down to us. 1 This investiga- tion is all the more important because not only the few references in ancient writers to the time in which he lived, but also the opinions of modern students concerning the time and place in which he composed his works, are, in my judgment, generally erroneous. Hesychius of Miletus says that Strabo lived at the time of Emperor Tiberius, 2 and even the best modern writers, such as Mommsen and Nissen, thinks that his Geography was written at that period. 3 1 That the work of Strabo, rather than being a geography in the proper sense of the word, is a historical geography, and a commentary and appendix to the historical works which he had previously written, was first recognized by Niese (Hermes, XIII, p. 45). Cf. Miller, Die Alexander geschichte nach Strabo (Wiirz- burg, 1882); Luedke, Leipziger Studien, XI, pp. 14 ff.; cf. also Otto (ibid , supple- mentary vol ), who especially from the geography has diligently collected the frag- ments, or better the passages, which refer back to the toTopt/cci thro^i^/tara. See my observations in the Riv. di filol. class. (Turin), XV, pp. 145, 212. 1 Cf. Suid. and Eudocia, s. v. Srpd/Swi'. 3 See Mommsen, Res gestae divi Augusti, 2d ed., p. 119; Nissen, Ital. Landes- kunde, I, p. 15; Schaefer, Abriss. d. griech. u. rom. Quellenkunde, 2. Abth., 2. 379 380 ANCIENT ITALY This opinion has been even better formulated and worked out, certainly with much cleverness and learning, by Professor Niese, whose statements have been very favorably received by scholars generally. 1 According to Niese, Strabo wrote his Geography at Rome at the instigation of Roman friends who were conspicuous in political affairs. With one of these, Aelius Gallus, he went from Rome to Egypt, and with him returned to Rome, where between 18 and 19 A. D. his Geography was written. In an earlier article, in which especial attention was paid to the value of the numerous passages in Strabo referring to admin- istrative affairs, I also have treated these questions, and have sought to show the error in some of Niese's conclusions. 2 According to my results, Strabo composed his works, not at the instigation of politicians at Rome, but from the point of view of a Greek from Asia Minor, and in the interest of the Greeks of that region. His Geography, written much earlier than the time of Tiberius, was merely retouched at a later period. A re-examination of the writings of Strabo confirms me in most of these conclusions, and offers a series of fresh arguments, thanks to which I hope to deter- mine with greater precision the above-mentioned problems. I. THE TIME WHEN STRABO WROTE HIS HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY The question as to whether the Geography of Strabo is a product of the age of Tiberius and written between 18 and 19 A. D. should Aufl., p. 96. As differing more or less from the common opinion may be men- tioned Forbiger (Handbuch d. alt. Geographic, I, pp. 306 ff.), who does not see the work of an old man in the fresh and vivid style of Strabo; Meineke (Vindi- ciae Strabonianae, p. vi), who believes that his works were written at different periods and never completed; P. Meyer (Quaestiones Strabonianae [Leipzig, 1879], pp. 58 ff .), who thinks the first seven books were written between 6 and 5 B. c. and 2 A. D., and books viii-xvii between 2 and 18 A. D.; Bunbury (Hist, of Anc. Geogr., II, p. 213), who holds that the geography in its present form dates from 18-19 A - D -> but that we do not know when it was commenced nor finished. These scholars, however, merely state opinions without proofs. Even Meyer failed to arrive at the correct conclusion from the two or three good observations which we shall examine in their proper place. 1 Niese, Hermes, XIII, pp. 33 ff.; cf. Christ, Gesch. d. griech. Litteratur, par. 420; Butzer, Ueber Strabos Geographica (Frankfurt a. M. 1887), p. 30; P. Otto, in his article on the vironv-^nara of Strabo in Leipziger Studien, XI, p. n. 3 See Riv. di filol. class. (Turin), XV, pp. 97 ff. STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 381 be answered with a decided "No." In something over twenty places Strabo names the emperor Tiberius and records events which took place during his reign, but the greater portion of the other events which he describes, and of which he was the contem- porary, are connected with the civil wars occurring after the death of Caesar, and with the period of the life of Augustus embraced between the years 31 (battle of Actium) and 7 B. c. Of the events which took place in the final years of the reign of Augustus, between 6 B. c. and 14 A. D., but few are mentioned, possibly four. Moreover, although there is mention of events of the years 17-18 A. D., there is no allusion to the Gallic wars of 6 A. D., and, above all, none to the Germanic and Pannonic wars of 4-11 A. D., in which Tiberius played such an important and noteworthy part. 1 This silence is all the more inexplicable if we admit that the Geography was written about 18 A. D., inasmuch as Strabo takes every occa- sion to praise Augustus and even Tiberius. He often mentions the deeds of Augustus, and records the expeditions of Tiberius in the year 9 B. c., against the Vindelici and Rhaeti. 2 Indeed, Strabo pushes his respect for, or his fear of, Tiberius to such a point that, although he mentions Octavia, the sister of Augustus, Marcellus, his son, and Agrippa, he is purposely silent in regard to the name and deeds of C. Caesar, the son of Agrippa, who was adopted by Augustus, and the known enemy of Tiberius, even where he records the siege of Artagira in which Gaius received the wound that was the principal cause of his death, and although he recalls the name of Adon, who was, as we know from other sources, the one who inflicted the wound. 3 It is, therefore much more reasonable to suppose that the Geography was composed before 5 B. c., or even shortly after 9 B. c. This hypothesis is confirmed by a brief analysis of book vii, which is given up to a description of Germany, Illyricum, Thrace, etc. There it is said that, in deference to desires of Augustus, the 1 See below, pp. 390 f. 2 Strab. iv, p. 206 C., vii, p. 292 C. 3 Strab. xi, p. 529 C. : ' Aprdyeipa. dt dir^TTT/cre fjv *A.8a)i> 6 0/x>t5papxs, iei\ov 5' ol Kalffapos ffrparriyol ToXiopKiJerajrej iro\i>v XP^ VOV ' cf. Dio Cass. Iv. io a , a, b; Veil. ii. 102. 2. 382 ANCIENT ITALY Roman armies never crossed the Elbe. 1 This was true up to 7 B. c., but not later, for between that period and i A. D. the Elbe was crossed by Domitius Aenobarbus, who obtained a triumph on account of his Germanic victories.* Strabo states that Baton was leader of the Breuci and Daesitiatae, two tribes of the Pannonians. 3 But Baton the Breucian died in 8 A. D., killed by his namesake, Baton the Daesitiatan, who in 9 A. D. had to give himself up. 4 Of this war on the part of Baton, which was con- sidered as most terrible by contemporaries, there is no trace in Strabo, but there are numerous mentions of the Illyric wars of Augustus and of the undertakings of the elder Drusus, whose death is also recorded. 3 Since, however, in this book there is an isolated mention of the defeat of Quintilius Varus and of the triumph of Germanicus, it is but natural to suppose that the text was retouched in 18 A. D., although it had already been composed not later than i A. D., later than which the expedition of Ae- nobarbus could not have taken place. If this is admitted, it is also explained why Strabo says nothing of the romanizing of Pannonia and Moesia, which were already Roman provinces, the former since 10, the latter since 6 A. D. ; 6 and why in his de- scription of Italy, in speaking of Ravenna, he mentions the gladia- tors placed there by the government, 7 but does not state that Baton was exiled to that point. A confirmation of this, with even greater precision in point of time, is offered by the final page of the Geography, in which, among the provinces governed by the Roman Senate, are mentioned those of Achaia, Macedonia, Sardinia, Illyricum, and Gallia Nar- bonensis. 8 Achaia and Macedonia became imperial provinces in 15 A. D., and Sardinia in 6 A. D. Illyricum was recaptured by Augustus in ii B. c., and Gallia Narbonensis had been restored to 1 Strab. vii. 291 C.; cf. p. 294 C.: fA Si vfpav roO'AX/Sioj rd ir/>Aj T$ diKfavf varrdiraffiv Ayvuffra ij/xZV iffTi. 3 Dio Cass. Iv. io a . 2; Tac. Ann. iv. 44; Suet. Nero 4. I owe this observa- tion to Meyer, op. cit., p. 64. 3 Strab. vii, p. 314. *See Marquardt, I 3 , pp. 293, 302. 4 Dio Cass. Iv. 29 ff. i Strab. iv, p. 2130. s In 9 B. c.; Strab. vii, p. 291 C ' Strab. xvii, p. 840 C. STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 383 the Senate in 22 B. c. 1 We may therefore justly hold that this list was written between 22 and n B. c. It is true that Strabo says that this enumeration was antiquated, and that it corresponded to the original partition of the provinces between Caesar and the Senate (ev ap^ais 27 B. c. which was not exact, since Gallia Narbonensis did not become senatorial till 22 B. c.); but from this very assertion we conclude that the work was composed for the first time not long after n B. c., and that it was retouched at a later period, and probably, as we shall see, not at Rome, but far from that city. That the writing may have extended some years after n B. c. is shown, not only by the full knowledge of the Alpine wars of Tiberius and Drusus (9 B. c.), and the recognition of the complete subjugation of the Alpine peoples and the Ligurian Montani (25-8 B. c.) 3 but by the mention of certain historical events as having occurred recently. The present state of the inhabited world was indicated by Strabo with the expressions Kaff 1 77/xa?, e<' rjfjiwv, vvv, and vwC\ the events which had recently occurred at the time when he wrote were indicated with the adverb veaxni. With a vecoari he records the death of Juba, king of Mauretania who died after 19, but not later than 23 A. D. ; 3 the liberality of Tiberius toward the cities of Asia Minor which had been afflicted by earthquakes ; 4 and, finally, the coronation of Zenon as king of Greater Armenia, 5 which occurred in 18 A. D. In these passages veoxTTi is used in its proper significance; but how shall we explain certain other passages where the word indicates events which occurred long before 18 A. D. ? The planting of a colony by Caesar at Corinth, 6 an event con- cerning Regium at the time of the Sicilian war of Sextus Pom- 1 Marquardt, Rom. Staatsverw., I 1 , pp. 248, 265, 299, 319, 331. * Strabo (iv, p. 203 C.) recalls the organization of the provinces of the Mari- time Alps which occurred in 14 B. c. (see Marquardt, I', p. 279). The date of the complete subjugation of the Alpine peoples is shown by an inscription from La Turbie (CIL, V, 7817) of 8 B. c., the year following that of the death of Drusus, which is, as it happens, recorded by Strabo. 3 rvii, pp. 828 C., 829 C. * xii, p. 556 C. 4 xiii, pp. 621, 627 C.; rii, p. 579 C. 4 vii, p. 379 C.; 44 B. C. 384 ANCIENT ITALY peius against Octavianus, 1 and the death of the Sicilian robber Selurus, which occurred shortly after 25 B. c., 2 are recorded with the word veaxrTi; and so are also the expeditions of Varro against the Salassi, 3 that of Aelius Gallus against Arabia, 4 and the return of Augustus, from the wars against the Cantabri. 5 It seems natural to conclude that these various veoxrrt's indicate the dif- ferent periods when Strabo was at work upon the composition of his Geography. No importance attaches to the objection that this vewcni should be taken in the sense of an event last in regard to the time when Strabo wrote, and not in the sense of "recently," since he indicates with a vewa-ri the burning of the temple of Ceres near the Circus at Rome 6 an event which occurred in 31 B. c. 7 If Strabo were really at Rome in the year 17 A. D., when the triumph of Germanicus which he describes took place, and if he wrote the first seven books of his Geography either in that or in the following year (as is sometimes con- cluded from iv, p. 206 C.), it is difficult to understand how he could have indicated with a vecoart an event which had occurred forty-eight years before, especially since it was precisely in the year 17 A. D. that the temple of Ceres near the Circus Maximus, after having been rebuilt was dedicated anew by Tiberius. 8 It is therefore probable that he wrote of the burning many years before 17 A. D., and that we should assign its natural signification to the adverb vewa-rt. 9 Moreover, if we consider that, aside from the veaxrri's which indicate events occurring after 17 A. D. and those referring to events before 24 B. c., there are but two relating to occurrences falling between these two dates, and that one of 1 vi, p. 258 C.; 38-36 B. c. * vi, p. 273 C,; see p. 227 of my article in Riv. di filol. class. (Turin), XV, pp. 97, ff. 3 iv, p. 205 C.; 25 B. c. 6 viii, p. 381 C. *iv, p. 218 C.; xvi, p. 780 C.; 24 B. C. 1 Dio Cass. 1. 10. 3. s xvii, p. 821 C.; 24 B. c. 8 Tac. Ann. ii. 49. 9 The fact that Strabo often joins the adverb veuvrl with a i.iJa5. 6 Who was this Piso ? Niese 7 asserts that he was the known enemy of Germanicus, who is said to have been proconsul of Africa, 8 and who, according to Tissot, 9 governed that province between i B. c. and 1 1 A. D. It is true that the expression r)jep(i>v yevopevos rrjs x&yja? would seem to indicate the governor of a province, and yet it seems to me that we should guard against asserting with such positiveness that this Piso was the enemy of Germanicus. I have shown 10 that Strabo's description of Libya was written with the aid of early geographers, especially Artemi- dorus, and with material drawn from the historians who narrated the wars of Jugurtha and Caesar. Except for the statement 1 Strab. ii, p. 118 C. a i, p. 10 C., ii, pp. 93, 117 C. 3 i, p. 10 C. ; 36 B. c. Strabo here mentions the expedition against the Par- thians together with the ambushes of the Germans and Celts, who fought iv ?\e referring to Juba's ascension of the throne of Mauretania, and to the death of this king, it would be useless to search for any refer- ence to the arrangements made by Augustus in regard to the provinces of Cyrenaica, Proconsular Africa with Numidia, and the kingdom of Mauretania itself, where various Augustan colonies were also located. Thus, for example, Strabo knew of the plant- ing of a colony by Caesar at Carthage, but does not mention the fact that Augustus also placed one there (29 B. c.). It seems strange that he did not wish to know more about the rfvepatv of Africa than that which was recognized by everyone, and which Strabo himself says was asserted by many other writers (Sxnrep ol re dXXoi S^XoOcrt KOI Srj ical Tvalo? Tleitrcov .... SirjyeiTO rjplv}. Why did he refrain from giving the same information that he gives in his description of Egypt and Spain ? It seems possible, therefore, that this Piso may have been the father of the enemy of Germanicus, or else the Cn. Piso who fought so fiercely against Caesar in Africa in 47 B. c. 1 It is true that the expression rfyefimv n)/ja9 means, strictly speaking, "governor of the province," and that the one in charge of Africa was not Piso, but Considius. 2 It should be noted, however, that the term ^je^cav is used by Strabo in various senses, and to indicate Augustus, Tiberius, 3 and the Roman provincial governors, without defining whether their grade was consular, praetorian, etc. ; 4 and, finally, to denote generals and commanders of the Roman armies. 5 The expression is really vague and indefinite both elsewhere and here since the passage in question does not state that Piso was governor of Procunsular Africa, but 7% %&>/>? that is to say (as is clearly seen from the preceding description of Libya), of the region which extended from Alexandria in Egypt to the Pillars of Hercules. Had Strabo wished to convey the idea that Cn. Piso was a governor of a prov- ince, he would have stated of what province, since in his time 1 Tac. Ann. ii. 43: "Cn. Pisonem .... insita ferocia a patre Pisone, qui civili bello resurgentes in Africa partes acerrimo ministerio adversus Caesarem iuvit." Cf. Asin. Bell. Ajr. 3, 18. 2 Cic. Pro Ligar. i ; Asin. Bell. A}r. 3. 3 Strab. vi, p. 288 C.; xiii, p. 627 C.; xiv, p. 675 C. 4 xii, p. 569 C.; xiv, p. 659 C. s xii, p. 560 C.; xiv, p. 654 C. STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 389 Libya embraced the two provinces of Cyrene and Proconsular Africa joined to Numidia. Since it is evident that in his descrip- tion of Libya Strabo is especially disposed to record events of the war of Caesar, and since the word ^e/itoy is by him used to express various degrees of command, at times referring to Roman impera- lores, and at other times to governors in general, I see no reason why it might not refer either to the Cn. Piso who as legatus com- manded the Numidian and Mauretanian cavalry in Africa, 1 or to the consul of 23 B. c. the Piso to whom, according to Michaelis, Horace is said to have dedicated his famous epistle which we are accustomed to call the Ars poetical Book Hi, In the description of the Iberian peninsula there are no references to the period before 15 B. c., at which time the last military colonies are said to have been founded. 3 Nevertheless, in one passage, 4 after recording the military arrangements made by Augustus in the western and nothern regions of the peninsula, Strabo goes on to say: " Moreover, Tiberius, following the example of Augustus, his predecessor, sent to these regions three legions (i. e., the fourth Macedonian, the sixth Victrix, and the tenth Gemina), the very presence of which did much, not only toward pacifying, but also toward civilizing a portion of these peoples." It seems to irie that this passage was later retouched, and that this statement was added merely as a sign of homage to the new emperor, Tiberus. 5 Book iv. In the description of the Gauls there is no reference to the period before 12 B. c., in which year Drusus dedicated the * Asin. B. A jr. 3, 18. 2 A. Michaelis in the Comment. Mommsen, p. 420. 3 Dio Cass. liv. 23. * Strab. iii, p. 156 C. s The reader who desires further details in this connection I refer to my article in Riv. di filol. class. (Turin), XV, in which I have enumerated and discussed the various references in Strabo of a historical and administrative character. There, however (pp. 200 ff.), I wrongly stated that the mention made by Strabo to the administrative arrangement of the three Spanish provinces (III, p.~*66 C ) should be referred to the age of Tiberius. Strabo himself says that they refer to 27 B. c. : rvvl 8t r(av ira.px<-&i' T&V t^v diro5etxOei T<# dr/u.^ re ical ry ffvyK\^T(f; cf. Mar- quardt, op. cit., I 2 , p. 253; Mommsen, Res gestae divi Aug., p. 222; Rom. Gesch., V, p. 58, n. i. 39 ANCIENT ITALY altar of Augustus at Lyons. 1 By admitting that the work was written shortly after that year, we may explain why Strabo does not mention either the altar of Narbona of n A. D., or that of the Ubii, which was already in existence in 9 A. D. ; and it also becomes clear why he does not speak of the institution of the military provinces of the two Germanics. I have already said that in the portion of this book given up to the description of the Alps there is no allusion to events occurring after the wars of Drusus, who died in 9 B. c. ; and for my own part I do not hesitate to assert that the following words were added in 18 A. D. words which, as it happens, follow immediately after the mention of the wars of Drusus against the Rhaetians : " So that they have now lived for thirty-three years in profound peace, always promptly paying their tribute." 2 Books v, vi. I have already shown 3 that the two books which Strabo dedicated to Italy were compiled from old material. They contain no references to a period earlier than 8 B. c., with the apparent exception of a few passages connected with the descrip- tion of Rome, and certain others on the final page of book vi (p. 288 C.), where the peoples who were subject to Rome were enumerated. I hope to show that these two were retouched at a later period. In speaking of the Parthians on the final page of book vi, after mentioning the fact that their king, Phraates, sent his sons to Augustus (8 B.C.), Strabo adds: "And more than once in our days the Parthians have caused to come from Rome the prince whom they wished at their head. It even seems that they are on the point of placing themselves and their property in the hands of the Romans." 4 That these words contradicted what Strabo him- self elsewhere says of the Parthians, 5 and that they do not apply to this people, who not many times, but once only, during the life of Strabo accepted a king from the Romans (i.e., Vonones; about 8 A. D.), has been noted by Meyer, 6 who, rightly I think, believes 1 Strab. iv, p. 192 C. 3 iv, p. 206 C. * Strab. vi, p. 288 C. 3 Op. cit., pp. 147 ff. 5 xi, p. 515 C. 6 Op. cit., p. 61. Meyer, however, neither here nor elsewhere makes good STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 391 that they have been displaced, and that they refer to the Armenians, whom Strabo mentioned shortly before, and who at the time of Augustus four times accepted from him a king whom he favored and protected. 1 We must now try to decide to what year the words of Strabo refer. It seems to me that they can apply only to the condition of the Armenians in 18 A. D., when Zenon, son of Pythodoris and of Polemon, king of Pontus, was crowned by Germanicus as king of Greater Armenia (a fact which is elsewhere recorded by Strabo him- self). 2 These words, however, do not harmonize with what Strabo shortly before said of the Armenians : " As to the Armenians, and those peoples known by the name of Albanians and Iberians who dwell above Colchis, they merely need the presence of a Roman legate. That suffices to restrain them, and if they are active today, it is because they know the Romans are elsewhere occupied." 3 This condition of affairs evidently does not fit the year 18 A. D., but rather seems to have reference to the frequent turmoils of the pre- vious years which succeeded the coronation of Tigranes II (placed on the Armenian throne by Tiberius in the name of Augustus, 20 B. c.), and which lasted throughout the reign of his successor, Artavasdes. Indeed, these turmoils were protracted till the reign of Vonones (about 8 A. D.), and even till after his expulsion (about 12 A. D.). 4 In spite of these troubles, Strabo says that the Arme- nians were easily restrained. This statement enables us more easily to determine the time when these words were written, since they are adapted only to the time when the Parthians seized Arme- nia, after Tigranes II and Artavasdes had been driven from the throne. To restore order, Tiberius was sent by Augustus in 6 B. c. He refused the task, however, and preferred voluntary exile on Rhodes, 5 thus making it possible for the Parthians to remain in control of Armenia till i B. c., when C. Caesar placed the use of the two or three of his observations which are worthy of note, in establish- ing the date of the composition of the Geography. 1 See Res. gest. divi Aug. v. 24 ff. 3 Strab. xii, p. 556 C. * Mommsen, Res geslae divi Aug., pp. 112 ff., 143 ff. 3 vi, p. 288 C. 5 Veil. ii. no. 39 2 ANCIENT ITALY Mede Ariobarzanes on the throne. From this we are led to the conclusion that the original text of Strabo must have been written before 6 B. c. This being granted, it is but natural that in 18 A. D., there should have been added to this page the statement that the Cappadocians were no longer governed by their kings (Archelaus, the last king of Cappadocia, died in 17 A. D.), and that, after the passage recalling the merits of Augustus, the following words should have been inserted: "Tiberius, his son and successor, takes him as example in his policy and administration, just as his own children, Tiberius and Drusus, follow their father." 1 We have seen that the final page of book xvii must have been written about 11 B. c., or shortly after. From this examination of the last page of book vi, which is in many respects similar to that of book xvii, we must conclude that it was written shortly after 8 B. c., the time when Phraates sent his sons as hostages to Rome, since this is the most recent fact which Strabo mentions in its first redaction. Let us now examine the description of Rome. Strabo speaks, it is true, of the mausoleum of Augustus, and adds : " it contains his remains, and those of his relatives." 2 It should be noticed that the mausoleum was already under construction in 23 B. c., the year when Augustus deposited the ashes of Marcellus there, 3 and that in 12 B. c., he caused to be brought thither those of Agrippa, 4 and in 9 B. c. those of Drusus. 5 In preparing his own mausoleum while still alive, Augustus followed a practice which was very com- mon in antiquity, so that it does not seem strange that the words Ofjrcai elv dTreXeu- 0epiT<2i> instituted by Augustus (v, p. 235 C.), which, according to Dio Cassius, was organized by that emperor in 6 A. D. (Iv. 26. 4). It seems to me, however, that Dio Cassius here alludes to the rearrangement of this body into seven cohorts ; and that it existed as early as 36 B. c. we leam from Appian: Ka.1 i% titeivov a.al wapa.fjLeiva.1, rb rrjs <7TpartSs T&V vvKTOv\d.KJ fwvondx 01 -*'- Strab., p. 213 C. 6 Tac. Ann. i. 58. 394 ANCIENT ITALY sions to the defensive works of Agrippa, and to the undertakings at Lakes Avernus and Lucrinus, but no reference to the stationing of a fleet at Cape Misenum. Nevertheless, in speaking of Naples, Strabo says: "and the quinquennial games which are there cele- brated, and which consist of gymnastic contests and musical com- petitions (these competitions often last for several days in succes- sion), rival the best that Greece can offer in this respect." 1 It would seem that Strabo here alludes to the celebrated games instituted in honor of Augustus, and termed Italic and Isolympic, which are frequently mentioned by the authors, and are often recorded in the inscriptions. 2 When were these instituted ? From a passage in Dio Cassius, 3 Mommsen wishes to derive that they were dedicated to Augustus for the first time in 2 B. c. An inscrip- tion, on the other hand, assigns their founding to 2 A. D. 4 Thus Dio is held to allude to them four years before the date established by a practically official monument. The fact is that Dio does not state that they were founded in that year, but merely that they were decreed in honor of Augustus. His words are as follows: avTQ) Be 8?) TO) A.i>yov(TT(n ay(bv re lepbs ev NeaTro'Xet rrj Ka/A7rai/t8t, Xoya> [lev on Kaiccodeicrav avrrjv /cat VTTO tretcr/noO KOI VTTO Trvpbs ave\a/3e, TO 8' a\rjde<; eTrei&r) TO, T>V 'Ei\\r)V(av povoi TU>V Trpoa^copcov rpoTrov riva e^\ovv, tyrifyiaOri,* On the other hand, it is note- worthy that Strabo, who often and willingly takes occasion to recall the deeds of Augustus and to speak of events which redound to his honor, although he mentions these games, does not say that they were dedicated by that emperor. It may be supposed, therefore, that the games had been in existence for some time; that a muni- cipal decree of the Neapolitans (Dio speaks of a municipal decree in 2 B. c.) consecrated them to Augustus, who a short time before had benefited the city when it was afflicted by earthquakes; and, finally, that not till the ensuing Olympiad (the word is not inap- propriate, since we are speaking of Isolympic games), or in 2 A. D., 1 Strab. v, p. 246 C. * See Mommsen, CIL, X, p. 171; Beloch, Campanien, pp. 58 ff. 3 Dio Cass. Iv. 10. 9. 4 See CIG, no. 5805. STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 395 were they recognized as Augustan games, or as 'IraXt/ca ' 2ey8a0Ta '10-oXu/iTria, as the inscription officially calls them. 1 Even if we grant that in this reference Strabo really alludes to the institution of the Augustan games in 2 A. D., we should merely have before us one of four passages in the Geography referring to events which took place between 7 B. c. and 7 A. D., and the only one connected with the West. And even in this case it is not diffi- cult to see how Strabo could have become cognizant of games which rivaled the best that Greece could offer, and which took place at Puteoli, the most important commercial port of the world at that time. Book mi. We have already discussed this book. There only remains to be examined a passage where, in speaking of the Cimbri, Strabo says that they "sent to the emperor their most precious possession, a sacred caldron, asking for friendship, and pardon for their faults."* Mommsen 3 thinks that this passage refers to the Germanic expedition of Tiberius of 5 A. D. But we have seen that there is no mention in Strabo of the Germanic and Pannonic wars of Tiberius of the years 4-1 1 A. D. It seems to me more natural to believe that Strabo alludes to an event which occurred during the Germanic expeditions of 11-9 B. c., at which time i It should be noted here that in the description of Campania, in connection with contemporary events, there is exclusive mention of the war of Sextus Pom- peius and of the works of defense of Agrippa (38-35 B. c.; see Strab. v, p. 243 C.). Moreover, there is reference in general to the settling of colonists at Capua, but no specific mention of the Augustan colony which could not have been later than 31 B. C. (see CIL, X, 3826). There is also a record of the exchange effected between Augustus and the Neapolitans, at the time when the emperor gave up Ischia to Naples and received Capri in return (29 B. C.; see Dio Cass. lii. 43). With these facts in mind, and also remembering that the games occurred quin- quennially, we may fix their first establishment either in 34 B. c., after the fall of Sextus Pompeius, or in 30 B. c., one year after the victory at Actium, and the year of the conquest of Alexandria. In the latter case the Neapolitan games would be but little anterior to the famous musical or gymnastic games "(also quinquennial) which Augustus instituted at Nicopolis in memory of the victory at Actium (29 B. c. ; Dio Cass. li. 2). In speaking of these, Strabo says: faero Si ical irptrrepov T& "AKTIO. r$ 6f$, ffTfa.vlTtj3 dy&v, VTT& T&V irepioiicuv vvvl 8t ivn^rtpov tirolti (vii, p. 325 C.). Here, too, Augustus is said to have reorganized formerly existing games a fact which Dio neglects to mention. Strab. vii, p. 293 C. 3 Mommsen, Res gest. div. Aug.', p. 105. 396 ANCIENT ITALY Drusus incorporated the Batavi and Frisones into the Roman Empire ; proceeded with his fleet along the shores of the North Sea ; seized several islands, among others that of Burcanis; 1 and pushed by land as far as the Elbe. According to Strabo, the Cimbrians asked pardon for the trouble they had made the Romans. This trouble could not have been caused by sea, and the fleet of Drusus must even have inspired respect among them. The fact that Strabo erroneously places the Cimbrians between the mouth of the Rhine and that of the Elbe, 2 which, he asserts, had never been crossed by a Roman army, in connection with the other fact, already alluded to, that Strabo makes no mention of the expeditions of Tiberius of the years 4-11 A. D., makes it all the more probable that the Cimbrians came in contact with the elder Drusus. As is known, Drusus never crossed the Elbe. Books viii-x. These books, which are given up to the description of Greece and of the islands of the Aegean, have been shown by Niese 3 to be made up of ancient literary material, and are among the least rich in contemporary historical allusions. The most recent event 4 of the old redaction, it seems to me, is the reference to the founding of the military colony of Patrae (14 B. c.). The only passage added about 18 A. D. is that recording the death of the Spartan Eurycles, and the loss of eTriaTacria by his son also. 5 Coins show that Eurycles was supreme magistrate at Sparta at the time of Augustus, and also that his son regained the lost power under Claudius, but contain no record of this family at the time of Tiberius. 6 If these conclusions are valid, we must also admit that the passage which states that Eurycles (6 /ea#' ^a? r>v Aatce&aipovLcov j^e/i&n/) possessed Cythera, has been retouched. 7 Book xi. In this book, devoted to the description of the countries lying north and south of the Caucasus, and of the 1 Cf. Strabo vii, p. 291 C. 2 Strab. vii, pp. 249, 291 C. 3 Rhein. Mus., XXXII, pp. 267 ff. 4 Indicated with a veuarl; Strab. viii, p. 387 C. s Strab. viii, p. 366 C. 6 For the family of Eurycles in general, and for their coins, see Weil, Ath. Mitth., VI (1881), pp. 10 ff. ^ Strab. viii, p. 363 C. STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 397 northern regions of Asia, the most recent events of those which, it seems to me, belong to the first redaction of the text, are the sub- jugation of Tanais, which rebelled against Kin^ Ptolemy between 14 and 8 B. c., 1 and the death of this king in 8 B. c. 2 The reference to the siege of Artagira 3 I hold to have been inserted later, at the time of Tiberius, about 18 A. D. At this period also, or shortly afterward, there was added a portion of the passage in which, after narrating at length the deeds of Tigranes I, king of Armenia, and later those of Artavasdes, who died after the battle of Actium in 30 B. c., Strabo expresses himself as follows about subsequent affairs: "After him [Artavasdes] Armenia had still several sover- eigns who reigned under the protectorate of Caesar and the Romans, and this protectorate endures to the present day." 4 The brevity of this statement, which contrasts with the elaboration of what goes before, is not surprising, since here as elsewhere Strabo neglects the events previous to the battle of Actium, for the reason that he had already narrated them in the History, to which his Geography formed an appendix and a commentary. 5 The words "had still several sovereigns" may refer to the various Armenian kings who recognized the Roman hegemony (i. e., Artavasdes, Tigranes III, Ariobarzanes, Artavasdes II) from after the time of Tigranes II, who came to the throne in 20 B. c., until that of Tigranes IV, who died in 36 A. D. The words, " and this protec- torate endures to the present day," better suit the state of Armenia in 18 A. D., and agree with those of book vi, p. 288 C., which have certainly been displaced, and which I regard as refer- ring, not to the Parthians, but to the Armenians. 6 Another possibility however, is that the last-quoted phrase was in- serted in 18 A. D., and that the preceding words, which had been written earlier (about 7 B. c.), were merely retouched in 18 A. D. 1 xi, p. 493 C. 3 xi, p. 529 C.; 2 A. D.; see below, p. 426. * xi, p. 495 C. 4 xi, p. 532 C. s In like manner, the references of Strabo to the Parthians (xi, p. 515 C.) and to the Medes (p. 523 C.) are vague and few, and difficult to place chronologically. 6 See above pp. 390 f. 398 ANCIENT ITALY Books xii-xiv. We have seen that in the books dedicated to Greece, a country little known to Strabo and little visited by him, the references to recent historical events are few and far between. In books xii-xiv, on the other hand, in which he describes the regions and provinces of Asia Minor between the Euxine and Aegean Seas and the Taurus, such references are fairly numerous. In these regions Strabo spent most of his life, and he was writing of familiar ground. The description of Cappadocia would seem at first glance to have been written shortly after Tiberius and the Senate had voted for its admission as a Roman province in 18 A. D. The words of Strabo are as follows: "What will henceforth be the admini- strative division of Great Cappadocia we cannot yet say, a recent decree of Caesar and the Senate, intervening after the death of King Archelaus, having placed this kingdom among the number of Roman provinces." 1 If it were true that Strabo composed all of his Geography after the beginning of 18 A. D., and that in that year he composed at least the first four books, it would be difficult to explain how in such a short space of time (in a year or a little more), and at the age of eighty, he could have composed eight books (the fifth to the twelfth), which would seem to require the labor of many years. In that case, too, it is hard to see why, if he waited so long before commencing to write, no matter whether he lived at Rome or elsewhere, he should not have been better informed of the measures which the Romans had taken for the administration of the various provinces. If, however, we admit that the work was retouched here and there in its various portions, in 1 8 A. D., we find most natural the phrase just quoted, and also may explain why the accurate and minute description of Cappa- docia corresponds to the region as it existed at the time of Arche- laus. Of the original redaction we find a trace, for example, in the passage where, in speaking of Cataonia, Strabo says : " Its inhabi- tants, although Cataonians by origin, and nominally subject to the king of Cappadocia, are more correctly subject to the high-priest 1 Strab. xii, p. 534 C. Cf. the beginning of the same page, and also Tac. Ann. ii. 56. STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 399 [of Ma]." 1 As a later addition may be recognized the rather lengthy passage in which, in describing Lesser Armenia, Strabo speaks of Queen Pythodoris, widow of Polemon (died 8 B. c.), and of Archelaus (died 17 A. D.), and of their children. Among these he mentions Zenon, vewari made king of Armenia (18 A. D), and the daughter who married the Thracian leader Cotys, whose death is mentioned. 2 The passages referring to this princess 3 have evidently been added to this book, and in part worked over, with the exception of xiv, p. 649 C., which may have been written earlier, and with the exception of the enumeration of the benefits con- ferred by Tiberius on Sardis and the other cities injured by earthquakes. 4 The most recent events which may be referred to the first writing of the text are, first, the death of Polemon, 3 and, secondly, the bringing of Amasia under Roman control. 6 As additions to the text of book xiii may be mentioned the passage where, having spoken of M. Pompeius Theophanes, son of the historian and procurator of Augustus, Strabo says: ical vvv ev rot? TrpcoTois e^erd^erai rwv Tiftepfov i\a>v'S the mention of the earthquakes which had recently (veaxni] devastated Magnesia near the Sipy- lus; 8 and the place where are again recounted the benefits con- ferred by Tiberius on the cities of Asia which these earthquakes had damaged. 9 As additions to book xiv may be cited the passage which mentions the island of Eleusa, the royal seat of Archelaus, who is spoken of as already dead, and that in which, after a long discourse on his friend Athenodorus, teacher and intimate friend of Augustus, and his administration at Tarsus, mention is made of the Nestor who taught Marcellus (died 22 B. c.), and who succeeded Athenodorus as governor of that city. Since we know that Atheno- dorus was alive in 8 A. D., 10 and since Nestor is spoken of as one no longer alive, it seems at least probable that this passage was inserted in the Geography shortly before 18 A. D. * xii, p. 535 C. 6 7 B. c.; Strab. xii, p. 561 C. a 18 A. D.; xii, pp. 555 ff. ^ xiii, p. 618 C. 3 xi, p. 499 C.; xii, pp. 557-59 C. 8 xiii, p. 621 C. 4 xii, p. 579 C.; 17 A. D. 9 xiv, p. 627 C.; 17 A. D. s xii, pp. 556 C., 558 C.; 8s. c. I0 See Eusebius, ed. Schone, II, p. 146. 400 ANCIENT ITALY On the other hand, the passage in which, concerning the Cilician Tarcondimotus who died in 31 B. c., it is said, rrjv SiaSo^rjv rot? fter' avTov TrapeSwice, 1 seems to have been written long before 18 A. D., since it contains allusions to the two Philopaters, of whom the first came to the throne in 20 B. c., and the second died in 17 A. D. a If, as is not improbable, their principality was added to Syria in 18 A. D., 3 as was Commagene (the transformation of which to a province is known to Strabo, xvi, p. 749 C.), we must admit either that Strabo forgot to work over this passage, or else that in 18 A. D., when he revised his work, no action had as yet been taken in regard to this small Cilician state. These two hypotheses may easily be made to agree. If we remember that in the above-quoted passage Strabo declares that he does not know what measures the Romans had taken in regard to Cappadocia, and that he shows himself ignorant of the fact that a small state in Cilicia had been given to the successors of Archelaus, 4 we may conclude that he retouched his text before Germanicus had suc- ceeded in putting in order the affairs of all the oriental provinces (i. e., in 19 A. D., when he went to Egypt). 5 To the second redaction of the text, finally, would belong the passage referring to the deeds of P. Sulpicius Quirinius against the fierce Homonades, 6 since, as Mommsen has made practically certain, 7 these pirates were destroyed by Quirinius about 3-2 B. c. 8 Book ocv: India, Persia. Like book xi, this contains very few allusions to contemporary events. The most recent is certainly 1 Strab. xiv, p. 676 C. 2 See Marquardt, I 2 , p. 386. 3 See Nipperdey ad Tac. Ann. ii. 56. 4 Which, if not certain, is at least very probable (see Marquardt, I 3 , p. 384). s Tac. Ann. i. 59. 6 Strab. xii, p. 569 C. * Res gest., etc., pp. 172 ff. 8 At first glance it would seem as if to the passages hitherto examined should be added the statement that Strabo, when a youth, studied at Nysa. Although he mentions the people of this city (xiv, p. 650 C.), he does not speak of that of Rome and Augustus, which is attested by an inscription of i B. C. (see CIG, no. 2943). This may be due to one of two reasons, one of which is as probable as the other: either Strabo did not return to Nysa at a mature age, in the years when he wrote his Geography, or else his work was first written before the temple of Rome and Augustus was erected. STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 401 the reference to the 'Indian embassy which Augustus received at Samos in 20 B. c. 1 Nevertheless, p. 719 C., where Strabo dis- cusses minutely the gifts brought to Augustus, would seem to belong to a second redaction, commencing with the words : Trpoa-- 0eiT) 8' av Ti9 Tovrois Kal ra irapa rov Aa/iavyfj Stere'Xei Trapa rot9 'AXXo'/3/3tt FaXarats.s Since Archelaus was exiled to Vienna in Gallia Narbonensis in 6 A. D., although we have no reference to the date of his death, it is probable that this passage was inserted not much before 18 A. D. We may, indeed, even suspect that the authority for these state- ments was the History of Nicolaus of Damascus. We also find a i Strab. xv, p. 719 C.; cf. p. 686 C. See Miiller, F. H. G., Ill, p. 344. ' ^/-Kwi/, 8 we are led to believe that he wrote not only this book, but also book ii, in which this expedition is mentioned as having occurred veaxrri^ shortly after 25-24 B. c., or, in other words, shortly after the time when the expedition occurred. Book ocvii. The same holds true for the last book of the Geography, the first portion of which was written not long after the voyage which Strabo undertook in company with Aelius Gallus as far as the confines of Ethiopia (23-22 B. c.), and also not long after the expedition of Gallus against Petronius (23-22 B. c.), and the arrival of the Ethiopian expedition at Samos (20 B. c.). 10 Strabo alludes with a wvi to the three legions which guarded Egypt. 11 This distribution of the legions, however, although true for 20 B. c., does not correspond to the conditions at the time of Tiberius, nor possibly even during the final years of the reign of Augustus, since we know that at that period Egypt was guarded by only two le- gions, the Third Cyrenaica and the Twenty-seecond Deiotariana. 12 i Strab. xi, p. 332 C.; cf. xi, pp. 515 C., 523 C.; vi, p. 288 C. 3 14 B. c.; xvi, p. 756 C. 3 xvi, p. 782 C. 4 Flav. Jos. Ant. lud. xvi. 9. 8; xvii. 3. 2; Bell. lud. i. 29. 3. s Strab. xvi, p. 782 C. 6 See Flav. Jos. Ant. lud. xvi. 9. 4. o ii, p. n8C. 7 Cf. Strab. xvi, p. 781 C. I0 xvii, p. 819 C. 8 xvi, p. 780 C. " xvii, p. 807 C.; cf. p. 797 C " See Tac. Ann. iv. 5; Mommsen, Res. gest., etc., pp. 68 ff. 404 ANCIENT ITALY On the other hand, the mention of the obelisks which were brought to Rome is in harmony with what we have elsewhere observed regarding the time when the Geography was first put in final form. This event, the most recent indicated in the description of Egypt, 1 is shown by the inscriptions 2 to have occurred before 10 B. c. The second part of this book (Proconsular Africa and Numidia, Mauretania and the neighboring regions), as I have shown else- where, 3 was built up from early geographers, especially Artemi- dorus, and from the historians of the wars of Jugurtha and Caesar. 4 In it there is no reference to events of the time of Augustus, as, for example, the Augustan colony of 29 B. c. at Carthage, while, on the other hand, the colony planted there by Caesar is mentioned. 5 The one exception to this is the reference to the founding of the realm of Mauretania which was granted to Juba, 6 whose death, indeed, is twice recorded. The death of Juba occurred after the year 18 and before 23 A. D. 7 A reading of this final portion of book xvii leads to the conviction that Strabo commenced writing it not long after 20 B. c. The mention of the death of Juba, who on the final I Strab. xvii, p. 805 C. ' OIL, VI, 701, 702. 3 Op. cit., p. 205. 4 In my article in Riv. di filol. class. (Turin), XV, I noted various passages in book xvii which seemed derived from a work entitled Bellum Africanum (e. g., xvii, pp. 831 C. ff.; cf. Bell. A)r. 33. 87). Since then Landgraf (Untersuchungen zu Caes. u. seinen Fortsetzern, Erlangen, 1888) has shown that this should be attributed to Asinius Pollio. This makes even more evident the relation between this work and Strabo, who cites Asinius as witness both in his Geography (iv, p. 193 C.) and in his History (see Flav. Jos. Ant. lud. xiv. 8. 3). The question remains as to whether Strabo knew of the writings of Asinius at first hand, or through Timagenes, one of his known sources (iv, p. 188 C.; cf. Ant. lud. xiii. n. 3), and who grew old in the house of Asinius (L. Sen. De ira iii. 23). I am inclined to believe that Strabo quoted Asinius on the authority of Timagenes, since he shows neither much knowl- edge of, nor respect for, the Roman authors (see my op. cit., pp. 103 ff.), and since, in the passage where Asinius is quoted as authority for the length of the Rhine, the distance is given, not in Roman miles, but in stades. When elsewhere Strabo cites a Roman source, such as Artemidorus (cf. v. pp. 224 ff., 261 C.; vi, pp. 266, 277 C.), he gives the distance in Roman miles. Moreover, in the description of Gaul, shortly before the mention of Asinius, his friend Timagenes is quoted. s Strab. xvii, p. 833 C.; 44 B. c. 6 25 B. c ; Strab. xvii, p. 828 C. I 1 confess to not being entirely convinced by the arguments of a numismatic character (see Miiller, Numis. d'Afrique, III, pp. 113 ff.) which attempt to show that Tuba died in 23 A. D. On the other hand, I see no reason for asserting, with Niese (Hermes, XIII, p. 35), that he must have died in 19 A. D. STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 405 page of book vi is spoken of as alive (p. 288 C., where he is spoken of as having assumed the rule of Mauretania; 25 B. c.), confirms us in the belief that the two passages, " Jubahas recently died, leav- ing as successor and heir his son Ptolemy, whose mother was a daughter of Antony and Cleopatra," 1 and "This region .... fell to .... Juba in our time [the father of Juba II, who re- cently died]," 2 were retouched and added to after 18 A. D. To sum up : In the entire Geography there are but two or three passages which allude to events occurring after 7 B. c., and referring to the final years of Augustus ; and of these events possibly but one (the games at Naples) has reference to the West. 3 We have also noted about twenty passages which were either worked over or added to at a later period, in which mention is made of Tiberius, or of events occurring in the first years of his reign, and especially in 17-18 A. D. The great majority of these passages are in the books devoted to the description of the eastern provinces, and, although a few are found in book vi, these too refer to the East. Five passages only refer to the West, and of these, two alone refer to special events, such as the death of Juba and the triumph of Germanicus. Of the other three, one makes a vague and general allusion to Tiberius ; 4 one, to Tiberius, Germanicus, and Drusus ; s while one states that thirty-three years had elapsed since the vic- tories of the elder Drusus. 6 This lacuna between the events occurring before 7 B. c. and after 17 A. D. leads me to believe that the Geography was first written not much later than 7 B. c., and that it was hastily worked over in 18 A. D., or shortly afterward. I do not think, however, that it was originally written within a short space of time. There seems reason to hold that it was begun by Strabo not long after the completion of his historical works, to which the Geography was an appendix and commentary. He expressly states that the * Strab. xvii, p. 828 C. * xvii, p. 829 C. 3 I do not count the two places where Strabo speaks of the family of Herod (died 4 B. C.) and of Athenodorus of Tarsus (alive in 8 B. c.), since these references are closely connected with others referring to an earlier period (see above, pp. 399 f.). 4iii, p. 156 C.; see above, p. 389. s vi, p. 288C. 6 iv, p 206 C. 406 ANCIENT ITALY Geography was "on the same plan" as his earlier works, and that, like them, it was written "for the same men, and especially for those who occupy high positions." 1 His greater historical work, which unfortunately has been lost, narrated even the contemporary events down to 27 B. c., a and we may surmise that he set about the compilation of the Geography not much later than that year. In the description of Arabia, and in that of Egypt and Libya, we have noted certain indications which tend to show that the original redaction of the text of these books could not have occurred much later than 20 B. c. This archaic flavor, so to speak, is felt also in the books given up to Italy (v, vi) and to Greece (viii-x), and in the first two books, which serve as preface, and which may have been written not long after 16 B. c. 3 At a later period, certainly not earlier than 9 B. c., Strabo wrote the books dedicated to Gaul and Germany. 4 In general, we have seen that in his Geography Strabo recorded events down to 7 B. c., whether because these had also been treated in appendices to his History, or because what seems more probable he considered the Geography an appendix to the History, and in it wished to recount, or at least to enumerate at length, the later events, just as he did in regard to the Arabian and Ethiopian expeditions of Gallus and Petronius (25-22 B. c.), and in the case of the administration of the Gauls under Augustus, Agrippa, Tiberius, and Drusus (27-9 B. c.). The final page of book xvii, which offers a general survey of the Roman Empire and provinces, 3 would seem to have been written between 22 and n B. c., although other arguments would lead us to think that the Geography was not finished till about 7 B. c. It is not difficult to discover the motives which led Strabo to 1 i, p- 13 C. 2 Otto (op. cit., p. 13) thinks that Strabo carried his history down to 27 B. c. This conclusion he bases on the final page of book xvii (p. 840 C.), which alludes to the division of the provinces into senatorial and imperial, and where it is said that in that year Augustus became arbitrator for life in matters pertaining to peace and war. Previous critics (among these Miiller, F. H. G., Ill, p. 490) have thought that the History continued down to 31 B. c.; i. e., to the battle of Actium. It seems to me, however, that the opinion of Otto is preferable. 3 See above, p. 383, and note i. 4iv, vii; see above, pp. 389, 395. sp. 840 C. STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 407 complete his work at that period, and to confine himself to men- tioning only the events which took place before that year. Strabo wrote 1 from the point of view of a Greek, and, furthermore, of a Greek from Asia Minor, and probably also from the point of view of an Amasiot. After the battle of Actium, and the subsequent measures taken by Augustus (who visited the eastern provinces in 31-29 and 21-19 B. c.) and by Agrippa (14-13 B. c.), who, among other things, put in order affairs near the Bosphorus, the Greek East was thrown into confusion by the death of Polemon, king of Pontus, Lesser Armenia, and the Bosphorus; and, as is shown by the coins, in the following year the region in which Amasia was situated became part of a Roman province. After the death of Polemon and that of the last king of Paphla- gonia, which bordered on Pontus, 3 no noteworthy event occurred in Roman Asia Minor, with the exception of the death of Herod (4 B. c.), which gave rise to the struggle between his sons, 3 and of the sending of C. Caesar, who died in the midst of his undertaking; 4 and with the further exception of the death of Augustus (14 A. D.), and of the arrival of Germanicus, who was sent there in 18 A. D. with full power as Agrippa and Gaius had been. Germanicus renewed the ancient relations with the Parthians, gave to the Armenians a king who was friendly and subject to the Romans, and incorporated in the empire both Commagene and Cappadocia. The death of Augustus was an event of great importance for the entire empire. With the succession of Tiberius the new political form which had been created by C. Caesar was permanently established. It was this, without doubt, which compelled Strabo to revise his work, if only for the purpose of inserting the name of the new ruler. The passage in which he speaks of the Spanish garrison was worked over, not for the purpose of adding anything new, but merely to make mention of Tiberius. 3 For the same 1 See my article in Riv. di filol. class. XV, pp. 99-122. 2 Died at about this period; see below, p. 424, note 2. 3 Strab. xvi, p. 765 C. 4 Mentioned indirectly by Strabo in speaking of Artagira, xi, p. 529 C. ; see above, p. 381. s See above, p. 389. 408 ANCIENT ITALY reason Strabo added the final words of book vi. 1 In like manner the arrival of Germanicus in the East, and the measures taken by him, changed the aspect of a portion of Asia Minor, and especially of the region near Amasia, bordering on the Pontus and Cappa- docia. The queen of Pontus, Pythodoris, saw her son, Zenon, ascend the throne of Greater Armenia and Cappadocia, and the realm of her second husband, Archelaus, become a Roman province. It seems most probable that, just as the death of Polemon and the incorporation of Amasia into the Roman Empire marked the end of the first redaction and first definite arrangement of the text, so the arrival and sojourn of Germanicus in Asia Minor (18-19 A. D.) caused Strabo to take up the work which he had written twenty-five years earlier and to bring it down to date by inserting recent events. Certainly, if Strabo had not commenced to write his Geography till after 18 A. D., and if he were at that time in Rome, he would not have overlooked the new geographical documents, such as the map of Agrippa, and the recent historical works, such as that of Isidorus of Charax on the Parthians. In reality he was then old, having passed his eightieth year, and naturally lacked the strength and enthusiasm necessary for the composition of the vom- minous work which he himself did not shrink from calling " colos- sal." 2 He, therefore limited himself to mentioning the most important of the events which came to his notice. With a few lines here and there, as in the case of the Armenians and Parthians, 3 he alluded to conditions as they were after 7 B. c., and, when he was able, added a few references to the state of affairs under Tiberius. As we shall see below, he was possibly far from Rome when he revised his work. He was a writer of historical works bearing especially upon the East, 4 which he understood much better than he 1 See above, p. 392. * Strab. i, p. 14 C. 3 See above, pp. 390 f. 4 This much, it seems to me, may be asserted with certainty. Of the two historical works of Strabo, one treated of Alexander the Great, the conqueror of the East, and the cause of the hellenizing of the interior of Asia Minor; the other described the events which occurred between 146 and 273. c., in continuation of the history of Polybius. The numerous historical allusions in the Geography are STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 409 did the West, 1 and, in narrating the events of 17-18 A. D., he was naturally cognizant of the most noteworthy events connected with Asia Minor. He therefore recorded the deeds of Quirinius (3-2 B. c.), the death of the Idumean Herod and the rivalry of his sons, and the various events of the year 17-18 A. D., such as the aid given by Tiberius to the Asiatic cities, and the chief measures taken by Germanicus. He does make mention of the triumph of Germani- cus over the Germans, but in general the West was, and always remained, less known to him. Even though in the books given up to the description of the West he mentions the new emperor, Tiberius, either his strength failed him, or he was without the more exact information which would have permitted him to go farther into detail. For that reason, in the books in which he speaks of the Germans and Pannonians, he does not mention the deeds of Tiberius, even though he did insert a reference to the triumph of Germanicus. In short, about 18 A. D. Strabo merely retouched a work which described conditions in the empire twenty-five years earlier. This retouching of the Geography occurred simultane- ously for all of the books, and probably in a single year. This is shown by the fact that book iv (p. 206 C.) was worked over in 18 A. D.; that at the end of book vi (p. 288 C.) Germanicus is spoken of as alive;* and that in book xii (p. 534 C.) Cappadocia is mentioned as having recently become a Roman province (18 A. D.). The reference to the death of Juba alone 3 may possibly exceed this limit. The exact date when this occurred is unknown; 4 but, at any rate, this would be the only page revised after 18 A. D. We have conjectured that events in Pontus and Cappadocia gave occasion for the first and second redactions of the text of the Geography. This hypothesis is rendered all the more probable by the following examination of the relations which may have existed between Strabo, Amasia, and the kings of Pontus. for the most part to Alexander the Great or his conquests, to the wars of Mithri- dates, or to those of Pompey and Caesar in the East, etc. Whoever wishes a proof of this has but to read the collection of Otto, op. tit. 1 See above, pp. 414 ff. 2 Germanicus died October 8, 19 A. D.; See CIL, X, 6638. 3 Strab. xvii, p. 828 C. 4 See above, p. 404, n. 7. 410 ANCIENT ITALY H. THE LIFE OF STRABO AND THE PLACE WHERE HE WROTE HIS GEOGRAPHY Strabo was born at Amasia on the Pontus about 64 B. c. 1 In his youth he heard the readings of Aristodemus at Nysa in Caria. 2 Possibly the turmoils and displacements of interests which occurred in Pontus as a consequence of the victories of Pompey and the overthrow of the power of Mithridates the Great, caused the parents of Strabo, mistrusted by Pompey, to abandon Amasia. 3 Possibly the youthful Strabo was sent to Nysa merely because of the close relations which, even during the reign of Mithridates, existed between the cities of the Roman provinces of Asia and Pontus. 4 At any rate, it is fairly certain that at about the age of twenty, and not merely in 29 B. c., as Niese and others hold, he went to Rome by way of Corinth. 5 Quite possibly it was at that 1 Concerning the date of Strabo's birth there seems no reason for dis- crediting the conclusions of Niese (Rhein. Mus., XXXVIII, pp. 567 ff.), who places it in 64 or 63 B. c. No value attaches to the argument advanced by Meyer (Quaestiones Strabonianae [Leipzig, 1879], p. 54, n. 14), and accepted by Schroter (Bemerkungen zu Strabo [Leipzig, 1887], p. 3), based on the passage where Strabo states that in his time and after the disbanding of the pirates (i. e., 67 B. c.) the dynasty of Teucer reigned in a small part of Cilicia (Olbe). It is true that certain Cilician cities, such as Pompeiopolis (Soli) and Alexandria, date their era from 67 B. C. (Head, Hist, num., pp. 598, 61 1), but it is also true that Cilicia was reorganized by Pompey in 64 B. c. See Marquardt, op. cit., I', p. 382, n. 7. 3 Strab. xiv, p. 65 1 C. extr. 3 Strabo states that Pompey did not confer on his paternal relations the benefits and favors promised them by Lucullus, on account of their having betrayed Mithridates. He even brought it about that, at Rome and after 62 B. c., the measures taken by Lucullus in favor of his friends in Asia were abrogated by the Senate (xii, p. 557 C.). This is confirmed by the account in Plutarch (Pomp. 38; Luc. 1 8). Hasenmiiller (De Strabonis Geographi vita [Bonnae, 1863], p. 5) attempts to show that these relations were on the father's side. In the phrase 6 trdinros y/j.wv 6 irpbs -iraTp&s afar)* he does not find a corruption of the text, as do the best editors of Strabo, but thinks the word ATTHS is the name of the paternal grandfather. In general this hypothesis seems correct. If, however, we bear in mind the passage where Strabo mentions the names most common in the regions of Paphlagonia and Pontus on both banks of the Halys, and thus in his own country (xii, p. 553 C.), it seems possible that the name ATTHS, which really seems cor- rupt, might be changed to AINIATHS. 4 See Appendix. 5 This I have attempted to prove in my op. cit., p. 228. The words STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 411 time (44 B. c.) that he met Servilius Isauricus, 1 who died that same year. Moreover, Strabo was certainly in Rome in 35 B. c., or shortly after, 2 and was also there in 31 B. c. or earlier, because in that year occurred the burning of the temple of Ceres, in which, he says, he saw a painting by Aristides. 3 At this period, possibly shortly after 44 B. c., Strabo heard at Rome the famous grammarian Tyrannic, 4 whom Lucullus had brought to that city in 66 B. c. Some time during the year 29 B. c. Strabo made the voyage from Asia Minor to Corinth, and tells of the fishermen of the island of Gyaros who came aboard his vessel and proceeded to Corinth. These fishermen were ambassadors charged with securing a reduction of the tribute from Augustus, who was on his way to Rome to celebrate his triumph after the victory at Actium. 5 It is generally held that Strabo was also on his way to Rome at that time. This is probable, and it is also possible that he had been at Nicopolis, which Augustus had just founded on account of the recent victory. 6 Several years later we find him in Egypt, where in 25 and 24 B. c. he accompanied Aelius Gallus as far at the Cataracts. It is not true, however, as Niese holds, that Strabo went to Egypt with Aelius Gallus, and returned with him to Rome. 7 Strabo is aware, both of the Arabian expedition of Aelius Gallus and also of the Ethiopian expedition of his successor, Petro- nius (24-22 B. c.). He speaks with praise, not of the first-mentioned alone, but in general of all the governors of Egypt. 8 The mention [i. e., Corinth] veuvrl dwtXij^fle/o-T/s inrb rlav 'PufJMlwv (viii, p. 379 C.) may easily refer to the year 44 B. c., when the colony was planted. This is shown by other statements referring to the time and place, given in this passage. It may be added that the words Ka.1 i)fjis ctird TOV ' AKpoKopivBov KaTUTrrffoaiLfv rb tcrlva Kal ffK&rov TrtfXas \nr6v (xiv, p. 670 C.). But, aside from the fact that Strabo may have heard of this elsewhere and later, from mutual friends, it should be noted that the line of Euripides makes one suspect that the words 's 'Pw/ojv are erroneous (even Meineke marks them with an asterisk). We are led to surmise that Athenaeus returned to his own country, where he had been at the head of the government, and that we here should read if 'Pw/ni/s instead of ek jirjv. 4 Dio. liv. 25. 26. 414 ANCIENT ITALY and the description of the triumph of Germanicus, seem to suggest a later visit to Italy. We have seen, however, that the quin- quennial festivals of Naples may have been established long before 2 B. c. At all events, as we have already said, Naples was very close to Puteoli, the most important harbor, from a commercial point of view, in the world, and it is not difficult to explain how Strabo, although remaining in Asia Minor, could have received information of games which rivaled the best that Greece could offer. In the same way, even though he remained in Asia Minor, .Strabo could have learned all the details of the triumph of Germanicus, since in 18 A. D., Germanicus himself came with a large following to the East, and traversed the majority of the Roman provinces as far as Armenia, the Euphrates, and Egypt. If Strabo was in Rome in 17, and especially in 18 A. D., in which year he at least retouched books iv and xii, why, in speaking of the reign of Maroboduus, 1 does he not allude to the ruin of his state and of his exile to Ravenna events which also happened in 18 A. D. ? 2 Several noteworthy facts, on the other hand, oppose the theory that Strabo either visited, or dwelt in, Rome after 7 A. D. If he had lived in Italy during the last years of his life, and had there written his Geography, it seems that his work should show some knowledge of the events of that period. Thus the emperor Tiberius is mentioned, but there is no allusion to his Germanic and Pan- 1 Strab. vii, p. 290 C. 2 Tac. Ann. ii. 62. 63 The work of Linsmayer, Der Triumphzug des Ger- manicus (Munich, 1875), is known to me only through the ample but rather unfor- tunate summary of Schroter (Bemerkungen zu Strabo [Leipzig, 1887]). Of all the statements of this scholar, who attempts to show that Strabo was not present at the triumph of Germanicus, one alone seems to me worthy of attention. Strabo says that Thusnelda, wife of Arminius, with her son Thumelicus, was paraded by Germanicus in his triumph, and that Thumelicus was three years of age (vii, p. 292 C.). Thusnelda, however, had not yet given birth to Thumelicus in the spring of 15 A. D.(see Tac. Ann. i. 55, 58). Therefore on the day of the triumph of Germanicus (May 17, 17 A. D.; see Tac. Ann. ii. 41) Thumelicus was not more than two years old. It may be that Strabo erred because he was not present, but this argument, although it deserves mention, is of doubtful value. Through an easily understandable error, Strabo may have assigned to the boy the age which he had attained when he revised his work. STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 415 nonic expeditions of the years 4-11 A. D. 1 Further, there is no reference to the Gaetulian victories of Cossus (6 A. D.) and the wars of Tacfarinas, which commenced about 17 A. D.; and there is no use made of the map of Agrippa. There is no mention of the division of Italy into fourteen regions. In the description of Arabia and Libya there is no reference to the deeds of the learned King Juba. The fact is that the work on Arabia had been com- pleted before 2 B. c., when Strabo sent it to C. Caesar. In addition, Strabo takes no account of the description of Parthia which had been written by Isidorus of Charax, who had also accompanied C. Caesar to the East. It would have been easy for anyone so desiring to have seen this book at Rome about 18 A. D. a It is of no avail to object that the Geography of Strabo is merely an appendix and commentary to his preceding works, and that in this he men- tions only those events which were connected with what he had written before, since in every case where he was able to obtain information about recent events, he records them. This is shown, for example, by his mention of the triumph of Germanicus, and of the coming of Zeno to the throne of Armenia. With all the events which occurred in the East Strabo shows himself to be fully familiar; but, aside from this triumph of Germanicus and the death of King Juba (of whom the former came to Asia Minor in 18 A. D., and the latter was related to the courts of Pontus and Cappadocia), he makes no reference to the later events which refer to the West. If Strabo had been in Rome in 18 A. D., he would have corrected the passage in which he asserted that the Elbe had never been crossed by a Roman army, since at that time it had been crossed by Aeno- barbus, who owed his triumph to this fact. In like manner, he would not have let the statement stand that the burning of the temple of Ceres had occurred recently, since in 17 A. D. it had already been re-erected by Tiberius. Furthermore, if Strabo had been in Rome in 18 A. D., he could easily have obtained a list of the senatorial and imperial provinces of that period. He would not have contented himself with giving a list of the senatorial prov- inces as they formerly existed (ev ap^afc), and would not have 1 Strab. iii, p. 156 C. * See Plin. N. H. vi. 141; xxxii. 10. 416 ANCIENT ITALY shown such a lack of knowledge of the imperial provinces, of which he merely says : " [Caesar] dividing them now in one manner, now in another, and always adapting their administration to the present circumstances, etc." 1 Finally, if he had lived at Rome, instead of often confessing his ignorance of the boundaries which in his time were assigned to the various Roman provinces, excusing himself by the pretext that these boundaries varied with great frequency, he would have indicated the administrative divisions which were in force about 18 A. D. It has been suggested that Strabo purposely overlooked these data, because, as he says, he preferred to indicate the divisions formed by nature, rather than those made for admin- istrative purposes. 2 This, however, is irrelevant, since, wherever he was able, he indicated with much detail the administrative divi- sions of his time also. A conspicuous example and proof of this is his minute description of the political measures taken in Spain, and his statements regarding the administration of Egypt about 20 B. c., and of Cappadocia at the time when it was still governed by kings. If Strabo had been in Rome in 18 A. D., and in the years following 7 B. c., he would certainly have had more than one occasion to indicate the condition of the empire, its military strength and its administrative organization. If such statements are either lacking, or else are antiquated and sporadic, this shows clearly enough that he was far from the capital, and had to make the most of the few facts that came to his notice. The above observations concerning the place where Strabo composed his Geography lead us to the conclusion that it was originally compiled and completed in a great political and literary center. The various occasions when Strabo visited Rome (at least three), and his long residence at Alexandria (at least five years), gave him the opportunity of consulting the many excellent works which he quotes so freely, 3 and brought to his knowledge 1 Strab. xvii, p. 840 C. ' Strabo declares systematically that he follows the rbirwv 0t5oSevetr0ai ffvfi.fia.lvfi. (rrpaToir^Sots oW a\\ov\ois dvdpdffiv oi 5' ^ri^wpioi leal 6\lyoi irap' 1 fj/j.S.f &ovvrai ir6ppw$et> Ka.1 ov n-ierrd ovdt irdvra \yov Strabo makes reference to the territory given to the city by Agrippa, who planted there a military colony in 14 B. C. A reference of the same nature is given for Patrae, which also was founded by Agrippa, and in the same year (viii, p. 388 C.; ix, p. 460 C.)- It is quite possible that Strabo derived these statements from literary sources. It should be noted, however, that both Nicopolis and Patrae were on the maritime route between Corinth and Brindisi, and that Berytus was on the route between Alexandria and the Gulf of Issus, where Strabo must have been, since he visited the banks of the Pyramus, and where the road began which ran through Cappadocia by way of Comana (where Strabo also was) to Amasia. 420 ANCIENT ITALY of Lydia and Caria, the accounts of Strabo seem written, not by a person who was traveling on his own account and for scientific reasons, but by a man who seized every favorable occasion to study what circumstances and the pleasure of others gave him the oppor- tunity of knowing. It seems to me that Strabo, to use his own phrase, TOV 7rat8eim/eop ftiov eXo/ie^o?, 1 was at the same time both instructor and politician, and that it was for the sake of others that he made his voyage to Rome and to Alexandria. His first visit to Rome was made in 44 B. c., the year of the death of Caesar; his second, in 29 B. c., when Augustus was at Corinth, on his way to Rome. Strabo had taken passage, at the time of this second visit, on a ship bound for Corinth, and the same ship was boarded by other ambassadors on their way to Augustus. The year, the place, and the other circumstances cause one to suspect that the journey was made for political purposes. 2 Strabo's voyage to Egypt was made in the company of the governor himself, Aelius Callus. And that he was instructor of eminent men may also be seen from the Geography, in which Strabo takes especial delight in enumerating all the famous professors who were born, or who taught, in the various cities of Asia Minor which he describes ; 3 in which he records his teachers, such as Aristodemus the Younger of Nysa, 4 Tyrannion, 5 Xenocrates, 6 and Posidonius, 7 and his com- panion as a student, Boetius of Sidon ; 8 and in which he also makes mention of those who were teachers of individuals belonging to famous families, such as Aristodemus the Elder, who taught the sons of Pompey, 9 Athenodorus of Tarsus, friend of Strabo, and teacher and counselor of Augustus; 10 Arms, who was likewise the friend of Augustus; 11 Nestor, who taught Marcellus; 12 and 1 Strab. xiv, p. 670 C. 2 These travels of Strabo may be compared with those of the rhetorician Pota- mon, and of the poet Crinagoras of Lesbos (known to our writer, xiii, p. 617 C.), who in 45 and 25 B. c. took part in the political embassy sent from Mytilene to Rome. See Cichorius, Rom und Mytilene (Leipzig, 1888), pp. 62 ff., and in the Sitzungsberichte of the Berlin Academy, 1889, p. 962; cf. Mommsen, ibid., p. 980. 3 See the list in my article in Riv. di filol. class. (Turin), XV, p. 118, n. 8. 4 Strab. xiv, p. 650 C. 7 vii, f r . 58, b. ' xiv, pp. 674 C. ff.; xiv. p. 779 C. Sxii, p. 548 C. 8 xvi, p. 757 C. " xiv, p. 670 C. 6 xiv, p. 670 C. 9 xiv. p. 650 C. " xiv, p. 674 C. STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 421 Apollodorus of Pergamum, who, too, was a friend of the emperor. 1 After reading this list, one naturally asks whether Strabo did not occupy a similar social position. 2 This supposition is rendered even more probable by the fact that Strabo constantly asserts that his Geography is political, that it is useful for governmental pur- poses, and that it was written for rulers and those in high positions. 3 If this was the case, it is natural to think that he may have made his travels in company with, and at the expense of certain of these individuals; and it remains to determine who these may have been. Niese has sought to show that they were influential Romans such as Aelius Gallus. In an earlier article 4 I attempted to show the falsity of this opinion, and that Strabo wrote from the point of view of a Greek, and in the interest of Greeks who probably be- longed to Asiatic dynasties. I concluded my observations by rather timidly conjecturing that the Geography was composed for Pytho- 1 xiii, p. 625 C. 2 The expression used by Strabo in one of his prolegomena (ii, p. no C.), where he says that the geographer KeXetfei re rots trpoffiovyiv, also tends to show that he was a professor. 3E. g., i, pp. 9, ii, 130. 4 I have nothing to add to the observations made in my my article in Riv. di filol. class. (Turin), XV, pp. 99-122. It should be noted in this connec- tion that, in attempting to corroborate the opinions of Niese, Butzer (op. cit., p. 30) wrongly makes use of the passage *col Tofctav 8' eiravirav afootis [i. e., the barbarian peoples of Gaul] 'Pw/itatbi ical rd>v /card r&y Ovirla.* jcai fMvrelas inrevavrluv TOIS trap 1 ijfuv vo(iifju>is (iv, p. 198 C.), since in this and similar passages (cf. ii, p. 131 C.) the "we" means "we Greeks and Romans" (cf. AXXos ntv 'Ivdols wpoff^Kot x ta P 7p6os #XXoj 5 A.l6io\f/ii>, dXXoj 3 "EXXi7(n icai "Pw/xafow, i, p. 9 C.); i. e., "we civilized people," in opposition to the barbarians. See, moreover, the final pages of book vi (pp. 287 C. ff .) and book xvii (p. 839 C.), where also the other monarchical states which were subject to Rome are mentioned as part of the empire. Strabo wrote from the point of view of a subject of Rome. He was no less under her control than was a subject of Herod or of Juba, and could therefore say, TO.IJTI}* 3 TTJS a-v/j.irdffr]s x&pas T^J fnrb 'Pufwlois i) ftv /3a P- 559 C. * xii, pp. 559, 560 C. 3 xiv, p. 648 C. For the story of Pythodoris and Polemon, see the clever observations of Mommsen, Eph. epigr., I, pp. 270 ff.; cf. CIA, II, no. 547. * See Mommsen, loc. cit., I, pp. 254 ff. 424 ANCIENT ITALY polis and Zela, which bordered on Strabo's native country. It may, of course, be merely accidental that after his description of the possessions of Pythodoris, Strabo records the history of his own family. There must, however, be some reason for the fact that in speaking of Cabires, where Pythodoris fixed her royal seat, he observes that this was one hundred and fifty stades, or less than twenty miles, distant from Amasia. 1 It seems to me probable that Amasia also was for a time subject to these rulers. It did not become a province until 7 B. c., the year following that of the death of Polemon. 2 Whatever may be the value of the above conjecture, it is at least certain that Strabo belonged, especially on his mother's side, to an illustrious family which had occupied the highest offices in the realm of Pythodoris. His maternal grandfather, Dorilaus, was priest of Pontic Comana at the time of Mithridates the Great, which 1 Strab. xii, p. 556 C. * The fact that also Gangra (Germanicopolis) and Andrapa (Neoclaudiopolis) became provincial regions in the same year as Amasia (7 B. c.; see Head, p. 433) led Mommsen (Rom. Gesch., V, p. 298) to suppose that Amasia too belonged to Diotarus Philadelphus, king of Paphlagonia, who had his residence at Gangra (Strab. xii, p. 622 C.). This is not impossible; but it is more probable that Amasia which belonged to Pontus proper (from which Strabo excludes Paphlagonia, pp. 541, 562 C.), was granted to Polemon. This hypothesis receives additional support from an examination of the passage where Strabo, in speaking of the fort- ress of Sagillum, situated to the west of Amasia, between it and Amisus, relates the visit of Arsaces, and describes how he was besieged by the sons of Pharnaces, and how he was taken prisoner by the kings Polemon and Lycomedes. After narrating the disposition which Pompey made of the Phazemonitis, Strabo concludes; ol 5' IjffTepov /3a<7i\ewri, ai TOL^T^V tveiij.a.v (xii, p. 561 C.); and then goes on to speak of Amasia, saying that iS&ffrj ical i) "A/ucio-eta fiafftXeSfft (ibid.). The King Lycomedes here mentioned is certainly the priest of Pontic Comana who was invested with this office by Caesar in 47 B. c. (see Bell. Alex. 66), and who is men- tioned shortly before by Strabo; and the Polemon is the king of Pontus. This event would seem to have taken place between the time when Pontus was still in the hands of the sons of Pharnaces (one of whom, Darius, was recognized by Antony), and when Polemon had already been nominated king of a portion of Cilicia, and the time when Polemon had already become king of Pontus; or between 39 and 36 B. c. (see App. Bell. civ. v. 75; Dio xlix. 25). It seems to me that the words of Strabo tirtTptyai>Tos ovSei/dj rav iiye/j.6vuv refer also to the sons of Mithridates, although Meyer holds a contrary opinion (Ed. Meyer, Gesch. d. Konigreichs Pantos [Leipzig, 1879], p. 109, n. i; cf. Otto, op. cit., p. 185, fr. 211). However that may be, there is no doubt as to the identification of this Polemon as STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 425 means that he occupied the office next to that of king. 1 His maternal uncle, Moaphernes, had been governor of Colchis, 2 and other relatives of his, such as his paternal grandfather and his uncles Tibius and Theophilus, had been powerful leaders, even at the time of Mithridates. 3 Even if the family of Strabo had become of less importance, nevertheless both his calling and his literary and scientific education would surely have enabled him to approach the rulers of his .own and of the neighboring states. If we admit that Strabo came in contact with Archelaus, the second husband of Pythodoris, we may explain why he is always called Strabo "the Cappadocian" by Josephus Flavius, 4 and why the king of Pontus. It need cause no surprise that, on the death of Polemon, Amasia should have become a Roman province, although the rest of Pontus re- mained in the possession of Pythodoris. Amasia occupied a strong position from a strategical point of view, since it dominated the valley and the course of the Isis, and its possession was therefore of importance to the Romans. On the other hand, after the battle of Actium had put an end to the civil wars, the Romans seized every propitious occasion for bringing under their sway the possessions of any subject king who happened to die. In this manner Lycaonia (with Iconium) became part of a Roman province, and did not fall to the lot of the heirs, although its king, Polemon, kept it till the year of his death (see App. loc. cit.; Strab. xii, p. 568 C.). The fact that Gangra and Andrapa in Paphlagonia were incorporated in the prov- ince in the same year as Amasia does not mean that all three places were formerly subject to one and the same prince. Something similar to the events of 18 A. D. may have occurred, when Germanicus had to provide at the same time for the inheritance of Archelaus, king of Cappadocia, of Antiochus, prince of Commagene and of Philopater, ruler over a portion of Cilicia, who died about the same time (see Tac. Ann. ii. 42). 1 Strab. x, p. 477 C.; xiii, p. 557 C.; Bell. Alex. 66. 3 Strab. xi, p. 499 C. 3 Strab. xii, pp. 557 C. ff. 4 It may be, of course (see Niese, Rhein. Mus., XXXVIII, p. 582, n. i), that the term was applied to Strabo because the inhabitants of the Cappadocian Pontus were called simply Cappadocians. Niese quotes especially the author of Bell. Alex. 64, where Pontic Comana is called "in Cappadocia." To this passage may be added that of Dio xxxvi, 13, where, in regard to Comana, it is said that there were two cities of that name in Cappadocia, one belonging to Cataonia, and the other to Pontus. Also Strabo, who distinguishes Great Cappadocia from Pontus, speaks of (rA) .... KairirctSi/cwp rwv ?rp6j T< efijs A^XP 1 Ko\x^5os (xii, p. 541 C.) and iraffa ri ir\ijfflov rov "AAi/os KainraSoKla 8\ayovt(f. (p. 5153 C.). It may be, too, that the name was given to Strabo on account of his residence in Cappadocia. Thus, to give a single example of a rather common occurrence, Posidonius of Apamea was called "the Rhodian" on account of his sojourn on the island of Rhodes. 426 ANCIENT ITALY he shows himself so well informed concerning this region and its administration; and we also understand better the passages in which he speaks of Herod of Idumea and his family, and where he alludes to the family of Eurycles. The former was the father of the Alexander who married Glaphyra, the daughter of Archelaus; the latter was the principal cause of the death of this Alexander. It may be that these allusions were merely due to the fact that Strabo mentioned these characters in his History. Since, how- ever, Strabo, who did not know of the writings of Juba, and who describes so imperfectly the realm of this king, speaks of his death as having occurred recently, it may be that this was due to the relations which existed between Juba and the court of Pythodoris. Juba had first married Cleopatra, daughter of Antony the tri- umvir and half-sister of Antonia, the mother of Pythodoris. Later he contracted a second marriage with Glaphyra, daughter of Archelaus and widow of Alexander. 1 Finally, if we grant that Strabo had relations with Pythodoris and her second husband, we find a motive for the fact that, although he makes mention of the siege of Artagira and of Adon, he neither here nor elsewhere speaks of C. Caesar, the son of Agrippa,who was wounded by Adon. 2 Archelaus paid little attention to Tiberius during the time when Tiberius was banished to Rhodes, but was extremely anxious to make friends with his enemy, C. Caesar, when the latter visited the East. After Tiberius succeeded Augustus, he took vengeance by summoning Archelaus to Rome and bringing him to trial. As a result of this trial, and of his other misfortunes, the Cappado- cian king finally perished. 3 The great respect shown by Strabo for Augustus and for Rome, 1 See Miiller, F. H. G., Ill, p. 466; Mommsen in Eph. epigr., I, p. 276; cf. CIA, II, 549. * See above, p. 381. 3 See Tac. Ann. ii. 42; Dio Ivii. 17. Those who wish to base on the descrip- tion of the mausoleum of Augustus (died 14 A. D.), and on that of the triumph of Germanicus (17 A. D.), the conclusion that Strabo was in Rome at that time, might also conjecture that Strabo had accompanied King Archelaus to Rome before 17 A. D., the year when Archelaus died. It is useless, however, to indulge in such pure guesswork. We have already seen that Strabo could have become informed concerning these events, even though he had remained in Asia Minor. STRABO'S HISTORICAL GEOGRAPHY 427 and which he also manifested for Tiberius, agrees perfectly with the condition in which we have supposed that our writer found himself. The attitude of the subject kings was most obsequious toward Rome, and Pythodoris owed her realm as much to Augustus as to Polemon. Nicolaus of Damascus, the historian of Herod, was also the historian of Caesar. These conjectures concerning the relations which existed between Strabo and the kings of Pontus are of necessity rather problematical. The other conclusions which I have set forth both here and elsewhere are much less uncertain and are, I think, worthy of the closest attention. The Geography, as probably also the historical works, was not written at the instigation of Roman friends and in their interest, but rather from the point of view of a Greek of -Asia Minor. It was not necessarily composed at Rome for the first time, and it is hardly possible that it was revised there twenty- five years later. It is much more probable that it was composed from material collected in the two great centers of the civilized world, Alexandria and Rome, and that it was both written and worked over in some distant region of Asia Minor. For this reason the writings of Strabo were unknown to the Roman authors, and particularly to Pliny, who generally showed himself an overzealous reader and compiler of the numerous Greek and Latin works of his time, good, bad, and indifferent. On the other hand, the writings of Strabo were read and praised by Josephus Flavius, a contemporary of Pliny and a purely Asiatic historian. Niese, in composing his sketch of Strabo, evidently had in mind the figure of Polybius, of whom Strabo was a follower. It seems to me that an even closer resemblance to the character of Strabo is found in the person of another writer of the same period and age, Nicolaus of Damascus, the teacher of the sons of Antony and Cleopatra. This Nicolaus was the political counselor of Herod of Judea, and accompanied this ruler on his Asiatic travels as far as the Pontus, and to Rome, and in his interests, and those of his son Archelaus, several times filled the office of ambassador to Augustus. Of the other contemporaneous historians Strabo 428 ANCIENT ITALY merely mentions the names, without quoting their writings; 1 or else he either entirely overlooks them, or does not allude to their scientific activity. 2 In many places in his Geography, on the other hand, he follows closely the writings of Nicolaus of Damas- cus, 3 and both quotes him as authority and gives his words, even in regard to events of which he himself was to some extent a wit- ness. 4 From these considerations it seems quite possible that between these two men, who followed the same calling, and who seem to have occupied a similar social and political position, there may also have existed personal relations. 1 E. g., Dionysius of Halicarnassus (xii, p. 656 C.). 2 Such as King Juba, Dlodorus Siculus, Isidorus, and others. 3 See Flav. Jos. Ant. lud. xiv. 6. 4; cf. xiii. 12. 6; xiv. 4. 3. * Strab. xv, p. 719 C. APPENDIX I cannot resist the temptation of setting forth two rather bold conjectures concerning the life of Strabo. Even daring conjecture, if not presented in a false light, may be of use in the formation of more fortunate, or less uncertain, conclusions. I. I have above (p. 410) alluded to the motives which led the youthful Strabo to study at Nysa in Caria, and remarked that possibly this was due to the numerous relations which existed between the Roman province of Asia and the Pontus, even at the time of Mithridates, who invaded Bithynia and this region. It is worthy of note that both Polemon and Pythodoris, the future rulers of Pontus, were born in this province; that Diodorus of Adramyt- tium in Mysia died at Amasia; 1 that the neighboring Ephesians, for com- mercial reasons, pushed to the very center of Cappadocia; and that, in general, their city was the leading emporium for the commerce with the interior of the Orient, especially for Asia to the west of the Taurus. 2 Of great importance in this connection is the following circumstance: When, in 88 B. c., Mithri- dates ordered the killing of all the Roman citizens in Asia, the inhabitants of Tralles near Nysa did not themselves spill any Roman blood, but employed for this purpose a captain whom both Appian 3 and Dio 4 call Theophilus of Paphlagonia. This individual, according to all probability, was a partisan of Mithridates, and together with him had invaded the Roman territory. Fur- thermore, all of the ancestors mentioned by Strabo are presented by him as in the army, and as officers under Mithridates. These are Dorilaus the Younger and Moaphernes, and also his paternal grandfather (Aeniates ?, p. 410, note 3), his cousin Tibias, and Theophilus, who was the son of Tibius, and therefore a cousin of Strabo's father. Mithridates caused both Tibius and Theophilus to be put to death, 5 and as a result Strabo's grandfather betrayed the king and went over to Lucullus and the Romans (after 73 B. c.). It seems quite possible that this Theophilus was the same person as the Theophilus who was hired by the inhabitants of Tralles. The only objection is that the individual recorded by Appian and Dio is said to have come from Paphlagonia, and not from Pontus; and this is easily explained. According to Strabo, the inhabitants of both banks of the Halys, in the lower part of its course, belonged to a single ethnographical stem, and were, in the last analysis, Cappadocians. For this reason the same proper names were in use in the various regions of both eastern Paphlagonia and western Pontus. Among these Strabo mentions that of Tibius, 6 which was also the name of the father of his uncle Theophilus; 1 Strab. xiv, p. 614 C. * Fr. 101. 2 Strab. xii, pp. 540, 577 C.; xiv, pp. 641, 663 C. s Strab. xii, p. 557 C. 3 Bell. Mithr. 23. 6 xii, p. 553 C. 429 43 ANCIENT ITALY and it is not at all surprising that Theophilus of Tralles, although really from Pontus, should have been called a Paphlagonian, or that Strabo should have had relatives even in the region beyond the Halys. The author of the Bellum Alexandrinum 66, says that Lycomedes, who was descended from the kings of Cappadocia, and who was made priest of Comana by Caesar, was a Bithynian, and the same author places the Comana of Pontus in Cappadocia. If the same Theophilus is referred to in both of these instances, we understand why Strabo or his family should have established themselves at the gates of a city where a member of the family was holding a high office. II. In two important chapters Strabo 1 boasts that among his ancestors were Dorilaus the general and Dorilaus the Younger, nephew of the general and friend of the great Mithridates, and known to those writing on the wars of Mithridates. 2 Cicero, in his oration in defense of King Diotarus, says: "corpora sua pro salute regum suorum hi legati tibi regii tradunt, Hieras et Blesaminus et Antigonus tibi nobisque omnibus iam diu noti, eademque fide et virtute praeditus Dorylaus, qui nuper cum Hiera legatus est ad te missus cum regum amicissimi turn tibi etiam ut spero probati." 3 Was this Dorilaus a descendant of 'those already mentioned, and therefore a distant relative of our geographer? The name is not common enough to make an accidental resemblance probable. In confirmation of this hypothesis it may be noted that, according to Strabo, the Gallic Trocmi held a part of Pontus, 4 and that a portion of the region situated between Amisus and Amasia had been granted to Amasus, but that Pompey gave it to Diotarus Ka.06.irep /cat rA irepl Qapvanlav iced r^v TpairefovcrLav /t^XP' Ko\xWos Kal rijs fjuKpds ' Ap/j.evtas.5 Immediately following this comes the statement that Diotarus took the name of king and also the paternal tetrarchy over the Gallic Tolistobogi. This shows that our Diotarus is the one in question, and that he ruled, if not over Amasia, at least over the neighboring regions. We should thus have an explanation of the fact that a descendant of Dorilaus had relations with the king and tetrarch of Galatia. * x, p. 477 C.; xii, p. 557 C. 2 Cf. App. Bell. Mithr. 17, 49; Plut. Sutt. 20; Luc. 17; Memn., n. 33, in F. H. G., Ill, p. 562. 3 Cic. Pro Deiot. 41 ; 45 B. C. 4 Strab. xii, p. 547 C. s xii, p. 567 C. INDEX INDEX Acerrae, possible Umbrian origin of, 174 f. Aeneas, myth of localized in Italy, 186; at Rome, 236 Aenobarbus, crossing of Elbe by, 381 Agathocles, 247, 290 f., pretended ex- pedition against Qoivlici}, chap, xiv; similarity to expedition against Her- bita, i6of.; Adriatic policy of, 291 Ageladas, statue by at Delphi, 34, n. i Agrarian laws, pretended agitation against in fifth century, 279 Agrigentum, rival of Syracuse, 29 Agrippa, map of, 385 f.; not used by Strabo, 385; portico of not mentioned by Strabo, 393 f. Agyrium, coins from, 125 Alexander of Epirus, expedition of to Italy, chap, viii; uncertainty of in- formation concerning, 99; confused with Archidamus of Sparta, 100; real purpose, 102 ff., 109; failure to form state in Apulia, 104; plan to secure all of southern Italy, 105; de- feat of Samnites, 106; march to Pan- dosia, 107; death, 108; unimportant results, no Alexandria, 230; date of Strabo's visit, 412 Alipha, known only from Campanian coin, 164; endurance of native ele- ment in population, 177 Alliba, known only from Campanian coin, 164 Alybas, 51 Amasia, 407, 410; probably subject to Pythodoris, 424 Aminaeans, location of in Italy, 315, n. 5 Amyris, of Siris, sent to Delphi, 79 Anna Perenna, 248 f., 341, n. i Apollo, introduction of cult to Rome, 337 Appian, error in concerning the Bellum Perusinum, chap, xxiv Archaic, head, possibly from Temple of the Sirens, 213 f.; inscription from Sardinia, 374 ff. Archelaus, 426 Archidamus of Sparta, 349; confused with Alexander of Epirus, 100 Archilochus, visit to Siris, 74 Archons at Naples, 325 f. Ardea, 274 Argives, 239, n. 3 Armenians, called Parthians by mistake, 390 f., 397; date of mention by Strabo, 391 f. Arno, 364 Assinaria, festival of, 151 Assinarus, defeat of Athenians at, chap. xiii; same as modern Tellaro or ancient Helorus, 149 ff., 155, 155, n. 2 Astylus, 43 f. Asylum, right of, 273; Greek institution, 263; connected with tribunate, 263 f. Athena, cult of at Naples shown by coins, 218; temple of on Sorrentine peninsula, 222 f.; cult substituted for that of Sirens 230; maritime character 223, 229; cult of at Syracuse, 229 Athena Siciliana, cult of, 217 ff.; due to influence of Syracuse, 222; connected with cult of Athena on Sorrentine peninsula, 228 Athenaeum of Punta della Campanella, 217 ff., 222 Athenians, defeat of at Assinarus, chap. xiii Athenodorus, mention of by Strabo later addition, 399 Atiddaru, equivalent to Assinarus, 155 Augustus, games in honor of at Naples, 394 f.; visit to Samos, 412 Ausonia, chap, i; extension of name, 8; region bounded by Apennines, 10 Ausonians, chap, i; origin of, 12; name preserved in modern names of rivers, 2, 6, 7, 24 Baton, 382 Beneventum, in Ausonia, chap, i Boreontini, division of Samnites, 5, 6 Brindisi, attacked by Alexander, 102; rival of Tarentum, 102 433 434 ANCIENT ITALY Bruttium, condition at time of Alexan- der, 105 Buildings, styles of at Rome, 321 Cacus, 338 Cacyparis, same as Cassabile, 148 Caere, in Ausonia, 9 Caesar, C., silence of Strabo concerning, 381, 407, 426 Calchus, legend of in Cornelius Gallus, 168; not same as Calchas, 168; probably allusion to Daunians of Campania, 170 Cales, in Ausonian territory, chap, i Caltagirone, discovery of Greek relief at, 131 ff.; situation of, 134 Camillus, L. Furius, victories over Gauls 353 * Campania, otherwise unknown cities shown by coins, 164; inferior develop- ment of southern portion even today, 179; importance of influence on Rome 341 f.; unit of measure same as at R.ome, 316 Campanian elements in Roman history, chap, xxi Cappadocia, description of in Strabo, 398 f. Capri, exchanged for Ischia by Augus- tus, 210 Carthage, 290, n. 2; commercial rela- tions with Italy, 202 f. Casmenae, secession to, 246 Cassius, Sp., 258 f., 275 ff.; dedication by of temple of Ceres, 245; condem- nation of, 253; consul, 258 f.; tribune of plebs, 258 f.; treaty of with Latins, 275 * Castle of Ischia, site of fortress of Hiero, 194 ff.; strategic importance of, 194; same as Castrum Gironis, 195 f. Castor and Pollux, 253, 322 f.; cult of aristocratic origin, 257 Castrum Gironis, same as Castle of Ischia, 195 f. Catana, 29 Cato, 307 Cavalry, Roman, borrowed from Greeks, 322, n. 3; late introduction of, 324 Censors, institution of probably bor- rowed, 327; in Sicily, 317, n. i Cephalus, myth of, 252 Ceres, 272; and Roman secessions, 245 ff., 252; protecting goddess of plebs, 245, 257, 273, 309; location of temple, 246; cult introduced from Sicily, 250 f.; rival to that of Castor and Pollux, 257; burning of temple in 31 B. c., called "recent" by Strabo, 384; temple of in Alexandria, 412 Cestius Macedonicus, 367 Chalcidian ware, possibly derived from Ischia, 188 Chaones, of Epirus, 12; migration to Italy, 71 Charondas, 331 f. Chones, 2, 5, 13; earliest inhabitants of Siritis, 70 f. Cimbri, 395 f. Cincinnatus, L. Quinctius, 282 f. Circe, and Calchus, 168 ff. Claudius, Appius, censorship of, 292, 33 8 n - z Clay industry, importance of to Ischia, 187 Cleonymus, expedition of to Italy, in Livy, 90 f . ; in Diodorus, 93 f . Codes, early, 332 ff. Coinage, imitation by Rome of Cam- panian, 317 f. Colophon, 73 f. Column, ancient, near river Tellaro, 151 f.; excavations at, 156, n. 4 Copper, importance of in Italy in early times, 3 18 f . Corcyra, seized by Cleonymus, 94 Coriolanus, 278, 281; improbability of information concerning, 281 f. Cramones, division of Samnites, 5 f . Croton, 4, 30 Cults, Greek, introduction to Rome, 256, 336 Cumae, 269 f.; first Greek colony on mainland, 182 Customs, various Italiot at Rome, 320 f. Daedalus, 171, n. i Damasus, of Siris, 77 Damophilus, 251, 272 Dante, mention in of Arno, 364^; of Porta Sole at Perugia, 369 Daunians of Campania, chap, xv; men- tioned by Polybius, 163; allied with INDEX 435 Etruscans, 165 f.; of lapygian de- scent, 107; found early in Latium, 167; location of, 170 f.; traces of in valley of Sarno, 178 f. Demaratus, legend of connected with Rome, 241, 308 Demarchs, at Naples, 325 f. Demeter, cult at Gela, 243 f.; at Syra- cuse, 247; associated with Dionysus, 250, 3*4 Diana, introduction of cult at Rome, 33 6 . n - 3 Dio, account in of burning of Perugia, 367 Diodorus, trustworthiness of, 259 Diomede, 5 Dionysius I, expedition of as far as Corsica, 268, 293; Adriatic policy, 293, 298 f.; alliance with Gauls, 294 f., 298 Dionysus, associated with Demeter, 250, 3M Diotarus, 430 Dis, introduction of cult to Rome, 337 Domitia Calliste, inscription of, 217, 227 Dorians, difference between Doric and Ionic systems of colonization, 120; influence of on Etruscan architecture, 270 Dorilaus, 430 Drusus, Germanic expeditions, 395 f. Ducetius, 284, n. 2; plan to found rival empire to Syracuse, 127 Echetla, probably in eastern Heraeans, 136, n. 2 Education, lack of provision for at Rome in early times, 134 f.; supe- riority of Greeks in, 334 f.; compul- sory at Thurii, 335 'Hyepdv, use of word by Strabo, 388 Elba, Syracusan fleet at, 220; mines of, 263, n. 2 Elbe, crossed by Romans, 381 f., 387; not crossed by Drusus, 396 Elymians, same as Sicani, i n; of Aryan descent, 115 Enna, seat of cult of Demeter, 251, n. 4 Ennius, 340 f. Epidius, legend of, 49 Ergetium, coins probably from, H7f.; exact location uncertain, 118 f.; prob- ably near Laestrygonii Campi, 119 Erineus, same as Fiume di Noto, 149 ff. Epuf, form of the same name as 'Eptict), 112 Eryce, form of same name as Eryx, 112 f.; near lake of the Palici, 137 Eryx = Verruca(?), chap, ix; Phoeni- cian and Libyan elements in popula- tion, 115 Etruscans, 287; invasions of, 19, 34, 165 f., 176; allied with Umbrians and Daunians, 165 f.; aided by Hiero, 234; enemies of Syracuse, 268; Dorian influence on architecture of, 270; conquest of Pisa, 356 f. Euboeans, presence of in Siritis, 76 Eurycles, 396 Euthymus, legend of, chap, iii, 39 ff.; statue of at Olympia, 40 Excavations, important field for in Latium, 308, 340; on Sorrentine peninsula, 232 Factory, Phocaean at Pisa, 357 f. Fasti, late compilation of, 277 Fenser, 173 f., 176; probable location of, 174; endurance of native element in population, 177 Fleet, supposed Greek of 349 B. c., chap, xxii; probably Phocaean mer- cenaries, 352 ff. Fortress, of Hiero, on Ischia, 190 ff . ; probably located at Castle of Ischia, 194 ff. Forum, early relations with Greece shown by recent excavations in, 344 Frontier, of Italy, before Sulla, 364 f. Galarina, location of, 142 f.; near Mor- gantina, 143 f . ; possibly at S. Mauro, 144 Gallus, Aelius, allusion to Arabian ex- pedition of in Strabo, 387; voyage of Strabo with, 403, 411 Games, quinquennial, institution of at Naples, 394 f. Garganus, Mount, 5, 6; isolated posi- tion of, 172 Gauls, accounts of taking of Rome by, 292 ff., 353 f.; accounts preserved by Greek historians, 293; supposed alliance of with Dionysius I, 294 f. 297 f. 436 ANCIENT ITALY Gela, 270; Greek relief of S. Mauro derived from, 134; situated between Sicani and Siculi, 138; secession from, 243 f. Gelo, 42, 254 f.; quells secession at Syracuse, 246; tomb of, 271, n. i; resemblance of to Publicola, 285, n. 2 Genua, an Italic name, 114 Geography, Historical, of Strabo, 379 ff.; probably written before 5 B. c., 381 ff., 385; retouched later, 382 f., 389, 405; age of Strabo when written, 386 Geomori, 246 f.; resemblance of seces- sion to that of plebs, 247 Germanicus, account of triumph of added later by Strabo, 382; arrival of in Asia Minor, 407 f., 414 Gladiators, possibly introduced to Rome from Campania, 324^ Gold, never found on Ischia, 183 ff.; in Italy, 3 18 f . ; little in early times, 3i8f.; use of at Rome, 320, n. i. Grain, Sicilian, connected with Roman secessions, 253 f . ; caused introduc- tion of cult of Ceres and tribunate, 273; connected with pretended agrari- an agitation of fifth century, 279; Campanian, dependence of Rome upon, 308 f. Greece, influence of on civilization of Rome, 304 ff. Helorus, another name for Assinarus 153 f.; also called Herbessus, 154; modern Laufi, 154 Hera, associated with Vulcan at Perugia, 367 f.; location of temple, 369 Heraclea, founding of, 67 Heracles, myth of, localized in Italy, 186; at Rome, 236, 338 f. Heraclides, 324 Heraean Mountains, reasons for ex- pecting traces of antiquities among, 132 Heraeans, mentioned in inscription from Sardinia, 371 ff.; probably an asso- ciation of dramatic actors, 373 Heraeum, in Sardinia, 371 ff. Hercules, see Heracles Hiero, 29; presence of on Ischia, 183, n. i, 190, 220; location of fortress of, 190 ff. Hipponium, 31; sacred grove near, 43 Hyperboreans, gave rise to word " abo- rigines," 299 Hyria, in Campania known only from coins, 164, 172, 176; name character- istic of lapygian race, 171 f.; regions where found, 171 f.; Campanian city possibly Daunian, 172 f.; location, 174; endurance of native element in population, 177 lapygians, invasions of, 2, 7, 8, 19 Imhoof-Blumer, observations of on coins of Ergetium, 121 Inscription, Greek from Ischia, 190 f.; later than time of Hiero, 194; Latin from Naples mentioning Athena Siciliana, 217; Greek from Sardinia, 371 ff.; archaic from Sardinia, 374 ff. lonians, difference between Doric and Ionic systems of colonization, 120 Ischia, early history of, chap, xvi; site of first Greek factory in Italy, 181; fertility of, 183 ff.; gold mines prob- ably error, 183; importance of clay industry, 186 ff.; strategic importance 189 f . ; volcanic activity, 199 f . ; re- lations with Africa, 201 f.; and Naples at time of Sulla, 205 ff.; probably in possession of Naples till 82 B. c., 206 f., exchanged for Capri by Augustus, 210 Islands of the Sirens, 222; termed li Galli, 215 Italia, extension of name, 15, n. i, 17; different meanings of word, 3 28 Italiot civilization, reason for decay, 109 f., 339; influence of on Rome, 340, chap, xxi; elements of in Roman history, 340, chap, xxi Italus, leader of Oenotrians, 13 f. Italy, frontier of before Sulla, 364 Juba, death of in Strabo, 383, 404, 426; mention later addition, 404 f.; con- nection with court of Pythodoris, 426 Juno, Argive, on Campanian coins, 173; temple of, near Paestum, 173; intro- duction of cult to Latium, 336, n. 3 Jupiter, connected with Ceres and tri- bunate, 264 KaXXt/ctfpioi, 246, n. 3, 255, n. 4 Lacco, early remains at, 196 f. Lamato, 53 INDEX 437 Laterni, 6 Latins, treaty of, with Sp. Cassius, 275 ff. Latium, part of Opician territory, n; important field for excavations, 308, 340; dependence upon Etruria and Campania for agricultural supplies, 308; supposed Greek pirates off coast of, chap, xxii Leontini, 29 Leucothea, cult of near Naples, 231 Ligea, 55 Ligurians, same as other Italic peoples, in, 114; original possession of Pisa by, 356 ff.; recapture of Pisa by, 360 f.; civilization of in second century, 361; strong by sea, 362; later used by Romans against Gauls, 363 Liparaeans, 224, 344; allies of Syra- cuse, 225, 268 Liparus, myth of, 223 f.; territory ruled by sons of, 223 f. Livy, synchronisms in, 296, n. i; pos- sible dependence upon some Cam- panian writer, 342; account in of Greek fleet of 349 B. c., 345 ff.; duplications in, 353 f. Locri, hostile to Regium in 473 B. c., 31 Lucullus, villa of, 208 Luna, 361; capture by Ligurians, 362 Mactorium, possibly situated at Maz- zarino, 139; secession of Geloans to, 243 * Magna Graecia, mixed elements in cities of, 80 Magra, 365 Marica, i, n. i Maroglio, valley of, 134 Marsyas, symbol of liberty, 264 f., 328; identified with Silenus, 265 Mausoleum, of Augustus, date of men- tion by Strabo, 392 f. Melius, Sp., 282 Menenius Agrippa, and secessions of plebs, 241 f.; legend repetition of that of Telines, 248!., 256 Mesma, 31 Metapontum, 351; dependence upon Tarentum, 30, n. i; alliance with Alexander, 103 Metapontus, myth of, 68 Metics, 263, n. 3 Mezentius, legend of, 3 14 f. Micythus, 27, 37; colony founded by at Pyxus, 85 Minae, 137, n. i Monte di Vico, inscription of, 190 f.; not site of fortress of Hiero, 194 f.; site of city of Pithecusae, 196 f. Morgantina, not at Mount Judica, 139; on summit of Heraeans, 139 f.; not at Caltagirone, 141; possibly at Terravecchia, 141 Merges, 13 Morgetians, modern traces of name, 23 Naevius, 342 Naples, date of founding of, 191 f.; coins of, 191 f., 218 f.; and Ischia at time of Sulla, 205 ff., 226; condition after Sulla, 211; cult of Athena at, 218; quinquennial games at, 394 f. Naxos, 29; likeness of coins to coins probably from Ergetium, 117 ff.; aided by Ergetium in 425 B. c., 119 f. Neapolis, 331 Neapolitans, on Ischia, 189 ff.; inscrip- tion referring to, 190 f. Nebrodes, 127; possibility that Piacus was located there, 127 f. Netum, 150 Newo-r/, use of by Strabo, 383 ff. Nicias, defeat of at Assinarus, 147 f. Nicolaus of Damascus, followed by Strabo, 401, 427 f. Niebuhr, theory of concerning Greek fleet of 345 B. c., 349 Nitrioli, 200 Nola, an Ausonian city, 2, Si; coins of with Greek legends 81; coins of, 17 2 f., 176; Greek character of civilization, 177; probable existence of earlier city, 178 Nuceria Alfaterna, name possibly of Umbrian origin, 166 Nuraghi, 171, n. i Nysa, visited by Strabo, 410, 423, 429 Ocinarus, river, mentioned by Lyco- phron, 55 Ocresia, 113 Oenotria, extension of name, 16 Oenotrians, chap, i; origin of, 16 Oil, see olive ANCIENT ITALY Olive, probable early existence of in Italy, 3iof.; shown on Apulian coins, 311; scarcity in Latium, 312; cost at Rome and at Athens, 312 f. Omphace, town of Sicani, 138 Onatas, 35, n. i Opici, division of Samnites, 5 f. Opicians, chap, i Orion, Mount, 5 Oristano, 375 Oscans, traces of Etruscan influence on alphabet of, 178 f. Osento, 7 Paestum approached by sea by Alex- ander, 1 06; survival of mint of, 318 Palice, founding of confused with mov- ing of Minae to plain, 137, n. i Pandosia, 16, n. 3, 71; coins of showing alliance with Croton, 81; death of Alexander at, 108 Parthenope, 227 Parthians, 390 f., 397 Patrae, 396 Patrons, 289, n. 3. Pausanias, legend of Euthymus in 39 ff- Pelasgians, in Epirus at early date, 71; in Italy, 71 Perugia, error in Appian concerning war of, 367 ff.; account of burning in Dio, 367 Petalism, 279, 282; connection with institution of decemvirate, 280 Peucetians, derivation of name, 15 Phalaecus, expedition of after Sacred War, 348 f.; defeat of, 349; fate of mercenaries of, 349 f. Phalanx, Greek, in Roman military system, 322 Pharsalia, 350 Phayllus, 268 Philistus, original source of later histo- rians, 295 Philomelus, 350 Phistelia, known only from Campanian coins, 164 Phocaean, mercenaries, in Italy, 352 ff.; factory at Pisa, 357 f.; coins found on coast of Etruria, 359 $oivlK-ri, pretended expedition of Aga- thocles against, chap, xiv 3?oivt%, real object of expedition of Agathocles, 158 f. Phraates, sending of sons to Rome, 402 Piacus, chap, xi, I26ff.; coin of, 124; probable location of in Nebrodes, I24f.; rebuilt after capture, 128 Pisa, early history of, chap, xxiii; an Etruscan city, 355 ff.; originally Ligurian, 356 ff.; not a colony of Pisae in Elis, 358; alliance with Rome, 363 f- Piso, mentioned in Strabo, 387; not governor of i B. c., 387 f. Pithecusae, derivation of name, 185 f.; probably at Monte di Vico, 196 f. Pizzofalcone, site of Villa of Lucullus, 208. Pizzuta, ancient column termed, 151 f., 152, n. i Polemon, 423 Polyaenus, account of stratagem of Agathocles in, 157 ff. Pompeii, tracesof Etruscans at, 174, 178 Populonia, 358 f. Porta Sole, 369 Pozzuoli, superiority over Naples for naval arsenal, 209; benefited by Sulla, 210 rai rov djjfiav, at Syracuse, in- stitution of, 261; gave rise to tribun- ate, 259 ff. Protagoras, 332 Provinces, list of in Strabo, 382 f. Punta della Campanella, -Athenaeum of, 217 ff.; importance of possession to Naples, 227; maritime character of cult, 229 f. Pyrgi, plundered by Dionysius I, 269 Pythagoras, statue of Euthymus by, 40; statue of Astylus by, 43; statue of in Rome, 268 Pythodoris, 407, 42 if.; mention of later addition of Strabo' s, 399; life of in Strabo, 422 Pythodorus, 423 Pyxus, colony of Regium at, 32, 37; alliance with Siris, 82 f.; advantage to Siris, 84; history of in fifth century, 85 Quinctius, Caeso, improbability of process against, 281 Quinctius, D., 87 INDEX 439 Regium, alliance with Tarentum against lapygians, chap, ii Relief, Greek, from S. Mauro, 131 ff.; description, 133; product of Dorian art of Gela, 134; material, 135 f. Relief, Sardinian, with inscription, 372; probably of Greek origin, 373 Rome, alliance with Alexander against Samnites, 106 f.; termed a "Greek city," 292, 318; coins with Greek types, 292, 318; accounts of capture by Gauls, 292^; importance of at end of fifth century, 234; friendly relations with Syracuse, 234; elements in history borrowed from history of Syracuse, 235 ff.; according to Diony- sius early occupied by Siculi, 237; theory due to early commercial rela- tions, 238; falsity of history up to fourth century, 284 f.; false accounts borrowed, 286; influence of Greece on civilization of, 304 f., 343; slow to admit such influence, 305 f.; similarity of certain coins to those of Campania, 317 f.; features of rnilitary system borrowed from Greeks, 322 f.; description of by Strabo, 392 f. S. Lorenzo, substituted for Vulcan, 3 6 9 S. Maria della Lobbra, near Sorrento, 213; festival of, 216 S. Mauro, Greek relief from, 131 ff.; situation of, 134; probably Geloan outpost, 135; ancient name, 136 ff.; possibly Galarina, 144 S. Restituta, cult of on Ischia and at Naples, 197, 228 Samnite elements, in Roman history, chap, xxi Samnites, invasions of, 19; defeated by Alexander near Paestum, 106; wars of sustained by Tarentum, 323 Samos, visit of Augustus to, 412 f. Sapriportem, probably error for ad Satyri portum, 87 Sardinia, two Greek inscriptions from, 371 ff., 374 ff.; Carthaginian domina- tion of, 377 f.; known to Greeks at least in sixth century, 377; archaeo- logical material of, 378 Sardus, 376 Sarno, valley of, traces of Daunians and Umbrians in, 178 f.; inferior develop- ment of inhabitants of even today, 179 Saturn, image of a Rome filled with oil, 313; rites Greek, 313 Saturo, Torre di, 88 Satyra, legend of, 88 Satyrium, harbor of, chap, vi; location of, 88 f.; near Tarentum, 89 Scandula, 321 Scylacine Gulf, called Terinaean by Thucydides, 56 Secessions of plebs, 241 ff.; first seces- sion legendary, 242 f., 243, 249, 254; derived from Gela, 243 f.; introduc- tion of connected with cult of Ceres, 252 Selurus, 384 Sergentium, or Ergetium, coins from, 117 f.; likeness to coins of Naxos, 118 Sicani, of same race as Siculi, 138; inhabited different region, 138 Siceliot elements, in early Roman history, chap, xx, 259 ff., 267 f. "Sicilian," places termed in Italy, 294, n. i, 299 f. Sicily, at time of Timoleon, 317 f. Siculi, good relations of with Chalcidio- lonian cities, 120; hostility of toward Syracuse, 120, 150, n. 4; possible location of certain cities of among Heraeans, 132, 136 ff.; same race as Sicani, but inhabited different region, 138; those supposed to come to Rome really Siceliots, 239 Siculian Sea, termed "Ausonian," 3 f . Siculus, 13, 14, 298; exile from Rome, 237 f.; name equivalent to Siceliot, 238 Siculus, cognomen of Cloelii, 241 Silae, 57 Silenus, represented on coins, 265, n. 2 Sipontum, in Ausonia, 7; conquered by Alexander, 102 Sirens, Temple of, near Sorrento, 213 ff.; discovery of probable site, 213 ff.; archaic head from, 213; cult of, 215, 222, 230 f.; gave way to cult of Athena, 230 Siris, 32, 36; origin of, chap, v; praised by Archilochus, 68; why thought Colophonian, 72; Rhodians at, 76; date of destruction, 77 f.; use of Achaean alphabet on coins. 78 f . ; attacked by Metapontum, Sybaris, 440 ANCIENT and Croton, 82; alliance with Pyxus,- 82 S. Siritis, visited by Trojans, 69; con- sidered by Athenians as their property, 75 Sorrento, Temple of Sirens near, 213 ff.; discovery of ancient remains near, 213; used as port of call by Liparae- ans, 224 Strabo, legend of Euthymus in, 40; time when wrote Historical Geography 380 ff.; place, 410 ff.; few events referring to period between 7 B. c. and 17 A. D., 405; probably retouched work after 17 A. D., 405, 409; point of view of, 407, 427; date of birth, 410, n. i; probably wrote away from Rome, 414 iff ; not in Rome after 7 B.C., 4i4ff.; travels of in East, 418 ff.; real profession of, 42of.; called "the Cappadocian," 425 Sulla, policy of toward Naples, 206 f.; preference of for Puteoli, 209 f. Sybaris, 32; and legend of Euthymus, 45 f.; near Parnassus, 46; in Italy, origin of, 47; alliance of with Locri, 48 Synchronisms, intentional in Roman history, 255 ff., 278, 289, 295 f., 354; refer exclusively to history of Cam- pania, Magna Graecia, and Sicily, 296 Syracusans, occupation of Ischia by, 189 ff. Syracuse, capture of Piacus by, 123 f.; influence of on Italy proper, 221; transference of history to that of Rome, 255 f., 280, 283 f.; hated by Romans, 267; importance of, 287, 300 f.; coins of found in Etruria, 301, n. i Tarentum, 345 ff.; alliance of with Regium, chap, ii, 33 ff.; siege of Romans in citadel of, 87 ff.; and Alexander of Epirus, 102 f.; rupture with Alexander, 104; military supe- riority over Rome, 323; furnished cult of Dis to Rome, 337 Tarquinii, 272, n. 2 Tauromenium, expedition of Agathocles against, 158 f.; real object, 161 f.; ally of Syracuse, 161; possibly founded by Doric Syracuse, 162 Teanum, 171 Telines, ends secession at Gela, 243 f.; from Telos, 244; connection with Roman secessions, 248 f . Telmessus, in, n. 3. Temesa, an Ausonian city, 3; legend of Euthymus at, 39 ff.; origin of, 40, n. 3; in power of Locrians, 44 Templunt, 315, n. 2 Terina, 45, chap, iv; location of, 53; probable existence of two cities of same name, 62; emporium of, 62 f.; coins of, 63 f.; capture of mountain city by Lucanians, 64; capture by Alexander, 65; condition after time of Hannibal, 66 Terinaeus, Sinus, 54 Teuranus, Ager, derivation of name from Terina, 61 Tharros, Greek remains at, 376 Theophilus, of Paphlagonia, 429 f. Theopompus, 350 Thucydides, account in of defeat at Assinarus, 147 f.; source for all later historians, 156 Thumelicus, 414, n. 2 Thuriae, chap, vii; inscription giving name, 90; probable location of, 92 f., 95 f.; possibly colony of Thurii, 96 Thurii, 321, 330; relation of coinage to that of Apulia, 95; laws of, 332 f.; superiority of code to that of Rome, 334 f.; compulsory education at, 335 Thymbris, 238 f. Tiber, termed Tybris, 238 Tiberius, mention of later addition by Strabo, 389, 405, 407, 4i4f. Timaeus, one of originators of pseudo- Roman history, 297 Timoleon, 289, 346; resemblance of expedition to that of Alexander, 109; state of Sicily at time of, 347 f.; em- ployment by of mercenaries from Phocaean war, 351 f. Tin, derived from Sardina by Phoeni- cians, 378 Tiriolo, site of Terina, 57, 60; founded by Croton, 58; important strategic point, 60 Tombs, resemblance between Sicilian and Etruscan, 271 Tralles, 429; slaughter of Romans at, 429 Tribunate, parallel magistracy to at Syracuse, 260, 280; developed from rai rod d-fi/jov, 260 ff . ; and right INDEX 441 of asylum, 263 f.; introduced from Sicily, 273; date of introduction, 273 '* Trinacia, account of capture in Diodorus, 123; probably Piacus meant, 124 f. Triopium, 93 Turnus, termed Daunius in Vergil, 167 Tusciano, 166 Tutela, myth of at Rome, 252, n. 5 Twelve Tables, Greek influence on, 329 f.; probable date of, 330; bor- rowed from different cities, 331 f. Tybris, 238 Tyndarides, 279 Umbrians of Campania, chap, xv; mentioned by Polybius, 163; allied with Etruscans, 165 f.; traces of in valley of Sarno, 178 f. Valerius, and secessions of plebs, 242 f., 249 Velia, 250, 309; founding of, 73 V elites, 324 Verruca, la, situation of, 113 Verrugo, 112; same as civitas Vericu- lana, 114 Vesuvius, 173 f. Vine, importance of to Rome, 313 f., 315 f.; preceded cult of Dionysus at Rome, 314 Virginia, 285, n. 2 Vizzini, possibly site of ancient Echetla, 136 Voltaterrae, 358 f., 364 Volcanic activity, on Ischia, 199 f. Vonones, 402 Vulcan, cult of at Perugia, 367; asso- ciated with cult of Hera, 367 f . ; name of early Jupiter at Rome, 368 f.; probable location of temple at Perugia 369; gave way to S. Lorenzo, 369 Vulcanus-Summanus, name of earliest Jupiter at Rome, 368 f. Ware, Chalcidian, possibly derived from Ischia, 188 Wine, not common in Latium before fourth century, 314; not used in early sacrifices, 315 Xenophanes, allusion in to Colophonian origin of Siris, 72 X/>i/