THE LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LOS ANGELES '* 6 /• & m i*»~-r+' f £~? &&: V *. j* »: ■ ~ 4 ■ '// ■ the ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. PRONOUNCED TO EXCITE THE ATHENIANS AGAINST PHILIP, KING OF MACEDON; AND ON OCCASIONS OF PUBLIC DELIBERATION. TRANSLATED BY THOMAS LELAND, D.D. FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN. COMPLETE IN ONE VOLUME. LONDON: PUBLISHED BY JONES & COMPANY, TEMPLE OF THE MUSES, (LATE LACRINGTON'S,) FINSBURY SQUARE. 1829. CONTENTS. Page. Preface i The Kiist Oration 01 Demosthenes against Philip 1 The First Olynthiac Oration 11 The Second Olynthiac Oration 16 The Third Olynthiac Oration 21 The Oration on the Peace M The Seventh Oration against Philip, common- ly called the Second 30 The Oration on the State of the Chersonesus.. 34 The Tenth Oration against Philip, commonly called the Third 43 The Eleventh Oration against Philip, com- monly called the Fourth 51 The Twelfth Oration against Philip, common- ly called the Oration on the Letter 59 Philip's Letter to the Athenians 60 Conclusion .•#.•••.,................. 67 Pag:. Preface to the Orations of Demosthenes on Oc - casions of Public Deliberation ,. 63 The Oration on the Classes 71 The Oration for the Megalopolitans 81 The Oration for the Liberty of the Rhodians.. 88 The Oration on the Regulation of the State . . 95 The Oration on the Halonesus 101 The Oration on the Treaty with Alexander.. 107 The Oration of Dinarchus against Demosthenes 110 Account of the Exile and Death of Demosthenes. [InaNote.] 121 The Orations of iEschines and Demosthenes on the Crown 122 The Oration of iEscbines against Ctesiphon .. 124 The Oration of Demosthenes on the Crown . . 151 PREFACE. VIEW OF THE PRINCIPAL STATES OF fiREECE — CHARACTERS OF DEMADES, HYPERIDES, LYCURGUS, AND .>ESCHI- NES, THE ORATORS — CHARACTER OF DEMOSTHENES. To animate a people renowned for justice, humanity, and valour, yet in many instances degenerate and corrupted ; to warn them of the dangers of luxury, treachery, and bri- bery ; of the ambition and perfidy of a powerful foreign enemy ; to recall the glory of their ancestors to their thoughts ; and to inspire them with resolution, vigour, and unanimity ; to correct abuses, to restore discipline, to revive and enforce the generous sentiments of patriotism and public spirit : — these were the great purposes for which the following Orations were originally pro- nounced. The subject therefore may pos- sibly recommend them to a British reader, even under the disadvantages of a transla- tion, by no means worthy of the famous original. His candour may pardon them ; or sometimes, perhaps, they may escape him, if he suffers ins imagination to be possessed with that enthusiasm which our orator is, of all others, most capable of inspiring ; and will, for a while, interest himself in the cause of Athens. To the history of Greece, I must suppose he is no stranger. Yet, though it may not inform him, his memory may possibly be assisted, by a summary review of the affairs and interests of that country ; parti- cularly of those divisions, which had a long time subsisted between its principal states, and on which Philip justly grounded his hopes of success, in his attempts upon their liberties. These states were Lacedemon, Athens, and Thebes. The first, famous for her ancient kings, had acquired new splendour under the reign af Lycurgus. The wisdom of the consti- tution wliich he established, and the exact >bedience paid to his laws, preserved the tate from those domestic divisions which prevailed in other places ; and the remark- able temperance of Sparta, the severity of her discipline, her public spirit, and concern for the liberty and happiness of other com- munities, made her long revered as the parent of Greece. Her constitution, how- ever, was not without its faults. Her go- vernment savoured of the humour of her inhabitants, who extended the same harsh severity to their allies, which they used towards each other. Besides, they were devoted to arms ; and their constitution required continual wars for the preservation of it. This made their government dis- tasteful, and favoured the ambition of the Athenians, their rivals, who, though a more ancient people, had, for many years (through their weakness or disorders) lived without any thought of command. Athens was originally governed by kings ; the last of whom sacrificed his life to the good of his country ; and, upon his death, the Athenians took occasion to abolish the royalty, and instituted their perpetual archons, which were changed to a decennial, and afterward to an annual, magistracy. The state, however, was not completely settled, until Solon, by his wise laws, restored the love of labour and husbandry, opened a way for commerce, taught his countrymen to enrich themselves, and found means to subdue their licentiousness by the rules of justice, order, and discipline. Athens, thus reformed, was in a fair way of growing great and illustrious, when one of the citizens found means to seize the supreme power. The struggles of the Athenians for liberty, against the successors of this man, was one i occasion of the Persian war ; the glorious exploits of which are too well known to need a recital. The victories of Marathon, Salamis, and Plataea, the chief honour of which the Athenians assumed to them- selves, determined the character of that people, inspired them with the highest no- tions of glory and honour, and at last prompted them to set up for sovereign um- pires of Greece. Sparta was willing to resign to them the command of the sea ; but they would be absolute in all. And as they had delivered Greece from the oppression of the barba- rians, they thought themselves entitled to oppress her in their turn. They called themselves protectors of the Grecian cities, but behaved like their lords; till at last, Sparta, urged by the complaints of several states against the violence of Athens, began the famous Peloponnesian war, which was carried on with various success twenty-seven years. The unhappy expedition of the Athenians into Sicily, first shook their power ; and the victory of Lysander at ^Egos-Potamos, entirely overthrew it. By this event, however, Greece only changed her masters. Sparta resumed the superiority ; but her new reign lasted only thirty years. The Spartans were possessed with such a prejudice in favour of their own form of government, that they attempted to abolish democracy every where ; and while they imposed their thirty tyrants upon Athens, established a government of ten, in other states, composed of men devoted to their interest. Thus they became more absolute, but at the same time more odious. Their prosperity made them presume too much upon their strength. Their forces were lent to support ihe pretensions of the younger Cyrus. Their king, Agesilaus, was sent into Persia ; where the Great King could not put a stop to his progress. Li PREFACE. but bs r bribing the Greeks an.! by that means raising up enemies against Sparta. The Greeks readily hearkened to his soli- citations. The Athenians, at the head of the malcontents, resolved to hazard every thing for liberty ; and without reflecting on their late miserable condition, presumed to affront that state which had reduced them to it. They knew so well to make a right use of the oversight the Spartans had com- mitted, in provoking the great king, that, joining their force with the Persian fleet, they defeated them, and rebuilt their walls : nor did they lay down their arms, till the Lacedemonians were obliged, by a solemn treaty, to restore the Grecian cities to their liberty. For although the Lacedemonians pretended a voluntary generosity in this affair, yet it appeared, by the consequence, that fear only had obliged them to it ; as they took an opportunity, some time after, to oppress Thebes, though expressly com- prehended in the treaty. This raised the states of Greece against them. The Athe- nians (who always harboured the most inve- terate hatred and jealousy of them, and had lately been particularly provoked by an at- tempt of one of their generals to seize their port ) set themselves once more at the head of the confederacy, and took upon them- selves the whole expense of the war; in which their arms were crowned with victo- ries by sea and land, at Corinth, Naxos, Corcyra, and Leucas. Thus were the Spar- tans obliged to renew the treaty, and the cities of Greece again restored to an entire independency. — These bold efforts of the Athenians to reduce the Spartan power, and to regain their former sovereignity, are fre- quently extolled in the followmg Orations, as the glorious effects of their concern for the liberties of Greece. And now the peace was just concluded, and the Greeks had the fairest prospect of enjoying it, when, on a sudden, the Thebans started up, and asserted their claim to sove- reign power. Thebes had, from the earliest ages, been ranked amongst the most considerable states. The natural slowness and heaviness of the inhabitants had, however, prevented them from aiming at any pre-eminence. In the Persian war, they even had the baseness to join with the barbarians. And in order to screen themselves from the resentment of the Athenians on this account, they after- ward attached themselves to Lacedemon ; and continued firm, through the whole course of the Peloponnesian war. They shifted sides, however, some time after, and had some contests with the Lacedemonians. The seizing of their citadel, and the recovery of it out of tlie hands of the Lacedemo- nians by Pelopidas, had created a mutual hatred between these two states. And the Thebans naturally hardy and robust, and grown experienced since the Peloponnesian war (from which time their arms had been constantly exercised), now at length began to entertain thoughts of commanding. They refused to accede to the treaty nego- tiated by the Athenians, unless they were acknowledged chief of Ecrotia. This re- fusal not only exposed them to the resent- ment of the king of Persia (who was at that time particularly concerned that the Greeks should be at peace), but raised Athens, Sparta, and indeed all Greece against them. The Lacedemonians declared war; and thinking them an easy victory, now that they were deserted by their allie's, marched their forces a considerable way into the Theban territory. Now it was, that Epaminondas first shone out in all his lus- tre. He put himself at the head of the Thebans, and met the enemy at Leuctra, where he gave them a total overthrow. He then marched into Peloponnesus, and had well-nigh made himself master of the city of Sparta ; relieved some people who had been oppressed by the Spartans ; and by his justice and magnanimity, his extensive abili- ties, and zealous concern for his country, promised to raise the Thebans to the most exalted degree of power and dignity ; when, in another engagement with the Lacedemo- nians at Mantinea, he fell, as it were, in the arms of victory. The death of Epaminondas, and the peace which ensued, slackened the zeal of the principal powers of Greece, and rendered them too secure. The Athenians, particu- larly (when they saw the fortune of Lace- demon at the lowest ebb, and that, on the part of Thebes, they were freed from all apprehensions by the death of the general, the soul of their counsels and designs), were now no longer upon their guard, but aban- doned themselves to ease and pleasure. Festivals and public entertainments engaged their attention, and a violent passion for the stage banished all thoughts of business and glory. Poets, players, singers, and dancers, were received with that esteem and applause, which were due to the commanders who fought their battles. They were rewarded extravagantly, and their performances exhi- bited with a magnificence scarcely to be con- ceived. The treasures which should have maintained their armies, were applied to purchase seats in their theatres. Instead of that spirit and vigour which they exerted against the Persian, they were possessed with indolence and effeminacy ; they had no far- ther concern about the affairs of war, than just to keep a few foreign troops in pay : in short, treachery, corruption, and degene- racy, overspread the state. But while they were sinking into this con- dition, they found themselves unexpectedly engaged with a very formidable enerm, Philip, king of the Macedonians, a peop'le hitherto obscure, and in a manner barba- rous ; but now, by the courage, activity, and consummate policy of their monarch, ready to lay the foundation of a most extensive empire. Philip had been sent early into Thebes as an hostage, where he was so happy as to im- prove his natural anilities, by the instruc- tions of Epaminondas. The news of his brother Perdiccas being slain in a battle with the Illyrians, determined him to fly to the relief of his country : he eluded the vigi- PREFACE. m lance of his guards, and escaped privately to Macedon ; where, taking advantage of the people's consternation for the loss of their king, and of the dangers they apprehended from an infant reign, he first got himself declared protector to his nephew, and soon after king in his stead : and indeed the pre- sent condition of the Macedonians required a prince of his abilities. The Illyrians, flushed with their late victory, were prepa- ring to march against them ; the Paxmians harassed them with perpetual incursions ; and, at the same time, Pausanias and Ar- gasus, two of the royal blood, pretended to the crown ; the one supported by Thrace, the other by Athens. Under these circumstances, Philip's first care was to gain the affections of his people, to raise their spirits, to train and exercise them, and to reform their military discipline. And now he began to discover those abilities, which afterward raised him to such a height of power, and which were not to be expect- ed in a prince of the age of twenty-two years. The chief motive of the Athenians, in supporting the pretensions of Argaeus, was the hopes of getting possession of Amphi- polis, a city bordering on Macedon, which they had long claimed as their colony. It had sometimes been in their hands, some- times subjected to Lacedemon, according to the different changes of fortune of these states. After the peace of Antalcidas, the Greeks acknowledged the pretensions of the Athenians ; and it was resolved, that they should be put in possession of this city at the common charge. Probably the people of Amphipolis refused to submit to their old masters : for the Athenians were obliged to dispatch Iphicrates thither with forces. But the kings of Macedon now began to dispute it with them. Perdiccas made him- self master of it;, and Philip would very gladly have kept it in his own hands ; but this could not be done without weakening his army, and incensing the Athenians, whom his present circumstances required him rather to make his friends : on the other hand, he could not think of suffering them to possess it, as it was the key to that side of his dominions. He therefore took a middle course, and declared it a free city ; thereby leaving the inhabitants to throw off their dependance on their masters, and making it appear to be their own act. At the same time he disarms the Paeonians by the force of presents and promises, and then turns his arms against the Athenians, who had marched to the assistance of Arga:us. A battle ensued, in which Philip was victo- rious. By the death of Argasus, who fell in the action, he was freed from that dis- pute : and bv his respectful care of the Athenians, when he had them in his power, he so far gained upon that people, that they concluded a peace with him. He now found himself strong enough to break with the Paaonians, whom he subdued ; and having gained a complete victory over the Illyrians, he obliged them to restore aU their conquests in Macedon. He also shut up the entrance of his kingdom against Pausanias ; but ha- ving provided for the security of it, in the next place he thought of making it more powerful and flourishing. The reunion of Amphipolis he considered as tlie principal means to this end ; and therefore, under pretence of punishing some wrongs, which he alleged against that city, he laid siege to it. The moment they per- ceived their danger, the people of Amphi- polis sent two of their citizens to Athens, to solicit succours : but, in order to prevent any opposition on the part of the Athenians, Philip gave them the strongest assurances, that his sole design was to put them in pos- session of it, the moment it was in his power : they therefore suffered him to make a con- quest of it. But, instead of performing his promise, he proceeded to take from them Pydna and Potidaea, with which he pur- chased the friendship of the Olynthians, whom it concerned him at that time to oblige. The golden mines of Crenides fell next into his hands, and contributed greatly to his successes. The Athenians could not but be alarmed at the progress of this prince. His vigilance and activity, his policy and insincerity, now began to appear dangerous ; and counsels were held to deliberate upon the measures proper to be taken. But, although the Athenians were possessed with delicacy and sensibility, and entertained magnificent ideas of virtue and its duties, yet *hey wanted application, constancy, and perseverance. The good qualities which had long been the boast of that people, were now disappearing, while their faults increased. Hence it was, that they easily suffered themselves to be lulled into a false security. Besides, they had enough of difficulty to support their ju- risdiction in other parts, and to bear up against a considerable revolt of thfir allies. This revolt produced the war called the social war ; which lasted three years, and was succeeded by the Phocian or sacred war, so called, because begun from a motive of religion. The Phocians had ploughed up some ground adjoining to the temple of Apollo at Delphos, which their neighbours exclaimed against as sacrilege, and was so judged by the council of Amphictyons,.that venerable assembly composed of representa- tives from the principal states of Greece, who sat twice every year at Delphos and Thermopylae. They laid a heavy fine upon them ; but, instead of submitting to the sentence, the Phocians alleged, that the care and patronage of the temple belonged anciently to them ; and, encouraged by Philomelus, one of their principal citizens, took up arms to assert their claim. The several states of Greece took part in this quarrel, as their interests and inclinations directed. Athens and Sparta, with some other of the Peloponnesians, declared for the Phocians. The Thebans were then- principal opposers ; and were assisted by the Thessalians, Locrians, and other neigh- bouring states. At first, Philomelus had some success : but, in the second vear of the war, the Thebans gave him a signal IV PREFACE. defeat, and he himself was killed in the pursuit. In the mean time, Philip took no part in this war. He was well pleased that the par- ties should exhaust their strength ; and also had an opportunity of securing and extend- ing his frontier without interruption, by taking in such places as were either conve- nient or troublesome to him. Of this latter kind was the city of Methone, which, after some resistance, he took and demolished, annexing its lands to Macedon. During the siege, he was in imminent danger of his life, having lost one of his eyes by an arrow. But it was not long before Philip had a fair opportunity of engaging as a party in the Phocian war. The Thessalians, a people susceptible of all impressions, and incapable of preserving any, equally forgetful of benefits and injuries, ever ready to submit to tyrants, and to implore the assistance of their neighbours to free them from slavery — had some time since been governed by Alexander of Phera?, the most detestable tyrant ever known in Greece. He was des- patched by Tisiphonus, Lycophron, and Pi- tholaus, who seized the government, and became equally intolerable. So that the nobility of Thessaly, with the Aleuadae, descendants from Hercules, at their head, declared against them, and implored the assistance of Philip. This prince willingly sacrificed the hopes of extending his con- quests in Thrace to the honour of assisting the Aleuada?, who were of the same race with him ; and of imitating Pelopidas in giving liberty to Thessaly. He had also long wished to have the Macedonians con- sidered as a Grecian people ; and, as he thought no opportunity could be so honour- able and favourable, as to effect an interest of the affairs of Thessaly, he readily march- ed against the tyrants, and soon divested them of all their authority. But Philip's apparent danger from the wound which he received at Methone, em- boldened Lycophron to resume the sovereign power. The Phocians (who, after the death of Philomelus, had renewed the war with all imaginable vigour under Onomarchus) espoused the cause of this tyrant, who had engaged the Thessalians to observe a neu- trality ; and they, in return, supported him with all their power. Philip, therefore, now became involved in the general quarrel. At first, the Phocian general gained some advantages over him ; but he afterward had such success, as enlarged his views, and inspired him with new hopes and expecta- tions. He thought of nothing less than the conquest of Greece ; and, under pretence of marcliing against the Phocians, made a bold attempt to seize the famous pass at Ther- mopylae, which he justly called the key of Greece. This roused the Athenians from their lethargy. At the first news of his march, they flew to the pass, and prevented his design ; as he did not tliink it prudent to force his way. We may reasonably look on his retreat from Thermopvls as the era of Philip's hatred to the Athenians. He saw that they j were the only people of Greece capable of defeating his projects, or of giving him uneasiness in his own kingdom : he there- fore provided himself, with much diligence, a fleet composed of light ships, which might disturb their trade, and, at the same time, enrich Ids subjects by bringing in prizes. He also increased his army, and projected the destruction of the Athenian colonies in Thrace. At the same time, he practised very successfully at Athens itself ; and, by large appointments, secured some eminent orators, to charm the people with delusive hopes of peace, or to frighten them with expensive estimates, while they pretended a zeal for the defence of the state. In a democratical government, like that of Athens, Eloquence was the sure means of recommending its possessor to the atten- tion and regard of his fellow-citizens, and of raising him to all public honours and advan- tages. The gradual improvements of lite- rature had introduced and perfected the arts of moving and persuading ; and perhaps the disorders of the state contributed to make them more important, called forth a greater number of public speakers, and opened a larger field for their abi.ities. Many of those orators, who, about that time, took the lead in the Athenian assem- blies, are lost to posterity. The characters, however, of the most eminent have been transmitted, or may be collected from the writings of antiquity. Demades, by his birth and education, seemed destined to meanness and obscurity : but as the Athenian assembly admitted per- sons of all ranks and occupations to speak their sentiments, his powers soon recom- mended him to his countrymen, and raised him from the low condition of a common mariner, to the administration and direction of public affairs. His private life was stain- ed with those brutal excesses, which fre- quently attend the want of early culture, and an intercourse with the inferior and least refined part of mankind. His conduct, as a leader and minister, was not actuated by the principles of delicate honour and inte- grity ; and his eloquence seems to have re- ceived a tincture from his original condition. He appears to have been a strong, bold, and what we call a blunt speaker, whose manner, rude and daring, and sometimes bordering on extravagance, had oftentimes a greater effect than the more corrected style of other speakers, who confined themselves within the bounds of decorum and good-breeding. Hyperides, on the contrary, was blessed with all the graces of refinement : harmo- nious, elegant, and polite, with a well-bred festivity, and delicate irony; excellent in panegyric, and of great natural abilities for affecting the passions ; yet his eloquence seems rather to have been pleasing than persuasive. He is said to have been not so well fitted for a popular assembly, and for political debates, as for private causes, and addressing a few select judges : and even here, when he pleaded the cause of a woman for whom he had the tenderest passion, he was obliged to call the charms of his mis- PREFACE. tress to the assistance of his eloquence, and u as more indebted to these for his success 'than to his own powers. Lycurgus had all the advantages which birth and education could afford for forming an orator. He was the hearer of Plato, and the scholar of Isocrates. He seems to have been particularly affected by the charms of poetry and the polite arts ; nor was he less remarkable for diligence and attention ; yet his influence in the assembly seems, like that of Phocion, to have arisen rather from a respect to his character, and the general opinion of his virtue and integrity, than from his abilities as a speaker. /Eschines was an orator, whose style was full, diffusive, and sonorous. He was a stranger to the glowing expressions and da- ring figures of Demosthenes, which he treats with contempt and ridicule. But, though more simple, he is less affecting ; and, by being less contracted, has not so much strength and energy. Or, as Quintilian expresses it, carnis plus habet, tacertortim minus. But, if we would view his abilities to the greatest advantage, we must not compare them with those of his rival. Then will his figures appear to want neither beauty nor grandeur. His easy and natural manner will then be thought highly plea- sing ; and a just attention will discover a good degree of force and energy in his style, which, at first, appears only flowing and har- monious. But all the several excellences of his coun- trymen and contemporaries were at least equalled by Demosthenes. [1.] His own, no age or nation could attain to. From him, critics have formed their rules ; and all the masters in his own art have thought it an honour to imitate him. To enlarge upon his character, would be to resume a subject already exhausted by every critic, both ancient and modern. Let it be suffi- cient to say, that energy and majesty are his peculiar excellencies. From the gravity of Thucydides, the pomp and dignity of Plato, the ease and elegance, the neatness and sim- plicity of the Attic writers, he formed a style and manner admirably fitted to his own temper and genius, as well as that of his hearers. His own severity determined him to the more forcible methods of astonishing and terrifying, rather than the gentle and insinuating arts of persuasion ; nor did the circumstances and dispositions of his coun- trymen admit of any but violent impres- sions. As many of those to whom he ad- dressed himself were men of low rank and occupations, his images and expressions are sometimes familiar. As others of them were themselves eminent in speaking, and could readily see through all the common artifices of oratory, these he affects to de- spise ; appears only solicitous to be under- stood ; yet, as it were without design, raises the utmost admiration and delight ; [1.] Nihil Lysias subtilitate cedit; nihil argutiis et acumine Hyperidi ; nihil leni- tate iEschini et splendore verborum. Cic. lie Orat. such delight as arises from the clearness of evidence, and the fulness of conviction. And, as all, even the lower part of his hearers, were acquainted with the beauties of poetry and the force of harmony, he could not admit of any thing rude or negligent, but with the strictest attention laboured those compositions which appear so natural and unadorned. They have their ornaments, but these are austere and manly, and such as are consistent with freedom and sincerity. A full and regular series of diffusive reasoning would have been intolerable in an Athenian assembly. He often contents himself with an imper- fect hint : a sentence, a word, even his silence, is sometimes pregnant with mean- ing. And this quickness and vehemence flattered a people who valued themselves on their acuteness and penetration. The impetuous torrent that in a moment bears down all before it, the repeated flashes of lightning, which spread universal terror, and which the strongest eye dares not en- counter, are the images by which the nature of his eloquence hath been expressed. As a statesman and as a citizen, his con- duct was no less remarkable. If the fire of his eloquence seems sometimes abated, his judgment and accuracy and political abilities are then conspicuous. The bravery with which he opposed the passions and prejudices of his countrymen, and the ge- neral integrity of his character (to which Philip himself bare witness) are deserving of the highest honour ; and, whatever weakness he betrayed in his military con- duct, his death must be acknowledged truly heroic. The reader will observe, that the Oration entitled, On the Halonesus, is not admitted into the following collection. Some critics ascribe it to Hegesippus, [2.] an Athenian orator of inferior character. But, however this may be, it is certainly entirely different from those compositions of Demosthenes which 3re confessedly genuine. That he really wrote an oration so entitled, [3.] the [2.] In the oration on the Halonesus, the speaker takes notice of his having been the manager of a prosecution against Calippus, on account of an illegal motior mane by this man in the assembly, relative to the boundaries of Cardia. Hegesippus was the person who conducted this prosecution ; and this circumstance Libanius mentions as ha- ving (together with the difference of style) induced the critics to ascribe this oration, not to Demosthenes, but to Hegesippus. To this we may add another circumstance of the like nature. The speaker observes that ne went on an embassy to Macedon, in order to obtain an explanation and amend- ment of some articles in the treaty conclud- ed between Philip and the Athenians. He- gesippus was at the head of this embassy : nor was Demosthenes at all concerned in it, as appears from the oration of this latter (7rept T?ir llapa7rp.) [3.] yEschines, in his oration on the Em- bassy, mentions two particulars in that of B2 Vl PREFACE. authority of the ancient writers confirm, I think, sufficiently. But one would be Demosthenes on the Halonesus, neither of which are found in the oration now extant. The first is, that Demosthenes treated Philip's ambassadors with great severity, and insisted that they were really sent as spies. The other, that he recommended to the Athenians by no means to submit their disputes with Philip to the decision of an umpire ; for that no one impartial mediating state could be found through Greece so tempted to believe, that theTmssages 1 which they have quoted, had been taken up by some old scholiast, and inserted in a perfor- mance of his own. As to the translation now offered to the public, the author has no doubt but that it will meet with all due indulgence from the ingenious and judicious reader. His sen- tence must determine its fate, and to him it is implicitly submitted. totally were the minds of all men corrupted by the Macedonian. THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES. THE FIRST ORATION AGAINST PHILIP: PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF ARISTODEMUS, IN THE FIRST YEAR OF TKU HUNDRED AND SEVENTH OLYMPIAD, AND THE NINTH OF PHILIP'S REIGN. INTRODUCTION. We have seen Philip opposed in his de- sign of passing into Greece through Ther- mopylae, and obliged to retire. The danger they had thus escaped deeply affected the Athenians. So daring an attempt, which was, in effect, declaring his purposes, filled them with astonishment ; and the view of a power, which every day received new acces- sions, drove them even to despair. Yet the aversion to public business was still predo- minant. They forgot that Philip might renew his attempt, and thought they had provided sufficiently for their security, by posting a body of troops at the entrance of Attica, under the command of Menelaus, a foreigner. They then proceeded to convene an assembly of the people, in order to con- sider what measures were to be taken to check the progress of Philip : on which occasion Demosthenes, for the first time, appeared against that prince, and displayed those abilities which proved the greatest obstacle to his designs. At Athens, the whole power and manage- ment of affairs were placed in the people. It was their prerogative to receive appeals from the courts of justice, to abrogate and enact laws, to make what alterations in the state they judged convenient : in short, all matters, public or private, foreign or domes- tic, civil, military, or religious, were deter- mined by them. Whenever there was occasion to deliberate, the people assembled early in the morning, sometimes in the forum or public place, sometimes in a place called Pnyx, but most frequently in the theatre of Bacchus. A few days before each assembly, there was a npofpa/j/jia or placard fixed on the statues of some illustrious men erected in the city, to give notice of the subject to be deba- ted. As they refused admittance Into the assembly to all persons who had not attain- ed the necessary age, so they obliged all others to attend. The Lexiarchs stretched out a cord dyed with scarlet, and by it pushed the people towards the place of meeting. Such as received the stain were fined ; the more diligent had a small pecu- niary reward. These Lexiarchs were the keepers of the register, in which were enrol- led the names of such citizens as had a right of voting. And all had this right who were of age, and not excluded by a personal fault. Undutiful children, cowards, brutal debauchees, prodigals, debtors to the public, were all excluded. Until the time of Cecrops, women had a right of suffrage, which they were said to have lost on account of their partiality to Minerva, in her dispute with Neptune about giving a name to the city. In ordinary cases, all matters were first deliberated in the senate of five hundred, composed of fifty senators chosen out of each of the ten tribes. Each tribe had its turn of presiding, and the fifty senators in office were called Prytanes. And according to the number of the tribes, the Attic year was divided into ten parts, the four first containing thirty-six, the other thirty-five days; in order to make the Lunar year complete, which, according to their calcula- tion, contained three hundred and fifty-four days. During each of these divisions, ten, of the fifty Prytanes governed for a week, and were called Proedri : and of these he, who in the course of the week presided for one day, was called the Epistate ; three of the Proedri being excluded from this office. The Prytanes assembled the people ; the Proedri declared the occasion; and the Epistate demanded their voices. This was the case in the ordinary assemblies: the extraordinary were convened as well by the generals as the Prytanes ; and sometimes ti.p people met of their own accord, without waiting the formalities. The assembly was opened by a sacrifice ; and the place was sprinkled with the blood of the victim.— Then an imprecation was pronounced, conceived hi these terms: " May the gods pursue that man to destruc- tion, with all his race, who shall act, speak, or contrive, any thing against this state I" This ceremony being finished, the Proedri declared the occasion of the assembly, and reported the opinion of the senate. If any doubt arose, a herald by commission from the Epistate, with a loud voice, invited any citizen, first of those above the age of fifty, to speak his or-iriion ; and then the rest ac- cording to their ages. This right of pre- cedence had been granted by a law of Solon and the order of speaking determined en tire- DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ORAT. I. ly by the difference of years. In the time of Demosthenes, this law was not in force. It is said to have been repealed about fifty years before the date of this oration. Yet the custom still continued, out of respect to the reasonable and decent purpose for which the law was originally enacted. When a speaker had delivered his sentiments, he generally called on an officer appointed for that purpose, to read his motion, and pro- pound it in form. He then sat down, or resumed his discourse, and enforced his mo- tion by additional arguments : and some- times the speech was introduced by his mo- tion thus propounded. When all the speakers had ended, the people gave their opinion, by stretching out their liands to him whose proposal pleased them most. And Xenophon reports, that, night having come on when the people were engaged in an important debate, they were obliged to defer their de- termination till next day, for fear of confu- sion, when their hands were to be raised. " Porrexerunt manus," saith Cicero (pro Flacco), " et Psephisma natum est." And, to constitute this Psephisma or decree, six thousand citizens at least were required. When it was drawn up, the name of its author, or that person whose opinion had prevailed, was prefixed : whence, in speaking of it, ithey called it his decree. The date of it contained the name of the Archon, that of the day and month, and that of the tribe then presiding. The busi- ness being over, the Prytanes dismissed the assembly. The reader who chooses to be more mi- nutely informed in the customs, and manner of procedure in the public assemblies of Athens, may consult the Archaeologia of Archbishop Potter, Sigonius, or the Concio- natrices of Aristophanes. PHILIPPIC THE FIRST. Aristodemo, Archon — A. R. Philip. £— Olympiad. UfJ. An. 1. Had we been convened, Athenians ! on some new subject of debate, I had waited until most of the usual persons had declared their opinions. If I had approved of any thing proposed by them, I should have con- tinued silent : if not, I had then attempted to speak my sentiments. But since those very points on which these speakers have oftentimes been heard already, are at this time to be considered ; though I have arisen first, [l.j I presume I may expect your n.] Though I have arisen first, &c] Demos- 1 nenes was at that time but thirty years old, whit h made it necessary for him to apolo- gize for his zeal in rising before the other speakers ; and the ingenious turn which he gives it, not only prevents any unfavourable impression on the minds of his hearers, but engages their affection, and excites their at- tention, by the tacit promise of better coun- sel than they had hitherto received. Tourreil. pardon ; for if they on former occasions had advised- the necessary measures, ye would not have found it needful to consult at pre- sent. First, then, Athenians ! these our affairs must not be thought desperate ; no, though their situation seems entirely deplorable. For the most shocking circumstance of all our past conduct is really the most favoura- ble to our future expectations. And what i> this ? That our own total indolence hath been the cause of all our present difficulties. For were we thus distressed, in spite of every vigorous effort which the honour of our state demanded, there were then no hope of a recovery. In the next place, reflect (you who have been informed by others, and you who can yourselves remember), how great a power [2.] the Lacedemonians not long sincepos- sessed ; and with what resolution, with what dignity, you disdained to act unworthy of the state, but maintained the war against them for the rights of Greece. Why do I mention these things ? That ye may know, that ye may see, Athenians ! that if duly vigilant, ye cannot have any thing to fear ; that if once remiss, not any thing can hap- pen agreeable to your desires ; witness the then powerful arms of Lacedemon, which a just attention to your interests enabled you to vanquish : and this man's late insolent attempt, which our insensibility to all oar great concerns hath made the cause of this confusion. If there be a man in this assembly who thinks that we must find a formidable enemy in Philip, while he views, on one hand, the numerous armies [3.] which attend him; and, on the other, the weakness of the state thus despoiled of its dominions; he thinks justly. Vet, let him reflect on ibis: there was a time, Athenians ! when we possessed Pydna, and Potidsea, and Methone, and all that country round : when many of those states, now subjected to him, were free and [2.] How great a power, &c] It has been already observed in the preface to these ora- tions, that Demosthenes takes many occa- sions of extolling the efforts of Athens to reduce the Spartan power, and to regain that sovereignty which they lost by the victory of Lysander at -Egos-Potamos. These" efforts he every where represents as high instances of magnanimity and public spirit : though revenge and jealousy had no less share in diem. The victories which the Athenians gained over Sparta at Corinth, Naxos, &c. and which he here alludes to, happened about twenty-four years before the date of this oration : so that he might well appeal to the memories of many persons present. [3.] The numerous armies, &c] The number of Philip's forces at that time amounted to twenty thousand foot and three thousand horse: a great army com- pared with those of the Greeks. At their march to Marathon, the Athe?iians could not assemble more than ten thousand forces I Tourreil. ORAT. 1.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. independent, and more inclined to our alli- ance than to his. Had then Philip reasoned in the same manner—" How shall 1 dare to attack the Athenians, whose garrisons com- mand my territory, while I am destitute of all assistance !"— he would not have engaged in those enterprises which are now crowned with success ; nor could he have raised him- self to this pitch of greatness. No, Athe- nians ! he knew this well, that all these places are but prizes, [1.] laid between the combatants, and readv for the conqueror : that the dominions of the absent devolve naturallv to those who are in the field ; the possessions of the supine to the active and intrepid. Animated by these sentiments, he overturns whole countries ; he holds all peo- ple in subjection : some, as by the right of conquest ; others, under the title of allies and confederates : for all are willing to con- federate with those whom they see prepared and resolved to exert themselves as they ought. And if you, my countrymen ! will now at length be persuaded to entertain the like sentiments : if each of you, renouncing all evasions, will be ready to approve himself a useful citizen, to the utmost that his station and abilities demand : if the rich will be ready to contribute, and the young to take the held : in one word, if you will be your- selves, and banish those vain hopes which every single person entertains, — that while so many others are engaged in public business, his service will not be required ; you then (if heaven so pleases) shall regain your do- minions, recall those opportunities your supineness hath neglected, and chastise the insolence of this man. For you are not to imagine, that, like a god, he is to enjoy his present greatness for ever fixed and un- changeable. No, Athenians ! there are who hate him, who fear him, who envy him, even among those seemingly the most attached to his cause. These are passions common to mankind ; nor must we think that his friends only are exempted from them. It is true, they lie concealed at present, as our indo- lence deprives them of all resource. But let us shake oft' this indolence ! for you see how we are situated ; you see the outrageous arrogance of this man, who does not leave it to your choice whether you shall act, or re- main quiet ; but braves you with his me- naces ; and talks (as we are informed) [2.] [1.] But prizes, &c] His hearers were of all others most devoted to public games and entertainments, and must therefore have been particularly sensible of the beau- ty of this image. [2.] And taiks (as we are informed), &c] The success which had hitherto attended Philip's arms, must naturally have inspired him with those designs which he afterward executed against the Athenians : and resent- ment of their late opposition at Thermo- pyla; might have made him less careful to conceal them, at least in his own court. This the orator represents as arrogant and extravagant menaces : not that a man who had so ju«t a conception of the weakness of in a str*In of the highest extravagance : and is not able to rest satisfied with his pre- sent acquisitions, but is ever in pursuit of farther conquests ; and while we sit down inactive and irresolute, encloses us on all sides with his toils. When, therefore, O my countrymen ! when will you exert your vigour? When roused by some event ? When forced by some necessity ? What then are we to think of our present condition ? To freemen, the disgrace attending on misconduct, is, in my opinion, the most urgent necessity. Or say, is it your sole ambition to wander through the public places, each inquiring of the other, "What new advices?" Can any thing be more new, than that a man of Macedon should conquer the Athenians, and give law to Greece?— "Is Philip dead ?"[3.]—" No, but in great danger." — How are you concern- ed in those rumours ? Suppose he should meet some fatal stroke : you would soon raise up another Philip, if your interests are thus regarded. For it is not to his own strength that he so much owes his elevation, as to our supineness. And should some accident [4.] affect him, should Fortune, who hath ever been more careful of the state, than we ourselves, now repeat her favours ; (and may she thus crown them !)— be assured of this, that by being on the spot, ready to take advantage of the confusion, you will the Athenian politics, and the vigour and abilities of their enemy, could really believe such designs extravagant and romantic. But it was part of his address sometimes to avoid shocking the national vanity of his country- men. After all their losses, and amidst all their indolence, they could not entertain a thought so mortifying, as that the conque- rors of Persia and the arbiters of Greece could ever see their liberty essentially affect- ed, or their power and glory entirely wrested from them, by a king of Macedon. [3.] Is Philip dead, &c] These rumours and inquiries of the Athenians were occasi- oned by the wound Philip received at Me- thone, the year before, and which was fol- lowed by a dangerous fit of sickness Longinus quotes this whoiei passage as a beautiful instance of those pathetic figures, which give life, and force, and energy, to an oration. Taurreil. The English reader will find the remark in Sect. 18 of Mr. Smith's translation. [4.] Some accident, &c] — If he should die. This is plainly the sense of it : but it must be expressed covertly, as Demosthenes has done, not. to transgress against that de- corum which Cicero says this orator made his first rule. For there were certain things which the ancients presumed not to express but in terms obscure and gentle; that they might not pronounce what were called verba male ominata. They did not dare to say to any person, ' If you should be killed; If you should die :" they concealed as much as possi. ble the melancholy and odious idea of an approaching, or even of a distant, death. The Greeks said ei t< TriiOut : the Romans, si quid humanitus contingut. Olivet, DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ORAT. I. every where be absolute masters ; but in your present disposition, even if a favoura- ble juncture should present you with Am- phipolis, [1.] you could not take possession Tl.] Present you with Amphipolis, &c] Tfiey had nothing more at heart than the recovery of this city. So that the author here gives the last and most heightening stroke to his description of their indolence. Tourreil. And at the same time by artfully hinting at such an event, as possible, he rouses their attention, and enlivens their hopes and expectations. The Italian commentator illustrates this passage in the following manner: " Monet orator, quod, quamvis occidat ejusdem (scil. Amphipolis) compotes fieri, ipsis tamen non satis id fore ad turbandas res Macedonicas ; cum aliis tot locis, qua? memoravimus, pri- vati, ad tantam rerum molem parum opis habere possint, ex una duntaxat civitate." Accordingly, the passage before us hath been rendered to this effect : If some favourable conjuncture should deliver up Amphipolis to you, &c. you could not receive the least benefit from the possession, with respect to Macedon. The assertion of the orator, as expressed in the present translation, hath been pronounced extraordinary, and the argument inconclusive. The substance, therefore, of the present argument, I shall here endeavour to collect : You are all earnest to be informed whether Philip be dead or no. But, unless you change your measures, his death or life can make no dif- ference, or prove of any consequence. In- deed, if some accident should take him off, nothing more would be necessary to give the full advantage of the confusion which such an event must occasion, than to appear on the frontier of Macedon with a powerful force. This would make you absolute mas- ters of the country. But in your present circumstances, what would it avail, even if such a favourable incident, as that of Philip's death, should give you an opportunity of re- covering Amphipolis ? So important an ac- quisition (which would in a great measure enable you to command all Macedon) must still be lost ; unless you had your forces ready you could not take possession of it. Whether there be any thing unreasonable in this as- sertion, or impertinent in this argument, must be submitted to the reader. With deference to this judgment, I must declare, that it appears to me to have rather more force, and to set the fatal consequence of the indolence and Irresolution of the Athenians in a stronger light, than the other interpre- tation ; whose propriety may be at once de- termined, by comparing the passage with the sentence immediately preceding. In that the orator declares, that in case of Philip's death, the Athenians had no more to do, but to appear on the frontier of Macedon, in order to gain the absolute disposal of the af- fairs of that kingdom^ "lot)' ot< irXriaiov /j.tv c>vr«, iiTrairiv av T019 7rp'<7/iacri TeTapa-*- oaiatic. We must, therefore, be at some of it, while this suspense prevails in ycu. designs and in your councils. And now, as to the necessity of a general vigour and alacrity, of this you must be fully persuaded : this point therefore I shall urge no farther. But the nature of the armament, which, I think, will extricate you from the present difficulties, the num- bers to be raised, the subsidies required for their support, and all the other necessaries ; how they may (in my opinion) be best and most expeditiously provided ; these things I shall endeavour to explain. — But here I make this request, Athenians ! that you would not be precipitate, but suspend your judgment till you have heard me fullv. And if, at first, I seem to propose a new kind of arrangement, let it not be thought that 1 am delaying your affairs. For it is not they who cry out Instantly ! This moment ! whose counsels suit the present juncture (as it is not possible to repel violences already committed, by any occasional detachment), but he who will shew you, of what kind that armament must be, how great, and how supported, which may subsist until we yield to peace, or till our enemies sink beneath our arms ; for thus only can we be secured from future dangers. — These things, I think, I can point out : not that I would prevent any other person from declaring his opinion. — Thus far am I engaged : how I can acquit myself, will immediately appear : to your judgments I appeal. First, then, Athenians ! I say that you should fit out fifty ships of war : and then resolve, that on the first emergency you will embark yourselves. To these I insist that you must add transport and other necessary vessels sufficient for half our horse. Thus far we should be provided against those sud- den excursions from his own kingdom, to Thermopylae, to the (Jhersonesus, [2.] to pains to clear Demosthenes of the suspicion of inconsistency, if the very next sentence be understood as containing a declaration, That although the Athenians should not only appear upon the border of Macedon, but there possess themselves of a post of the utmost consequence, still they could derive no advantage from their acquisition, far from having the whole kingdom at their disposal. What seems to have tempted the Italian commentator to suggest this inter- pretation is, the expression, Aioovtoiv iifuv ™» Kaipu>v 'Afxij>iitu\iv, if some conjunc- tures should give you Amphipolis, which he takes in a literal sense. But the genius of spirited eloquence, and of our orator in par- ticular, fully warrants us to regard it only as a lively figure, and to understand no more by giving up, than affording a favourable opportunity of gaining. [2.] To the Chersonesus.] The year be- fore, Cersobleptes, unable to defend this country against Philip, had put the Athe- nians hi possession of it. Cardia, one of the chief cities, refused to acknowledge these new sovereigns, and had recourse to the protection of Philip, who, under pretence OUAT. I.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. Olynthus, [1.] to whatever places he thinks >roper. For of this lie should necessarily je persuaded , that possibly you may break out from this immoderate indolence, and fly to some scene of action : as you did to Euboea, [2.] and formerly, as we are told. I of supporting them, carried his arms into the Chersonesus. Tourreil. [1.] To Olynthus.] Philip had already committed some acts of hostility against this state, but had not as yet formed the siege of Olynthus, or taken any measures tending to it : for in such a case Demos- thenes woidd not have touched so lightly upon an enterprise, which he afterward dwells upon so often, and with so much force. Tourreil. [2.] To Euboea, &c] Mons. Tourreil translates this passage thus : Et qu'il risque de retrouver en vous ces memes Atheniens, qu'il rencontra sur son chemin en Eubee, &c. (for which there is no warrant in the origi- nal): and taking for granted that all the expeditions here mentioned were made against Philip, he endeavours to settle the date of this to Euboea bv conjecture. But it does not appear from history that Philip carried his arms into that island, before his attempt on Thermopylae. In the three suc- ceeding Olvnthiac orations, there is not the least mention of such a thing, though there is a particular recital of his expeditions in the third, and though afterward the orator inveighs loudly against his hostile attempts in Euboea. I apprehend, therefore, that the expedition hinted at in this place was that which the Athenians made about seven years before in favour of the Eubceans against Thebes ; when in five days they brought an army into Euboea, and in thirty obliged the Thebans to come to terms, and evacuate the island (according to j-Eschines.) — Demos- thenes mentions this in other places ; parti- cularly about the end of the oration on the state of the Chersonesus ; where he quotes part of the speech made by Timotheus to encourage the Athenians to this expedition. In the above note, I have endeavoured to suggest some reasons why the expeditions, here alluded to, could not have been made against Philip. But it hath been affirmed that, if this were so, it would be almost im- pertinent in our orator to mention them. That as facts, they must be found spiritless, if taken in a gerteral sense, and, as argu- ments, inconclusive. The translator can, with sincerity, declare, that if any represen- tation of his tends, in the least, to depreciate the value of the great original, he readily gives it up as utterly erroneous and indefen- sible. But at the same time, he must observe, that if it be a fault to make use of such facts and such arguments, it is a fault which Demosthenes has frequently com- mitted. Thus he speaks of the vigorous opposition of his countrymen to the Lace- demonians ; of their marching against the Corinthians and Megareans ; of their expel- ling the Thebans from Euboea, &c. In the second Philippic oration, he tells his coun- trymen, that the Macedonian must regard to Haliartus, [:».] and hut now, to Thermo- pylae. But although we should not act with all this vigour (which yet I must regard as our indispensible duty), still the measures I propose will have their use ; as his fears may keep him quiet, when he knows we are pre- pared (and this he will know, for there are too many [4.] among ourselves, who inform him of every thing): or if he should de- spise our armament, his security may prove fatal to him ; as it will be absolutely in our them as the great and strenuous defenders of Greece ; because he must be informed of the spirit which their ancestors discovered in the days of his predecessor Alexander. If we are not to allow the orator to reason, from the conduct of his contemporaries, on former occasions, to the conduct which they ought to pursue, or which may be expected from them in their contest with Philip, what shall we say of an argument deduced from their ancestors in the heroic age of Athens ? The truth seems to be, that although the facts supposed to be alluded to in this pas- sage, had been passed over by historians (which I cannot admit); yet, we are not from hence to conclude, that they had no weight or importance in the Athenian as- sembly. We are not to judge of the light in which they appeared there, from the obscurity into which distance of time and place may have now cast them. The rea- sons of this are obvious. [3.] To Haliartus.] Tourreil refers this to some action which he supposes might have happened in Bceotia in the course of the Phocian war, and in which the Athe- nians might have had their share of the honour. Sut from the text, it should seem that the event alluded to must have hap- pened at some considerable distance of time, and have descended to the orator by tradi- tion — About forty years before this oration, when Thebes and Sparta began to quarrel, Ljjsander, the Spartan general, threatened the Thebans with a very dangerous war, and began with laying siege to this city of Hali- artus. The Thebans applied for aid to the Athenians, which they readily granted (though the Thebans had just before pressed for the utter demolition of their state), and obliged Pausanias to raise the siege, after Lysander had been killed. I apprehend that this is the expedition here alluded to. It was the more remarkable, as the Athe- nian power was then at the lowest ebb. You, Athenians ! says Demosthenes in his oration on the Crown, at a time when the Lacedemonians had the absolute command both at sea and land ; when Attica was quite encompassed with their commanders and their garrisons ; when Euboea, Tanagra, all Boeotia, Megara, yEgina, Cleone, and the other islands, were hi their possession ; when the state had not one ship, not one wall, — ye marched out to Haliartus, &c [4.] Too many, Arc] He glances particu- larly at Aristodemus and Neoptolemus. As to yEschines, he had not been with Philip six years after. Tourreil. 6 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ouat. r. power, at the first favourable juncture, to make a descent upon his own coasts. These, then, are the resolutions 1 propose, — these the provisions it will become you to make. And I pronounce it still necessary to raise some other forces which may harass him with perpetual incursions. Talk not of your ten thousands, or twenty thousands, of foreigners ; of those armies which [1.] appear so magnificent on paper ; but let them be the natural forces of the state : and if you choose a single person, if a number, if this particular man, or whomever you appoint as general, let them be entirely under his guidance and authority. I also move you, that subsistence be provided for them. But as to the quality, the numbers, the maintenance of this body ; how are these points to be settled ? — I now proceed to speak of each of them distinctly. The body of infantry, therefore, — but here give me leave to warn you of an error, which hath often proved injurious to you. Think not that your preparations never can be too magnificent : great and terrible in your decrees ; in execution, weak and con- temptible. Let your preparations, let your supplies, at first be moderate ; and add to these, if you find them not sufficient. — I ,iay, then, that the whole body of infantry should be two thousand : of these, that five nundred should be Athenians, of such an age as you shall think proper, and with a stated time for service ; not long, but such as that others mav have their turn of duty. Let the rest be formed of foreigners. To those you are to add two hundred horse, fifty of them at least Athenians, to serve in the same manner as the foot. For these vou are to provide transports. — And now, what farther preparations ?— Ten light gal- leys. For, as he hath a naval power, [2. J [1.] Those armies which, &o] In the Greek it is eniaToKi/jiaiou? dwdfiets. — In- stead of enumerating the various senses in which the commentators interpret this ex- Eression, I shall copy an observation on it y the Abb£ D'Olivet, whose interpretation I have followed : — I have, without any refinement, chosen a plain expression, which seems to hit the thought of Demosthenes directly, and to paint strongly the bitter ridicule of the passage. It was usual for the Athenians, upon any emergency, to write to all quarters to demand soldiers. They were answered, that in such a place such a number would be provided : from another place, so many more might be expected. But in the end it appeared, that these were by no means so many effective men. There were great abatements to be made from the num- bers promised : and we find besides, from this oration, that these foreigners were not paid at all, or ill-paid ; so that these grand armies were no where complete, but in the letters written to demand them on one part, and to promise them on the other. If I am not mistaken, this is what Demosthenes calls duvaiiei? fn-io-ToAi/jaioKf, armies which exist only in letters. [ 2.] As he hath a naval power.] In conse- we must be provided with light vessels, that our troops may have a secure convoy. But whence are these forces to be subsis- ted ? This I shall explain, when I have first given rny reasons, why I think such num- bers sufficient, and why I have advised that we should serve in person. As to the num- bers, Athenians ! my reason is this : it is not at present in our power to provide a force able to meet him in the open field ; but we must harass him by depredations : thus the war must be carried on at first. We therefore cannot think of raising a prodigi- ous army (for such we have neither pay nor provisions), nor must our forces be absolutely mean. And I have proposed that citizens should join in the service, and help to man our fleet ; because I am informed, that some time since the state maintained a body of auxiliaries at Corinth [3.] which Polystratus commanded, [4.] and Iphicrates, arid Cha- brias, and some others ; that you yourselves served with them : and that the united efforts of these auxiliary and domestic forces gained a considerable victory over the Lace- demonians. But ever since our armies have been formed of foreigners alone, their victo- ries have been over our allies and confede- rates ; while our enemies have arisen to an extravagance of power. And these armies, with scarcely the slightest attention to the service of the state, sail off to fight for Artabazus, [5.] or any other person ; and quence of his engagements with the Thes- salians, he commanded their ports and ships. [3.] At Corinth.] This was in the same war which he alludes to in the beginning of the oration (Sect. 2.) Corinth was appoint- ed as the place of general rendezvous for the Greeks who confederated against Sparta. [4.] Which Polystratus commanded.] Instead of Polystratus, which is a name little known in history, Monsieur Tourreil proposes to read Callistratus, who, accord- ing to Xenophon and Diodorus, was col- league to Iphicrates and Chabrias in the war of Corcyra. But, as Mr. Mounteney has observed, Polystratus is again mentioned by Demosthenes, together with Iphicrates, in the oration on the Immunities ; so that it is probable this is the true reading. [5.J To fight for Artabazus.] He here al- ludes to an affair which had happened some time before, and had occasioned great com- motion. The Athenians had sent Chares at the head of a powerful force to reduce Byzantium, Cos, and Chios, which had revolted from them. But this general, when he had a prospect of success in that enter- prise, suffered himself to be corrupted by Artabazus, a rebellious satrap of Asia, and assisted him against an amiy of seventy thousand men. Chares received a reward proportioned to the service ; but this action raised the indignation of the Athenians, as he had not only deserted the cause of the republic, but also incensed the king o. Persia. Demosthenes, however, here shifts the 1 lame from Chares to his soidierj, who 01! AT. I.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. their general follows them : nor should we wonder at it ; for he cannot command, who cannot pay his soldiers. What then do I recommend ? that you should take away all pretences both from generals and from sol-i diers, by a regular payment of the army, and by incorporating domestic forces with the auxiliaries, to be as it were inspectors into the conduct of the commanders. For at present our manner of acting is even ridiculous. If a man should ask, "Are you at peace, Athenians ?" the answer would immediately be, " By no means ! we are at war with Philip. [l.J Have not we chosen the usual generals and officers, [2.] both of horse and foot ?" And of what use are all these, except the single person whom you send to the field ? the rest attend your priests in their processions. So that, as if you formed so many men of clay, you make your officers for show, and not for service. My countrymen ! should not all these gene- rals have been chosen from your own body ; all these several officers from your own body, that our force might be really Athenian ? and yet, for an expedition in favour of Lemiios, [3.] the general must be a citizen, refused to obey him (or rather to the people, who took no care to provide for their pay.) Tourreil. [l.j We are at war with Philip.] So the orator affects to speak. Though I apprehend it does not appear from history that they were at that time directly at war with him. They had indeed joined with the Phocians, and Philip was at the head of the opposite con- federacy. Thus far they were engaged against each other, though neither of them as principals in the quarrel. The Athenians, indeed, might have made some attempts to recover Amphipolis ; they certainly made some ineffectual preparations to relieve Potidasa and Methone ; and, after Philip's attempt on Thermopylae, did station some forces upon their frontiers to oppose him, in case he renewed his attack. But still the war was not declared in form — But of this 1 shall speak more hereafter. [2.] The usual officers.] In the text they are mentioned particularly. Ten taxiarchs (a-parnyoi or generals), and phylarchs, and two hipparchs. Each of the ten tribes chose a new general every year, and each of these (originally, when all went to the field) had the command for one day in his turn. Philip was very pleasant on this number of commanders. I never, said he, could find but one general (meaning Parmenio,) but the Athenians can get ten every year. An- ciently, the people, upon extraordinary oc- casions, chose a polemarch, to determine, when the opinions of the generals were equally divided. The taxiarch commanded the infantry, the phylarch the cavalry, of his tribe. The whole body of horse was di- vided into two corps, each of which was commanded by a general of horse, or hip- parch. Tourreil. [3. ] In favour of Lemnos.] When, in the social war, the revolters invaded it with a fleet of a hundred sail. Tourreil. while troops engaged in defence of our own territories are commanded by Menelaus. [4.] I say not this to detract from his merit ; but to whomsoever this command had been n trusted, surely he should have derived it from your voices. [5. J Perhaps you are fully [6.] sensible of these truths, but would rather hear me upon another point, — that of the supplies ; wTiat we are to raise, and from what funds. To this I now proceed — The sum therefore necessary for the maintenance of these forces, that the soldiers may be supplied with grain, is somewhat above ninety talents. [/.] To the ten galleys, forty talents, that each ves- sel may have a monthly allowance of twenty minaj. To the two thousand foot, the same sum, that each soldier may receive ten drachma? a month for corn. To the two hundred horse, for a monthly allowance of thirty drachms each, twelve talents. And iet it not be thought a small convenience, that the soldiers are supplied with grain : for I am clearly satisfied that if such a pro- vision be made, the war itself will supply them with every thing else, so as to com- plete their appointment, and this without any injury to the Greeks or allies : and; I myself am ready to sail with them, and to answer for the consequence with my life, should it prove otherwise. From what funds the sum which I propose may be sup- plied, shall now be explained. * * * * \_Here the secretary of the assembly reads a scheme for raising the supplies, and proposes it to the people in form, in the name of (he orator.~\ These are the supplies, [8.] Athenians ! in |_4.] By Menelaus.] Monsieur Tourreil says, that this Menelaus was the brother of Philip, by another marriage. But though Philip and his brother were not on good terms, yet it is not likely that the Athenians would have trusted one so nearly allied to their enemy. Olivet. [5.] From your voices.] The regular me- thod of choosing all officers. However, the choice was sometimes left to the comman- der-in-chief. Tourreil. [6.] Perhaps you are fully, &c] It is not impossible but that the people might have been struck with the freedom and candour of the orator, and given some marks of their approbation. [7.] Ninety talents.] The Attic talent is computed by Tourreil equal to 187/. Ms. ; by Prideaux, to 188/. (is. ; by Arbuthnot, to 193/. 15*. It contained sixty minse, and each mina, one hundred drachma?. By the com- putation of the orator, it appears that the provisions he recommends to be supplied were to last one year. Muunteney. [8.] These are the supplies, &c] Diony sius of Halicarnassus gives us the rest of this oration as a sixth Philippic, pronounced in the archonship of Themistocles. But it appears to me, as well as to the other inter- preters, a natural conclusion of the first Philippic ; and therefore I could not prevail upon myself to separate them. Tourreil. The scholiast is of the same opinion, and DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [OKAT. I. cur power to raise. And when you come to give your voices, determine upon some . ual provision, [ 1 . ] that you may oppose flatly accuses Dionysius of a mistake. Mr. Motinteney has expressed greater deference for this critic. He supposes that this second part is not that which Dionysius quotes ; but that there was another oration, since lost, whicn began with the same words ; for he observes, that the former part is plainly imperfect of itself, and the two parts are joined in all the copies and manuscripts, and that naturally and consistently. I must confess (with all submission to these authorities), that although 1 could not presume to separate them, ypt I am not quite satisfied that these two parts are one oration. In the first place, I cannot think that the first Philippic would end abruptly, if this second part was away : for we find in the first part, all that the orator proposes to speak to in the beginning ; and it concludes ( not unlike a speech in parliament) with a motion in form, for such and such subsidies to be raised, for the maintenance of such and such forces. And as to the manner in which the second part begins, supposing it a distinct oration, we cannot object to that; as Dionysius quotes an oration beginning exactly in the same manner : (see his letter to Ammieus.) — It might also be observed, that in the beginning of the oration, having for some time exhorted the Athenians to change their conduct, and act with vigour, Demosthenes says expressly, that he intends to speak no more on that subject ; and yet this second part is entirely taken up with it ; and lastly, there are some passages in the second part, which I suspect do not agree to the particular time when the first oration against Philip was pronounced (and I imagine that some editors were sensible of this, by their placing the Olynthiac orations before this, which is called the first Philippic): these passages 1 shall take notice of as they occur. As to any similitude between the two parts, I apprehend that is no more than what runs through all these orations, and may be accounted for from the similitude of the subject, without joining them. — But if this second part be really a distinct oration, spoken after the destruction of Olynthus (for this city was taken the year before the archonship of Themistocles), how comes it that this event is not mentioned in it ? — It had just then thrown the Athenians into the greatest consternation ; and as it was the orator's business to encourage them, possibly he might have kept it out of view on pur- pose. Though perhaps he does hint at it obscurely, and as far as was consistent with prudence, as I shall observe by and by. [l.j Effectual provision.] Iii Greek it is — u ui' ifiiv up6K ; he who offers his opinion, and moves for your concurrence, sutlers some unmerited cala- mity ; but your affairs are not in the least advanced ; nay, this additional inconveni- ence must arise, ttiat for the future it will appear more dangerous to advise you than even at present ; and the authors of these laws should also be the authors of their re- peal. For it is not just that the public favour should be bestowed on them, who, in framing these laws, have greatly injured the community ; and that the odium should fall on him whose freedom and sincerity are of important service to us all — Until these regulations be made, you are not to think any man so great, that he may violate these laws with impunity ; or so devoid of rea- nians, as well as the other Greeks, were ever passionately fond of the entertainments of the theatre. Disputes for places soon be- came remarkably inconvenient, and called for a regulation. The magistrates therefore ordered that a small price should be paid for places, to reimburse the builders of the thea- tre, which as yet knew not that magnifi- cence which riches and luxury sfterward introduced. This purchasing of places began to be complained of by the poorer citizens ; and therefore Pericles, out of a pretended zeal for their interest, proposed, that a sum of money (which had been deposited in the treasurv", after the war of Egina, when they had made a thirty years' peace with Lace- demon, and was intended as a public resource in case of any invasion of Attica) should be distributed among the citizens, to defray the expense of their entertainments in time of peace only. The proposal and the re- striction were both agreed to. But as all indulgences of this kind degenerate, sooner or later, into licentiousness, the people began to consider this distribution as their un- alienable property. And the very year of the Olvnthiac orations, Eubulus, a popular lead- er "of a party opposite to Demosthenes, pre- vailed to have a law passed, which forbade any man, upon pain of death, to make a motion, or proposal of a decree, for restor- ing what was now called the theatrical funds, to the military, or any other public service. This is the law which Demosthenes here attacks. [1.] About the soldiery.] The laws of Solon exacted personal service from every citizen, with the utmost rigour. Those which the son, as to plunge himself into open and foreseen destruction. And be not ignorant of this, Athenians ! that a decree is of no signification, unless attended with resolution and alacrity to ex- ecute it. For were decrees of themselves sufficient to engage you to perform your duty ; could they even execute the things which they enact ; so many would not have been made to so little, or rather to no good purpose ; nor would the insolence of Philip nave had so long a date. For if decrees can puni council to demand the restitution of Pagasa?, and have opposed his attempt to fortify Magnesia: and I am informed, that for the future he is to be excluded from their ports and markets, as these conveniences belong to the states of Thessaly, and are not to be intercepted by Philip. And should he bo deprived of such a fund of wealth, he must be greatly straitened to support his foreign troops. Besides this, we must suppose that the Paeonians and the Illyrians, and all the others, would prefer freedom and indepen- dence to a state of slavery. They are not accustomed to subjection ; and the insolence of this man, it is said, knows no bounds : nor is this improbable, for great and unex- pected success is apt to hurry weak minds into extravagances. Hence it often proves much more difficult to mam tain acquisitions, than to acquire. It is your part, therefore, to regard the time of his distress as your most favourable opportunity : improve it to the utmost; send out your embassies ; take the field yourselves, and excite a general ardour abroad ; ever considering how readily Philip would attack us, if he were favoured by any incident like this, if a war had broken out on our borders. And would it not be shameful to want the resolution to bring that distress on him, which, had it been equally in his power, he certainly would have made you feel. This to demands your attention, Atheni- former description, and concludes with the dreadful image of a formidable enemy, ravaging their territory, and shutting them up within their walls. [2.] Their perfidy. This people had a bad character from the earliest times, so as to become even proverbial ; and Greece, and Athens particularly, had experienced their want of faith on very important occasions. They invited Xerxes "into Greece, and weie not ashamed to join Mardonius after the battle of Salamis, and to serve him as guides in his invasion of Attica ; and in the heat of the battle between Athens and Sparta, they on a sudden deserted their allies, the Athe- nians, and joined the enemy. See Thucyii. Book I. Tou/reil, ORAT. V.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 25 ans ! that you are now to determine whe- ther it be most expedient to carry the war into his country, or to fight him" here. If Olynthus be defended, Macedon will be the seat of war ; you may harass his kingdom, and enjoy your own territories free from apprehensions. Hut should that nation be subdued by Philip, who will oppose his inarching hither ? Will the Thcbans? Let it not be thought severe, when I affirm that they will join readily in the invasion. [1.] Will the Phocians ? a people scarcely able [2.] to defend their own country, without your assistance. Will any others ? [3] — But, Sir, cries some one, he would make no such attempt. — This would be the greatest of ab- surdities ; not to execute those threats, when he hath full power, which, now when they appear so idle and extravagant, he yet dares to utter. And I think you are not yet to learn how great would be the difference be- tween our engaging him here, and there. Were we to be only thirty days abroad, and to draw all the necessaries of the camp from our own lands, even were there no enemy to ravage them, the damage would, in my opin- [1.] Join readily in the invasion.] The reasons of Thebes's hatred to Athens have been already assigned. See note on Olynth. II. p. 6". T2.J Scarcely able, &cj The Phocians were at this time reduced to a very low state, by a continued series of ill success in the sacred war. Philomelus and Onomar- chus had perished ; Phayllus and Phalecus, their successors, had been frequently defeat- ed ; and the Thebans were continually gain- ion, amount to more than the whole expense of the late war. [4.] Add then the presence of an enemy, and how greatly must the cala- mity be increased ? but, farther, add the infamy : and to those who judge rightly, no distress can be more grievous than the scan- dal of misconduct. It is incumbent, therefore, upon us all (justly influenced by these considerations), to unite vigorously in the common cause, and repel the danger that threatens this ter- ritory. Let the rich exert themselves on this occasion ; that, by contributing a small portion of their affluence, they may secure the peaceful possession of the rest. Let those who are of the age for military duty ; that by learning the art of war in Philip's dominions, they may become formidable defenders of their native land. Let our orators ; that they may safely submit their conduct to the public inspection. For your judgment of their administrations will ever be determined by the event of things. And may we all contribute to render that fa- vourable ! ing advantages over them. Totirreil. [3.] Will any others ? ] He avoids all men- tion of the Thessalians ; because he had just shewed that they were ill-affected to Philip, and therefore might be supposed willing to join with the Athenians. [4.] Of the late war.] That is, their expe- dition into Thrace, in order to recover Am- phipolis, which, according to the calcula- tion of jEschines, cost then 15UU talents. — Tourreil. THE ORATION ON THE PEACE: PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIT OF ARCHIAS, THREE YEARS AFTER THE OLYNTHIAC ORATIONS. INTRODUCTION. The Athenians sent those succours to Olynthus, which were recommended in the preceding oration. But they could not de- fend that state against its domestic ene- mies : for the year following, two of its ci- tizens, Lasthenes and Euthycrates, betray- ed the city to Philip. He razed it, threw part of the inhabitants in chains, sold an- other part, and distinguished the two trai- tors only by the cruelty of their death. His two brothers, who had been harboured in Olynthus, he also sacrificed to his jealousy and revenge. These events, no less than the repeated instances of Demosthenes, prevailed on the Athenians to declare war against Philip in form. Hitherto he had kept some mea- sures with them, and had sought various pretences for glossing over his hostilities ; but now he fell with the utmost fury upon all their tributary states, and obliged De- mosthenes to appear once more in the as- sembly, to persuade the Athenians to de- fend the Islanders, and their colonies which lay upon the Hellespont. But scarcely had the war been declared, when the vigour of their enemy, and their own fickleness and indolence, made them weary of it. Ctesi- iihon and Phrynon were sent to sound Phi- lip's dispositions towards a separate peace. This was as he could wish. The Phocian war was at present the object of his views : and his arts had just regained the Thessali- ans over to the confederacy, who had been prevailed on to stand neuter. To the Athe- nian ministers, therefore, he made such professions, that Demosthenes and nine others were sent to negotiate the peace ; who proceeded as far as they were autho- rized, and returned with Antipater, Par- menio.and Eurylochus, on the part of Phi- lip. Ambassadors were sent, soon after, from Athens, with full powers to conclude the treaty. In the first of these embassies, Demosthenes had met with some Athenian prisoners in Macedon, whom he promised to redeem at his own expense, and took this opportunity to perform it, while his col- 2C DEMOSTHENES" ORATIONS. [OR.AT. leagues, in the mean time, were to proceed with all expedition, in order to conclude with Philip. Three months elapsed, how- ever, before they came tc an audience with the king, who was all this time making himself master of those places in Thrace, which the Atnenian6 claimed as their right. At last the terms of the treaty were agreed to ; but by affected delays, and by corrupt- ing the ambassadors, He found means to defer the execution of it, until he had ad- vanced his troops into Thessaly, in order to proceed against the Phocians. He then concluded the peace ; and on their return, the ambassadors who had conducted the treaty (and .'Eschines in particular) expa- tiated upon his candour and sincerity. They declared (at the very time when he was giving Thebes the most solemn assurances that he would exterminate the Phocians), that his sole views were to screen this peo- ple from the fury of their enemies, and to control the insolence of the Thebans. They also vouched for his performing several things in favour of the state, not formally stipu- lated in the treaty. Thus were the Athe- nians amused, and' Philip suffered to pass the straits of Thermopylae, and to pur- sue his march into Phocis. His reputation and approach struck such a terror into the Phocians, that although they received a reinforcement of a thou- sand Spartans, they yet sent to treat, or rather to submit. He allowed Phalecus with eight thousand mercenaries to retire into Peleponnesus ; but the rest, who were inha- bitants of Phocis, were left at his mercy. The disposal of these he referred to the Amphic- tyons, from an affected regard to the autho- rity of an assembly composed of the repre- [1.] I shall here take the liberty to tran- scribe a remark from the authors of the Universal History. Libanius and Photius had taken pains to prove that the oration to which we refer above ought not to be ascribed to Demos- thenes. We might well enough defend our- selves, by alleging, that it has been gene- rally esteemed his, and, as such, has con- stantly maintained its place in his works. This would be sufficient for our purpose, but, in truth, the arguments on which the opposite sentiment is built, are so easily overturned, that we might be justly blamed for neglecting so favourable an occasion of setting this point in a true light. Demos- thenes (say those who will not allow this ora- tion to be his,) charged ^-Eschines with betray- ing his country.on account of his recommend- ing warmly a peace with Philip ; they cannot therefore think, that Demosthenes would run openly into those measures which he had so lately and so warmly decried; or that he, who on every other occasion singly opposed Philip, and ran all hazards to bring him into odium with the people, should now be single on the other side, and attempt to cross the disposition of the Athenians, in favour of peace and Philip. These objectors forget that Demosthenes was a patriot as wefi as an orator; that he did not pursue sentatives of the states of Greece. They thundered out the severest decrees against this wretched people. Among other things, it was enacted, that they should lose their seat in the Amphictyonic council, and that the double voice which they had enjoyed in it should be transferred to Philip ; who, by the same resolution, gained the superintend dency of the Pythian games, which the Co- rinthians forfeited by taking part with the Phocians. The Athenians had not been present at Philip's election into this council ; and pro- bably to avoid all opposition he had assem- bled only such Amphictyons as were devoted to his interest. He thought it proper, how- ever, to send circular letters to the absent states, inviting them to assemble at Del- phos, and to ratify his election. Athens, among others, received the invi- tation ; and as Philip's ambitious designs could be no longer concealed, many were for violent measures. The proposal raised a ferment in the assembly ; which seems to have breathed nothing but indignation and opposition. On this occasion, Demosthenes thought it his duty to moderate their heat ; and, in the following oration, endeavours to prevent their being betrayed into any rash and imprudent measures. THE ORATION ON THE PEACE. [1. J Archia, Archon A. R. Philip. 15. Olym- piad. 108. An. 3. Athenians ! I see that this debate must be attended with many difficulties and great Philip with implacable hatred, because he was king of Macedon, but because he thought him both wiling and able to obstruct the designs of Athens, and even to reduce her, from that splendid pre-eminence which she now held in Greece, to the ordinary rank of a state, in name free, but in truth dependant upon him : this was the motive of Demos- thenes' heat on other occasions ; and ths motive to his coolness now was the strict alliance between Philip and the other Grecian states, which rendered it a thing impracti- cable for Athens to contend with him and them, alone. Besides, as he rightly observes in the harangue, it would have been ridicu- lous for those who refused to enter into an equal war for rich cities and fertile pro- vinces, to have rushed suddenly into an unequal contest about an empty title, or, as he emphatically expresses it, *to take away the shadow of Delphos from him who was master of Delphos itself.' We therefore acknowledge this to be the oration of De- mosthenes, because he was worthy of it. It is scarcely worth while to take notice of a small mistake in this remark. Libanius does not deny that Demosthenes was the author of this oration. He allows it to have been written by him, but is of opinion that he never ventured to pronounce it. orat. v.] DEMOSTHENES' OUATIONS. 27 commotion : not only because many of our interests are already given up, and therefore unnecessary to be now laid before you ; but because it is impossible to agree on such ex- pedients as may secure what yet remain : but that a variety of clashing opinions must divide the assembly. Then, to advise, is naturally a difficult and distressing part. But you, Athenians! have rendered it yet more distressing : for all other people na- turally seek counsel while affairs are yet de- pending ; you deliberate, when the event hath made it too late. Hence hath it hap- pened, through the whole course of my observation, that the man who arraigns your conduct is heard with esteem, and his senti- ments approved ; yet have your affairs ever miscarried, and the objects of your delibera- tion have all been lost. But although this be too true, still I am persuaded (and from this persuasion I arose to speak), that if you will put an end to tumult and opposition, and grant me that attention which becomes those who are consulting for their country, and upon so important an occasion ; I have some points to urge, some measures to pro- pose, which may serve our present interests, and repair our past miscarriages. Sensible as 1 am, Athenians ! that to ex- patiate on tho'e counsels one hath formerly given, and to speak of one's self, is the most successful artifice of those who dare to practise such artifice ; yet to me it is so odious, so detestable, that although I see it necessary, yet I loathe it. However, it will assist your judgment, I presume, on this occasion, if you recall to mind something of what I formerly have mentioned. — You may remember, that during the disorders of Eubcea, when certain persons persuaded you to assist Plutarchus, [1.] and to undertake an inglorious and expensive war, I was the first, the only one, who rose up to oppose it, and scarcely escaped their fury, who, for a [1.] To assist Plutarchus.] Philip had long regarded Eubcea as very proper, by its situation, to favour the designs he meditated against Greece. He therefore took pains to form a party in the island, and fomented divisions and factions in the several states of which it was composed. Plutarch, the go- vernor of Eretria, one of the principal cities of Eubcea, applied to the Athenians for as- sistance against some attempts of Philip, and obtained it ; but afterward (having pro- bably been gained over to Philip's party) he took up arms against the very auxiliaries he had invited. But this perfidy did not disconcert Phocion, who commanded them. He gained a victory over the Macedonians, and drove Plutarch out of Eretria. Phocion was afterward recalled, and Molossus, his successor in this war, was defeated and taken prisoner by Philip. [2.] Neoptolemus the player.] This Ne- orptolemus was also a great tragic poet, though the orator only mentions the less honourable distinction. Not that the pro- fession of a player was held in disesteem in Greece. Players were the favourites of prin- ces, and were raised to the highest en trifling gain, were urging you to many highly pernicious measures. In a little time, when the load of infamy had fallen upon you, and that you had suffered such treatment as no people ever received from those they had assisted, you were all made sensible of the iniquity of your seducers, and the justness and integrity of my counsels. Again, when I saw Neoptolemus the player [2.] (in that full security which his profession gave him) involving the state in the greatest distress, and in all his public conduct devoted to Philip; I appeared, and warned you of the danger ; and this from no secret motive, no private enmity, [3.] no officious baseness, as the event itself discovered. But it is not the defenders of Neoptolemus that I accuse (for he was not depending on a single one), but you yourselves ; for had you been spec- tators in the theatre, not engaged in affairs of the highest and most intimate concern- ment to the public, you could not have heard him with more indulgence, nor me with more resentment. And now you all know, that he who then went over to the enemy, pretending to collect some debts, that he might bring them hither (as he said), to enable him to serve the state ; that he who was perpetually inveighing against the cruelty of accusing a man tor thus transfer- ring his effects from that country hiiher ; the moment that a peace freed him from all apprehensions, converted that estate [4.] into money, which he acquired here, and brought it off with him to Philip. These two instances which I have pro- duced, shew with what fidelity and truth I spoke on those occasions. I shall mention one, and but one more, and then proceed to the point now to be debated. When we had received the solemn ratification of the treaty, and that the embassy returned home ; when certain persons assured you, that Thes- pia and Plataja were to be repeopled ; [5. J ments in the state. This very man was nominated, the year before, one of the ten ambassadors that were to conclude the peace with Philip. Tourreil. [3.] No private enmity, &c] Probably this is a repetition of the very words of Neoptolemus' s party. [4] That estate.] The text has it, oio-i'un rpavepdv. The Athenians distinguished two sorts of goods or estates : apparent, by which they understood lands; and not apparent, that is, money, slaves, moveables, &c [5.] That Thespia and Platasa were to be repeopled.] Thespia had been razed by the Thebans, under Epaminondas. Plataea had been twice destroyed by them ; once, when Archidamus, king of Sparta, obliged the Plata;ans to surrender at discretion, in the fifth year of the Peloponnesian war. The Thebans, who were then joined with Lace- demon, insisted that they should be exter- minated. The treaty of Antalcidas restored them : but this did not last long; for, three years before the battle of Leuctra, the The- bans reduced them to their former wretched state, because they refused to join with them against the Lacedemonians. Tourreil. 2B DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ORAT. that, if Philip became master of the Pho- cians, he would spare them : that Thebes was to submit to his regulation ; [1.] that Oropus [2.] was to be ours; that Eubcea should be given up [3.] to us as an equivalent for Amphipolis ; with other such insidious promises, which, in spite of interest, of jus- tice, and of honour, drove you to abandon Phocis: I never attempted to deceive you ; I was not silent ; no, vou must remember I declared that I knew of none, that I expected none of these things ; but thought that who- ever mentioned them could scarcely be serious. And these instances of my superior fore- sight I do by no means ascribe to any extra- ordinary penetration ; I speak it not from boasting or arrogance ; nor do I pretend to any superiority but what arises from these two causes: The first is fortune, which I find more powerful than all the policy and wisdom of man; the other, that- perfect dis- interestedness with which my judgments are ever formed : so that no man can hold out any advantage to my view, to influence my public conduct. Hence it is, that on all occasions of debate, your true interest strikes my eye directly. But when a bribe is, as it were, cast into one scale, it then preponder- ates, and forces down the judgment with it ; so that it is not possible that a person, thus influenced, can ever offer good and salutary counsel. And now, to give my sentiments on the present occasion: — Whether subsidies, or alliances, or whatever schemes are concert- ing for the public good, one point must be secured; the continuance of the present peace. Not that it is so very excellent, or so worthy of you ; but, of what kind soever it may be, it were more for the interest of your affairs that it had ?iever been concluded, than that now, when it is concluded, you should infringe it ; for we have suffered our- selves to be deprived of many advantages, which would have given our arms much more security and strength. [1.] That Thebes was to submit to his regulation.] In the Greek it is&iomeTv, ' ad- ministraturum.' Philip made use of this soft expression, to persuade the Athenians that he would reduce the Thebans to reason, and put it out of their power to undertake any act of outrage or injustice ; and at the same time to avoid alarming the Thebans, or alienating them from his party. Wolfius thinks that d:o.Kieii/ is put for iiotniaeiv, translates it * dissipaturum,' that he would exterminate the Thebans. But I cannot think that he would have expressed himself "n a manner so harsh, and so likely to make ihe Thebans his enemies. Tonrreil. [2.] That Oropus, &c] This city had been taken from the Athenians, the third year of the 103d Olympiad, by Themision, the tyrant of Eretria, and afterward put into the hands of the Thebans. Their mutual ptetensions to this city had oftentimes em- broiled these two states. Tonrreil. \ 3.] Euboea should be given up, &c] For he had by this time gained a great authority In the next place, we must be careful not to drive those to extremities, who are now assembled, and call themselves the council of Amphictyons ; nor to afford them a pre- tence for a general war against us. Were we again engaged with Philip for Amphi- polis, or any such private matter of dispute, m which neither Thessalians, nor Argians, nor Thebans, were concerned ; in my opin- ion, none of these would join against us; and, least of all, — let me be heard out with- out interruption, — the Thebans : not that they wish well to us, or would not willingly recommend themselves to Philip ; but they are perfectly sensible (however mean their understandings may be thought), that were they to engage in a war with you, the evils would all fall on them ; [4.] the advantages others would lie ready to intercept. They would therefore never be betrayed in such a quarrel, unless the cause were general. In like manner, another war with the Thebans for Oropus, or any such private cause, coidd not, I think, distress us : for there are those who would either join with us or them, to repel an invasion, but in offensive measures would concur with neither. This la the true nature, the very spirit of alliances. There are none so much attached to us or Thebes-, as to desire that we should maintain our own power and triumph over our compe- titor. To be secure, they would all wish us for their own sakes ; but that either of us should reduce the other to subjection, and so be enabled to give law to them, not one would bear. Where then lies the danger ? What are you to guard against ? that general pretence for uniting against us, which the war now in agitation may afford the states. For if the Argians, [5. J and the Messenians, and the Megalopolitans, and such other of the Peloponnesians as are in the same interest, should make it a cause of quarrel, that we have sought a treaty with the Lacedemo- nians, and seem to have favoured their de- signs : [6.] if the Thebans, incensed as they in that island, and stationed his garrisons in most of its cities. [4.] The evils would all fall on them, &c] Sparta only waited for this rupture, to as- sert its power once more. And from Philip's former conduct it appeared very plainly, that he knew how to avail himself of such" a quarrel. [5.] For if the Argians, &c] When the Spartan power was broken by Thebes, these people, who had been dependant on Sparta, asserted their freedom. This occasioned some contests which still subsisted, and in which the Spartans were favoured by Athens. Tonrreil. [U.] To have favoured their designs, &c.] The designs of the Lacedemonians, of re- ducing these people to their former subjec- tion.— Tourreil translates kudexftif't to approve. Suidas rentiers it stronger— to for- ward, to promote; €Mtx*oi9 from a hero of that name: the second 'Atppo&iaiov, from two temples of Venus that were erected near it: the third Ztu, because it was the mart for corn. Tourreil. [ 1 . ] I f there were a people in whom they less confided, &c] In the third year of the 105th Olympiad, the Byzantines entered into a league with Chios, Cos, and Rhodes, against to act as he pleases. Consider the present posture of affairs. Philip is now stationed in Thrace, at the head of a large army; and (as we are here informed) sends for reinforcements from Macedon and Thessaly. Now, should he watch the blowing of the Etesian winds, march his forces to Byzan- tium, and invest it ; in the first place, can you imagine that the Byzantines would persist in their present folly ; or that they would not have recourse to you for assist- ance ? I cannot think it. No : if there were a people in whom they less confided [1.] than in us, they would receive even these into their city, rather than give it up to him ; unless prevented by the quickness of his attack. And should we be unable to sail thither, should there be no forces ready to support them, nothing can prevent their ruin But the extravagance and folly of these men exceed all bounds. — I grant it. Yet still they should be secured from dan- ger; for this is the interest of our state. Be- sides, it is by no means clear that he will not march into the Chersonesus itself. On the con- trary, if we may judge from the letter which he sent to you," he is determined to oppose us in that country. If then the forces sta- tioned there be still kept up, we may defend our own dominions, and infest those of our enemv ; if they be once dispersed and broken, what 'shall we do, if he attempt the Cherso- nesus ? — Bring Diopithes to atrial. — And how will that serve us ? — No: but we will despatch succours from hence. — What if the winds prevent us ? — But he will not turn his arms thither — Who will be our surety for this ? Consider, Athenians ! is not the season of the year approaching, in which it is thought by some, that you are to withdraw your forces from the Hellespont, and aban- don it to Philip .' But suppose (for this too merits our attention), that, at his return from Thrace, he should neither bend his force against the Chersonesus, nor Byzan- tium, but fall on Chalcis or Megara, as he lately did upon Oreum ; [2.] which would be the wiser course, to oppose him here, and make Attica the seat of war, or to find him employment abroad ? I think the latter. Let these things sink deep into our minds ; the Athenians, and withdrew themselves from their dominion. This is what Demos- thenes calls their folly and extravagance. They had reason to think the Athenians would regard them as rebellious subjects, and treat them with the resentment of cf- fencied sovereigns ;' however,' says the orator, •if they were reduced to the alternative of either submitting to Philip, or having re- course to you for protection, they would without hesitation choose the latter.' The event confirmed his prediction. Philip be- sieged Byzantium, the Byzantines had re- course to the Athenians, and Phocion, at the head of their army, obliged Philip to raise the siege. Tourreil. [2.] As he lately did upon Oreum.] In the third Philippic, we shall find a particular account of the manner in which he reduced this city to bis obedience. ORAT. VII.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 37 ami let us not raise invidious clamours against those forces which Diopithes is en- deavouring to keep up for the service of his country, or attempt to break them ; let us rather prepare to reinforce them ; grant their general the necessary supplies of money, and in every other instance favour his designs with a hearty zeal. Imagine this question proposed to Philip : • Which would be most agreeable to you, that the forces commanded by Diopithes — (of whatever kind they be, for I shall not dispute on that head) — should continue in full strength and good esteem at Athens, and be reinforced by detachments from the city; or that the clamours and invectives of certain persons should prevail to have them broken and disbanded ?' 1 think he would choose this latter. And are there men among us labouring for that which Philip would entreat the gods to grant him ? and if so, is it still a question, whence our distresses have arisen ? Let me entreat you to examine the present state of Athens, with an unbiassed freedom; to consider how we are acting, and how our affairs are conducted. We are neither willing to raise contributions, nor do we dare to take the field, nor do we spare the public funds, nor do we grant supplies to Diopithes, nor do we approve of those subsidies he hath procured himself : but we malign him, we pry into his designs, and watch his mo- tions. Thus we proceed, quite regardless of our interests ; and while in words we extol those speakers who assert the dignity of their country, our actions favour their op- posers. It is usual, when a speaker rises, to ask him, ' What are we to do ?' Give me leave to propose the like question to you : * What am 1 to say ?' For if you neither raise con- tributions, nor take the field, nor spare the [1.] But it is necessary to explain to some of you the effect of this behaviour.] To the same purpose hath the sentence been tran- slated by Wolfius and Tourreil. But this interpretation, which is acknowledged con- sonant to grammatical rules of construction, hath yet been stigmatized as a total perver- sion of the author's reasoning, and the sense of the context. Clamours had been raised against an Athenian general, who had ex- acted contributions from the islanders and Grecian settlements along the coast of Asia. Demosthenes appears as his advocate. He Eroceeds, as it is observed, to shew, that it ad ever been the custom of other comman- ders to raise the like contributions. Hence it is inferred, that the meaning of the phrase here quoted must be, that ' the general is warranted, by justice and custom, to act as he had done.' The orator, indeed, doth pro- ceed to give instances of this custom. But this conclusion I cannot admit ; for what- ever deference and respect the writers who have adopted it may justly claim, a greater deference and respect is due to the original, where we find a conclusion of a different nature, deduced in express terms. ' It hath been the constant custom,' saith Demosthe- nes, ' of all the commanders who have sailed from this city (if I advance a falsehood, let public funds, nor grant subsidies to Diopi- thes, nor approve of those provisions he hath made himself, nor take the due care of our interests, I have nothing to say. If you grant such unbounded licence to informers, as even to listen to their accusations of a man, for what they pretend he will do, before it be yet done, what can one say ? — But it is necessary to explain to some of you the effect of this behaviour [1.] (I shall speak with an undaunted freedom, for in no other manner can I speak). — It has been the constant custom of all the commanders who have sailed from this city, (if I advance a falsehood, let me feel the severest punish- ment,) to take money from the Chians, and from the Erythrians, and from any people that would give it ; I mean, of the inha- bitants of Asia. They who have but one or two ships take a talent ; they who command a greater force raise a larger contribution. And the people who give this money, whe- ther more or less, do not give it for nothing (they are not so mad); no; it is the price they pay to secure their trading vessels from rapine and piracy, to provide them with the necessary convoys, and the like ; however they may pretend friendship and affection, and dignify those payments with the name of free gifts. It is therefore evident, that as Diopithes is at the head of a considerable power, the same contributions will be grant- ed to him. Else, how shall he pay his sol- diers? how shall he maintain them, who receives nothing from you, and has nothing of his own ? From the skies ? No ; but from what he can collect, and beg, and bor- row. So that the whole scheme of his accusers is to warn all people to grant him nothing; as he is to suffer punishment for crimes yet to be committed, not for any he hath already me feel the severest punishment,) to take money from the Chians, and from the Eryth- rians, and from any people that would give it; I mean, of the inhabitants of Asia. They who have but one or two ships take a talent ; they who command a greater force raise a larger contribution. And the people who give this money, whether more or less, do not give it for nothing (they are not so mad) : no ; it is the price they pay to secure their trading vessels from rapine and piracy, to provide them with the necessary convoys, and the like ; however they may pretend friendship and affection, and dignify those payments with the name of free gifts. It is therefore evident, that, as Diopithes is at the head of a considerable power, the same contributions will be granted to him. Else, how shall he pay his soldiers ; how shall he maintain them, who receives nothing from you, and has nothing of his own ? From the skies ? No ; but from what he can collect, and beg, and borrow.' Then follows the conclusion from the whole : Oudiv OYN aXXo KOtov&iV oi KarriyopouvTe? hv vutv tj T-poXtyovmv airaiTi, &c So that the whole scheme of his accusers (or the whole efl'ect of their accusations) is to warn all people to grant him nothing, &c. This is the meaning (or this is the tendency) of their clamours. 38 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [OHAT. VII. committed, or in which he hath already as- sisted. This is the meaning of their clamours. ' He is going to form sieges ! he leaves the Greeks exposed.' Have these men all this tenderness for the Grecian colonies of Asia ? They then prefer the interest of foreigners to that of their own country. This must be the case, if they prevail to have another general sent to the Hellespont. If Diopithes commit outrages, if he be guilty of piracy, one single edict, [1.] Athenians ! a single edict will put a stop to such proceedings This is the voice of our laws ; that such oftendeis should be impeached ;2.] and not opposed [3.] with such vast preparations of ships and money (this would be the height of madness) : it is against our enemies, whom the laws cannot touch, that we ought, we [].] One single edict.] In the Greek HtvaKiov, which in this place may either signify the tablet which was fixed up in public, containing a citation of the accused party, and an account of the crimes of which he was accused ; or that which was given to the judges who sat on his trial, to write their sentences upon. I have chosen the first of these senses. [2.] That such offenders should be im- peached.] The Greek words E'urayfeWeiv, and E«raxye/\ia, which I have translated ' to impeach,' and ' impeachment,' are terms in the Athenian judicature ; and relate to those particular kind of actions, which were not referred to any court of justice, but imme- diately brought before the senate of 500, or assembly of. the people, and sometimes be- fore the Archon : and in which, both the ac- cusation and defence were made by word of mouth, without any written articles. [3.] And not opposed, &c] The accusers of Diopithes raised loud clamours against his conduct. They insisted, that he had committed depredations on the Grecian colonies, and was meditating further hosti- lities against them, contrary to his commis- sion and instructions. They declared, that a force should be despatched to defend them ; which Demosthenes calls raising an army against Diopithes. ' It is against our enemies,' saith he, 'whom our laws cannot reach, that we are to raise our forces ; when citizens have offended, we can impeach them,' &c. But this interpretation hath been loaded with the heavy charge of absurdity. If the translator had a right to pronounce so peremptorily and so severely, he would de- clare, that, by the same rule, every ardent expression, every bold figure, every lively image, in short, every thing in eloquence, not literally and strictly consonant to meta- physical truth, might be pronounced equally absurd. The meaning of the passage here quoted, is said to be, We are not to protect the islanders by our armias, but to employ them against our enemies. But why were they to raise their armies against their enemies? Because their enemies were not punishable by the laws. Those, therefore, against whom they were not to raise their armies, must have been such as were pun- ishable by the laws. This conclusion might, must maintain our forces, send out our navies, and raise our contributions. But when citizens have offended, we can decrees we can impeach, we can recall. [4.] These are arms sufficient ; these are the measures befitting men of prudence: they who would raise disorder and confusion in the state, may have recourse to such as these men propose. But, dreadful as it is to have such men among us, yet the most dreadful circum- stance of all is this. You assemble here, with minds so disposed, that if any one accuses Diopithes, or Chares, [5.] or Aristo- phon, [6.]or any citizen whatever, as thecause of our misfortunes, you instantly break forth into acclamations and applause. But if a man stands forth, and thus declares the truth, ' This is all trifling, Athenians ! It is to Philip perhaps, be deemed natural and necessary, even if the orator had not expressly pointed out both those against whom they were, and were not to raise their armies. 'E7ri tots t'xCpoi'f, 'Against enemies.' And en-i 4' iijiir avrow, but ' against yourselves,' i. e. our own citizens. [4.] We can recall.] In the original, we have the IlapaXbs that is, the galley (called so, from the hero Paralus, who with Theseus signalized himself against the Thebans.) The Athenians had two galleys, the Salaminian and Paralian, appointed for the most press- ing occasions of the state. In allusion to this usage, Pericles was called the Salaminian galley, because he affected to appear in public only upon extraordinary emergencies. When Lysander had beaten the Athenian fleet at the Hellespont, the Paralian galley was des- patched with the melancholy news to the people. And when Alcibiades was recalled from Sicily, to defend himself against the charge of impiety, the Salaminian galley was ordered to bring him home. Both the one and the other were employed to recall such generals as were superseded. Tourreil. [5.] Or Chares.] This apology (says Mon- sieur Tourreil) savours a little of faction and cabal : their ill success might with great jus- tice have been charged upon Chares. Indeed what could have been expected from a gene- ral no less incapable than luxurious, who in all his military expeditions drew after him a train of musicians, whom he kept in pay at the expense of his troops ? accordingly, his enterprises were unsuccessful ; and, to crown all his miscarriages, he lost the battle of Chaeronea. And yet this Chares was able to support himself to the last, by the credit of those orators who protected rum. [6.] Or Aristophon.] Another Athenian general. Aristotle (Rhet. 1. ii. c. 23.) men- tions a smart answer made to him by Iphi- crates. Aristophon accused him of having betraved the fleet which he commanded, lphicrates, with that confidence which an established reputation inspires, asked -him, Would you be guilty of such a piece of trea- chery ? By no means, answered he. What ! returned the other, can lphicrates have committed what Aristophon would refuse to do ? orat. vii.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 39 we owe our calamities : he hath plunged us in these difficulties ; for had he observed his treaty, our state would be in perfect tran- quility :' this you cannot deny ; but you hear it with the utmost grief, as if it were the account of some dreadful misfortune. The cause is this, (for when I am to urge the interest of my country, let me speak boldly.) Certain persons, who have been intrusted with public affairs, have for a long time past rendered you daring and terrible, in council ; but, in all affairs of war, wretched and con- temptible. Hence it is that if a citizen, subject to your own power and jurisdiction, be pointed out as the author of your mis- fortunes, you hear the accusation with ap- plause ; but if they are charged upon a man, who must first be conquered before he can be punished, then you are utterly discon- certed : that truth is too severe to be borne. Your ministers, Athenians ! should take quite a contrary course. They should ren- der you gentle and humane in council, where the rights of citizens and allies come before you : in military affairs, they should inspire you with fierceness and intrepidity ; for here you are engaged with enemies, with armed troops. But now, by leading you gently on to their purposes by the most abject com- pliance with your humours, they have so formed and moulded you, that in your as- semblies you are delicate, and attend but to flattery and entertainment; in your affairs, you find yourselves threatened with extre- mity of danger. And now, in the name of Heaven, suppose that the states of Greece should thus de- mand [1.] an account of those opportunities which your indolence hath lost. ' Men of Athens ! you are ever sending embassies to us; you assure us that Philip is projecting our ruin, and that of all the Greeks ; you warn us to guard against this man's design. (And it is too true, we have done thus.) But, O most wretched of mankind ! when this man had been ten months detained abroad ; when sickness, and the severity of winter, and the armies of his enemies, rendered it impos- sible for him to return home ; you neither restored the liberty of Eubcea, nor recovered any of your own dominions. But while you sit at home in perfect ease and health, (if such a state may be called health,) Eubcea is commanded by his two tyrants ; [2 ] the one, just opposite to Attica, to keep you perpe- tually in awe ; the other to Scyathus. Yet you have not attempted to oppose even this. No; you have submitted; you have been insensible to your wrong". ; you have fully declared, that if Philip were ten times to die, it would not inspire you with the least degree [1.] Suppose that the states of Greece should thus demand, &c] After the taking of Olynthus, when the Athenians were at last prevailed upon to declare war in form against Philip, they sent embassies to all the states of Greece, to represent the danger of his growing power, and to engage "them to join against him. From hence the orator takes occasion to introduce this beautiful prosopopoeia, by which he throws out the of vigour. Why then these embassies, these accusations, all this unnecessary trouble, to us ?' — If they should say this, what could we allege ? vvhat answer could we give ? I know not ! We have those amongst us, who think a speaker fully confuted by asking, What then is to be done ? To whom I answer, with the utmost truth and justness, Not what we are now doing But I shall be more explicit, if they will be as ready to follow, as to ask ailvice. First then, Athenians ! be firmly convinced of these truths : That Philip does commit hostilities against us, and has violated the peace, (and let us no longer accuse each other of his crimes ;) — that he is the implacable enemy of this whole city, of the ground on which the city stands, of every inhabitant within these walls ; even of those who imagine themselves highest in his favour. If they doubt this, let them think of Euthy- crates and Lasthenes, the Olynthians. They who seemed the nearest to his heart, the moment they betrayed their country, were distinguished only by the superior cruelty of their death. But it is against our constitu- tion that his arms are principally directed ; nor, in all his schemes, in all his actions, hath he any thing so immediately in view, as to subvert it. And there is in some sort a ne- cessity for this. He knows full well, that his conquests, however great and extensive, can never be secure, while you continue free ; but that if once he meets with any accident, (and every man is subject to many,) all those whom he hath forced into his service will instantly revolt, and fly to you for pro- tection. For you are not naturally disposed to grasp at empire yourselves ; but to frus- trate the ambitious attempts of others ; to be ever ready to oppose usurpation and assert the liberty of mankind ; this is your peculiar character. And therefore it is not without regret that he sees, in your freedom, a spy upon the incidents of his fortune. Nor is this his I easoning weak Oi trivial. In the first place, therefore, we are to con- sider him as the enemy of our state, the im- placable enemy of our free constitution. No- thing but the deepest sense of this can give you a true, vigorous, and active spirit. In the next place, be assured, that every thing he is now labouring, every thing he is concerting", he is concerting against our city ; and that wherever any man opposes him, ho opposes an attempt against these walls. For none of you can be weak enough to imagine that Philip's desires are centred in those paltry villages of Thrace (for what name else can one give to Drongilus, and bitterest reproaches against his countrymen, so artfully, as not to give them offence, and yet at the same time sets the shamefulncss of their misconduct in the strongest light. Tourreil. [2.] By his two tyrants.] Philistides and Clitarchus; the one fixed at Eretria, opposite to Attica ; the other at Oreum, over against Scyathus, an island subject to Athens. 40 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ORAT. VII Cabyle, and Mastira, [1.] and all those places he is now reducing to his obedience ?) that he endures the severity of toils and sea- sons, and braves the utmost dangers, for these; and has no designs upon the ports and the arsenals, and the navies, and the silver-mines, and all the other revenues of Athens ; but that he will leave them for you to enjoy ; while, for some wretched hoards of grain in the cells of Thrace, he takes up his winter quarters in the horrors of a dungeon ? [2.] Impossible ! No ; these and all his expeditions are really intended to facilitate the conquest of Athens. Let us then approve ourselves men of wisdom; and, fully persuaded of these truths, let us shake off our extravagant and dangerous supineness. Let us supply the necessary expenses; let us call upon our allies ; let us take all possible measures for keeping up a regular army : so tnat, as he hath his force constantly prepared to injure and enslave the Greeks, yours too may be ever ready to protect and assist them. If you depend upon occasional detachments, you cannot ever expect the least degree of suc- cess : you must keep an army constantly on foot, provide for its maintenance, appoint public treasurers, and by all possible means secure your military funds : and while these officers account for all disbursements, let your generals be bound to answer for the conduct of the war. Let these be your mea- sures, these your resolutions, and you will compel Philip to live in the real observance of an equitable peace, and to confine himself to his own kingdom, (which is most for our interest, ) or we shall fight him on equal terms. If any man thinks that the measures I propose will require great expense, and be attended with much toil and trouble, he thinks justly. Yet, let him consider what consequences must attend the state, if these measures be neglected; and it will appear, that we shall really be gainers, by engaging heartily in this cause. Suppose some god should be our surety, (for no mortal ought to be relied on in an affair of such moment,) that if wt continue quiet, and give up all our interests, he will not at last turn his arms against us ; it would yet be shameful ; it would (I call all the powers of heaven to witness !) be unworthy of you, unworthy the dignity of your country, and the gloiy of your an- cestors, to abandon the rest of Greece to slavery, for the sake of private ease. I, for my part, would die, rather than propose so mean a conduct : however, if there be any other person who will recommend it, be it so ; neglect your defence ; give up your interests ! But if there be no such counsellor; if, on [1.] For what name else can one give to Drongilus, and Cabyle, and Mastira, ic] Drongilus and Cabyle, however the orator affects' to treat them with contempt, are yet mentioned in history. As to Mastira, it is entirely unknown : hence Harpocration sug- gested, that instead of Mastira we should read Bastira, a town of Thrace of that name, having been mentioned in the history of Philip, written by Anaximenes, a work long the contrary, we all foresee, that the farther this man is suffered to extend his conquests, the more formidable and powerful enemy we must find in him ; why this reluctance ? why do we delay i or when, my country, men ! will we perform our duty ! Must some necessity compel us ? What one may call the necessity of freemen, not only presses us now, but hath long since been felt : that of slaves, it is to be wished, may never approach us. And how do these differ ? to a freeman, the disgrace of past misconduct is the most urgent necessity ; to a slave, stripes and bodily pains. Far be this from us ! It ought not to be mentioned ! I would now gladly lay before you tne whole conduct of certain politicians ; but I spare them. One thing only I shall observe : The moment that Philip is mentioned, there is still one ready to start up, and cry, ' What a happiness to live in peace ! how grievous the maintenance of a great army ! certain persons have designs upon our trea- sury !' Thus they delay your resolutions, and give him full liberty to act as he pleases . hence you gain ease and indulgence for the present (which I fear may, at some time, prove too dear a purchase;) and these men recommend themselves to your favour, and are well paid for their service. But in my opinion there is no need to persuade vou to peace, who sit down already tho- roughly persuaded. Let it be recom- mended to him who is committing hos- tilities : if he can be prevailed on, you are ready to concur. Nor should we think those expenses grievous which our security requires ; but the consequences which must arise, if such expenses be denied. Then as to plundering our treasury, this must be prevented by intrusting it to proper guar- dians, not by neglecting our affairs. For my own part, Athenians ! I am filled with indignation, when I find some persons ex- pressing their impatience, as if our treasures were exposed to plunderers ; and yet utterly unaffected at the progress of Phinp, who is successively plundering every state of Greece ; and this, that he may at last fall with all his fury upon you. What then can be the reason, Athenians ! that, notwithstanding all his manifest hos- tilities, all his acts of violence, all the places he hath taken from us, these men will not acknowledge that he hath acted unjustly, and that he is at war with us; but accuse those of embroiling you in a war, who call upon you to oppose him, and to check his progress ? 1 shall tell you. That popular resentment which may arise from any dis- agreeable circumstances whh which a war time lost. Tourre.il. [2.] In the horrors of a dungeon.] In the original it is, in a Barathrum. There was a ditch or cavern in Athens of that name, into whicn criminals were precipitated. So that by this figure he not only represents the dreadful and deadly nature of the country, but at the same time sets Philip in the light of a wicked wretch, who merited the vilest and most ignominious fate. Tourreil. on.vr. vii.] DEMOSTHENES* ORATIONS. 41 may be attended, (and it is necessary, abso- lutely necessary, that a war should be at- tended with many such disagreeable circum- stances,) they would cast upon your faithful counsellors, that you may pass sentence upon them, instead of opposing Philip ; and they turn accusers, instead of meeting the punishment due to their present prac- tices. This is the meaning of their clamours, that certain persons would involve you in a war : hence have they raised all these cavils and debates. I know full well, that before any Athenian had ever moved you to declare war against him, Philip had seized many of our dominions : and hath now sent assistance to the Cardians. If you are resolved to dis- semble your sense of his hostilities, he would be the weakest of mankind if he attempted to contradict you. But suppose he marches directly against us, what shall we say in that case ? He will still assure us, that he is not at war : such were his professions to the people of Oreum, when his forces were in the heart of their country ; and to those of Pheras until the moment that he attacked their walls; and thus he at first amused the Olynthians, until he had marched his army into their territory. And will you still insist, even in such a case, that they who call upon us to defend our country are embroiling us in a war ? Then slavery is inevitable. There is no other medium between an obstinate refusal to take arms, on your part, and a determined resolution to attack us, on the part of our enemy. Nor is the danger which threatens us the same with that of other people. It is not the conquest of Athens which Philip aims at : no, it is our utter extirpation. He knows full well, that slavery is a state you would not, or, if you were inclined, you could not sub mit to ; for sovereignty is be- come habitua ) to you. Nor is he ignorant, that, at any unfavourable juncture, you have more power to obstruct his enterprises, than the whole world besides. Let us then be assured, that we are con- tending for the very being of our state ; let this inspire us with abhorrence of those who have sold themselves to this man ; and let them feel the severity of public justice : for it is inot, it is not possible to conquer our foreign enemy, until we have punished those traitors who are serving him within our walls. Else, while we strike on these, as so many obstacles, our enemies must necessarily prove superior to us — And whence is it that the dares treat you with insolence, (I cannot give his present conduct any other name,) that he utters menaces against you, while [1.] And even our ally Cersobleptes.] The late treaty of peace, between Philip and the Athenians, was concluded without giving Cersobleptes (then in alliance with Athens) an opportunity of acceding to it : nor was any provision made by it for his security and protection. By this means Philip found himself at liberty to turn his arms against him : and a few years after drove him from his kingdom, and obliged him to become his tributary. on others he confers acts of kindness? (to deceive them at least, if for no other pur- pose!) Thus, by heaping favours on the Thessalians, he hath reduced them to their present slavery. It is not possible to recount the various artifices bv which he abused the wretched Olynthians, from his first insidious gift of Potidasa. But now he seduced the Thebans to his party, by making them mas- ters of Boeotia, and easing them of a great and grievous war. And thus, by being gra- tified in some favourite point, these people are either involved in calamities known to the whole world, or wait with submission for the moment when such calamities are to fall upon them. 1 do not recount all that you yourselves have lost, Athenians ! but in the very conclusion of the peace, how have you been deceived ? how have you been des- poiled ? Was not Phocis, was not Thermo- pylae, were not our Thracian dominions, Doriscum, Serrium, and even our ally Cer- sobleptes, [1.] all wrested from us? Is he not at this time in possession of Cardia ? and does he not avow it ? Whence is it, I say, that he treats you in so singular a manner? Because ours is the only state where there is allowed full liberty to plead the cause of an enemy ; and the man who sells his country may harangue securely, at the very time that you are despoiled of your dominions. It was not safe to speak for Philip at Olynthus, until the people of Olynthus had been gained by the surrender of Potidaea. In Thessaly, it was not safe to speak for Philip, until the Thessalians had been gained by the expul- sion of the tyrants, and the recovery of their rank of Amphictyons; nor could it have been safely attempted at Thebes, before he had restored Bceotia, and extirpated the Phocians. But at Athens, although he hath robbed us of Amphipolis, and the territory of Cardia ; though he awes us with his for- tifications in Euboea ; though he he now upon his march to Byzantium ; [2.] yet his partisans may speak for Philip without any danger. Hence some of them, from the meanest poverty, have on a sudden risen to affluence ; some, from obscurity and dis- grace, to eminence and honour : while you, on the contrary, from glory have sunk into meanness ; from riches, to poverty : for the riches of a state I take to be its allies, its credit, its connexions ; in all which you are poor. And by your neglect of these, by your utter insensibility to your wrongs, he is be- come fortunate and great, the terror of Greeks and Barbarians ; and you abandoned and despised : splendid indeed is the abun- dance [3.] of your markets ; but as to any [2.] To Byzantium.] See the introduction to the following oration. [3.] Splendid indeed is the abundance, &c] They who opposed Philip's interest in the Athenian assembly, were ever urging the fallen condition of their country, and the dishonour of suffering another power to wrest that pre-eminence from her which had been enjoyed for ages. The speakers on the other side affected to despise the power of Philip, or insisted on the sincerity and up- 42 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ORAT. VII. real provision for your security, ridiculously deficient. There are some orators, I find, who view your interests and their own in a quite dif- ferent light. They would persuade you to continue quiet, whatever injuries are ottered to you : they themselves cannot be quiet, though no one otters them the least injury. When one of these men rises, I am sure to hear, ' What ! will you not propose your decree ? will you not venture ? No ; you are timid, you want true spirit.' — I own, indeed, I am not, nor would I choose to be, a bold, an importunate, an audacious speaker. And yet, if I mistake not, I have more real courage than they who manage your affairs with this rash hardiness. For he who, neglecting the public interests, is engaged only in trials, in confiscations, in rewarding, in accusing, doth not act from any principle of courage ; but, as he never speaks but to gain your favour, never pro- poses measures that are attended with the least hazard: in this he has a pledge of his security, and therefore he is daring. But he who, for his country's good, oftentimes op- poses your inclinations ; who gives the most salutary, though not always the most agree- able counsel; who pursues those measures whose success depends more on fortune than on prudence, and is yet willing to be ac- countable for the event ; this is the man of courage, this is the true patriot ; not they who, by flattering your passions, have lost the most important interests of the state : men whom I am so far from imitating, or deeming citizens of worth, that should this question be proposed to me, ' What services have you done your country?' although I might recount the galleys I have fitted out, and the public entertainments I have exhi- bited, [l.]and the contributions I have paid, and the captives I have ransomed, [•?.] and many like acts of benevolence, I would yet pass them all by, and only say, that my public conduct hath ever been directly op- posite to theirs. I might, like them, have turned accuser, have distributed rewards and punishments : but this is a part I never assumed : my inclinations were averse ; nor could wealth or honours prompt me to it. No; I confine myself to such counsels as have sunk my reputation ; but, if pursued, must raise the reputation of my country. Tightness of his intentions. But now, when the danger became too apparent, and his designs too flagrant to be dissembled, it ap- pears that they had recourse to other argu- ments. They endeavoured to confine the views of the Athenians to what passed within their own walls ; displayed the advantages of their trade, the flourishing state of their commerce ; and perhaps recommended it as their true policy, to attend only to these, without making themselves a party in the quarrels of others, or loading the state with the expense of maintaining wars to support the power and interest of foreigners. [1.] The public entertainments I have ex- hibited.] In the original it is, the offices of Choregus tliat 1 have discharged. Each of Thus much I may be allowed to say, with- out exposing myself to envy. — I should not have thought myself a good citizen, had 1 proposed such measures as would have made me the first among my countrymen, but re- duced you to the last of states: on the contrary, the faithful minister should raise the glory of his country ; and upon all oc- casions, advise the most salutary, not the easiest, measures. To these, nature itself inclines ; those are not to be promoted, but by the utmost efforts of a wise and faithful counsellor. I have heard it objected, * that indeed I ever speak with reason; yet still this is no more than words, that the state requires something more effectual, some vigorous actions.' Upon which I shall give my sen- timents without the least reserve. The sole business of a speaker is, in my opinion, to propose the course you are to pursue. This were easy to be proved. You know, that when the great Timotheus moved you to defend the Euboeans, against the tyranny of Thebes, he addressed you thus : ' What, my countrymen ! when the Thebans are actually in the island, are you deliberatinf' what is to be done ? what part to be taken ? Will you not cover the seas with your navies ? Why are you not at the Pira-us ? why are you not embarked?' — Thus Timotheus ad- vised ; thus you acted ; and success ensued. But had he spoken with the same spirit, and had your indolence prevailed, and his advice been rejected, would the state have had the same success ? By no means. And so in the present case, vigour and execution is your part; from your speakers you are only to expect wisdom and integrity. I shall just give the summary of my opinion, and then descend. You should raise supplies, you should keep up your present forces, and reform whatever abuses may be found in them , (not break them en- tirely upon the first complaint.) You should send ambassadors into all parts, to reform, to remonstrate, to exert all their efforts in the service of their state. But, above all things, let those corrupt ministers feel the severest punishment ; let them, at all times, and in all places, be the objects of your ab- horrence ; that wise and faithful counsellors may appear to have consulted their own interest as well as that of others. — If you the ten tribes of Athens had their bands of musicians to perform in the feasts of Bac- chus, together with a poet, to compose the hymns and other pieces ; and these bands contended for a prize. The feasts were ex- hibited with great magnificence; and in order to defray the charges, they appointed the richest citizen out of each tribe (or some- times he ottered himself) to exhibit them at his own cost. He was called the Choregus ; and if his band gained the prize, his name was inscribed, together with those of the tribe and the poet, upon the vase ; which was the reward of the conquerors. Tour- teiL [2.] The captives I have ransomed.] See the preface to the Oration on the Peace. oiiat. vih.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 43 will act thus, if you will shake off this in- dolence, perhaps, even yet perhaps, we may promise ourselves some good fortune. But if you only just exert yourselves in accla- mations and applauses, and when any thing is to be done, sink again into your supine- ness, I do not see how all the wisdom in the world can save the state from ruin, when you deny your assistance. THE TENTH ORATION AGAINST PHILIP : Commonly called the Third. PRONOUNCED tN THE SAME YEAR. INTRODUCTION. The former oration had its effect. For, instead of punishing Diopithes, the Athe- nians supplied him with money, in order to put him in a condition of continuing his ex- peditions. In the mean time, Philip pursued his Thracian conquests, and made himself master of several places, which, though of little importance in themselves, yet opened him a way to the cities of the Propontis, and above all to Byzantium, which he had always intended to annex to his dominions. He had at first tried the way of negotiation, in order to gain the Byzantines into the number of his allies; but this proving in- effectual, he resolved to proceed in another manner. He had a party in the city, at whose head was the orator Python, that en- gaged to deliver him up one of the gates ; but while he was on his march towards the city, the conspiracy was discovered, which immediately determined him to take another route. His sudden counter-march, intended to conceal the crime of Python, really served to confirm it. He was brourht to trial; but the credit and the present of Philip pre- vailed to save him. The efforts of the Athenians to support their interests in Eubcea, and the power which Philip had acquired there, and which every day increased, had entirely destroyed the tranquillity of this island. The people of Oreum, divided by the Athenian and Macedonian factions, were on the point of breaking out into a civil war; when, under pretence of restoring their peace, Philip sent them a body of a thousand forces, under the command of Hipponicus ; which soon deter- mined the superiority to his side. Philistides, a tyrant, who had grown old in factions and public contests, was intrusted with the go- vernment of Oreum, which he administered with all possible severity and cruelty to those in the Athenian interest; while the other states of the island were also subjected to other Macedonian governors. Callias, the Chalcidian, whose inconstancy had made him espouse the interests of Athens, of Thebes, and Macedon, successively, now re- turned to his engagements with Athens. He ent deputies thither to desire assistance, and to prevail on the Athenians to make some vigorous attempt to regain their power in Euboea. In the mean time, the king of Persia, [1.] Aliens and- slaves.] The Athenians pi:pied themselves upon being the most in- alarmed by the accounts of Philip's growing power, made use of all the influence which his gold could gain at Athens, to engage the Athenians to act openly against an enemy equally suspected by them both. This cir- cumstance, perhaps, disposed them to give the greater attention to the following oration. PHILIPPIC THE THIRD. Sosigenes Archon. — A. R. Philip. 19.— Olympiad. 109. An. 3. Though we have heard a great deal, Athe- nians ! in almost every assembly, of those acts of violence which Philip hath been com- mitting, ever since his treaty, not against ours only, but the other states of Greece • though all (I am confident) are ready to ac- knowledge, even they who fail in the per- formance, that we should every one of us exert our efforts, in council and in ac- tion, to oppose and to chastise his insolence ; yet to such circumstances are you reduced by your supineness, that I fear (shocking as it is to say, yet) that, had we all agreed to propose, and you to embrace such measures, as would most effectually ruin our affairs, they could not have been more distressed than at present. And to this, perhaps, a variety or causes have conspired ; nor could we have been thus affected by one or two. But, upon a strict and just inquiry, you will find it principally owing to those orators, who study rather to gain your favour, than to advance your interests. Some of whom (at- tentive only to the means of establishing their own reputation and power) never ex- tend their thoughts beyond, the present mo- ment, and therefore think that your views are equally confined. Others, by their ac- cusations and invectives against those at the head of affairs, labour only to make the state inflict severity upon itself; that, while we are thus engaged, Philip may have full power of speaking and of acting as he pleases. Such are now the usual methods of our states- men, and hence all our errors and disorders. Let me entreat you, my countrymen, that if I speak some truths with boldness, I may not be exposed to your resentment. Con sider this : on other occasions, you account liberty of speech so general a privilege of all within your walls, that aliens and slave's [1.] are allowed to share it. So that many dependent and most humane of all people With them a stranger had liberty of speak. F 44 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [okat. viii. domestics mav be found among you, speak- ing their thoughts with 'ess reserve than citizens in some other states. But from your councils you have utterly banished it. And the consequence is this : in your assemblies, as you listen only to be pleased, you meet with flattery and indulgence : in the circum- stances of public affairs, you find yourselves threatened with extremity of danger. If you have still the same dispositions, I must be silent : if you will attend to your true interests, without expecting to be flattered, I am ready to speak. For although our affairs are wretchedly situated, though our inactivity hath occasioned many losses, yet by proper vigour and resolution you may still repair them all. What I am now going to advance may possibly appear incredible ; yet it is a certain truth. The greatest of all our past misfortunes is a circumstance the most favourable to our future expectations. And what is this ? That the present diffi- culties are really owing to our utter disregard of every thing which in any degree affected our interests: for were we thus situated, in spite of every effort which our duty demanded, then we should regard our for- tune as absolutely desperate. But now Philip hath conquered ' your supineness and inac- tivity : the state hehath not conquered. Nor have you been defeated ; your force hath not even "been exerted. Were it generally acknowledged that Philip was at war with the state, and had really violated the peace, the only point to be con- sidered would then be, how to oppose him with the greatest ease and safety. But since there are persons so strangely infatuated, that although he be still extending his con- quests, although he hath possessed himself of a considerable part of our dominions, although all mankind have suffered by his injustice, they can yet hear it repeated in this assemblv,' that it is some of us who are embroiling the state in war. This sugges- tion must first be guarded against; else there is reason to apprehend, that the man who moves you to oppose your adversary, may in- cur the censure of being the author of the war. And, first of all, I lay down this as certain: if k were in our power to determine whether we should be at peace or war ; if peace (that I may begin with this) were wholly depen- dent 'upon the option of the state, there is no doubt but we should embrace it. And I expect, that he who asserts it is, will, with- out attempting to prevaricate, draw up his decree in form, and propose it to your ac- ceptance. But if the other party had drawn the sword, and gathered his armies round him ; if he amuse us with the name of peace, while he really proceeds to all kinds of hos- ing as he pleased, provided he let nothing escape him against the government. So far were thev from admitting him into their public deliberations, that a citizen was not permitted to touch on state affairs in the presence of an alien. Their slaves enjoyed a proportionable degree of indulgence. The Saturnalia, when they were allowed to as- sume the character of masters, was originally an Athenian institution, and adopted at tilities; what remains but to oppose him' To make professions of peace, indeed, like him ;— if this be agreeable to you, I acqui- esce. But if anv man takes that for peace, which is enabling him, after all his other conquests, to lead his forces hither, his mind must be disordered : at least, it is our con- duct only towards him, not his towards us, that must be called a peace. But this it is ft r which all Philip's treasures are expended ; that he should carry on the war against you, but that you should make no war on him. —Should "we continue thus inactive, till he declares himself our enemy, we should be the weakest of mortals. This he would not do, although he were in the heart of Attica, even at the Piraeus, if we may judge from his behaviour to others. For it was not till he came within a few miles [1.] of Olynthus that he declared, that ' either the Olynthians must quit their city, or he his kmgdom.' Had he been accused of this at any time be- fore, he would have resented it, and ambas- sadors must have been despatched to justify their master. In like manner, while he was moving towards the Phocians, he still affec- ted to regard them as allies and friends : nay, there were actually ambassadors from Pho- cis, who attended" him in his inarch; and among us were many who insisted that tl.is march portended no good to Thebes. Not long since, when he went into Thessaly, with all the appearance of amitv, he possessed himself of Phera:. And it' is but now he told the wretched people of Oreum, that he had, in all affection, sent some forces to in- spect their affairs : for that he heard they laboured under disorders and seditions ; and that true friends and allies should not be absent upon such occasions. And can you imagine, that he who chose to make use of artifice rather than open force, against enemies by no means able to distress him, who at most could but have defended them- selves against him ; that he will openly pro- claim his hostile designs against you ; and this when you yourselves obstinately shut your eves against them ? Impossible ! He would be the absurdest of mankind, if, while his outrages pass unnoticed, while you are wholly engaged in accusing some among yourselves, and endeavouring to bring them to a trial, he should put an end to your private contests, warn you to direct all your zeal against him, and so deprive his pen- sioners of their most specious pretence for suspending vour resolutions, that of his not being at war with the state. Heavens ! is there anv man of a right mind who would judge of peace or war by words, and not by actions ? Surelv, no man. To examine then the actions of Philip — When the peace Rome by Numa. At Sparta and Thessaly, on the contrary, slaves were treated with such severitv, as obliged them frequently to revolt. Trie humanity of Athens had its reward ; for their slaves did them consider- able service on several occasions ; at Mara- thi hi, in the war of Egina, and at Arginusa;. T'litrreil, [1.] A few miles, &c] In the original, ' forty stadia,' about five miles. ORAT.vm.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 45 was just concluded, before ever Diopithes had received his commission, or those in the Chersonesus had been sent out, be possessed himself of Serrium and Doriscum, and obliged the forces our general had stationed in the citadel of Serrium and the Sacred Mount, to evacuate these places. From these proceedings, what are we to judge of him ? The peace he had ratified by the most solemn oaths — And let it not be asked, [1.] of what moment is all this? or how is the t.tate affected by it ? Whether these things be of no moment, or whether we are affected by them or no, is a question of another nature. Let the instance of violation be great or small, the sacred obligation of faith and justice is, in all instances, the same. But farther : when he sends his forces into the Chersonesus, which the King, which every state of Greece acknowledged to be ours ; when he confessedly assists our ene- mies, and braves us with such letters, what are his intentions ? for they say, he is not at war with us. For my own part, so far am I from acknowledging such conduct to be con- sistent with his treaty, that I declare, that by his attack of the Megareans, by his at- tempts upon the liberty of Eubcea, by his late incursion into Thrace, by his practices in Peloponnesus, and by his constant re- course to the power of arms, in all his trans- actions, he has violated the treaty, and is at war with you ; unless you will affirm, that he who prepares to invest a city is still at peace until the walls be actually assaulted. You cannot, surely, affirm it ! He whoBe designs, whose whole conduct, tends to re- duce me to subjection, that man is at war with me, though not a blow hath yet been given, not one weapon drawn. And if any accident should happen, to what dangers must you be exposed ! The Hellespont will be no longer yours ; your enemy will become master of Megara and Eubcea : the Pelopon- nesians will be gained over to his interest. And shall I say, that the man who is thus raising his engines, and preparing to storm the city, that he is at peace with you ? No : from that day in which Phocis fell beneath his arms, I date his hostilities against you. If you will instantly oppose him, 1 pro- nounce you wise ; if you delay, it will not be in your power when you are inclined. And so far, Athenians ! do I differ from some other speakers, that I think it now no time to debate about the Chersonesus or Byzantium ; but that we should immediately send reinforcements, and guard these places from all accidents, supply the generals sta- tioned there with every thing they stand in [1.] Let it not be asked, dec] The parti- sans of Philip affected to speak with con- tempt of these places. To deny the right of Athens to them was dangerous and unpo- pular ; they therefore endeavoured to repre- sent them as beneath the public regard. [2.] Seventy-three years.] See a note en Olynth. II. p. 20. [3.] Twenty-nine years.] That is, from the destruction of Athens by Lysander, in the last year of the 03d Olympiad, to the need of, and extend our care to all the Greeks, now in the greatest and most im- minent danger. Let me intreat your atten- tion, while I explain the reasons which in- duce me to be apprehensive of this danger ; that if they are just, you may adopt them, and be provident of your own interests at least, if those of others do not" affect you : or if they appear frivolous and impertinent, you may now, and ever hereafter, neglect me as a man of an unsound mind. That Philip, from a mean and inconsider- able origin, hath advanced to greatness ; that suspicion and faction divide ail the Greeks ; that it is more to be admired that he should become so powerful from what he was, than that now, after such accessions of strength, he should accomplish all his am- bitious schemes: these, and other like points which might be dwelt upon, 1 choose to pass over. But there is one concession, which, by the influence of your example, all men have made to him, which hath heretofore been the cause of all the Grecian wars. And what is this ? an absolute power to act as he pleases, thus to harass and plunder every state of Greece successively, to invade and to enslave their cities. You held the sove- reignty of Greece seventy-three year-s : [2.] the Lacedemonians commanded for the. space of twenty-nine years : [3.] and in these latter times, after the battle of Leuctra, the Thebans were in some degree of eminence. Yet neither to you, nor to the Thebans, nor to the Lacedemonians, did the Greeks ever grant this uncontrolled power : far from it. On the contrary, when you, or rather the Athenians of that age, seemed to treat some persons not with due modera- tion, it was universally resolved to take up arms ; even they who had no private com- plaints espoused the cause of the injured. And when the Lacedemonians succeeded to your power, the moment that they at- tempted to enlarge their sway, and to make such changes in affairs as betrayed their ambitious designs, they were opposed by all, even by those who were not immediately affected by their conduct. But why do I speak of others ? we ourselves and the Lace- demonians, though from the first we could allege no injuries against each other, yet, to redress the injured, thought ourselves bound to draw the sword. And all the faults of the Lacedemonians in their thirty years, and of our ancestors in their seventy years, do not amount to the outrages which Philip hath committed against the Greeks, within less than thirteen years of power ; [4.] or, rather, do not all make up the smallest first war in which the Athenians, when re- established by Conon, engaged against Spar- ta, to free themselves and the other Greeks from the Spartan yoke, in the last year of the 101 ith Olympiad. Tourreil. [4.] Thirteen years of power.] Philip had now reigned nineteen years. But being at first engaged in wars with his neighbours, he did not begin to make any considerable figure in Greece until the eighth year of his reign, when, after the taking of Methone, 4G DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. Lorat. viii. part of them. This I shall easily prove in a few words. 01ynthu6, and Methone, and Apollonia, and the two-and-thirty cities of Thrace, I pass all over ; every one of which felt such severe effects of. his cruelty, that an observer could not easily determine whether any of them had ever been inhabited or no. The destruction of the Phocians, a people so con- siderable, shall also pass unnoticed. But think on the condition of the Thessalians. Hath he not subverted their states and cities ? — hath he not established his tetrarchs over them ; that not only single towns, but whole countries, [1.] might pay him vassalage ? — are not the states of Eubcea in the hands of tyrants, and this in an island bordering on Thebes and Athens ? — are not these the ex- press words of his letters, ' they who are willing to obey me may expect peace from me ?' And he not only writes, but confirms his menaces by actions. He marches direct- ly to the Hellespont ; but just before he attacked Ambracia; Elis, [2.] one of the chief cities of Peloponnesus, is in his pos- session ; not long since, he entertained de- signs against Megara. All Greece, all the barbarian world, is too narrow for this man's ambition. And though we Greeks see and hear all this, we send no embassies to each other, we express no resentment : but into such wretchedness are we sunk, (blocked up within our several cities,) that even to this day we have not been able to perform the least part of that, which our interest or our duty demanded ; to engage in any associa- tions, or to form any confederacies ; but look with unconcern upon this man's grow- ing power, each fondly imagining, (as far as I can judge,) that the time in which another is destroyed is gained to him, without ever consulting or acting for the cause of Greece ; although no man can be ignorant, that, like the regular periodic return of a fever, or other disorder, he is coming upon those who think themselves most remote from danger. You are also sensible, that whatever in- juries the Greeks suffered by theLacedemo- he expelled the tyrants of Thessaly, and cut off the Phocian army commanded by Onomarchus. From this period, Demos- thenes begins his computation. Tourreil. [1.] Whole countries, &c] The word in the original signifies, a number of differ- ent people dependent on one principal state or city. [2.] Elis, &c] He made himself master of this place by treaty, not by force of arms. Elis entered into the league of the Amphic- tyons, by which Philip was acknowledged as their chief : and maintained its freedom till after the death of Alexander. Tourreil. [3.] The Pithian games, &c.J To this honour he was admitted by being made an Amphictyon, and declared head of the sacred league. By ' his slaves,' we are to under- stand no more than his subjects ; for those republicans affected to speak thus of the subjects of every king or tyrant. Tourreil and Olivet. nians, or by us, they suffered by the true sons of Greece. And one may consider it in this light. Suppose a lawful heir, born to an affluence of fortune, should, in some instances, be guilty of misconduct ; he in- deed lies open to thejustest censure and re- proach ; yet it cannot be said, that he hath lavished a fortune to which he had no claim, no right of inheritance. But should aslave, should a pretended son, waste those posses- sions which really belonged to others, how much more heinous would it be thought ! how much more worthy of resentment ! And shall not Philip and his actions raise the like indignation ? he, who is not only no Grc-ek, no way allied to Greece, but sprung from a part of the barbarian world unwor- thy to be named ; a vile Macedonian ! where formerly we could not find a slave fit to pur- chase ! And hath his insolence known any bounds ? Besides the destruction of cities, doth he not appoint the Pithian games, [3.] the common entertainment of Greece; and, if absent himself, send his slaves to preside ? Is he not master of Thermopylae ? Are not the passes into Greece possessed by his guards and mercenaries ? Hath he rot as- sumed the honours of the temple, [4.] in opposition to our claim, to that of the Thes- salians, that of the Doreans, and of the other Amphictyons ; honours, to which even the Greeks do not pretend ? Doth he not pre- scribe to the Thessalians, how they shall be governed ? Doth he not send out his forces, some to Pothmus, to expel the Eretrian colony : some to Oreum, to make Philis- tides tyrant ? And yet the Greeks see all this without the least impatience. Just as at the fall of hail ; every one prays it may not alight on his ground, but no one attempts to fend himself against it : so they not only suffer the general wrongs of Greece to pass unpunished, but carry their insensibility to the utmost, and are not roused even by their private wrongs. Hath he not attacked Am- bracia and Leucas, cities of the Corinthians ? Hath he not wrested Naupactus from the Achseans, [5.] and engaged by oath to deli- ver it to the yEtolians ? Hath he not robbed [4.] The honours of the temple, &c] ripo/jai'Teioi', the right of precedency in consulting the oracle of Delphos. This the Phocians had enjoyed, as being in possession of the temple : and Philip was invested with it, as well as their other privileges. It was thought of considerable consequence by the Greeks, as appears from the first article of a peace made between the Athenians and the allies of Lacedemon. See Thucyd. B. 5. Tourreil. [5.] Wrested Naupactus from the Acha?- ans, &c] Naupactus was not a city of the Acha?ans, but of the Locri Ozote. Possibly Demosthenes speaks with the liberty of an orator, and founds his assertion on some alliance which Naupactus might have had with the Achaeans against the ^Etolians, its inveterate enemies. This city, thus deli- vered up, remained ever after under the jurisdiction of jEtolia, and is mentioned by ' Livy and Polybius as the principal city of orat. viji.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 47 the Thebans of Echinus? [1.] Is he not un his march against the Byzantines ? [2. J And are they not our allies ? I shall only add, that Cardia, the chief city of theCher- sonesus, is in his possession. Yet these things do not affect us : we are all languid and irresolute: we watch the motions of those about us, and regard each other with suspicious eyes ; and this, when we are all so manifestly injured. And if he behaves with such insolence towards the general body, to what extravagances, think ye, will he proceed when master of each particular state? And now, what is the cause of all this ? (for there must be some cause, some good reason to be assigned, why the Greeks were once so jealous of their liberty, and are now ready to submit to slavery.) It is this, Athenians ! Formerly, men's minds were animated with that which they now feel no longer, which conquered all the opulence of Persia, maintained the freedom of Greece, and triumphed over the powers of sea and land : but now that it is lost, universal ruin and confusion overspread the face of Greece. What is this ? Nothing subtle or mysteri- ous : nothing more than a unanimous ab- horrence of all those who accepted bribes from princes, prompted by the ambition of subduing, or the bare intent of corrupting, Greece. To be guilty of such practices was accounted a crime of the blackest kind ; a crime which called for all the severity of pub- lic justice : no petitioning for mercy, no par- don was allowed. So that neither orator nor general could sell those favourable conjunc- tures, with which fortune oftentimes assists the supine against the vigilant, and renders men, utterly regardless of their interests, superior to those who exert their utmost efforts.: nor were mutual confidence among ourselves, distrust of tyrants and barba- rians, and such like noble principles, subject to the power of gold. But now are all these exposed to sale, as in a public mart ; and, in exchange, such things have been intro- duced, as have affected the safety, the very vitals, of Greece. What are these ? Envy, when a man hath received a bribe ; laugh- that country. Tourreil. £1.] Echinus.] There were two places of this name : the one in Acarnania ; the other, which is here spoken of, founded by the Thebans on the Maliac Gulf. Tourreil. [2.] Against the Byzantines?] He had threatened them already, but had not as yet executed his threats : for we learn from his- tory, that Philip, having for a considerable time besieged Perinthus, raised the seige, in order to march to that of Byzantium. If the siege of Perinthus had preceded this oration, Demosthenes could not have for- gotten so memorable an expedition, in re- counting the enterprises of Philip. Probably this prince made a feint of marching to Byzantium, in order to conceal his designs against Perinthus. Tourreil. In the introduction to this oration, the reader has another account of Philip's first march against Byzantium. ter, if he confess it ; pardon, if he be con- victed ; resentment at his being accused ; and all the other appendages of corruption. For as to naval power, troops.revenues, and all kinds of preparations, every thing that is esteemed the strength of a state, we are now much better, and more amply provided, than formerly : but they have lost all their force, all their efficacy, all their value, by means of these traffickers. That such is our present state, you your- selves are witnesses, and need not any testi- mony from me. That our state, in former times, was quite opposite to this, I shall now convince you, not by any arguments of mine, but by a decree of your ancestors, which they inscribed upon a brazen column erected in the citadel ; not with a view to their own advantage, (they needed no such memorials to inspire them with just sentiments;) but that it might descend to you, as an example of the great attention due to such affairs. Hear then the inscription : ' Let Arthmius [3.] of Zelia, the son of Pythonax, be ac- counted infamous, and an enemy to the Athenians and their allies, both he and all his race.' Then comes the reason of his sentence : ' Because he brought gold from Media into Peloponnesus.' — Not to Athens. This is the decree. And now, in the name of all the gods, reflect on this ! think what wisdom, what dignity, appeared in this ac- tion of our ancestors ! one Arthmius of Zelia, a slave of the King's, (for Zelia is a city of Asia,) in obedience to his master, brings gold, not into Athens, but Pelopon- nesus. This man they declare an enemy to them and their confederates, and that he and his posterity shall be infamous. Nor was this merely a mark of ignominy ; for how did it concern this Zelite whether he was to be received into the community of Athens or no ? The sentence imported something more: for, in the laws relating to capital cases, it is enacted, that ' when the legal punishment of a man's crime cannot be in- flicted, he may be put to death.' And it was accounted meritorious to kill him. * Let not the infamous man,' saith the law, ' be permitted to live.' Intimating, that he is [3.] Let Arthmius, &c] This, in a few words, was the occasion of publishing this terrible decree against Arthmius, of which Themistocles was the author. Egypt had thrown oft' the yoke of Artaxerxes Longi- manus. A formidable army marched to reduce the rebels ; but failed of success, as Athens had provided for their defence. The resentment of Artaxerxes then turned against the Athenians. He sent Megabyzus, and other secret agents, into Peloponnesus, to raise up enemies against them by the force of bribery ; and to blow up the flame of resentment and jealousy in Sparta, which was ever ready to break out. But the at- tempt was ineffectual. Arthmius probably was one of the king of Persia's agents in this affair; and Diodorus, who does not name him, includes him however in the general appellation of ' the emissaries ot Artaxerxes.' Tourreil. f2 48 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [orat. viii. free from guilt who executes this sentence. Our fathers, therefore, thought themselves bound to extend their care to all Greece: else they must have looked with unconcern at the introduction of bribery into Pelopon- nesus. But we find they proceeded to such severity against all they could detect in it, ns to raise monuments of their crimes. Hence it was (and no wonder) that the Greeks were a terror to the Barbarians, not the Barbarians to the Greeks. But now it is not so : for you do not shew the same spirit, upon such or upon any other oc- casions. How then do you behave ? you need not be informed. Why should the whole censure fall on you ? the conduct of the rest of Greece is no less blamable. It is my opinion, therefore, that the present state of things demands the utmost care, and most salutary counsel. What counsel ? Shall I propose it ? and will ye not be offended ? — Read this memorial. [Here the secretary reads. And the speaker resumes his discourse*] And here I must take notice of one weak argument made use of, to inspire us with confidence: That Philip is not yet so power- ful as the Lacedemonians once were, who commanded by sea and land, were strength- ened by the alliance of the King, [1.] were absolute and uncontrolled ; and yet we made a brave stand against them ; nor was all their force able to crush our state. In answer to [1.] Were strengthened by the alliance of the King.] After the expedition into Sicily, an expedition as unfortunate as it was im- prudent, the Athenians might still have supported themselves, if the king of Persia had not concurred to precipitate their ruin. Tissaphernes, the satrap of Darius Nothus, conducted the first alliance between his master and the Lacedemonians. This al- liance had at that time no very great effect. But when Cyrus the younger was sent, by order of his father, to command in Asia Minor, Lysander gained the affection of this young prince, who soon made him able to give law to Athens. It is this period which Demosthenes points out. Tourreil. [2.] I should say the national spirit, &c] Circumstances peculiar to any people, sin- gular customs, particular relations, and the like, give rise to words and phrases, inca- pable of being precisely rendtred into any other language. And such 1 take to be the word no\ninw?. Every particular state of Greece was a member of a larger political body, that of the nation, in which all the several communities were united by national laws, national customs, and a national re- ligion. This I have explained at large, on another occasion. (See Prelim. Dissert, to the Life of Philip.) The word jroXix'KWi therefore, I understand as expressive of that duty which each state owed to the Helenic Body, which prescribed bounds and laws to their wars, and forbade their passions, con- tests, and animosities against each other, to break out into any excesses which might af- fect the welfare, of the nation. They were to fight not as inveterate foes, but compe- this, I shall observe, that, amidst all the alterations and improvements which have happened in affairs of every kind, nothing hath been more improved than the art of war : for, in the first place, I am informed, that at that time the Lacedemonians, and all the other Greeks, used to keep the field four or five months, just the convenient season ; and having so long continued their invasion, and infested the territories of their enemy with their heavy-armed and domestic forces, they retired into their own country. Then, such was the simplicity, I should say the national spirit [2.] of that age, that the power of gold was never called to their assist- ance : but all their wars were fair and open. Nov/, on the contrary, we see most defeats owing to treachery ; no formal engagements, nothing left to the decision of arms. For you find the rapid progress of Philip is not owing to the force of regular troops, but to armies composed of light horse and foreign archers. With these he pours down upon some people, already engaged by civil dis- cord and commotions : and when none will venture out in defence of their state, on ac- count of their private suspicions, he brings up his engines, and attacks their walls. Not to mention his absolute indifference to heat and cold, and that there is no peculiar season which he gives to pleasure. Let these things sink deep into all our minds : let us not suffer his arms to approach these territories : let us titors for power and honour. To recur to bribery in order to defeat their antagonists, was to be guilty of corrupting the morals, of what, in an extensive sense, may be called their country. In like manner, the word ' civilis,' in Latin, is used in a sense some- what analogous to this, as denoting the re- gard which every citizen should pay to the rights of others, in opposition to despotism, pride, imperiousness, and all those passions which are enemies to liberty and the general good. Thus we find in Tacitus, 'Juveni civile ingenium, mira comitas. Ann. 1. Silen- tium ejus non civile, ut crediderat, sed in superbiam accipiebatur.' Ann. G. And of Tiberius, the historian says, ' Liberatus metu, civilem se admoduminter initia, ac paulo minus quam privatum egit.' I have observed, in a note on the exordium of the Second Philippic, that a regard to the in- terest of Greece was generally the most ex- tensive affection in the minds of its inhabit- ants. And that the extensive social affections were denoted by the Greek word no\nik>i. , we learn from Cicero. Let the following quotation, from the fifth book of his treatise (ie Finibus, suffice on this occasion : ' Cum sic hominis natura generata sit, ut habcat quiddam innatum quasi civile et populare quod Graxi noXtrtKov vocant, quicquid aget quseque virtus, id a communitate, ct ea quam exposui charitate, atque societate humana, non abhorrebit.' The authority of a writer, who devoted so much of his at- tention to the moral and political learning of the Greeks, and took so much pains to explain it to his countrymen, may surely be deemed decisive. orat. vni.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 49 not proudly [1.] depend on our strength, by forming our judgments from the old Lacedemonian war: but let us attend, with all possible precaution, to our interests and our armaments: and let this be our point ill view ; to confine him to his own kingdom ; not to engage him upon erjual terms in the field. For, if you be satisfied with com- mitting hostilities, their nature hath given you many advantages [2.] (let us but do our part.) The situation of his kingdom, for instance, exposes it to all the fury of an enemy ; not to speak of many other circum- stances. But if we once come to a regular engagement, there his experience must give him the superiority. But these are not the only points that re- quire your attention : nor are you to oppose him only by the arts of war. It is also ne- cessary that reason and penetration should inspire you with an abhorrence of those who vilead his cause before you : ever bearing in mind the absolute impossibility of conquer- ing our foreign enemy, until we have pu- nished those who are serving him within our walls. But this, I call the powers of heaven to witness, ye cannot, ye will not do ! No: such is your infatuation, or madness, or — — I know not what to call it, (for I am often- times tempted to believe, that some power, more than human, is driving us to ruin,) that through malice, or envy, or a spirit of ridicule, or some like motive, you command hirelings to speak, (some of whom dare not deny that they are hirelings,) and make their calumnies serve your mirth. Yet, shocking as this is, there is something still more hocking : these men are allowed to direct he public aflairs with greater security than your faithful counsellors And now observe the dreadful consequences of listening to such wretches I shall mention facts well known to vou all. In Olynthus, the administration of aflairs was divided between two parties. The one, in the interest of Philip, entirely devoted to him ; the other, inspired by true patriotism, directed all their efforts to preserve the free- dom of their country. To which of those are we to charge the ruin of the state ? or who betrayed the troops, and by that treachery destroyed Olynthus? — The crea- tures of Philip. Yet while their city stood, these men pursued the advocates for li- berty with such malicious accusations and invectives, that an assembly of the people was persuaded even to banish Apollomdes. But this is not the only instance. The same custom hath produced the same cala- mities in other places. In Eretria, at the departure of Plutarchus and the foreign troops, when the people had possession of the city and of Porthmus, some were in- clined to seek our protection, some to sub- mit to Philip. But being influenced by this latter party, on most, or, rather, all occa- [1.] Let us not proudly, &c] In the original feKTpax>l^i"'(>>ii7 these. The King, while he had no alliances here, was equally suspected by all. By es- pousing the cause of the vanquished, [1.] he gained some credit, until he restored them lo the same degree of power with their adversaries; after that, he became no less hated [2.] by those whom he had saved, than by those whom he had constantly opposed. But now, in the first place, the King lives in amity with all the Greeks, (in- deed without some immediate reformation in our conduct, we must be excepted.) In the next place there are several cities which affect the characters of guardians and pro- tectors. They are all possessed with a strong passsion for pre-eminence; and some of them (to their shame !) desert, and envy, and distrust each other. In a word, the Argians, Thebans, Corinthians, Lacedemo- nians, Arcadians, and Athenians, have all erected themselves into so many distinct sovereignties. But among all these parties, all these governing states, into which Greece is broken, there is not one (if I may speak freely) to whose councils [3.] fewer Grecian affairs are submitted, than to ours : and no wonder ; when neither love, nor confidence, nor fear, can induce any people to apply to you. It is not one single cause that hath effected this, (in that case, the remedy were easy ;) but many faults, of various natures and of long continuance. Without entering into a particular detail, I shall mention one in which they all centre: — but I must first entreat you not to be offended, if I speak some bold truths without reserve. Every opportunity which might have been improved to your advantage hath been sold. The ease and supineness in which you are indulged have disarmed your resentment against the traitors ; and thus others are suffered to possess your honours But, at present, I shall take notice only of what re- lates to Philip. If he be mentioned, im- mediately there is one ready to start up, and cry, 'We should not act inconsider- ately ; we should not involve ourselves in a war.' Ar.d then he is sure not to forget the great happiness of living in peace, the mis- [1.] By espousing the cause of the van- quished, &c.] Lacedemon first entered into an alliance with Darius Nothus, by the mediation of Tissaphernes ; which enabled Lysander to conquer Athens. Conon ob- tained from Artaxerxes Mnemon the suc- cours necessary to revenge his country, and to re-establish it. And it was with reason that the kings of Persia attended to the preservation of a due balance between the Grecian states, lest the prevailing power might turn its thoughts to Asia, and attempt an invasion there. Tourreil. [2.] He became no less hated, &c] Lace- demon had no sooner subjected the Athe- nians, by the help of Darius, but she ravaged the Persian provinces in Asia Minor, and joined with the rebellious satraps. And as soon as the Athenians were delivered by Artaxerxes from the Spartan yoke, they espoused the quarrel of Evagoras, who had revolted from Artaxerxes, and usurped a fortune of being loaded with the mainte- nance of a large army, the evil designs of some persons against our treasures ; with others of the like momentous truths. But these exhortations to peace should not be addressed to you : your conduct is but too pacific: let them rather be addressed to him who is in arms. If he can be pre- vailed on, there will be no diiliculty on your part. Then it cannot be thought a mis- fortune to provide for our security at the expense of some part of our possessions : the consequences that must arise, if this provision be neglected, rather deserve that name. And as to the plundering of your treasury, this must be prevented, by find- ing some effectual means to guard it ; not by neglecting your interests. Nor can I but express the utmost indignation, when I find some of you complaining that your treasures are plundered, though it be in your power to secure them, and to punish the guilty ; and yet looking on with indifference, while Philip is plundering every part of Greece successively : and this, that he may at last destroy you. And what can be the reason, Athenians ! that when Philip is guilty of such manifest violations of justice, when he is actually seizing our cities, yet none of these men will acknowledge that he acts unjustly, or com- mits hostilities ; but assert, that they who rouse you from your insensibility, and urge you to oppose these outrages, are involving you in war ? This is the reason : that what- ever accidents may happen in the course of the war, (and there is a necessity, a melan- choly necessity, that war should be attended with many accidents,) they may lay the whole blame upon your best and most faith- ful counsellors. They know, that if with a steady and unanimous resolution you op- pose the insolent invader, he must be con- quered and they deprived of a master, whose pay was ever ready. But if the first unhappy accident calls you off to private trials and prosecutions, they need but ap- pear as accusers, and two great points are secured ; your favour, and Philip's gold : great part of the kingdom of Cyprus. Bene- fits could not bind these states. Interest alone formed their engagements, and interest dissolved them. The picture here exhibited of the conduct of the Greeks towards the kings of Persia, is by no means flattering, in point of morals. But it is not in ancient times only that we find morals must be silent, when politics speak. Tourreil. [3.] To whose councils, &c] The ruling states of Greece accounted it their greatest glory to see and hear a number of ambas- sadors in their assemblies, soliciting their protection and alliance. The conquests which Philip made in Thrace had put an end to many applications of this sort, which had formerly been addressed to the Athe- nians. And their indolence made people decline any engagements with them. Foreign- ers were persuaded, that they who were insen- sible to their own interests," were not likely to grant the due attention to those of others. 58 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ORAT. IX. while you discharge the vengeance due to their perfidy against your faithful speakers. These are their hopes ; these the grounds of their complaints, that certain persons are involving you in war. For my own part, this I know perfectly, that although it hath never been proposed by any Athenian to de- clare war, yet Philip hath seized many of our territories, and but just now sent suc- cours to the Cardians. But if we will per- suade ourselves that he is not committing hostilities, he would be the most senseless of mortals, should he attempt to undeceive us : for when they who have received the injury deny it, must the offender prove his guilt t But when he marches directly hither, what shall we then say ? He will still deny that he is at war with us, (as he did to the people of Oreum, until his forces were in the heart of their dominions; as he did to those of Phera?, until he was upon the point of storm- ing their walls ; as he did to the Olynthians, until he appeared in their territories at the head of an army.) Shall we then say, that they who urge us to defend our coun- try are involving us in war ? if so we must be slaves. There is no medium ! Nor is your danger the same with that of other states. Philip's design is not to en- slave, but to extirpate, Athens. He knows, that a state like yours, accustomed to com- mand, will not, or, if it were inclined, can- not, submit to slavery : he knows, that if you have an opportunity, you can give him more disturbance than any other people : and therefore if ever he conquers us, we may be sure of finding no degree of mercy. Since, then, you are engaged in defence of all that is dear to you, apply to the great work with an attention equal to the import- ance of it : let the wretches who have openly sold themselves to this man, be the objects of your abhorrence ; let them meet with the utmost severity of public justice. For you will not, you cannot conquer your foreign enemies, until you have punished those that lurk within your walls. No; they will ever prove so many obstacles to impede our pro- gress, and to give our enemies the supe- riority. And what can be the reason that he treats you with insolence, (for I cannot call his present conduct by another name;) that he utters menaces against you, while he at least condescends to dissemble with other people, and to gain their confidence by good offices ? Thus, by heaping favours upon the Thes- salians, he led them insensibly into their present slavery. It is not possible to enu- merate all the various artifices he practised against the wretched Olynthians, (such, among others, was the putting them in pos- session of Potidaea.) In his late transactions with the Thebans, he enticed them to his party, by yielding Bceotia to them, and by freeing them from a tedious and distressing war. And thus, after receiving their several [1.] To you I speak, Aristodemus !] He was by profession a player ; and was one of the ten ambassadors which the Athenians had sent to the court of Macedou, to treat insidious favours, some of these people have suffered calamities but too well known to all ; others must submit to whatever may befall them. What you yourselves have formerly lost, I shall not mention ; but in the very treaty of peace, in how many in- stances have we been deceived ? how have we been despoiled ? Did we not give up Phocis and the Straits ? Did we not lose our Thracian dominions, Doriscum, Serrium, and even our ally Cersobleptes ? Is he not in possession of Cardia ? and doth he not now avow his usurpation ? Whence is it, then, that his behaviour towards you is so differ- ent from that towards others ? Because, of all the Grecian states, ours is the only one in which harangues in favour of enemies are pronounced with impunity ; and the venal wretch may utter his falsehoods with security, even while you are losing your dominions. It was not safe to speak for Philip at Olynthus, until the people had been gained by Potidaea. In Thessaly, it was not safe to speak for Philip, until that people had been gained by the expulsion of their tyrants, and by being reinstated in the council of Amphictyons. Nor could it have been safely attempted at Thebes, until he had given them up Bceotia, and ex- terminated the Phocians. But at Athens, without the least danger, may Philip be de- fended, although he hath deprived us of Amphipolis and the territory of Cardia; although he threatens our city by his for- tifications in Eubcea; although he is now marching to Byzantium. Hence some of his advocates have risen from penury to affluence, from obscurity and contempt to honour and eminence ; while, on the other hand, you have sunk from glory to disgrace, from wealth to poverty ; for the riches of a state I take to be the number, fidelity, and affection of its allies ; in all which you are notoriously deficient. And by your total insensibility, while your affairs are thus fall- ing into ruin, he is become successful, great, and formidable to all the Greeks, to all the barbarians; and you, deserted and incon- siderable ; sumptuous indeed in your mar- kets, but in every thing relating to military power, ridiculous. There are some orators, I find, who view your interests and their own in a quite dif- ferent light. To you they urge the necessity of continuing quiet, whatever injuries you are exposed to ; they themslves find this im- possible, though no one offers them the least injury. To you I speak, Aristodemus ! [I.] Suppose a person should, without severity, ask you this question : ' How is it, that you, who are sensible (for it is a well-known truth) that the life of private men is serene and easy, and free from danger; that of statesmen, invidious and insecure, subject to daily contests and disquiets ; should yet prefer the life encompassed with dangers, to that of peace and disengagement ?' What about the peace. At his return Demosthenes proposed a deciee for crowning this very man for his good services, whom he here inveighs against with so much bitterness. ORAT. X.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. b'J could you say .' Suppose we admit the truth of the very best answer you could make, • that you were prompted by a desire of honour and renown :' Is it possible, that you, who engaged in such painful undertakings, who despised all toils and dangers, for the sake of these, should advise the state to give them up for ease and indulgence? You cannot surely say, that it was incumbent upon you to maintain a degree of eminence iu the city ; and that the city was not con- cerned to maintain her eminence in Greece ! Nor do I see how the public safety requires that we should confine ourselves to our own concerns, and yet, that an officious intrusion into those of others should be necessary for your safety. On the contrary, you are in- volving yourself in the greatest dangers, by being unnecessarily assiduous ; and the city by being quite inactive. * But then you have an illustrious reputation, derived from your family, which it would be shameful not to support; while on the contrary, nothing has been transmitted from our fathers, but obscurity and meanness.' This is equally false. Your father was like you, and therefore base and infamous. To the honour of our ancestors, let all Greece bear witness ; twice rescued, [1.] by their valour, from the greatest dangers. There are persons, then, who do not act with the same firmness and integrity, in the conduct of their own affairs and those of I the st3te. Is not this the case, when some of them, after escaping from prison, have raised themselves so high, as to forget their former condition ; and yet have reduced a state, whose pre-eminence in Greece was but now universally acknowledged, to the lowest degree of infamy and meanness ? — I could say more on these and other points, but I forbear : for it is not want of good conn sel that now distresses, or ever hath dis tressed you. But when your true interests have been laid before you, and that you have been unanimous in your approbation, you can, with equal patience, attend to those who endeavour to discredit, to over throw all that hath been advanced. Not that you are ignorant of their characters, (for you can, at first glance, distinguish the hireling and agent of Philip from the true patriot;) but that, by impeaching your faithful friends, and by turning the whole affair into ridicule and invective, you may find a pretence for a general neglect of your duty. You have now heard truths of the highest moment, urged with all freedom, simplicity, and zeal. You have heard a speech not filled with flattery, danger, and deceit ; calculated to bring gold to the speaker, and to reduce the state into the power of its enemies. It remains, therefore, that the whole tenour of your conduct be reformed ! if not, that ut- ter desolation, which will be found in your affairs, must be imputed wholly to your- selves. [I.] Twice rescued, &c] First, at Mara- I highest terms, but) here rather chooses to thori, and atterward at Salamis. Isocrates ■ lessen the glory of his country, than to re- mentions a third time, when they delivered I call an event which reflected on the Lacede- Greece from the Spartan yoke. Demos- j monians, now in alliance with Athens. thenes (frequently speaks of this in the I Tourreil. THE TWELFTH ORATION AGAINST PHILIP: Commonly called the Oration on the Letter. PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OP THEOPHRASTUS, THE YEAR AFTER THE FOREGOING ORATION. TO WHICH IS PREFIXED PHILIP'S LETTER TO THE ATHENIANS. INTRODUCTION. The former oration inspired the Athe- nians with the resolution to send succours to all the cities that were threatened by Philip's arms ; and their first step was to despatch to the Hellespont a convoy with provisions; which weighed anchor in view of Selymbria, a city of the Propontis, then besieged by the Macedonians, and was there seized by Amyntas, Philip's admiral. The ships were demanded by the Athenians, and returned by Philip, but with declara- tions sufficiently alarming. The obstinate valour of the Perinthians had forced Philip to turn the siege into a blockade. He marched off with a consider- able body of his army, to attack other places ; and made an incursion into the ter- ritories of Byzantium. The Byzantines shut themselves up within their city, ami des- I patched one of their citizens to Athens, to desire the assistance of that state ; who, with some difficulty, prevailed to have a fleet of forty ships sent out, under the com- mand of Chares. As this general had not the same reputa- tion in other places as at Athens, the cities by which he was to pass refused to receive him : so that he was obliged to wander for some time along the coasts, extorting con- tributions from the Athenian allies; des- pised by the enemy, and suspected by the whole world. He appeared at last before Byzantium ; where he met with the same mortifying treatment as in other places, G 2 GO DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [bEAT. and was refused admission : and shortly af- ter was defeated by Amyntas in a naval en- gagement, in which a considerable part of his fleet was either sunk or taken. Philip had for some time perceived, that, sooner or later, he must inevitably come to a rupture with the Athenians. His parti- sans were no longer able to lull them into security. Their oppositions to his designs, however imperfect and ineffectual, were yet sufficient to alarm him. He therefore de- termined to endeavour to abate that spirit which now began to break through their in- veterate indolence ; and for this purpose sent them a letter, in which, with the ut- most art, he laid open the causes of com- plaint he had against them, and threatened them with reprisals. This letter was not received at Athens till after the news of C'hares's defeat. Philip had now laid siege to Byzantium ; and exerted all his efforts to make himself master of that city. On the other hand the Athenians were disheartened by the ill success of their commander, and began to repent of having sent any succours ; when Phooion, who always assumed the liberty of speaking his sentiments freely, assured them that, for once, they themselves had not been in fault ; but that their general only was to blame. He was immediately desired to take on himself the charge of relieving Byzan- tium ; and set sail with a numerous body of forces. He was received with the greatest demonstrations of joy ; and his whole con- duct expressed the utmost wisdom and mo- deration. Nor was his valour less conspi- cuous : he sustained many assaults with an intrepidity worthy of the early ages of the commonwealth ; and at last obliged Philip to raise the siege. Phocion then departed amidst the general acclamations of the people whom he had saved. He proceeded to the relief of the colonies of the Chersonesus, who were ever exposed to the attacks of the Cardians. In his way he took some vessels laden with arms and provisions for the enemy : and obliged the Macedonians, who had attempt- ed Sestos, to abandon their enterprise, and shut themselves up in Cardia. [l.].This letter is a master-piece in the original. It has a majestic and a persuasive ■vivacity ; a force and justness of reasoning sustained through the whole; a clear expo- sition of facts, and each followed by its na- tural consequence ; a delicate irony : in short a noble and concise style, made for kings who speak well, or have taste and discern- ment at least to make choice of those who can make them speak well. If Philip was himself the author of this letter, as it is but just to believe, since we have no proof to the contrary, we may reasonably pronounce of him, as was said of Caesar, ' that he wrote with that spirit with which he fought. Eodem animo dixit, quo bellavit. Quint. Inst. 1. 10. c. 17-' Tourreil. [2.] When Nicias the herald, &c. Pro- bably he had been seized upon his journey from Thrace to Macedon, by Diopithes, at And thus, after various expeditions high- ly honourable to himself and to his country, Phocion returned home, where he found the Athenians engaged in a debate on Phi- lip's letter ; on which occasion Demosthenes pronounced his last oration against Philip. To have answered the letter particularly, would have been very difficult : for though Athens had the better cause, yet many irre- gularities had really been committed ; which Philip knew how to display in their full force. The orator therefore makes use of his art to extricate himself from the diffi- culty ; avoids all former discussions of facts ; and applies himself at once to raise the live- ly passions : affects to consider this letter as an open declaration of war; inflames the imaginations of his hearers with this idea; and speaks only of the means to support their arms against so powerful an enemy. PHILIP'S LETTER [1.] ATHENIANS. TO THE Theophrastits, Archon. — A. R. Philip. 21 — Olympiad. 110. An. 1. Philip, to the Senate and People of Athens, greeting : As the embassies I have frequently sent, to enforce those oaths and declarations by which we stand engaged, have produced no alteration in your conduct, 1 thought it ne- cessary thus to lay before you the several particulars in which I think myself ag- grieved. Be not surprised at the length of this letter; for as I have many causes of complaint, it is necessary to explain them all distinctly. First then, when Nicias the herald [2.] was forcibly taken out of my own territory ; instead of punishing the author of this out- rage, as justice required, you added to his wrongs, by keeping him ten months in pri- son : and the letters intrusted to him, by us, [3.] you read publicly in your assembly. Again; when the ports of Thassus were open [4.] to the Byzantine galleys, nay, to any pirates that pleased, you looked on with the time of his invading Philip's Thracian dominions, as mentioned in the preface to the oration on the State of the Chersonesus. Tourreil. [3.] And the letters intrusted to him, by us, &c] The Athenians hoped, by open- ing this packet, to get some light into Phi- lip's secret schemes and practices against them. There were found in it some letters dirrected to Olympias, Philip's queen, which they treated with a most scrupulous respect, and took care she should receive them in the same condition in which they had been intercepted. Tourreil. [4.] When the ports of Thassus were open, &c] The Athenians had engaged, by an article of their treaty, that the Thassians, who were their subjects, should not receive any ships that committed piracies on the subjects or allies of Philip. This article had OI'.AT. X.J DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. Gl indifference ; although our treaties express- ly say, that such proceedings shall be consi- dered as an actual declaration of war. About the same time it was that Diopithes made a descent upon my dominions, carried off in chains the inhabitants of Crobyle and Tiris- tasis, [1.] ravaged all the adjacent parts of Thrace, and at length proceeded to such a pitch of lawless violence, as to seize Amphi- lochus, [2.] who went, in quality of an am- bassador, to treat about the f&nsom of prisoners : whom, after he had reduced him to the greatest dif lieu ties, he compelled to purchase his freedom, at the rate of nine talents. And this he did with the appro- bation of his state. Yet the violation of the sacred character of heralds and ambas- sadors is accounted, by all people, the height of impiety : nor have any expressed a deeper sense of this, than you yourselves : for when theMegareanshad put Anthemocritus to death, [3.] the people proceeded so far as to exclude them trom the mysteries; and erected [4.] a statue before the gates, as a monument of their crime. And is not this shocking ; to be avowedly guilty of the very not been strictly observed ; perhaps on ac- count of Philip's own infidelity. Tourreit. [1.] Crobyle and Tiristasis.J The first of these places is quite unknown. Tiristasisis placed by Pliny in the Thracian Chersonesus. Tourreil. [2.] As to seize Amphilochus.] It is im- possible to save the honour of Diopithes, but by denying the fact; at least in the manner that Philip represents it. Tourreil. [3. J For when the Megareans had put Anthemocritus to death, &c] Philip, here, beats the Athenians with their own weapons, and cites, very much to the purpose, the ex- ample of a memorable vengeance, which they had taken about an age before, upon the Megareans. They had accused this peo- ple of favouring a revolt of their slaves, and of profaning a tract of consecrated land ; and upon this account excluded them from all advantages of commerce in the ports and markets of Athens. Thucydides stops here ; but Pausanias adds, that Anthemocritus ■went from Athens in quality of a herald, to summon the Megareans to desist from their sacrilege, and that for answer they put him to death. The interest of the gods served the Athenians for a pretence; but the famous Aspasia, whom Pericles was so violently in love with, was the true cause of their rupture with Megara. Some young Athenians, heated by wine, had taken away from Megara a remarkable courtezan, called Sima?tha ; and the Megareans, by way of re- prisal, seized two Athenian ladies of the same character, that were in Aspasia's train. Pericles espoused his favourite's quarrel; and, with the power which he then possessed, easily persuaded the people to whatever he pleased. They thundered out a decree against the Megareans, forbidding all com- merce with them upon pain of death : they drew ap a new form of an oath, by which every general obliged himself to invade the territories of Megara twice every year. This same crimes, for which your resentment fell so severely upon others, when you your- selves were aggrieved ? In the next place, Callias, your general, hath made himself master of all the towns upon the bay of Pagasa; ; though compre- hended in the tr. aty made with you, and united in alliance to me. Not a vessel could steer its course towards Macedon, but the passengers were all treated by him as ene- mies, and sold : and this his conduct hath been applauded by the resolutions of your council. So that I do not see how you can proceed farther, if you actually declare war against me. For when we were at open hostilities, you did but send out your cor- sairs, make prize of those who were sailing to my kingdom, assist my enemies, and in- fest my territories. Yet now, when we are professedly at peace, so far have your in- justice and rancour hurried you, that you have sent ambassadors to the Persian [5.] to persuade him to attack me; which must appear highly surprising ; for before that prince had subdued Egypt and Phoenicia, it was resolved, [6.] that, if he attempted decree kindled the first sparks of contention, which at length flamed out in the Pelopon- nesian war. It was the work of three cour- tezans. The most illustrious events have sometimes as shameful an origin. Tourreil. [4.] To exclude them from the mysteries ; and erected, &c] All the Greeks had, or- dinarily, a right to be initiated into what were called the lesser mysteries which the Athenians celebrated at Eleusis, in honour of Ceres and Proserpine. But upon the death of Anthemocritus, the Megareans were excluded ; and a statue or tomb erected in honour of this herald, on the road leading from Athens to Eleusis, near the gate called Dipylon. According to Aristophanes, (in Acharn. Act 2. Sc. 5.) the Megareans denied this murder, and threw the whole blame of it upon Aspasia and Pericles. Tourreil. [5.] You have sent ambassadors to the Persian, &c] Diodorus informs us, that about this time the satraps of the lesser Asia had obliged Philip to raise the siege of Perinthus. The historian does not say that the Athenians invited them; but Philip complains of it here; and Pausanias ob- serves, that in this expedition the Persian forces were commanded by Apollodorus, an Athenian general. We may observe, with what disrespect Philip (whose ances- tors, in their greatest prosperitv, never as- pired higher than to the alliance of some satrap) here speaks of the Great King—' The Persian !' Tdvrreil. [6.] Before that prince had subdued Egypt and Phamicia, it was resolved, &c.J Artax- erxes Ochus, who governed Persia at that time, before his reduction of these revolted provinces, had marched into the lesser Asia, against Artadazus, a rebellious satrap. The approach of tne Persians alarmed the Greeks : and Athens conceived a design of attacking them in their own country. This gave occa- sion to the oration of Demosthenes, entitled, Ilepi twv J.v/j.fj.opMv. Philip pretends that G2 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ORAT. X. any new enterprises, you would invite me, as well as all the other Greeks, to an associa- tion against him. But now, with such malice am I pursued, that you are, on the contrary, confederating with him against me. In former times, I am told, your an- cestors objected it as an heinous crime to the family [1.] of Pisistratus, that they had led the Persian against the Greeks : and yet you are not ashamed to commit the very same action, for which you were continually in- veighing against those tyrants. But your injustice hath not stopped here. Your decrees command me to permit Teres and Cersobleptes to reign [2.] unmolested In Thrace, as being citizens of Athens. — I do not know that they were included in our treaty, that their names are to be found in the records of our engagements, or that they are Athenians. But this I know, that Teres served in my army against you ; and that when Cersobleptes proposed to my am- bassadors to take the necessary oaths, in order to be particularly included in the treaty, your generals prevented him, by de- they had resolved to admit him into the confederacy which was then forming in fa- vour of the Greeks, with whom he affects to rank, and by his expressions removes every idea of foreigner and barbarian, which are the representations that the orator frequently makes of him. Tourreil. [1.] Your ancestors objected it as an hei- nous crime to the family, &c] The com- parison which Philip makes here, between the sons of Pisistratus and the orators who advised an alliance with Persia, is founded upon a history too well known to be enlarged upon. It is undoubtedly by no means just : for, in different conjunctures, the good citi- zen may employ the same forces to save his country, that the wicked one had formerly employed to destroy it. However, the turn he gives it was the fittest in the world to af- fect the people, who thought it their greatest honour to express an inveterate hatred to the Persians. [2.] To permit Teres and Cersobleptes to reign, &c] History speaks only of Cersob- leptes. They had suffered him to be over- thrown by Philip : and, when they found how neariy they themselves were affected by his fall, employed those decrees to endeavour to restore him. Tourreil. [3.] When Sitalces was slain, &c] This Sitalces was the grandfather of Cersobleptes. In the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, he rendered the Athenians such important services, that they, by way of acknowledg- ment, admitted his son Sadocus into the number of their citizens. In the eighth year of this war, Sitalces was killed in a battle against the Triballi. His nephew Seuthes seized the kingdom, in prejudice of his children, and hence became suspected of being the cause of his death. Philip argues, from this suspicion, as if it were an un- doubted truth. Tourreil. [4.] You granted the rights of your com- munity, &c.j What idea must we form of the splendour of that city, where even kings daring him an enemy to the Athenians. And how is this equitable or just ? when it serves your purposes, to proclaim him the enemy of your state ; when I am to be calumniated, to give him the title of your citizen ; when Sitalces was slain, [3.] to whom you granted the privileges of your city, instantly to enter into an alliance with his murderer ; yet to engage in a war with me on account of Cersobleptes ? and this, when you are sensible that not one of these your adopted citizens have ever shewed the least regard to your laws or determinations. — But to bring this affair to a short issue. You granted the rights of your community [4.] to Evagoras of Cyprus, [5.] to Dionysius the Syracusan, and to their descendants. Prevail therefore upon the men who have dispossessed each of these, to restore them to their dominions, and you shall recover from me all those territories of Thrace [6.] which Teres and Cersobleptes commanded. But if you have nothing to urge against those who expelled them, and yet are inces- santly tormenting me, am not I justly war- solicited for the rank of private citizens ! The other states of Greece affected the same kind of grandeur. At a time when ambas- sadors from Corinth were congratulating Alexander on his victories, they made him an offer of the freedom of their city, as the greatest mark of honour possible Alexan- der, now in the full splendour of his fortune, disdained to return them any answer but a contemptuous smile. This stung the am- bassadors to the quick, and one of them was bold enough to say, ' Know, Sir, that the great Hercules and you, are the only persons whom Corinth has ever deigned to dis- tinguish in this manner.' This softened the prince : he received them with all possible marks of respect, and accepted of a title which had been so dignified. Tourreil. [5.] To Evagoras of Cyprus.] The Athe- nians erected a statue to Evagoras, the elder of that name, and declared him a citizen of Athens, for having assisted Conon in restoring their liberty. He caused Sa- lamis to revolt from the Persians, and sub- dued most part of the island of Cyprus ; but was afterward reduced, and fell by the hands of Nicocles. His son, Evagoras the younger, however, asserted his claim to the kingdom of Cyprus, and was supported by the Athenians'against Protagoras, the suc- cessor of Nicocles. But his attempts were not successful. Protagoras supplanted him at the court of Persia, where he had been in full favour. He was cited to answer to some heads of an accusation ; and, upon his jus- tifying himself, he obtained a government in Asia, well worth his little kingdom. But his bad conduct soon obliged him to abdi- cate, and fly into Cyprus ; where he perished wretchedly. Tourreil. [&] All those territories of Thrace.] In the original, tJjk upunrw, onnv, &c. By the ironical pomp of this expression, he sets their dominions (which were really incon- siderable) in the most contemptuous light. Tourreil, ORAT. X. DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. e:i ranted to oppose you ' — I might urge many other arguments upon this head, but I choose to pass them over. The Cardians, [1] I freely declare, I am determined to support, as my engagements to them are prior to our treaty ; and as you refused to submit your differences with them to an arbitration, though frequently urged by me : nor have they been want- ing in the like solicitations. Should not I, therefore, be the basest of mankind, to aban- don my allies, and to shew greater regard for you, my inveterate opposers, than for my constant and assured adherents ? Formerly, (for I cannot pass this in silence,) you contented yourselves with remonstra- ting upon the points above mentioned. But lately, upon the bare complaint of the Pepa- retliians, that they had been severely treated by me, you proceeded to such outrage, as to send orders to your general to revenge their quarrel. Yet the punishment which 1 inflicted was no way equal to the heinous- ness of then- crime : as they had, in time of peace, seized Halonesus ; nor could be pre- vailed upon, by all my solicitations, to give up either the island or the garrison. The injuries 1 received from the Peparethians were never thought of, but their punish- ment commanded all your attention, as it afforded a pretence for accusing me, although 1 did not take the island either from them, or from you, but from the pirate Sostratus. If, then, "you confess that you delivered it to Sostratrus, you confess yourselves guilty of sending out pirates : if he siezed it with- out your consent, how have I injured you by taking possession of it, and by rendering it a secure harbour ? Nay, so great was my regard to your state, that I ottered to be- stow on you this island : but this was not agreeable to your orators : they [2.] would not have it accepted, but resumed. So that if I complied with their directions, I pro- claimed myself a usurper : if I still kept possession of the place, I became suspected to the people. I saw through these ar- tifices, and therefore proposed to bring our differences to a judicial determination : and if sentence was given for me, to pre- sent you with the place ; if in your fa- vour, to restore it to the people. This I frequently desired : you would not have it : the Peparethians seized the island. What then was I to do ? Should I not pu- [1.] The Cardians, &c] See the Preface to the Oration on the State of the Cherso- nesus. [2.J But this was not agreeable to your orators : they, &c] Demosthenes, in par- ticular, opposed their receiving a restitution under the name of a present. [3.] By a decree of Polycrates.] This orator had great credit at Athens, and on many occasions favoured the designs of Philip. Possibly he acted otherwise upon this occasion, the better to conceal his at- tachment, or that he might afterward sell his integrity at a dearer rate. Tourreil. [4.] Who compelled the Thassians and Maronites, &c] The first of these people nish the violators of oaths ? Was 1 tamely to bear such an audacious insult ? If the island was the property of the Peparethians, what ;right have trie Athenians to demand it ? If it be yours, why do you not resent their usurpation ? So far, hi short, have our animosities been carried, that, when I had occasion to despatch some vessels to the Hellespont, I was obliged to send a body of forces througli the Chersonesus, to defend them against your colonies, who are authorized to attack me by a decree of Polycrates, [3.] confirmed by the resolutions of your council. Nay, your general has actually invited the Byzan- tines to join him ; and has every where pub- licly declared, that he has your instructions to commence hostilities at the first favour- able opportunity. All this could not prevail upon me to make any attempt upon your city, or your navy, or your territories, al- though I might have had success in most, or even all of them. I chose rather to continue my solicitations to have our complaints sub- mitted to proper umpires. And which, think ye, is the fittest decision, that of rea- son or of the sword ? Who are to be judges in your cause, yourselves or others ? What can be more inconsistent, than that the peo- ple of Athens, who compelled the Thassians and Maronites [4.] to bring their pretensions to the city of Stryma to a judicial decision, should yet refuse to have their own disputes with me determined in the same manner? particularly as you are sensible that, if the decree be against you, still you lose no- thing; if in your favour, it puts you in possession of my conquests. But what appears to me most unaccount- able is this : when I sent you ambassadors, chosen from all the confederated powers, on purpose to be witnesses of our transactions : when I discovered the sincerest intentions of entering into reasonable and just engage- ments with you, in relation to the affairs of Greece ; you even refused to hear these am- bassadors on that head. It was then in your power to remove all their apprehensions, who suspected any danger from my designs, or to have openly convicted me of consum- mate baseness. This was the interest of the people ; but the orators could not find their account in it ; for they are a set of men, to whom (if I may believe those that are ac- quainted with your polity) peace is war, and war is peace ; [o.] as they are always sure to inhabited an island in the Egean sea : the other, a maritime place in Thrace. The Thassians had founded Stryma, according to Herodotus ; but as it was in the neigh- bourhood of Maronea, probably the Maron- ites had, in quality of protectors, or bene- factors, acquired some pretensions to it. Tourreil, [5.] Peace is war, and war is peace, &c] Aristotle, in his Rhetor. 1. 3, c. 10, quotes this [nearly] as an example of an agreeable antithesis: which, joined to the force, and, what is more, to the order of the arguments contained in this letter, inclines me to think that Aristotle was his secretary on this oc- 61 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ORAT. make a property of the generals, either by aiding their designs, or by malicious prose- cutions. Then they need but throw out some scandalous invectives against persons of worth and eminence, citizens or foreign- ers, and they at once acquire the character of patriots, among the many. I could have easily silenced their clamours against me, by a little gold ; and even have converted them into praises : but I should blush to purchase your friendship from such wretches. To such insolence have they proceeded upon other occasions, that they even dared to dispute my title to Amphipolis ; which is founded, I presume, upon reasons beyond their power to invalidate : for if it is to be- long to those who first conquered it, what can be juster than our claim ? Alexander, our ancestor, was the original sovereign ;[!.] as appears from the golden statue [2.] which he erected at Delphos, from the first fruits of the Persian spoils taken there. But if this admits of contest, and it is to continue the property of those who were last in pos- session, it is mine by this title too, (for I took it from the Lacedemonian inhabitants, who had dispossessed you :) [3.] and all cities are held either by hereditary right or by the right of conquest. And yet you, who neither were the original possessors, nor are now in possession, presume to lay claim to this city, under pretence of having held it for some short time ; and this, when you have your- selves given the strongest testimony in my casion. But my conjecture, whether well or ill founded, does not detract from Philip, in point of genius and spirit. The true talent of a king is to know how to apply the talents of others to the best advantage. And we do not want other proofs of Philip's abilities in writing: witness his letter to Aristotle, on the birth of Alexander. Tour- reil. [1.] Alexander, our ancestor, was the original sovereign.] Philip asserts boldly, without giving himself much trouble even to preserve probability : for in the time of Alexander, the contemporary of Xerxes, there was no citv, nor any fortified post, in the place Amphipolis was afterward raised ; nor was it till thirty years after the defeat if the Persians that Agnon founded it. Tourreil. [2.] As appears from the golden statue, &c] Herodotus speaks of this statue, and places it near the colossal statue which the Greeks raised, according to custom, out of the Persian spoils. The proximity of these statues serves Philip as a foundation for giving his ancestors an honour which really belonged to the Greeks. Solinus mentions, that Alexander, a very rich prince, made an offering of a golden statue of Apollo in the temple of Delphos, and another of Jupiter in the temple of Elis ; but not that the Per- sian spoils were any part of these offerings. — This Alexander, surnamed .] his assum- ing the rank of an Amphictyon, his bringing into Macedon the embassies from Pelopon- nesus, [3.] and his preventing them in seizing the advantage of an alliance with the people of that country. So that, of those who have hitherto been his friends, some are now irreconcilably at war with him ; others no longer serve him with zeal and sincerity ; and all have their suspicions and complaints. Add to this, (and it is of no small moment,) that the satraps of Asia have just now forced him to raise the siege of Perinthus, by throwing in a body of hired troops : and as this must make him their enemy, [4.] and as they are immediately exposed to danger, the territories of Teres and Cersobleptes, both kings in Thrace, and allies of the Athe- nians. But Pausanias observes, that, before the Romans, no one had ever made an entire conquest of Thrace. Tourreil. [1.] And their confederates.] The in- habitants of Chios, Rhodes, and some other places, joined to defeat Philip's designs upon Perinthus and Byzantium. Tourreil. [2.] At Nicaea.] This town was situated near Thermopylae, and was counted among the principal towns of the Locrians, (Epic- nemidii,) the neighbours and allies of the Boeotians and Thebans. Philip made himself master of it at the time that he seized Ther- mopylae, under pretence of putting an end to the sacred war. Tourreil. [3.] His bringing into Macedon the em- bassies from Peloponnesus, &c] Probably this was at the time when he interested him- self in the disputes between Sparta and the Argians and Messenians, as mentioned in the preface to the Second Philippic Oration. — Strabo mentions an application of the Ar- gians and Messenians to Philip, to regulate a contest between them and Lacedemon, about their boundaries. And Pausanias de- claims against the pride of Gallus, a Roman senator, who thought it derogated from his dignity to decide the differences of Lacede- should he become master of Byzantium, thev will not only readily unite their force with ours, but prevail upon the king of Persia to assist us with his treasure; who, in this particular, far exceeds all other po- tentates; and whose influence in Greece is so great, that formerly, when we were en- gaged in a war with Lacedemon, he never failed to give the superiority to [5.] that Earty which he espoused : and now, when e unites with us, he will with ease subdue the power of Philip. I shall not mention, as a balance to these so considerable advantages, that he hath taken the opportunity of the peace to make himself master of many of our territories, our ports, and other like conveniences. For it is observable, that where afi'ecti. in joins, and one common interest animates the confederating powers, there the alliance is never to be shaken ; but where subtle fraud, and passions insatiable, and perfidy and violence have formed it, (and these are the means which he hath used,) the least pretence, the slightest accident, gives it the fatal shock, and in an instant it is utterly dissolved. And from repeated observations I am convinced, Athenians ! that Philip not only wants the confidence and affection of his allies, but even in his own kingdom he is by no means happy in that well-esta- blished regularity, and those intimate at- tachments, which might be expected. The power of Macedon, indeed, as an ally, may have some effect ; but if left to itself, is insufficient ; and when compared with his pompous enterprises, quite con- temptible. And then his wars, his expe- ditions, all those exploits which have given him this splendour, are the very means of rendering it yet weaker : for you are not to imagine, Athenians! that Philip and his mon and Argos ; and disdained* to meddle with a mediation, which Philip had formerly not only accepted, but courted. TourreiL [4.] As this must make him their enemy.] This proved an exact prediction of what happened some time after. Alexander, in his letter to Darius, alleges, as one of the principal subjects of their rupture, the power- ful succours which Perinthus received from the Persian satraps. Arrian, 1. 1. TourreiL [5.] He never failed to give the superiority to, &c] History represents the king of Persia as the supreme arbiter of the fate of Athens, and Lacedemon, during the whole time of their quarrels. Darius Nothus joined with the Lacedemonians; and Ly- sander, their general, destroyed Athens. Artaxerxes Mnemon protected Conon, the Athenian general ; and immediately Athens resumed her former splendour. Lacedemon afterward joined in alliance with the Great King; and this intimidated the Athenians, and obliged them to seek for peace. Artax- erxes dictated the articles of it, threatening to declare against those who should refuse to subscribe to them. Athens instantly obeyed. Thus it was that a foreign power lorded it over the Greeks, and by means of their divisions had the absolute command of their fate. Tourreil. m DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [01!AT. X. subjects have the same desires. He is pos- sessed with the love of glory ; they wish only for security. The object of his passion must be attended with danger ; and they but ill endure a banishment from their children, parents, wives ; a life worn out with toils, and exposed to continual perils in his cause. Hence we may learn how his subjects in general are affected to their prince. But then his guards, and officers of his foreign troops ; these, you will find, have some military reputation : yet they live in greater terrorsthan the obscure and mean. These are exposed only to their avowed enemies ; the others have more to fear from calumny and flattery, than in the field. The one, when engaged in battle, but share the com- mon danger : the others, besides their part, and this not the least of that danger, have also their private apprehensions from the temper of their prince. Among the many, when one hath transgressed, his punishment is proportioned to his crime : the others, when they have most eminently distin- guished themselves, are then, in open defi- ance of all decency, treated with the greatest insolence and disdain. That these are incontestible truths, no reasonable man can doubt: for they who have lived with him assure us, that his am- bition is so insatiable, that he will have the flory of every exploit ascribed wholly to imself ; and is much more incensed against such commanders as have performed any thing worthy of honour, than against those whose misconduct hath ruined his enter- prises. But if this be the case, how is it that they have persevered so long in their attach- ment to his cause? It is for this reason, Athenians ! because success throws a shade on all his odious qualities, (for nothing veils men's faults from observation so effectually as success:) but let any accident happen, and they will be perfectly discovered. Just as in our bodies; while we are in health, our inward defects lie concealed ; but when we are attacked by a disorder, then they are all sensible, in the vessels, in the joints, or wherever we are affected : so in kingdoms and governments of every kind, while their arms are victorious, their disorders escape the common observation but a reverse of fortune, (and this he must experience, as he has taken up a burden much beyond his strength,) never fails to lay them open to every eye. If there be a man among you, Athenians ! who regards Philip as a powerful and for- midable enemy, on account of his good fortune, such cautious foresight bespeaks a truly prudent mind. Fortune indeed does greatly influence, or rather has the entire direction of all human affairs : but there are many reasons to expect much more from the fortune of Athens, than that of Philip. We can boast of an authority in Greece, derived from our ancestors, not only before his days, but before any one prince of Ma- cedon. They all were tributaries of Athens : Athens never paid that mark of subjection to any people. In the next place, the more inviolably we have adhered to piety and j ustice. the greater may be our confidence in the favour of the gods. But if this be the case, how is it that, in the late war, his arms had such superior fortune? This is the cause, (for I will speak with undaunted freedom :) he takes the field himself, endures its toils, and shares its dangers : no favourable in- cident escapes him, no season of the year retards him. While we (for the truth must not be concealed) are confined within our walls, in perfect inactivity, delaying, and voting, and wandering through the public places, in search of news. Can any thing better deserve the name of *new,' than that one sprung from Macedon should insult. Athens, and dare to send such letters as you have just heard recited ? That he should have his armies and his orators in pay ? (Yes, I call Heaven to witness, there are those among us, who do not blush to live for Philip, who have not sense to perceive that they are selling all the interests of the state, all their own real interests, for a tri- fling pittance !) — While we never once think of preparing to oppose him ; are quite averse to hiring troops, and want resolution to take up arms ourselves. No wonder, there- fore, that he had some advantage over us in the late war : on the contrary, it is really surprising that we, who are quite regardless of all that concerns our cause, should expect to conquer him, who leaves no means omii- ted that may assure his success. Let things be duly weighed, Athenians ! and deeply impressed upon your minds. Consider, that it is not at your option, whe- ther to profess peace or no ; for he hath now made a declaration of war, and hostilities are commenced. Spare no expenses, public or private : let a general ardour appear for taking arms: appoint abler commanders than you have hitherto chosen : for it must not lie imagined, that the men who from a state of prosperity have reduced us to these difficulties, will again extricate us, and restore us to our former splendour : nor is it to be expected, that, if you continue thus supine, your cause will find other as- sertors. Think, how infamous it is, that you, whose ancestors were exposed to such incessant toils, and so great dangers, in the war with Lacedemon, should refuse to en- gage with resolution in defence of that right- ful power which they transmitted to us ! how shameful, that this Macedonian should have a soul so daring, that, to enlarge his empire, his whole body is covered with wounds; and that the Athenians, they whose hereditary character it is to yield to none, but to give law to all their adversaries, are now supine and enervated, insensible to the glory of their fathers, and regardless of the interests of their country ! ' That I may not detain you, my sentence is this : that we should instantly prepare for war, and call upon the other states of Greece to join in the common cause; not by words but by actions ; for words, if not attended with actions, are of no force. Our profes- sions particularly have always had the less weight, as we are confessedly superior to the rest of Greece, in prompt address and excellence of speaking. OltAT. X.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 07 CONCLUSION. Having thus far traced the progress of Philip's attempts on Greece, it may be no improper conclusion to continue the ac- count down to his final triumph over the liberty of that country. We have seen the Athenians, at last, ex- erting themselves in a matter worthy of that renowned people. And Philip, now return- ing from his Scythian expedition, in which he had engaged, when foiled in his attempts on Perinthus and Byzantium, found himself considerably distressed and harassed by the hostilities of Athens. To extricate himself from these difficulties, he formed a bold and subtle project of entering Greece : and so laid his scheme, as to make the Athenians themselves the instruments of his designs. By his intrigues he procured yEschines to be sent as their deputy to the council of Amphictyons. This was in reality of the highest consequence : for no sooner had the deputy taken his seat, but a question was moved, Whether the Locrians of Amphissa had not been guilty of sacrilege, in plough- ing the fields of Cirrha, contiguous to the temple of Delphos ? .Sentiments were di- vided. iEschines proposed a view : this was decreed : and when the Amphictyons came to take it, the Locrians, jealous of their property, and no doubt inflamed by those who were in the secret of the whole design, fell on those venerable persons, and obliged them to consult their safety by flight. Such an outrage was judged to demand the se- verest punishment ; and it was decreed that all Greece should join in inflicting it. But when the army came to a place of rendez- vous, their appearance gave no great pros- pect of success. His agents and partisans then arose, and by their artful representa- tions, prevailed upon the Amphictyons to declare Philip general of the Grecian forces, and to invite him to execute their decrees. As the event was expected, his army was ready. He marched into Greece : but in- stead of attacking the Locrians, he im- mediately seized Elataca, a city of Phocis, of the utmost moment, as it awed Boeotia, and opened him a passage into Attica. This step struck Greece with astonish- ment. Athens particularly received the news with inexpressible confusion. The people ran dismayed to an assembly, and called on their usual counsellors to give their opinion in this critical juncture. Demos- thenes arose ; and his eloquence was exert ed to animate their drooping courage : by his advice ambassadors were sent through Greece, and particularly to Thebes, to en- gage the states to rise at once to oppose the Macedonian torrent before it bore down all. Demosthenes himself headed the embassy to the Thebans. He found a powerful an- tagonist in Python, Philip's agent: yet, in spite of his remonstrances, he so fired that people, that they at once forgot all the favours Philip had conferred on them, and joined agaist liim with the most cordial zeal. The confederates met at Eleusis. The Py- thian priestess uttered the most terrible pre- dictions, and threatened them with the severest fate ; but Demosthenes took care to prevent the effect of this, by treating her oracles with contempt, which, he declared, were dictated by Philip, and calculated to serve his interests. This prince now saw all his arts defeated ; and therefore resolved upon an engagement, as his last resource. He advanced to Che- ronjea, in the neighbourhood of which city the confederates were en'-aniped, under the command of Chares and Lysicles, two Athenian generals, by no means worthy of commanding so illustrious an army. The next day, by sun-rise, both armies were in the field. Alexander, then but nineteen years old, surrounded by a number of ex- perienced officers, commanded the left wing of the Macedonians. He began the onset : and was bravely opposed by the Sacred Band of the Thebans. On the right, Philip him- self commanded, where the Athenians made their attack with such vigour as obliged his soldiers to give ground. The advantage was pursued with the most imprudent and intemperate heat. But while the Athenians were rusliing on without any order, Philip bore down upon them with his phalanx, and obtained an easy, though a bloody victory. At the same time, and with a like effusion of blood, Alexander triumphed over the Thebans. Thus were the confederates totally over- thrown, and the liberty of Greece lost for THE ORATIONS OF DEMOSTHENES, On Occasions of Public Deliberation. TO WHICH IS ADDED, THE ORATION OF DINARCHUS AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. PREFACE. The public Orations of Demosthenes here presented to the reader, are not indeed of the same interesting nature with those of the former part of this volume, but such as have been always deemed well worthy the regards of the learned. And if we may ever hope to gain an attention to the remains of this eloquent statesman, we must look for it in Britain, where a love of liberty possesses its inhabitants, and a freedom of debate (the natural consequence of a freedom of consti- tution) is held sacred and inviolable : where opposite opinions, accidental abuses and cor- ruptions, various plans of policy, conten- tious for power, and many other causes, conspire to animate its counsellors, and call forth their abilities ; where a profusion of guttering ornamjnt, gay flights of fancy, and figurative eloquence, do by no means form the character of national eloquence : but simplicity and severity of reasoning, force, and energy, eminently distinguish the speakers of every kind, from those of the neighbouring nations ; and where, above all, a warm benevolence of heart, confessed- ly the glory of its citizens, may, at some times, engage their attention to the interests and concerns of a people, who experienced the vicissitudes of integrity and corruption, happiness and misfortune ; who were dis- graced or renowned, just as their councils were weak or well directed. The history of the wars, negotiations, go- vernment, and policy, of the conquests and defeats, of the progress and declension, of all ancient states, is universally allowed to be a study highly delightful aud interesting to the ingenuous mind The harangues and counsels of their statesmen are no inconsi- derable part of this history. Nor can it be deemed a useless or unaflectiug occupation [1.] Volo hoc oratori contingat, ut cum auditum sit eum esse dicturum, locus in subselliis occupetur, compleatur tribunal ; gratiosi scriba; sint in daudo et cedendo loco, corona multiplex, judex erectus; cum sur- git is qui dicturus sit, significetur a corona silentium ; deinde cre'orae assentationes, niulta; admirationes ; risus, cum velit ; cum to inquire, what were the arguments used in a free assembly, on any occasions where the public interests were concerned ; what were the topics urged to awaken the indo- lence, or to check the violence of the people ; to elevate their hopes, or to alarm their ap- prehensions: to correct their prejudices, and to reform their abuses : what schemes of policy were proposed, what measures sug- gested ; what artifices were used, what ar- guments urged by contending parties, to es- tablish their power and interest; what mo- tives were proposed to engage the commu- nity in war, or to inspire the people with pacific dispositions; to prompt them to form, or to dissolve alliances ; to extend their views to the interests and concerns of foreigners, or to confine their regards to their own security. These, I say, and such like, are by no means unworthy of atten- tion ; and these we find in a translation of an ancient orator, executed with any tolera- ble care and fidebty, however it may be dis- covered, by the learned reader, inferior to the illustrious original, in dignity of expres- sion, and excellence of style and composi- tion. Or if we consider the remains of an ancient orator in a critical view, merely as the pro- ductions of art and genius, it can be no un- worthy curiosity to endeavour at gaining a just, though faint idea of that excellence which, we are told, had such wonderful ef- fects. The appearance of a great public speaker, and the power of his eloquence, are so feelingly described by Cicero, that we may be certain the piece was copied for him- self, and from what he accounted his great- est glory. [1. ] ' Give me the orator,' saith he, ' who can produce the following effects. When it is once known that he is to speak, let there be the utmost impatience to secure places in the court, which must be instantly velit, fletus ; ut qui ha*c procul videat, etiamsi, quid agatur nesciat, placere tamen, et in scena esse Roscium intelligat. Hasc cui contingant, eum scito Attice dicere : ut de Pericle audivimus, ut de Hyperide, ut de -'Eschine ; de ipso quidem Demosthene maxime. Cic. in Brut. PREFACE. 60 crowded ; let all be hurry and eagerness ; the clerks and officers must fly up and down « 1th an obliging solicitude, to provide seats and accomodations for the assembly. The auditors must press forward in a crowded cir- cle. Let the judge be roused to the utmost attention. When the speaker rises, the au- dience must command silence, all must be hushed, till some marks of approbation are extorted, and expressions of wonder break out at frequent intervals. If he would in- spire them with mirth, the smile must be universal; if with sorrow, their tears must instantly flow. So that a person at a dis- tance, though he does not know directly what piece is acting, must yet be witness of the powerful impression, and assured that some great favourite actor is on the stage. He that has such power, we may pronounce the truly complete speaker. As we have heard of Pericles, as of Hyperides, as of /Eschines ; but chiefly of Demosthenes him- self.' And if Demosthenes appeared with so great splendour in his judicial pleadings, his speeches in public deliberations seem to have been attended with circumstances still more honourable, and with proofs of his abilities still more forcible. He generally acted in scenes of turbulence and public con- fusion. The speakers of the opposite party had first laboured to prepossess the people against the sentiments he was to deliver : to this their own corrupted inclinations con- spired, and vengeance was denounced against all that should dare to control them. In the midst of clamour and commotion the orator arises : his adversaries dread him, and endeavour to drown his remonstrances in tumult. By degrees he gains a patient audience. Opposition is checked, dismayed, and silenced. His countrymen hang on him as on some oracle, that denounces destruc- tion on their vices and misconduct, and points out the only way to security. They feel their own weakness and unworthiness, they acknowledge the justice of his severity : they resign themselves to his direction, and rush enthusiastically forward to the danger- ous field of glory which he points out to them. Such were generally the immediate impressions, though not always permanent ami effectual. At other times he appeared when a uni- versal terror and dismay had seized the as- sembly ; when the enemy seemed to be at their gates ; when destruction appeared in- evitable, and despair had buried the facul- ties of those speakers in a mournful silence, who in times of less danger were ever for- ward to take the lead. Then did their coun- try (as Demosthenes himself describes the solemn scene) call on her sons, to aid and support her by their counsels in this affect- ing hour of distress. But in a case of ex- treme difficulty, who can dare to propose any measures whose event must be precari- ous, where ill success may be imputed to the first adviser, and be severely avenged as his crime ? Neither the dangerous situation of affairs, nor the well-known injustice and ca- priciousness of his countrymen, could deter Demosthenes. He is known on such occa- sions to have arisen in the assembly, and, by his appearance only, to have inspired his countrymen with some confused expecta- t ion of relief. He has awakened them from their despair, and gradually calmed their apprehensions ; he has dispelled the mist of terror, and diffused bright hopes and cheer- ful expectations through the assembly. Con- fidence and resolution, magnanimity and courage, indignation and martial rage, vi- gorous efforts and generous contempt of danger, have fully confessed the irresistible force and energy of the speaker. Such effects were a full reward for the pa- tient assiduity with which Demosthenes la- boured to qualify himself for a public speak- er and leader ; not by weighing words, cul- ling rhetorical flowers, and arranging pe- riods ; but by collecting a large treasure of political knowledge, with which his most early performances appear to be enriched ; by learning and habituating himself to strict and solid reasoning, by studying the human heai t, and the means of affecting it ; by ac- quiring, from constant practice, a prompt- ness which no difficulties could embarrass, an acuteness which no opposition, however subtle and unexpected, could disconcert ; and a copiousness inexhaustible; prepared for all emergencies ; ever flowing, and ever abundantly supplied from its rich and boun- tiful source. * Eloquence,' saith an admired writer, [1.] ' must flow like a stream that is fed by an abundant spring, and not spout forth a lit- tle frothy stream, on some gaudy day, and remain dry for the rest of the year.' Such was the eloquence of all those illustrious ancients that history hath celebrated ; and such, in every free state, must be the elo- . quence which can really bring advantage to the public, or honour to the possessor. The voice may be tuned to the most musical perfection : the action may be modelled to the utmost grace and propriety ; expressions may be chosen, of energy, delicacy, and ma- jesty ; the period may be taught to flow with all the ease and eloquence of harmo- nious modulation : yet these are but inferior parts of genuine eloquence ; by no means the first and principal, much less the sole objects of regard. The weapon of the ora- tor should be bright and glittering indeed ; but this should arise from the keenness of its edge : it should be managed with grace ; but with such a grace as is an indication of consummate skill and strength. We are told of a Grecian general, who, when he travelled, and viewed the country round him, revolved in his mind how an army might be there drawn up to the great- est advantage; how he could best defend himself, if attacked from such a quarter ; how advance with greatest security ; how retreat with least danger. Something simi- lar to this should be the practice and study of a public speaker. And thus was Demos- thenes, for the most part, employed, in his days of retirement and severe application. [1.] Lord Bolingbro^e, Spirit of Patriotism, 70 PREFACE. It is indeed insinuated by his enemy, [1.] that he was more solicitous about rounding 3 period, than preserving his country. But this is an object fitted rather to the minute regards of such a speaker as the noble author, quoted above, describes with so just a con- tempt; whose whole abilities consist in pro- viding a slender fund for some particular occasion, when, perhaps, a weak or wicked cause is to be graced and ornamented ; who lays on his thin covering, with the utmost care and most scrupulous nicety; which dazzles for a moment, till the first blast of true forcible eloquence puffs away the flimsy produce of his labours, and leaves all beneath ui its native condition of deformity and shame. But to return from this digression. An- cient eloquence in general, and that of De- mosthenes in particular, we are told, had wonderful effects. The impression was strong and violent ; the consequences, some- times, of the utmost moment. But by reading the orator in a modern language, how fully and justly soever it might be pos- sible to express the genius and general spirit of the original, or by consulting the original itself, are we always affected with the like impressions ; or, can we always trace the artifice, or feel the force, which produced effects so magnificently described ? By no means ! And this is partly to be imputed to the fault of the reader, partly to a differ- ence of circumstances. He who applies himself to the study of Demosthenes, after a long intercourse with writers of a different character ; who hath been accustomed to pointed periods, phrases of affected delicacy, fanciful allusions, figures and images calculated to dazzle and delight the eye, rather than to illuminate, and cast the full glory of evidence round simple truth ; he, I say, must throw by the author in disgust, or labour through him in a cold and lifeless progress, which must serve but to fatigue and disappoint him. He whose taste is ever so justly formed to relish sim- plicity and true manly grace, must yet read the orator to great disadvantage, if entirely a stranger to the spirit of free uncontrolled debate. Liberty (if we may so speak) hath its own ideas and its own language, whose force cannot always be felt, or even its meaning rightly and thoroughly conceived by strangers. Tourrreil, the French interpreter of De- mosthenes, and Lucchesini, the Italian com- mentator, seem to have been instances of what is here advanced. The first appears to have had no just taste for the simplicity of modest Attic elegance. He dressed out his author in all that finery, to which he annex- ed the notions of grace and beauty; and presented him to his countrymen turgid and inflated, encumbered and disgraced by ad- ventitious ornaments. The latter lived and wrote in a country where the voice of liberty is but seldom and faintly heard; where political transactions are of a confined nature, and not generally discussed in bold [1.] .Eschines in Ctesiph. and spirited debate : where parties are seldom formed, public dissensions seldom raised ; no grand interests boldly asserted ; no political measures freely censured. And the effect seems to have been this : the commentator appears shocked at the free, lively, and ani- mated exertions of Demosthenes; he endea- vours to reduce him within more sober bounds : and is sometimes, perhaps misled by trying his expressions by the rules of cold pre- cision. Passages might be produced to war- rant these observations : but 1 shall content myself with just hinting at one, of which notice hath been taken in this volume, [1.] and which seems to prove what may be deem- ed the boldest assertion, that Demosthenes cannot be, always, even understood, but in a country of liberty. ' I am sensible,' saith the orator, ' that the Persian is the common enemy of the Greeks.' To the Italian, this assertion was strange and unaccountable, at a time when the two nations were at peace, and when treaties actually subsisted between them. History was ransacked and tortured for some plausible pretence or grounds for this extraordinary declaration. But in Bri- tain such pains were needless : there, no idea is more familiar than that of a natural and hereditary enemy. The reader's taste, however, maybe strict- ly just : he may be well acquainted with the sentiments and language of liberty ; he may be duly instructed in the history of an an- cient people ; he may sutler their affairs and interests to make a lively and forcible impres- sion on his mind : yet still, though well pre- pared for the perusal of an orator, he cannot always perceive his whole force and artifice; as, at this distance of time, facts may appear trivial, and arguments inconclusive, which fired every imagination, and silenced all op- position, in the assembly to which they were originally addressed. We know, in general, the genius, character, and temper of a peo- ple, whom the orator may have endeavoured to effect : we can, therefore, in general, con- ceive and must acknowledge his force and delicacy, the propriety and energy of his representations : they must please and sur- prise us, and sometimes affect and warm us ; and such impressions sufficiently reward our attention. But, in particular passages, the traces of excellence must be faint, or, per- haps, totally effaced : where the art and force of the speaker consist in a judicious attention to particular circumstances of times, occasions, conjunctures of affairs, and dispositions of the auditors. A modern reader is struck with some particular argu- ment or topic ; he is, perhaps, disappointed to find, that it is not extended and enlarged on. But it is possible, nay very likely, that the disposition of those who heard it, re- quired but a single hint, and that a minute detail would have tired and offended. We read that such a particular stroke of elo- quence had wonderful effects ; that such a passage raised a general acclamation, affect- ed, transported, or terrified : we examine this passage by the general rules of criti- [2] See Oration on the Classes. PREFACE. 71 cism, and we pronounce it inadequate to the wonderful effects ascribed to it. But here we seem to confine our regards to our own sentiments, our own passions, and our own situations : we argue from our own feelings to those of other persons, in circumstances totally different. Cicero, by introducing the mention of the battle of Pharsalia, and the danger which Ca:sar there encountered, (in a manner artful and lively indeed, but such as by no means indicates a surprising or singular elevation of genius,) is said to have made this hero turn pale and tremble. And why should we doubt of the reality of these effects ? We can read of this battle of Pharsalia without emotion ; but it was a more important object to a Roman ; still more affecting to the soldier who fought in that famous field : but to the general who there gained the victory, and by this victory rescued himself from destruction, and obtained the sovereignty of the world, what object can be conceived more capable of alarming his passions, and filling his mind with the most turbulent emotions ? But it may be said, that however true the general position, yet the instance brought to illustrate it, is but unhappily chosen: for that, in this case, Caesar's emotion was but pretended. [1.] He was himself an accom- plished orator, and knew all the windings of the art — he courted Cicero's friendship, he saw where his vanity and his weakness lay ; with perfect address, therefore, he played back the orator's art upon himself ; his concern was feigned With deference to the author here quoted, I must declare that I cannot think this suggestion well warrant- ed ; no more than I can suppose that Oc- tavia, the sister of Augustus, meant to pay a compliment to the poet, and but pretended concern, when she appeared to faint at the recital of the famous passage in the sixth Endd: ' Heu miserande puer ! Si qua fata aspera rumpas, Tu Marcellus Eris.' If Ca?sar, was too well acquainted with thi arts of eloquence, and, of consequence, too well armed against them, to receive any real impression from the efforts of Cicero; this orator, who was equally well acquainted with those arts, the proper occasions of exerting them, and the effects to be expected from them, could not well be deceived by any unnatural sem- blance of emotion. I say unnatural sem- blance ; because it is supposed, that such emotion, in such a case, is contrary to reason and the nature of things: and therefore Cicero, amidst all his vanity, must have seen and despised the injudicious artifice. [1.] See Brown's Essay on Ridicule. [2.' Cicero in Brut. [3.] Vos enim jam Albani tumuli atque luci, vos inquam imploro atque obtestor, vosque Albanorum obrutae aras, sacrorum populi Romani socia? et aequales, quas ille praseeps amentia, ca?sis prostratisque sanc- tissimis lucis, substructionum insanis mo- bbus oppresserat ; vestrsc turn ara>, vestrae The truth seems to be, that, in minds the moot enlightened, the passions frequently retain,-! 1'unsiderable degreeof strength; and when kindled by some touch of the orator's address, the combustion is too sudden, as well as too violent, to be effectually suppress- ed by reason. At least the ancients seem persuaded of this; for whatever may be said of eloquence being made for the multitude and the forum, [i] yet when they addre ■ i themselves, not to the populace, but to se- lect and refined judges, they were by no means (as Quintilian expresses it) quadam eloquentia; frugalitate contenti, ac manum semper intra pallium continentes. On the contrary, some of the noblest and boldest ef- forts of art were exerted, some of the sub- limest flights of genius indulged, on such occasions. To be convinced of this, wen i i but turn to any of the judicial pleadings of Cicero. Take the beautiful passage, in an oration against Verres, quoted by Mr. Hume, in his elegant Essay on Eloquence : or read the following passage in the oration fir Milo : [3.] ' On you, ye Albanian mounts and groves, on you I call. Bear witness for me, ye ruined altars of Alba (equal in sanc- tity to the Roman shrines,) destroyed, and buried under the profane edifices raised by his outrageous sacrilege. Your influence, your power it was which then prevailed. Your divinity, then, triumphed, and com- pleted its vengeance on all his profanations. And thou, O holy Jove, didst then at length look down from thy mount : then didst thou execute thy justice on the wretch, whose wickedness and abandoned impurity had so often polluted thy lakes, thy groves, thy boundaries. To thee, to thee, and in thy presence, did he pay the late, but justly me- rited, punishment.' — That the circumstances of the trial contributed to animate the ora- tor's style, is certain, as he himself informs us. [4.J Yet, amidst all this enthusiasm, the consummate master must have had a due regard to propriety. He could not have for- gotten that he addressed himself immedi- ately to a few selected judges ; and if such elevated strains of eloquence sometimes fail- ed of success in select assemblies, and before judges of penetration and refinement, the same may be observed of sober, solid, and just argument. Modern times are acquainted with refined assemblies in which affairs of highest moment are commonly discussed; and if the spirited and impassioned orator doth not, on all occasions, obtain a majority in such assemblies, they do not always im- pute it to the superior strength of reason, that fortifies his hearers against the assaults of eloquence. In poetry the impression made upon the religiones viguerunt, vestravisvaluit, quam ille omni scelere polluerat ; tuque ex tuo edito monte Latiari, sancte Jupiter, cujus ille lacus, nemora, finesque saepe omni nefa- rio stupro, et scelere macularat, aliquando ad eum puniendum ocuios aperuisti ; vohis ilia?, vobis, vestro in conspectu serae sod justae tamen, et debitce poena; solutae sunt. [4.] In Brut. h 2 72 PREFACE. hearer is so far from being lessened or de- feated by his refinement and understanding, that it is really heightened and increased in proportion to the accuracy of his judgment and the delicacy of his sentiments. And al- though the man of sense, who, in this case, re- signs himself up to the pleasing delusion, guards and arms himself against all artifice, in that of eloquence, it might not be difficult to shew how this vigilance is sometimes defeated and eluded. But the points which I am at pre- sent concerned to establish, are no more than these : That thewonderful effects ascribed to ancient eloquence are not mistaken or exag- gerated : That its force was really extraordi- nary, and its impressions, in proportion, vio- lent ; but that the reader who applies himself to study the remains of an ancient orator, and of Demosthenes in particular, may sometimes be disappointed in his sanguine expectations of delight, if he hath been long accustomed to compositions of less intrinsic worth, though of more glittering ornament ; if he is in ge- neral unused to the energy of a free debate ; if he is unacquainted with the history and character of the people to whom the orator addressed himself; or if he precipitately judges of the real force and efficacy of his elo- quence from his own sentiments and feelings, without making the necessary allowance for a difference of times, circumstances, pas- sions, and dispositions. He who will not acknowledge that some particular traces of that exquisite skill which our orator possessed, are now become faint and obscure, pays him a veneration rather too implicit. And he who does not still perceive, and feel, his rapid harmony exactly adjusted to the sense; his vehement reason- ing without any appearance of art ; his disdain, anger, boldness, freedom, involved in a continued stream of argument, [1.] may justly suspect his own deficiency in point of taste : nor is it any indication of a superior strength of reason, if he does not sometimes accompany the orator in these impetuous passions and exalted sentiments which animate his compositions. It is a common observation, how much an orator is assisted by the charms of action or pronunciation, which Demosthenes is said to have regarded as the chief part, or rather the whole, of his art ; and, how much the loss of these must diminish his lustre. Yet there are other advantages which such a speaker derives from subjecting his works to a private review, to a strict, dispassionate, and reiterated study. The justness of his reasoning, the soundness of his policy, the worth and elevation of his sentiments, (and these are the really valuable parts of an ora- tor,) are thus brought to a new and severe trial : and if, on such a trial, these excel- lences preserve their weight and lustre, this is an additional proof that they are real and intrinsic What Longinus observes of the sublime, is equally applicable to all the ex- cellences of an orator; that, if they are really genuine, we must form the higher tentively they are considered ; and that the true and indisputable proof of a writer's value arises from the consenting approba- tion of all ages, professions, and inclinations. This last and final sanction our author's merit hath received from private examina- tion, though, at this time, but a part of his merit can thus appear. And hence, again, we may form a judgment of the force and influence of his living eloquence. If he still commands our approbation, and even warms our hearts, how must the Rhodians have been effected when yEschines read his cele- brated performance to that people ! And if they were strongly affected, how must the speaker himself have shaken and transported the souls of his hearers, in the Athenian assembly ! It may be said, that the excellence of this author hi the original, is a point too plain to require proof or illustration ; that it is uni- versally acknowledged and has been the subject of repeated praise; but that this consummate excellence of the original ne- cessarily inspires a prejudice against all at- tempts* to copy it in another language; that such attempts are presumptuous ; the learned despise them, others are deceived by them, and made to think with less honour of the great author, than his own genuine undisguised merit must ever obtain. I could wish that this objection could be easily eluded, and that I could persuade my- self that the present work did not enforce and confirm it. However, something I pre- sume to say, hi apology for such attempts, and for the manner in w hich they are ex- cuted. It hath been already observed, that the sentiments and arguments of an ancient orator may be conveyed to the reader in a translation executed wrth tolerable care and fidelity. To this we may add the manner and order in which he arranges his thoughts ; no inconsiderable part of his address and artifice. And surely the atten- tion of the reader unskilled in ancient lan- guages, is rather liberally rewarded by these advantages; although the learned may de- spise the inglorious toil of the translator, whose composition disgraces his noble origi- nal. Yet, even in this point, should our attempts be judged with some degree of can- dour and indulgence. An ancient language, even were it not superior to our own, must ever be read with favourable prejudice. Antiquity renders it respectable and vene- rable. Its sounds and phrases are not de- based by common and familiar use, but pre- serve their dignity in a stately and solemn retirement. Longinus speaks of sume vulgar phrases to be found in Demosthenes; but all such now lie concealed : and, unless the image conveyed be low, nothing can appear in the language humbled or debased; all flows on in one equal course of decency, grandeur, and dignity. But this is not the case in our own language. Familiarity tempts us to regard it with less reverence. ideas" of them, the more frequently and at- I Its phrases and expressions are in constant „„ I use ; and what we hear and pronounce every fl.l See Hume's Essay on Eloquence. | day, cannot easily endure a comparison with PREFACE. 73 a language to whose very name we have been long taught to annex the ideas of gran- deur and excellence. If in our composition we adhere scrupulously to the simple and natural form, the pomp and dignity of the original may'seem to be lost and degraded. In order to avoid this extreme, we some- times recur to a grave and laboured style, transpositions unnatural, and periods dis- torted ; an unpardonably awkward substi- tute to ease and graceful majesty. And scarcely can we steer our course so happily, but that we must be in danger of touching, or appearing to touch, on one or other of these dangerous extremes. But our difficulties appear stronger, and our claim to indulgence more just, when the real excellence of the ancient languages is considered. The Greek, in particular, is superior even to that of the Romans in point of sweetness, delicacy, and copiousness. This is the judgment of the great Roman critic. [1.] And with him an English trans- lator still may say, [2. J ' He that ex- pects from us the grace and delicacy of the Attic style, must give us the same sweetness, and an equal copiousness of language.' To acknowledge this inferiority m our own language, is not to derogate from its real merit. It is a weapon keen and forcible, if carefully preserved, and wielded with due skill. But he who should attempt to follow the great writers of antiquity in every maze and "winding, through which their advan- tages enabled them, and their circumstances obliged them, to direct their course ; he who should labour through all the straits of a minute and scrupulous imitation, to ex- press their words, and dispose of their pe- riods, exactly in the same form and order, must be equally inattentive to the genius of the language from which he copies, and to that of his own ; equally inattentive to the excellences of this, and to its comparative defects. At least this is a state of subjection to which the present translator thought it by no means necessary to stoop . and if in this he should be judged to have taken too great a libertv, he flies for shelter to the authority of Quintilian, [3.] who compares the copy formed from the outward traces and aspect of the original, to those airy phantoms which were supposed by Epicurus to issue from all bodies. If it may be thought a violation of the Attic simplicity, that he hath sometimes ventured on an epithet, a metaphor, or some other figurative [1.] Quintil. Inst. Orat. lib. xii. cap. 10. [2. J Quare qui a Latinis exigit illam gra- tiam sermonis Attici, uet mini in loquendo eandem jucunditatem, et parem copiam. T3.] Nee — sufficiat imaginem virtutis ef- fingere, et solam ut sic dicerem cutem, vel potius illas Epicun figuras quas e summis form of speech, to express what is natural and unadorned in the original, let it be re- membered, that in this he confines himself within much stricter bounds than the same- great critic prescribes to those who translated from the Greek into Latin. In such works he tells us, ' Figuras — quibus maxime oma- tur oratio, multas ac varias excogitandi etiam necessitas quaedam est : quia plerum- que a Gratis Romana dissentiunt. lib. x. cap. 5.' And in imitations of every kind in a language inferior to that of the original, in order to supply the defect, his rule is this : ' Oratio translationum nitore illuminanda. lib. xii. cap. 10.' To exhibit Demosthenes such as he would have appeared in an English assembly sim- ilar to that of Athens, should certainly be the scope of his translator. Though he may be unfortunate in his aim, a voluntary de- viation would be unpardonable. And an English Demosthenes would undoubtedly attend to the genius of his language. To express his dignity and majesty, he would not assume a constrained, uncouth, and per- plexed air. He would have confined himself within the modest bounds of Atticism, but of English Atticism, (if the expression may be allowed.) He would have adopted a greater share of ornament, because a greater share of ornament would not be inconsistent with neatness, decent elegance, and manly dignity. If it be still observed, that our language has been corrupted, and the cause of learn- ing disgraced by translation, it might be easy to shew in what cases this has been, and must be, the consequence ; and that an at- tempt to copy the excellences of ancient writers of renown, does not necessarily fall under this censure. Or if the meanness and insignificance of the employment should be urged, a translator mignt observe, in the fulness of his vanity, that the great Roman orator himself thought it not beneath his dignity to publish his translations from Plato, Xenophon, and Demosthenes. But as to the utility of this employment, it need not be pointed out or defended, to the learned. As to its dignity, the translator is not at all solicitous to maintain it. He is ready to acknowledge, that the pittance of reputation to be acquired in this way is but trifling and insignificant, if he is so fortu- nate as to meet with that candour and indul- gence which have hitherto favoured his attempts. corporibus dicit effluere. Hoc autem illis accidit, qui non introspectis penitus virtuti- bus, ad priinum se velut aspectium orationis aptarunt, et, cum iis felicissime cessit im- itatio, verbis atquenumeris sunt non multum differentes. lib. x. cap. 2. 74 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [okat. xt. THE ORATION ON THE CLASSES: PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF DIOTIMUS, THE THIRD YEAR OF THE HUNDRED AND SIXTH OLYMPIAD. INTRODUCTION. The title of this oration is taken from one particular part of it, in which the speaker enlarges on the method of dividing the citizens into lv/1/j.opku, or Classes, in order to raise the supplies, and to answer the exi- gencies of the state. The design of it was, to allay an extravagant ferment which had* been raised at Athens, and to recommend caution and circumspection at a time when danger was apprehended. Artaxerxes Ochus, king of Persia, had been for some time em- ployed in making preparations for war. These were represented to the Athenians as the effect of a design formed against Greece, and against their state in particular. They were conscious of having given this prince sufficient umbrage, by the assistance which their general, Chares, had afforded to some of his rebellious subjects : they were entirely possessed by the notions of their own im- portance, and therefore readily listened to their suggestions, who endeavoured to per- suade them that some important blow was meditated against their dominions. An as- sembly of the people was convened ; and the general temper both of the speakers and auditors are distinctly marked out in several passages of the oration. The bare mention of a war with Persia, at once recalled to their minds the glorious days of their an- cestors, and the great actions of Athens and her generals against the barbarians. These were now displayed with all the address and force of eloquence, and the people urged to imitate the bright example of antiquity ; to rise up in arms against the Persian, and to send their ambassadors through Greece, to summon all the states to unite with Athens against the common enemy. To natter the national vanity of their countrymen, was an expedient which many speakers had found [1.] That this oration was pronounced in the third year of the hundred and sixth Olympiad, we are assured by Dionysius, (in Epist. ad Amma?um,) and that Demosthenes was at this time in his twenty-eighth year. Plutarch, indeed, (if he be the author of the ' Lives of the Ten Orators,') places his nativity in the fourth year of the ninety- eighth Olympiad. But, not to mention the inaccuracies in this tract, the orator himself declares, in his oration against Midias, that he was then in his thirty-second year. This oration was epoken in the archonship of Callimachus, that is (according to Diodorus) in the fourth year of the hundred and seventh Olympiad. And therefore, by calculating from hence, the reader will find the authority of Dionysius, as to the time of our orator's birth, clearly and fully confirmed How then came it to pass, that he was allowed to speak on public affairs before the age of effectual for establishing their power and credit in the assembly. And possibly some might have spoken, with a corrupt design of diverting the attention of their countrymen, from , those contests and dangers in which they were more immediately concerned. But however this may be, the impropriety of those bold and precipitate measures which they recommended, is urged with the ut- most force in the following oration ; in which we shall find the speaker moderating the unseasonable zeal of his countrymen, without absolutely shocking their prejudices. Demosthenes is most generally known as an orator, by the fire and energy with which he louses his countrymen to arms. But the delicacy of address and artifice, which he displays in this and many of the following orations, is a part of his character no less worthy of attention. A youth of twenty- eight years, thoroughly acquainted with the constitution, interests, and connexions of his country, rising for the first time in a debate on public affairs, opposing himself with boldness and resolution, and at the same time with the utmost art and insinuation, to the general bent of the assembly ; calm- ing the turbulence of his countrymen, and presenting their true interests to their view, in the strongest and most striking colours ; is an object truly pleasing and affecting. ORATION ON THE CLASSES. [l.J Diotimo, Archon. — Olympiad. IOC. An. 3. The men who thus dwell upon the praises of your ancestors, seem to me, ye Men of Athens ! to have chosen a subject fitted thirty years ? for in the Attic laws re- specting public speakers, it is expressly en- acted, Mj/ e\ae\ftetv riva e\ireiv }ii]in>3 rpui- Kovra er»i ytfovoTw ' Let no man enter the assembly to speak, who hath not yet at- tained to the age of thirty.' The solution of this difficulty by Lucchesini seems solid and satisfactory. I know, saith he, there are some who assert, that this, as well as some other laws of Athens, fell into disuse j but such a method of solving the difficulties of antiquity, without any manner of proof or authority, is unsafe and fallacious. Be- sides, the assertion is contradicted by ^Eschines, who, in his oration against Ti- marchus, declares, That not only this, but other severer laws, relative to public speak- ers, were in full force. In my opinion, the difficulty should rather be explained in this manner": Among the other magistrates who were chosen every year at Athens, there OltAT. XI.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 75 rather to gratify the assembly, than to do the due honour to those on whom they lavish their applause. As they attempt to speak of actions which no words can worthily describe, the illustrious subject adorns their speech, and gives them the praise of elo- quence; while their hearers are made to think of the virtues of those heroes with much less elevation than these virtues of themselves inspire. To me, time itself seems to be the noblest witness to their glory. A series of so many years hath now passed over, and still no men have yet appeared, whose actions could surpass those patterns of perfection. It shall be my part therefore, solely to endeavour to point out the means which may enable you most effectually to prepare for war. For, in fact, were all our were ten orators appointed by lot, whose business it was to deliver their opinions in the assemblies on all affairs that concerned the state ; and for which they received the gratuity of a drachma [seven pence three farthings] from the treasury. To these only must that law of Athens, which determines the age of orators, be construed to extend. As it was their duty to deliver their opinions in the senate, they ought of course to be of the senatorial age : but no person could be admitted to the senate, who had not com- - pleted his thirtieth year. But as for the law of Solon, it excludes no citizen whatsoever from the liberty of speaking, who might attend the assembly, nor had the seniors any other privilege than that of speaking first. The law runs thus : ' Let the senior first propose such measures as he thinks most expedient for the republic, and after him such other citizens as choose it, accord- ing to the order of their age.' iEschines cites it in the same words against Ctesiphon. No mention is here made of thirty years. Such of the citizens as were in their twen- tieth year might attend the assembly, and had their names enrolled. That they had a share in the administration, and might speak in public at this age, is confirmed by Lucian in his Jupiter Tragcedus, where Momus thus addresses Apollo : ' You are now be- come a legal speaker, having long since left the class of young men, and enrolled your name in the books of the Duodecemviri.' Now, that the citizens were considered as having arrived at the age of manhood in their eighteenth year, we learn from De- mosthenes in his oration against Aphobus. For his father died when he was but seven years old, and he remained for ten years under the care of his guardian; at which time, being released from his hands, he pleaded his own cause against him. Now his father had given directions that he should be under a guardian till he had arrived at the age of manhood : and this he did, as soon as as he had reached his eighteenth year; all which is collected from his own words. These circumstances considered, it is very easy to suppose that Demosthenes spoke in public, as he really did, in his eight- and-twentieth year. Nor does any manner of difiiculty arise from what he says himself speakers to proceed in a pompous display of their abilities, such parade and ostentation could not possibly prove of the least advan- tage to the public : but if any man whatever will appear, and can explain to your full satisfaction what kind ot armament, how great, and how supported, may serve the present exigencies of the state, then all these alarms must instantly be dispelled. This I shall endeavour to the utmost of my abili- ties, having first briefly declared my opinion of our situation with respect to the King. I do regard the King as the common ene- my; of all the Greeks. [1.] But I cannot, for that reason, advise, that we should be the only people to undertake a war against him : for I do not find the Greeks [2.] them- selves united to each other in sincere affec- in his oration for the Crown: 'When the Phocian war was raised, &c. for I had then no hand in the administration :' that wax being begun in the second year of the hun- dred and sixth Olympiad, under the archon- ship of Callistratus, at a time when our orator was only in the twenty-seventh year of his age. [1.] The commentators who endeavour to account for this assertion, by considering the present state of Greece, or any late trans- actions, with Persia, seem to examine the orator too rigidly, and with two much cold- ness and abstraction. It is by no means the result of any recent events. It had been the language of Greece for ages ; the language of poets, historians, and orators. Even in those times of corruption, the popular lead- ers seldom ventured to use any other, par- ticularly in an assembly where national va- nity was so predominant as in that of Athens. Whatever treaties had been made with the king of Persia, however peace might have now subsisted between him and the Greeks, still he was their natural enemy. [2.] The sacred war now raged in Greece. The Phocians, Lacedemonians, and Athe- nians were engaged on one side ; the Boeo- tians, Thessalians, Locrians, and some other inferior states on the other : each party was harassed and exhausted by the war. The Phocians had reason to complain of the Athenians, who proved a useless and inactive ally. Whatever connexions had lately sub- sisted between Athens and Sparta, this lat- ter state still hated its ancient rival, and was impatient to recover its former splen- dour and power. A prospect of assistance from Persia must have at once determined the Lacedemonians to detach themselves from the confederacy, and to act against the Athenians ; -particularly if any plausible pre- tence could be 'alleged for uniting with the Persian. The Phocians, who were not always influenced by the most religious en- gagements, might fairly be suspected of making no scruple to accept effectual assis- tance from the Great King, and at once re- nouncing their alliance with the Athenians. The Italian commentator supposes, that the orator expresses his apprehensions only of the Lacedemonians, and that they are particularly pointed out, as the men who 7G DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [OEAT. XI. lion : nay, some among them seem to have more confidence in him than in certain of their own body. In such circumstances, I account it of the utmost moment that we should be strictly attentive to the origin of this war, that it may be free from every im- putation of injustice. Let our armament be carried on with vigour ; but let us care- fully adhere to the principles of equity. For in iny opinion, Athenians ! the states of Greece (if it be once evident and incontestible that the king makes attempts against them) will instantly unite, and express the most ardent gratitude to those who arose before them, who, with them, still stand faithfully and bravely to repel these attempts. But while this is yet uncertain, should you begin hostilities, I fear we may be obliged to fight against an enemy reinforced by those very men for whose interests we were so forward to express our zeal. Yes ! he will suspend his designs, (if he hath really designs against the Greeks;) his gold will be dispersed libe- rally amongst them ; his promises of friend- ship will be lavished upon them : while they, distressed in their private wars, and atten- tive only to support them, will disregard the general welfare of the nation. Into such confusion, into such weak mea- sures, let us not precipitate the state. With respect to the king, you cannot pursue the same counsels with some others of the Greeks. Of these, many might, without the charge of inconsistency, neglect the rest of Greece, while engaged in the pursuit of pri- vate interest. But of you it would be unwor- thy, even though directly injured, to inflict so severe a punishment on the guilty, as to abandon them to the power of the barbarian. Thus are we circumstanced : and let us then be careful that we do not engage in this war upon unequal terms ; that he whom we suppose to entertain designs against the Greeks, may not recommend himself to their confidence, so as to be deemed their friend. And how shall these things be ef- fected? By giving public proof that the forces of this state are well appointed, and complete for action; but that in this our procedure we are determined to adhere in- violably to justice. Let the bold and hazardous, who are ve- hement in urging you to war, attend to tins. have more confidence in the Persian than in their own brethren ; and who would sacrifice every consideration to the support of their wars with the Greeks. The Phocians, he observes, could not possibly unite with the Persians, on account of the former injuries they had received from them, as well as of their invariable union with Athens. But a view of the politics of Greece, and indeed of the politics of all ages and nations, may convince us, that too much stress is not to be laid on such an argument. Nor was there less to fear from the confederates on the other side. They fought with an inveterate and implacable rancour ; and all their efforts were scarcely sufficient to support the quar- rel. Their strength was continually wasting, and their treasuses were quite exhausted; It is not difficult when an assembly is con- vened, to acquire the reputation of courage : no ; nor, when dangers are actually impend- ing, to speak with an impassioned boldness. But it is truly difficult, and it is our duty, in the time of danger, to support the cha- racter of superior bravery ; in our councils, to display the same superiority of wisdom. I, on my part, ye men of Athens ! think that a war with the king may prove danger- ous; in a battle, the consequence of such a war, I see no danger. And why ? Because wars of every kind require many advantages, of naval force, of money, and of places. Here he is superior to the state. In a bat- tle, nothing is so necessary to ensure success as valiant troops ; and of these, we and our confederates caii boast the greater number. For this reason, 1 earnestly recommend to you, by no means to be the first to enter on a war : but for an engagement, I think you should be effectually prepared. Were there one method of preparing to oppose barba- rians, and another for engaging with Greeks, then we might expect, with reason, that any hostile intentions against the Persian must be at once discovered. But as in every armament the manner is the same, the ge- neral provisions equally the same, whether our enemies are to be attacked, or our allies to be protected, and our rights defended ; why, when we have avowed enemies, [1.] should we seek for others? Shall we not prepare against the one, and be ready to oppose the other, should he attempt to in- jure us ? Call now upon the Greeks to unite with you. — But suppose ye should not readily concur with them in all their mea- sures, (as some are by no means favourably inclined to this state,) can it be imagined that they will obey your summons ? ' Certainly : for we shall convince them that the king forms designs against their interests, which they do not foresee.' — Ye powers ! is it possible, that you can be thus persuaded ? Yes ; I know you are. But whatever ap- prehensions you may raise, they must in- fluence these Greeks less forcibly than their disputes with you and with each other ; and therefore the remonstrances of your ambas- sadors will but appear like the tales of idle wanderers. [2.] If on the other hand ye pursue the measures now proposed, there is the most favourable occasion for the Great King to gain them to his purposes. The speaker indeed declares, in another part of this oration, that the Thebans would not concur with the Persian in any design con- fessedly formed against the nation of Greece. Yet still they might, in their present cir- cumstances, and in a cause which they af- fected to consider as the cause of the nation, accept of his assistance. They actually did accept of it in the course of this war. [1.] The Bceotians, Thessalians, &c. were the avowed enemies of Athens, in conse- quence of the attachment of this state b> Phocis; and the king of Macedon, by his invasions of their settlements in Thrace, and other acts of hostility. [2.] In the original oubo' ubn u\V n ohat. xi.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 77 not a single state of Greece that will hesitate a moment to come in, and to solicit your al- liance, when they see our thousand horse [1.] our infantry as numerous as could be wished, our three hundred ships ; an armanent which they must regard as their surest refuge and defence. Should you apply for their assist- ance, you must appeal as supplicants: should they refuse it, you incur the shame of a repulse. But if, while your forces are completed, you suspend your operations, the protection you then grant to them must appear as the consequence of their request : and, be assured, they will all fly to you for this protection. With these and the like reflections deeply impressed upon my mind, I have not la- lxiured to prepare a bold, vain, tedious ha- rangue. No, my fellow-citizens ! our pre- parations have been the sole object of my thoughts, and the manner of conducting them with effect and expedition. Grant me your attention ; and if my sentiments be approved, confirm them by your voices. It is then the first and most impor- tant part of preparation, to possess your minds with due resolution; so that every citizen, when called to action, may exert himself with alacrity and zeal. You know that in every instance, where, having first resolved on your designs in concert, every single member deemed it incumbent on him 'PAH'niAHSOYilN oi 7rpia/Jei? srepitom-er. It was urged by the speakers on the other side, that ambassadors should be sent through Greece, to represent the dangerous designs of the Persian, and to exhort the several states to suspend their private ani- mosities, and to unite with the Athenians against the common enemy. The orator, who is endeavouring to represent the useless and ineffectual nature of such a measure, compares these ambassadors to the ancient rhapsodists, or bards, whose lives were spent in travelling, and amusing their entertainers with songs and poems. And this similitude seems to f.rise not only from their repeating the same declarations, but from the circum- stance of going from city to city, and ex- citing curiosity by their speeches, without any other effect. [1.] At first sight it may appear extraordi- nary that the orator should speak in high terms of such a body as one thousand horse. But we must consider that Attica was a mountainous country, and therefore unfit for breeding horses. In the infancy of the state, when Athens was governed by kings, their cavalry amounted to no more than ninety-six, each vavxpapta, or twelfth part of a tribe, furnishing two. But the number of such divisions was then but forty-eight, as the tribes were originally but four. This small body was at first an object of derision to the Persians, at Marathon ; but after- ward proved formidable and dangerous. After the defeat of the Persians, the city began to increase in power, and was enabled to raise a body of three hundred horse; which, in the time of the Peloponnesian war, was augmented to twelve hundred, (as to labour vigorously in the execution, you have never once proved unsuccessful. But whenever we have first decreed, and then each man hath turned his eyes on others, fondly imagining that he himself need not act, that his neighbour would do all ; our designs have never once been executed. With these sentiments, and these vigorous resolutions, I recommend that you should proceed to the appointment of your twelve hundred ; and raise them to two thousand, by a farther addition of eight hundred. Thus, when all necessary deductions are made, of those who by their condition [2.] are excused from contributing, or by any circumstances are unable to contribute, still the original number of twelve hundred will remain complete. These I would have formed into twenty classes, each consisting of sixty citizens, agreeably to the present constitution. And it is my opinion, that of these classes each should be divided into five parts consisting of twelve persons ; ever at- tending to a just and equal distribution of the richer with the poorer. Thus should our citizens be arranged: — the reason will appear when the whole scheme of the regu- lation hath been explained. But our ships; how are they to be ap- pointed ? Let their whole number be fixed to three hundred, divided, by fifteenth parts into twenty portions. Of the first hundred, we learn from Thucyd. B. II. and jEschines TlapaTt.) This was' the greatest body of cavalry the Athenians ever possessed, which seems, by the distresses of the state, to have been reduced to a thousand in the time of Demosthenes, as he mentions no greater number, though it was his business rather to magnify their force in this passage, than to extenuate it. The Equestrian Order was a rank of dignity at Athens, as among the Romans. But iii latter times the citizens were allowed to keep this rank, and to sub- stitute others to serve in their stead. Luc- chesinu [2.] Those who by their condition, &c] These are particularly specified in the origi- nal, t7riK/\i;p on 'maiden heiresses;' bpipanwv, 'orphans of the other sex;' K\npoux"«W, ' men appointed to form a colony ;' and KoivavtKav, ' men incorporated into certain societies, which were exempted from contri- buting.' From whence it seems evident, that the duty and honour of composing the twelve hundred, who were to supply the exigencies of the state, must have been an- nexed to certain families: and continued to them, when time and various circumstances might have produced alterations of fortune in many. The inconveniences which arose from hence were partly removed by the aix IcrropjiKe, iiori KaO' out Katpov? yutTci ©>]- /3at(*>v et? rdv 7rp6? toi»? AaKedai[ioviov<; ui/e- fiaivov TroXe/uof, Kai /uupiour /uti/ 6?eVe/i7rov crpaTiuiTa?, etiaTov dt en\t]povv Tpo'/petr, OT( totc KpiVavTes iwo Tijr ufi'at irottioQai ray et? rov iroXe/jiov eia-^opas-, eTifitjaavro rtjv Te \wpav, Kai t\]v 'Attik//v '('nrairav, Kai rat oiKia?, 6/uoims ot Kai t>;k Xotnijv ovalav. AW ofluis to ai'fXTTav Ttfitifxa Tris 1 u!;ias €veXi7T€ twv t^aKtcxc\cov diaKotjioi? Ka't Trtr- T>;Koi/Ta ToXunoit ; * What historian hath not informed us, that the Athenians at the time when they engaged in war, on the part of Thebes, against the Lacedemonians, sent ten thousand men to the field, and manned a hundred ships; that the Athenians, I say, in order to make a just estimate of the sub- sidy they might properly grant for this war, then proceeded to a general valuation of their lands of the whole territory of Attica, their houses, and all their effects. And yet the whole valuation fell short of six thou- classes, to be distributed among the small divisions in the just proportion. Let the twelve, in every such division, demand their respective shares; and let them have those ships which it is their lot to provide, tho- roughly and expeditiously equipped. Thus may our supplies, our ships, our trierarchs, our stores, be best provided and supplied. And now I am to lay before you a plain and easy method of completing this scheme. I say, then, that your generals should proceed to mark out ten dock-yards, as con- tiguous as may be to each other, and capa- ble of containing thirty vessels each. When this is done, they should assign two classes, and thirty ships to each of these docks. Among these, also, they should divide the tribes and the respective trierarchs ; so that two classes, thirty ships, and one tribe, may be assigned to each. Let then each tribe divide its allotted station into three parts, and the ships in like mamier. Let these third parts be distributed by lot. Thus shall one tribe preside over one entire divi- sion of your shipping ; and each third of a tribe take care of one third of such division ; and thus shall you know, at all times, first where each tribe is stationed ; then, where sand talents by two hundred and fifty .' Which agrees pretty exactly with this pas- sage of Demosthenes, hucchesini. [3.] One hundred >hips seem to have been the ordinary marine establishment at Athens: and to this the ordinary revenue seems to have been proportioned. When it was necessary to fit out an extraordinary number, the additional charge was answered by an extraordinary taxation on the richer members of the state. The passage before us is indeed concisely expressed, as became a speaker who addressed himself to persons to whom the least hint was sufficient. But the full meaning of it I take to be this : ' If we have occasion but for a hundred ships, the charge of furnishing each may be divided among twelve trierarchs, who are to be sup- plied, for the expense of this and other pre- parations, with sixty talents. If for two hun- dred, these twelve trierarchs must provide two ships ; if for three hundred, three. In every case the revenues of the state are to be equally divided amongst them. But the greater the force required, the greater must be the burden on the trierarchs, who are to he taxed for the additional expense, if any such may be required, for fitting out the fleet, and completing the other parts of the intended armament.' This latter part, in- deed, is not expressed or insinuated; but I take it to be understood. But if my expla- nation should not be entirely consonant to the sentiments of the learned reader, who may have the curiosity to examine this part of the oration with accuracy, I must endea- vour to screen myself from the severity of his censure, by subscribing to the following ingenious declaration of Wolfius : * What- ever is here said of fleets, stores, armaments, and supplies, must, to us, who never saw a fleet or war, and never were conversant in affairs of state, be attended with considerable obscurity.' okat. xi.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 79 each third; then, who are the trierarchs ; and lastly, the number of your ships. Let affairs be once set in motion after this man- ner, and, if any thing hath been omitted, (as it is by no means easy to provide accurately for every circumstance,) the execution will Itself discover it. And thus may your whole marine, and all its several parts, be uniform- ly and exactly regulated. And now, as to money, as to any imme- diate supplies, sensible, as I am, that the opinion I am now to declare must appear extraordinary, yet I will declare it ; for I trust that, when duly weighed, it will be found the only one which reason can re- commend ; and which must be approved by the event. I say then, that at this time we should not speak at all of money : we have a fund, if occasions call for it ; a great, an honourable, and an equitable fund. Should you attempt to raise it now, far from suc- ceeding in such an attempt, you could not depend on gaining it when really wanted. But suspend your inquiries, and you will secure it. What fund is this which now hath no being, yet will be found hereafter ? This appears a kind of mystery ; but I shall explain it. Cast your eyes round through all this city. Within these walls, Athenians ! there are treasures, I had almost said equal to those of all other states. But such is the disposition of their possessors, that if all our speakers were to arise with the most alarming declarations, ' That the king was marching against us; that he was at our gates ; that the danger did not admit of any possibility of doubt :' If, with these speak- ers, as many ministers of heaven were to arise, and pronounce the same declarations as the warning of the gods ; so far would these men be from contributing, that they would not even discover their riches ; they would not acknowledge the possession of them. But should it once appear, that all those dangers, denounced with so much ter- ror, were really and in fact impending; where is the wretch that would not give freely, that would not urge to be admitted to contribute ' For, who would choose to abandon his life and fortune to the fury of an enemy, rather than give up a small por- tion of his abundance, for the safety of him- self and all the rest of his possessions ? Thus shall we find treasures, when o< casions real- ly demand them, but not till then. Let us not therefore inquire for them now. Sup- pose that we were now strictly to exact the subsidies from all our citizens : the utmost [1.] Whoever consults Herodotus will find that Demosthenes is by no means exact in his account either of the Athenian or Per- sian fleets ; but we are not to expect histori- cal precision from the orator. His repre- sentations are suited to delight and animate his hearers; and probably his success was too great to give them leisure to attend to any inaccuracy on his account. [2.] It is just now, the orator hath repre- sented the wealth of Athens as contemptible, that of Persia as magnificent and great. Now, on the contrary, the resources of Per- we should raise would be more contemp- tible than none. Imagine the experiment made ; it is proposed to exact a hundredth part of the revenue arising from our lands. Well then ; this makes just sixty talent* ' Nay, but we will raise a fiftieth part' This doubles the sum: we have then one hundred and twenty talents. But what is this, to those hundreds, or those thousands of camels, which they assure us are employ- ed to carry the king's money ? But suppose it were agreed to raise a twelfth part, amounting to five hundred talents. This, in the first place, would be too great a bur- den ; and, if imposed, still the fund pro- duced would be insufficient for the war. Let then all our other preparations be com- pleted ; but, as to money, let the possessors keep it; and never can they keep it for a nobler public service. When their country calls for it, then shall they freely and zeal- ously contribute. This, my fellow-citizens ! is a practicable scheme; a scheme highly Ihonourable and advantageous, worthy of this state to be re- ported to the king, and which must strike him with no small terror. He knows, that by three hundred vessels, [1.] of which one hundred only were supplied by us, his an- cestors lost a thousand ships. He will hear, that now we have, ourselves, equipped three hundred. He cannot, then, if he hath not lost all reason, he cannot deem it a trivial matter to make this state his enemy. If, from a dependence on his treasures, he is tempted to entertain proud thoughts, he will find this but a vain dependence, when compared with your resources. [2.] They tel! us, he is coming with heaps of gold; but when these are once dispersed, he will look for new supplies. Not the richest streams, not the deepest sources, but must, at length, be totally exhausted, when we copiously and constantly drain away their waters. But we, he will be told, have a perpetual resource, in our lands ; a fund of six thousand talents. And with what spirit we defend these lands against invaders, his ancestors, who fought at Marathon, could best inform him. Let us continue to conquer, and our treasures cannot ever fail. Nor yet do I think their errors justly founded, who apprehend, that he may em- ploy his gold in raising a large army of mer- cenaries. I do indeed believe, that in an expedition against Egypt, against Orontes, [3.] or any other barbarians, there are many of the Greeks that would gladly receive his sia are neither solid nor permanent : the riches of Athens great and inexhaustible. Various are the instances of this artifice in Demosthenes ; which the judicious reader cannot fail to observe without the direction of the annotator. [3.] Two of this name are mentioned in history. The first was put to death by the younger Cyrus, on account of a conspiracy. The other, whom Demosthenes points out, was a satrap of Mvsia, and served in the army which Artaxerxes sent against Cyprus, under the command of Teribazus. On this 8!) DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ORAT. XI. pay : not from any zeal for aggrandizing him; but each in order to obtain such a supply, as might relieve their present neces- sities. But I never can persuade myself, that any one Greek would assist him to con- quer Greece. Whither should he turn after such an event ? Would he go and be a slave in Phrygia? He [1.] must know, that, when we take up arms against the Barba- rian, we take them up for our country, for our lives, for our customs, for our libertv, and all such sacred rights. Who then could be so base as to sacrifice himself, his parents, the sepulchres of his ancestors, his country, to a trifling pittance ? Surely, no man ! Nor is it the interest of the Persian, that his mercenaries should subdue the Greeks ; for they who can conquer us, must first prove superior to him. And it is by no means his scheme, by destroying us, to lose his own empire. His wishes are to command all ; if this cannot be obtained, at least he would secure his power over his own slaves. If then it be imagined, that the Thebans will unite with him ;— [2.] it is a hard part to speak of Thebes in this assembly ; for such is your aversion to this people, that you will not hear the voice of truth itself, if it seems at all to favour them. However, it is the duty of those who debate on great affairs, by no means, and on no pretence whatever, to suppress any argument which may prove of use. — I say, then, that so far are the Thebans from ever, at any time, uniting with the king against the Greeks, that they would freely give the greatest treasures, were they possessed of them, to purchase a fair occasion of atoning for their ancient mors with respect to Greece. But let the Thebans be ever so unhappily disposed, still we must all be sensible, that, if they unite with him, their enemies must necessarily unite with the Greeks. And I trust that the cause of justice, and the friends to this cause, will ever prove superior to traitors, and to all the force of the Barbarian. Let occasion he attempted to ruin the reputation of his general, was detected and disgraced ; and, in revenge, joined with the rebels of Egypt, Caria, and Phrygia, and headed the army they had raised against the King. But, in hopes of recovering his credit at the Persian court, and of gaining the command of some maritime towns, he betrayed the forces, &c. of the rebels into the hands of the king's lieutenants. History speaks no farther of this Orontes. But, as in this year, the eighth from the time of his revolt, Demosthenes mentions him as an enemy to the Persian, we may conjecture, that his last services had been disregarded, and that he had again taken up arms. Lucchesini. [1.] I cannot persuade myself that there is occasion to point out to the reader the force and pertinency of this argument, although it be elliptically expressed. To be assured of the true signification of the phrase Trpcr T.iv Bap/3upov, we need but cast our eyes to a sentence a little farther on, tK fiev -ye tusv OPOZ Toi-9 tavrov -rrpoyovov? 7ro\6/i&n', ' from the wars waged against his ancestors.' us not then yield to these extravagant alarms, nor rashly brave all consequences, by being first to take up arms. Nor do I think that any other of the Grecian states should look upon this war with terror. Is there a man among them, who is not sensible, that, [3.] while they re- garded the Persian as their common enemy, and maintained a firm union with each other, their fortune was completely happy ; but when, by a fatal reliance on his friend- ship, they were betrayed into contests and dissensions among themselves, their cala- mities were so great, as to exceed all the im- precations which the most inveterate malice could invent ? And shall that man, whom fortune, whom heaven itself pronounces, as a friend, unprofitable; as an enemy, of advantage ; — shall he, I say, be feared ? By no means. Yet, let us have the due regard to ourselves ; let us have the due attention to the disorders and suspicions of the rest of Greece ; and let us not incur the charge of injustice. Could we, indeed, with all the Greeks united firmly on our side, attack him single and unsupported, I would not then suppose that you could be charged with injustice. But, as this is not to be ex- pected, let us be cautious : let us afford him no pretence of appearing to assert the rights of the other Greeks. If we continue quiet, his applications to them will be sus- picious : if we are the first to take up arms, he will seem justified by our hostilities, in his attempts to gain their friendship. Do not then discover to the world the melancholy state of Greece, by inviting those to an alliance, whom you cannot gain ; and by engaging in a war, which you cannot support. Be quiet, be resolute, be prepared. Let not the emissaries of Persia report to their king, that Greece and Athens are distracted in their councils, are con- founded by their fears, are torn by dissen- sions. No : let them rather tell him, that, if it were not equally shameful, for the [2.] The history of both nations accounts for the detestation with which the Athe- nians are supposed to hear the name of the Thebans : and perhaps it were impossible, that two nations, so different in genius and manners, ever should entertain any senti- ments of friendship and esteem for each other. Our orator, however, was far su- perior to national prejudices. He considered, without partiality, the real interests of his country, whose welfare should be a states- man's passion. Vet, his regard for the peo- ple of Thebes was numbered, by jEschines, among his crimes. The error which, he says, they would, if possible, redeem, was their joining with Xerxes in his invasion or Greece. Francis. ' [3.] The well-known and great events de- scribed in the history of Greece, confirm these observations of the orator fully, with respect to all the Grecian states. Yet we may concur with the Italian commentator in supposing, that they had the Lacede- monians particularly in view ; to whoc" they are, indeed, eminently applicable. OUAT. XII. DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 31 Greeks to violate their honour and their oaths, as it is to him matter of triumph, they would have long since marched against him; and that, if vou do not march, you are restrained solely by a regard to your own dignity : that it is your prayer to all the gods, that he may be seized with the infatuation, which once possessed his an- cestors : and then, he would find no defect of vigour in your measures. He knows, that by our wars with his ancestors, this state became happy and powerful ; that, by our peaceful demeanour before these ■wars, we acquired a superiority over the other Grecian states, never more observable than at present. He knows, that the affairs of Greece require some power to be either voluntarily or accidentally the instrument of a general peace ; he knows, that he himself must prove that instrument, if he once at- [1.] What effect this oration had on the people, we may learn from a passage in the oration for the Rhodians; of which the following is a translation : ' There are some among you who may remember, that at the time when the affairs of Persia were the subject of our consultations, I was the first, the only, or almost the only one, to recom- tempts to raise a war ; and therefore, these informations will have their due weight and credit. That I may not longer abuse your pa- tience, I shall repeat the sum of my advice, ami then descend. You should prepare your force against your present enemies : you should use this force against the king, against any power that may attempt to injure you. But never be the first to break through the bounds of justice, either in council or in action. You should be solicitous, not that our speeches, but that our conduct may be worthy of our illustrious descent. Act thus, and you will serve not yourselves only, but the men who oppose these measures ; for they will not feel your resentment hereafter, if they be not suffered to mislead you now. [1.] mend it as the wisest measure, not to assign your enmity to the king, as the motive of your armament : to make your preparations against your avowed adversaries, but to employ them even against him, should he attempt to injure you. Nor did I urge these things without your full concurrence : they were received with applause.' THE ORATION FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS: PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OP EITDEMUS, THE FOURTH YEAR OF THE HUNDRED AND SIXTH OLYMPIAD. INTRODUCTION. In order to prepare the reader for the peru- sal of the following oration, it is necessary to recall to his view some of the late im- portant transactions in Greece. He is not to be informed of the flourishing condition of Sparta, after the famous Peloponnesian war ; the immoderate ambition of that state, and the war in which the Spartans were consequently involved with Thebes. The conduct and vigour of Epaminondas, the Theban, proved fatal to Sparta, and the battle of Leuctra put an end to the tyran- nical dominion which this state had long exercised in Peloponnesus. Immediately after this battle, several of the Peloponnesian states revolted from the Lacedemonians. The Messenians, their an- cient rivals, were restored to their original settlement, by the Theban arms, after many ages of dispersion. The Arcadians and Argives asserted their independency, and, assisted by the Thebans, took up arms against their former sovereigns. The Spar- tans now seemed on the point of having their ruin completed ; they were reduced to fortify their city, whose defenceless con- dition had been so long their boast; they armed six hundred of their slaves, and sent a deputation to Athens, humbly to solicit the assistance of their old rivals, in this their state of extremity. Ths Athenians, who began to conceive a jealousy of the rising power of Thebes, readily consented to join with the Lacede- monians. Iphicrates was sent, with twelve thousand men, to their relief; and, upon advice received, that Epaminondas was marching against Lacedemon, at the head of the Thebans, Argives, and Arcadians, Cha- brias was despatched, with another rein- forcement, to join the Spartans and their confederates. It is not to the present purpose to mention particularly the several events in the course of this war. It is only necessary to observe, that the Arcadians, in order the better to secure that liberty for which they now con- tended, determined to collect all their force into one body, brought the detached settle- ments of their countymen to a union ; and fixed their common residence in a city built by the adv ice and assistance of Epaminondas (if we may believe Pausanias,) and called Megalopolis, or the great city. This was one considerable barrier against the Lacede- monian power in Peloponnesus; which still subsisted, together with the other equitable regulations of Epaminondas, for securing the liberty of the Peloponnesians. These were considered, by the Lacedemo- nians, as so many memorials of their dis- grace. And the least respite from the cala- mities of an unsuccessful war, was sufficient to inspire them with ?n eamestdesire of re- covering their ancient power and supe- riority. Greece was now harassed by the 82 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ohat. xii. Hatred war. Several cities of inferior note had changed their masters, in the course of this quarrel. The re-establishment of peace, and a settlement of the whole nation of Greece, were universally urged as objects highly worthy of the general attention. And now, Archidamus, the king of Sparta, a subtle and designing prince, proposed a plan for this purpose, in appearance advan- tageous to the whole body, but, in effect, only calculated to restore the superiority of Sparta. He proposed, that, in order to re- store the general tranquillity, the several cities should be re-established in the same condition as before the late wars. This was a scheme which promised some advantage to all the leading states. Oropus, a city on the confines of Bceotia, once com- manded by the Athenians, and still claimed as their right, but now possessed by the Thebans, must have returned to its ancient masters. Thespia and Platsea, two eminent cities in Boeotia that had felt the jealousy and revenge of Thebes, and now lay sub- verted and depopulated, were, by the same plan, to be restored and fortified. The Phocians were to give up two important acquisitions, gained in the course of the sacred war ; the cities of Orchomenus and Coronsea. But these and theother Boeotian cities, were only to acknowledge Thebes, as the principal and leading city in Boeotia, without any absolute submission or depen- dence, and without any obedience to that jurisdiction which the Thebans claimed and had exercised over them. On the other hand, Peloponnesus was to be reduced to its former state of dependence; the cities of Messene and Megalopolis were to be de- stroyed, and their inhabitants dispersed ; so as to restore the Spartans to the power of resuming that tyrannical dominion, which they had formerly exercised over their neighbours. Archidamus began with endeavouring to regain that authority in Peloponnesus, to which the Spartans aspired. A dispute was soon raised between Sparta and Argos, about the boundaries of their dominions. And the king of Sparta, having in vain attempt- ed to succeed, by practising secretly with Nicostratus, the principal citizen of Argos, determined to have recourse to arms. The people of Megalopolis were equally concerned in this quarrel. A war was on the point of breaking out in Peloponnesus ; each side was assiduous to gain over the other states of Greece. And on this occa- sion both the Megalopolitans and Lacede- monians sent their ambassadors to Athens ; the one to solicit for asssistance and support, [1.] This heat and acrimony did not al- ways proceed from conviction and zeal for the public interest. Every city, or commu- nity, that solicited any matter in the Athe- nian assembly, first took care to secure managers and advocates among the popular speakers. If the interposition of these pleaders proved successful, they were some- times rewarded with a statue erected in the city, whose interest they had supported ; the other to prevail on the Athenians to con- tinue neuter. On this occasion was the assembly conven- ed, in which the following oration was deli- vered. Each state had its partisans in this assembly, and the speakers, on both sides, seem to have delivered their sentiments with the utmost heat and animosity. The orators who opposed the demands of Megalopolis, urged the connexions of Athens with the Lacedemonians, in the Theban war, and the dishonour and inconsistency of arming against their old fellow-soldiers. They represented the old attachment of the Megalopolitans to Thebes, in the most odious and suspicious colours ; and declared, that by supporting them and depressing Lacedemon, they would in effect render the Theban power highly formidable, if not ir- resistible ; nor did they forget to urge, that by acquiescing in the attempts of Lacedemon to re-establish its power m Peloponnesus, they themselves would be entitled to the assistance of that state, in order to recover the dominions which had been wrested from them. Through this whole debate, the Athenians seem to have been entirely influ- enced by motives of policy and convenience. And the reader will find these urged by De- mosthenes, with the utmost address and artifice, in favour of the people of Megalo- polis, in the following oration. That this oration was pronounced in the archonship of Theodemus, or Eudemus, we are informed by Dionysius of Halicar nassus (in Epist. ad. Ammae.) And this Eudemus was archon, according to Diodo- rus, in the fourth year of the hundred and sixth Olympiad. In the beginning of the next year the Lacedemonians made their irruption into Arcadia. So that it is pro- bable, that the ambassadors were received at Athens about the latter end of the year, (i. e. a little before the summer solstice,) when the Lacedemonians were just prepa- ring to take the field, and the Arcadians threatened with immediate danger. THE ORATION FOR THE MEGALOPOLITANS. Eudemo, Archon. — Olympiad. 106. An. 4. The speakers on both sides seem to me, ye men of Athens ! equally to blame : the partisans of the Arcadians, and the advo- cates for Lacedemon. Like the deputies of these communities, not like your citizens, to whom their deputations are addressed, they excuse, they inveigh against each other. [1.] This, I say, is to act likedeputies ; but sometimes, and indeed more frequently, with a sum of money. Agreements were formally made, and, m some cases, securi- ties given for the payment of this fee. In the oration of jEschines against Ctesiphon, we have one instance of a transaction of this nature, between the city of Oreum, and Demosthenes himself; where the stipulation was so notorious as to appear upon the pub- I lie records of this city ; and so firm and orat. xii.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 83 to speak with a true patriot spirit, to at- tend entirely to the interest of the state, free from all factious principles ; these are their duties, who assume the character of our counsellors. But now, were not their persons known, did they not speak our language, I should have taken manv of them for two distinct people, the one of Arcadia, the other of Lacedemon. How hazardous a part it is to urge your real interests, is to me apparent ; for in this violence of opposition, where you are all alike deceived, as well the favourers of this, as the supporters of the opposite opinion, should a man attempt to point out the just mean between them, and should you prove impatient of direction, he would gratify neither party ; he would be calumniated by both. Yet still, I freely choose, if such must be my fate, rather to be thought weakly im- pertinent, than to suffer any men to mislead you from what I deem most advantageous to the state. There are other points, of which, if I have your permission, I shall hereafter speak. I now proceed, from prin- ciples acknowledged equally by all, to deduce such truths as I think of greatest moment. binding, as to oblige the people of Oreum, in a time of their distress, to mortgage their revenues to the orator, as a security for the sum agreed on ; and to pay interest, month- ly, until the principal could be discharged. [1.] There is not a man, &c] Upon this principle it is, that the orator founds all his reasoning. The wars, which these three leading states carried on against each other, were either for acquiring, or supporting, or recovering the sovereignty in Greece. A pas- sion for this pre-eminence constituted the principal part of national virtue and merit. They talked, indeed, of the interest of the whole body of Greece, of an extensive re- gard and affection to this body, and of the necessity of a just balance of power. Yet in these days of degeneracy, at least, the duty of aggrandizing their own community ■was frequently made the great law of the morality of statesmen. And this contri- buted no less to the final ruin of the Grecian states, than their luxury and corruption. ' Grascise civitates dum imperare singula? cupiunt, imperium omnes perdiderunt,' saith Justin. A strict union with each other was necessary, even to the being and support of each. But for extensive dominion, the constitution and circumstances even of the most eminent of their communities were by no means calculated. [2.] There were two cities in Greece of this name, the one in Arcadia, the other, of which the orator here speaks, in Bceotia, an ancient and illustrious city, to which Thebes was tributary, in the heroic times, until Hercules enabled it to assert its independence. After the battlt of Leuctra, the Thebans determined to reduce this rival city to their obedience, but were restrained by the mode- ration of Epaminondas, who prevailed on his countrymen to admit the people of Or- chomenus to their alliance, instead of re- ducing- them to slavery. However, after the There is not a man [1.] who can deny, that it is for the interest of Athens, that both the Lacedemonians, and the Thebans also, should be weak. But, such is the pre- sent state of things, (if any conjecture may be formed from the discourses we so often hear,) that, if Orchomenus, [2.] and Thes- pia, and Platasa, be repeopled, the Thebans must be weak ; that the Lacedemonians, if Arcadia [3.] be reduced to their obedience, and the great city tie possessed by them, must once more become powerful. We are therefore to be careful not to suffer these to be great and formidable, before the others are reduced ; nor to betray ourselves into greater inconveniences by the strength of Lacedemon, than can possibly be compen- sated by the weakness of Thebes. Not that we a6se"rt, that it is more eligible to have the Lacedemonians our enemies than the Thebans. This is not the point we would support: but that neither of them should have the power of injuring us in any in- stance ; for thus only can our fears be re- moved, and our security established. But it will be said, ' Yes ! this is indeed a point of utmost moment: Yet it is grievous battle of Mantina?a, in which this general fell, the Thebans found a pretence for exe- cuting their former severe purposes against Orchomenus. Three hundred Orchomenian cavalry had joined with certain Theban exiles, in a conspiracy to overturn the aris- tocratical constitution of Thebes ; and weTe betrayed by those whom they had agreed to assist. The Thebans, not contented with confining their vengeance to the guilty, seized the city of Orchomenus, put the citi- zens to the sword, and made slaves of then- wives and children. Lucchesini. Of Thespia and Plata?a, the reader wit find some short account, in the note, p. 27. on the oration on the Peace. The vicinity of these three cities to Thebes, and theh hatred to the Thebans, inspired by the re- membrance of injuries never to be forgot- ten, sufficiently explain the assertion cf Demosthenes. [3.] The subversion of the Lacedemonian power seems to have been not so much the effect of the defeat at Leuctra, as of the revolt of their allies hi Peloponnesus, and particularly of the Arcadians. It was not difficult for a warlike nation to have reas- sembled and reinforced its troops, after such an engagement. Nor could the Thebans have ventured to pursue their victory so far, as even to threaten Sparta with slavery, unless they had been assisted by the Arca- dians. Hence, both the Thebans and Athe- nians ever courted the alliance of the Pelo- ponnesians, and cultivated their friendship with the greatest assiduity. And hence the orator is justly warranted to observe, that the power of Lacedemon must rise to a for- midable pitch, by the reduction of the Ar- cadians, who, by the extent of their territory and the strength of their towns, were, next to Sparta, evidently the most considerable of the Peloponnesiaii states. Luechetini. I 2 84 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ORAT. XII. to make those our allies, against whom we fought at Mantinsea; to unite with them against the very men with whom we then shared the dangers of the field.' Grievous, I confess, it is: but let such delicacy gain some attention among others. Let the par- ties once agree to live in peace, and we shall not, we need not, send support to the Me- galopolitans : our swords shall not then be drawn against our old fellow-soldiers. One party (as they profess) are already in alliance with us, the other are now soliciting our alliance': what have we farther to desire? But what if justice should be violated? if war should be resolved on ? If it be the sole object of debate, whether we should give up the great city to the do- minion of Lacedemon, or no ; let us give it up : I do not contend against it, though it be not just : let us not arm against those who once shared with us the dangers of the field. But as we are all convinced, that, if once masters of this city, they will instantly attack Messene ; let any one of those, who have been so severe on the Megalopolitans, arise and say, what conduct he would re- commend to us on such an emergency. They are silent. But you are not to be informed, that whether they should urge us or dissuade us, we should be obliged to send succours, both by those sacred caths which engage us to Messene, [1.] and by our interest, which requires that this city should subsist. Con- sider, therefore, with yourselves, which would be the noblest and most benevolent [1.] The Lacedemonians, mortified and incensed at the re-establishment of Messene, refused to include this state in the general peace which was made after the battle of Mantinsea; and when the Thebans were once involved in the Phocian war, deter- mined to seize the opportunity of oppressing those Peloponnesians who had united with their rivals. Hostilities were declared against the Messenians : this people applied for succour to the Athenians, who engaged to defend them against invasions, though they refused to assist them in any offensive measures. This seems to have been the en- gagement to which the orator refers. [2.] The reasoning in this passage may possibly deserve to be opened and illustrated somewhat farther than can be done by a simple detail of historical facts. It is one of the numberless instances of our orator's ac- commodating his style and manner of ad- dress to the quickness and liveliness of his countrymen ; and complimenting their un- derstandings, by leaving something to be ■supplied by them. The purport of his ar- gument seems to be this • * Sooner or later we must oppose the attempts of Lacedemon, to extend our sovereignty. Our own inte- rest requires it, as well as our regard to equity, and the general interest of Greece. To both we owe the due attention, and it should be our care to make them coincide : while the Arcadians are supported, the La- cedemonians cannot be supposed sufficiently powerful to become an object of terror : our interposition, therefore, in favour of the procedure, to begin your opposition to the encroachments of Lacedemon, by the de fence of the Megalopolitans, or that of the Messenians. In the one case, you wrll ap- pear attentive only to the safety of the Ar- cadians, and to the solid establishment of that tranquillity, for which you have ex- posed yourselves to the dangers and the toils of war. In the other, all mankind must see, that in defending Messene, you act, not so much from principles of equity, as from your fears of Lacedemon. Our designs and actions should be just ; but we should be careful that, at the same time, they may also prove conducive to our interest. [2.] It is urged, by those who have spoken on the other side, that we should endeavour to regain Oropus. But, should we now make those our enemies, who would assist us in this design, we must forfeit all hopes of their assistance. It is my opinion, too, that we should attempt to regain Oropus. But, that Lacedemon will now become our enemy, if we unite with those Arcadians who sue for our alliance ; they, of all men, never should [3.] assert, who persuaded us to sup- port the Lacedemonians in the time of their distress. For, when the whole body of the Peloponnesians was ready to unite with us ; when they called on us to lead them against the Lacedemonians, the very men, who now urge this objection, persuaded you to reject their overtures, [4.] (which forced them to apply to Thebes, then their sole resource,) and to expend your treasures, and endanger Arcadians, will be regarded as the pure ef- fect of public spirit. But, if the Lacede- monians be first suffered to Teduce Arcadia, and the Athenians then begin to oppose their farther progress, the motives of equity and public spirit may, indeed, still be plead- ed, but those of self-interest must necessarily be supposed to have had the greater influ- ence.' [3.] They, of all men, never should, &c] Because these men then reasoned from the necessity of preserving a due balance of power, and preventing any one state from becoming formidable. The resentment of the party to be opposed, they then consider- ed as of no weight against so cogent an argu- ment. The same argument was now urged with equal force and propriety, in favour of the Arcadians. They could not, therefore, urge an objection now, which, in a case exactly parallel, they had affected to despise. [4.] The history of this fact, as described by Xenophon, does not exactly agree with this passage, unless supplied and illustrated by the narration of Diodorus. After the battle of Leuctra, the Athenians offered li- berty to all the states of Peloponnesus. The Mantinaeans, thus encouraged, determined to fortify their city, but where opposed by the Lacedemonians, who first remonstrated by their deputies, and then took up arms. Many of the Arcadians themselves refused to give up their authority over some of their dependent cities. This produced a war be- tween the Lacedemonians, Tegeans, and their allies, on one part; and the Manti- orat. xii.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 85 /our persons, in defence of Lacedemon. — Surely, you could not have acted with such spirit, to save this people, had you been fairly told, that, when once saved, no re- straint must be prescribed to their desires, no bounds to their injustice: else they would retain no sense of that safety which we gave them. Let it then be supposed, that our forming an alliance with the Arca- dians be ever so repugnant to the views of the Lacedemonians : still, that gratitude which they owe to this state for their pre- servation, at a time when they were threat- ened with the utmost dangers, should far outweigh any resentment they may conceive, from our opposing their injustice. And can thev then deny us their assistance to regain Oro'pus ? This would prove them the most abandoned of mankind. No ! by the gods, I cannot suspect them of such baseness ! I hear it also urged, and am surprised at the objection, that, by this alliance with the Arcadians, and by the measures now pro- posed, the state must contradict its former conduct, and thus lose its credit. To me, Athenians ! the very contrary seems mani- fest And why ? Because it cannot be de- nied, that, in defending the Lacedemonians, in granting the like defence to Thebes, in former times, and, lately, in saving the Eu- bceans, [1.] and then admitting them to an alliance, we have uniformly pursued one and the same design. — And, what is this? The protection of the injured. — And, if this be so, the charge of inconsistency must be urged, not against us, but those who refuse to adhere to justice. Affairs have changed, by means of those whose ambition is un- bounded. This state hath not changed. It appears to me, that the Lacedemonians are now acting a subtle and insidious part. They say, that the Eleans [2.] ought to have a portion of Triphylia ; the Phliasians, Tri- caranus ; some others of the Arcadians, the territories which are theirs : and we, Oropus. Not that they wish to see each of us in pos- na?ans, and the principal Arcadian states on the other. The Mantinaeans and Arcadians were victorious: ' Yet still,' saith Diodorus, (lib. 15. an. 4. Olym. 102.) • they dreaded the weight of Sparta, and could not venture, by themselves, to carry on the war. They, therefore, gained over the Argians and Eleans, and sent an embassy to the Athe- nians, inviting them to unite in the confede- racy against the Spartans. But, as they could gain no attention at Athens, they had recourse to the Thebans, and prevailed on them to join in a league against Lacede- mon.' This extract from Diodorus throws sufficient light on the present passage. Luc- ctiesini. [1.] In saving the Eubceans.] At the time when the Thebans had gained possession of a part of the island, with an intent of de- stroying the Athenian power in Eubcea. See note, [1.] p. 5. on Phil. I. T2.] That the Eleans, &c] Triphylia was a district on the sea-coast, situated between Elis and Messene. Certain Arcadian exiles had seized Lassio, its principal city, and de- session of our rightful dominions. Far from it I Such public-spirited sentiments are new to them. They but affect this zeal for the support of all in the recovery of their several interests; that, when they themselves marched' against Messene, all may arm in their cause, and cheerfully join with them ; or else appear to act unjustly, who had their concurrence in regaining their particular claims ; and yet refuse to grant them the like returns of friendship. It is my opinion in the first place, that, without subjecting any part of Arcadia to the power of the La- cedemonians, Athens will regain Oropus: that these people will themselves support our claim, if they have the least regard to justice: and, that there are others [3.] to support it, who think that Thebes should not be suffered to possess the rights of others. But, were it evident, that unless we permit the Lacedemonians to overturn all Pelopon- nesus, we never can be able to obtain this city, I should think it more eligible (if I may so speak) absolutely to resign our pre- tensions to Oropus, than to abandon Mes- sene and Peloponnesus to the Lacedemoni- ans. It is not in this particular alone, that we are to attend to the conduct of Lacede- mon. — But, I suppress those thoughts which are now starting. I only say, we are, in many instances, exposed to danger, [4.] As to the actions of the Megalopoli- tans against this state, during their connex- ion with the Thebans, 'it is absurd to urge these now as criminal. It is absurd, I say, when they are inclined to form a strict union with us, that so they may redeem their former conduct, by doing us effectual service, maliciously to seek for all pretences to de- feat such favourable intentions ; and not to consider, that the greater zeal and ardour they are proved to nave discovered for the interest of Thebes, the greater and the juster should be your resentment against those who deprived the state of such confederates. (For your protection they first solicited, be- livered it to the Eleans. This produced a war, in which Triphylia so often changed its masters, that the right to it became doubtful. The Arcadians, however, pre- vailed at length, and now possessed several cities in this district. Tricaranus had been taken from the Phliasians, by the Ar- gives. some time after the battle of Leuctra. [a] There are others, &c] The Phocians, Thessalians, and Corinthians, who were now engaged against the Thebans in the sacred war. [4.] The objections on the other side were : ' Shall we arm 2gainst the Lacedemonians, our fellow-soldiers in the Theban war ?' And ' shall we assist the Arcadians, who drew their swords against us at Mantinsca ?' Both very popular, and likely to influence the as- sembly. The speaker seems particularly to dread the latter : he states it in gentle and extenuating terms : his answer hath as much art and liveliness as force ; and he appears not at all inclined to dwell long, or particu- larly, on this point. 86 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [oeat. xii. fore their application to the Thebans.) These are the wretched arguments of men, who wish that these people should unite with other states. From all the judgment I can form, on the most mature reflection, I am persuaded, (and there are many here who agree with me in this opinion,) that, if the Lacedemo- nians are once masters of Megalopolis, Mes- sene must certainly be in danger. Should they gain this city also, I say, we must form an alliance with the Thebans. And, it will be much more noble, much more advan- tageous, at once to take those allies of the Thebans to our protection, and vigorously to oppose the ambition of Lacedemon ; than to refuse them that protection, because al- lies to the Thebans; to abandon them to their oppressors ; and thus be forced to save Thebes itself from ruin ; nay, to involve this our own state in danger. For I cannot think it a matter of no consequence to Athens, that the Lacedemonians should be masters of Megalopolis, and resume their ancient greatness : while, even now, I see them draw the sword, not to defend their state from wrong, but to regain that sove- reign power which they formerly enj >yed. And what were their designs, [1.] when they enjoyed this power, vou can better say than I; and must, therefore, feel ttiejustei and the stronger apprehensions. I would gladly ask our speakers, those who express such aversion to Thebes, and those who declare themselves the enemies of Lacedemon ; whether in these, their par- ticular resentments, they be actuated by a regard to you, and to your interests; or, whether they severally hate the Thebans, for the sake of the Lacedemonians ; and the Lacedemonians, from their affection to the Thebans. If, for their sakes, they have lost their reason, and are each unworthy of our attention : if for our interest ; whence this unnecessary zeal for their favourite states ? It is possible, very possible, to humble the Thebans, without aggrandizing the Lacerte- [1.] The sovereignty of Lacedemon is to be dated from the destruction of Athens by Lysander, in the first year of the ninety- fourth Olympiad, a considerable time before the birth of Demosthenes, but within the memory of some citizens : at least, the con- sequences of this important event must have been remembered by numbers in the assem- bly. [2.] Our own affair.] That is, the reco- very of Oropus. [3.] The public monuments, &c] In the original, T'/Aa9 oe iaai 'OXvfMiridtTi, Kai YlvOot, Kai 'laOfMfi, Kai e v 'A0i]vais hv 7ro\ei, Kai ev AaKiiaifiovc 'A^ukAcuu). Pausanias observes that in his days, many bf these columns were preserved in the Olympian temple, and par- ticularly that which was the monument of the treaty concluded between the Athenians, Argians, and Mantina?ans, in the twelfth year of the Peloponnesiau war. ORAT. XII.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 87 cause of friendship: that they must look on those as their real allies, who will grant them their assistance. But, however sincerely they may thus Srofess, this is my opinion : that you should emand, both that these monuments be taken down, and that Lacedemon be obliged to peace. If either of these demands be re- jected, we should then unite with that party which hath acquiesced. For if, when they are allowed to live unmolested, the Mega- lopolitans should still adhere to their con- nexions with the Thebans, they must then discover to the world, that they were in- fluenced by the hopes conceived from the superiority of Thebes ; not by motives of equity. If, on the other hand, when the Megalopolitans have, with real faith and sincerity, formed an alliance with us, the Lacedemonians should still refuse to live in peace, it must be manifest, that all this their solicitude is not, that Thespia may be restored, but that, while the Thebans are embroiled in this war, they must seize the opportunity of reducing all Peloponnesus. I am surprised at some persons, who ex- press dreadful apprehensions, at the allies of Thebes becoming enemies to Lacedemon ; yet, should Lacedemon subdue these people, see no danger in such an event ; especially, when we have the experience of past times to assure us, that the Thebans have ever used those allies [1.] against the Lacede- monians; the Lacedemonians, when their masters, have ever employed them against us. It is, therefore, seriously to be consider- ed, that should you now refuse to admit the Megalopolitans to your alliance, they must either be subverted and dispersed ; and then [1.] By those allies, the orator undoubt- edly means not the Arcadians only, but the whole body of the Peloponnesian states. And what he observes of these states, is fully confirmed by history. To mention only the more famous battles fought between the Thebans and Athenians, it appears, that the former were not assisted by the Pelo- ponnesians in their first unsuccessful en- gagement at Tanagra; (An. 4. O1.80.) in the second, when they were victorious; (An. 2. Ol. 83.) or in the third, when they were again conquered ; (An. 1. Ol. 8!).) or in their victory at Delium, in the following year. On the other hand, after the battle of Leuctra, the Thebans were joined by the Arcadians in their invasion of Sparta, (An. 3. Ol. 102.) and the next year entered the territory of Lacedemon, in conjunction with the Arcadians, Argives, and Eleans. But the Lacedemonians were assisted by their Peloponnesian allies, in all their wars with the Athenians. In the great Peloponnesian war, ' the confederates of the Lacedemo- nians were,' (said Thucydides, lib. II. 9.) ' all the Peloponnesians that dwelt within the Isthmus, except the Argives and Achse- ans, who had attachments to each of the contending parties.' Aanrfaijiunuiv jwv pi the Lacedemonians, at once, become power- ful ; or they must escape the danger, (as wi sometimes see strange and unexpected events;) and, then, with good reason, the} must become firm associates to the Thebans : but, if we accept of these their overtures, they must then owe and acknowledge their preservation to this state. But let us turn our thoughts fiom their fortunes and their dangers, and fix our at- tention on the Thebans and Lacedemonians. Should this war prove fatal to the Thebans, (as our interest requires,) still the power of the Lacedemonians will be duly circum- scribed, whilst they have the Arcadians on their borders, ever ready to arm against them. But, suppose the Thebans should prove superior to their dangers, should still defend their country, and should not fall before their enemies; yet, must they be the less powerful, if on our side we be strength- ened by allies, to whom we ourselves gave being. At all events, therefore, the interest of the state demands, that we should not abandon the Arcadians ; that, if preserved, they should not seem to owe their preserva- tion to themselves ; they should not owe it to any others ; but that it should be the act of the Athenians. And now, my fellow-citizens ! I call the gods to witness, that I have spoken, not from private affection, not from particular resentment to either party, but from a re- gard to what I deem the real interest of my country. This, then, is my opinion; that you should not abandon the people of Me- galopolis ; no, nor any weaker state to the power of the stronger. [2.] ^i'fj.fj.axoi 3 UcXoTTOvvtjaioi /iev oi Ivtos ladnou Trcti'Ter, 7rX>/v Ap^etwi, Kat > Ax^£« , v* Toi'TOf? 6 Ep UfJL*«"«;-, insolent. And to this day they are said to be distinguished by the same fault, though now reduced to Cha extremity of slavery. Lucchesini. 02 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ORAT. XIII. us not harbour ancient resentments : let it be remembered that you yourselves have oftentimes been deceived by those who en- tertained designs against the state : and yet, on none of these will ye confess that punish- ment should be inflicted. Let it also'be considered, that you, my fel- low-citizens, have waged many wars against states, both of popular and oligarchal governments. Of this you are not to be in- formed : but, perhaps, you have never once reflected, what were the causes of your several wars with each. With popular states [1.] your wars arose from particular com- plaints, which could not be decided in a national council; or from disputes about districts and boundaries ; or from the love of glory or pre-eminence. But of your wars with oligarchies, [2.] there were different causes : with these you fought, for your con- stitution, for your liberty. So that I should not scruple to avow my opinion, that it would be better for us to be at war with all the states of Greece, provided [3.] that they enjoyed a popular government, than. to be in friendship with them all, if commanded by oligarchies. For, with free states, I should not think it difficult to conclude a peace whenever ye were inclined ; but with oligarchal governments, we could not even [1.] 1 imagine that the orator had here in view the expeditions against the Corinthians and Syracusans. With the former, the Athenians contended about boundaries and territory; particular causes of complaint, but especially ambition, prompted them to wage w ar against the latter. And the govern- ment both of Corinth and Syracuse was re- gularly democratical. Luccliesini. [2.] By oligarchies, the orator means the Boeotians and Megareans, but principally the Lacedemonians. Luccliesini. [3.] With all the states of Greece, provid- ed, &c] To this the orator subjoins a rea- son, which makes the assertion appear less extraordinary: 'If attacked by all, it is true, the contest could not be supported, yet no terms of accommodation would be imposed that would alter or destroy our constitution. But no peace could secure the freedom of the only democratical state. The enemies of liberty, however apparently recon- ciled, must ever hate and fear, and at length destroy it.'— As I have taken the liberty to translate this passage in a manner different from that of the commentators and interpre- ters, it will be necessary fairly to quote the original at large. "ilzre eya^e ovk av uKvrjaaifit e'nrtiv /uaXXov tifelaOai cufi- (jjtipetv, dr]fjiOKpaTOVfievov^ tov? "LW^i/a? airavTas iroKefxtiv b\liv,n bWiyapxoviJ.tvovs (piXovs etvat. — Ari/UoKpaxou/aevoe? tou? EX- Xni/ac hath been generally taken as equi- valent tO TOl'9 TlOV 'KA\jjl'WV 6t|/iOKpaTUU- fjti/ouc, &c. and the original understood as containing this assertion : ' It would be more eligible that all the republics in Greece should be at war with us, than that we should be in alliance with all the oligarchies. The learned in the Greek language will de- termine whether, in order to warrant this form a union, to be relied on. For, it is not possible that the few can entertain a sincere affection for the many ; or the friends of arbitrary power, for the men who choose to live in free equality. I am surprised that none among you should conceive, that if the Chians, and the Mityleneans, [4.] and now the Rhodians, are to be subjected to a few ; I had almost said, if all mankind are to be thus enslaved ; our constitution must be threatened with dan- ger. It is surprising that none among you should reflect, that if this form of policy be established in every place, it is not possible that our free government should be suffered to continue. For it must then be certain, that none others but the Athenians can arise to restore affairs to their original state of freedom. And those whom men regard as dangerous, they must ever labour to destroy. In every other case, they who act unjustly are enemies only to those whom their injus- tice hath immediately affected ; but they who subvert free states, and reduce them to the power of a few, are to be deemed the common enemies of all the zealous friends of liberty. And justice too demands, ye men of Athens, that you, who enjoy a po- pular government, should discover the same concern for the misfortunes of other free interpretation, the form of the sentence in the original should not have been Tout o>i- lioKpa-Tovixivovs "liAXtii'a?, instead of on/io- KpaTovixtvvw; tow, &c. But, not to insist on grammatical niceties, it is submitted to the reader, who attends to the history and cir- cumstances of Greece, whether to be at war with the free states, that is, the states of Peloponnesus, or to be in alliance with the oligarchies, that is (principally) the states of Lacedemon and Bceotia, be two particulars so necessarily incompatible, as to oblige the Athenians to choose one or the other. If it be said that it is sufficient to suppose that particular quarrels might arise, in which a union with Sparta and Bceotia would pre- vent the free states from attacking the Athe- nians; and the rejecting this union might encourage them to the attack ; in such case, I suspect that the orator never could have advised his countrymen to engage singly in a war, as the most eligible measure, which, by weakening each party, would render both an easier prey to those who are supposed (from the nature of their constitution) to be their common enemies. And such advice would still be more unaccountable, should it be supposed, that in consequence of reject- ing the alliance of Sparta and Bceotia, these states would unite with the enemies of Athens. [4] From this passage it seems not impro- bable, that the designs of the Persian had extended farther than to Rhodes ; and that he had by his power or influence lately made alterations in the state and government of these inferior islands, which the embarrassed condition of the Athenians, anil their atten- tion to the motions of the Macedonian king, might have prevented them from op- posing. orat. xiii.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 9a states, which you yourselves would expect from them, if at any time (which Heaven avert!) the like misfortunes should oppress you. It may be said, indeed, that the Hho- diansare deservedly distressed: but this is not a time for such objections. Let the pros- perous ever show the tenderest solicitude for the unhappy ; since none can say what may be their own future fortune. I have heard it frequently observed in this assembly, that, when the state was in its deepest distress, there were not wanting friends to concert measures for its restora- tion. Of this I shall, at present, briefly mention but one instance, I mean that of the Arrives. [1.] And I should be sorry that we, whose distinguished character it is to protect the wretched, should appear inferior to the Argives in this particular. They, though seated on the bordersof Lacedemon, witnesses of the uncontrolled power of this city, both by sea and land ; yet, could not be diverted, could not be deterred from ex- pressing their affection to the Athenians. When ambassadors came from Lacedemon, to demand some Athenian e-xiles who had taken refuge at Argos, they declared by a decree, that unless these ambassadors depart- ed from their city, before the setting sun, they should be accounted enemies. And would it not be shameful, my countrymen, that the populace of Argos should, in such times as these, defy the terror of the Lacede- monian power and sovereignty ; and yet, that you, who are Athenians, should be terrified by a barbarian ; nay, by a woman ? The Argives might have justly pleaded, that they had oftentimes been conquered by the Lace- demonians. But you have frequently proved victorious over the king ; never were once defeated, either by his slaves or by himself. Or, if the Persian boasts to have obtained any advantage over us, he owes it to those treasures which he lavished on the corrupt traitors and hirelings of Greece. If ever he hath prevailed, by these means hath he pre- vailed. Nor have such successes proved of real use. No : we find that, at the very time when he was endeavouring to depress this state, by the help of Lacedemon, [2.] his own dominions were exposed to the dan- gerous attempts of Clearchus and Cyrus. Thus were his avowed attacks ever unsuc- cessful ; his secret practices attended with no real advantage. There are men among you, who frequent- ly affect a disregard of Philip, as if beneath [1.] This instance of the magnanimity of the Argives must have been particularly agreeable to the assembly, as the form of government at Argos was, like that of Athens, republican. The memory of this noble and generous act hath been passed over by historians. But we have it here preserv- ed, enlivened, and enforced, by the most vivid colouring, and the utmost strength of expression. Lucchesini. is!.] In the first year of the 94th Olympiad, the Lacedemonians became masters of Athens, and there established the thirty ty- rants. In the fourth year of the same their attention, but of the king express the most terrible apprehensions, as of. an enemv truly dangerous to those whom he mav de- termine to attack. If then we are never to oppose the one, because weak, and to make unbounded concessions to the other be- cause formidable, against whom, my coun- trymen, are we to draw our swords i ' There are men, too, most powerful in pleading for the rights of others, in oppo- sition to your demands. To these I would make one request ; that they should endea- vour to display an equal ze.ll in the defence of your rights, against your adversaries. Thus shall they he the first to shew a real regard to justice. It is absurd to urge its precepts to you, if they themselves pay no deference to its authority. And, surely, a member of this state cannot pretend to a regard for justice, who seeks mdustriously for every argument against us, never for those which may be urged in our favour. Consider, I conjure you, why, among the Byzantines, there is no man to inform them, that they are not to seize Chalcedon, [3.j which is really the king's ; which you some time possessed ; but to which they have no sort of claim : that they should not attempt to reduce Sylembria to their subjection, a city once united in alliance with us : that in assuming a power of determining the boundaries of the Sylembrian territory, the Byzantines violate their oaths, they infringe those treaties which say expressly, that this people shall be governed by their own laws. Why, during the life of Mausolus, or since his death, hath no one been found to inform Artemisia, that she is not to possess herself of Cos, of Rhodes, of many other Grecian states, which the king, who was master of them, ceded by treaty to the Greeks; and for which the Greeks of those days encoun- tered many dangers, supported many noble contests ? Or, were these things thus urged to both ; that they would have any influ- ence, is by no means probable. — I, on my part, see no injustice in reinstating the peo- ple of Rhodes; but, even if it were not strictly just, yet, when I view the actions of others, I think it my duty to recommend this measure. And why ? Because, if all others confined themselves within the bounds of justice, it would be shameful, that you, Athenians, should be the only people to transgress. But, when every other state seeks all opportunities of acting injuriously, that you alone should give up every advan- Olympiad, Cyrus took up arms against his brother Artaxerxes. So that between these two events, but a small interval of time in- tervened; which sufficiently warrants the assertion of the orator. Luceheainu [3. J Chalcedon.] This city of Bithynia, after various vicissitudes of fortune, had been given up to the king of Persia, by the peace of Antalcidas. But now it appears to have been exposed in the invasions of the Byzantines, as well as Sylembria, a maritime town in the neighbourhood of Byzantium. Lucchesintt 94 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [orat. xiii. tage from pretended scruples, and nice dis- tinctions of right ; this is not justice, but cowardice. In effect, indeed, we find men proportion their claims of right to their present power. Of this I shall mention one example, well known to all. There are two treaties [1.] on record, between the Greeks and the king ; that which 'our state concluded, which is the subject of universal praise ; and this lat- ter, made by the Lacedemonians, which was condemned as odious and dishonourable. In these treaties, the rights of either party were by no means defined in the same man- ner ; ' and no wonder,' for, in civil society, the rights of individuals are determined by the laws, with the same equal and common regard to the weak and to the strong. But, in political and national transactions, the powerful ever prescribe the bounds of rignt to the weaker. You assume the character of arbitrators and defenders of justice: be careful then to preserve such power as may give due weight and effect to your determi- nations. And this will be done by shewing that the Athenians are the general patrons and protectors of liberty. Sensible, indeed, I am, and with good reason, that it is not without the utmost difficulty that you can execute any purposes of moment. All others have but one con- test to maintain, that against their avowed enemies: when thev have once conquered these, they enjoy the fruits of their conquest without farther opposition. But you, Athe- nians ! have a double contest to support. Like others, you have your open enemies ; but you have enemies still more dangerous and alarming ; vou have those of your own citizens to subdue, who, in this assembly, are engaged against the mterests of their country. And, as they are ever strenuous in their opposition to all useful measures, it is no wonder that many of our designs are [1. ] The passage, as here translated, plain- ly points out the two most famous treaties concluded between the Greeks and Persians ; the one, by Cimon the Athenian (An. 3. Olymp. 77) ; the other, by Antalcidas the Lacedemonian (An. 2. Olymp. 98.) The first was made immediately after the final over- throw of the Persian forces, both by sea and land. By this treaty it was provided, that all the Grecian cities in Asia should be free and independent ; and that no Persian ship of war should presume to sail to the westward of the Cyansean and Chelidonian islands : that is, to approach so near as to give the least umbrage or alarm to the Greeks : terms, which plainly supposed the superiority of Greece, and are, accordingly, represented by historians as highly honour- able to this nation. The latter treaty, on the contrary, was dictated by the Persians, and the weakness and disorders of the Greeks obliged them to accept of it. By this, the Grecian colonies of Asia, together with some of the islands, were formally given up to the power and jurisdiction of the Persian king. And historians have not restrained their indignation at the meanness and igno- frustrated. Perhaps, those emoluments which their corrupters hold forth to tempt them, may be the inducement to many, boldly to aspire to the rank of ministers anil public counsellors. But still you yourselves may be justly blamed. For it is your part, Athenians ! to entertain the same sentiments with regard to the rank of civil duty, as to that of battle. And what are these senti- ments ? He who deserts the post assigned him by the general, you pronounce infa- mous,[2.]and unworthy to share the common rights of an Athenian citizen. In like man- ner, he who, in our civil polity, abandons the station assigned by our ancestors, and attempts to establish the power of the few, should be declared unworthy to speak in this assembly. Do you think it necessary to bind our allies by an oath, to have the same friends and the same enemies with us, in order to be assured of their attachment ? And shall those ministers be deemed truly loyal, who are certainly and evidently de- voted to the service of our enemies ? But, what might be urged in accusation against them, what might be urged with se- verity against you, it is by no means diffi- cult to find. By what counsels, by what conduct, the present disorders of our state may be removed ; this is the great point of difficulty. Nor is this, perhaps, the time to enlarge on every particular. Exert your- selves on the present occasion ; endeavour to render your designs effectual, by an ad- vantageous execution ; and then, your other mterests may, perhaps, gradually wear a fairer aspect. It is, therefore, my opinion, that you should engage in the affairs of this people with the utmost vigour ; and act as becomes the dignity of Athens. Think with what joy you attend to those who praise your an- cestors, who display their achievements, and recount their trophies. And think, miny of these concessions. The interpreters and commentators have indeed rendered this passage in another manner. But, without entering into con- troversy, the translator submits the perti- nency and propriety of the present interpre- tation to the judgment of the learned read- er ; by no means confident, yet not without hopes of his concurrence. And, should he happen to be more fortunate, in some par- ticular instance, than his predecessors or as- sociates in the same labour, he esteems it a matter which warrants no sort of triumph or exultation. [y..] In the Olynthiac orations, we find Demosthenes complaining, that the severity of the ancient military laws had been consi- derably relaxed. And this passage furnishes us with a remarkable instance of such relax- ation. For, by the original laws and con- stitutions of Athens, it was declared a capi- tal offence for any citizen to fly, or to desert from his post. Even he who cast away his shield was punished with death. If any man lost it by accidental neglect he was bound to pay a fine of five hundred drachma;. Luccheiini. orat. xiv.] DEMOSTHENES' OTtATIOXS. 95 t hat vour ancestors erected these trophies, not tliat the view might barely strike you with admiration; but that you might imi- [1.] From the succeeding oration, we learn, that the address and energy which Demosthenes exerted in favour of the people of Rhodes were by no means effectual. The times in which he lived were distracted and corrupted; his country not well disposed, nor indeed possessed of force sufficient to support the general cause of liberty. The assembly in which he spoke was (if we ex- cept some extraordinary cases of immediate tate the virtues them. [1.] of the men who raised danger; ever governed by party. The citi- zens came together, not to deliberate on the public interests, but to support a faction, already determined, and resolved in what manner to give their voices; and armed against the power of truth. It is no wondl - . therefore, that we find the most consuming eloquence, the justest, the strongest, and the most animated representations, in go many instances unsuccessful. THE ORATION ON THE REGULATION OF THE STATE: PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF THEOPHRASTIIS, THE FIKST YF.AU OF 7IIK HUNDRED AND TENTH OLYMPIAD. INTRODUCTION. The contests between the Macedonians and Athenians (to which we owe the most valuable remains of Demosthenes) have been explained in the former volume of the Philippic orations. The reader is not now to be informed, at what time, and with what success, king Philip attempted to re- duce Perinthus and Byzantium. When he found himself obliged to raise the siege of Byzantium, he is said to have turned his arms against Scythia. The Athenians, who were elated by the least appearance of good fortune, considered this as a flight. They were fired with the imagination of an enemy, that had so long proved formidable and suc- cessful, defeated in his designs, and this, principally, by the counsels and arms of Athens ; retiring before their general Pho- cion, and forced from all attempts on Greece, to retrieve the honour of his arms, in parts remote and barbarous. This they consider- ed as the happy moment for pursuing their advantages, and for reducing that ambition to just and equitable bounds, which was now, for the first time, severely mortified and dis- appointed. In order to render the hostilities now me- ditated more formidable and effectual, the Athenians began seriously to reflect on the causes of past misfortunes, and seemed re- solved to reform those corruptions and abuses, which had disgraced their constitu- tion, and weakened their power. The oppressions and severe exactions, of which their allies and dependant states had lately found particular occasion to complain, and to which the necessity of their affairs had contributed, as well as the avarice of their commanders, naturally determined Ihem to reflect on the necessity of making «ome effectual provision for the payment of (heir armies: and this as naturally deter- mined the honest and faithful counsellors to resume the consideration of that old, [1.] The fatal consequences of lavishing the public revenues, on spectacles and en- scandalous abuse, the ' Theatrical distribu- tions.' Of these the reader hath been suffi- ciently informed in the ' Notes' and 'Intro- ductions' of the Olynthiac orations. An assembly was therefore convened, to consider of the most eligible methods to provide for the public exigencies, in the least burdensome and most effectual man- ner ; and particularly to consider of the ex- pediency of restoring their theatrical funds to the service of the army ; a point which their misguided decrees had rendered so dangerous to be proposed. On this occa- sion was the following oration delivered ; in which the orator resumes his favourite sub- ject, with his usual spirit, yet with sufficient caution: points out the corruptions of his countrymen, with their causes and conse- quences : and describes both the ancient and present state of Athens ; Athens uncor- rupted, illustrious, and fortunate ; and the same state degenerated and disgraced ; with all the honest severity aud indignation of a patriot. In this oration no mention is made of Philip or his designs, of the late transactions in Greece, of the late advantages or disgraces of the Athenian arms. The orator confines himself entirely, and directs the attention of his hearers, to the points immediately under consideration. And we find that these afforded him sufficient room for the exertion of his abilities. THE ORATION ON THE REGULA- TION OF THE STATE. Theophrastus, Archon. — Olympiad. An. I. 110. Men of Athens ! [1.] As to this money, and the 'affairs, at this time, proposed to the assembly, it a]>- tertainments, had l>een long and severely experienced. Vet still numbers were found K 2 96 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [orat. xiv. pears to me, that a speaker may, without dinger, espouse either side. By condemn- ing those who thus distribute and exhaust the public treasure, he may gain their es- teem, who regard this custom as injurious to the public; or, by assenting, and encou- raging these distributions, he may recom- mend himself to their favour, whose neces- sities prompt them to demand these public aids. By neither party is the interest of the state considered. Their approbation, or their condemnation of this custom, is in- fluenced entirely by their several circum- stances of indigence or affluence. I, on my nart, shall neither oppose nor recommend ft. But this I would entreat you seriously and maturely to consider, that the money, now the subject of debate, is of little mo- ment ; but the custom which it hath pro- duced, of great consequence. ' If, [1.] then, these distributions be established, for those who have first respectively discharged their public offices ; far from injuring, you will do the most essential service both to your country and to yourselves. But if a feast, or any other like pretence, be sufficient for demanding these sums; if the mention of any farther conditions be rejected with im- patience ; beware, lest all your regulations, how specious, how promising soever, may hereafter prove erroneous. This I now declare as my opinion (let me not be interrupted by clamour; but hear, and then determine") — That, as we in the assembly, who, from private motives, either of interest, or to recommend them- selves to the lower part of the citizens, pleaded in favour of this abuse, and found plausible arguments to urge in its favour. These, and their opposers, seem to have al- ready debated the present point, with consi- derable heat and violence; and to have been supported by their respective partisans, not with that decorum or temper which, perhaps, are sometimes found in less numerous as- semblies. Hence, the appearance of mode- ration in this exordium : which, in the pre- sent disposition of the people, was probably necessary, in order to obtain the orator ail audience. And it may, in general, beob- 1 served, that although the eloquence of De- iinosthenes be commonly, and very justly, compared to the irresistible lightning, storm, or torrent; yet such similitudes are not to be understood too strictly : for, on all ne- cessary occasions, he appears a consummate master of the gentle arts of insinuation. He thunders and lightens indeed; yet, sometimes (if the illusion be warrantable,) ' half his strength he puts not forth.' Nor, in effect, does he ever give a free and full course to his energy, until he has prepared his hearers to receive the impression. [1.] I have here endeavoured to express what I take to be the intent and meaning of the orator, from comparing the passage with others of the like import, in the Olynthiac orations. To propose to the assembly that the theatrical money (as it was called) should be applied to other purposes, was, by the law of Eubulus, declared a capital offence. are now convened about receiving these distributions, so should an assembly be ap- pointed to consider of a general regulation of the state, and particularly of a provision for our military affairs ; and every citizen should discover not only a just attention to all useful measures, but a just alacrity to carry them into execution ; that so, my countrymen, our hopes of good success may depend upon ourselves, instead of being amused with reports of this or that man's exploits. Let all the public treasures; let all the funds for which private fortunes are now so uselessly exhausted : let all those re- sources, which our allies afford, be equita- bly distributed, and effectually applied : by the soldier, to his support in time of action ; by the man who hath passed the age of military duty, as a recompense for his ser- vices in the administration of justice. Let the duties of the field be discharged by your- selves, duties too important to be intrusted to others ; let your armies be composed of citizens: thus let them be paid and pro- vided. So shall they go on with vigour and success: [2.] so shall your general really command his forces ; and so shall your oc- cupation be no longer to conduct the trials of your officers, nor the result of all your measures prove but this — an accuser, [3.] an impeachment, and a criminal. What then may be expected * from the measures now proposed ?' First, that the attachment of our allies will be secured, not Demosthenes therefore advises, not that this money should be alienated to the payment of their armies ; but, that all citizens should receive their distributions as usual ; yet, at the same time, discharge all their respective offices, whether civil or military, without farther salary or pay : and, that such only as had thus discharged, or were ready to discharge, these offices, should be entitled to the public distributions. The two pro- posals are, in effect and reality, the same, but different in form: and this difference was sufficient for eluding the severity ot the law. See Note 2. p. 18. Olynth. II. [2.] In the Philippic orations we find notice frequently taken of the misconduct of the Athenian generals, in employing their forces not conformably to their mstructions, but in expeditions neither appointed nor ap- proved by their country. This Demos- thenes ever affects to ascribe principally to disobedience and want of discipline in the foreign forces, and to the necessities of the general, which obliged him to procure, by arms, that provision for his soldiers, which the state neglected to supply. See note 4. p. 6, on Philip. I. [3.] An accuser, &c] In the original — * Such a man, the son of such a man, hath impeached such a person : "O cSeiVu rov oti- vos, t6h Beiva elarfflei'Kev, Alluding to the usual form of the bill or motion prefer- red to the assembly, or to the judges, upon such occasions. — I have here chosen to ad- here to the interpretation of Wolfius; as sufficiently warranted by the original, as most pertinent, and certainly most spirited. Oil AT. XIV.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 97 by garrisons, but by making their and our interests the same ; then, that our generals, attended by their troops of foreigners, will [].] no longer harass our confederates by their depredations, without once daring to face the enemy (a conduct by which all emoluments have centred in these generals, but which hath loaded the state with odium and disgrace.) On the contrary, by leading out an army composed of citizens, they shall inflict that severity on our enemies, hitherto directed against our friends and allies. But, besides these, there are other affairs which demand your personal service. A war in our own country must certainly be better supported by an army of our own citizens : and for other purposes such an army is absolutely necessary. Were it con- sistent with your character, to sit down in- active, without the least concern or interest in the affairs of Greece, I should then use a different language. But, now, you affect the dignity of supreme commanders and umpires in Greece : but yet, the forces to defend and to preserve this superiority, you have not yet prepared, nor are solicitous to prepare. No ! by your indolence and in- sensibility the people of Mitylene [2.] have lost their liberty ; by your indolence and insensibility the people of Rhodes have lost their liberty. — But these, it may be said, were our enemies — Yet we should regard oligarchies as much more the objects of our aversion (merely on account of their con- stitution) than free states can be from any cause. But I have wandered from my purpose. My advice is this : That you should be ar- ranged in your classes ; and that, by one and the same regulation, vou should be en- titled to receive, and obliged to act. Of these things I have spoken upon former occasions ; and explained the manner in which our infantry, our cavalry, in which those who are exempt from military service, may be all duly regulated, and all receive their stipends fully. But, that which of all things gives me the most melancholy appre- [1.] 'When the Athenians sent to collect their tribute from the dependant islands, they frequently employed an admiral, at- tended with such a navy as proved both a burden and a terror to the islanders. When Phocion was appointed to sail with twenty ships on such an occasion, 'Why such a force ?' said this humane Athenian ; ' If I am to meet enemies, it is insufficient ; if I am sent to friends, a single vessel will serve.' And even those allies who found themselves obliged to implore the assistance of the Athenians against their enemies, frequently experienced more miserable effects from the oppression and rapine of their auxiliaries, than from the arms of their assailants. So notorious and odious was the avarice of Chares, that when he led an army to the relief of Byzantium (a little before the date of this oration,) the Byzantines shut their gates against him. [2.] This change of the government at hensions, I shall here declare without dis- guise. Many, and noble, and important, are the objects which should command your attention. Vet no man hath the least re- spect to any one of them ; all attend solely to the wretched pittance [3.] you distribute. Such a pittance then, they must confess, is adequate to their desert. But a just atten- tion to the objects I have mentioned, must have consequences more valuable than all the wealth of Persia : — the exact regulation and appointment of a state like this, pos- sessed of so great an infantry, of such a navy, of such a cavalry, of such revenues. But, wherefore do 1 mention these things ? For this reason : There are men shocked at the thoughts of obliging all our citizens to serve in war ; but there are none, who do not readily acknowledge, that it is of the utmost moment to the state, to be duly regulated and perfectly provided. It is your put, therefore, to begin here; and to allow a full freedom of speech to those who would urge the importance of this point in its full force. If you be convinced, that this is the proper time for considering of the necessary provisions, you may command them when called to action. But, should you imagine that such considerations may more properly be deferred to some future occasion ; then must ye be reduced to give up the time of execution to the necessary preparations. It may have been already asked, Athe- nians ! (not by the majority of this assem- bly, but by certain persons, who would burst with vexation should these measures be pursued,) ' What real advantage have we derived from the speeches of Demos- thenes ? He rises when he thinks proper : he deafens us with his harangues : he de- claims against the degeneracy of present times : he tells us of the virtues of our an- cestors : he transports us by his airy ex- travagance: he puffs up our vanity; and then sits down.'— But, could these my speeches once gain in effectual influence upon your minds, sc , the slaves of popular favour. To gain the rank of general, is each man's great concern ; not to fill this "station with true manlil: trepidity. Courage, if he possesses i:, he deems unnecessary ; for thus he reasons : he has the honour, the renown of this city to support him ; he finds himself free from oppression and control; he needs but to amuse you with fair hopes ; and thus he secures a kind of inheritance iu vour emolu- ments. And he reasons truly. But, do you yourselves once assume the conduct of your own affairs ; and then, as you take an equal share of duty, so shall you" acquire an equal share of glory. Now," your ministers and public speakers, withoutone thought of di- recting you faithfully to your true interests, resign themselves entirely to these generals. Formerly you divided [-•] into Classes, in order to "raise the supplies : row the business of the Classes is to gam the management of port, ready to put his enterprise in execu- tion, when Demosthenes, who received timely intimation of this black design, flew to the Pirseus, and seized and dragged the delinquent before an assembly of the people. Here the clamours of the Macedonian party were so violent, that the accusation was slighted, and Antipho dismissed without the formality of a trial. He departed, triumph- ing in his escape, to pursue his designs with greater confidence and security. But the court of Areopagus, whose peculiar province it was, to take the cognisance of all matters of treason against the state, caused him to be again seized and examined. Torture forced from him a full confession of his guilt ; and sentence of death was passed and executed upon him. — This account we have from the oration on the Crown. And the detection of so dangerous a design nught have quickened the vigilance of the people, and exasperated their resentment against any the least attempts made on their mili- tary stores. Formerly vou divided, &c. See Note 3. on Olvnth. i,p, 15. okat. xiv.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS- on public affairs. The orator is the leader : the I general seconds his attempts ; the Three ] Hundred are the assistants on each side ; and all ovhers take their parties, and serve to fill j up the several factions. And you see the consequences : this man gains a statue : this amasses a fortune ; one or two command the ' state ; while you sit down unconcerned wit- | nesses of their success; and, for an uninter- rupted course of ease and indolence, give | them up those great and glorious advantages : which really bel i And now) consider - of our ancestors in these particulars (for, if i we would 1 >w to act withdL we need not look to other countries fi amples : we have had them in our own state) ' To Themistocles, who commanded in the sea-fight at Salamis ; [1.] to Miltiades, the general at Marathon; to many others, who j surely never did such services as our prt • lis, they never or.ce erected a tn statue. These men were never such da favourites; never were deemed superior K> their fellow-citizens, Xo, by the gods ! the j Athenians of those days never would give up their share in the honour of any noble . Nor is there a man that will say, the sea-fight of Themistocles, at Salamis, but of the Athenians: not the engagement at Ma- rathon, by Miltiades, but by the state. But now we are perpetually told, that Timot' I vk C ircyra : that Tphicratcs cut off the iment ; that Chabtias gained the naval -. Thus, you seem to resign all your share in these actions, bv thos travagant honours which you heap upon your generals- Such was the noble conduct of our an- cestors in rewarding citizens; and such is your mistaken conduct. But, of honouring ers what have been the methods? on the Pharsalian, who supplied us with twelve talents of silver, in our war d, near Amphipolis, and reinforced us with two hundred horsemen, of his own de- pendants, our ancestors never voted the freedom of cur city, but only granted cer- tain mimi: And hi earlier times, fl.] Who commanded in the sea-fight at Salamis, Arc] These are the very ej sions of the original ; and although the common metonymical phrase ["« Who gained the victory at Salamis 1 ] might appear less uncouth, and be more familiar to a modern ear, yet I should have thought it unpardon- able in the translation, as it is a mode of speaking which Demosthenes studiouslv avoids. And, indeed, had he been betraved into it, he must have exposed himself to* all the ridicule of his acute and observant audience: for, in the very next sentence, he condemns it as highly derogatory to the honour of his cot: 2.[ This war at Eion, near Amphipolis, I am bold t the same with that so particularly described by Thucydi.i the eighth, ninth, and tenth y. - Pelopounc - when the" Lacedemo- nians, under thecommand: IDDO- sed the Athenians in this country ; although the historian, who confined himself to the transactions of _ lortance, makes no mention of this assistance afforded to the Athenians by Mencn the Pharsalian. This •n I take to be the same with the Thes- salian of that name, who, in the fourth year of the ninety -fourth Olympiad, led a body of forces to the assistance of Cyrus, against his brother Artaxerxes, according to Diodorus and Xenophon. The circum- stances of his supplying the Athenians with money, and giving "them a bodv of horse, exactly agree to two particulars in the character of that Menon whom Xenophon describes : that it was his custom to court the friendxh~p of the powerful, that they might screen him from the punishment due to his infamous practices ; and that he con- stantly kept in his service a large bodv of forcesready toactasheciire stint. [&] Certain immunities.] A manner of doing honour to these men, which, at the same time, expressed a high sense of the dignity of their own city. Por it supposed that these eminent personages might find it necessary to take up their residence for some considerable time at Athens, as ' sojourners." And, in order to understand the nature of these immunities, we must attend la situation of those Meroutoc, or so journers. ers called, who settled ens, by permissi(su of the Areopagus. Here they were allowed to follow their occu- pations, without disturbance; but had no share in the government ; were not intrusted public offices, nor voted in the assem- bly. They were obliged to '.he performance of certain duties ; asm the festival celebrated in honour of Minerva, called Panathenaea, the men were obliged to carry the trxa&ai, or little - . ich were th'e.signs of their foreiit: . ., while the women bore the - : :els of water, and the umbrellas, to defend the free-women from the weather. This last custom, indeed, was introduced in the insolence of the Athenian prosperiry, after the defeat of the Persians. Besides this, the men paid an annual tribute of twelve drachmae The womec, who had no sons, paii six. Such as had sons that paid, were excused. And this tribute was exacted not only of those that dwelt in Athens, but of all" that settled themselves in any town of Attica. This tribute, by the interposition of Themistocles, was, for a time, remitted ; but seems to have been restored in consequence of his disgrace : and, upon any failure of payment, the delinquent was liable to be seized, and sold as a slave. — Such of these sojourners as had been re- maikably serviceable to the public, were honoured, by edict, with an immunity from all impositions and duties, except such as were required of the free-born citizens. Hence this honour was called 'IjortAem, and' - the expression of the text.) To foreigners of eminence, such immunities might have exter.ied even to an exemption from r , to w hich citizens them- selves were obliged. For immunities of this kind were frequently granted, so as to 100 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [orat.xiv. Perdiccas, who reigned in Macedon [1.] at the time of the barbarian's invasion, who fell on the barbarians in their retreat from the slaughter of Plataea, and completed the ruin of the king, they never voted the freedom of the city ; they but granted him inmuni- ties: thoroughly persuaded that the honour of being a citizen of Athens was too exalted, too illustrious, to be purchased by any ser- vices. But now, my countrymen, it is ex- posed to common sale : the most abandoned of mankind, the slaves [2.] of slaves are ad- mitted to pay down the price, and at once obtain it. And such difference of conduct doth not arise from this, that you are natu- rally less excellent than your ancestors ; but from those truly noble sentiments which they were accustomed to entertain, and which you have lost. For it is not possible that men, engaged in low and grovelling pursuits, can be possessed with great and generous thoughts. Just as those, who act with dignity and honour, cannot harbour any mean and abject thought. Whatever be their course of conduct, such must men's sentiments ever prove. And now, let us take one general view of the actions performed by our ancestors, and by ourselves; that, by such comparison, we may learn to excel ourselves. Five-and- forty years did they govern Greece, with general consent. More than ten thousand talents did they collect into our treasury. Many and noble monuments did they erect, of victories by land and sea, which are yet the objects of our applause. And be as- sured, that they erected these, not to be viewed in silent wonder, but that you might be excited to emulate the virtues of those who raised them. Such was their conduct. Say then, can we, though seated thus se- curely above all opposition, boast of any actions like these? Have we not lavished more than one thousand five hundred talents on every Grecian state that pleaded their distress; and all to no purpose? Have we not exhausted all our private fortunes, all the revenues of our state, all we could exact from our confederates ? The allies which we gamed by arms, have they not been given up in our treaties ? — Yes ! in these particulars, it is granted, that our ancestors excelled us ; but there are others in which occasion complaints and remonstrances. [1.] Perdiccas, who reigned in Macedon, &c] According to Herodotus, Alexander, the son of Amyntas, was king of Macedon at the time of the Persian war. And there- fore we may suppose, with the Italian com- mentator, that this Perdiccas was one of the royal family, and governed one of those districts into which Macedon was divided in the earlier times. Nor are we to wonder, that this action of the Macedonian has been passed over in silence by the historians, as it was not very considerable, when compared with the great events of the Persian war. ("2.] The slaves, &c] The freedom of the city was, by the constitution of Athens, con- ferred only by the voices of the people ; nor was their act valid, unless confirmed in a we are superior.— Far from it !— Shall we pursue the comparison ? The edifices they have left to us, their decorations of our city, of our temples, of our harbours, of all our public structures, are so numerous and so magnificent, that their successors can make no addition. Look round you to their vestibules, their arsenals, their porti- coes, and all those honours of our city, which they transmitted to us. Yet, were the private habitations of the men of emi- nence, in those times, so moderate, so con- sonant to that equality, the characteristic of our constitution, that, if any one of you knows the house of Themistocles, of Cimon, of Aristides, of Miltiades, or of any of the then illustrious personages, he knows that it is not distinguished by the least mark of grandeur. But now, ye men of Athens ! as to public works, the state is satisfied, if roads be repaired, if water be supplied, if walls be whitened, if any trifle be provided. Not that I blame those who have executed such works. No ! I blame you who can think so meanly as to be satisfied with such fruits of their administration. Then, in private life, of the men who have conducted our affairs, some have built houses, not only more magnificent than those of other citizens, but superior to our public edifices ; others have purchased and improved an ex- tent of land greater than all their dreams of riches ever presented to their fancies. And here lies the great source of these er- rors. Formerly, all power and authority were in the people. Happy was it for any individual, if they vouchsafed him a share of honours, employments, or emoluments. But now, on the contrary, individuals are the masters of all advantages, the directors of all affairs ; whilst the people stand in the mean rank of their servants and assistants ; fully satisfied, if these men vouchsafe to grant them some small share of their abun- dance. To such a state have we been reduced by these means, that if a man were to peruse your decrees, and then distmctly to examine your actions, he could not persuade himself, that the same people had been authors of both. Witness the decrees you made against the accursed Megareans, [3.] who had pos- sessed themselves of the consecrated ground ; subsequent "assembly by the votes of more than six thousand Athenians, by ballot (as we learn from the oration of Demosthenes against Neasra ;) but now their poverty had made them much less delicate. And we learn from Athenaeus, that they had about this .time conferred the freedom of their city (this compliment, in former times, scarcely vouchsafed to kings and potentates) on two men whose only pretence of merit was, that their father had been famous for improving the art of cookery. Such a scan- dalous prostitution of their honours fully justifies all the severity of Demosthenes. [3.] This instance of the impiety of the Megareans, of whom Demosthenes here af- fects to speak with so much detestation, probably happened about the time, and was orat.xv.-j DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 101 that you would march out, that you would oppose them, that you would not permit such sacrilege. Witness your decrees about the Phliasian exiles; [1.] that you would support them ; that you would not abandon them to their assassins ; that you would call on those of the Peloponnesian's who were in- clined to unite with you in their cause. These were all noble declarations ; these were just ; these were worthy of our state. Not so the execution. Thus your decrees serve but to discover your hostile dispositions ; your ene- mies never feel their effects. The resolu- tions of your assemblies fully express the dignity of your country ; but that force, which should attend these resolutions, you do not possess. It is, in my opinion, your only alternative (and let it not raise your indignation) ; either to entertain sentiments less elevated, and to confine your attention to your own affairs, or to arm yourselves with greater force. If this assembly were composed of the inhabitants of some obscure and contemptible islands, 1 should advise you to think less highly. But, as you are Athenians, I must urge you to increase your force. For it is shameful, O my coun- trymen ! it is shameful to desert that rank the occasion of the embassy of Anthemoni- tus, of whom mention is made in Philip's letter to the Athenians. Lucchesini. [1.] As this affair is not mentioned in his- tory, and but slightly hinted at by Demos- thenes, it requires some pains to investigate it. The Phliasians had ever been hi open or secret enmity with the Argives; while the one endeavoured to support their inde- pendency, the other, to reuuce their city, which they regarded as part of their own territory. In the third year of the hundred and first Olympiad, certain Phliasians who had been banished, formed a conspiracy with some kinsmen who still continued in the city, in order to betray it to the Argives. It was attacked vigorously by night, and the enemy, with the utmost difficulty, re- pelled. This attempt exasperated each party, and produced various quarrels and hostili- ties. And whether these were suspended or continued down to the date of this oration, of magnanimity, in which our ancestors have placed us. ' Could we descend to such a thought, it would he impossible to with- draw our attention from the affairs of Greece. We have ever acted greatly and nobly ; those who are our friends it would be scandalous to desert ; our enemies we cannot trust ; nor must we suffer them to become powerful. In a word, we 'see in this city, that the men who have engaged in the public administration, even when they wish to retire, cannot resign their charge. This is your case ; you are the ministers in Greece. This, then, is the sum of what hath now been offered. Your speakers never can make you either bad or good ; you can make them whatever you please. You arc- not directed by their opinions; for they have no opinion, but what your inclinations dictate. It is your part, therefore, to be careful that your inclinations be good and honourable. Then shall all be well. Your speakers either must never give pernicious counsels ; or, must;, give them to no pur- pose ; when such counsels have no longer any influence in this assembly. [2.] it seems to admit of no doubt, that the Ar- gives and Arcadians, supported by the king of Macedon, made war on the Phliasians, restored the exiles, and drove out those citi- zens who had opposed their interest ; and that these citizens, thus oppressed and ex- pelled, implored the assistance of the Athe- nians, and received those magnificent pro- mises and decrees which the orator here mentions. Lucchesini. [2.] These representations of Demosthenes were so far successful, that, early in the fol- lowing year, the assembly repealed that scandalous law of Eubulus, which de- nounced death against any person who should propose the alienation of the thea- trical appointments; and the orator himself had the honour of introducing a decree for applying them to the military service ; to which the people consented, when it was too late to derive any considerable advan- tages from this reformation. THE FIRST OF THE SUSPECTED ORATIONS; ON THE HALONESUS. PRONOUNCED IN THE ARCHONSHIP OF SOSIGENES, THE THIRD YEAR OF THE HUNDRED AND NINTH OLYMPIAD. INTRODUCTION. It was not originally my intention to have translated either of the 'following orations: nor is it from any alteration in my opinion, but from a deference to that of others, that I have presented this, ' on the Halonesus,' to the English reader, in order to give him an opportunity of comparing it with the others, and of judging for himself, whether it is to be admitted among the genuine re- mains of our orator, or to be rejected as un- worthy of his abilities, although apparently received and quoted by the ancient critics. This oration takes its title from an island called Halonesus, which one bostratus, a DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [orat. xv, j)irate, had some time since taken from the Athenians, and which Philip, having driven out this pirate, now claimed as his property. This was regarded , at Athens, as an infrac- tion of the treaty lately concluded (of which some account hath been given in the Intro- duction to the ' Oration on the Peace:) and, together with some other transactions of the Macedonian prince, produced complaints and jealousies amongst the Athenians, which were deemed, by their rival, of too much consequence to be neglected. Python, oneof his most able partisans, was despatched to Athens, to obviate all objections to the sincerity and integrity of Ins conduct. In order to corroborate the representa- tions of this ambassador, Philip found it ex- pedient to write a letter to the Athenians; which, although addressed immediately to this people, was intended as a kind of mani- festo to all Greece. This letter, among other pieces of the same kind, which might have done honour to the abilities of the Ma- cedonian, is unhappily lost to posterity ; but the general contents of it are distinctly pointed out in the following oration, which contains a regular and methodical answer to this letter. THE ORATION ON THE HALONESUS. Sosigenes, Archon. — Olympiad. 109. An. 3. IIes of Athens ! [1.] it is by no means rea- sonable, that the complaints, which Philip urges against those speakers who assert your rights, should deprive us of the liberty of enforcing the true interests of our country. Grievous, indeed, would be the case, if the freedom of our public debates were to be at [1.] The oration, as hath been already observed, plainly points out to us the several allegations, and apologies for Philip's con- duct, contained in the letter which occa- sioned the present debate. And this exor- dium as plainly shews, that, to these allega- tions, the writer added some strong remon- strances, against the severity and indecency with which some speakers in the assembly had, on many occasions, treated the charac- ter of the king of Macedon ; and demanded that some restraint should be laid on theii insolence. The author of the oration, art- fully enough, considers this as an attempt to control that freedom of speech and de- bate, which was the sacred right of every, even the meanest, citizen. It was the pri- vilege, as we may call it, of the assembly ; and therefore is with propriety asserted, previous to the consideration of any other particular. [2.] Accept it, or resume it.] "A v tc Xi'tfiriTt, av t cWoAii/iiire. This was a distinction suggested and asserted by Demosthenes, as we learn from a passage in the oration of /Eschines against Ctesiphon, where it is ri- diculed as frivolous and litigious. But (as once destroyed by a letter sent from him. It is my present purpose, first, to examine the several allegations mentioned in this let- ter : then shall we proceed to the other par- ticulars urged by his ambassadors. Philip begins with speaking of the Halo- nesus : this island he declares, is his ; that he presents it to us as a free gift ; that we have no rightful claim to it ; nor hath he injured our property, either in acquiring or in keeping possession of it. Such were his professions at the time when we were sent on our embassy to Macedon ; that he had won this island from the pirates who had seized it, and was, therefore, justified in keeping his acquisition. But, as this plea hath no support from truth and justice, it is not difficult to deprive him of it. The places, seized by pirates, are ever the pro- perty of some others ; these they fortify, and from thence make their excursions. But the man who punishes their outrages, and drives them out, cannot reasonably al- lege, that the possessions, which these pi- rates unjustly wrested from the rightful pro- prietors, must instantly devolve to him. If this be suffered, then, if some pirates should seize a part of Attica, or cf Lemnos, or af Imbros, or of Scyros, and if any power should cut them off, the places which they had seized, though our undoubted property, must continue in his possession, whose arms chastised these pirates. Philip is himself sensible of the weakness of this plea. There are others equally sensible of this ; but it is imagined easy to impose on you by means of those who are administering our affairs agreeably to the wishes of the Macedonian ; who promised him, and are now performing this service. Yet lie cannot but know, that we must come into possession of this island, in whatever terms our transaction may Ik; expressed, whether you accept it, or resume it. [2.] Why then 'should he not use the Mons. Tourreil observes on that passage) the Athenians had most important reasons to examine which of these two terms they used in their convention with Philip. For, according to the choice of one or the other term, their right to the Halonesus was established or destroyed. The king of Mace- don consented to put them in possession of the island ; he declared that he would give it to them. If then the Athenians were to answer that they accepted of it (as a gift or favour,) by this they must acknowledge, that Philip was the rightful proprietor of the island. It was therefore insisted that this prince should declare that he restored it ; while the Athenians, on their part, declared that they resumed it ; which plainly implied that the Macedonians had usurped tlieir right, and that they were truly and justly entitled to the Halonesus. Yet however reasonable and necessary such precision may appear, and particularly in transactions with a prince of so much address and artifice as Philip, yet the ridicule of ^Eschines had some effect. And, ' a man who disputes about the words, giving or restoring,' became a proverbial plirase to express a person of an obstinate oftAT. xv.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. l:i3 fair and equitable term, and restore it ; rather than adhere to that word which proves his injustice, and pretend to present it as a gift ? Not that he may be supposed to confer a benefit upon us (such a are ridiculous,) but that he may demonstrate to all Greece, that the Athenians think themselves happy in owing their maritime dominions to the favour of the Macedonian. O my countrymen ! let us not descend to this. As to his proposal of submitting this con- test to umpires, it is the language of derision and mockery. It supposes, in the first place, that we, who are Athenians, could, in our disputes, with one sprung from Pella, descend to have our title to the islands de- termined by arbitration. And if our own power, that power to which Greece owes its liberty, -'cannot secure us the possession of these places ; if umpires are to be appointed, if we are to commit our cause to them ; if their votes are absolutely to decide our rights, and if they are to secure to us these islands (provided [1.] that they be influenced by Philip's gold;) if such, 1 say, be your conduct, do ye not declare, that ye have re- signed all your power on the continent ? Do ye not discover to the world, that no at- tempt can possibly provoke you to oppose him ; when for your maritime dominions, whence Athens derives its greatest power, you have not recourse to arms, but submit to u mpires ? He farther observes, that his commission- ers have been sent hither to settle a cartel of commerce ; [2.] and, that this shall be con- firmed, not when it hath received the sanc- tion of your tribunal, as the law directs, but when it hath been returned to him. Thus would he assume a power over your judica- ture. His intention is to betray you into unguarded concessions, to have it expressly acknowledged in this cartel, that you do not accuse him of injuring the state by his out- rageous conduct, with respect to Potidaea ; adherence to nice and frivolous distinctions. The comic poets did not a little contribute to introduce this proverb into fashion. Athenaeus quotes a number of fragments, in which we find that Alexis, Anaxilas, and Timocles, employed it to heighten the hu- mour and pleasantry of their performances : and Athenaeus himself makes use of it, iu the beginning of the sixth book. [1.] Provided, &c] /Eschines asserts, in the oration against Ctesiphon, that, in the present debate, Demosthenes declared that no impartial arbitrators could be found in Greece, so general had been the influence of corruption If Demosthenes was really the author of this oration, we must suppose that the assertion of his rival was founded on the insinuation contained in the passage here quoted. [2.J A cartel of commerce.] The word thus rendered {jjufifioXa], is explained by lexicographers, as denoting (among many other particulars) certain conventions [a-vv- HljKaxl settled between two states, as a rule for the decision of all differences which that you confirm his right both of seizing and possessing this city. And yet, those Athenians who had settled in Potid.-ra, at a tiros when they were not at war with Philip, when they were united with him in alliance; when the most solemn engagements subsist- ed between them, when they had the utmost reliance on Philip's oaths, were yet despoiled by this prince of all their possessions. And now, he would have you ratify this his ini- quitous procedure, and declare thai you have suffered no injury, that you have no complaints to urge against him. For, that the Macedonians have no need of any car- tels in their commerce with the Athenians, former times afford sufficient proof. Neither Amyntas, the father of Vhilip, nor any of the other kings of Macedon, ever made these cartels with our state, although our intercourse was much greater in those days than now: for Macedon [3.] was then sub- ject to us, it paid us tribute; and then, much more than now, did we frequent their markets, and they enjoy the advantages of ours; nor were the tribunals to which af- fairs of commerce might be brought, settled in so regular a maimer as at present. As these are opened once in each month, they make all cartels between two countries, so far removed from each other, quite unne- cessary. And, as these were not agreeable to ancient usage, it is by no means prudent to establish them now ; and thus to subject men to the inconvenience of a voyage from Macedon to Athens, or from us to Macedon, in order to obtain justice. The laws of each country are open ; and they are suf- ficient for the decision of all controversies. Be assured, therefore, that, by this cartel, he means but to betray you into a resigna- tion of all your pretensions to Potida?a. As to the pirates, he observes, that justice requires that we should act iu concert with him, in order to guard against those who infest the seas. By this, he in effect desires, that we should resign to him the sovereignty might arise in their commercial intercourse with each other. The particular nature, force, effects, and consequences, of such con- ventions, the translator cannot take on him to explain distinctly ; nor, of consequence, the force and propriety of the speaker's ar- gument in this passage. [3.] I do not remember to have met with any particular account of Macedon being at any time tributary to Athens, but in De- mosthenes. Eurydace, the mother of Philip, was indeed obliged to implore the protection of Iphicrates the Athenian. Woljius. Tourreii, in his notes on the second Olyn- thiac oration, dates the period of the Mace- donians being in this tributary state, from the establishment of the Athenian colony at Amphipolis, under Agnon the son of Nicias (about forty-eight years before the Pelopon- nesian war,) to the fifth or sixth year of this war, when Brasidas, the Lacedemonian, drove the Athenians from the frontiers of Macedon. But this is no more than the conjecture of the critic, founded ou the au- thority of the present passage. 10* DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [okat. xv. of the seas, and acknowledge, that, without Philip's aid, we are not able to secure a na- vigation free and unmolested. Nor is this his only scheme. He would have an uncon- trolled liberty of sailing round, and visiting the several islands, under the pretence of defending them from pirates: that so he may corrupt the inhabitants, and seduce them from their allegiance to us. Not con- tented with transporting his exiles to Tha- sus, [1.] under the conduct of our com- manders, he would gain possession of the other islands, by sending out his fleets, to sail in company with our admirals, as if united with us in the defence of the seas. There are some who say, that he hath no occasion for a maritime power : yet he, who hath no occasion to secure such a power, prepares his ships for war, erects his arsenals, concerts his naval expeditions, and, by the vast expense bestowed upon his marine, plainly shews that it is the grand object of his attention. And can you think, ye men of Athens ! that Philip could desire you to yield to him this sovereignty of the seas, unless he held you in contempt ? unless he had firm reliance on the men whose services he determined to purchase ? the men who, insensible to shame, live for Philip, not for their country ; who vainly fancy they have enriched their families by the bribes re- ceived from him; when these bribes are n ally the prices for which they have sold their families. And now, with respect to the explanation of the articles of the peace, which the am- bassadors, commissioned by him, submitted to our determination, (as we insisted only on a point universally'acknowledged to be just, that ' each party should enjoy their own do- minions,') he denies, that ever his ambassa- dors were commissioned to make, or ever did make, such a concession ; so that his parti- sans must have persuaded him, that you have utterly forgotten the declarations made publicly in the assembly. But these of all things cannot possibly be forgotten. For, ia the very same assembly, his ambassadors arose, and made these declarations ; and, in consequence of them, the decree was in- stantly drawn up. As then the recital of the decree immediately succeeded the speeches of the ambassadors, it is not pos- sible that you could have recited their de- clarations falsely. This then is an insinua- tion not against me, but against the assem- bly ; as if you had transmitted a decree, containing an answer to points never once mentioned. But these ambassadors, whose decbrations were thus falsified, at the time [1.] This must have happened imme- diately after their treaty with Macedon, before they found any reason to complain of the insidious conduct of Philip with re- spect to this treaty. [2.] An article, &c] That is, to give up Amphipolis, which was claimed on each side by virtue of that clause, which declared, that the contracting powers should keep all their several dominions. Philip was now iu possession of this city The right of the when we returned our answer hi form, and invited them to a public entertainment) never once rose up, never once ventured say, ' Men of Athens, we have been j represented ; you have made us say, what we never said:' but acquiesced, and tie- parted. Recollect, I entreat you, the declarations of python, who was at the head of this em- bassy : the man, who then received the public thanks of the assembly. They can- not, I presume, have escaped your memory. And they were exactly consonant to Philip's present letter. He accused us of calumnia- ting Philip ; he declared, that you your- selves were to be blamed ; for, when his master was endeavouring to do you service, when he preferred your alliance to that of any other of the Grecian states, you defeated his kind intentions, by listening to syco- phants ; who wished to receive his money, and yet loaded him with invectives : that when those speeches were repeated to him, in which his reputation was so severely treated, and which you heard with such satisfaction, he naturally changed his de- termination, as he found that he was re- garded as devoid of faith, by those whom he had resolved to oblige. He desired, that the men who spoke in this assembly, should not declaim against the peace; which cer- tainly was not to be broken : but that, if any article was amiss, it should be amended, in which we might be assured of Philip's entire concurrence. But that, if they con- tinued their invectives, without proposing any thing by which the treaty might be confirmed, and all suspicions of his master removed, then no attention should be given to such men. You heard these declarations of Python ; you assented ; you said that they were just : and just they certainly were. But, by these professions, it was by no means intended to give up an article [2.] of the treaty so essential to his interest ; to give up what all his treasures had been ex- pended to obtain : no ; he had been taught by Ills instructors, of this place, that not a man would dare to propose any thing con- tradictory to that decree of Philocrates, by which we lost Amphipolis. 1, on my part, Athenians ! never have presumed to pro- pose any thing illegal. I have, indeed, ventured to speak against the decree of Philocrates, because it was illegal. For this decree, by which Amphipolis was lost, contradicted former decrees, by which our right to this territory was asserted. This then was an illegal decree which Philocrates proposed. And", therefore, he, who had the Athenians had been at first asserted in the congress held for settling the terms of the peace; but this point was afterward given up. Yet now we find it was revived ; at least, that the speakers who opposed the Macedonian interest, endeavoured to per- suade the people, that the cession lately made was illegal, and that the general clause should be explained in favour of the Athe- nian claim to Amphipolis. okat. xv.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 105 due regard to our laws in all that he pro- posed, could not but contradict a decree so inconsistent with our laws. By conforming to the ancient legal acts of this assembly, 1 shewed the due attention to the laws, and, at the same time proved that Philip was deceiving you; that he had no intention of amending any article of the treaty ; that his sole purpose was to destroy the credit of those speakers who asserted! the rights of their country. It is then manifest, that, having first consented to this amendment of the treaty, he now recalls his concession. He insists, that Amphipolis is his ; that you have ac- knowledged it to be his, by the very words of your decree, which declare, that he shall enjoy his own possessions. Such was, indeed, your declaration : but not that Amphipolis was Philip's. For a man may possess the property of others ; nor can possession infer a right, since it is frequently acquired by unjust usurpation. So that his argument is no more than an idle, sophistical equivo- cation. He insists particularly on the decree of Philocrates : but he forgets his letter to this state, at the time when he laid siege to Amphipolis ; in which, he directly acknow- ledged that Amphipolis belonged to you, and declared that his intention hi attacking this city, was to wrest it from the then pos- sessors, who had no claim to it, and to vest it in the Athenians, who were the rightful sovereigns. Well, then ! The men who were in possession of this city before Philip's conquest, usurped our right: but when Philip had reduced it, did our right cease at once ? Did he but recover his own do- minions ? When he reduced Olynthus also, when he subdued Apollonia, when he gained Pallene, did he but recover his own dominions? — When he makes use of such evasion, can you think that he is at all so- licitous to preserve a decent semblance of reason and justice ? No ; he treats you with contempt, in presuming to dispute your title to a city, which the whole nation of Greece, which the Persian king himself, by the most authentic declarations, acknow- ledged to be ours. Another amendment of the treaty which we contended for, was this ; that all the Greeks, not included in the peace, should enjoy their liberty and their laws : and that, if invaded, they should be defended by all the confederating parties. For this, I say, we contended; sensible that justice and hu- manity required, not only that we and our allies, and Philip and his allies, should en- jov the advantages of the peace, but that those who were neither allies to Athens, nor to Macedon, should by no means lie exposed to the oppression of any powerful invader. That they also should derive security from the peace; and that we should in reality [1.] This Alexander was the brother of Olvmpias, Philip's wife, and had been placed on the throne of Epirus by the in- terest and power of the Macedonian. The three cities here called Elean colonies, might lay down our arms, and live in general friendship and tranquillity^ This amend- ment his letter confesses to be just: you hear that he accepts it. And yet hath he overturned the state of the Pheramns; he hath introduced his garrison into the citadel; certainly that they may enjoy their own laws. His arms are directed against Am- bracia. Three cities in Cassopia, Pandosia, Bucheta, and Elatia, all Elean colonies, hath he invaded with fire and sword, and reduced to the vassalage of his kinsman Alexander. [1.] Glorious proofs of his con- cern for the liberty and independence of the Greeks ! As to those promises of great and impor- tant service, which he was perpetually la- vishing on the state, he now asserts, that I have belied and abused him to the Greeks : for that he never once made such promises. So devoid of shame is he, who declared in his letter, which still remains upon record, that he would effectually silence his revilers, when an accommodation was once obtained ; by the number of good offices he would confer upon us, and which should be par- ticularly specified, whenever he was assured of such an accommodation. These his fa- vours, then, were all provided, and ready to be granted to us when the peace should be concluded ; but when this peace was once concluded, all his favours vanished. How great havoc hath been made in Greece, you need not be informed. His letters as- sure us of his gracious intentions to bestow large benefits upon us. And now see the effect of his promises. He refuses to restore our dominions, he claims them as his own. And, as to granting us any new dominions, they must not be in this country. No ; the Greeks might else be offended. Some other country must be sought for, some foreign land must furnish such grants. As to those places which he seized in time of peace, in open violation of his engage- ments ; as he hath no pretence to urge, as he stands convicted manifestly of injustice, he says, that he is ready to submit these points to the decision of an equal and com- mon tribunal. But they are points, which, of all others, need no decision. A fair com- putation of time determines the cause at once. We all know in what month, and on what day, the peace was made. We all know, too, in what month, and on what day, Serrium, Ergiske, and the Sacred Mount were taken. The nature and manner of these transactions are no secret. Nor is there need of a tribunal hi a point so evi- dent as this, that the peace was made one month before these places were seized. He asserts, that he hath returned all your prisoners that were taken. Yet there was one prisoner, a man of Carystus, [2.] bound to this city by all the strictest ties, for whose the consent of Elis, where the power and influence of Philip were in effect absolute. [2.] Wolfius is inclined to think, that this was the name of the prisoner. But I have , chosen to translate the passage in this man- have" possibly been thus disposed of, with ! ner, as there was a town in the island uf IOC DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ORAT. XV. liberty we sent no less than three deputa- tions. Such was Philip's desire to oblige us, that he put this man to death : nay, refused to restore his body for interment. It is also worthy of attention to consider what was the language of his letters with respect to the Chersonesus, and to compare it with his present actions. All that district which lies beyond the Forum, he claims as his own, in defiance of our pretensions, and hath given the possession to Apollonides the Cardian. And yet the Chersonesus is bounded not by the Forum, but by the altar of Jupiter of the Mountain, which lies in mid-way between the elm, and the chalky shore, where the line was traced, for cutting through the Chersonesus. [1.] This is evi- dent, from the inscription on the altar of Jupiter of the Mountain, which is in these terms : Here, Jove's fair altar, rais'd by pious hands, Adorns, at once, and marks the neighb'ring lands : On this side, lo, yon chalky cliffs displayM ! On that, the elmextends its awful shade; Whilst, in mid way, e'en Heav'n's great monarch deigns To point the bound'ries, and divide the plains. This district then, whose extent is known to many in this assembly, he claims as his property : part of it he himself enjoys, the rest he gives to his creatures : and thus he deprives us of our most valuable possessions. But he is not content with wresting from us all the lands which lie beyond the Forum : his letter directs us to come to a judicial decision of any controversy we may have with the Cardianswho lie on this side of the Forum; with the Cardians, I say, who have Euboea known by the name of Carystus. The name or the country of this man are, indeed, circumstances of no moment; and should there be a mistake in the translation,, the learned reader can scarcely find it worth while to detect or to censure it. [1.] A work which Philip had promised to execute at his own expense (as is mentioned in the second Philippic) for the convenience and expedition of commerce, which was frequently interrupted by the length of time spent in doubling Mount Athos, and sailing round the Chersonesus ; or by con- trary winds. [2.] The author of this oration affirms, that Calippus was impeached by him of violating the laws. But it is certain, that Hegesippus, and not Demosthenes, was the author of this impeachment. Libanins. [3.1 This remarkable passage, which has been so much censured by critics, is here translated pretty exactly, without any at- tempt to soften the boldness and severity of the original. And it is left to the reader to compare with the expressions of greatest freedom, in those remains of Demosthenes presumed to settle in our lands. We have, indeed, a controversy with these men ; and judge ye, whether the subject be inconsider- able. The lands, where they have settled, they claim as their just property, and deny our title. The lands that we enjoy, they de- clare are unlawfully usurped ; that they themselves are the rightful proprietors; and that their right was acknowledged by a decree proposed by your own citizen Calippus, of the Psenean tribe. He did, indeed, propose such a decree ; for which he was, [2.] by me, impeached of an illegal proceeding ; but you suffer him to escape ; and thus was your title to these lands rendered disputable and precarious. But, if you can submit to a judicial decision of your disputes with the Cardians, what should prevent the other in- habitants of the Chersonesus from demand- ing the like trial ? With such insolence doth he treat you, that he presumes to say, that, if the Car- dians refuse to be determined by a judicial process, he will compel them. As if we were not able to compel even the Cardians to do us justice. An extraordinary instance this of his regard to Athens. Yet there are men among you who declare, that tins letter is very reasonable ; men much more deserving of your abhorrence than Philip. His opposition to this state is actu- ated by the love of glory and power ; but citizens of Athens, who devote themselves, not to their country, but to Philip, should feel that vengeance which it must be your part to inflict with all severity, unless your brains have forsaken your heads, and de- scended to your heels. [3.] It remains, that I propose such an answer to this so rea- sonable letter, and to the declarations of the ambassadors, as may be just and advantage- ous to the state. ; may '• [4.] which are confessedly genuine. jEschir.es has, indeed, recorded some expressions of our author, equally rude and disgusting : such was his threat, ' that he would sew up Philip's mouth with a bull-rush, &c.' But it is certain, that in all his addresses to the assembly, even where he censures and in- veighs with the greatest freedom and seve- rity, he still discovers a remarkable attention to decorum; and sometimes tempers his reproof with the most artful and delicate Mattery. [4. J The deputies, who presented Philip's letter, seem to have been dismissed without any satisfactory answer. And, by the eager- ness with which the people now listened to the leaders who opposed the Macedonian in- terest, it appeared plainly, that the influence of Philip's partisans was declining. So that Demosthenes judged it a favourable oppor- tunity to prefer an accusation against his rival jEschines, for fraud and corruption in his late conduct of the treaty concluded with Philip; which produced the two orations on the subject of their embassy. orat. xvi.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 107 THE SECOND OF THE SUSPECTED ORATIONS : Entitled, On the Treaty with Alexander. INTRODUCTION. The death of Philip, kins of Macedon, was an event, at first, judged fatal to the inter- est of that kingdom ; which gave the Athe- nians hopes of recovering their superiority, and encouraged them to form some confe- deracies against his successor, whose spirit ai d abilities were not yet completely disco- vered. It is not here necessary to recount the actions of this prince, on his accession to the throne. It may he sufficient to observe, that a treaty had been concluded by his father with the Greeks, and was by him con- firmed ; in which it was provided, that the laws, privileges, and liberties, of the several states, should be secured and confirmed. But such engagements are seldom found sufficient to restrain a violent youthful am- bition. The Macedonian was soon embold- ened to discover his contempt of this treaty, by acting in several instances contrary to its articles. The Athenians, who still retained some remains of their ancient spirit, resent- ed these his infractions. An assembly was convened to take the treaty into consi- deration, and to determine on the proper method of procedure, in consequence of Alexander's conduct. On this occasion was the following oration delivered, which con- tains a distinct specification of the several instances of violation, now complained of. Critics seem willing to ascribe this oration to Hegesippus, or to Hyperides. It is ob- served, that the style is diffuse, languid, and disgraced by some affected phrases; and that the whole composition by no means breathes that spirit of boldness and freedom which appears in the orations of Demos- thenes. But these differences mav possibly be accounted for, without ascribing it to another author. Dejection and vexation, a consciousness of the 4 fallen condition of his country, despair and terror at the view of the Macedonian power, might have natural- ly produced an alteration in the style and manner of the orator's address. A great epic genius, when in its decline, is said, by Longinus, to fall naturally into the fabu- lous. In like manner, a great popular speaker, when hopeless and desponding, checked and controlled by his fears, may find leisure to coin words, and naturally re- cur to affected expressions, when the torrent of his native eloquence is stopped. Nor is the oration now before us entirely destitute of force and spirit. It appears strong and vehement, but embarrassed. The fire of Demosthenes sometimes breaks forth through all obstacles, but is instantly allay- ed and suppressed, as if by fear and caution. The author, as Ulpian expresses it, speaks freely, and not freely : he encourages the cili.'ens to war, and yet scruples to move for war in i; rm ; as if his mind was distracted between fear and confidence. In a word, I regard the Oration on the Treatv with Alexander, as the real work < I Demosthenes, but of Demosthenes dejected and terrified, willing to speak consistently with himself, yet not daring to speak all that he feels. It may be compared to the perfor- mance of an eminent painter, necessarily executed at a time when his hands or eyes laboured under some disorder, in which we find the traces of his genius and abilities ob- scured by many marks of his present infir- mity. TREATY WITH ALEXANDER. We should by all means, Athenians ! concur with those who so strenuously recommeu d an exact adherence to our oaths and treaties, if they really speak their sentiments; for nothing is so becoming t.ie character of free states, as a strict attention to honesty and justice. Let not these men, therefore, who urge the necessity of this attention, embar- rass our councils by harangues, which their own actions contradict. Let them submit to an examination ; if their sentiments are approved, they will for the future influence the assembly; if hot, let them give place to those whose opinions of our rights may seem more consonant to truth. Thus shall you determine, either to submit quietly to your wrongs, and esteem their author as your friend ; or to prefer the cause of jti - tice to all other considerations, and to make such provisions for your interest, with speed and vigour, as none can possibly condemn. The very terms of our treaty, and of those oaths by which the general peace was rati- fied, must, upon the first inspection, shew who are the transgressors. This I shall briefly prove in the most essential articles. Suppose this question asked, what event Athenians, could most effectually excit - your resentment ? You would answer, an attempt to destroy your liberty. Should ihe family of Pisistratus now revive ; and should any man attempt to reinstate them in their former power, ye would at once take up arms, and brave all dangers, rather than submit to these masters. Or, if you should submit, you would be reduced to the condition of purchased slaves ; nay, to a worse condition: for no master wantonlv kills his slave; but those who are under th ■ power of tyrants we see every day destroyed without the shadow of law, and exposed to insults still worse than death, in the perso. * of their wives and children. l -1 108 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [otiat. xvi. Well, then, in open violation of his oaths, of the express terms of the general peace, hath Alexander reinstated the family of Philiades in Messene. In this hath he acted from a regard to justice ? or, from his own arbitrary principles, in open contempt of you, and of his engagements with the Greeks ? — If, then, an attempt to introduce arbitrary power into Athens would excite your utmost indignation, would rouse you to maintain the treaty; you ought not to be indifl'erent, you ought not to neglect this treaty, when, in equal violation of its sacred purport, other states are oppressed by the like power. Nor should they, who so stre- nuously recommend to you to adhere to your engagements, leave those uncontrolled, who have, on their part, violated them in a man- ner so notorious. Such violation cannot be suffered, if you have the due regard to justice. For it is expressly declared in our treaty, that he who should act as Alexander hath now done, should be deemed an enemy to all included in the peace : that all should take up arms against him, and against his domi- nions. If then we have the least regard to these our declarations, we are to consider him as our enemy, who hath restored this family. ' But,' say the favourers of these tyrants, ' the sons of Philiades governed in Messene before this treaty was concluded ; and therefore were they restored by Alexan- der.' This is a ridiculous allegation ; the tyrants of Sestos, established long before our treaty, were expelled from Antissa and Eresus ; and this form of government de- clared to be in itself unjust and oppressive. It cannot then be a matter of indifference, that Messene be exposed to the like oppres- sion. Besides, it is provided, in the very first article of the treaty, that the ' Greeks shall enjoy their freedom and their laws ; and if their freedom and their laws were the first point secured, what assertion can be conceived more absurd, than that he, who reduces them to slavery, is not guilty of any violation of this treaty? If then, Athe- nians ! you would adhere to your oaths and your engagements, if you have a regard to justice (and tins, as I have observed, is the advice of your speakers,) it is incumbent on you to take up arms, to collect your allies, and to declare hostilities against those who have really violated the peace. Have you, when some fair occcasion offered, pur- sued your interest with vigour, even though not induced by the motive of supporting justice ? And now, when justice, and a fair occasion, and your own interest, all conspire to rouse you, what other season do you wait for, to assert your own liberty and that of Greece ? I am now come to another point of right, resulting from this treaty. It is expressly provided, that, if any persons should subvert the constitutions subsisting in each state, at the time of ratifying the peace, they should be deemed enemies to all included in the treaty. Consider then, Athenians ! that the Artisans of Peloponnesus, at that time, enjoyed democratical governments. Yet, of these, the Macedonian hath subverted thr constitution of Pellajne, by expelling most of its citizens: their fortunes he distributed among his domestics, and Chaeron, the wrestler, the established tyrant of the city. In this treaty were we included, which thus directs, that they who act in this manner shall be regarded as enemies. Shall we not then regard them as enemies, pursuant to the tenor of those engagements, by which we are all equally obliged ? Or, can any of those hirelings of the Macedonian, those whose riches are the wages of their treason, be so abandoned as to forbid it ? They cannot plead ignorance of these things ; but, to such a pitch of insolence have they ar- rived, that, guarded, as it were by the armies of the tyrant, they dare to call on us to adhere to oaths already violated ; as if perjury were his prerogative: they force you to subvert your own laws, by releasing those who stood condemned at our tribunals ; and, in various other instances, drive you to illegal measures. Nor is this surprising. For they, who have sold themselves to the enemies of their country, cannot have the least regard to law, the least reverence for oaths. The names of these, and but. the names, serve them to impose on men who come to this assembly for amusement, not for business ; and never once reflect, that their present indolence must prove the cause of some strange and terrible disorders. Here, then, I repeat what I at first assert- ed, that we should agree with those who re- commend an adherence to the general treaty. Unless they suppose, that, in recommending this adherence, they do not of consequence declare, that no act of injustice should be committed ; or, imagine it yet a secret, that arbitrary power hath been established in the place of popular governments, and that many free constitutions have been subverted. But, such a supposition is utterly ridiculous. For these are the very terms of the treaty ' the directors and guarantees, appointed for the general security, shall take care that, in the several states included in this peace, there shall be no deaths or banishments con- trary to the laws established in each society ; no confiscations, no new divisions of land, no abolition of debts, no granting freedom to slaves, for the purposes of innovation.' But, far from preventing these things, these men themselves contribute to introduce them. And what punishment can be equal to their guilt, who are the contrivers of these evils in the several states, which were deemed of such consequence, as to demand the united careof the whole body to prevent them ? I shall now mention another point, in which this treaty is infringed. It is expressly provided, that ' no flying parties shall make excursions from any of the cities included in the treaty, and commit hostilities on any other of the confederated cities ; and that whatever people should thus offend, are to be excluded from the alliance.' But so little doth the Macedonian scruple to commit hostilities, that his hostilities are never sus- pended; nor are any free from them, that onAT. xvi.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. he can possibly infest. And much more flagrant are his later hostilities, as he hath, by his edict, established tyrants in different places ; in Sicyon, his master of exercises. It", then, we shoidd conform to the treaty, as these men insist, the cities guilty of these actions should be excluded from the confederacy. If the truth must be concealed, I am not to declare, that these are the Ma- cedonian cities. But if, in defiance of the truth, those traitorous partizans of Macedon persevere hi urging us to observe the general treaty, let us concur with them, (their ad- vice is just and equitable:) and, as this treaty directs, let us exclude those from the alliance, who have been thus guilty; and consider of the measures necessary to be pursued against people so insolent and as- piring, whose schemes and actions are thus invariably criminal, and who treat their solemn engagements with contempt and ridicule. Why 'will they not acknowledge that these consequences are just ? Would they have every article that opposes our interest confirmed? every article that fa- vours us erased ? Are these their notions of justice ? If any part of our engagements provides for the interest of our enemies, in opposition to this state, are they to contend for that ? But if, by any other part, our rights and interests are secured agahist our enemies, are all their utmost efforts to be directed against this ? To convince you still more clearly, that none of the Greeks will accuse you of in- fringing this treaty, but will acknowledge it as an obligation, that you have arisen singly to detect those who really infringed it, I shall run over a few of its numerous articles. One article is thus expressed : ' the uniting parties shall all have the full liberty of the seas. None shall molest them, or seize their vessels, on pain of being regarded as the com- mon enemy.' And now, my fellow-citizens, it is notoriously evident to you all, that the Macedonians have done these things. To such a pitch of lawless insolence have they proceeded, as to seize the ships of Pontus, and send them into Tenedos. Every pre- tence was invented to detain them; nor were they at last released, before we had decreed to equip one hundred ships, to send them instantly to sea, and had actually ap- pointed Menestheus to command them. When such and so many are the outrages committed by others, is it not absurd that their friends in this assembly should not en- deavour to prevail on them to change their conduct, instead of advising us to adhere to engagements so totally neglected on the [1.] The maritime force of Macedon seems to have been, even at this time, scarcely greater than that of Athens, notwithstand- ing all the attention of Philip to increase and improve it. For we shall immediately find the orator recommending to his country- men, to maintain a superiority at sea. But this sovereignty of the seas, which is here acknowledged to belong to the Macedonians, seems to have been the consequence of the treaty made with Philip, immediately after 109 other side ? As if it were expressly provided, that one party might transgress when they pleased, and that the other should not re- sist. And coukl the Macedonians have acted a more lawless and a more senseless part, than to have so far abandoned all regard to their oaths, that they had well- nigh forfeited their sovereignty of the seas ? [1.] Nay, they have indisputably forfeited this right to us, whenever we are disposed to assert it. For they are not to expect, that no penalty is to be incurred from vio- lating theueaty, because they have, for some time past, discontinued their violations. No; they should rather be well pleased, that they have hitherto enjoyed the advan- tage of our indolence, and total aversion to maintain our rights. Can any thing be conceived more mor- tifying, than that all other people, Greeks and Barbarians, should dread our enmity ; but that these men, of sudden affluence, should make us contemptible, even to our- selves, by seducing and forcing' us to their purposes ? As if they had the conduct of affairs at Abdera, or Maronaea, [2.J not at Athens. But while they are depressing their own country, and aggrandizing its enemies, they do not consider, that, by prescribing the rules of justice in a manner so totally unjust, they, in effect, acknowledge that their country is irresistible; for this is ta- citly to confess, that, if we have a due at- tention to our interests, we shall easily sub- due our enemies. And in this they rightly judge. For, let us take care to maintain a superiority at sea ; let us but take care of this, and we shall effectually secure noble accessions to our present land force: es- pecially, if fortune should so far favour us, as to crush the men now guarded by the armies of tyrants ; if some of them should perish, and others discover their insignifi- cance. These then have been the infractions of the Macedonian, with respect to maritime affairs; besides the others already mention- ed. But we have just now seen the most ex- travagant instance of the pride and inso- lence of his people, in daring to sail into the Piraeus, manifestly contrary to the treaty concluded with us. Nor, is this their in- fraction the less criminal, because but one ship of; war presumed to enter our harbour. It plainly appears, that this was an experi- ment, whether we might not prove so inat- tentive, as to suffer them hereafter to come in with more ; and that, in this, as well as other instances, they renounce all regard to decrees and conventions. For, that they the battle of Chaeronea, in which the Athe- nians were obliged to give up the dominion of the islands, and Samos was declared the bound of their territories and jurisdiction. [2.J Abdera or Maronaa.] Two cities of small consequence in Thrace. ' The under- standing of an Abderite,' was a proverb to express a remarkable deficiency in point of genius and acuteness ; though this despised city had produced Democritus, a philoso- pher of no small reputation in Greece. 110 ORATION OF DINARCHUS [orat. xvii. meant gradually to introduce, and to habi- tuate us to such encroachments, appears from this, that he who then put in, with his ship (which together with his convoy should have been destroyed,) demanded liberty to build small vessels in our port. For this proves that their purpose was, not to obtain the privilege of entering our harbour, but to gain the absolute command of it. It cannot be alleged, that this demand was made, because the materials for building ships are in plenty at Athens, (for they are brought hither from great distances, and procured with difficulty;) and, that they are scarce at Macedon, (where they are sold at the cheapest rates to any that will pur- chase.) No : they were in hopes to gain the power of building and loading vessels in our port ; a power expressly denied by treaty ; and thus gradually to proceed to other enor- mities. In such contempt have they been taught to hold you, by their instructors in this city, who direct their whole conduct ; and thus are they persuaded, that this state is irrecoverably lost in indolence, incapable of providing for its interest ; and utterly regardless, whether the actions of a tyrant be conformable to his treaty, or no. To this treaty I advise you to adhere : in that sense, I mean, which I before explained. And the experience of my age warrants me to assure you, that your rights will be thus asserted, without the least offence to others ; and the occasions, favourable to your in- terests, most effectually improved. These are the terms of the treaty ; we must act thus, *^f we would be included.' They, then, who act differently, are not to be in- cluded. And, therefore, let us now, if ever, refuse to pay an abject submission to the directions of others. Else, must we re- nounce the memory of those ancient and illustrious honours, which we of all other people can most justly boast — If you com- mand me, Athenians! I shall now move you in form, pursuant to the tenor of our engagement, to declare war. against those who have violated the treaty. THE ORATION OF DINARCHUS AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. INTRODUCTION. The reader is here presented with a trans- lation of a performance which we find, in some editions, annexed to the public ora- tions of Demosthenes. It is an artful, spirited, and virulent invective against him, when, in the decline of life, he had fallen into disgrace, and the displeasure of his countrymen. The occasion of it is distinctly recounted by Plutarch; who informs us, that some time after the famous contest about the crown, in which Demosthenes gained so complete a triumph over his rival .■Eschines, one Harpalus, who had been in the service of Alexander, fled to Athens, with the remains of an immense fortune, which had been dissipated by his luxury ; and there sought refuge from the anger of his master, whose severity towards his favourites alarmed and prompted him to this flight. The orators received his money, and laboured to gain him the protection of tie state. Demosthenes, on the contrary, urged to his countrymen the danger of ex- posing themselves to an unnecessary and unjustifiable war, by entertaining this fu- gitive. Harpalus, however, found means to soften his severity, by a present of a magnificent vase, accompanied with twenty talents. And, when it was expected that Demosthenes would have exerted his abili- ties, in the assembly, against Harpalus, he pleaded indisposition, and was silent. This is the sum of Plutarch's account. But Pau- sanias, who seems to have conceived a more favourable opinion of the integrity of De- mosthenes, observes, as a proof of his in- nocence, that an authentic account was sent to Athens, after the death of Harpalus, of all the sums distributed by him in this city, and of the persons to whom each was paid ; and that, in this account, no mention was at all made of Demosthenes, although Phi- loxenus, who procured it, was his particular enemy, as well as Alexander. But, how- ever this may be, the rumour of Harpalus's practices, and the report of the corruption of Demosthenes in particular, raised a con- siderable ferment at Athens. Demosthenes strenuously asserted his innocence, and pro- posed, that the council of Areopagus should proceed to a strict inquiry into this dis- tribution, supposed to have been made by Harpalus ; declaring his readiness to submit to their sentence, whatever it might be. Contrary to his expectations, the report of the Areopagus condemned him. In vain did he represent this report, as the effect of the malicious practices and contrivance of his enemies. He was brought to his trial ; Stratocles managed the prosecution; in which he was assisted by Dinarchus, who, though he gave a favourable testimony ta the character of Demosthenes on a subse- quent occasion (in the oration against Aris- togiton,) yet now inveighed against him, with the utmost virulence, in the following " oration. THE ORATION Op Dinarchus aoainst Demosthenes, This your minister, Athenians! who hath pronounced sentence of death upon himself, should he be convicted of receiving any thing from Harpalus ; this very man hath been clearly convicted of accepting bribes from those whom, in former times, he af- fected to oppose with so much zeal. As Stratocles hath spoken largely upon this oeat xvir.] AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. Ill subject, as many articles of accusation have been anticipated, as the council of Areopa- gus hath made a report on this inquiry, so consonant to equity and truth; a report, confirmed and enforced by Stratocles, who hath produced the decrees enacted against these crimes; it remains that we, who are now to speak (who are engaged in a cause of more importance than ever came before this state,) should request the whole assembly, first, that we obtain your pardon, if we should repeat some things already urged, (for here our purpose is, not to abuse your patience, but to inflame your indignation ;) and, secondly, that you may not give up the general rights and laws of the commu- nity, or exchange the general welfare, for the speeches of the accused. You see that, in this assembly, it is Demosthenes that is tried : in all other places, your own trial is depending. On you men turn their eyes, and wait with eagerness, to see how far the interest of your country will engage your care : whether you are to take upon your- selves the corruption and iniquity of these men ; or, wl.ether you are to manifest to the world a just resentment against those who are bribed to betray the state. This last is fully in your power. The as- sembly hath made a i'air decree. [1.] The citizens have discovered their desire to de- tect those speakers, whoever they may be, who, to the disgrace and detriment of the community, have presumed to receive gold from Harpalus. Add to this, that you your- self, Demosthenes, and many others, have moved in form, that the council, agreeably to ancient usage, should enter into an in- quiry whether any persons had been thus guilty. The council hath made this inquiry ; not that your instances were wanting to re- mind them of their duty ; or, that they wished to sacrifice the truth, the trust re- posed in them, to you: but from a full persuasion (as the Areopagites have expres- sed) of the influence of such practices on all our counsels and transactions ; and a firm resolution never to plead the danger of being exposed to calumny, when they were to detect the man who attempted to bring disgrace and danger on his country. And, although the dignity and propriety of this procedure have received the appro- bation of the people, Demosthenes has re- course to complaints, to appeals, to mali- cious accusations, now that he finds himself convicted of receiving twenty talents of gold. Shall then this council, on whose laith and justice we rely, even in the im- portant case of premeditated murder; to whom we commit the vengeance due to this crime; who have an absolute power over the persons and lives of our citizens ; who can punish every violation of our laws, either by exile or by death : shall this coun- cil, I say, on an inquiry into a case of bribery, at once loose all its authority ? ' Yes ; for the Areopagus hath reported falsely of De- mosthenes.' Extravagant and absurd ! [1.] A fair decree.] That is, a decree committing the cognisance of the crimes What : report falsely of Demosthenes and Deraades, against whom even the truth seems scarcely to be declared with safety? You, who have in former times moved that thi< council should take cognisance of public affairs, and have applauded their reports; you, whom this whole city hath not been able to restrain within the bounds of justice; hath the council reported falsely against you ? Why then did you declare to the people, that you were ready to submit to death, if condemned by the report of this council ? Why have you availed yourself of their authority, to take off so many of your citizens ? Or, whither shall we have recourse ; to whom shall we intrust the de- tection of secret villany? if you, notwith- standing all your affected regard to our po- pular government, are to dissolve this coun- cil; to whose protection our lives have been intrusted; to whose protection our liberty and our constitution have oftentimes been intrusted ; by whose protection that person of thine hath been preserved (for, as you pretend, it hath frequently been attempted,) to utter these calumnies against them ; to whose care we have committed our secret archives, on which the very being of our state depends. But it is just, it is just I say, that the council should meet with those returns of calumny. For I shall freely speak my sen- timents. One of these two methods should they have pursued : either instantly have entered into the first inquiry relative to the three hundred talents, sent hither by the king of Persia, as the people directed ; and then this monster would have been punish- ed, his accomplices in corruption detected, and all his traitorous practices, by which Thebes was betrayed to ruin, being clearly laid open, an ignominious death would have freed us from him ; or, if you were inclined to pardon this crime in Demos- thenes, and thus to propagate the race of corrupted hirelings within your city, this discovery of your sentiments should have determined them not to enter into any in- quiry, or information of the money received by Demosthenes. For now, when the council of Areopagus had nobly and equit- ably proceeded to a full detection of this mail, and his accomplices; when, regardless of the power of Demosthenes and Demades, they have adhered inviolably to truth and justice; still, Demosthenes goes round the city, utters his invectives against this coun- cil, and boasts of his services, in those speeches which you shall hear him instantly use, to deceive the assembly ' It was I who gained you the alliance of Thebes !' — No ! You it was who ruined the common interest of both states. ' I drew out the forces of Chseronea !' — No, you were the only person who there fled from your post. — .* For you have I engaged in several embassies.' And what would he do, what would he demand, had these his negotiations been successful ; when, having ranged through the world. alleged against Demosthenes, &c. court of Areopagus. to the 112 ORATION OP DINAUCHUS [orat. xvii. only to involve us in such calamities and misfortunes, he expects to be rewarded with a liberty of receiving bribes against his country, and the privilege of speaking and of acting in this assembly as ne pleases? To Timotheus, who awed all Peloponnesus by his fleet ; who gained the naval victory at Corcyra over the Lacedemonians ; who was the son of Conon, the man who restored liberty to Greece ; who gained Samos, and Methbne, and Pydna, and Potidaea, and, besides these, twenty cities more ; you did not admit those important benefits, which he conferred upon us, to have any weight against the integrity of your tribunals, against those oaths by which ye were en- gaged in pronouncing sentence. No : you imposed on him a fine of one hundred talents, because that he had, by his own acknowledgement, received money from the Chians and the Rhodians. And, shall not this outcast, this Scythian [1.] (for my in- dignation will not be restrained,) whom not one man, but the whole body of the Areopagus, hath, on full inquiry, declared guilty of receiving bribes ; declared an hire- ling, and fully proved to be a corrupted traitor to his country ; shall he not be pu- nished with that severity which may serve as an example to others ? He, who hath not only been detected in receiving money from the king, but hath enriched himself with the spoils of the state ; and, now, could not even be restrained from sharing the vile wages which Harpalus here distributed. Andean the negotiations of Demosthenes, at Thebes, be deemed equivalent to the smallest part of the noble actions of Timo- theus ? Who can refrain from laughter to find you patiently attending, while he pre- sumptuously displays his pretended services, and dares to compare them with those of Timotheus, and of Conon ? Actions worthy of our state, worthy of the glory of our an- cestors, disdain all comparison with those of an abandoned wretch. Here 1 shall produce the decree enacted against Timotheus, and then return to my subject. — Read ! The Decree. Such was this citizen (Demosthenes) that he might reasonably have expected pardon and favour from his fellow-citizens of those days. Not in words, but actions, did he perform important services to his country. His principles were steady, his conduct uni- form, not various and changeable like yours. He never made so unreasonable a request to the people, as to be raised above the laws. He never required that those who had sworn to give sentence justly, should break through that sacred tie; but submitted to stand condemned, if such was the judg- ment of his tribunal. He never pleaded the necessity of times; nor thought in one maimer, and harangued hi another. And shall this miscreant live, who, besides his [1.] A term of reproach, which the ene- mies of Demosthenes frequently made use of. His grandfather (by his mother's side) o'her numerous and heinous crimes, hath abandoned the state of Thebes to its de- struction, when, for the preservation of that state, he had received three hundred talents from the king of Persia? For, when the Arcadians marched to the Isthmus, refused to treat witli the ambassadors of Antipater, and received those of the unfortunate The- bans, who, with difficulty, gamed access to them by sea, appeared before them in the form of wretched suppliants, declared that their present motions were not intended to dissolve their connexions with Greece, or to oppose the interest of that nation ; but to free themselves from the intolerable voke of Macedonian tyranny, from slavery, from the horrid insults to which freemen were exposed ; when the Arcadians were disposed to assist them, when they commiserated their wretched state, when they discovered that, by the necessities of the times alone, they had been obliged to attend on Alex- ander, but that their inclinations were in- variably attached to Thebes, and to the liberties of Greece; when Astylus, their mercenary general, demanded (as Stratocles hath informed you) ten talents for leading a reinforcement to the Thebans, when the ambassadors applied to this man, who they well knew had received the king's money, requested, besought him to grant such a sum for the preservation of the state; — then did this abandoned, this impious, this sordid wretch (when there was so faira pros- pect of saving Thebes,) refuse to part with ten talents out of all the vast treasures whicli he received ; insensible to the affect- ing consideration, urged by Stratocles, that there were those who would give as great a sum to divert the Arcadians from this ex- pedition, and to prevent them from assist- ing Thebes. Has then Greece but slight, but common injuries to urge against Demosthenes, and his sordid avarice ? Hath the man, so highly criminal, the least pretence to mercy ? Do not his late and former offences call for the severest punishment ? The world will hear the sentence you are this day to pro- nounce. The eyes of all men are fixed upon you, impatient to learn the fate of so noto- rious a delinquent. You are they, who, for crimes infinitely less heinous than his, have heavily and inexorably inflicted punish- ments on many. Menon was by you con- demned to death, for having subjected a free youth of Pallaene to his servile offices. Themistius, the Amphidnaean, who had abused a Rhodian woman, that performed on the harp in the Eleusinian ceremonies, was by you condemned to death. The same sentence you pronounced upon Euthyma- chus, for prostituting a maiden of Olynfhus. And now hath this traitor furnished all the tents of the barbarians with the children and wives of the Thebans. A city of our neighbours and our allies hath been torn from the very heart of Greece. The plougher had, in the time of his exile, married a woman ot Scythia. obat. xvii.] AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. 113 and the sower now traverse the city of the Thebans, who united with us in the war against Philip. I say, the plougher and the sower traverse their habitations; nor hath this hardened wretch discovered the least remorse at the calamities of a people, to whom he was sent as our ambassador ; with whom he lived, conversed, and enjoyed all that hospitality could confer; whom he pretends to have himself gained to our alli- ance; whom he frequently visited in their prosperity, hut basely betrayed in their distress. Our elder citizens can inform us, that, at a time when our constitution was destroyed ; when Thrasybulus was collecting our exiles in Thebes, in order to possess himself of Phvle; when the Lacedemonians, now in the height of power, issued out their mandate, forbidding all states to receive the Athenians, or to conduct them through their territories; this people assisted our country- men in their expedition; and published their decree, so often recited in this assem- bly, ' that they would not look on with unconcern, should any enemy invade the Athenian territory.' Far different was the conduct of this man who affects such atten- tion to the interests of our allies (as you shall soon hear him boast.) The very money which he received to preserve this people from ruin, he refused to part with. Let these things sink deep into your minds. Think on the calamities which arise from traitors; let the wretched fate of the Olyn- thians and the Thebans teach you to make the just provision for your own security. Cut off the men, who are ever resdy to sell the interests of their country for a bribe, and rest your hopes of safety upon your- selves, and the gods. These are the means, Athenians, the only means of reforming our city ; to bring offenders of eminence to justice, and to inflict a punishment adequate to their offences. Wher, common criminals are detected, no one knows, no one inquires their fate. But the punishment of great delinquents commands men's attention ; and a rigid adherence to justice, without regard to persons, is sure to meet with due ap- plause. — Read ;the decree of the Thebans — Produce the testimonies — Read the letter. Decree. The Testimonies. The Letter. He is a corrupted traitor, Athenians; of old a corrupted traitor! This is the man who conducted Philip's ambassadors from Thebes to this city ; who was the occasion of putting an end to the former war ; who was the accomplice of Philocrates, the au- [1.] Is subscribed, &c.] That is, who was the author of all those decrees which were purposely contrived to bring on these misfortunes. The name of the person who proposed any \l/i]re- philus, and Phidon, and Pamphilus, and Philip, and such mean persons as Epigenes and Conon? Was it for nothing he pro- cured brazen statues to Berisades, and Saty- rus, and Gorgippus, those detested tyrants ; from whom he annually receives a thousand bushels of corn ; although he is ready to la- ment the distresses of his fortune ? Was it for nothing he made Taurosthenes an Athe- nian citizen, who enslaved his countrymen; and, together with his brother Callias, be- trayed all Euboea to Philip ? whom our laws forbid to appear in Athens, on pain of suf- fering the punishment of those who return from exile. [4.] Such a man this friend to our constitution enrolled amongst our citi- zens. These and many other instances, in which he hath prostituted our honours, can be proved by authentic evidence. And could he, who gladly descended to small bute to the expense of the navy, in propor- tion to his fortune, instead of just paying one-sixteenth part of the expense of one ship, whatever might be his circumstances. [•1.] In the original, ' from banishment by sentence of the Areopagus.' orat. xvii.] AGAINST DEMOSTHENES. Rains, resist the temptation of so great a sum as twenty talents? Six months hath the Areopagus been engaged, in their inquiry into the conduct of Demosthenes, Demades, and Cephisophon. And was all this time wasted only to make a false and unjust re- port ? The whole body of our citizens, and of the Greeks, now fixed their eyes upon you (as I before observed,) impatient for the result cf this day's business : earnest to be informed whether corruption may expect its just punishment, or fear no control ; whether the authority of our tribunals is to be confirmed, or destroyed, by the sentence passed upon Demosthenes ; a man whose public conduct hath long since called for se- vere vengeance; who is obnoxious to all the curses ever denounced within this city ; who hath sworn ialsely by the tremendous furies, and all the divinities whose names are sacred in the Areopagus ; who hath been devoted to destruction in every assembly, as he is convicted of bribery, and hath dealt insidiously with his country, in defiance of the awful execration; [1.] whose declara- tions are ever different from his private sen- timents ; who gave to Aristarchus the most shocking and nefarious advice. If there be any punishment due to perjury and villany, surely he must this day, this moment, feel its utmost weight — Ye judges, hear the ex- ecrations. The Execrations. And now, ye judges, so prone to false- hood and absurdity is Demosthenes, so de- void of shame, so insensible to his convic- tion, to the awful purport of these execra- tions, that, as I am informed, he presumes to urge against me, that 1 was once con- demned by the Areopagus, and that I am guilty of ,the greatest inconsistency, in first objecting to the authority of this council, in my own case, and now founding my ac- cusation against him on their authority. Thus, in order to deceive certain persons, hath he framed a tale utterly false and groundless. But that he may not deceive you by this insinuation, that you may be assured that the Areopagus never did, never can condemn me ; but that I was, indeed, treated injuriously by one wicked man, on whom you inflicted the just punishment of his guilt; I shall first briefly state this affair, and then return to my allegations against Demosthenes. There are two methods in which the Areopagus may proceed to an indictment against any person. And what are these ? By entering into an inquiry, either of their own mere motion and pleasure, or by direc- tion of the popular assembly. There is no other way. If, then, thou darest to assert, monster as thou art, that the proceedings against me were in consequence of the as- lit [1.] The awful execration.] Which was pronounced by the herald, on the opening of every assembly, against those who should act or speak to the prejudice of the commu- nity. sembly's direction, produce the decree, name rny accusers, as I have done in the present case ; shewn the decree, by which the council was directed to enter into this inquiry, and produced the accusers chosen by the people, who have so fully displayed thy guilt. If this can be done in my case, I am ready to submit to death. But if vou allege, that the Areopagus proceeded against me of its own motion, produce some mem- bers of the council to attest this, as 1 shall to attest the contrary. The man, like you, an abandoned traitor, who so falsely charged both meand the council, I impeached before the five hundred, convicted of being su- borned by Timocles to conduct the prosecu- tion against me, and prevailed on his judges to punish with due severity Take the evidence which I produced i'n this cause, whose truth and validity were never ques- tioned, and which I shall now produce ; read The Evidence, Nor is it at all wonderful, Athenians that, when Pistias, a member of the Areo- pagus, accused me of injustice; (falsely charging both me and the council,) truth should for a while be borne down ; and that his malicious accusations should gain some credit against a man whose infirmities and retired life rendered him unable to make the necessary defence. But now, when the whole body of the Areopagus hath solemnly pronounced, that Demosthenes hath been guilty of accepting twenty talents, in con- tempt of his duty, and the good of his coun- try ; when this your popular leader, on whom all your hopes were fixed, is convict- ed of clandestinely receiving bribes ! shall the laws, shall justice, shall truth, have less weight than the speeches of Demosthenes ? Shall the calumnies he utters against the council prevail against the whole force of evidence ? The council, saith he, hath fre- quently indicted persons of illegal proceed- ings, who have been acquitted on a fair trial, and, in some cases, scarcely a fifth part of the judges concurred with the Areo- pagus. But such cases are easily accounted for. This council takes cognisance of all crimes whatever, which are either referred to them by you, or belong immediately to their own jurisdiction ; and, in such pro- ceedings, they do not act like you (let not my freedom give offence,) who are frequent- ly influenced by pity, rather than directed by justice; but, in whatever cases our laws are violated, they consider only the evi- dence, and indict the guilty ; well knowing that if slight offences are neglected, men will be habituated and imboldened to pro- ceed to greater. Hence are their indict- ments returned to you, against several de- linquents [2.] of the inferior kind. These, [2.] Particular instances of these are men- tioned in the text; but, as they cannot be interesting to the English reader, I have chosen the general expression. The same liberty hath been taken in this oration, in M llfi ORATION OF DTNATtCHUS [orat. xvir. when brought to trial, you acquit ; not from the least suspicion of this council's in- tegrity, but because you are inclined to mercy, rather than to rigour; and deem the Jmnisliment prescribed by the letter of the aw too great for their offences. In these cases, Demosthenes, were the delarations of the council false ? By no means! And yet, in these and other cases, have you acquitted those whom they declared guilty. Thus, when the Areopagus was directed to inquire, whether Polyeuctus had gone to Megara, and held an intercourse with our exiles, and to report their determination ; they reported that he had gone thither. Accusers were chosen : he was brought to a trial ; you ac- quitted him, although he confessed that he had gone to Megara, to Nicophanes, who married his mother. For you thought it no such heinous offence that he had held an intercourse with his own father-in-law, when in exile and distress, and had assisted him to the utmost of his power. In this case, Demosthenes, no objection lay to the proceedings of the council : these were ac- knowledged to be just. Vet was Polyeuctus acquitted by his judges : for the Areopagus is only to consider, and declare the fact ; but the criminal, as I have observed, was deemed worthy of the mercy of his tribunal. And are we, from such cases, to conclude, that no credit is due to the declarations of the Areopagus, by which you and your ac- complices are charged with corruption ? Shew your judges, if you can, that your case is at all similar to those I have hinted at ; that the guilt of bribery deserves mercy ; and. then, you may expect mercy. But what saith the law? In other pecuniary matters, it directs that the injurious party shall be fined in twice the value of his frau- dulent gains. In the case of bribery, two different punishments are prescribed : the first is death, that the example of the delin- quent may serve as a terror to others ; the second, a fine, tenfold of the bribe received, that they who proceed to such enormities, may be disappointed in their sordid hopes of gain. To this do you object, that all the persons, thus declared guilty by the Areopagus, con- fessed that their judgment was fair and equitable, but that you have objected to their determination ?'No : you are the only person who have solicited to be judged by their sentence. You yourself preferred the decree, by which vou are now condemned : you made the whole assembly a witness to your concessions: you yourself directed that death should be your punishment, if the council declared that you had received any Cart of those treasures which Harpalus rought hither ; you yourself have moved, in former cases, that the Areopagus should have jurisdiction over all our citizens, should proceed, agreeably to our ancient laws, to punish all delinquents. To this council, which you now call an oligarchical faction, sometimes omitting names and circum- stances, which could not give either light or beaaty to the translation. did you implicitly resign this whole city By your decree, which acknowledged Its au- thority, were two Athenians, the father and the son, delivered to the executioner : by your decree, was a descendant of our great deliverer, Harmodius, cast into chains : the decision of the Areopagus condemned An- tipho[l.] to torture and death : in obedience to its authority, and in execution of its just sentence, did you banish Archinus from the city as a traitor. And do you attempt to invalidate this authority in your own case ? Is this just ? Is this consonant to our laws ? On you, ye judges, I denounce the ven- geance of the tremendous goddesses who pos- sess this land, of the heroes of our country, of Minerva our patroness, of all our other guardian divinities, if ye suffer this corrupt- ed traitor to escape, whom the state hath given into your hands ; whose counsels have ruined our fortune, defeated our hopes, be- trayed us to our assailants ; whom our ene- mies wish to live, convinced that he must prove our destruction ; whose death our friends regard as the only event which can raise us from this fallen state ; and for whose just punishment they, therefore, breathe their warmest wishes, their most fervent prayers to the gods. To these gods I too poor our my petitions, that they may save the Athenians, who now see their chil- dren, their wives, their honour, all that they account valuable, exposed to danger. What shall we say, ye judges, to those who stand waiting the "event of this cause, if, (which Heaven avert !) the craft of this impostor should deceive you ? When we depart from this tribunal, with what face can each of you enter under his own roof, if you dismiss this traitor, whose roof was poiluted by his corrupt gains ? And, if you pronounce that council void of credit and authority, which we have hitherto regarded as highly awful and august, what hopes my countrymen (Oh! consider this,) what hopes can we conceive, on any perilous emergency, if we teach men to despise the danger of re- ceiving bribes against their country ? and, if an assembly, the guardians of their coun- try on such emergencies, be branded with disgrace ? Let us suppose the case, that, agreeably to the decree of Demosthenes, Alexander should, by his ambassadors, demand the gold which Harpalus brought hither: that, to confirm the sentence of the Areopagus, he should send back the slaves, and direct us to extort the truth from them. What should we then say ? would you, Demos- thenes, then move for a declaration of war ? you, who have so nobly conducted our former wars? And, if such should be the resolution of the assembly ; which would be the fairer procedure, to take that money to ourselves, which you secreted, in order to support our war ; or to load our citizens with taxes, to oblige our women to send in their ornaments, to melt down our plate, [1.] See note 1. Orat. XIV. p. 08, on the Oration for the Regulation of the State. ouat. xvn.j AGAINST DEMOSTHENES 117 to strip our temples of their offerings, as your decree directed? Though, from your houses in the Pyncus, and in the city, you yourself contributed just fifty drachma;: ami nobly have your twenty talents repaid such bounty. Or, would you move that we should not declare war ; but that we should, agreeably to your decree, return the gold, conveyed hither, to Alexander? In this case, the community must pay your share. And, is this just, is this equal deal- ing, is this constitutional, that our useful citizens should be taxed to glut your ava- rice? that men of avowed property should contribute; while your property lies con- cealed, notwithstanding you have received one hundred and fifty talents, partly from the king's, partly from Alexander's trea- sure; all carefully secreted, as you justly dread the consequences of your conduct ? that our laws should direct that every pub- lic speaker, every leader of our forces, should recommend himself to the confidence of the public, by educating children, and by possessing land within our territory, nor assume the direction of our affairs until he had given these pledges of his fidelity ; and that you should sell your patrimonial lands, and adopt the children of strangers, to elude the force of laws and oaths ? that you should impose military service on others ? you who basely fled from your own post ? To what causes, Athenians ! is the pros- perity or the calamity of a state to be as- cribed? To none so eminently as to its ministers and generals. Turn your eyes to the state of Thebes. It subsisted once ; it was once great ; it had its soldiers and commanders. There was a time (our elder citizens declare it, and on their authority I speak,) when Pelopidas led the 'sacred band ;' when Epaminondas and his col- leagues commanded the army. Then did the Thebans gain the victory at Leuctra ; then did they pierce into the territories of Lacedemon, before deemed inaccessible ; then did they achieve many and noble deeds. The Messenians they reinstated in their citv, after a dispersion of four hundred years. To the Arcadians they give freedom and independence ; whilst the world viewed their illustrious conduct with applause. On the other hand, at what time did they act ignobly, unworthy of their native magnani- mity i When Timolaus called himself Phi- lip's friend, and was corrupted by his gold ; when the traitor Proxenus led the merce- nary forces collected for the expedition to Amphissa ; when Theagenes, wretched and corrupt, like this man, was made command- er of their band ; then did these three men confound and utterly destroy the affairs of that state, and of all Greece. So indisputa- bly true it is, that leaders are the great cause of all the good and all the evil that can attend a community. We see this in the instance of our own state : reflect, and say, at what time was this city, gTeat and eminent in Greece, worthy of our ancestors, [I.] The word fyyefian seems to have been sometimes used, by the orator, as a general and of their illustrious actions? When Conon (as our ancient citizens inform us) gained the naval victory at Cnidosj when Iphicrates cut off the detachment of the La- cedemonians ; when Chabrias defeated the .Spartan fleet at Naxos; when Timotheus triumphed at the sea-fight near C'orcyra. Then, Athenians ! then it was that the 'La- cedemonians, whose wise and faithful lead- ers [1.] whose adherence to their ancient in- stitutions had rendered them illustrious, were reduced so low, as to appear before us like abject supplicants, and implore for mercy. Our state, which they had subvert- ed, by means of those who then conducted our affairs, once more became the sovereign of Greece: and no wonder, when the men, now mentioned, were our generals ; and Archinus and Cephalus our ministers. For what is the great security of every state and nation ? Good generals and able minis- ters. Let this be duly and attentively consider- ed, and let us no longer suffer by the corrupt and wretched conduct of Demosthenes. Let it not be imagined, that we shall ever want good men and faithful counsellors. With all the generous severity of our ancestors, let us exterminate the man whose bribery, whose treason, are evidently detected ; who could not resist the temptation of gold ; who hath involved his country in calamities the most grievous : let us destroy this pest of Greece ; let not his contagion infect our city ; then may we hope for some change of for- tune, then may we expect that our affairs will flourish. Attend, Athenians ! while we read the decree proposed by Demosthe- nes, this friend to liberty, in the midst of our public disorders, immediately after the engagement of Chasronea. Hear also the Oracle of Dodona, the voice of Dodona?an Jove himself (for long since have we been warned to guard against leaders and minis- ters.) — First read the Oracle. The Oracle. Now read this fine decree. Part of the Decree. He is a friend to liberty indeed, who issues out his mandate for our citizens to take up arms; himself, spiritless and dastardly; who, if displeased at any of his country- men, orders them to the post of toil and labour; and assumes, in every instance, a despotic power of acting as he pleases,— Now read the rest The Rest of the Decree. You hear, ye judges, that the ambassadors are all named in the decree. But the instant this man was informed of the battle of Chse- ronea, and that Philip was preparing to in- vade us, he procured himself to be nominated an ambassador, that he might fly from the term, signifying not only commanders in war, but popular leaders and ministers. 118 ORATION OF DINARCHUS [ORAT. XVII. danger which threatened us; and, with a shameless insensibility to the distresses of his country, did he then secrete eight talents of the public money, while other citizens were freely contributing to the necessities of the state from their own fortunes. Such was this minister, and such the occasions, the only occasions, he ever took of going abroad : the first, immediately after the en- gagement, when he fled from the danger of his country ; the second, when, protected by his office of chief inspector of the solemni- ties, [1.] he went to Olympia, to confer with Nicanor. A man worthy to be intrust- ed with the interests of his country, worthy to be regarded as our great resource in time of danger ; who when his fellow-citi- zens are called forth to meet their enemies, flies from his post, and hides himself at home ; when the danger is at home, and his aid demanded here, pretends that he is an ambassador and runs from the city. When there was a real occasion for an embassy, to induce Alexander to peace, he refused to move one step from home ; but when it was once reported that this prince was so favour- ably disposed towards us, as to permit those to return whom his power had banished, and that Nicanor [2.] had come to Olympia, then did he offer his services, as inspector of the solemn rites. Such is this man's con- duct : if we are to take the field, he is con- fined at home; if this be the scene of duty, he is an ambassador; if really sent on an embassy, we find him a fugitive. [3.] Attend to these decrees of Demosthenes, which empower the Areopagus to inquire into such corrupt practices, when he him- self, and when other citizens were accused ; and by comparing cases so exactly parallel, convince yourselves of the infatuation of Demosthenes. A Decree. Did you, Demosthenes, propose this decree ? You did : it cannot be denied. Was the report of the Areopagus decisive in this case ? It was. Were the delinquents punished with death ? They were : your decree had its due weight : it cannot be de- nied. Now, read that decree which Demos- thenes preferred against Demosthenes. At- tend, ye judges ! — He hath detected, he hath informed against Demosthenes (this is the fact, in one word:) and upon himself hath he justly pronounced the sentence of death. And now, when he is consigned over to you, judges, selected from the body of our citi- [l.j 'Apx'Cewpiaa. The name of their office who went as deputies to offer sacrifi- ces, &c. at the most famous temples, or (as in the present case) to attend at the public games. The scenes of such solemnities were exempt from all hostilities, and the persons of theOcupoi and 'ApxM< 'GETHS rtt, i. e. One of those who were appointed to revise the laws, and to propose the amendment or abrogation of such as were found incon- venient, as well as such new laws as the public interest seemed to demand. See note 6. on the Second Olynthiac, p. 17. [2.J The proper officers.] In the original, rhesmotheta?, i. e. the six inferior archons, who w-ere called by this .general name, while each of the three first had his peculiar title. [3.] There was scarcely any Athenian at all employed in public business, but had some sort of jurisdiction annexed to his office. Inferior suits and controversies were t thus multiplied, and found perpetual em- ployment for this lively meddling people ; who were trained from their youth, and magistrates ; he hath scorned to recur to that subterfuge now explained : he hath moved you to confer a crown upon Demos- thenes, previously to any account, to any examination of his conduct; at the Aery time while he was yet employed in the dis- charge of his magistracy. But there is another evasion, of a different kind, to which they are to recur. These offices, say they, to which a citizen is elected by an occasional decree, are by no means to be accounted ' magistracies,' but ' commis- sions' or ' agencies.' Those alone are ma- gistrates, whom the proper officers [2.] ap- point by lot in the temple of Theseus, or the people elect by suffrage in their ordinary assemblies ; such as generals of the aimy, commanders of the cavalry, and such like; all others are but commissioners, who are but to execute a particular decree. To this their plea I shall oppose your own law, a law enacted from a firm conviction, that it must at once put an end to all such eva- sions. In this it is expressly declared, that all offices whatever, appointed by the voices of the people, shall be accounted magistra- cies. In one general term the author of this law hath included all. All hath he declared ' magistrates,' whom the ' votes of the as- sembly have appointed :' and particularly ' the inspectors of public works.' — Now De- mosthenes inspected the repair of our walls, the most important of public works ' Those who have been intrusted with any public money for more than thirty days.' ' Those who are entitled to preside in a tribunal.' [5. J— But the inspectors of works are entitled to this privilege. What then doth the law direct ? That all such should assume, not their 'commission,' but their 'magistracy,' having first been judicially approved (for even the magistrates appointed by lot are not exempted from this previous inquiry, but must be first approved, before they as- sume their office.) These are also directed by the law to submit the accounts of their administration to the legal officers, as wpll as every other magistrate. And for the truth of what I now advance, to the laws themselves do I appeal — Read. — The Laws- Here then you find that what these men constantly exercised in the arts of managing and conducting suits at law. This was their favourite employment, and became the cha- racteristic mark of an Athenian. ' I saw,' saithLucian,(inIcaro-Menip.)' the Egyptian tilling his ground, the Phoenician at his traf- fic, the Cilician robbing, the Spartan under the lash, and the Athenian at his lawsuit.' — And this suggests the real value of that compliment which Virgil is supposed to pay this people, in that well-known passage, ' Orabunt causas melius, &c.' Critics have discovered in it ' dishonesty, affected con- tempt' of eloquence, ' invidious detraction' from the merit of Cicero, &c. And yet it seems to amount to no more than an ac- knowledgment of their superior skill in legal forms and pleadings, and the arts of litiga- tion. ORAT. XVIII.] AGAINST CTESIPHON. 127 call commissions or agencies, are declared to be magistracies. It is your part to bear this in memory, to oppose the law to t luir pre- sumption; to convince them that you are not to he influenced by the wretched sophis- tical artifice, that would defeat the force of laws by words ; and that the greater their address in defending their illegal proceedings, the more severely must they feel your re- sentment. Fox the public speaker should ever use the same language with the law. Should he at any time speak in one lan- guage and the law pronounce another; to the just authority of law should you grant your voices, not to the shameless presump- tion of the speaker. To that argument on which Demosthenes relies, as utterly unanswerable, I would now briefly speak This man will say, *I am director of the fortifications. I confess it. But I have expended of my own money, for the public service, an additional sum of one hundred mine, and enlarged the work be- yond my instructions ; for what then am 1 to account ? Unless a man is to be made accountable for his own beneficence.' — To this evasion you shall hear a just and good reply — In this city, of so ancient an esta- blishment, and a circuit so extensive, there is not a man exempted from account, who has the smallest part in the affairs of state. This I shall shew, first in instances scarcely credible. Thus, the priests and priestesses are by the laws obliged to account for the discharge of their office : all in general, and each in particular ; although they have re- ceived no more than an honorary pension, and have had no other duty but of offering up their prayers for us to the gods. And this is not the case of single persons only, but of whole tribes, as the ' Eumolpidae.* [1.] the • Ceryces,' and all the others. Again, the trierarchs [2.] are by the law made ac- countable for their conduct ; although no public money hath been committed to their charge ; although they have not embezzled large portions of their revenue, and account- ed but for a small part ; although they have not affected to confer bounties on you, while they really but restored your own property : no ; they confessedly expended their paternal fortunes to approve their zealous affection for your service; and not our trierarchs alone, but the greatest assem- blies in the state, are bound to submit to the sentence of our tribunals. First, the law directs, that the council of Areopagus shall stand accountable to the proper officers, and submit their august transactions to a legal examination : thus our greatest judicial body stands in perpetual dependance upon your decisions. Shall the members of this council then be precluded from the honour of a crown ? — Such has been the ordinance from times the most remote. — And have they had no regard to public honour ? — So scrupulous is their regard, that it is not deemed sufficient that their conduct should [1.] Eumolpidae, &o] Families (so called from their founders, Eumolpus and Ceryx,) who had an hereditary right of priesthood. not be notoriously criminal, their least ir- regularity is severely punished; a discipline too rigorous for our delicate orators. Again : our lawgiver directs that the senate of Five 1 1 undred shall be bound to account for their con,! net : and so great diffidence doth he ex- press of those who have not yet rendered such an account, that in the very beginning of the law it is ordained, ' that no magistrate who hath not yet passed through the ordi- nary examination, shall be permitted to go abroad.' — But here a man may exclaim, ' What ! In the name of Heaven, am I, be- cause I have been in office, to be confined to the city ? — Yes, and with good reason ;' lest, when you have secreted the public money, and betrayed your trust, you might enjoy your perfidy by flight. Again ; the laws forbid the man who hath not yet accounted to the state, to dedicate any part of his ef- fects to religious purposes, to deposit any offering in a temple, to accept of any adop- tion into any family, to make any alienation of his property ; and to many other instances is the prohibition extended. In one word, our lawgiver hath provided that the fortunes of such persons shall be secured as a pledge to the community, until their accounts are fairly examined and approved. Nay, far- ther; suppose there be a man who hath neither received nor expended any part of the public money, but hath only been con- cerned in some affairs relative to the state ; even such a one is bound to submit his ac- counts to the proper officers. 'But how can the man, who hath neither received nor ex- pended, pass such accounts ?' The law hath obviated this difficulty, and expressly pre- scribed the form of his accounts. It directs that it shall consist of this declaration : ' I have not received, neither have I disposed of any public money.' To confirm the truth of tins, hear the laws themselves. The Laws. When Demosthenes therefore shall exult in his evasion, and insist that he is not to be accountable for the additional sum which he bestowed freely on the state, press him with this reply ; ' It was, then your duty, De- mosthenes, to have permitted the usual and legal proclamation to be made: Who is dis- posed to prosecute ? and to have given an opportunity to every citizen that pleased to have urged on his part, that you bestowed no such additional sum ; but that, on the contrary, having been intrusted with ten talents for the repair of our fortifications, you really expended but a small part of this great sum. Do not assume an honour to which you have no pretensions ; do not wrest their suffrages from your judges; do not act in presumptuous contempt of the laws, but with due submission yield to their guidance. Such is the conduct that must secure the freedom of our constitution.' As to the evasions on which these men [2.] The trierarchs.] See note on Philip I p. y. 128 ORATION OF jESCHIXES [orat. xviii. relv, I trust that I have spoken sufficiently. That Demosthenes really stood accountable to the state, at the time when the men pro- posed his decree ; that he was really a ma- gistrate, as manager of the theatrical funds ; a magistrate, as inspector of the fortifica- tions ; that his conduct in either of these offices had not been examined, had not ob- tained the legal approbation, I shall now en- deavour to demonstrate from the public records. Read, in whose archonship, in what month, on what day, in what assem- bly, Demosthenes was chosen into the office of manager of the theatrical funds. So shall it appear that, during the execution of this office, the decree was made, which conferred this crown upon him Read. — The Computation of the Times. If then I should here rest my cause, with- out proceeding farther, Ctesiphon must stand convicted ; convicted, not by the ar- guments of his accuser, but by the public records. In former times, Athenians, it was the custom that the state should elect a comptroller, who, in every presidency of each tribe, was to return to the people an exact state of the finances. But by the im- E licit confidence which you reposed in Eu- ulus, the men who were chosen to the management of the theatrical money, exe- cuted this office of comptroller (I mean be- fore the law of Hegemon was enacted,) to- gether with the offices of receiver, and of inspector of our naval affairs ; they were charged with the building of our arsenals, with the repair of our roads; in a word, they were intrusted with the conduct of almost all our public business. I say not this to impeach their conduct, or to arraign their integrity ; I mean but to convince you, that our laws have expressly directed, that no man yet accountable for his conduct in any one office, even of the smallest con- sequence, shall be entitled to the honour of a crown, until his accounts have been re- gularly examined and approved : and that Ctesiphon hath yet presumed to confer this honour on Demosthenes, when engaged in every kind of public magistracy. At the time of this decree, he was a magistrate as inspector of the fortifications, a magistrate as intrusted with public money: and, like other officers of the state, imposed fines, and presided in tribunals. These things 1 shall prove by the testimony of Demos- thenes and Ctesiphon themselves. For, in the archonship of Cha?rondas, on the 22d of the month Thargelion, was a popular assembly held, in which Demosthenes ob- tained a decree, appointing a convention of the tribes on the second of the succeeding month ; and on the third, his decree directed still farther, that supervisors should be chosen, and treasurers from each tribe, for conducting the repairs of our fortifications. And justly did he thus direct; that the public might have the security of good and responsible citizens, who might return a fair account of all disbursements. — Read these decrees. Tlie Decrees- Yes. — But vou will hear it urged in an- swer, that to this office of inspector of the works he was not appointed in the general assembly, either by lot or suffrage. This is an argument on which Demosthenes and Ctesiphon will dwell with the utmost con- fidence. My answer shall be easy, plain, and brief; but first I would premise a few things on this subject. Observe, Athenians ! Of magistracy there are three kinds. First, those appointed by lot or by election. Se- condly, the men who have managed public money for more than thirty days, or have inspected public works. To these the law adds another species, and expressly declares, that all such persons as, in consequence of a regular appointment, have enjoyed the right of jurisdiction, shall, when approved, be accounted magistrates. So that, should we take away the magistrates appointed by lot or suffrage, there yet remains the last kind, of those appointed by the tribes, or the thirds of tribe:, or by particular dis- tricts, to manage public money ; all which are declared to be magistrates from the time of their appointment. And this happens in cases like that before us, where it is a direction to the tribes to make canals, or to build ships of war. For the truth of this, I appeal to the laws themselves. — Read — The Law. Let it be remembered, that, as I have al- ready observed, the sentence of the law is this ; that all those appointed to any office by their tribes shall act as magistrates, when first judicially approved. But the Pandio- nian tribe hath made Demosthenes a magis- trate, by appointing him an inspector of the works ; and for this purpose be hath been intrusted with public money to the amount of near ten talents. Again, another law ex- pressly forbids any magistrate, who yet stands accountable for his conduct, to be honoured with a crown. Vou have sworn to give sentence according to the laws. Here is a speaker who hath brought in a decree for granting a crown to a man yet account- able for his conduct. Nor hath he added that saving clause, ' When his accounts have first been passed.' I have proved the point of illegality from the testimony of your laws, from the testimony of your de- crees, and from that of the opposite parties. How then can any man support a prosecu- tion of this nature with greater force and clearness ? But farther: I shall now demonstrate that this decree is also a violation of the law, by the manner in which it directs that this crown shall be proclaimed. The laws declare, in terms the most explicit, that, if any man receives a crown from the senate, the proclamation shall be made in the senate- house ; if by the people, in the assembly : never in any other place. Read this law. The Law. And this institution is just and excellent. ORA'i . XVIII.] AGAINST CTESIPIION. 129 The author of this law seems to have been persuaded, that a public speaker should not ostentatiously display his merits before foreigners ; that he should be contented with the approbation of this city, of these his fellow-citizens ; without practising vile arts to procure a public honour. So thought our lawgiver. What are the sentiments of Ctesiphon- Read his decree. — The Decree. You have heard, Athenians, that the law directs, in every case where a crown is grant- ed by the people, that the proclamation shall be made in presence of the people, in the Pnyx, in full assembly : never in any other place. Vet Ctesiphon hath appointed proclamation to be made in the theatre : not contented that the act itself should vio- late our laws, he hath presumed to change the scene of it. He confers this honour not while the people are assembled, but while the new tragedies are exhibiting; not in the presence of the people, but of the Greeks ; that they too may know on what kind of man our honours are conferred. And now when the illegal nature of this decree is so incontestably established, the author, assisted by his confederate Demos- thenes, hath yet recourse to subtleties in order to evade the force of justice. These I must explain ; I must so guard you against them, that you may not be surprised by their pernicious influence. — These men can by no means deny, that our laws expressly direct that a crown conferred on any citizen by the people shall be proclaimed in the assembly, and in no other place. But, to defend their conduct, they produce a law relative to our festivals: of this they but quote a part, that they may more effectually deceive you : and thus recur to an ordinance by no means applicable to the case before us. Accord- ingly they will tell you, there are in this state two laws enacted relative to proclama- tions. One is, that which I have now pro- duced, expressly forbidding the proclama- tion of a crown granted by the people to be issued in any other place but the assembly. The other, say they, is contrary to this : it allows the liberty of proclaiming a crown so conferred, in the theatre, when the tragedies are exhibited, ' provided always that the people shall so determine by their voices.' On this law it is (thus will they plead) that Ctesiphon has founded his decree. To this artifice I shall oppose your own laws, my assistants, [1.] my constant reliance, through the whole course of this prosecution. If this be so : if such a custom hath been admitted into our goverment ; that laws repealed are still allowed to hold their place amidst those in full force ; that two, directly contra- dictory to each other, are enacted on the same subject ; what shall we pronounce on that polity, where the laws command and [1.] My assistants.] The strict import of the original expression is, ' my council,' or ' my advocate.' So that, by a bold figure, the laws are represented, as personally pre- forbid the very same things ? But this is by no means the case; and never may your public acts be exposed to such disorder! The great lawgiver to whom we owe our constitution was not inattentive to guard against such dangers. It is his express di- rection, that, in every year, our body of laws shall be adjusted by the legal inspectors, in the popular assembly ; and if, after due examination and inspection, it shall appear, that a law hath been enacted contradictory to a former law ; or that any one, when re- pealed, shall still hold its place among those actually in force; or that any more than one have been enacted on the same subject ; that, in all such cases, the laws shall be trans- cribed and fixed up in public on the statues of our heroes ; that the presidents shall con- vene the assembly, shall specify the authors of these several 'laws, and that the proper officers shall propose the question to the people, that they may by their voices repeal some, and establish others; that so one single law, and no more, may remain in force on one subject. To prove this, — Head the laws. — Tlie Laivs. If then the allegations of these men were just ; and that in reality there were two different laws relative to proclamations ; it seems impossible but that the inspectors must have detected this; the president of the assembly must have returned them to their respective authors; and the one or other must have been repealed ; either that which grants the power of proclaiming, or that which denies it. But since nothing of all this appears, these men must stand con- victed of asserting what is not only false, but absolutely impossible. The source, from whence they derive this falsehood, I shall here explain; when first I have premised, on what occasion these laws were enacted relative to proclamations in the theatre — It hath been the custom in this city, during the performance of the tragedies, that certain persons made procla- mation, not of an act ordained of the peo- ple, but some, of a crown conferred upon them by their tribe, or sometimes by their district ; of others it was thus notified, that they granted freedom to their slaves, to which they called on the Greeks as witnesses, and (which was the most invidious case) some persons, who had obtained the honours of hospitable reception in foreign states, used their interest to gain a proclamation, importing that such a coummunity, as that of Rhodes for instance, or of Chios, confer- red a crown upon them, on account of their virtue and magnanimity. And this they did, not as men honoured by the senate or by the people, in consequence of your con- cession, by virtue of your suffrage, and with a due acknowledgement of your favour, but sent, supporting the cause of jEschines, pleading on his side, detecting the fallacy and prevarication of his adversary. Tour- reil. 130 ORATION OF ^SCHINES Torat. xvnr. merely on their own authority, without any decree of yours. By these means it hap- pened, that the audience, and the managers, and the performers, were disturbed : and the men who obtained proclamations in the theatre, were really more honoured than those on whom the people conferred crowns. These had a place assigned for receiving these honours, the assembly; in no other place could proclamation be made: the others displayed their honours in the pre- sence of all the Greeks. The one obtained their crowns from your decree, by your per- mission: the others, without any decree. One of our statesmen, observing this, esta- blished a law by no means interfering with that which respects persons crowned by the people ; by no means tending to render this invalid : for it was not the assembly that was disturbed, but the theatre: nor was it his intention to contradict laws already es- tablished: our constitution forbids this. No : the law I mean solely regards those who are crowned, without a decree of the people, by their tribe or district ; those who give freedom to their slaves; those who re- ceive crowns from foreigners ; and it ex- pressly provides, that no person shall make their slaves free in the theatre; no person shall be proclaimed as honoured with a crown by their tribe, by their district, or by any other people whatsoever, (these are the words of this law,) on pain of infamy to the herald who shall make such proclamation. Since then it is provided, that those crown- ed by the senate shall be proclaimed in the senate-house: those by the people, in the assembly: since it is expressly forbidden that men crowned by their districts, or by their tribes, shall have proclamation made in the theatre; that no man may indulge an idle vanity, by public honours thus clan- destinely procured : since the law directs still farther, that no proclamation shall be made by any others, but by the senate, by the people, by the tribes, or by the districts respectively : if we deduct all these cases, what will remain but crowns conferred by foreigners? That I speak with truth, the law itself affords a powerful argument. It directs that the golden crown, conferred by proclamation in the theatre, shall be taken from the person thus honoured, and conse- crated to Minerva. But who shall presume to impute so illiberal a procedure to the community of Athens ? Can the state, or can a private person be suspected of a spirit so sordid, that, when they themselves have granted a crown, when it hath been just proclaimed, they should take it back again and dedicate it ? No. I apprehend that such dedication is made, because the crown is conferred by foreigners ; that no man by valuing the affection of strangers at a higher rate than that of his country, may suffer coiTuption to steal into his heart. But when a crown hath been proclaimed in the assembly, is the person honoured bound to dedicate it ? No, he is allowed to possess it ; that not he alone, but his posterity, may retain such a memorial in their family, and never suffer their affections to be alienated from their country. Hence hath the authoi of the law farther provided, that no pro- clamation shall be made in the theatre of any foreign crown, unless the people shall so direct by their decree ; so the community, which is desirous of granting a crown to any of our citizens, may be obliged to send am- bassadors and solicit your permission, and the person crowned shall owe less gratitude to those who confer this honour, than to you, by whose permission it is proclaimed. For the truth of this, consult the laws them- selves. The Laws. When these men therefore insidiously al- leged, that the law hath declared it allowa- ble to confer a crown, by virtue of a decree of the assembly, remember to make this reply : * True, if such a crown be offered by any other state; but if it be the gift of the Athenian people, the place of conferring it is determined. No proclamation is to be made but in the assembly.' Wrest and tor- ture this clause, * and in no other place whatever,' to the utmost; still you can never prove that your decree hath not vio- lated the laws. There remains a part of this my accusa- tion, on which I must enlarge with the greatest care; that which respects the pre- tence on which he hath pronounced this man worthy of the crown. These are the words of his decree : ' And the herald shall make proclamation in the theatre, in presence of the Greeks, that the community of Athena hath crowned him, on account of his virtue and magnanimity ; and (what is still strong- er) for his constant and inviolable attach- ment to the interest of the state, through the course of all his counsels and adminis- tration.' And, from henceforward, I have but to lay before you a plain simple detail ; such as can give you no trouble in forming your determination. For it is my part, as the prosecutor, to satisfy you in this single point, that the praises here bestowed on Demosthenes are false : that there never was a time in which he commenced faithful counsellor, far from persevering in any course of conduct advantageous to the state. If this be proved, Ctesiphon must at once stand justly condemned ; for all our laws declare, that no man is to insert any false- hood in the public decrees. On the other hand, it is incumbent on the defendant to prove the contrary. You are to determine on the several allegations. Thus then I proceed. To enter into a minute examination of the life of Demosthenes, I fear might lead me into a detail too tedious. And why should I insist on such points, as the cir- cumstances of the indictment for his wound, brought before the Areopagus, against De- momeles his kinsman, and the gashes he in- flicted on his own head ? Or why should I speak of the expedition under Cephisodotus, and the sailing of our fleet to the Hellespont, when Demosthenes acted as a trierarch ; en- tertained the admiral on board his ship; ORAT. XVI II.] AGAINST CTESIPHON. 131 made him partaker of his table, of His sacri- fices and religious rites; confessed his just right to all those instances of affection, as an hereditary friend ; and yet when an im- peachment had been brought against him which affected his life, appeared as his accu- ser? Why, again, should I take notice of his affair with Midias; of the blows which he received in his office of director of the entertainments ; or, how, for the sum of thirty mills, he compounded this insult, as well as the sentence which the people pronounced against Midias in the theatre ? These and the like particulars, I determine to pass over; not that I would betray the cause of justice; not that I would recom- mend myself to favour by an affected ten- derness; but lest it should' be objected, that I produce facts true indeed, but long since acknowledged and notorious. Say then, Ctesiphon ; when the most heinous in- stances of this man's baseness are so incon- testable evident, that his accuser exposes himself to the censure not of advancing falsehoods, but of recurring to facts so long acknowledged and notorious; is he to be publicly honoured, or to be branded with infamy ? And shall you, who have presumed to form decrees equally contrary to truth and to the laws, insolently bid defiance to the tribunal, or feel the weight of public justice? My objections to his public conduct shall be more explicit. I am informed that De- mosthenes, when admitted to his defence, means to enumerate four different periods, in which he was engaged in the administra- tion of affairs. One, and the first of these (as I am assured,) he accounts, that time in which we were at war with Philip for Am- phipolis. [1.] And this period he closes with the peace and alliance which we concluded, in consequence of the decree proposed by Philocrates, in which Demosthenes had equal share, as I shall immediately demon- strate. The second period he computes from the time in which we enjoyed this peace, down to that day when he put an end to a treaty that had, till then, subsisted; and himself proposed the decree for war. The third, from the time when hostilities were commenced, down to the fatal battle of Cha'ronea. The fourth is this present time. After this particular specification, as I am informed, he means to call upon me, and to demand explicitly, on which of these four periods I found "my prosecution ? and at what particular time I object to his admi- nistration, as inconsistent with the public interest ? Should 1 refuse to answer, should I attempt the least evasion or retreat, he boasts that he will pursue me, and tear off my disguise ; that he will haul me to the tribunal, and compel me to reply. That I may, then, at once confound this presump- tion, and guard you against such artifice, I [1.] Of the several periods, and, indeed, all the political conduct of these contending statesmen, the translator hath already given the best account in his power, particularly in the ' History of the Life and Reign of thus explicitly reply; before these your judges, before the other citizens, spectators of this trial, before all the Greeks who have been solicitous to hear the event of this cause (and of these I see no small number, but rather more than ever yet known to attend on any public trial,) I thus reply, I say, that on every one of these four periods, which you have thus distinguished, is my accusa- tion founded. And if the gods vouchsafe me their assistance; if the judges grant me an impartial hearing; and, if my memory shall faithfully recall the several instances of your guilt ; I am fully confident that I shall demonstrate to this tribunal, that the preservation of the state is to be ascribed to the gods, and to those citizens who have conducted our affairs with a truly patriot and well tempered zeal; and, that all our calamities are to lie imputed to Demosthenes as their real author. And, in this charge, I shall observe the very same method, which , as I am informed, he intends to use. 1 shall begin with speaking of his first period ; then proceed to the second and the third hi order ; and conclude with observations on present affairs. To that peace then I now go back, of which you Demosthenes and Philocrates were the first movers. You had the fairest opportunity (Athe- nians) of concluding this first peace in con- junction with the general assembly of the Greeks, had certain persons suffered you to wait the return of our ambassadors, at that time sent through Greece to invite the states to join in the general confederacy against Philip; and, in the progress of these nego- tiations, the Greeks would have freely ac- knowledged you the leading state. Of these advantages were you deprived by Demos- thenes and Philocrates, and by the bribes which they received in traitorous conspiracy against your government. If, at first view, this assertion should seem incredible to any in this tribunal, let such attend to what is now to be advanced, just as men set down to the accounts of money a long time since ex- pended. We sometimes come from home, possessed with false opinions of the state of such accounts. But when the several sums have been exactly collected, there is no man of a temper so obstinate as to dissemble, or to refuse his assent to the truth of that which the account itself exhibits. Hear me, in the present cause, with dispositions of the same kind. And if, with respect to past tran- sactions, any one among you who hath come hither possessed with an opinion, that De- mosthenes never yet appeared as advocate for the interests of Philip, in dark confe- deracy with Philocjates; if any man, I say, be so persuaded, let him suspend his judg- ment, and neither assent nor deny, until he hath heard, (for justice requires this.) And, if I shall obtain your attention to a brief re- cital of these periods, and to the decree which Philip.' To attempt to illustrate the his- torical transactions here mentioned or al- luded to, by large notes, would only be to repeat what he hath already laid before the public. 132 ORATION OF yESCHINES [orat. xviii. Demosthenes and Philocrates jointly pro- posed ; if the fair state of truth itself shall convict Demosthenes of having proposed many decrees in concert with Philocrates, relative to the former peace and alliance ; of having flattered Philip and his ambas- sadors with a most abandoned and shame- ful servility ; of having precipitated our ne- gotiations without waiting the return of our deputies ; and forced the people into a separate peace, without the concurrence of the general convention of the Greeks ; of having betrayed Cersobleptes, king of Thrace, the friend and ally of this state, into the hands of Philip ; if I shall clearly prove these points, I make but this reason- able request, that in the name of Heaven, you would concur with me, that, during the first of these four periods, his adminis- tration hath been by no means excellent. I shall proceed in such a manner, that you may accompany me without any difficulty. Philocrates proposed a decree, by which Philip was admitted to send hither his he- ralds and ambassadors to treat about a peace and an alliance. This decree was accused as a violation of the law : the time of trial came : Lvcinus, who had first moved for this trial, now appeared as prosecutor : Phi- locrates entered on his defence; in this he was assisted by Demosthenes; and Philo- crates escaped. Then came the time in which Themistocles was archon. During his magistracy, Demosthenes obtains a seat in the senate, as a member of that body, without any [l.j immediate right or any re- versionary title, but by intrigue and bribery ; and this 'in order to support Philocrates with all his power and interest, as the event itself discovered. For Philocrates prevailed still farther, so as to obtain another decree, by which it was resolved to choose ten de- puties, who should repair to Philip, and re- quire him to send hither ambassadors, with full powers to conclude a peace. Of these Demosthenes was one. At his return to the city, he applauded the treaty ; his report was exactly consonant with that of the other deputies ; and he alone, of all the senators, moved, that we should proceed to a solemn ratification of the treaty with Philip's minis- ters. Thus did he complete the work which Philocrates began. The one allows these ministers to repair to Athens ; the other ra- tifies the negotiation.— What I am now to observe, demands your utmost attention. Through the course of this treaty, the other deputies (who, upon a change of affairs, were exposed to all the malignity of Demos- thenes,) had scarcely any transactions with the ministers of Macedon. The great agents weie Demosthenes and Philocrates, and with good reason ; for they had not only acted as deputies, but had also been authors of the decrees which secured these impor- tant points ; first, that you should not wait [1.] Without any, &c. i. e.] Not chosen by lot into the office of a senator, nor ap- pointed conditionally, to fill the place of an- other on whom the lot had fallen, but who the return of the ambassadors, sent to unite the Greeks against Philip ; that you should conclude this treaty separately, and not in conjunction with the Greeks : secondly, that you should resolve not only to conclude a peace, but an alliance with Philip ; that if any of the states preserved a regard for us, they might at once be confounded with de- spair, when, at the very time that you were prompting them to war, they found you not only concluding a peace, but entering into a strict alliance with the enemy : and, lastly, that Cersobleptes should be excluded from the treaty ; that he should be denied a share in this alliance and this peace, at the very time when his kingdom was threaten- ed with an immediate invasion. The prince, whose gold purchased these important points, is by no means to be ac- cused. Before the treaty was concluded, and previously to his solemn engagements, we cannot impute it as a crime, that he pursued his own interest:. But the men, who traitorously resigned into his hands the strength and security of the state, should justly feel the severest effects of your resent- ment. He then, who now declares himself the enemy of Alexander ; Demosthenes, who at that time was the enemy of Philip ; he, who objects to me my connexions of friendship with Alexander, proposed a de- cree utterly subversive of the regular and gradual course of public business, by which the magistrates were to convene an assem- bly on the 8th of the month Elaphebolion, a day destined to the sacrifices and religious ceremonies in honour of jEsculapius, when the rites were just preparing. And, what was the pretence for choosing this solemn festival, on which no assembly hath ever been remembered ? ' In order,' saith he- ' that if ambassadors should arrive from Macedon, the people may, as soon as possi- ble, deliberate on sending their deputies to Philip.' Thus, before the ambassadors had yet appeared, an assembly was secured to favour them ; you were at once precluded from all the advantages which time might produce ; and your transactions fatally pre- cipitated, that you might conclude this treaty separately, not in conjunction with the Greeks, on the return of your ambassa- dors. After this, the ministers of Philip arrived at Atheiis; ours were still abroad, labouring to stir up the Greeks against Ma- cedon. Then did Demosthenes obtain another decree, by which it was resolved, that you should take into consideration, not only a peace, but an alliance; and this (without waiting for the return of your am- bassadors,) immediately after the festival of Bacchus, on the 18th day of the month. For the truth of this, I appeal to the de- crees. The Decrees. After these festivals, our assemblies were might die, or whose character might not be approved, upon the scrutiny previously ne- cessary to a citizen's entering into any pub- lic office or station. ORAT. XVIII.] AGAINST CTESIPHON. 133 accordingly convened. In the first was the general resolution of our allies publicly read ; the heads of whch I shall here briefly recite. They, in the first place, resolved, that vou should proceed to deliberate only about a peace. ■ Of an alliance not one word was mentioned; and this not from inattention, but because they deemed even a peace itself rather necessary than honourable. In the next place, they wisely provided against the fatal consequences of the corruption of De- mosthenes ; for they expressly resolved still farther, that ' it shall and may te lawful for any of the Grecian states whatever, with- in the space of three months, to accede in due form to this treaty, to join in the same solemn engagements, and to be included in the same stipulations. Thus were two most important points secured. First, an interval of three months was provided for the Greeks, a time sufficient to prepare their deputations : and, then, the whole collected body of the nation stood well af- fected and attached to Athens ; that, if at any time the treaty should be violated, we might not ba involved in war single and un- supported. These resolutions are them- selves the amplest testimony to the truth of my assertions. The Resolutions of the Allies, To these resolutions, I confess that I gave my voice, as did all the speakers in the first assembly. And the people in general rose with a firm persuasion, that a peace indeed should be concluded ; but that, as to an al- liance, it would be most expedient to post- pone the consideration of this, on account of the invitations sent through Greece, as this should be the act of the whole nation. Night intervened ; and the next morning we were again assembled. But now De- mosthenes had taken care to secure the gal- lery, and to exclude all those who might speak against his measures : he declared, that all the proceedings of the day before must be utterly ineffectual, unless the Ma- cedonian ministers could be persuaded to concur ; that he, on his part, had no con- ception of a peace distinct from an alliance ; We ought not, said he (I well remember his expression, which the odiousnes both of the speaker and of the term itself hath im- pressed deeply upon my mind, ) we ought not to rend the alliance from the peace : we ought not to wait the dilatory proceedings of the Greeks; but at once determine either to support the war alone, or to make a sepa- rate peace. He concluded with calling up Antipater to the gallery ; he proposed some questions to him which had been previously concerted between them, and to which he instructed him in such a reply, as might ef- fectually defeat the interest of the state. Thus the deliberation ended, in the full es- tablishment of those measures to which the importunity of Demosthenes extorted your consent, and which were confirmed in form by the decree of Philocrates. Nothing now remained, but to make an [1.] And yet this, &c] The reader may absolute resignation of Cersobleptes and the Thradan territories. And this they affect- ed on the 2(iih of the same month, before that Demosthenes had proceeded on the se- cond embassy appointed for the solemn rati- fication of the treaty. Pol this hater of Alexander, this foe' to Philip, this your public speaker, went twice on an embassy to Macedon, although he needed not have once accepted of this charge: he who now oiges you to spurn with contempt at the Macedonians; he, I say, having taken his place in the assembly, I mean, that which was convened on the L'lith; he, whose in- trigues procured him the dignity of a sena- tor, Itetrayed Cersobleptes into the hands of Philip, with the assistance of his confederate Philocrates. For this Philocrates surrepti- tiously inserted in his decree, that decree which Demosthenes proposed in form, the following clause among many others ; * that the several representatives of the allies shall be hound to enter into solemn ratifications of the peace with the ministers of Philip on this very day.' But Cersobleptes had no representatives then present ; and therefore he who moved that the representatives should then swear to the treaty, by direct consequence excluded Cersobleptes from the treaty, who had not been at all represented in this assembly. To prove the truth of this, read the authors of this decree, and the name of the president who proposed it. The Decree, THE PRESIDENT. A noble institution this, a truly noble in- stitution, Athenians, this exact preservation of our public records. Thus they remain unalterable, and never change from one to the other party, with our variable politi- cians; but, whenever we are pleased to re- sort to them, afford us ample satisfaction as to the real characters of those, who, after a long course of baseness, affect to be thought men of worth and excellence on any change of circumstances. It remains that I produce some instances of his abandoned flattery. For one whole year did Demosthenes enjoy the honour of a senator ; and yet, in all that time, it never appears that he moved to grant precedency to any ministers : for the first, the only time, he conferred this distinction on the ministers of Philip; he servilely attended to accommo- date them with his cushions and his carpets ; by the dawn of day he conducted them to the theatre; and, by his indecent and aban- doned adulation, raised a universal uproar of derision, when they were on their de- parture towards Thebes, he hired three teams of mules, and conducted them in state into that city. Thus did he expose his country to ridicule. But, that I may confine myself to facts, read the decree re- lative to tfc>e grant of precedency. The Decree. And yet this [l.J abject, this enor ■ not be displeased with the following account 134 ORATION OF iESCHINES [orat. xrm. flatterer, when he had been the first that received advice of Philip's death, from the emissaries of Charidemus, pretended a divine vision, and, with a shameless lie, de- clared that this intelligence had been con- veyed to him, not by Charidemus, but by Jupiter and Minerva. Thus he dared to boast, that these divinities, by whom he had sworn falsely in the day, had condescended to hold communication with him in the night, and to inform him of futurity. Seven days had now scarcely elapsed, since the death of his daughter, when this wretch, before he had performed the usual rites of mourning, before he had duly paid her funeral honours, crowned his head with a chaplet, put on his white robe, made a solemn sacrifice, in despite of law and de- cency ; and this when he had lost his child, the first, the only child that had ever called him by the tender name of father. I say not this to insult his misfortunes; I mean but to display his real character. For he who hates his children, he who is a bad pa- rent, cannot possibly prove a good minister. He who is insensible to that natural affection which should engage his heart to those who are most intimate and near to him, can never feel a greater regard to your welfare than to that of strangers. He who acts wickedly in private life, cannot prove excellent in his public conduct ; he who is base at home, can never acquit himself with honour when sent to a strange country in a public cha- racter. For it is not the man, but the scene that changes. By what fortunate revolution he hath been enabled to assume a new character (for I now come to the second period ; ) whence it is, that Philocrates, for the same conduct in which he was equally concerned, hath been impeached and condemned to exile, while Demosthenes supports his station, and maintains the power of impeaching others ; and by what means this abandoned wretch hath been enabled to plunge you into such calamities ; these are points which merit your peculiar attention. When Philip, then, had possessed himself of Thermopylae by surprise ; when, contrary to all expectation, he had subverted the of this transaction from Plutarch, together with the reflections of the biographer. ' Demosthenes, having received private information of Philip's death, in order to inspirit his countrymen, appeared in the se- nate with an air of gaiety, pretending to have seen a vision, which promised some good fortune to the Athenians. Immediately after, arrives an express with a full account of this event. The people in a transport of joy sacrifice to the gods, for the good tidings, arid decree a crown to Pausanias. On this occasion Demosthenes appeared in public with a chaplet on his head, and in splendid attire, although it was but the seventh day from the death of his daughter, as zEschines observes, who discovers his own want of firmness and elevation, by reproaching him on this account as devoid of natural affec- tion. As if tears and lamentations were the cities of the Phocians ; when he had raised the state of Thebes to a degree of power too great (as we then thought) for the times, or for our interest ; when we were in such con- sternation that our effects were all collected from the country, and deposited within these walls ; the severest indignation was expres- sed against the deputies in general, who had been employed in the negotiation of the peace ; bnt principally, and above all others, against Philocrates and Demosthenes ; be- cause they had not only been concerned in the deputation, but were the first movers and authors of the decree for peace. It hap- pened, at this juncture, that a difference arose between Demosthenes and Philocrates, nearly on the same occasion which you your- selves suspected must produce animosities between them. The ferment which arose from hence, together with the natural dis- temper of his mind, produced such counsels, as nothing but an abject terror could dictate, together with a malignant jealousy of the advantages which Philocrates derived from his corruption. He concluded, that by in- veighing against his colleagues, and against Philip, Philocrates must inevitably fall ; that the other deputies must be in danger; that he himself must gain reputation ; and, notwithstanding his baseness and treachery to his friends, lie must acquire the character of a consummate patriot. The enemies of our tranquillity perceived his designs ; they at once invited him to the gallery, and extolled him as the only man who disdained to betray the public interest for a bribe. The moment he appeared, he kindled up the flame of war and confusion. He it was, Athenians, who first found out the Serrian fort, and Doris- kum, and Ergiske, and Murgiske, and Ga- nos, and Ganides, places whose verv names were hitherto utterly unknown; and such was his power in perverting and perplexing, that, if Philip declined to send his ministers to Athens, he represented it as a contemp- tuous insult on the state ; if he did send them, they were spies, and not ministers; if he in- clined to submit his disputes with us to so me impartial mediating state, no equal umpire could be found, he said, between us and Philip. This prince gave us up the Halo- infallible signs of tenderness and sensibility, he objects to him that he bore his misfor- tunes with composure. I do not say that it was right to wear chaplets, and to offer sacrifices, upon the death of a prince who had used his good fortune with so much moderation. It was rather base and un- generous to pay him honours, and enroll him among their citizens, when alive ; and, when he had been killed, to break out into such extravagances, to insult over his dead body, and to sing hymns of joy, as if they themselves "had performed some great ex- ploit. But I can by no means condemn Demosthenes, for leaving it to the women to mourn over the misfortunes of his family, and exerting himself in what he deemed the service of his country upon tliis emergency.' Vlut. in fit. Demosth. OUAT. XVIII.] AGAINST CTESIPHON. 135 nesus. But he insisted that we should not receive it, unless it was declared, not that he ' resigned' but ' restored :' thus cavilling about syllables. And, to crown all his con- duct, by paying public honours to those who had carried their arms into Thessaly and Magnesia under the command of Aristode- mus, in direct violation of the treaty, he dissolved the peace, and prepared the way for calamity and war. Yes, but by the alliance of the Eubceans and the Thebans, did he (for thus he boasts) surround our city with walls of brass and adamant. But the truth is, Athenians, that in these transactions he committed no less than three most enormous offences, of which you are utterly uninformed. Although 1 am impatient to come to that grand article, the alliance of the Thebans, yet, for the sake of order, I must begin with that of the Euboeans. You, my countrymen ! had received many and great injuries from Mnesar- chus the Chaicidian, the father of O.luas and Taurosthenes (the man whom he bath now presumed, for the sake of a wretch- ed bribe, to enroll among the citizens of Athens,) and also from Themisan the Ere- trian, who, in time of profound peace, wrested Oropus from you. Yet you con- sented to bury all this in oblivion, and, when the Thebans had invaded Eubcea, in order to enslave the cities, within five days you appeared in their defence, with a power- ful armament ; and, before thirty days had yet elapsed, you obliged the Thebans to capitulate, and to evacuate the island. Thus absolute masters of Eubcea, you reinstated its cities and communities in all their privi- leges ; you generously and equitably relied on their faith, and thought it highly unjust to retain the memory of ancient animosities, when they implicitly resigned themselves to your honour. Yet to these important obli- gations the people of Chalcis did by no means make the due returns. On the con- trary, when vou had passed into Eubcea, to assist Plutarch, at first indeed you were re- ceived with all the appearances of friendship ; but when once we had advanced beyond Tamynas, and passed the eminence named Cotylaeum, Callias now perceiving that we had encamped in a dangerous situation, from whence it was impossible to disengage ourselves but by a victory, and where we could receive no reinforcement either by sea or land; this Callias, I say, on whom Demosthenes, having received his bribes, so freely lavishes his applause, collected an army from all quarters of Eubcea, which he reinforced with a detachment sent in by Philip : while his brother Taurosthenes, he who so graciously salutes and smiles upon every citizen, brought down his band of [1.] In the race.] In the original, ' the runner in the long race.' And whatever air of ridicule the speaker affects to throw upon this accomplishment, the foot-race, it is well known, held a distinguished rank among the athletic exercises of Greece. The common course was a stadium, or C2.5 feet. Some- mercenaries from Phocis, and both advanced with a firm purpose to destroy us. And, had not the same deity graciously inter- posed to save our army, and had not all our forces, both infantry and cavalry, performed extraordinary acts of valour at the Hippo- drome of Tamynas, and after a complete victory obliged the enemy to lay down their arms, the state must have been exposed to a defeat the most disgraceful. For a defeat is not of itself the greatest of calamities ; but, when that defeat is the consequence of an engagement with dishonourable enemies, then the calamity is doubled. Yet, notwithstanding this treatment, you were again reconciled to these people. And Callias, now restored to your favour, pre- served appearances for a little time, but soon returned with extraordinary violence to his natural dispositions. His pretence was, to form a convention of the Eubcean states at Chalcis ; his real design, to fortify the island against us, and to secure to him- self a sovereignty of peculiar importance. And, hoping to prevail on Philip to assist him in this design, he went over to Mace- don; was constantly in Philip's train, and came to be regarded as one of those who are styled his companions. But, having forfeit- ed this prince's favour by his offences, he was obliged to fly and, having rendered himself obnoxious at Thebes, he retired from that city also ; and thus his course of conduct, more uncertain and variable than the Euripus that flows by his native habita- tion, involved him in the resentment both of the Thebans and of Philip. In the midst of his confusion and perplexity, when an army was actually preparing to march against him, he saw but one resource left, and this was to prevail on the Athenians, by acknowledging him as their confederate, to enter into solemn engagements to defend him if attacked, by anv enemy : and it was evident he must he attacked, unless you were to prevent it. Possessed with this design he sent hither his deputies, Glaucetes Empedon, and Diodorus, so distinguished in the race, [1.] who came with airy hopes for the people, but with monev for Demos- thenes and his associates. And three mate- rial points there were, for all of which he then bargained : first, that he should not be disappointed of our alliance: for if the Athenians were to remember his former of- fences, and to reject him as a confederate, he had but one melancholy alternative, either to fly from Chalcis, or to sutler him- self to be taken and put to death : with such formidable powers were both Philip and the Thebans now preparing to surround him. In the second place, the manager and mover of this alliance was to contrive (and for this gold, was liberally bestowed) that the Chalcidians times the racers returned back again, per- forming .what was called olauXos, or the ' double course.' But the &o\ixo0p6/xo<: (as Diodorus is here styled) was the man who could continue his career for twelve stadia or more. 130 ORATION OF /ESCHINES [orat. xviii. should not be obliged to attend the conven- tion held at Athens. The third point was, that they should be excused from paying their contributions. Nor was Callias defeated in any one of these schemes. No. [1.] This Demosthenes, this foe to tyrants, as he calls himself, this man whom Ctesiphon declares a faithful minister, betrayed the most criti- cal interests of the state, and by his decree obliged us to take up arms, on every occasion, in defence of the Chalcidians. This was the purport, though not the formal style of the decree : to secure his point in the most deli- cate and least offensive manner, he artfully changed a single phrase, and ordained that the Chalcidians should take up arms, if on any occasion the Athenians should be at- tacked. But as to the acknowledgement of our superiority in the general convention ; as to obliging the confederates to pay their subsidies, the great support of war ; these articles he entirely gave up : he who dis- guises the basest actions by the most ho- nourable names : whose importunity oblig- ed you to declare, that you were resolved to send assistance to any of the Greeks that needed it : but that you must suspend all farther engagements of alliance; which should be formed only with those whose good offices you at first had experienced. To prove the truth of my assertions, I produce the instrument of Callias, the treaty of al- liance, and the decree. The Decree. Nor is it his most heinous offence, that he hath sold our interests, our rights of prece- dency, and our subsidies; what 1 have now to produce must be acknowledged still more enormous. For to such a pitch of insolence and extravagance did Callias proceed, and to such sordid corruption did Demosthenes descend, he whom Ctesiphon hath thus ap- plauded, that they contrived, in your pre- sence, in your view, in the midst of your attention, to defraud you of the contribu- tions from Oreum, and of those from Ere- tria, to the amount of ten talents. And, when the representatives of these states had appeared in Athens, they sent them back to Chalcis, to assist in what was called the convention of Eubcea. By what means, and by what iniquitous practices, they effect- ed this, will deserve your serious regard. I am then to inform you, that Callias was now no longer satisfied to negotiate with us by his emissaries: he appeared in person: he rose up and addressed himself to the as- sembly, in a speech concerted by Demos- thenes'. He told us that he was just arrived from Peloponnesus, where he had been late- ly employed in settling the subsidies which each city was to pay, in order to support a war against Philip ; the whole amounting to a hundred talents. He distinguished the sums to be paid by each state. The contri- butions of all the Artisans and Megaraans he rated at sixty, those of the cities of Eubcea [1.] See History"oF~theLife of Philip, book iv. sec. 2. at forty talents ; a sum, as he observed, sufficient to maintain a formidable arma- ment, both by sea and land. Many other Grecian states were ready to join in this supply, so that there would be no deficiency either in money or in forces. These were the effects of his public negotiations : but he had besides carried on some secret trans- actions which were not to be explained : of these some of our own citizens were wit- nesses : and then he called on Demosthenes by name, and required him to confirm this by his testimony. With a face of gravity and importance, Demosthenes then arose; bestowed the most extravagant applause on Callias ; and pretended to be well acquaint- ed with his secret transactions. He declared himself ready to report the success of his own embassy to Peloponnesus, and of that to Acarnania. The sum of all was this, that, by his means, the whole body of the Pelopohnesians, and all the Acarnanians, were ready to march against Philip ; that the amount of their several contributions would be sufficient to complete an arma- ment of one hundred ships of war, ten thousand infantry, and one thousand horse: that to these were to be added the domestic forces of each state : from Peloponnesus more than two thousand heavy-armed foot, and from Acarnania the same number : that all these states had freely resigned the chief command to you ; and that their prepara- tions were not" fixed to some distant time, but were to be completed by the 16th*of the month Anthesterion, as by his direction and appointment, the states were to hold their convention at Athens, at the time of full moon. For in these cases the man acts a distinguished and peculiar part. Other boasters, when they advance their falsehoods, are careful to express themselves in vague and obscure terms, from a just dread of being detected. But Demosthenes, when he would obtrude his impostures, first adds an oath to his lie, and imprecates all the vengeance of Heaven on his own head. And then, if he is to assure us of events, which he knows will never be, he has the hardiness to assign their particular times ; if to persuade us that he has negotiated with those he never saw, he enters into a distinct detail of their names ; thus insinuating himself into your confidence, and imitating the natural and explicit manner of those who speak truth; so that he is doubly an object of detestation, as he is base and false, and as he would confound all the marks of truth and ho- nesty. When he had finished, he presented a de- cree to the secretary, longer than the Iliad, more frivolous than the speeches which he usually delivers, or than the Ufe which he hath led ; filled with hopes never to be grati- fied, and with armaments never to be raised. And while he diverted your attention from his fraud, while he kept you in suspense by his flattering assurances, he seized the favourable moment to make his grand at- tack, and moved, that ambassadors should be sent to Eretria, who should entreat the Eretrians (because such entreaties were ORAT. XVIII.] AGAINST CTESIPHON. 137 mighty necessary) not to send their contri- butions of five talents to Athens, but to in- trust it to Callias : again he ordained, that ambassadors should be appointed to repair to Oreum, and to prevail on that state to unite with Athens in strict confederacy. And now it appeared, that through this whole transaction he had been influenced by a traitorous motive; for these ambassa- dors were directed to solicit the people of Oreum also, to pay their five talents, not to you, but to Callias. To prove the truth of this, read the decree, — not all the pompous preamble, the magnificent account of na- vies, the parade and ostentation ; but confine yourself to the point of fraud and circum- vention, which were practised with too much success by this impious and abandoned wretch, whom the decree of Ctesiphon de- clares to have persevered, through the course of all his public conduct, in an inviolable attachment to the state. The Decree. Here is a grand account of ships and of levies, of the full moon, and of conventions. Thus were you amused by words ; while, in fact, you lost the contributions of your allies, you were defrauded of ten talents. It remains that I inform you of the real motive which prompted Demosthenes to procure this decree ; and that was a bribe of three talents ; one received from Chalcis by the hands of Callias ; another from Ere- triaby Clitarchus, the sovereign of this state; the third paid by Oreum : by which means the stipulation was discovered ; for, as Oreum is a free state, all things are there transacted by a public decree. And as the people of this city had been quite exhausted in the war with Philip, and reduced to the utmost indigence, they sent over Gnosi- demus, who had once been their sovereign, to entreat Demosthenes to remit the talent ; promising, on this condition, to honour him with a statue of bronze, to be erected in their city. He answered their deputy, that he had not the least occasion for their paltry brass ; that he insisted on his stipulation ; which Callias should prosecute. The peo- ple of Oreum, thus pressed by their credi- tor, and not prepared to satisfy him, mortga- ged their public revenues to Demosthenes for this talent, and paid him interest at the rate of one drachma [1.] a month for each rnina, until they were enabled to discharge the principal. And to prove this, I produce the decree of the Oreitans. Read.— The Decree. Here is a decree, Athenians, scandalous to our country. It is no small indication of the general conduct of Demosthenes, and it is an evidence of the most flagrant kind, [1.] At the rate of one drachma, &c] i. e. at the rate of about twelve per cent. per ann. See Life of Philip, b. iv. sect. 2. 2.1 The reader will find a detail of this which must condemn Ctesiphon at once. For it i> not possible, that he who hath de- scended to such sordid bribery can be that man of consummate virtue, which Ctesiphon hath presumed to represent him in his decree. [->.] And now I proceed to the third of these rjeriods; which was indeed the fatal period, distinguished by, the calamities in which Demosthenes involved all Greece as well as his own city by his impious profana- tion of the Delphian temple, and by the ini- quitous and oppressive treaty in which he engaged us with the Thebans. But first 1 must speak of his offences towards the god?. There is a plain, Athenians, well known by the name of Cyrrha, and a port now called the devoted and accursed. This tract the Cyrrha?ans and Acragallida? inhabited, a lawless people, whose sacrilegious violence profaned the shrine of Delphi and the ofter- ings there deposited, and who presumed to rebel against the Amphictyonic council. The Amphictyons in general, and your ancestors in particular (as tradition hath informed us,) conceived the justest resent- ment, and addressed themselves to the ora- cle, in order to be informed by what punish- ment they might suppress these outrages. The priestess pronounced her answer, that they were to wage perpetual war against the Cyrrhasans and Acragallida?, without the least intermission, either by day or night ; that they were to lay waste their lands, and to reduce their persons to slavery ; that then- possessions were to be set apart from all worldly purposes, and dedicated to the Pythian Apollo, to Diana, to Latona, and to Minerva ; and that they were not to cul- tivate their lands, nor to suffer them to be cultivated. In consequence of this oracle, the Amphictyons decreed, and Solon the Athenian was the first mover of this decree (the man so eminent for making laws, and so conversant in the arts of poesy and phi- losophy,) that they should take up arms against these impious men, in obedience to the divine commands of the oracle. A suffi- cient force being accordingly raised by the Amphictyons, they reduced these men to slavery, demolished their harbour, rased their city, and consecrated their district, as the oracle directed. And to confirm these proceedings, they bound themselves by an oath, that they would never cultivate this consecrated land, nor suffer others to culti- vate it ; but that they would support the rights of the god, and defend this district thus consecrated, with their persons and all their power. Nor were they contented to bind themselves by an oath conceived in the usual form ; they enforced it by the addition of a most tremendous imprecation. Thus it was expressed : ' If any shall violate this engagement, whether city, or private person, or community, may such violators be devot- ed to the vengeance of Apollo, of Diana, whole important transaction, and of its momentous consequences on the interest of Greece, in the fifth book and first section of the history above mentioned. J 38 ORATION OF JESCHINES [orat. xviii. of Latona, and of Minerva; may their lands never yield their fruits; may their women never bring forth children of the human form, but hideous monsters ; may their herds be accursed with unnatural bar- renness ; may all their attempts in war, all their transactions in peace, be ever unsuc- cessful ! may total ruin for ever pursue them, their families, and their descendants ! and may they never (these are the very terms) appease the offended deities, either Apollo, or Diana, or Latona, or Minerva; but may all their sacrifices be for ever re- jected !'"To confirm the truth of this, let the oracle be read ; listen to the imprecations, and call to mind the oath by which your ancestors were engaged, in conjunction with the other Amphictyons. The Oracle. Still shall these tow'rs their ancient pride maintain ; Nor force, nor valour, e'er their rampart gain ; Till Amphitnte, queen of azure waves, The hallow'd lands of sov'reign Phoebus laves ; Till, round his seat, her threat'ning surges roar, And burst tumult'ous on the sacred shore. The Oath. THE IMPRECATION. Yet, notwithstanding these imprecations, notwithstanding the solemn oath, and the oracle, which to this day remain upon re- cord, did the Locrians and the Amphissaeans, or to speak more properly, their magistrates, lawless and abandoned men, once more cultivate this district, restore the devoted and accursed harbour, erect buildings there, exact taxes from all ships that put into this harbour, and, by their bribes, corrupt some of the pylagorae who had been sent to Delphi, of which number Demosthenes was one. For, being chosen into this office, he received a thousand drachmae from the Amphissaeans, to take no notice of their transactions, in the Amphictyonic council. And it was stipulated still farther, that, for the time to come, they should pay him at Athens an annual sum of twenty minae, out of their accursed and devoted revenues ; for which he was to use his utmost efforts, on every occasion, to support the interest of the Amphissaeans in this city ; a transac- tion which served but to give still farther evidence to this melancholy truth, that, whenever he hath formed connexions with any people, any private persons, any sove- reign magistrates, or any free communities, he hath never failed to involve them in ca- lamities the most deplorable. For, now, behold how Heaven and fortune asserted their superior power against this impiety of the Amphissaeans ! In the archonship of Theophrastus, when Diognetus was ieromnemon, you chose, for pylagorae, Midias (that man, who on many accounts I wish were still alive,) and Thrasycles ; and with these was I joined in commission. On our arrival at Delphi, it happened, that the ieromnemon Diognetus was instantly seized with a fever, and that Midias also shared the same misfortune. The other Amphictyons assembled : when some persons, who wished to approve them- selves the zealous friends of this state, in- formed us, that the Amphissaeans, now ex- posed to the power of the Thebans, and studious to pay them the most servile adu- lation, had introduced a decree against this city, by which a fine of fifty talents was to be imposed on the community of Athens, because we had deposited some golden shields in the new temple, before it had been com- pletely finished, which bore the following, and a very just inscription : •By the Athenians: taken from the Medes and Thebans, when they fought against the Greeks.' The ieromnemon sent for me, and de- sired that I should repair to the Amphic- tvons, and speak in defence of the city, which I had myself determined to do. But, scarcely had I begun to speak, on my first appearance in the assembly, (where I rose with some warmth as the absence of the other deputies increased my solicitude,) when I was interrupted by the clamours of an Amphissaean, a man of outrageous inso- lence, who seemed a total stranger to polite- ness, and was perhaps driven to this ex- travagance by some evil genius. He began thus : — ' Ye Greeks, were ye possessed with the least degree of wisdom, ye would not suffer the name of the Athenians to be men- tioned at this time; ye would drive them from the temple, as the objects of divine wrath ' He then proceeded to take notice of our alliance with the Phocians, which the decree of Crobylus had formed; and loaded the state with many other odious imputations, which I then could not hear with temper, and which I cannot now re- collect but with pain. His speech inflamed me to a degree of passion, greater than I had ever felt through my whole life. Among other particulars, on which I shall not now enlarge, it occurred to me to take notice of the impiety of the Amphissaeans, with re- spect to the consecrated land which I pointed out to the Amphictyons, from the place where I then stood, as the temple rose above the Cyrrhaean plain, and commanded the whole prospect of that district. ' You see,' said I, 'ye Amphictyons, how this tract hath been occupied by the people of Am- phissa : you see the houses and factories they have there erected. Your own eyes are witnesses, that this accursed and devoted harbour is completely furnished with build- ings. You yourselves know, and need not any testimony, that they have exacted du- ties, and raised large sums of wealth, from this harbour.' I then produced the oracle, the oath of our ancestors, and the impreca- tion by which it was confirmed ; and made a solemn declaration, that, ' for the people of Athens, for myself, for my children, and on AT. XVIII.] AGAINST CTESIPHON. 139 for my family, I would support the rights of the god, and maintain the consecrated land, with all my might and power: and thus rescue my country from the guilt of sacrilege.— Do you, ye Greeks,' thus did I proceed, ' determine for yourselves as ye judge proper. Your sacred rites are DOW prepared; your victims stand before the altars; you are ready to offer up your so- lemn prayers for blessings on yourselves and on your countries; — but, O ! consider with what voice, with what front, with what confi- dence can you breathe out your petitions, if ye sufler these sacrilegious men, thus devoted and accursed, to escape with impunity. The imprecation is not conceived ill dark or doubt- ful terms. No: the curse extends not only to these impious profaners, but to all those whosuffer their profanation to pass unreveng- ed. These are the very words with which the awful and affecting form is closed : Ma; they, who permit them to escape unpunish- ed, never oti'er up an acceptable sacrifice to Apollo, or to Diana, or to Latona, or to Minerva; but may all their devotions be rejected and abhorred !' When I had urged these and many other particulars, I retired from the assembly : when a considerable clamour and tumult arose among the Amphictyons ; and the debate was now no longer about the shields which we had dedicated, but about the pu- nishment due to the Amphissseans. Thus was a considerable part of that day wasted, when at length a herald arose, and made proclamation, That all the inhabitants of Delphi, above the age of sixteen, both slaves and freemen, should the next morning, by sunrise, assemble in the adjoining plain, called ' the plain of victims,' with spades and mattocks ; and by another proclama- tion it was ordained, that the representatives of the several states should repair to the same place, to support the rights of the god, and the consecrated land ; and that, if any representatives should disobey this sum- mons, their state was to be excluded from the temple, as sharing in the sacrilege, and involved in the imprecation. The next day we accordingly repaired to the place ap- pointed, from whence we went down to the Cyrrhaean plain ; and having there demo- lished the harbour, and set fire to the build- ings, we retired. During these transactions, the Locrians of Amphissa, who are settled at the distance of sixty stadia from Delphi, assembled in arms, and fell upon us with their whole force ; and, had we not with difficulty gained the town, by a precipitate flight, we must have been in danger of total destruction. On the succeeding day, Catty- phus, who acted as president of the council, summoned a * convention' of the Amphic- tyons ; so they call an assembly formed not only of the representatives, but of all who came to offer sacrifice, or consult the oracle. In this convention, many accusations were urged against the Amphissseans, and much applause bestowed on our state. The whole debate was closed with a resolution, by which the ieromnemons were directed to repair to Thermopylae, at a time appointed, previously to the next ordinary assembly, with a decree prepared for inflicting the due punishment on the AmphJsssans, for their sacrilegious offences against the god and the consecrated land, and for their outrage on the Amphictyons. To prove the truth of this, I produce the resolution itself. The Resolution. And when at our return we reported this resolution, first in the senate, and then in the assembly of the people ; when we had made a full relation of all our transactions to the people, and the whole state deter- mined to act agreeably to the dictates of piety; when Demosthenes, from his private connexions with Amphissa, laboured to de- feat this purpose, and his iniquitous prac- tices were by me clearlv detected, in vour presence; when he found it impossible to defeat the interests of his country by a pub- lic opposition, he had recourse to secret management in the senate. There, having first taken care to exclude all private citi- zens, he gained a resolution (by taking ad- vantage of his inexperience who moved it,) which he produced to the popular assembly ; and this resolution he contrived to be con- firmed by the voices of the people, and to be made their decree, at a time when the assembly was actually adjourned, when I was absent (else I never should have suffered it,) and when the people were dismissed from their attendance. The purport of the resolution was this : ' That the ieromnemon and pylagora?, who should at any time be deputed by the Athenians to execute these offices, should repair to Thermopylae and to Delphi, at the times appointed by our ancestors.' This was speciously expressed, but it concealed the basest purpose, which was, to prevent our deputies from attending the extraordinary council at Thermopylae, necessary to be held before the next stated day of assembly. But there was another clause in this reso- lution, still plainer and more virulent. It directed, that the ieromnemon and pylago- ra?, who should, at any time, be appointed by the Athenians, were to have no sort of intercourse with this extraordinary council, either in word, or deed, or decree, or any transaction whatever. ' To have no sort of intercourse.' What is the intent of this ? Shall I declare the truth, or shall I speak to please you ? The truth by all means ; for, by consulting only your gratification, in all that is here delivered, hath the state been reduced to its present condition. The real purpose, therefore, of this clause is; that we should renounce all regard to the oath by which our ancestors were engaged, to the awful imprecation, and to the oracles of the god. Agreeably to this resolution, we stayed at home, while all the other deputies assembled at Thermopylae except those of one people, whose name I cannot bear to mention ; (and never may any Grecian state suffer calami- ties in the least like theirs !) In this assem- bly, it was resolved to undertake a war o 140 ORATION OF ^SCHINES [orat. xviii. against the Amphissseans; and Cattyphus, the Pharsalian, who then presided in the assembly, was appointed general. Nor was Philip, at this time, in Macedon, no, nor in any part of Greece, but removed as far as Scythia, he who, Demosthenes presumes to say, was by me brought down upon the Greeks. In the first expedition, when the Amphissseans were at their mercy, they treated them with the utmost moderation ; and, for their most heinous offences, they only imposed a fine, which was to be paid to the god by a time appointed ; removed the most notoriously criminal and principal authors of the sacrilege ; and restored those who had been banished on account of their scrupulous regard to religion. But, when this fine was not discharged ; when the principal offenders were recalled home ; and the innocent and rdigious men, whom the Amphictyons had restored, were once more expelled; then was the second expedition made against the Amphissaeans, a considera- ble time after, when Philip was on his re- turn from the Scythian expedition. And now, when the gods presented you with the sovereign command in this holy war, by the corruption of Demosthenes were you de- prived of that honour. And did not the gods warn us of our dan- ger ? did they not urge the necessity of vi- gilance, in a language scarcely less explicit than that of man ? Surely never was a state more evidently protected by the gods, and more notoriously ruined by its popular leaders. Were we not sufficiently alarmed by that portentous incident in the mysteries, the sudden death of the initiated ? Did not Amyniades still farther warn us of our dan- ger, and urge us to send deputies to Delphi to consult the god? And aid not Demos- thenes oppose this design? Did he not say, the Pythian priestess was inspired [1.] by Philip, rude and brutal as he is, insolently presuming on that full power to which your favour raised him ? And did he not at last, without one propitious sacrifice, one favour- able omen to assure us of success, send out our armies to manifest and inevitable danger ? Yet, he lately presumed to say, that Philip did not venture to march into our territories, for this very reason, because his sacrifices had not been very propitious. What punishment, therefore, is due to thy offences, thou pest of Greece ? If the con- queror was prevented from invading the territories of the vanquished by unpropitious sacrifices, shouldst thou, who, without the least attention to futurity, without one fa- vourable omen, hast sent our armies to the field, shouldst thou be honoured with a crown for those calamities, in which thou hast involved the state, or driven from our borders with ignominy ? And, what can be conceived surprising or extraordinary, that we have not expe- rienced ? Our lives have not passed in the usual and natural course of human affairs ; [1.] Was inspired, ic] Demosthenes expressed this by an artificial phrase (the priestess Philippized,) on which the adver- I no, we were bom to be an object of asto- nishment to posterity. Do we not see the king of Persia, he who opened a passage for his navy through mount Athos, who stretched his bridge across the Hellespont, who demanded earth and water from the Greeks ; he who, in his letters, presumed to style himself sovereign of mankind, from the rising to the setting sun ; now no longer contending to be lord over others, but to se- cure his personal safety ? Do not we see those crowned with honour and ennobled with the command of the war against Persia, who rescued the Delphian temple from sa- crilegious hands? Hath not Thebes, our neighbouring state, been in one day torn from the midst of Greece? And, although this calamity may justly be imputed to her own pernicious counsels, yet we are not to ascribe such infatuation to any natural causes, but to the fatal influence of some evil genius. Are not the Lacedemonians, those wretched men, who had but once slightly interfered in the sacrilegious outrage on the temple ; who, in their day of power, aspired to the sovereignty of Greece ; now reduced to display their wretchedness to the world, by sending hostages to Alexander, ready to submit to that fate which he shall pronounce upon themselves and on their country ; to those terms which a conqueror, and an incensed conqueror, shall vouchsafe to grant ? And, is not this our state, the common refuge of the Greeks, once the great resort of all the ambassadors from the several cities, sent to implore our protection as their sure resource, now obliged to con- tend, not for sovereign authority, but for our native land ? And, to these circum- stances have we been gradually reduced from that time when Demosthenes first assumed the administration. Well doth the poet Hesiod pronounce on such men, in one part of his works, where he points out the duty of citizens, and warns all societies to guard effectually against evil ministers. I shall repeat his words ; for I presume we trea- sured up the sayings of poets in our memory when young, that, in our riper years, we might apply them to advantage. When one man's crimes the wrath of Heav'n provoke, Oft hath a nation felt the fatal stroke. Contagion's blast destroys, at Jove's com- mand, And wasteful famine desolates the land. Or, in the field of war, her boasted pow'rs Are lost ; and earth receives her prostrate tow'rs. In vain in gorgeous state her navies ride : Dash'd, wreck'd, and bury'd in the boist'r- ous tide. Take away the measure of these verses, consider only the sentiment, and you will fancy that you hear, not some part of He- siod, but a prophecy of the administration of Demosthenes : for true it is, that both sarv founds his charge of rudeness and bru- tality. Oi'.AT. XVIII.] AGAINST CTESIPHON. 141 fleets and armies, and whole cities, have been completely destroyed by his adminis- tration; and, in my opinion, neither l'hry- rondas, nor Eurybatus, nor any of those most distinguished by their villanies in former times, have been equal to this man in the arts of imposture and deceit: this man, who (hear it, (J earth ; hear it, all ye gods, and all of human race who have the least regard to truth !) dares to meet the eyes of his fellow-citizens, and shamelessly assert, that the Thebans were induced to the confederacy with us, not by the con- juncture of their affairs, not by the terror which possessed them, nor yet by our re- putation ; but by the negotiations of De- mosthenes. True it is, that before this time we sent many ambassadors to Thebes, all of them united with that state in the strictest connexions. First we sent our ge- neral Thrasybulus, a man highest above all others in the confidence of the Thebans : after him, Thraso, on whom the Thebans conferred the honours of hospitality : then again, Leodamas, nothing inferior to De- mosthenes in the powers of eloquence, and in my opinion a much more pleasing speak- er : Arcnidemus, another powerful speaker, whose attachment to Thebes had exposed him to considerable danger: Aristophon, the popular leader, who had long incurred the censure of being in his heart a Bceotian. Add to these, Pyrandrus, the public speaker, who is yet alive. And yet not one of these was ever able to prevail on them to unite in alliance with our state. I know the cause : but 1 must not insult their calami- ties. — The truth is (as I conceive,) that when Philip had wrested Nica?a from them, and delivered it to the Thessalians ; when he had transferred the war from Phocis to the very walls of Thebes, that war which he had before repelled, from the territories of Bceotia ; and when, to crown all, he had seized, and fortified, and fixed his garrison in Elataea, then did their fears of approach- ing ruin force them to apply to Athens : and then did you march out and appear at Thebes with all your power, both of infan- try and cavalry, before Demosthenes had ever proposed one syllable about an alliance. For it was the times, present terror, and the necessity of uniting with you, which then brought you to Thebes ; not Demosthenes. And let it be observed, that in these his negotiations he committed three capital of- fences against the state. In the first place, when Philip made war on us, only in name, but in reality pointed all his resentment against Thebes (as appears sufficiently from the event, and needs not any farther evi- dence,) he insidiously concealed this, of which it so highly concerned us to be in- formed ; and pretending that the alliance now proposed was not the effect of the pre- sent conjuncture, but of his negotiations, he first prevailed on the people not to de- bate about conditions, but to be satisfied that the alliance was formed on any terms : and, having secured this point, he gave up all Boeotia to the power of Thebes, by in- serting this clause in the decree, that, if any city should revolt from the Thebans, the Athenians would grant their assistance to such of the Boeotians only as should be resident in Thebes: thus concealing his fraudulent designs in specious terms, and betraying us into his real purposes, accord- ing to his usual practice ; as if the Bceotians, who had really laboured under the most grievous oppression, were to be fully satis- fied with the fine periods of Demosthenes, and to forget all resentment of the wrongs which thev had suffered Then, as to the expenses of the war, two thirds of these he imposed on us who were the farthest re- moved from danger, and one third only on the Thebans ; for which, as well as all his other measures, he was amply bribed. And with respect to the command, that of the fleet, he indeeddivided between us; the ex- pense he imposed entirely on Athens, and that of the land-forces (if I am to speak se- riouslv, I must insist upon it,) he absolutely transferred to the Thebans ; so that, during this whole war, our general Stratocles had not so much authority as might enable him to provide for the security of his soldiers. And here I do not urge offences too trivial for the regard of other men. No. I speak them freely ; all mankind condemns them ; and you yourselves are conscious of them : yet will riot be roused to resentment. For so completelv hath Demosthenes habituated you to his offences, that you now hear them without emotion or surprise. But this should not be: they should excite your ut- most indignation, and meet their just pu- nishment, if you would preserve those re- mains of fortune which are still left to Athens. A second and a much more grievous of- fence did he commit in clandestinely taking away all authority of our senate, all the ju- risdiction of our popular assembly, and transferring them from Athens to the cita- del of Thebes, by virtue of that clause which gave the magistrates of Bceotia a share in all councils and transactions. And such an uncontrolled power did he assume, that he rose publicly in the assembly, and declared that he would go as ambassador whither he himself thought proper, although not au- thorized by your commission ; and, if any of the generals should attempt to control him, he declared (as a warning to our ma- gistrates to acknowledge his sovereign pow- er, and as a means of accustoming them to implicit submission) that he would ' com- mence a suit for establishing the pre-emi- nence of the speaker's gallery over the gene- ral's pavilion ;' for that the state had derived more advantages from him in this gallery, than ever it had gained from the generals in their pavilions. Then, by his false musters in the contract for the foreign troops, he was enabled to secrete large sums of the money destined to the military service. And by hiring ten thousand of these troops of the Amphissaeans, in spite of all my re- monstrances, all my earnest solicitations in the assembly, he involved the state in the most perilous difficulties, at a time when the loss of f hese foreign troops had left us 142 ORATION OF jESCHINES [orat. xviii. unprepared to encounter dangers. What think you was at this time the object of Philip's most ardent wishes ? Was it not that he might attack our domestic forces separately, and our foreign troops at Am- phissa separately, and thus take advantage of the general despair into which the Greeks must sink at such an important blow ? And now Demosthenes, the great author of these evils, is not contented that he escapes from justice; but if he be denied the honour of a crown, expresses the highest indignation: nor is he satisfied that this crown should be proclaimed in your presence ; but, unless all Greece be made witness of his honours, he complains of th'e grievous injury. And thus we find, that, when a disposition, natu- rally base, hath obtained any considerable share of power, it never fails to work the ruin of a state. I am now to speak of a third offence, and this still more heinous than the others. Philip by no means despised the Greeks : was by no means ignorant (for he was not devoid of all sense) that by a general engage- ment he must set his whole power to the hazard of a day; he was well inclined to treat about an accommodation, and was on the point of sending deputies for this pur- pose, while the Theban magistrates, on their parts, were alarmed at the approaching dan- ger, with good reason. For it was not a dastardly speaker, who fled from his post in battle, that presented it to their thoughts, but the Phocian war, that dreadful contest of ten years, which taught them a lesson nevei to be forgotten. Such was the state of his affairs, and Demosthenes perceived it : he suspected that the Boeotian chiefs,were on the point of making a separate peace, and would receive Philip's gold without ad- mitting him to a share: and deeming it worse than death to be thus excluded from any scheme of corruption, he started up in the assembly, before any man had declared his opinion that a peace should, or should not, be concluded with Philip, but with an intent of warning the Bceotian chiefs, by a kind of public proclamation, that they were to allow him his portion of their bribes : he swore by Minerva (whom it seems Phidias made for the use of Demosthenes, in his vile trade of fraud and perjury) that, if any man should utter one word of making peace with Philip, he himself with his own hands, would drag him by the hair to prison ; imi- tating in this the conduct of Cleophon, who in the war with Lacedemon, as we are in- formed, brought destruction upon the state. [1.] But when the magistrates of Thebes paid him no attention, but, on the contrary, had countermanded their troops when on [1.] Destruction upon the state.] After the battle of Gyzicum, the Spartans offered to conclude a *p eace with Athens. Their ambassador proposed fair and equitable terms ; and the moderate part of the state inclined to an accommodation. But the violent and factious leaders, among whom this Cleophon was distingushed, inflamed the people's vanity by a magnificent display their march, and proposed to vou to consult about a peace, then was he absolutely frantic : he rose up in the assembly ; he called the Bceotian chiefs traitors to C ireece ; and declared that he himself would move (he who never dared to meet the face of an enemy) that you should send ambassadors to the Thebans, to demand a passage through their territory, for your forces, in their march against Philip. And thus through shame, and fearing that they might really be thought to have betrayed Greece, were the magistrates of Thebes diverted from all thoughts of peace, and hurried at once to the field of battle. [2.] And here let us recall to mind those gal- lant men, whom he forced out to manifest destruction, without one sacred rite happily performed, one propitious omen to assure them of success; and yet, when they had fallen in battle, presumed to ascend their monument with those coward feet that fled from their post, and pronounced his enco- miums on their merit. But O thou, who, on every occasion of great and important action, hast proved of all mankind the most worthless, in the insolence of language the most astonishing, canst thou attempt, in the face of these thy fellow-citizens, to claim the honour of a crown, for the misfortunes in which thou hast plunged thy city ? Or, should he claim it, can you restrain your indignation, and hath the memory of your slaughtered countrymen perished with them ? Indulge me for a moment, and imagine that you are now not in this tribunal, but in the theatre; imagine that you see the herald approaching, and the proclamation prescribed in this decree, on the point of being delivered : and then consider, whether will the friends of the deceased shed more tears at the tragedies, at the pathetic stories of the great characters to be presented on the stage, or at the insensibility of their country? What inhabitant of Greece, what human creature, who hath imbibed the least share of liberal sentiments, must not feel the deepest sorrow, when he reflects on one transaction which he must have seen in the theatre ; when he remem- bers, if he remembers nothing else, that on festivals like these, when the tragedies were to be presented, in those times when the state was well governed, and di- rected by faithful ministers ; a herald ap- peared, and introducing those orphans whose fathers had died in battle, now arrived at | maturity, and dressed in complete armour, I made a proclamation the most noble, and the most effectual to excite the :nmd to glo- rious actions : ' That these youths, whose fathers lost their lives in fighting bravely of their late success (as if Fortune, saith Diodorus, had, contrary to her usual course, determined to confine her favours to one party.) And thus the majority were pre- vailed upon to declare for war. And the event proved fatal. [2.] See History of Philip, b. v. sect. 2. p. 263. orat. xviii.] AGAINST CTESIPHON. 143 for their country, the people had maintain- ed to this their age of maturity. That now, having furnished them with complete suits of armour, they dismiss them (with prayers for their prosperity) to attend to their re- spective affairs ; and invite them to aspire to the highest offices of the state. Such were the proclamations in old times. But such are not now heard. And, were the herald to introduce the person who had made these children orphans, what could he say, or what could he proclaim ? Should he speak in the form prescribed in this de- cree, yet the odious truth would still force itself upon you, it would seem to strike your ears with a language different from that of the herald. It would tell you, that • the Athenian people crowned this man, who scarcely deserves the name of a man, on account of his virtue, though a wretch the most abandoned ; and on account of his magnanimity, though a coward and de- serter of his post.' Do not, Athenians, I conjure you by all the powers of Heaven, do not erect a trophy in your theatre, to perpetuate your own disgrace ; do not ex- j)ose the weak conduct of your country, in the presence of the Greeks : do not recall all their grievous and desperate misfortunes to the minds of the wretched Thebans; who, when driven from their habitations by this man, were received within these walls ; whose temples, whose children, whose sepulchral monuments were destroyed by the corruption of Demosthenes, and the Macedonian gold. Since you were not personal spectators of their calamities, represent them to your imaginations ; think that you behold their city stormed, their walls levelled with the ground, their houses in flames, their wives and children dragged to slavery, their hoary citizens, their ancient matrons, un-learning liberty in their old age, pouring out their tears, and crying to you for pity ; expressing their resentment, not against the instru- ments, but the real authors of their calami- ties; importuning you by no means to grant a crown to this pest of Greece, but rather to guard against that curse, that fatal genius which evermore pursues him. For never did any state, never did any private persons, conduct their affairs to a happy issue,, that were guided by the counsels of Demosthe- nes. And is it not shameful, my country- men, that, in the case of those mariners who transport men over to Salamis, it should be enacted by a law, that whoever shall overset his vessel in this passage, even inad- vertently, shall never be again admitted to the same employment (so that no one may be suffered to expose the persons of the Greeks to careless hazard,) and yet, that this man, who hath quite overset all Greece, [1.] A Margites, i. e. a contemptible idiot. J Immediately after the death of Philip, saith Plutarch, the states began to form a confede- racy, at the instigation of Demosthenes. The Thebans, whom he supplied with arms, attacked the Macedonian garrison, and cut off numbers of them. The Athenians pre- as well as this state, should be still intra with the helm of government ? That I may now speak of the fourth period, and thus proceed to the present times, I must recall one particular to your thoughts : I bat Demosthenes not only desert- ed from his post in battle, but fled from his duty in the city, under the pretence of em- ploying some of our ships in collecting con- tributions from the Greeks. But when, contrary to expectation, the public dangers seemed to vanish, he again returned. At first he appeared a timorous and dejected creature; he rose in the assembly, scarcely half alive, and desired to be appointed a commissioner for settling and establishing the treaty. But, during the first progress ot these transactions, you did not even allow the name of Demosthenes to be subscribed to your decrees, but appointed Nausicles your principal agent. Vet now he has the presumption to demand a crown. When Philip died, and Alexander succeeded to the kingdom, then did he once more practise his impostures. He raised altars to Pausa- nias, and loaded the senate with the odium of offering sacrifices and public thanksgiv- ings upon this occasion. He called Alexan- der a Margites, [1.] and had the presump- tion to assert that he would never stir from Macedon ; for that he would be satisfied with parading through his capital, and there tearing up his victims in the search of happy omens. And this, said he, I declare, not from conjecture, but from a clear con- viction of this great truth, that glory is not to be purchased but by blood :— The wretch ! whose veins have no blood ; who judged of Alexander, not from the temper of Alexan- der, but from his own dastardly soul. But when the Thessalians had taken up arms against us, and the young prince at first expressed the warmest resentment, and not without reason; when an army had actually invested Thebes, then was he chosen our ambassador ; but, when he had proceed- ed as far as Cithteron, he turned and ran back to Athens. Thus hath he proved equally worthless, both in peace and in war. But, what is most provoking, you refused to give him up to justice; nor would you suffer him to be tried in the general council of the Greeks. And, if that be true which is reported, he hath now repaid your indul- gence by an act of direct treason. For the mariners of the Paralian galley, and the am- bassadors sent to Alexander, report (and with great appearance of truth) that there is one Aristion, a Platasan, the son of Aris- tobulus the apothecary (if any of you know the man.) This youth, who was distinguish- ed by the beauty of his person, lived a long time in the house of Demosthenes. How he was there employed, or to what purposes pared to join with Thebes. Their assem- blies were directed solely by Demosthenes, who sent dispatches to the king's lieutenants in Asia, to prevail upon them to rise against Alexander,' whom he called a boy, and a Margites. Plut. in Demost. O •! 144 ORATION OF jESCHINES [o raT - xvni - he served, is a matter of doubt, and which it might not be decent to explain particu- larly. And, as I am informed, he afterward contrived (as his birth and course of life was a secret to the world) to insinuate himself into the favour of Alexander, with whom he rived with some intimacy. This man Demosthenes employed to deliver letters to Alexander, which served in some sort to dispel his fears, and effected his reconcilia- tion with the prince ; which he laboured to confirm by the most abandoned flattery. And now observe how this account agrees with the facts which I allege against him. For if Demosthenes had been sincere in his professions ; had he really been that mortal foe to Alexander ; there were three most fortunate occasions for an opposition, not one of which he appears to have improved. The first was, when this prince had but just ascended the throne; and, before his own affairs were duly settled, passed over into Asia ; when the king of Persia was in the height of all his power, amply furnished with ships, with money, and with forces, and extremely desirous of admitting us to his alliance, on account of the danger which then threatened his dominions. Did you then utter one word, Demosthenes ? Did you rise up to move for any one resolution ? Am I to impute your silence to terror ; to the influence of your natural timidity ? But the interest of the state cannot wait the timidity of the public speaker. Again, when Darius had taken the field with all his forces, when Alexander was shut up in the defiles of Cilicia, and, as you pretended, destitute of necessaries ; when he was upon the point of being trampled down by the Persian cavalry (this was your language;) when your insolence was insupportable to the whole city ; when you marched about in state with your letters in your hands, pointing me out to your creatures as a trem- bling and desponding wretch, calling me the • gilded victim,' and declaring that I was to be crowned for sacrifice, if any accident should happen to Alexander; still were you totally inactive; still you reserved yourself for some fairer occasion But to pass over all these things, and to come to late tran- sactions. The Lacedemonians, in conjunc- tion with their foreign troops, had gained a victory, and cut to pieces the Macedonian forces near Corragus ; the Eleans had gone over to their party, and all the Achaeans, except the people of Pellene ; all Arcadia also, except the 'great city;' and this was besieged, and every day expected to be taken. Alexander was at a distance farther than the pole ; almost beyond the limits of the habit- able world; Antipater had been long em- ployed in collecting his forces ; and the event was utterly uncertain. In this junc- ture, say, Demosthenes, what were your actions ? what were your speeches ? If you please, I will come down, and give you an opportunity of informing us. But you are silent. Well, then, I will'shew some tender- ness to your hesitation, and I myself will tell the assembly how you then spoke. And do you not remember his strange and mon- strous expressions ? Which you (O asto- nishing insensibility !) could eiidure to hear. He rose up and cried, Some men are ' pru- ning' the city ; they are ' lopping" the ' ten- drils' of the state ; they ' cut through the sinews' of our affairs; we are 'packed up' and 'matted ;' they ' thread' us ' like needles.' — Thou abandoned wretch ! What lan- guage is this ? Is it natural or monstrous ? — Again, you writhed and twisted your body round the gallery ; and cried out as if you really exerted all your zeal against Alex- ander, ' I confess that I prevailed on the Lacedemonians to revolt; that I brought over the Thessalians and Perrhibaeans.' Influence the Thessalians! Could you in- fluence a single village ; you, who in time of danger never venture to stir from the city, no, not from your own house ? In- deed, where any money is to be obtained, there you are ever ready to seize your prey ; but utterly incapable of any action worthy of a man. If fortune favours us with some instances of success, then, indeed, he as- sumes the merit to himself; he ascribes it to his own address ; if some danger alarms us, he flies ; if our fears are quieted, he de- mands rewards, he expects golden crowns. 'But all this is granted.' Yet he is a zealous friend to our free constitution. If you consider only his fair and plausible dis- courses, you may be deceived in this, as you have been in other instances. But look into his real nature and character, and you can- not be deceived. Hence it is that you are to form your judgement. And here I shall recount the several particulars necessary to form the character of a faithful citizen, and a useful friend to liberty. On the other hand, I shall describe the man who is likely to prove a bad member of society, and a favourer of the arbitrary power of a few. Do you apply these two descriptions to him, and consider not what he alleges, but what he really is. I presume, then, it must be universally acknowledged, that these are the character- istics of a friend to a free constitution. First, he must be of a liberal descent, both by father and mother, lest the misfortune of his birth should inspire him with a prejudice j against the laws which secure our freedom. i Secondly, he must be descended from such | ancestors as have done service to the people, at least, from such as have not lived in en- mity with them : this is indispensably ne- cessary, lest he should be prompted to do the state some injury, in order to revenge the quarrel of his ancestors. Thirdly, he must be discreet and temperate in his course i of life, lest a luxurious dissipation of his fortune might tempt him to receive a bribe in order to betray his country. Fourthly, he must have integrity united with a power- ful elocution: for it is the perfection of a statesman to possess that goodness of mind, which may ever direct him to the most salu- tary measures, together with a skill and power of speaking, which may effectually recommend them to his hearers. Yet, of the two, integrity is to be preferred to elo- quence. Fifthly, he must have a manly ORAT. XVIII.] AGAINST CTESIPHON. 145 spirit, that in war and danger he may not desert his country. It may be sufficient to say, without farther repetition, that a friend to the arbitrary power of a few is distin- guished by the characteristics directly op- posite to these. And now consider which of them agree to Demosthenes. Let us state the account with the most scrupulous regard to justice. This man's father was Demosthenes of the Paeanian tribe, a citizen of repute (for I shall adhere strictly to truth.) But how he stands as to family, with respect to his mo- ther and her father, I must now explain. There was once in Athens a man called Gy- lon ; who by betraying Nymphamm in Pontus to the enemy, a city then possessed by us, was obliged to fly from his country in order to escape the sentence of death denounced against him, and settled on the Bosphorus, where he obtained, from the neighbouring princes, a tract of land called ' the Gardens ;' and married a wo- man, who indeed brought him a consider- able fortune, but was by birth a Scythian. By her he had two daughters, whom he sent hither with a great quantity of wealth; one of them he settled, I shall not men- tion [1.] with whom, that I may not pro- voke the resentment of too many; the other Demosthenes, the Pa?anian married in defiance of our laws, and from her is the present Demosthenes sprung ; our turbulent and malicious informer. So that by his grandfather, in the female line, he is an enemy to the state, for his grandfather was condemned to death by your ancestors. And by his mother he is a Scythian, one who assumes the language of Greece, but whose abandoned principles betray his bar- barous descent. And what hath been his course of life ? — He first assumed the office of a trierarch ; and having exhausted his paternal fortune by his ridiculous vanity, he descended to the profession of a hired advocate : but having lost all credit in this employment, by betraying the secrets of his clients to their antagonists, he forced his way into the gal- lery, and appeared a popular speaker. When those vast sums, of which he had defrauded the public, were just dissipated, a sudden tide of Persian gold poured into his exhaus- ted coffers; nor was all this sufficient; for no fund whatever can prove sufficient for the profligate and corrupt. In a word, he supported himself, not by a fortune of his own, but by your perils. But how doth he appear with respect to integrity, and force ont, tendered the oaths, and thus saved the towns before he had reduced them — For he would not have attempted the least hostility in our presence ; or, if he had, we might have refused his ratification, and dis- appointed his hopes of peace : for he could not have enjoyed both ; a peace and his con- quests also. Such was the first instance of Philip's ar- tifice in this negotiation, and of the corrup- tion of these wicked men; for which I then denounced, and now and ever must de- nounce, perpetual war and opposition against these enemies of heaven. — I proceed to point out another, and a still more flagrant instance of iniquity When Philip had, in due form, acceded to the treaty, having first possessed himself of Thrace, by means of those mi- nisters who refused obedience to my decree, he bribed them once again not to depart from Macedon, until he had completed his armament against the Phocians ; lest a fair report of his designs and preparations should prompt you to issue forth, steer your course to Thermopylae, as on a for- mer [1.] occasion; and block up the straits of Eubcea with your navy. He resolved that the news of his preparations, and his passage through the straits, should arrive together. And such were his apprehensions, such the violence of his terror, lest, when he had gained the straits, before he had completed the destruction of Phocis, ye should be in- formed of his motions, resolve to assist this state, and thus defeat his grand design ; that he again bribed this wretch, not in conjunction with the other deputies, but now apart, and by himself, to make such representations, and to give you such as- surances as effectually ruined all our in- terests. [I.] As on a former, &c] duction to Philippic I. See the Intro- And here, my fellow-citizens, I desire, 1 beseech you to bear in mind, through the whole course of this dispute, that, if jEs- chines had urged nothing against me foreign to his cause, I too should have confined my- self to the great point in contest. But as he hath recurred to every charge, every invec- tive which malice could suggest, it becomes necessary for me to make some short reply to all the several crimes alleged against me. What then were the declarations which he made at this juncture, and which proved so fatal to our interests ? That you ought not to be violently alarmed at Philip's passage through the straits ; that the event would answer to your most sanguine wishes, if you but continued quiet : that in two or three days you should hear that he had entered into strict friendship with those who seemed the object of his hostilities, and that he had become their enemy, with whom he now united. ' For it is not words,' said he in all the solemnity of language, ' that form the strict band of friendship, but a simila- rity of interests. And it is equally the inte- rest of all, of Philip, of the Phocians, and of Athens, to be relieved from the insolence and stupidity of the Thebans.' — And what were the immediate consequences ? The un- happy Phocians were speedily destroyed, and their cities rased to their foundations : you, who had relied on his assurances, and continued quiet, were shortly obliged to leave your lands desolate, and collect your property within these walls, while he receiv- ed his gold. And, still farther, the invete- rate hatred of the Thebans and Thessalians fell, with all its weight, on Athens, while Philip's conduct was attended with applause and popularity. To prove these things, read the decree of Callisthenes, and the let- ter received from Philip. They both con- firm the truth of my assertions — Read ! The Decree. " In the archonship of Mnesiphilus, or. the 21st day of the month of Maemacterion, in an assembly extraordinary, convened by authority of the generals, prytanes, and senate, at the motion of Callisthenes, it is " Resolved, " That no citizen of Athens be permitted, on any pretence whatever, to pass the night in the country : but that every man shall confine himself within the city, or the pre- cincts of the Piraeus, excepting only such persons as may be appointed to the defence of some post. That every such person shall be obliged to maintain his station, without presuming to absent himself, either by night or day. That whoever refuses to pay due obedience to this resolution and decree, shall incur the penalties ordained for traitors, un- less he can allege some necessary cause, to be approved of by the general immediately in command, the treasurer, and the secretary of the senate, who shall have the sole power of judging of such allegations. That ail effects now in the country shall be instantly removed ; those within "the distance of a hundred and twenty stadia, into the city or ouat.xix.] DEMOSTHENES' OKATIONS. 159 Piraeus; those at any greater distance, to Eleusis, Phyle, Aphidna, Rhamnusiura, and Suniura." Were these the hopes which induced you to conclude the peace? Were these the pro- mises, with which this hireling amused you ? — Now read the letter soon afterward receiv- ed from Philip. The Letter. " Philip, kins; of Macedon, to the senate and people of Athens, health. " Know ye, that we have passed the straits of ThermopyUe, and reduced Phocis. We have stationed our garrisons in such towns as have submitted and acknowledged our authority. Those which have presumed to resist our force, we have taken by assault, reduced the inhabitants to slavery, and rased their habitations to the ground. But, being informed that you are making dispositions for the support of these people, we, by these presents, recommend to you to spare your- selves the pains of such an ineffectual at- tempt. Your conduct must certainly ap- pear extremely inequitable and extravagant, in arming against us, with whom you have so lately concluded a treaty. If you have determined to shew no regard to your en- gagements, we shall only wait for the com- mencement of hostilities, to exert a resolu- tion on our part, no less vigorous and for- midable." You hear how he announces his intention in this letter: how explicitly he declares to his allies, ' 1 have taken these measures in de- spite of the Athenians, and to their eternal mortification. If ye are wise, then, ye The- bansand Thessalians, ye will regard them as enemies, and submit to me with an entire confidence.' These are not his words, indeed ; but thus he would gladly be understood. And by these means did he acquire such an absolute dominion over their affections, that, blind and insensible to all consequences, they suffered him to execute the utmost schemes of his ambition. Hence, all the calamities which the wretched Thebans experience at this day. While he, who was the great agent and coadjutor in procuring this impli- cit confidence; he, who in this place uttered his falsehoods, and deceived you by his flattering assurances ; he it is, who affects a deep concern at the misfortunes of Thebes, who displays them in such pathetic terms ; although he himself be the real author both of these and the calamities of Phocis, and of all others which the Greeks have suffered. Yes, jEschines, you must be affected deeply with these events, you must indeed feel compassion for the Thebans : you who have acquired possessions in Bceotia, you who en- joy the fruits of their lands: and I must surely rejoice at their misery ; I who was instantly demanded by the man who had inflicted it. But I have been led insensibly to some particulars, which I may shortly introduce with more propriety. I now return to the proof of my assertion, that the corruption and iniquity of these men have been the real cause of our present difficulties. When Philip had contrived to deceive you so effec- tually, by means of those who, during their embassy,' had sold themselves to this prince, and never reported one word of truth to your assemblies; when the wretched Phocians also had been betrayed, and their cities levelled to the ground ; — what followed ? The mis- creant Thessalians, and the stupid Thebans, regarded Philip as their friend, their benefac- tor, their saviour: he was every thing with them : nor could they bear a word which tended to oppose these sentiments. On your part, although ye looked with a just suspi- cion on the progress of affairs, although ye felt the utmost indignation, yet still ye ad- hered to the treaty : for it was not possible to act, single as ye were. The other Greeks too, equally abused with you, and equally disappointed in their hopes, were yet deter- mined to the same pacific conduct, though Philip, in effect, had long since made war upon them. For when, in the circuit of his expedition, he had destroyed the lllyrians, and the Triballians, and even some Grecian states ; when a certain set of men had seized the opportunity of a peace, issued forth from the several cities, and, repairing to Macedon, had there received his bribes (of which num- ber jEschines was one, ) then were the real objects of his hostilities discovered, and then was the attack made on the several states. Whether they yet perceived this attack, or no, is another question : a question which concerns not me : I was ever violent in fore- warning, in denouncing the danger here, and in every place to which I was deputed. But, in fact, the states were all unsound. Those who had the conduct and administration of affairs, had been gained by gold : while their private citizens and popular assemblies were either blind to all consequences, or caught by the fatal bait of temporary ease and quiet. And such was the general infa- tuation that each community conceived, that they alone were to be exempted from the common calamity ; nay, that they could derive their own security from the public danger. To this I must impute it, that the many found their inordinate and ill-timed indolence exchanged for slavery : while their statesmen, who imagined that they were selling every thing but themselves, found at length that "they had first sold themselves. Instead of friends and guests (so were they styled, while they were receiving their bribes,) now they were called flatterers, ene- mies to Heaven, and every other odious name so justly merited. For it is not the interest of the traitor that is at all regarded by the man who bribes him ; nor, when the purchased service hath been once obtained, is the traitor ever admitted into his future confidence. If he were, no man could be happier than the traitor. But this is not the case, my fellow-citizens ! How should it ? No ! Impossible ! When the votary of ambition hath once obtained his object, he also becomes master of his vile agents : and, as he knows their baseness, then, then he detests them ; he keeps them at a wary distance ; he spurns them from him. Re- 160 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [orat. xix. fleet on former events : their time indeed is passed : but men of sense may always find a time to derive instruction from them. Las- thenes was called the friend of Philip, until he had betrayed Olynthus ; Timolaus, un- til he had destroyed "the Thebans; Eudicus and Simo, until they had given him the dominion of Thessaly; then were they dri- ven away with scorn ; then were they loaded with every kind of wretchedness ; and trai- tors in disgrace were dispersed through the whole nation. How was Aristratus received at Sicyon ? How Perilaus at Megara ? Are they not in abject infamy ? And hence it evidently appears, that he who is most vigi- lant in defence of his country, and most zealous in his opposition to such men, is really a friend to you, ^Eschines, and your venal, traitorous faction (as his conduct makes it necessary to bribe you;) and that your safety and your gain* depend entirely on the number of such patriots, and their obstinate aversion to your counsels. If left to yourselves, ye must have long since perished. And now, as to the transactions of those times, I might say more ; but I have already said what I deem more than sufficient. To him must it be imputed, who hath disgorged all the foulness of his own iniquity upon me, which it was necesssary to wipe away, for the sake of those who were born since the events I speak of. To you, ye judges, the detail must be tedious and disgusting. Be- fore I had uttered one word, you were well informed of his prostitution. He calls it friendship and intimate connexion. Thus hath he just now expressed it — ' He who re- proaches me with the intimacy of Alexan- der !' I reproach thee with the intimacy of Alexander ! How couldst thou obtain it ? How couldst thou aspire to it ? I could never call thee the friend of Philip ; no, nor the intimate of Alexander. I am not so mad. Unless we are to call those menial servants, who labour for their wages, the friends and intimates of those who hire them. But how can this be ? Impossible ! No ! I formerly called you the hireling of Philip ; I now call you the hireling of Alexander; and so do all these our fellow- citizens. If you doubt it, ask them; or I shall ask them for you. Ye citizens of [1.] You hear their answer.] Commenta- tors seem surprised at the boldness and the success of this appeal. Some tell us, that the speaker was hurried into the hazardous question by his impetuosity. Some that his friend Menander was the only person who returned the answer he desired. Others, again , that he pronounced falsely on purpose, and that the assembly intended but to cor- rect his pronunciation, when they echoed back the word Mio-tfaiTor, hireling. But the truth is, he was too much interested in the present contest, to suffer himself to be really transported beyond the strictest bounds of prudence and caution ; he was too well supported to rely upon a single voice, if such could be at ail heard in the as- sembly ; and he had too much good sense to Athens, do you account -^schines the hire- ling, or the intimate, of Alexander? You hear their answer. [1.] I now proceed to my defence against the several articles of his impeachment, and to the particulars of my ministerial conduct, that vEschines (although he knows them well) may hear the reasons on which I justly claim the honour of this decree, and might claim still greater honours. Take the im- peachment. Read it. The Impeachment. "In the archonship of Chserondas, on the 6th day of the month Elapha?bolion, jEschines, son of Atrometus, of the Cotho- cidian tribe, impeached Ctesiphon, son of Leosthenes, of the Anaphlystian tribe, be- fore the archon, of a violation of the laws. " Forasmuch as he hath been author of an illegal decree, importing, that a golden crown should be conferred on Demosthenes, son of Demosthenes, of the Pajanian tribe ; and that proclamation should be made in the theatre, during the grand festival of Bacchus, and the exhibition of the new tra- gedies, that the people of Athens had con- ferred this golden crown upon the said De- mosthenes, on account of his virtue, and affectionate attachment to Greece in general, and to Athens in particular ; as also, on ac- count of that magnanimity and steady zeal in speaking and acting for the interests of this state, which he hath ever discovered, and still discovers, upon every occasion, to the utmost of his power. All which clauses are false, and repugnant to our. laws. As it is enacted, " First, that no man shall enter false al- legations into our public acts. " Secondly, that no man, yet accountable for any office of trust, shall receive a crown : whereas, Demosthenes was director of the fortifications, and manager of the theatrical funds. '* Lastly, that no crown shall be proclaim- ed in the theatre during the festival, or dra- matic entertainments, but in the senate- house, if the crown be granted by the senate ; if by the commons, in the Pnyx, and in full assembly. "The penalty, [2.] fifty talents. The recur to a ridiculous and childish artifice. The assembly, to which he addressed him- self, was of a quite different kind from one of our modern courts of law, where order and decorum are maintained. The audience were not at all concerned to suppress the emotions raised in them by the speaker. And Demosthenes had a large party present, who, he was well assured, would rerurn the pro- per answer loudly. [2.] The penalty, &c] The damages, if we may so call them, were laid at such a vast sum as Ctesiphon, if condemned, could by no means discharge : in which case he must have been banished, or branded with infamy : and Demosthenes must probably have shared the same fate ; against whom, no doubt, jEschines would have immediately com- orat. xix.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 1CI agents, [1 ] Cephisophon and Clcon." Here, you have the several articles of the decree, on which he founds his prosecution. And on these very articles I mean to rest the justice Of my cause. I shall take them in the order of this impeachment, and speak to them one by one, without any voluntary omission — As to the clause of ' that steady zeal in speaking and acting for the interest of this state, which I have ever discovered, and still discover upon every occasion, to the utmost of my power,' and the honours ap- pointed to me on this account, the decision must depend on my ministerial conduct. From this conduct, duly considered, it will appear whether Ctesiphon hath adhered to truth and propriety in these assertions, or whether they be false As to the omission of conferring the crown * when my accounts of office should be first passed,' and the ap- pointment of the theatre as the place of pro- clamation ; these points too might be de- termined by my administration, this might decide whether I be worthy of such an ho- nour and such a publication. Vet I deem it incumbent on me to produce the laws, by which these clauses are fully warranted. So upright and so plain is the scheme of my defence. I proceed, then, to the particular measures of my administration. And let no man think that I am suspending the discussion of this cause, if I enter into the affairs and counsels of Greece. He who hath attacked this as- sertion, that ' I have ever spoken and acted for the general interest ;' he who expressly accuses it of falsehood ; he it is, who makes the account of all my public conduct, all my whole system of administration, immediate- ly pertinent and necessary to this suit. Be- sides, among the different departments of those who engage in public business, mine was of that nature which attached me more immediately to the interest of Greece. From these I must, therefore, be allowed to deduce my evidence. As to those conquests and acquisitions which Philip had obtained before 1 had en- gaged in the administration, before my ap- pearance as a popular leader, I shall pass them over ; for they, by no means (as I con- ceive,) affect the merits of my cause. As to those various instances in which he found his ambition most effectually restrained, from the very day on which I first entered upon public business, these shall I recall to your thoughts, and freely submit to your judgments. But let this be first premised: one advantage did our adversary enjoy, and this (my fellow-citizens !) of great impor- tance. It was the unhappy fortune of the several Grecian states, not of some only, but equally of all, to supply so vast a pro- vision of traitors, of hirelings, of men de- voted by the gods, as was not known in the memory of man. These did Philip engage as his agents and coadjutors, and, by their menced a second prosecution, with the fair- est prospect of success. [T.] The Agents, &c] These were usually some friends of the contending party, who means, inflamed the animosities which had already torn and distracted the Greeks. Some he deceived; some he gained by bribes ; on others he employed all his en- gines of seduction ; and thus rent the nation into many different parties, although all were alike engaged in one common cause, that of uniting against the progress of his power. In such a general distention of the Grecian states, in such a general blindness, both to the present and to the rising evil, consider, Athenians, what were the mea- sures, what was the conduct, which became this state ? And for these let me be brought to a strict account ; for I am the man who advised and directed them. Say then, .-Eschines, was it our part, in despite of every generous sentiment, every consideration of our dignity, to have taken our station with the Thessalians and Dolo- pians, to have ranged ourselves on the side of Philip, in order to subvert the dominion of the Greeks, the honours and the conquests of our ancestors ? Or, if we were to reject such conduct (and surely none could be more shameful,) was it our part, ours, who had foreseen, who seemed perfectly convinced of the consequences which must arise, unless seasonably prevented, to have proved indif- ferent spectators, when these consequences had really arisen ? Yes ! I would gladly ask the man who appears most severe in his censure of our measures, what, in his opi- nion, was our proper part. Was it the part of those, who were the immediate cause of all the misfortunes and calamities which fell upon the Greeks, as the Thessalians and their associates ? or of those who affected an indifference to all events from views of pri- vate interest, as the Arcadians, the Messe- nians, and the Argives '—And yet most of these have, in the event, proved greater sufferers than we. I shall suppose that, after Philip had made all his conquests, he had retired to his king- dom, and there lived in peace, without at- tempting to molest either his own allies or the other Greeks. Even in this case, some share of censure and reproach must have fallen on those who had refused to arm against him. But when his assaults were equally directed against the dignity, the sovereignty, and the liberty of our whole nation ; nay, against the very being of those states more immediately exposed to his pow- er ; what measures could have been devised more glorious than those which you em- braced, and I suggested ? But let me not wander from my point. What conduct, yEschines, did the dignity of this state demand, when we beheld Philip aiming at the conquest and sovereignty of Greece ? Or what advice should I , her coun- sellor, have given ; what resolutions should I have proposed : and this, in an assembly of Athenians, the circumstance of most im- portance ? I, who well knew, that, from were employed in summoning the accused, citing witnesses, and other matteis Oi lorm and legal procedure. 1G2 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [orat. xix. earliest times down to the very day on which I first spoke in public, my country had been incessantly contending for pre-eminence, for honour, and renown ? had expended more blood and treasure, for glory and the in- terests of Greece, than all the other Grecian states ever had expended for their several private interests? I, who saw this very prince, with whom we fought for power and empire, with one eye torn out, his neck dislocated, pierced in his arm, maimed in his leg, freely and cheerfully resigning any part of his body which fortune pleased to take, so that he might enjoy the rest with renown and glory f And let no man pre- sume to say that such elevated sentiments became him who was bred at Pella (a place at that time ignoble and obscure,) as to as- pire to the sovereignty of Greece, or to en- tertain a thought of such a daring purpose ; and yet, that you, the citizens of Athens, you who in every assembly, in every thea- trical entertainment, find perpetual memo- rials of the virtue of your ancestors, might descend to such abject meanness, as to re- sign the liberty of Greece, freely and volun- tarily, into the hands of Philip. No ! let not the presumptuous assertion be once heard. The only course then left, and the neces- sary course, was this ; to defend your just rights against all his injurious attempts. This course did you instantly pursue, with good reason, and becoming dignity. And in this, I was your counsellor, I was the first mover, during my administration. I con- fess it. And how should I have acted ? Say, iEschines : I call on you — Let all former transactions be forgotten : Amphipolis, Pyd- na, Potidaea, Halonesus, I speak not of them. Serrium and Doriscum too, and the storming of Peparethus, and all the other instances in which the state was injured ; let the memory of them be effaced. You say, indeed, that I dwelt invidiously upon them, in order to embroil my country in a war: although the decrees respecting these several places were proposed by Eubulus, and Aristophon, and Diopithes : not by me. No, thou prompt slanderer ! nor do 1 now dwell upon them. But when he had de- prived us of Eubcea, when he had erected his fortress to command our whole territory, when he had attacked the Megarians, and possessed himself of Oreum, and rased Porthmus ; when he had distributed his go- vernors through the cities, established Plii- listides in Oreum ; Clitarchus, in Eretria: when he had reduced the whole Hellespont to his obedience, and laid siege to Byzan- tium ; when the Grecian cities had, some of them, been subverted by his arms, others forced to received their exiles ; in these in- stances did he act unjustly .' did he violate the treaty, or did he not ? Was it incum- bent on some state to rise up against these attempts, or was it not ? If not ; if Greece [1.] For Mysians, i.e. to the weakest of all people The proverb is said to have arisen from the distresses of the Mysians in the absence of their king, Telepnus, and was to have proved a prey for Mysians [1.] (according to the proverb,) and this, while Athens yet existed, and was witness of her fall ; then was I officious in remonstrating against these transactions ; then was the state officious in yielding to my remon- strances • mine was then the guilt and error of every measure we pursued. But, if the progress of his arms demanded a vigorous opposition, what community but that of Athens should have risen at the call of ho- nour ? — This was the great principle of my administration. I saw the man aspiring to universal dominion — I opposed him : I warned my fellow-citizens: I taught them to rise against the ambition of the Macedo- nian — And yet the formal commencement of hostilities did not proceed from us. No, jEschines, but from Philip, by his capture of our ships. Produce the decrees, and the letter received from Philip. Read each in order. These, when duly weighed, will en- able us to give each transaction to its pro- per author. Read ! The Decree. "In the archonship of Neocles: an as- sembly extraordinary being convened by the generals, in the moi th of Boedromion ; Eubulus, son of Mnesitheus, of the Cyprian tribe, proposed the following Decree : " Whereas the generals have reported to the assembly, that Leodarnas, our admiral, together with twenty ships sent under his command to import corn from the Helles- pont, has been taken and brought into Ma- ctdon by Amyntas, a commander in the service of King Philip ; it is decreed, that it shall be the care of the prytanes and ge- nerals, that the senate be convened, and am- bassadors chosen, who shall repair to Philip, and demand the dismission of the admiral, the vessels, and the soldiers ; that they be instructed to declare, that if Amyntas hath in this acted through ignorance, the state ot Athens hath no complaints to urge against him ; that, if their officer hath in any wise exceeded his commission, they are ready to take cognizance of his offence ; and to pu nish him, as his inadvertence may have merited : but if neither of these be the case, but that this outrage be avowed either by the person who gave, or who received, the commission, that the ambassadors shall de- mand an explanation, and report the same, that the state may determine on proper measures." And this decree did Eubulus frame ; not I. Aristophon proposed the next : then did Hegesippus move for his : then Aristophon again : then Philocrates ; then C'epl.isophon : and then the other speakers : 1 had no con- cern in any. — Read the next. The Decree. " In the archonship of Neocles, on the their helpless state of oppression, when all their neighbours fell upon them, and pil- laged the miserable and defenceless people without mercy. orat. xix] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 1S3 last day of the month Bocdromon, by a re- solution of the senate. " The prytanes ami generals having re- ported the decree of the general assembly, that ambassadors be sent to Philip to de- mand the restoration of the ships, and that the said ambassadors be furnished witli par- ticular instructions, together with a copy of the decree of the assembly : " The persons hereby chosen into this commission are, Cephisophon, Democritus, and Polycrates. Aristophon the Cothocy- dian moved this resolution, in the presiden- cy of the tribe Hippothoontis." As I produce these decrees, so, ^Eschines, do you produce that particular decree of mine which makes me author of the war. You have not one to shew : if you had, it must have made vour first and favourite charge. Nay, Philip himself, amidst all his insinuations against others, never once ac- cuses me. Read his own letter to the State. The Letter. " Philip, king of Macedon, to the senate and people of Athens, health ! " I have received three of your citizens in quality of ambassadors, who have conferred with me about the dismission of certain ships commanded by Leodamas. I cannot but consider it as an extraordinary instance of weakness, to imagine that I can possibly believe that these ships were destined to im- port corn from the Hellespont for Lemnos ; and that they were not really sent to the relief of the Selymbrians, now besieged by me, and who are by no means included in the treaty of pacification, by which we stand mutually engaged. Such were the orders your officer received, not from the people of Athens, but from certain magistrates, and others in no private station, who are by all means solicitous to prevail on the people to violate their engagements, and to com- mence hostilities against me. This they have much more at heart than the relief of Selymbria, fondly imagining that they may derive advantages from such a rupture. Persuaded as I am, that our mutual interest requires us to frustrate their wicked schemes, 1 have given orders that the vessels brought in to us be immediately released. For the future let it be your part to remove those l>ernicious counsellors from the administra- tion of your affairs ; and to let them feel the severity of your justice ; and I shall endea- vour to adhere inviolably to my treaty. Farewell !" Here is no mention [1.] of Demosthenes, no charge against me. And whence is it, that in all his acrimony against others, he takes not the least notice of my conduct ? Because he must have brought his own usur- pations full into view, had he mentioned me. On these I fixed, and these I obstinate- ly opposed. I instantly moved for an em- [1.] Here is no mention, <&c] There is indeed no express specification of any person in this letter. But those alluded to were well known. And probably they were the bassy to Peloponnesus, the moment he en- tered Peloponnesus. I then moved for an embassy to Eubcea, as soon as he had landed in Euboea. Then did I propose the expe- dition (not an embassy) to Oreum, and that to Eretria, as soon as he had stationed his governors in these cities. After this, did I send out those armaments which saved the Chersonesus, and Byzantium, and all our confederates, from which this state derived the noblest consequences, applause, glory, honours, crowns, thanks, from those who had received such important services. And, even of those who had injured us, such as, on this occasion, yielded to your remon- strances, found effectual security ; they who neglected them, had only the sad remem- brance of your repeated warnings, and the conviction that ye were not only their best friends, but men of true discernment, of a prophetic spirit ; for in every instance the event proved exactly consonant to your pre- dictions. That Philistides would have gladly given the greatest sums to have kept Oreum ; that Clitarchus would have given largely to have kept Eretria; that Philip himself would have given largely, that he might possess stations so convenient for annoying us, and that all his other actions should pass unno- ticed, all his injurious proceedings unim- peached, cannot be a secret to any man ; but least of all to you. You, .^schines, received the deputies sent hither by Clitar- chus and Philistides : by you were they en- tertained. Those whom we drove from us as enemies, as men whose overtures were neither consistent with justice nor with the interest of Athens, were your dearest friends. How false and groundless then are your ma- licious accusations ! You, who say that I am silent when I get my bribe, clamorous when I have spent it — Your case is differ- ent: you are clamorous when you receive your bribe; and your clamours can never cease: unless this day's decision should si- lence them effectually by the justly-merited infamy. And when you rewarded these mv services with a crown, when Aristonicus proposed his decree, conceived precisely in the very words of this which Ctesiphon hath framed, when proclamation of the honour thus conferred upon me was made in the theatre (for this is the second time I have been thus distin- guished,) j^Eschines, though present, never made the least opposition, never attempted an impeachment — Take the decree Read ! The Decree. " In the archonship of Chrerondas, son of Hegemon, on the 2.5th of the month Game- lion, the Leontidian tribe then presiding, at the motion of Aristonicus, the following decree was made : " Whereas Demosthenes, son of Demos- persons who had been most active in moving the assembly to exert themselves on this oc- casion; Eubulus, Aristophon, Philocrates, and Cephisophon. Q 104 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [orat. xix. thenes of the Paanian tribe, hath at many times done various and eminent services to the community of Athens, and to many of our confederates ; and, at this time, hath by his counsels secured the interests of the state, and particularly restored the liberties of certain cities in Eubcea ; as he hath ever uniformly persevered in an unalterable at- tachment to the state of Athens, and both by words and actions exerted himself to the utmost of his power, in the service of the Athenians and the other Greeks; Be it en- acted by the senate and the popular assem- bly, that public honours shall be paid to the aforesaid Demosthenes ; and that he shall be crowned with a golden crown ; that the crown shall be proclaimed in the theatre, on the feast of Bacchus, at the time of the per- formance of the new tragedies ; and that the making this proclamation shall be given in charge to the presiding tribe, and to the director of the public entertainments. — This is the motion of Aristonicus of the Phrserian tribe." And is there a man can say, that this de- cree brought any of that disgrace upon the state, any of that derision and contempt, which he affirms must happen, if I should obtain this crown ? When actions are recent and notorious, if good, they are received with applause ; if bad, they meet their pu- nishment. But it is well known, that on this occasion I received marks of public favour ; never was censured, never punished. And the consequense is obvious. Down to the period of these transactions, I must have invariably acted for the true interest of the state; for, in all your consultations, my opinions and my measures ever were adopt- ed. These measures I conducted to effectual execution: they were attended with crowns to the state, to me, and to you all; with sacrifices to the gods, and solemn proces- sions, as instances of great success. And now, when Philip had been driven from Eubcea (yours was the military glory, but the policy, the counsels, — yes! though these my enemies should burst with envy, — were mine,) he raised another engine against this state. He saw that we, of all people, used the greatest quantities of im- ported grain. Determined to secure this branch of commerce to himself, he passed over into Thrace, and, applying to the By- zantines, then in alliance with him, he first req uired them to join in a war against us. But when thev refused, when they told him (and they told him truth,) that they had not en gaged in his alliance for such purposes, he instantly prepared his works, erected his machines, and besieged their city. I shall not say what conduct became us upon this emergency. It is manifest. Who then sup- ported the By zantines ? Who rescued them from destruction ? Who prevented the Hel- lespont from falling under a foreign power upon this occasion ? You, my countrymen. But when I say vou, I mean the state. Who spake ? Who framed the decrees ? Who acted for the state? Who devoted all his power-s, wholly and freely, to the public interests ? I !— And how essentially the pub- lic interests were advanced by these mea- sures, there need no words to prove. Vou have facts, you have experience, to convince you. For the war in which we then engaged (besides the glory which attended your arms,) supplied you with all the necessaries of life, in greater plenty, and at cheaper rates, than the present peace, maintained by these good citizens, in opposition to the in- terests of their country, from their hopes of private advantage. Confounded be their hopes! Never may they share in these blessings, for which your prayers, ye true friends of Athens, are offered up to Heaven ! And O, never may they involve you in the fatal consequences of their machinations ! Let them hear the crowns conferred by By- zantium, and those by Perinthus with which our state was honoured upon this occasion. The Decree of the Byzantines. " Bosphoricus being ieromnemon, Dema- getus, by permission of the senate, drew up the following resolution : "Whereas the people of Athens have, from the earliest times, persevered in an unalterable affection to the Byzantines, and to their confederates, kinsmen, and the Pe- rinthians ; and have lately, when Philip of Macedon invaded and laid waste their terri- tories with fire and sword, and attacked their cities, done them many and signal ser- vices ; and by a reinforcement of one hun- dred and twenty ships, with provisions, arms, and soldiers, have extricated us from the utmost dangers, restored our ancient constitution, our laws, and the sepulchres of our fathers ; it is therefore resolved, by the people of Byzantium and Perinthus, to grant to the Athenians the right of inter- marriage, the freedom of our states, the power of purchasing lands, and the first and most honourable seats in all our public en- tertainments, in the tholus, in the senate, and in the popular assembly. And that whatever Athenian shall choose to reside in our respective cities, shall enjoy a perfect immunity and exemption from all taxes. And it is 'farther resolved, that three statues, sixteen cubits high, shall be erected in the port of Byzantium, representing the com- munity of Athens crowned by the Byzan- tines and Perinthians. And that honorary presents shall be sent to the several general assemblies of Greece, the Isthmian, Nemae- an, Olympic, and Pythian, where procla- mation shall be duly made of that crown, now by us conferred on the people of Athens ; that all Greece may be informed of the mag- nanimity of Athens, and the gratitude of the Byzantines and Perinthians." Read, too, the crowns conferred by the inhabitants of Chersonesus. The Decree of the Chersonesites. " The Chersonesites, inhabitants of Ses- tos, Eleus, Madytus, and Halonesus, do crown the senate and people of Athens with a golden orown of sixty talents. They also consecrate an altar to Gratitude and the okat. xix.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 165 Athenians, on account of the important ser- vices conferred bv this people on the inha- bitants of the Chersonesus, in delivering them from the power of Philip, and in re- storing their country, their laws, their liber- ties, and their religion. Of which the Cher- sonesites shall ever retain a just and grateful sense, and be ever ready, to the utmost of their power, to return the important obliga- tion — Thus it was resolved in a full assembly of the senate." And thus, the measures I concerted, the conduct I pursued, not only saved the Cher- sonesus and Byzantium, not only foiled the Macedonian in his scheme of commanding the Hellespont, not only gained these public honours to the state, but displayed to all the world the generous sentiments of Athens, and the base perfidiousness of Philip. He, the friend, the ally of the Byzantines, in the face of Greece, besieged their city, (can we conceive a baser, a more abandoned out- rage!) You, justly, repeatedly, incensed against them, by injuries received in former times, not only forgot all your wrongs, not only refused to look with indifference upon their danger, but appeared their great deli- verers ; and, by such transcendent genero- sity, acquired universal love and glory That you have frequently honoured those with crowns, to whom the conduct of your affairs hath been intrusted, is full well known ; but name the citizen if you can, 1 mean the minister or public speaker, except myself, by whose means the state hath been thus honoured. I am now to shew that all those virulent invectives which he hath thrown out against the Eubceans and Byzantines (invidiously recalling to your view every instance of their former offences,) are merely the effect of malice ; not only as his representations have been false (of this I presume there can be no doubt;) but because we might admit them to be true : and even upon this supposition it will appear that my measures were the measures which your interests demanded. For this purpose, permit me to lay before you, in a few words, one or two instances of the noble conduct of this state. By the most illustrious of their former actions it is, that private men, or public bodies, should model their succeeding conduct. There was [1.] a time, then, my fellow- citizens ! when the Lacedemonians were sovereign masters, both by sea and land : when their troops and forts surrounded the entire circuit of Attica : when they possessed Eubcea, Tanagra, the whole Boeotian dis- trict, Megara, jEgina, Cleone, and the other islands; while this state had but one ship, not one wall. Then did you march to Ha- liartus ; and, not many days after, were your forces once more led to Corinth. And yet the Athenians of these days had many in- juries to resent, both from Corinth and from Thebes, by their conduct during the De- celian war. But far were they from harbour- ing such resentment. Observe then, ^Eschi- [1.] There was, &c] on Philippic I. See note 2, p. 5, nes ; they acted thus, in both these instances, not that they acted for their benefactors, not that they saw no danger in these expeditions. Such considerations never could induce them to abandon those who fled to their protection. No! from the nobler motives of glory and renown, they devoted their services to the distressed. And surely this their determi- nation was just and generous. For death must come to close the period of man's life, into whatever corner one may shrink from the inevitable blow : but the truly brave should draw the sword on all occasions of honourable danger, armed in fair hopes of success, yet still resigned with an equal for- titude to whatever may be decreed by Hea- ven. Such was the conduct of our ancestors, such the conduct of our elder citizens, who, though the Lacedemonians had been no friends, no benefactors to our state, but had injured us in many and important instances; yet, when the Thebans, flushed with their success at Leuctra, had attempted to destroy them, defeated the attempt; undismayed at the then formidable power of Thebes ; de- termined by the motive of glory, not by the behav iour of those in whose cause they were exposed. And by these actions did you de- monstrate to the Greeks, that, whatever in- juries Athens may receive, her resentment is reserved only for the just occasion: when the being, when the liberty of the injurious party, is once in danger, her wrongs never are remembered, never regarded. Nor were these the only instances in which such generous principles were displayed. Again, when Thebes [2.] had seduced the Eubceans from their attachment to the state, far from abandoning the island to the con- sequences of this revolt, far from remember- ing the injuries received from Themison and Theodorus, in the affair of Oropus, you instantly armed for their relief. And on this occasion did our trierarchs, for the first time, engage voluntarily in the public ser- vice; of which number I was one. — But of this hereafter — And if you acted nobly in thus rescuing the island ; still your succeed- ing conduct was far more noble. When the inhabitants were at your mercy, when you were masters of their cities, you gave up all, with strictest integrity, to the men who had offended you. Nor were their offences once regarded, when they had trusted implicitly to our faith. I might recount ten thousand instances of the same kind ; but 1 pass them over: engagements at sea; expeditions by land; the achievements of ancient times; and our own illustrious actions ; all in de- fence of the liberty and safety of other Gre- cian states — And if I saw my country cheer- fully engaging in so numerous and so peril- ous contentions, for the interests of others, when her own interests were in some sort the object of debate, what should I have advised? What measures should I have sug- gested ? ' To cherish the remembrance of their offences, when these men had accepted our protection ? To seek pretences for aban- [2.] When Thebes, &o] p. 3, on Philippic I. See note ICG DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. ORAT. XIX. doning all our important interests '—Would not the first brave arm have deservedly stab- bed me to the heart, had I thus disgraced the noble actions of my country, — even but in words ? For that, in fact, you never could have yielded to such disgrace, I cannot doubt. Had you been in the least inclined, where was the obstacle ? Had you not the power ? Had you not advisers ? Were not these men urgent in their applications? But I must return to those parts of my public conduct, which were subsequent to this period. And, here again, consider what the interest of the state really demanded. I saw the wretched decay to which our marine had been reduced ; I saw our richer citizens purchase a total exemption from public taxes, at the expense of a trifling contribu- tion ; men of moderate or of small property despoiled and ruined ; every opportunity of action lost to the state. I proposed a law, which obliged the rich to act fairly, relieved the poor from their oppressions ; and, what was of most consequence, provided for the speedy and effectual execution of all our military operations. I was indicted, on this occasion, for an infringement of our esta- blished laws : I appealed to your justice, as my sole resource ; and my accuser had the mortification to find not a fifth of the suf- frages in his favour. What sums of mo- ney, think ye, would our richer citizens have given me, they who contribute most largely to the public service, or even they who contribute in the next degrees, not to have proposed this law at all ; or, at least, to have suffered it to be defeated by affected cavil and delay ? Such sums, (my fellow-ci- tizens !) as I am ashamed to mention. And with good reason. By the former law, six- teen of their number were to unite in the discharge of one assessment; so that the proportion of each was almost nothing : and thus they loaded the poor with the public burdens. But by my law, every individual pays in proportion to his fortune ; so that he must now equip two ships of war, who by the former assessment was taxed but at the sixteenth part of one. And accordingly they styled themselves not ' trierarchs,' but ' contributors.' They would therefore have given any price, to have been disengaged from the necessity of thus acting justly. First read the ' Decree' relative to my in- dictment. Then produce the ' Assessments,' those of the former laws, and that prescrib- ed by mine. The Decree. " Polycles being archon. On the 16th of the month Boedromion. The tribe Hippo- thois presiding. " Whereas Demosthenes, son of Demos- thenes the Paeanian, proposed a law relative to the duty of trierarchs, to be substituted in the place of former laws for regulating assessments, for the navy : and whereas an indictment was brought by Patrocles against the said Demosthenes for an illegal propo- sal : — Be it remembered, that the prosecutor, not having a fifth of the suffrages in his fa- vour, was condemned in the fine of five hun- dred drachma;." Produce now the first excellent assessment " The Trierarchs shall unite in the equip- ment of one ship, to the number of sixteen men, from the age of twenty-five to forty years. Each to contribute equally to the expense." Now compare this with the assessment appointed by my law. — Read it. " Trierarchs shall 'be taxed according to their fortunes. He who is worth ten talents by valuation, shall fit out one ship ; if his fortune be rated higher, he shall be taxed, agreeably to the same proportion, in a high- er sum ; not exceeding the expense of three ships and a tender. The same proportion also shall be observed in the assessment of those whose fortunes do not amount to ten talents ; who are to unite in order to make up the sum necessary for fitting out a ship." And can this be thought a trivial service to the poor ? Or would the rich have given but a trivial sum, to have eluded this equit- able mode of taxation ?— But I do not mag- nify my integrity in conducting this trans- action. I do not insist on my honourable acquittal. My glory is, that I procured a salutary law, a law approved by experience as highly valuable. For, during the whole course of our late war, in all the armaments conducted agreeably to my regulation, not one trierarch was ever known to petition against the severity of his assessment ; not one was known to have fled to sanctuary ; not one ever was imprisoned ; not a vessel did the state lose abroad ; not a vessel was detained here, as unfit for service. But while our former laws subsisted, we wero perpetually exposed to all such inconve- niences. And they proceeded from our poorer citizens. These were insufficient for the discharge of their assessments ; and we were continually feeling the effects of such insufficiency. But by my means were the public burdens transferred from the poorer to our richer citizens, and the business or" the state conducted without the least inter- ruption. Permit me, then, to claim some praise on this account at least, that through the course of my public administration, I constantly pursued such measures as reflect- ed glory on the state, exalted her renown, and enlarged her power. No sordid envy, no rancour, no malignity, have I ever disco- vered ; no meanness, nothing unworthy of my country. Such was the general tenor of my administration, in the affairs of this city, and in the national concerns of Greece. And no wonder. Here I was never known to prefer the favour of the great to the rights of the people. And, in the affairs of Greece, the bribes, the flattering assurances of friendship which Philip lavished, never were so dear to me, as the interests of the nation. The only articles, I presume, which now remain for me to speak to, are those of the ' proclamation' and the ' accounts.' For that I have pursued the true interest of the orat.xix.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 107 state, that I have on all occasions discovered a warm affection and zealous alacrity in your service, I trust hath been established already , with the clearest evidence. I have indeed omitted the most important parts of my ad- ministration, the greatest of my services ; both because I deem it incumbent on me to proceed to my defence against the charge of violating the laws ; and because I am con- vinced your own consciences must bear the amplest testimony in my favour, although I should be totally silent as to the other parts of my conduct. As to what he hath urged with such con- fusion and embarrassment, about his au- thentic transcripts of the laws, Heaven is my witness, that I am convinced you could not comprehend it : and, to me, it is, for the most part, utterly unintelligible. But my course shall be more ingenuous and di- rect. I shall lay before you the plain dic- tates of truth and equity. Far from assert- ing that I am not ' accountable' to the pub- lic, as he hath repeatedly insinuated and af- firmed, I here declare, that through my whole life, I must ever stand accountable for every trust which I have executed, every measure which 1 have directed. But, for what I have freely expended of my private fortune, in the service of the public, I cannot at any time be liable to account : (observe me, jEschines!) No! nor any other citizen, were he the first of our magistrates. For, where is that law so pregnant with injustice and inhumanity, as to rob the man of all his merit, whose fortune hath been expend- ed for the state, whose public spirit and mu- nificence have been displayed in some im- portant instance ? To expose him to the malice of informers ? To give them a pow- er to scrutinize his bounty ? There can be no such law ! If there be, let him produce it ; and I shall submit in silence. No, my countrymen ; he cannot ! ' But,' saith this sycophant, ' the senate hath conferred public nonours on him,' while his accounts were yet to be approved, * under the pretence of some additional dis- bursements from his own fortune, when manager of the theatrical funds.' — Not for any part of that conduct which stood ' ac- countable ;' but for those additional disburse- ments; thou sycophant !—' But you were director of our fortifications.' — Yes : and on that occasion was entitled to my honours ; for I expended more than the state had granted, without charging this addition to the public. Where a charge is made, the accounts must be examined ; but where a free gift is conferred, favour and applause are the natural and just returns. This de- cree of Ctesiphon in my favour is, therefore, strictly warranted. It is a point determined, not by the laws only, but by our constant usage. This I shall readily demonstrate in ■various instances. In the first place, Nau- sicles, when at the head of our forces, was frequently honoured with a crown, for his bounty to the state. Then Diotimus, who gave the arms, and Charidemus, also receiv- ed their crowns. I have another instance be- fore me : Neoptolemus. He was frequently intrusted with public works, and received honours for his additional disbursements. For it would be hard indeed, if the man, In- vested with some office of authority, should either stand precluded by this office from assisting the state with his private fortune, or find his liberal assistance the object of ac- count and scrutiny, instead of meeting the due returns of gratitude. — To confirm what I have now advanced, produce the decrees made on these occasic-ns — Read ! A Decree. " In the archonship of Demonicus, the 26th of the month Boedromion, Callias thus reported the resolution of the senate and people. " It is resolved, by the senate and people, to confer a crown on Nausicles, the general in command : in as much as when two thou- sand regular forces of Athens were in Im- brus, assisting the Athenian colony in that island, and when by means of the severity of the season, Phialon their agent could not sail thither, and pay the soldiers ; the said Nausicles made the necessary disbursements from his own fortune, without any charge to the public in his accounts And that proclamation be made of the crown thus granted, during the feast of Bacchus, and the performances of the new tragedies." A Decree. " The motion of Callias : agreeably to the report made of the resolution of the se- nate. " Whereas Charidemus, commander of the infantry in the expedition to Salamis, and Diotimus, general of horse, when in the engagement at the river, some of our forces had been stripped of their arms by the enemy, at their own private expense furnished the new levies with eight hundred bucklers : it is resolved by the senate and people, that golden crowns be conferred on the said Charidemus and Diotimus: which crowns shall be proclaimed in the grand fes- tival of Minerva, during the gymnastic games and new tragedies ; of which the ma- gistrates and managers of the entertainments are to take notice, and cause proclamation to be duly made as aforesaid." Each of these, iEschines, was bound tc account for the office he enjoyed ; but the action for which he was honoured, was by no means subject to account. Then why should mine be subject? Surely, I may claim the same treatment with others, in like circumstances. I gave my additional contribution to the public: I was honoured for it ; not as a man who stood accountabla for this donation. I held a magisterial office; I accounted for my conduct in this office ; not for my free bounty. ' True;— but you have acted iniquitons- ly in vour office.'— If so, were you not pre- sent when my accounts were passed ? And why did you not impeach me ?— But, to convince you that he himself is witness thnt this crown is not conferred for any part of my conduct reallv subject to account, take, read this decree of Ctesiphon at large. The 1 i!2 168 DEMOSTHENES' OEATIONS. [orat. xix. clauses unimpeached will shew the malice of his prosecution in those he hath attacked. — Read ! The Decree. " In the archonship of Euthycles, the 20th of the month Pyanepsion : the Oenian tribe presiding. The decree of Ctesiphon, son of Leosthenes the Anaphylystian. " Whereas Demosthenes, son of Demos- thenes, of the Pa;anian tribe, in his office of director of the fortifications, expended an additional sum of three talents from his pri- vate fortune, which he gave freely to the public : and, when manager of the theatri- cal funds, increased the general collection, by a voluntary addition of one hundred minae for sacrifices ; be it resolved, by the senate and people of Athens, to grant pub- lic honours to the said Demosthenes, on ac- count of his virtue and nobleness of dispo- sition, which he hath, on all occasions, in- variably discovered towards the community of Athens; and to crown him with a golden crown : and that proclamation shall be made of this crown thus conferred, in the theatre, during the feast of Bacchus, and the exhi- bition of the new tragedies ; of which the directors of the theatre are to take notice, and cause proclamation to be made as afore- said." My free grant of these additional sums is the article not included in your indict- ment : the honours decreed for this bounty is that on which you found your charge. You admit that to accept my bounty is no infringement of the laws ; you insist that to confer the due returns of favour, on this account, is criminal and illegal. In the name of heaven, what part could the most abandoned, the malignant wretch, odious to the gods, have acted upon this occasion ? Must he not have acted thus? As to the circumstance of making procla- mation in the theatre, I shall not mention that many times many thousands have been granted such an honour, or that I myself have been thus honoured on many former occasions. But, is it possible, ye powers ! Art thou, jEschines, indeed, so lost to all sense and reason, as to be incapable of ap- prehending that, to the party who receives the honour, it comes with equal dignity, wherever it be proclaimed ? That it is for their sakes who grant it, that their theatre is appointed for the proclamation. For, by this means, the multitude who hear it, are inspired with ardour to approve themselves [1.] Your clamorous abuse, &c] In the original, wtrwep tf u^iitm, as from a cart. Some derive this proverbial expression from the first rude state of ancient comedy, and find a particular spirit in the allusion, as containing a reflection on the theatrical cha- racter of .Eschines. But the scholiasts on Aristophanes and Suidas explain the proverb in another manner. They tell us that the Athenian women, when they went in their carriages to the celebration of the Eleusinian mysteries, usually took great liberties in their zealous in the service of their country ; and they who give this testimony of their grati- tude, share more largely in the public ap- plause, than those who receive it. On this principle was our law enacted. Take up the law itself !— Read it ! The Law. " In all cases, where a crown is conferred on any person by a single district, proclama- tion shall be made of the said crown, in the particular district so conferring it. Provid- ed always, that, where crowns are granted by the people of Athens at large, or by the senate, it shall and may be lawful to make proclamation in the theatre during the fes- tival of Bacchus." vEschines ! Dost thou hear ? Are not these the very words of our law ? ' Provid- ed always, that, where crowns are granted by the people or the senate,' proclamation shall be made of these. Why then, unhappy man, hath thy malice been thus restless? Why this fictitious tale? Why notirecur to medicine, to cure this disorder of thy mind ? And feelest thou no shame at a prosecution dictated by envy, not by justice ; supported by false recitals of our laws, by imperfect quotations of detached sentences; those laws, which should have fairly and fully been laid before our judges, as they have sworn to decide agreeably to their true tenor ? Hence you proceed to delineate the character of a patriot statesman, as if you were giving a model for a statue, and found the piece not conformable to your model ; as if words could mark out the patriot statesman, and not his actions and adminis- tration. Then comes your clamorous abuse, [1.] vented without distinction or reserve, but suited to you and to your family, not to me. And this (Athenians !) I take to be the true distinction between a vague invective, and a regular prosecution. This is support- ed by criminal facts, whose penalties the laws have ascertained ; that is attended with the rancour which enemies naturally throw out against each other. Our ancestors, I presume, erected these tribunals, not for assembling to indulge our private and per- sonal animosities in mutual scurrility ; but to give us occasion of convicting that man fairly, who hath injured the community in any instance. This jEschines must know as well as I. Yet, instead of establishing his evidence, he hath discharged his viru- lence against me. Nor is it just that he should escape without the due returns of severity on my part. But, before 1 am in- abuse of each other, and hence the Greek expression t« £k tov iifiafwv aKwixfiara, to signify licentious and indecent ribaldry. It is true the French translator is extremely shocked at this interpretation, and cannot persuade himself that the Athenian ladies could so far forget the modesty and reserve peculiar to their sex. But it is well if this was the worst part of their conduct, or if they were guilty of no greater transgression of modesty in the course of their attendance on these famous rites. orat. xix.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 169 volved in the odious task, let me ask him one question. Say, jEschines, are we to deem thee an enemy to Athens, or to me? I presume, to me. And yet, on every occa- sion, where you had all the advantage of the law, in bringing me to justice (if 1 had offended,) on passing my accounts, on mov- ing my decrees on former trials, where my conduct was impeached, you were silent. But in a case where all the laws pronounced me innocent, where the procedure hath been regular, where numberless precedents are in my favour, where my conduct, far from discovering any thing of a criminal ten- nency, appears, in every instance, to have reflected a degree of honour upon my conn- try ; in such a case, I say, hast thou chosen toatttackme? Beware then, that, while I am the pretended object of thy enmity, thou prove not really the enemy of Athens. Well then; [1.] since you are all deter- mined on the truly religious and equitable sentence, the virulence this man hath ut- tered obliges me (I think,) though not na- turally fond of invective, to retort his nu- merous and false assertions, by some neces- sary remarks upon his character ; by show- ing who lie is, and of what family, who so readily begins the hateful work of personal abuse ; who presumes to censure some of my expressions, though he himself hath uttered what no man of modest merit could have ventured to pronounce. No ! had one of the awful judges of the shades impeach- ed me, as an .'Eacus, or a Rhadamanthus, or a Minos; and not this babbling syco- phant, this wretched, hackneyed scrivener; he could have tised no such language, he could have searched for no such insolent expressions, no such theatrical exclamations, as you have now heard from this man. ' O Earth! and thou Sun! O Virtue!' And again, those pompous invocations, — ' Pru- dence ! Erudition ! that teachest us the just distinction between good and evil !' — Virtue ! thou miscreant ! what communion can virtue hold with thee or thine ? What acquaintance hast thou with such things ? How didst thou acquire it ? By what right canst thou assume it? And what preten- sions hast thou to speak of Erudition ? Not a man of those who really possess it could thus presume to speak of his own accom- plishments. Nay, were they mentioned by another, he would blush. But they who, like you, are strangers to it, and yet so stu- pid as to affect it, do but wound our ears when they utter their presumption, but never acquire the character for which they labour. And here I hesitate, Hot for want of matter to urge against you and your family, but because I am in doubt where to begin. Shall I first say, how your father Tromes was loaded with his chain and log, when a slave to Elpias, who taught gram- mar at the temple of Theseus ? Or, how your mother, by those marriages daily re- peated in her cell near the hero [2.] Catami- tes, maintained this noble figure, this ac- complished actor of third characters ? Or, how Phormio, the piper in our navy, the slave of Dion, raised her up from this ho- nourable employment ? No ! I call the gods to witness, that I fear to mention what is suited to your character, lest I should be be- trayed into a language unbecoming my own. Let these things be then buried in silence: and let me proceed directly to the actions of his own life ; for the person now before you is not of ordinary rank, but eminent, — yes, as an object of public execration. It is but lately, — lately, I say, but yesterday, that he commenced at once a citizen and a speaker. 3y the help of two additional syllables, he transformed his father from Tromes to Atrometus, and dignified his mother with the stately name of Glaucothea. [3.] And now, observe the ingratitude and malignity of his nature. Though raised by your fa- vour from slavery to freedom, from beggary to affluence ; far from retaining the least af- fection to his country, he hath hired him- self to oppose our interests. As to those parts of his conduct, where his disaffection may be at all disputable, I pass them over ; but what he evidently and mcontestably committed, as an agent to our enemies, this I must recall to view. — Who knows not the banished Antipho ? He who promised Philip to set fire to our arsenal, and, for this purpose, came back to Athens. And when I had seized him in his concealment at the Piraeus, when I produced him to the assembly, so effectual was the violence of this railer, so prevalent were his clamours, — that ' my actions were not to be tolerated in a free government — I insulted the misfortunes of my fellow-citizens — I forced into their houses without authority ;' — that this man was suffered to escape un- sentenced. And, had not the court of Areo- pagus been informed of the transaction ; had they not perceived your error, an error so dangerous on so critical an occasion ; had they not pursued this man ; had they not once more seized, and brought him before you, criminal as he was, he must have been snatched from justice, and instead of meet- ing the punishment due to his offences (thanks to this pompous speaker,) retired in security. But, happily, you gave him the torture, and you punished him with death ; a punishment which this his advocate should have suffered. And, so justly did the coun- cil of Areopagus conceive of his conduct upon this occasion, that, when influenced by the same error which so often nroved af- tal to your interests, you had appointed him a pleader for your privileges in the temple of Delos ; this council, to whom your ap- [1.] Well then, &c] Here the speaker evidently takes advantage of some accla- mations in the assembly, which he affects to regard as the general voice of his judge*. [2.] The hero, &c] i. e. near the chapel dedicated to this hero, or near the place where his statue was erected. [3.] Glaucothea.] The original adds, 'who every one knows, was called Empusa, &c.' [i. e. Hag or Spectre.] This, with the cause assigned, iiath been purposely omitted in the translation. 170 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [orat. xik. pointment was referred, and who were to ratify the nomination, instantly rejected this man as a traitor, and appointed Hype- rides to plead. On this occasion were their suffrages given solemnly at the altar : and not one suffrage could this miscreant obtain. To prove this, call the witnesses. The Witnesses. " Callias, Zeno, Cleon, and Demonicus, in the name of all the Areopagites, testify in behalf of Demosthenes, that, at the time when the people had chosen jEschines as ad- vocate for the rights of Athens in the temple of Delos, before the Amphictyons, we in full council determined that Hyperides was more worthy to speak for the state. And Hyperides was accordingly commissioned." Thus, by rejecting this man, when on the point of proceeding on his commission, and by substituting another, the council did in effect declare him a traitor and an enemy to Athens. Here then we have a fact which clearly marks the public conduct of this noble personage ; such a fact as differs wide- ly from those he hath urged against me. One more there is, not to be forgotten. When Python the Pyzantine came on his embassy from Philip ; and came attended by commissioners from all the several powers in league with Macedon ; as if to expose us, .is if to bring witnesses of our injustice ; then did I stand forth; and instead of submitting to the insolence of Python, instead of yield- ing to the torrent of his abuse against the state, I retorted the charge; I supported the rights of Athens. And with such power- ful evidence did I demonstrate the injurious conduct of our enemy, that his own confe- derates were themselves forced to rise, and to confess it. But .(Eschines was the great coadjutor of this man. He gave testimony against his country ; and falsely too. Nor did he stop here. In some time after this transaction, he held and was detected in his intercourse with Anaxinus the spy, at the house of Thraso. And surely the man who holds his private interviews, who confers with an agent of our enemies, is himself a spy, and an enemy to his country. To prove my allegations, call the witnesses. The Witnesses. " Celedemus, Cleon, and Hyperides, being duly sworn, testify in behalf of Demosthe- nes, that, to their knowledge, .(Eschines re- paired to the house of Thraso, at an unsea- sonable hour of the night, and there held conference with Anaxinus, legally convicted of being Philip's spy. This deposition was signed in the archonship of Nicias, the 3rd day of the month Hecatombaxm." Numberless other articles I could urge against him ; but 1 suppress them. For the fact is this: 1 might display the many in- stances in which his conduct, during these periods, was equally calculated to serve our enemies, and to indulge his malice against ■me. Rut so slight are the impressions "which such things make on your minds, that they are not even remembered, much less receiv- ed with due resentment. Nay so dangerous a custom hath prevailed, that you have granted full liberty to every man who plea- sed, to supplant and to malign your faithful counsellor : thus exchanging the real welfare of your country for the pleasure of listen- ing to personal abuse. Hence it is ever easier and less dangerous for the servile tool of our enemies to earn his bribes, than for him to serve the state, who hath attached himself to your interests. That he manifestly sup- ported the cause of Philip, previous to the commencement of hostilities, shocking as it is (yes ! I call heaven and earth to witness ! for it was an opposition to his country ;) yet forgive him, if you please, forgive him triis. But when this prince avowedly made prizes of our ships, when the Chersonesus was plundered by his troops, when he marched in person into Attica, when affairs were no longer doubtful, but the war raged at our very gates ; then was this slanderer entirely inactive ; no instance of his zeal can this theatrical ranter shew, not one decree of any import, great or small, was ever framed by jEschines, in defence of your interests. If he denies this, let him break in upon the time allowed for my defence, and let him produce such decree. No ; he cannot ! He is therefore necessarily reduced to this alter- native. He must acknowledge, either that the measures 1 proposed on that occasion were not liable to censure, as he himself never offered to suggest any other measures ; or that his attachment to our enemies pre- vented him from directing us to some better course. But was he thus silent, was hethiu inactive, when there was an opportunity of injuring his country ? On this occasion, no man could be heard, but ^Eschines. And, yet, the indulgence of the state may possibly endure the other instances of his clandestine conduct ; but one there is, my countrymen ! one act of his, that crowns all his former treasons. A subject on which he hath exhausted his whole artifice, in a tedious narrative of decrees about the Locrians of Amphissa, as if to pervert the truth. But this cannot be! impossible; no, nor shall this profusion of words ever wash away the stain of guilt from thy conduct upon this occasion. And here, and in your presence, ye Athenians ! I invoke all the deities of heaven, all the divine guardians of our country, and, above all, the Pythian Apollo, tutelary god of Athens : 1 beseech these powers to grant me safety and prosperity, as I now speak the truth, as I at first pub- licly spake the truth, from the moment that I found the miscreant engaging in this transaction. For he could not escape my notice : no, I instantly detected him. But, if to indulge my spleen, if from personal animosity, I produce a false charge against him ; may these gods blast my hopes of happiness ! — But, why this solemnity of imprecation ? AVhy all this vehemence ? — The reason is this. We have the authentic records in our archives, which prove mv charge : you yourselves remember the tranj'. orat. xix.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 371 actions clearly : and, yet, I have my fears, that he may be deemed an instrument too mean for such great mischiefs as he hath really effected. This was the case, when he brought down ruin upon the wretched Pho- cians, by the false assurances which he gave in our assembly. For as to the Amphyssaian war, which opened the gates of Elata?a to our enemy, which gave him the command of the Amphictyonic army, and at once overturned the fortune of Greece; here stands the great agent in this black design, the sole cause of all the grievous calamities we endured. When I attested this in the assembly ; when I exclaimed with all my powers, ' You are bringing an enemy to our gates ; yes, jEschines, the whole Amphicty- onic body to fall upon us;' his coadjutors at once silenced me; while others stood con- founded at the assertion, and regarded it as a groundless charge, the effect of personal animosity. But, since you were at that time prevented from receiving the important information, attend, now, my countrymen ! hear the true nature of this whole transac- tion; the secret motives which produced, and the contrivance which effected it. So shall you discover a scheme well concerted, receive new and useful lights into the his- tory of public affairs, and see what deep designs the heart of Philip could conceive. This prince saw no means of terminating his war with Athens, no resource, unless he were to arm the Thebans and Thessalians against us. No resource, I say ; for although the conduct of your generals had been scan- dalous and unsuccessful, yet the war itself, and the vigilance of our cruisers, had in- volved him in numberless distresses ; as he found it equally impracticable to export the produce of this kingdom, and to supply his own demands by importation. He was not, at that time, superior to us at sea : nor could he penetrate into Attica by land, while the Thessalians refused to follow him, and the Thebans denied him a passage through their territory. Victorious, therefore, as he proved against your generals (such as you employed ;— of that I shall not speak ;) yet, still, the situation of his kingdom, and the circumstances, on each side, reduced him, in the event, to great distress. He knew that his private interest could not obtain the least regard, either from Thebes or Thes- saly, as a motive for engaging in hostilities against us : but could he once be admitted to lead their forces in some common cause of theirs, he trusted to the united power of fraud and flattery, and was confident of suc- cess. His scheme, then, was this ; and ob- serve how well it was concerted ; — to em- broil the Amphictyons in a war, by raising dissensions in their general assembly. For, in sue! a war, he presumed that he should soon be wanted. And, now, were he to choose the instrument of this design, either from his own deputies, or from those of his confederates, this must awaken suspicion : [1.] He seizes Elata>a, &c] Which by its situation commanded the territory of Attica and Bceotia, so as to awe both Thebes and the Thebans, and Thessalians. and all the states must be roused to strictest vigilance. But could he obtain an Athenian for his agent, a citizen of that stave which avowed- ly opposed him, this must secure him from detection. Thus he reasoned ; and thus was the event. How then was this point gained ? By bribing ^Eschmes. Herestands the man, who seized the advantage of that inatten- tion, that unsuspecting confidence, which you too frequently discover upon such occa- sions; was proposed as one of our repre- sentatives ; and, by the few voices of a fac- tion, confirmed in this commission. Thus invested with the august authority of his state, he repairs to the general council; and, regardless of all other concerns, applies him- self directly to the service for which he had received his wages. He frames his specious harangues, he delivers his legendary tale of the Cyrrhsean plain, and its consecration ; and prevails on the ieromnemons (men un- experienced in the artifices of a speaker, men, whose views never were extended be- yond the present moment) to decree that a survey should be had of this district, which the people of Amphissa claimed and occu- pied as their own ; but which this man now asserted to be sacred ground : not provoked by any insolence of the Locrians, by any fine which they imposed upon our state; as he now pretends ; — but falsely ; — as I shall convince you by one undoubted proof. Un- less citation had been regularly issued, it was impossible for the Locrians to have com- menced any suit against our state. Who then cited you ? Produce the record of this citation. Name the man who can inform us of it : let him appear. No ; you cannot. Your pretence therefore is false and ground- less. The Amphictyons, then, having proceeded to the survey of this district, agreeably to his direction, were assaulted by the Locri- ans, with a violence which had well-nigh proved fatal to them all. Some of the ierom- nemons were even made prisoners. And when the ferment became general, and war was denounced against the Amphissaeans, Cottyphus was at first chosen to lead the Amphictyonic army. But when some states refused to obey his summons, and those who did obey, refused to act ; in the next general council, Philip was appointed to the com- mand. So effectual was the influence of his agents, the old traitors of Thessaly, and those of other states. Nor did their allega- tions want a fair and specious colour. ' Either we must raise a subsidy,' said they, * maintain a mercenary army, and fine those people who refuse their quota ; or we must choose him general. Need I say more? He was chosen. His forces were collected with the utmost diligence : he marches, as if towards Cyrrha. But now,— farewell, at once, to all regard either to the Cyrrhamns or the Locrians ! He seizes Elataea. [1.] Had not the Thebans, then, instantly re- Athens. But we shall immediately learn the policy of this step from Demosthenes himself; and the cause of that dreadfulcon- 172 DEMOSTHENES' OltATIONS. [okat. xix. pented, and united with our state, the whole force of this invasion must have fallen, like a thunder-storm, on Athens. But, in this critical conjuncture, they started up and stopped his progress : a blessing which you owe to some gracious divinity, who then de- fended us ; and, under him, "to me, as far as one man could be the instrument of such a blessing. Give me the decrees. Produce the date of each transaction. Thus shall you see what infinite confusion this aban- doned wretch could raise, and yet escape un. punished. Read the decrees. The Decree of the Amphictyons. "In the pontificate of Clinagoras. At the general assembly of Amphictyons, held in the spring, it is resolved by the Pylagora?, and the assessors in the said assembly, that, whereas the people of Amphissa continue to profane the consecrated lands, and do at this time actually occupy them by tillage and pasture, — the Pylagora? and assessors shall repair to the said lands, and determine the boundaries by pillars ; strictly enjoining the people of Amphissa to cease from such vio- lation for the future." Another Decree- " In the pontificate of Clinagoras, at the general assembly held in the spring. Whereas the people of Amphissa have can- toned out the consecrated lands, have oc- cupied them by tillage and pasture ; and, when summoned to desist from such profa- nation, rose up in arms, and forcibly repel- led the general council of Greece, wounding some of the members, and particularly Cot- typhus the Arcadian general of the Amphic- tyons; — It is therefore resolved, by the Pylagora?, the assessors, and the general as- sembly, that a deputation shall be sent to Philip, king of Macedon, inviting him to as- sist Apollo and the Amphictyons, and to repel the outrage of the wretched Amphis- sseans ; and farther, to declare that he is constituted, by all the Greeks, a member of the council of Amphictyons, general and commander of their forces, with full and unlimited powers." Read now the date of these transactions ; for they correspond exactly with the time in which he acted as our representative. The Date. " In the archonship of Mnesithides, the sixteenth day of the month Anthesterion." Give me the letter, which, when the The- bans had refused to concur with him, Philip sent to his confederates in Peloponnesus. This will fully prove that the real motive of this enterprise was studiously concealed I mean his design against Greece, his schemes against Thebes and Athens ; while he afl'ect- sternation it raised in Athens, which the speaker is just now to paint ill such lively colours. ed but to execute the orders of the Amphic- tyonic council : a pretence for which he was indebted to this man.— Read. The Letter. " Philip, king of Macedon, to the magis- trates and counsellors of the confederated people of Peloponnesus, health. " Whereas the Locri, called Ozola?, inha- bitants of Amphissa, profanely commit outrages on the temple of Apollo in Delphi, and in a hostile manner invade, and make depredations in, the sacred territory ; know ye, that we have resolved, in conjunction with you, to assert the rights of the god, and to oppose those impious wretches, who have thus presumed to violate all that is ac- counted sacred among men. Do you, there- fore, meet me in arms at Phocis, with pro- visions for forty days, within this present month called by us Lous, by the Athenians, Boedromion, and by the Corinthians Paue- mus. Such as attend us shall be duly con- sulted, and all measures pursued with their concurrence ; they who refuse obedience to these orders shall be punished. Farewell !" You see with what caution he keeps his real purpose concealed; how he flies for shelter to the acts of the Amphictyrjns. And who was the man that procured him this subterfuge ? Who gave him such plausible pretences? Who was the great author of all our calamities ? Was it not this man ?— Yet, mistake me not, Athenians ; when our public calamities are the subject of your conversation, say not that we owe them en- tirely to a single person. No, not to one ; let heaven and earth bear witness ! but to many abandoned traitors in the several states, in which number he stands distin- guished : he, whom, if no regards controlled me, I should not scruple to pronounce the accursed destroyer of persons, places, cities all that were involved in the general over- throw. For the sower of the seed is surely the author of the whole harvest of mischief. Astonishing indeed it is, that you can behold him, and not instantly turn away with hor- ror from an object so detestable. But this is the effect of that thick cloud, in which the truth has lain concealed. And thus, from touching slightly on the designs which he pursued against his coun- try, I am led naturally to those measures in which I was myself engaged, in opposition to such traitorous designs. These demand our attention for various reasons ; chieflv because it would be shameful, when I have laboured in your service with indefatigable zeal, to refuse to hear my services recounted. —No sooner then did I perceive the The- bans, I might have said the Athenians also, deceived so effectually by those agents which Philip's gold had secured in each state, as to look with indifference upon an object equally formidable to both, I mean the increasing power of this prince : no sooner did I see them resign all thoughts of guarding againsf his progress ; and, in defiance of their com- mon danger, ready to encounter each other, in mutual enmity ; then I roused all my L orat. xix. DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 173 vigilance, exerted my incessant efforts, to , prevent such rupture. This I considered as a real service to my country ; and not upon my own judgment only : I had the autho- rity of Aristophon and Eubulus to confirm me : men who had ever laboured to effect this scheme of union between the two states, (however violent their opposition upon other points, in this they ever were agreed:) men who, when living, were persecuted by thy abject flattery ; yet now, when they are no more, thou p'resumest to arraign their con- duct. So lost art thou to shame! Yes, thou scandal to humanity ! for whatever is urged against me, with respect to Thebes, affects their characters much more than mine. They had declared loudly for this alliance long before it was proposed by me. —But I have digressed too far.— When . jEschincs had effected this Amphissaean I war: when his traitorous coadjutors had possessed our minds with animosity against the Thebans; the great secret of that con- fusion raised amonc the states was now dis- covered. Philip marched directly to attack us. And had we not been suddenly awakened to a vigorous exertion of our powers, the danger must have overwhelmed us ; so far had these men carried on their desperate design. — But, to form a perfect judgement of the terms on which we then stood with Thebes, consult your own decrees, and the answers received on this occasion. — Take them — Read. A Decree- " In thearchonship of Heropy thus.on the 25th day of the month Elaphebolion, the Erecthian tribe presiding, the senate and generals came to the following resolution : "Whereas Philip hath possessed himself of some adjacent cities, and demolished others, and is actually preparing to make an inroad into Attica, (in manifest contempt of his engagements,) and to rescind all his late treaties and obligations, without the least regard to public faith: it is resolved, that ambassadors shall be sent to confer with him, and to exhort him to preserve that harmony, and to adhere to those engagements, which have hitherto subsisted between us : at least, that he may grant the same time to delibe- rate, and make a truce, till the month Thar- gelion. — Simus, Euthydemus, and Bulago- ras, are elected from the senate for this com- mission." Another Decree, "In the archonship of Heropythus, the last day of the month Munichion; — at the motion of the polemarch : "Whereas Philip is exerting his most strenuous efforts to alienate the Thebans from us, and prepares to march with all his army to the frontiers of Attica, in direct violation of his treaty now subsisting be- tween us : — It is resolved by the senate and people of Athens, that a herald and ambas- sadors be sent to him, who shall require and demand a cessation of hostilities, that the people may have an opportunity of delibera- ting on this exigency ; as at present they are inclined to judge that the honour of the state cannot be supported but by an extraordinary and vigorous opposition. Nearchus and Polycrates are chosen for this commission from the senate; and Eunomus from the people, in quality of herald." Now, read the answer. Philip's Answer to the Athenians. "Philip, king of Macedon, to the senate and people of Athens, health. " How you have been affected towards us from the beginning, we are by no means ignorant : nor of that assiduity with which you have laboured to bring over to your party the Thessalians, the Thebans, and even the Boeotians. As these people had just ideas of their real interests, and have refused to submit to your direction, when you find yourselves disappointed, you send heralds and ambassadors to us, to nut us in mind of former treaties ; and you demand a truce, although you have in no one instance felt the force of our arms. I, on my part, have admitted your ambassadors to an au- dience. I agree to your demands, and am ready to grant the cessation which you re- quire, provided that you remove your evil counsellors, and brand them with the in- famy which they so justly merit. Farewell !" The Answer to the Thebans. " Philip, king of Macedon, to the senate and people of Thebes, health. " I have received your letter, wherein you take notice of the harmonv and peace sub- sisting between us. I am informed that the Athenians have been assiduous in their so- licitations, to prevail upon you to comply with them in those demands which thev have lately made. I must confess, I formerly- imagined that I had discovered some dispo- sition in your' state, to be influenced by their promises, and to acquiesce in their measures ; but now I have received full assurances of your attachment to us, and of your resolu- tions to live in peace, rather than to submit to the guidance of foreign counsels. I feel the sincerest satisfaction, and highly applaud your conduct ; and more particularly as, by your adherence to us, you have in the most effectual manner provided for your interests and safety. Persevere ?in the same senti- ments, and in a short time I hope you will experience their good effects. Farewell !" Thus, successful in confirming the mu- tual separation of our states, and elevated by these decrees and these replies, Philip now leads his forces forward, and seizes Ela- ta?a : presuming that, at all events, Athens and Thebes never could unite. You are no strangers to the confusion which this event raised within these walls. Yet permit me to relate some few striking circumstances of our own consternation. — It was evening. A courier arrived, and, repairing to the pre- sidents of the senate, informed them that Elataea was taken. In a moment some start- 174 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS, orat. xix. ed from supper; [l.J ran to the public place ; 'trove the traders from their stations, and set fire to [2.] their sheds : Some sent round to call the generals ; others clamoured for the trumpeter. [3.] Thus was the city one scene of tumult.— The next morning, by dawn of day, the presidents summoned the senate. The people were instantly collected ; and, before any regular authority could con- vene their assembly, the whole body of citi- zens had taken their places above. Then the senate entered ; the presidents reported their advices, and produced the courier. He repeated his intelligence. The herald then asked in form, ' Who chooses to speak ?' All was silence. The invitation was frequently repeated: still no man rose; though the generals, though the ordinary speakers, were all present ; though the voice of Athens then called on some man to speak and save her. For surely the regular and legal proclamation of the herald may be fairly deemed the voice of Athens.— If an honest solicitude for the preservation of the state had, on this occa- sion, been sufficient to call forth a speaker ; then, my countrymen, ye must have all arisen and crowded to the gallery ; for well I know this honest solicitude had full possession of vour hearts. If wealth had obliged a man to speak, the ' Three Hundred' [4.] must have risen. If patriot zeal and wealth united were the qualification necessary for the speaker, then should we have heard those generous citizens, whose beneficence was afterward displayed so nobly in the service of the state ; for their beneficence proceeded from this union of wealth and patriot zeal. But the occasion, the great day, it seems, called not only for a well-affected and an affluent citizen, but for the man who had traced these affairs to their very source ; who had formed the exactest judgment of Philip's motives, of his secret intentions, in this his conduct. He who was not perfectly inform- ed of these, he who had not watched the whole progress of his actions with consum- mate vigilance; however zealously affected to the state, however blest with wealth; was in nowise better qualified to conceive or to propose the measures, which your interest demanded, on an occasion so critical. On that day, then, I was the man who stood forth. And the counsels I then proposed may now merit vour attention, on a double account : first, to" conv ince you that, of all your leaders and ministers, I was the only one who main- tained the post of a zealous patriot in your extremity, whose words and actions were devoted to your service, in the midst of public consternation ; and, secondly, to ena- ble you to judge more clearly of my other fl.] From supper, i. e. from the table provided at the expense of the public, for such citizens as had been distinguished by their services and merits. [2.1 Set fire to, &c] Wolfius asks why? and for what purpose ? The answer, I ap- prehend, is obvious: To clear the place for an assembly ; and in their confusion and im- patience they took the speediest and most violent method. actions, by granting a little time to this.— My speech then was thus : '* They who are thrown into all this con- fusion, from an opinion that the Thebans are gained over to the interests of Philip, seem to me entirely ignorant of the present state of affairs. Were this the case, I am convinced ye would now hear, not that he was at Elata?a, but on our very frontier. His intent (I clearly see it,) in seizing this post, is to facilitate his schemes in Thebes. Attend, and I shall now explain the circum- stances of that state. Those of its citizens, whom his gold could corrupt, or his artifice deceive, are all at his devotion ; those who at first opposed, and continue to oppose him, he finds incapable of being wrought upon. What then is his design? Why hath he seized Elatea? — That, by drawing up his forces, and displaying his powers upon the borders of Thebes, he may inspire h's adhe- rents with confidence and elevation, and strike such terror into his adversaries, that fear or force may drive them into those measures they have hitherto opposed. If then we are resolved, in this conjuncture, to cherish the remembrance of every unkind^ ness we may have received from the The- bans ; if we regard them with suspicion, as_ men who have ranged them on the side of our enemy ; we shall, in the first place, act agreeably to Philip's warmest wishes : and then I am apprehensive, that the party who now oppose him mav be brought over to his interest, the whole city declare unanimously in his favour, and Thebes and Macedon fall with their united force on Attica. — Grant the due attention to what I shall propose; let it be calmly weighed, without dispute or cavil ; and I doubt not but that my counsels may direct you to the best and most salutary measures, and dispel the dangers now im- pending over the state. What then do I propose ? — First, shake off that terror which hath possessed your minds, and, instead of fearing for yourselves, fear for the Thebans ; they are more immediately exposed, and must be the first to feel the "danger. In the next place, let all those of the age for military service, both infantry and cavalry, march instantly to Eleusis, "that Greece may see that you too are assembled in arms; and your friends in Thebes be emboldened to assert their rights: when they are assured, that, as they who have sold their country to the Macedonian, have a force at Elataea to support them, you too stand prepared to support their antagonists. I recommend it, in the last place, that you nominate ten am- bassadors, who, with the generals, shall have full authority to determine the time and all [3.] The trumpeter.] Possibly to sum- mon the assembly on this extraordinary oc- casion, when there was no leisure nor oppor- tunity for the regular and usual method of convening the citizens. T4.] The • Three Hundred,' i. e. the body of "richer citizens who were to advance money for the exigencies of the state. See Note 1, p. 13, on Olynthiac I. orat. xix.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. I h> other circumstances of this march. When these ambassadors shall arrive at Thebes, how are they to conduct this great affair ? This is a point worthy your most serious attention. — Make no demands at all of the Thebans : at this juncture, it would be dis- honourable. Assure them that your forces are ready, and but wait their orders, to march to their support : as you are deeply affected by their danger, and have been so happy as to foresee, and to guard against it. If they are prevailed on to embrace these overtures, we shall effectuate our great pur- pose, and act with a dignity worthy of our state: but, should it happen that we are not so successful, whatever misfortunes they may suffer, to themselves they shall be im- puted : while your conduct shall appear, in no one instance, inconsistent with the honour and renown of Athens." These and other like particulars did I sug- gest. I came down amidst the universal ap- plause of the assembly, without one word of opposition or dissent.' Nor did I thus speak, without proposing my decree in form ; nor did I propose my decree, without proceeding on the embassy ; nor did I proceed on the embassy, without prevailing on the Thebans. From first to last, my conduct was uni- form, my perseverance invariable, my whole powers entirely devoted to repel the dangers then encompassing the state. Produce the decree made on this occasion. Say, .Eschines, what character are we to ascribe to you, on that great day ? And, in what light am 1 to be considered ? As a Battalus, the odious name your scorn and malice have given me ? And you, a hero of no ordinary rank, a dramatic hero, a Cresphontes, a Creon, or an CEnomaus, the character in which your vile performance was punished with such heavy stripes ? On that day our country had full proof that I, the Battalus, could perform more worthy services than you, the (Enomaus. You performed no services at all : I discharged the duty of a faithful citi- zen in the amplest manner. The Decree- " In thearchonship of Nausicles, the Aian- tidian tribe presiding, on the sixteenth day of the month Scirrophorion, Demosthenes, the son of Demosthenes, of the Pa?anian tribe, proposed this decree. " Whereas, Philip, king of the Macedo- nians, hath, in various times past, \ iolated the treaty of peace subsisting between him and the state of Athens, in open contempt of his most solemn engagements, and of all that is esteemed sacred in Greece ; possessing himself of cities to which he had no claim or pretensions, reducing some to slavery that were under the Athenian jurisdiction; and this, without any previous injury committed on the part of Athens. And, whereas, he, at this time, perseveres in his outrages and cruelty, imposing his garrisons on the cities of Greece, subverting their constitutions, enslaving their inhabitants, and rasing their walls ; in some, dispossessing the Greeks, and establishing barbrrians ; abandoning the temples and sepulchres to their inhuman rage, (actions agreeable to his country and his manners,) Insolent in his present fortune, and forgetful of that mean origin from whence he hath arisen to this unexpected power. And, whereas, while the Athenian people beheld him extending his dominion over states and countries like his own, bar- barous and detached from Greece, they deemed themselves little affected or injured by such conquests ; but now, when Grecian cities are insulted by his arms, or totally subverted, they justly conceive it would oe unwarrantable and unworthy of the glory of their illustrious ancestors to look on with indifference, while the Greeks are thus re- duced to slavery For these reasons, the senate and people of Athens (with due ve- neration to the gods and heroes, guardians of the Athenian city and territory, whose aid they now implore ; and with due atten- tion to' the virtue of their ancestors, to whom the general liberty of Greece was ever dearer than the particular interest of their own state,) have resolved : " That a fleet of two hundred vessel shall be sent to sea, (the admiral to cruise within the streights of Thermopylae :) That the generals and commanders, both of horse and foot, shall march with their respective forces to Eleusis: That ambassadors shall be sent to the states of Greece ; and particu- larly to the Thebans, as the present situa- tion of Philip threatens their confines more immediately : That these ambassadors shall be instructed to exhort them, not to be ter- rified by Philip, but to exert themselves in defence of their own liberty, and that of Greece; to assure them, that the people of Athens, far from harbouring the least re- sentment, on account of any former diffe- rences which might have alienated their states from each other, are ready to support them with all their powers, their treasures, their forces, and their arms ; well knowing that, to contend for sovereignty among themselves, is an honour to the Greeks ; but to be commanded by a foreigner, or to suffer him to wrest from them their superiority, is unworthy of the Grecian dignity, and the glorious actions of their ancestors : — To as- sure them, that the Athenian people do not look on those of Thebes as aliens, but as kinsmen and countrymen; that the good offices conferred on Thebes, by their proge- nitors, are ever fresh in their memory, who restored the descendants of Hercules to their hereditary dominions, from which they had been expelled by the Peloponnesians, and, by force of arms, subdued all those who op- posed themselves to that illustrious family ; who kindly entertained CEdipus and his ad- herents, in the time of their calamity ; and who have transmitted many other monu- ments of their affection and respect to Thebes: — That the people of Athens, there- fore, will not, at this conjuncture, desert the cause of Thebes and Greece ; but are ready to enter into engagements, defen- sive and offensive, with the Thebans, ce- mented and confirmed by a mutual liberty of intermarriage, and by the oaths of each 170 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [okat. xix. even greater than my strength ; that the conduct I pursued was not noble, was not worth\ of the state, was not necessary : let this be proved, and then accuse me. " But, if a sudden clap of thunder, if a furious tempest, burst at once upon us, and laid prostrate not our state alone, but every state in Greece -.—What then ? Am I to be accused? With equal justice might the trader, who sends out his vessel equipped and furnished for a voyage, be deemed guil- ty of her wreck, when she had encountered a storm so violent, as to endamage, nay, to tear down, her tackle. He nught plead thus, ' 1 was not pilot in the voyage.' Nor was I commander of your army ; nor I master of Fortune. She it is who commands the world. And let this be duly weighed : if, when the Thebans engaged on our side, we were yet fated to this calamity ; what were we to expect, if they had not "only been de- tached from us, but united with our enemy in compliance with all his urgent solicita- tions. If, when the armies fought at a dis- tance of three days' march from Attica, such danger and consternation fell on this city, what if the defeat had happened in our ow ; n territory? Think ye that we could have stood ? That we could have assembled here ? That we could have breathed ? The respite of one day (at least of two or three) is often- times of signal moment to the preservation of a people — In the other case— But 1 can- not bear to mention what we must have suffered, if this state had not been protected by the favour of some god, and the interpo- sition of this alliance, the perpetual subject (-Eschines!) of your clamorous malice. All this particular discussion is addressed to you, ye Judges, and to those auditors who stand round the tribunal. As to this miscreant, he needs but one short and plain reply. If you, .-Eschines, were the only man among us who foresaw the issue; it was your duty to have foretold it to your countrymen : if you did not foresee it, you are as accountable for such ignorance as any other citizen. What better rif ht then have you to urge this as a crime against me, than I to accuse you upon the same occasion ? When, at this juncture, not to mention others, I approved myself so far a better ci- tizen than you, as 1 was entirely devoted to what appeared the true interest of mv coun- try; not nicely weighing, not once conside- ring my private danger; while you never proposed any better measures ; else we had adopted these: nor, in the prosecution of these, were we assisted by anv service of yours. No ; the event discovered, that your conduct had been such as the basest, the most inveterate enemy to this state must have pursued. And observable indeed it is, that at the very time when Aristratus at Naxus, and Aristoliius at Thassus, equally the avowed foes of •Uhens, are harassing the Athenian partisans by prosecutions; here, Eschines hath brought his accusation against Demosthenes. But the man who derives his consequence from the calamities of Greece, should rather meet his own pu- nishment than stand up to prosecute ano- party tendered and accepted with all due solemnity. The ambassadors chosen on this occasion are Demosthenes, Hyperides, Mne- sithides, Democrates, and Callaeschrus." Here was the foundation laid ; here was the first establishment of our interest in Thebes. Hitherto, the traitors had been too successful; and all was animosity, aver- sion, and suspicion, between the cities. But, by thisdecree, that danger, which hung lowering over our state, was in an instant dissipated like a vapour. — And surely it was the duty of an honest citizen, if he had any better measures to propose, to have declared them publicly, not to have cavilled now. For the counsellor and the sycophant are characters entirely different, in every parti- cular; but in this are thev more especially distinguished from each other, that the one fairly declares his opinion previous to the event ; and makes himself accountable to those he hath influenced, to fortune, to the times, to the world : while the other is si- 'ent when he ought to speak ; but when some melancholy accident hath happened, he dwells on this with the most invidious censure. That was the time (I repeat it) for a man sincerely attached to his country, and to truth. Vet, such is my confidence in the abundant merits of my cause, that if any man can, now, point out abetter course, nay. if there be any course at all, but that which I pursued, I shall confess myself cri- minal; for if any move expedient conduct hath been now discovered, I allow that it ought not to have escaped me. But if there neither is, nor was, nor can be, such a con- duct pointed out, no, not at this day, what was the part of your minister ? was it not to choose the best of such measures as oc- curred ; of such as were really in his power ? And this I did (.Eschines!) when the herald asked, in due form, ' Who chooses to address the people ?' Not • who will inveigh against things past ?' Not ' who will answer for things to come?' In this juncture you kept your seat in the assembly without ut- tering one word — I rose up "and spoke. — Well, though you were then silent, yet, now, explain your sentiments. Sav, what expedient was' there, which I should have devised ? What favourable juncture was lost to the state, by my means? What al- liance, what scheme of conduct was there, to which I should have rather led mv fellow- citizens ? Not that the time once elapsed is ever made the subject of debate; for that time, no man ever suggests expedients. It is the coming or the present juncture which demands the offices of a counsellor. And in that juncture, when some of our misfor- tunes, it seems, were coming on, some were already present, consider my intention ; do not point your malice at the event. The final issue cf all human actions depends on God. Do not then impute it as my offence, that Philip was victorious in the battle. This is an event determined by God, not by me. Let it be proved that I did not take every precaution which human prudence could suggest ; that I did not exert myself with integrity, with assiduity, with toil on.vr. xix.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 177 ther : the man whose interests are advanced by conjunctures most favourable to those of our public enemies, can never, surely, be a friend to our country. And, thai this is your case, your life, your actions, the measures you have pursued, the measures you have declined, all demonstrate. Is there any thins effected, which promises advantage to the state? ^Bschines is mute. Are we crossed by an untoward accident! jEschines arises. Just as our old sprains and fractures again become sensible, when any malady hath attacked our bodies. But, since he hath insisted so much upon the event, I shall hazard a bold assertion. But, in the name of Heaven, let it not be deemed extravagant: let it be weighed with candour. I say then, that had we all known what fortune was to attend our efforts ; had we all foreseen the final issue ; had you foretold it, jF.schines; had you bellowed out your terrible denunciations (you, whose voice was never heard ;) yet, even in such a case, must this city have pursued the very same conduct, if she had retained a thought of glory, of her ancestors, or of future times. For, thus, she could only have been deemed unfortunate in her attempts: and misfor- tunes are the lot of all men, whenever it may please Heaven to inflict them. But if that state which once claimed the first rank in Greece had resigned this rank, in time of danger, she had incurred the censure of be- traying the whole nation to the enemy.— If we had indeed given up those points with- out one blow, for which our fathers encoun- tered every peril, who would not have spurned you with scorn ? ' you, the author of such conduct,' not the state, or me? In the name of Heaven, say with what face could we have met those foreigners who sometimes visit us, if such scandalous su- pineness on our part had brought affairs to their present situation ? If Philip had been chosen general of the Grecian army, and some other state had drawn the sword against this insidious nomination ; and fought the battle, unassisted by the Athe- nians, that people, who, in ancient times, never preferred inglorious security to ho- nourable danger ; what part of Greece, what part of the barbarian world, has not heard, that the Thebans, in their period of success ; that the Lacedemonians, whose power was older and more extensive; that the king of Persia, would have cheerfully and joyfully consented that this state should enjoy her own dominions, together with an accession of territory ample as her wishes, upon this condition, that she should receive law, ana suffer another state to preside in Greece ? But, to Athenians, this was a con- dition unbecoming their descent, intolera- ble to their spirit, repugnant to their na- ture. Athens never was once known to live in a slavish, though a secure, obedience to unjust and arbitrary power. No: our whole history is one series of noble contests for pre-eminence: the whole period of our existence hath been spent in braving dan- gers, for the sake of glory and renown. And so highly do you esteem such conduct, so consonant to the Athenian character, that those of your ancestors who were most dis- tinguished in the pursuit of it, are ever the most favourite objects of your praise. And with reason. For who can reflect without astonishment upon the magnanimity of those men, who resigned their lands, gave up their city, and embarked in their ships, to avoid the odious state of subjection .' AVho chose Themistocles, the adviser of this conduct, to command their forces ; and, when t'rysilus proposed that they should yield to tile terms prescribed, stoned him to death ? Nay, the public indignation was not yet allayed. Your very wives inflicted the same vengeance on his wife. For the Athenians of that day looked out for no speaker, no general, to procure them a state of prosperous slavery. They had the spirit to reject even life, unless they were allowed to enjoy that life in freedom. For it was a principle fixed deeply in every breast, that man was not born to lus parents only, but to his country. And mark the distinction. He who regards himself as born only to his parents, waits in passive submission for the hour of his natural dissolution. He who considers that he is the child of his country also, is prepared to meet his fate freely, rather than behold that country reduced to vassalage : and thinks those insults and dis- graces which he must meet, in a a state en- slaved, much more terrible than death. Should I then attempt to assert, that it was I who inspired you with sentiments worthy of your ancestors, I should meet the just resentment of every hearer. No : it is my point to shew, that such sentiments are pro- perly your own ; that they were the senti- ments of my country, long before mv days. I claim but my share of merit, in having acted on such principles, in every part of my administration. He, then, who condemns every part of my administration, he who directs you to treat me with severity, as one who hath involved the state in terrors and dangers, while he labours to deprive me of present honour, robs you of the applause of all posterity. For if you now pronounce, that, as my public conduct hath not been right, Ctesiphon must stand condemned, it must be thought that you yourselves have acted wrong, not that you owe your present state to the caprice of fortune — But it can- not be ! No, my countrymen ! it cannot be, that you have acted wrong, in encounter- ing danger bravely, for the liberty and the safety of all Greece. No ! by those generous souls of ancient times, who were exposed at Marathon ! By those who stood arrayed at Plataea ! By those who encountered the Persian fleet at Salamis, who fought at Ar- temisium ! By all those illustrious sons of Athens, whose remains lie deposited in the public monuments ! All of whom received the same honourable interment from their country : not those only who prevailed, not those only who were victorious — And with reason. What was the part of gallant men, they all performed ! their success was such as the Supreme Director of the world dis- pensed to each. 178 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [ohat. xix. —Well then, thou miscreant, thou abject scrivener ; thou who, to rob me of the ho- nours and the affections of these my coun- trymen, talkest of battles, of trophies, of brave deeds of old : and what are these, or any of these, to the present cause? Say, thou vile player, when I assumed the cha- racter of a public counsellor, and on an ob- ject so important as the natural pre-emi- nence of my country, with what principles should I have arisen to speak ? Those of suggesting measures unworthy of my coun- trvmen ? Then must I have met that death I merited. And when the interests of the state come before you, your minds, my fellow-citizens, should be possessed with an extraordinary degree of elevation, beyond what is necessary in private causes. When these are to be' decided, you have only to consider the ordinary transactions of the world, the tenor of your laws, and the na- ture of private facts. But in questions of state, you are to look up to your illustrious ancestors ; and every judge is to suppose, that, with the symbols of his authority, he is also invested with the high character of his country. Thus, and thus only, shall he determine on such questions, in a man- ner worthy of these his ancestors. But I have been so transported by men- tioning the acts of your predecessors, that there are some decrees and some transac- tions that have escaped me. I return, then, to the points from whence I thus digressed. Upon our arrival at Thebes, we there found the ambassadors of Philip, those of the Thessalians, and the other confederates, all assembled ; our friends in terror, his party elevated. That this is not asserted merely to serve my present purpose, I appeal to that letter which we, the ambassadors, in- stantly despatched on this occasion. Yet, so transcendent is the virulence of this man, that, if in any instance our designs have been effectual, he ascribes it to the juncture of affairs, not to me; in every instance where they have been defeated, he charges all to me, and to my evil genius. It seems, then, that I, the speaker and counsellor, can claim no share of merit in such advan- tages as have been gained by speaking and by counsel ; but where our arms have been unsuccessful, where the conduct of a war hath been unfortunate, I am loaded with the whole blame. Can we conceive a tem- per more cruel, more execrable in its malice ? —Read the letter. The Letter is here read. The assembly was now convened. The deputies of Macedon were first admitted to an audience, as they appeared in the charac- ter of allies. They rose up and addressed themselves to the people; lavishing their praises upon Philip, urging many articles of accusation against you, and dwelling upon [1.] And in the two first engagements.] These, wherever fought, have been consi- dered by historians as of too little conse- quence to be recorded. And the extrava- every act of opposition which you had ever made to Thebes. This was the sum of all : they called upon the Thebans to make the due return to the benefits conferred by Phi- lip, and to inflict due vengeance for the in« juries received from you : and for this they had their option, either to allow the Mace- donian a free passage through their territo- ry, or to unite with him in the invasion of Attica. It was clearly proved, as they af- fected to suppose, that if their counsels were embraced, the cattle, slaves, and all the wealth of Attica, must be transferred to Bceotia ; but that our overtures tended to expose Bceotia to all the havoc of the war. To these they added many other particulars, all tending to the same purpose. And, now, I should esteem it my greatest happiness to lay before you the whole detail of what we urged in reply. But you, I fear, are too sensible, that these things are past, that the torrent hath since broken in, and, as it were, overwhelmed all our affairs ; and therefore must think it useless and odious to speak of these things at all. I shall therefore confine myself to the resolutions we obtained, and the answer returned to you. Take them : read. The Answer of the Thebans is here read. In consequence of these their resolutions, they called you forth ; they invited you in due form. You marched, you came to their support : and, with such affectionate confi- dence were you received, (for I pass over the intermediate transactions,) that, while their army, both infantry and cavalry, were sta- tioned without the walls, your forces were admitted into their city, were received into their houses, amidst their children, their wives, all that they held most dear. And thus, in one day, did the Thebans give three the most public and most honourable testi- monies to your merit ; one to your valour, another to your justice, and a third to your continence. * For, by determining to unite their arms with yours, rather than to fight against you, they declared their sense of your superior valour, as well as the superior justice of your cause; and, by intrusting to your disposal what they and all mankind are most solicitous to protect, their children and their wives, they demonstrated an ab- solute reliance ou your strict continence: and your conduct confirmed these their sen- timents in every particular ; for, from the moment that our army appeared within their walls, no man ever could complain of any one instance of your injurious demean- our; such purity of "manners did you dis- play. And, in the two first engagements, [1.3 that of the river, and that fought in winter, you approved yourselves not blameless only, but worthy of admiration, in discipline, in judgment, 'in alacrity. Hence, other states were engaged in praises of your conduct, gance of joy with which the accounts of them were received, strongly mark the levi- ty of the Athenian character. orat. xix.l DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 179 ours in sacrifices and religions processions. — And here I would gladly ask jEschines this question, Whether, in the course of these cnents, when the city was one scene of unbounded joy and acclamation, he took his part in our religious rites, and shared in the general festivity; or shut himself in his chamber, grieved, afflicted, and provok- ed at the successes of his country? If he appeared, if he was then found among his fellow-citizens, what injustice, nay, what impiety, is this, when he had solemnly call- ed Heaven to witness that he approved these measures, to desire that you should condemn them by your present sentence ; you who, by your oath, have made as solemn an ap- peal to Heaven ? If he did not appear, is not that man worthy of a thousand deaths, who looks with grief on those events which fill his countrymen with joy ? — Read these decrees ! The Decrees relative to the Sacrifices are here read. Thus were we, then, engaged in sacrificing to the gods ; the Thebans, in acknowledg- ing that we had been their deliverers. Thus, the people who had been reduced, by the machinations of my adversary and his fac- tion, to the condition of seeking assistance, were raised, by my counsels, to that of granting it to others. And what the style was which Philip then adopted, what his confusion at these events, you may learn from his own letters sent to Peloponnesus. Take them : read : thus shall you see, that my perseverance, my journeys, my fatigues, as well as my various decrees, now the ob- ject of his malice, were by no means ineffec- tual. And permit me to observe, that this state afforded numbers of able and illustri- ous speakers before my time. Such were Callistratus, Aristophon, Cephalus, Thra- sybulus, and a thousand others. And yet, of all these, not one ever devoted his whole powers, upon all occasions, to the service of his country. He who moved the decree, did not charge himself with the embassy ; he who went ambassador, was not author of the decree. Each reserved to himself a re- spite from business, and, in case of accident, a resource. But I may be asked, ' What ! . are you so superior to other men in powers and confidence, that you can do all yourself ?' I say not so. But such and so alarming was my sense of the danger then impending over us, that I thought it no time for private considerations, for entertaining any thought of personal security, for conceiving any bet- ter nopes than that all the powers cf every citizen might possibly effect the necessary service. As to myself, I was persuaded, not perhaps on solid grounds, — yet I was per- suaded, that no mover of decrees could frame more useful decrees than I ; no agent in the execution of them could execute them more effectually ; no ambassador could proceed on his embassy with greater vigour and integrity. And hence did I assume all .Jiese functions. Read Philip's letters. The Letters are i To such condescension did I reduce this prince. Yes, .■Eschincs, b) me was he obli- ged to use such language : he, who, on all former occasions, treated this state with so much insolence and arrogance. And my fellow-citizens repaid these my services with the honour of a crown. You were present, yet acquiesced. Diondas, who traversed this grant, could not obtain a fifth of the suffrages. Read the decrees. The Decrees are read. Here are the decrees framed literally in the same terms with those which Aristonicus had before proposed, and that which Ctesi- phon hath now moved : Decrees which Ma- chines hath neither impeached, nor united in the impeachment brought against their author. And surely, if this his present ac- cusation be justly founded, he might have prosecuted Dememoles who proposed them, and Hyperides, with much more reason than Ctesiphon. And why ? Because Ctesiphon can appeal to these men, and the decisions of your courts in their case. He can plead that ^Esehines never attempted to accuse them, though their decrees were conceived in the same terms with his. He can urge the illegality of commencing a prosecution on a case already decided. Not to mention other reasons. Whereas, in the former suit, the cause was to be supported only by its merits, without any previous considerations in its favour. But he could not then have pursued his present method. He could not have searched old chronicles, to support his malicious charge : he could not have ran- sacked our archives, for scraps of obsolete decrees, never once thought of, never once- conceived as in any degree applicable to the present case : he could not have made up a plausible harangue, by confounding dates, and disguising facts, with all the arts of falsehood, instead of stating them fairly. No; he must have deduced all his argu- ments from truths recent, from facts well remembered ; all lying, as it were, before you. Hence did he decline the immediate discussion of these transactions ; but brings his charge now, after so long an interval : as if this were a contest in a school of rheto- ric, not a real inquiry into public affairs. Yes ; he must suppose that you are now to judge of speeches, not of political transac- tions. Then observe his sophistical craft. He tells you, that whatever opinions you had formed of us both, on coming hither they must be forgotten ; that you are to judge of what appears on this examination, like men settling an account of money. You may have conceived that a balance is yet due ; but when you find the accounts clear- ed, and that nothing remains, you must ac- quiesce. And here you may observe how dangerous it is to rely on any argument not founded on truth : for by this subtle simili- tude he hath confessed, that you came hi- ther firmly persuaded that I have ever spi - ken for my country; he, for Philip. For he could not have attempted to alter vour R 2 180 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [orat. xix. persuasion, unless you had been thus per- suaded, with respect to each. And, that he is not justly warranted to demand such al- teration, I shall now demonstrate ; not by the help of figures, (for we are not counting money,) but by a short summary of my services, which I shall submit to you, my hearers, both as examiners and as vouchers of my account. By my conduct, then, which he treats with such severity.theThebans, instead of joining with the Macedonian in an invasion of our territory, as we all expected, united with us, and prevented that invasion. The war, in- stead of raging here in Attica, was confined to the district of Bceotia, at a distance of seventy stadia from the city. Our coast, instead of being exposed to all the rapine of the Eubcean corsairs, was preserved in tran- quillity during the whole war. Instead of Philip's becoming master of the Hellespont, by the possession of Byzantium, the By- zantines joined with us, and turned their arms against him. Are we then to use figures and accounts in examining transac- tions, and shall these articles be erased from the account ? Shall we not rather labour to perpetuate their remembrance ? — I do not set it down as an additional article, that the cruelty which Philip was known to exercise towards those he had reduced, was all felt by other states, while we happily reaped all the fruit of that humaneness which he well knew how to assume, when some future schemes were to be advanced. I do not in- sist on this. — But one thing I shall assert with less reserve : That he who enters on a fair in- quiry into the conduct of any minister, with- out descending to a malicious prosecution, must scorn the mean arts which you have practised, of inventing metaphors, and mimicking phrases and gestures. It essen- tially concerns the interests of Greece, no doubt, that I use this, and reject that, phrase ; that I should move my arm this way, and not to that side. No : the fair inquirer would consider the state of facts : would examine what resources, what powers we possessed, when I first entered on af- fairs ; what accessions I procured to these ; and what were the circumstances of our ene- mies. If I had really weakened the powers of my country, such iniquitous conduct should be detected : if I had considerably in- creased them, yonr malice should not have pursued me. But as you have avoided this method, 1 shall adopt it. And to you, my hearers, I appeal for the truth of what I now deliver. First, then, as to our powers at this junc- ture: we commanded but the islands: and not all of these ; only the weakest of them. Neither Chios, nor Rhodes, nor Corcyra were then ours. Of our finances, the amount was forty-five talents : and even this sum had been anticipa(ed. Of infantry and cavalry, except those within our walls, we had not any : and what was the circum- stance most alarming, and most favour- able to our enemies, their artifices had been to effectual, that the adjacent states, Mega- ra, Thebes, Euboea, were all inclined to j hostilities, rather than an alliance with us. \ Such was the situation of our affairs. It cannot be denied ; it cannot be at all con- troverted. And now consider those of Phi- lip, our antagonist. In the first place, his power over all his followers was absolute and uncontrolled ; the first great necessary arti- cle in war. Then, their arms were ever in their hands. Again, his finances were In the most flourishing condition. In all his mo- tions, he consulted only with himself: he did not announce them by decrees; he did not concert them in a public assembly ; he was not exposed to false accusers ; he was not to guard against impeachments; he was not to submit his conduct to examination ; but was in all things absolutely lord, leader, and governor. To this man was I opposed. It is but just that you consider my circum- stances. What did I command ? Nothing. I had but the right of audience in our as- semblies ; a right which you granted to his hirelings equally with me. And, as often as they prevailed against my remonstrances, (and oftentimes did they thus prevail, on various pretences,) were you driven to reso- lutions highly favourable to the enemy. Loaded with all these difficulties, I yet brought over to your alliance the Eubceans, Achaeans, Corinthians, Thebans, Megareans, Leucadians, Corcyra?ans. And thus did we collect fifteen hundred foot and two thousand horse, exclusive of our own citizens. And thus were our finances enlarged, by as ample subsidies as I could raise. If you insist on what contingents should strictly have been required from the The- bans, or from the Byzantines, or from the Eubceans ; if you talk of dividing the bur- den of the war in exact proportion ; I must, in the first place, inform you, that, when the united fleet was drawn out to defend the interests of Greece, the whole number of ships amounted to three hundred; and of these two hundred were supplied by Athens: nor did we think ourselves aggrieved; nor did we prosecute those who had advised it ; nor did we discover any marks of discon- tent. That would have been shameful. No : we thanked the gods, that when all Greece was threatened with imminent dan- ger, we were enabled to give twice as much assistance to the common cause, as any other state. And then — little is the public favour which your malicious invectives against me can gain. For why do you not now tell us what we should have done ? Were you not then in the city ? Were you not in the assembly ? Why did you not pro- pose your scheme, if it suited the circum- stances of affairs ? For here was the point to be considered ; what these circumstances admitted, not what our wishes might sug- gest. Had we once rejected the alliance of any people, there was one ready to purchase them, to bid much higher for them, to re- ceive them with open arms. And, if my conduct is now questioned, what if, by any exact and scrupulous demands, in my stipu- lations with the several states, they had withdrawn their forces, and united with our orat. xix.] DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. 181 enemy ; and thus, Philip had been master of Euboea, Thebes, and Byzantium ? How busy would these impious men have then been, how violent in their clamours ! Must they not have cried out, that we had rejected these states? That we had driven them from us, when they were courting our alli- ance ? That Philip was confirmed sovereign Of the Hellespont by the Byzantines ? That the whole corn-trade of Greece was at his disposal ? That Thebes had enabled him to push the war to our very confines ? That it had fallen with all its weight on Attica? That the sea was impassable, for that cor- sairs were perpetually issuing from Euboea? — Should we not have heard all this, and more ? — A false accuser, (my countrymen !) is a monster, a dangerous monster, queru- lous, and industrious in seeking pretences of complaint. And such is the very nature of this fox in human shape, a stranger to every thing good and liberal; this theatri- cal ape, this strolling player, this blunder- ing haranguer ! For, of what use is this your vehemence to the public ? — do you waste it on transactions long since past ? — Just as if a physician should visit his infirm and distempered patients, should never speak, never prescribe the means of expel- ling their disorders ; but when one of them had died, and the last offices were perform- ing to his remains, to march after to the grave, and there pronounce with all solem- nity, ' If this man had proceeded thus, and thus, he would not have died.' Infatuated wretch ! and dost thou vouchsafe to speak at last ? As to the defeat, that incident in which you so exult ! (accursed wretch ! who should ra- ther mourn for it.) Look through my whole conduct, and ye shall find nothing there that brought down this calamity upon my coun- try. Let it be considered, that there is no one instance in which the ambassadors of Macedon ever prevailed against me, in any of those states where I appeared as the am- bassador of Athens : not in Thessaly, nor in Ambracia, nor in Illyria, nor among the Thracian princes, nor in Byzantium ; in no one place ; no, nor in the last debate at The- bes. But whatever was thus acquired by my superiority over the ambassadors of Philip, their master soon recovered by force ,of arms. And this is urged as my offence. My adversary, even at the very time that he affects to ridicule my weakness, is so shame- less as to require, that I in my single person should conquer all the powers of the Mace- donian, and conquer them by words. What else could I command? 1 had no power over the life of any one citizen, over the fortune of our soldiers, or the conduct of our armies, for which thou art so absurd as to call me to account. In every particular where a minister is accountable, there let your scrutiny be strict and severe. I never shall decline it. And what are the duties of a minister ? To watch the first rise of every incident, to forewarn his fellow-citi- zens. And this did I perform. To confine those evils within the narrowest bounds, which are natural and necessary to be en- countered in every state; to restrain the fatal influence of irresolution, supineness, prejudice, anil animosity ; and, on the other hand, to dispose the minds of men to con- cord and unanimity, to rouse them to a vi- gorous defence of their just rights. All this did I perform ; nor can an instance be pro- duced, in which I proved deficient. If a man were asked, what were the means by which Philip effected most of his designs ? the answer is obvious : It was by his armies, by his bribes, by corrupting those who were at the head of affairs. As to his ar- mies, I neither commanded nor directed them. I am not therefore to account for any of their motions. As to his bribes, I rejected them. And in this I conquered Philip : for, as the purchaser conquers, when a man accepts his price, and sells him- self ; so, the man who will not be sold, who disdains to be corrupted, conquers the pur- chaser. Well, then ! with respect to me, this state remains still unconquered. Thus have I produced such instances of my conduct, as (not to mention many others) justly authorize this decree of Ctesiphon in my favour. And now I proceed to facts, well known to all who hear me. No sooner had the battle been decided, than the peo- ple (and they had known and seen all my actions,) in the midst of public consterna- tion and distress, when it could not be sur- prising if the multitude bad made me feel some marks of their resentment, were direct- ed by my counsels in every measure taken for the defence of the city. Whatever was done to guard against a siege, the disposi- tion of our, garrison, our works, the repair of our walls, the money to be raised for this purpose, all was determined by decrees framed by me. Then, when they were to appoint a commissioner for providing corn, the people elected me from their whole body. Again, when persons, bent on my destruction, had conspired against me; when they had commenced prosecutions, inqui- ries, impeachments, and I know not whiu, at first not in their own names, but by such agents as they thought best fitted to conceal the real authors ; — yes, you all knew, you all remember that, at the beginning of this period, I was every day expised to some judicial process ; nor was the despair of So- sicles, nor the malice of Philocrates, nor the madness of Diondas and Melanus, nor any other engine left untried for my de- struction : — I say then, that, at the time when I was thus exposed to various assaults, next to the gods, my first and great defenders, I owed my deliverance to you, and all my countrymen. And justice required that you should support my cause ; for it was the cause of truth, a cause which could never fail of due regard from judges bound by solemn oaths, and sensible of their sacred ob- ligation. As you then gave sentence in my favour, on all occasions where I had been im- peached, as my prosecutor could not obtain a fifth part of the voices, you, in effect, pro- nounced that my actions had been excellent ; as I was acquitted upon every trial for an in- fringement of the laws, it was evident that 182 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [orat. xix. my counsels and decrees had ever been conso- nant to law ; and, as you ever passed and ap- proved my accounts, you declared authenti- cally, that I had transacted all your affairs with strict and uncorrupted integrity. In '.'.hat terms, then, could Ctesiphon have de- scribed my conduct, agreeably to decency and i ustice ? Was he not to use those which he "found his country had employed, which the sworn judges had employed, which truth it- self had warranted upon all occasions ?— Yes ! but I am told that it is the glory of Cephalus, that he never had occasion to be acquitted on a public trial. True ! and it is his good fortune also. But where is the justice of re- garding that man as a more exceptionable character, who was oftentimes brought to trial, and as often was acquitted; never once condemned ?— Yet let it be observed (Athe- nians !) that with respect to jEschines, I stand in the very same point of glory with Cephalus : for he never accused, never pro- secuted me. Here, then, is a confession of your own, that I am a citizen of no less worth than Cephalus. Among the various instances in which he hath displayed his absurdity and malice, that part of his harangue which contains his sentiments on Fortune, is not the least glaring. That a mortal should insult his fellow-mortal, on account of fortune, is, in my opinion, an absurdity the most extrava- gant. He, whose condition is most prospe- rous, whose fortune seems most favourable, knows not whether it is to remain unchang- ed even for a day. How then can he men- tion this subject ? How can he urge it against any man as his reproach? But, since my adversary hath, on this occasion, as on many others, given a free scope to his insolence, hear what I shall offer upon the same subject; and judge whether it be not more consonant to truth, as well as to that moderation which becomes humanity. As to the fortune of this state, I must pronounce it good. And this, I find, hath been the sentence, both of the Dodonsean Jove, and of the Pythian Apollo. As to that of individuals, such as all experience at this day, it is grievous and distressful. Look through all Greece, through all the barbarian world ; and where can we find the man who doth not feel many calamities in this present juncture ? But this I take to be the happiness of our fortune as a state, that we have pursued such measures as are most honourable; that we have been more prosperous than those states of Greece who vainly hoped to secure their own hap- piness by "deserting us. That we have en- countered difficulties, that events have not always corresponded with our wishes, in this we have but shared that common lot which other mortals have equally experienced. As to the fortune of an individual, mine, and that of any other, must be determined, I presume, by the particular incidents of our [1,] I have escaped, &c] This part of the ceremonial alluded either to the improve- ments made in human life by husbandry and arts, which were commemorated in the mys- lives. Such are my sentiments upon this subject. And 1 think you must agree with me, that they are founded upon truth and equity. But my adversary declares, that my fortune hath been greater than that of the whole community. What ! a poor and humble fortune, superior to one of excel- lence and elevation ! How can this be ? No, ./Eschines, if you are determined t > examine into my fortune, compare it with your own : and if you find mine superior, let it be no longer the subject of your re- proach. Let us trace this matter fully. And here, in the name of all the gods, let me not be censured, as betraying any indication of a low mind. No man can be more sensible than I, that he who insults poverty, and he who, because he hath been bred in affluence, assumes an air of pride and consequence, are equally devoid of understanding. But the virulence and restless malice of an in- veterate adversary hath forced me upon this topic, where I shall study to confine myself within as strict bounds as the case can possibly admit. Know then, jEschines, it was my fortune, when a youth, to be trained up in a liberal course of education, supplied in such a manner as to place me above the base temp- tations of poverty : when a man, to act sui- tably to such an education, to contribute, in my full proportion, to all the exigencies of the state; never to be wanting in any honourable conduct, either in private or in public life; but, on all occasions, to approve myself useful to my country', and to my friends. When I came into the administra- tion of public affairs, I determined upon such a course of conduct, as frequently gained me the honour of a crown, both from this and other states of Greece. Nor could you, my enemies, attempt to say that I had determined on a dishonourable course. Such hath been the fortune of my life : a subject on which I might enlarge : but I must re- strain myself, lest I should give offence, by an affectation of importance. Come, then, thou man of dignity, thou who spurnest at all others with contempt ; examine thy own life ; say, of what kind hath thy fortune been ?— She placed thee, when a youth, in a state of abject poverty ; an assistant to thy father in his school, em- ployed in the menial services of preparing his ink, washing down his benches and sweep- ing his room ; like a slave rather than the child of a citizen. When arrived at man- hood we find thee dictating the forms of in- itiation to thy mother, assisting in her trade, every night employed with thy fawn-skin and lustral bowls, purifying the noviciates, and modelling their little figures of clay and bran, then rousing them, and teaching them to pronounce " I have escaped [1.] the bad ; I have found the better ;" glorying in this noble accomplishment of howling out such jargon louder than the rest. And it is an tic rites ; or to the hopes of enjoying gTeater happiness in another world, in consequence of initiation, with which the noviciates were flattered. ORAT. XIX. DEMOSTHENES' OUATIONS. 183 honour we must allow him. For, as he pleads with so much vehemence, ye may conclude that in hishowlings he was equally piercing and clamorous. In the day-time, he led his noble Bacchanals through the highways, crowned with fennel and poplar, grasping his serpents, and waving them above his head, with his yell of Evoe, Saboe .' then bounding, and roaring out 'Byes, Attes, Attesy Ht/es ! — Leader ! — Conductor ! — Ivy- bearer ! — Van-bearer ! These were his felicita- tions from the old women : and his wages were tart, biscuit, and new-baked crusts. In such circumstances, surely we must con- gratulate him on his fortune. When you had obtained your enrolment among our citizens, by what means I shall not mention, but when you had obtained it, you instantly chose out the most honour- able of employments, that of under-scrive- ner and assistant to the lowest of our public officers. And, when you retired from this station, where you had been guilty of all those practices you charge on others, you were careful not to disgrace any of the past actions of your life. No, by the powers ! — You hired yourself to Simmichus and So- crates, those deep groaning tragedies, as they were called,and acted third characters. You pillaged the grounds of other men for figs, grapes, and olives, like a fruiterer; which cost you more blows than even your playing, which was in effect playing for your life; for there was an implacable, irreconcileable war declared between you and the specta- tors ; whose stripes you felt so often and so severely, that you may well deride those as cowards who are unexperienced in such perils. — But I shall not dwell on such par- ticulars as may be imputed to his poverty. My objections shall be confined to his prin- ciples Such were the measures you adopted in your public conduct (for you at last con- ceived the bold design of engaging in affairs of state,) that, while your country prospered, you led a life of trepidation and dismay, ex- pecting every moment the stroke due to those iniquities which stung your conscience: when your fellow-citizens were unfortunate, then were you distinguished by a peculiar confidence. And the man who assumes this confidence, when thousands of his country- men have perished, — what should he justly suffer from those who are left alive? — And here I might produce many other particulars of his character. But I suppress them. For I am not to exhaust the odious subject of his scandalous actions. I am confined to those which it may not be indecent to repeat. Take then the whole course of your life, .Eschines, and of mine; compare them with- out heat or acrimony. You attended on your scholars : I was myself a scholar. You served in the initiations: I was initiated. You were a performer in our public enter- tainments : I was the director. You took notes of speeches: I was a speaker. You were an under-player : I was spectator. You failed hi your part: I hissed you. Your public conduct was devoted to our enemies : mine to my country. I shall only add, that on this day I appear to be approved worthy of a crown : the question is not whether I have been merely blameless; this is a point confessed. You appear as a false accuser : and the question is, whether you are ever to appear again in such a character ? You are in danger of being effectually prevented, by feeling the consequences of a malicious pro- secution The fortune of your life, then, hath been truly excellent; you see it. Mine hath been mean; and you have reason to reproach it. — Come then ! hear me while I read the several attestations of those public offices which 1 have discharged. And, in return, do you repeat those verses which you spoiled m the delivery. " Forth from the deep abyss, behold I come ! And the dread portal of the dusky gloom." And, "Know then, howe'er reluctant, I must speak Those evils — " O, may the gods inflict 'those evils' upon thee ! May these thy countrymen inflict them to thy utter destruction ! thou enemy to Athens, thou traitor, thou vile player ! Read the attestations. The Attestations are read. Such hath been my public character. As to my private conduct, if you be not all satisfied that I have approved myself bene- volent and humane ; ever ready to assist those who needed ; I shall be silent ; 1 shall not plead ; I shall not produce testimony of these points : no, nor of the numbers of my fellow-citizens I have redeemed from cap- tivity; nor the sums I have contributed to portioning their daughters ; nor of any like actions. For my principles are such as lead me naturally to suppose, that he who re, ceives a benefit, must remember it for ever- if he would approve his honesty ; but that he who confers the benefit, should instantly forget it, unless he would betray a sordid and illiberal spirit. To remind men of his bounty, to make it the subject of his dis- course, is very little different from a direct reproach: a fault which I am studious to avoid; and therefore shall proceed no far- ther ; content to acquiesce in your opinion of my actions, whatever this may be. But while I practise this reserve, with respect to my private life, indulge me in enlarging somewhat farther on my public conduct. Of all the men beneath the sun, point out the single person (>Eschines,) Greek or Bar- barian, who hath not fallen under the power, first of Philip, and now of Alexander; and I submit : let everv thing be imputed to my fortune (shall I call it?) or, if you please, my evil genius. But if numbers who never saw me, who never heard my voice, have laboured under a variety of the most afflict- ing calamities, I mean not only individuals! but whole states and nations; how much more consonant to truth and justice must it be to ascribe the whole to that common fate of mankind, that torrent of unhappy events which bore down upon us with an irresistible violence ? But you turn your eyes from the 104 DEMOSTHENES' ORATIONS. [orat xix, real cause, and lay the entire blame on mv administration ; although you know, that, if not the whole, a part at least of your viru- lent abuse must thus fall upon your country, and chiefly upon yourself. Had I, when speaking in the assembly, been absolute and independent master of" affairs, then your other speakers might call me to account. But if ye were ever present, if ye were all in general invited to propose your sentiments, if ye were all agreed that tlie measures then suggested were really the best ; if you, - 2l3 Scum £ S «j - *_. . § « S * g«S fa- « eiS S ~ i^SS.' B.SPg is t*> .5 = S~ 2~ a 60 > *- > ° «-» ■*" — ja •" re o g -BBgl'S ^i*-^£ MM^s = 3-2 C co o s-i.S, ^-ooxo J2J30O.-J 13 — ■ .2 ■'-' ; B J •■ o . . B 2 «> £ « 2 £ S « £ * •s*^^ B s ® ° oi 3 c oa)fc, C j j; a, — „ 3 o^o°c o£.2a££"i*=<3 o s c en sS -b £ x! 3 Mo £w £s £3 00 University Of California. Los Angeles L 007 594 3 H PA i 3951 1829 uc ; SOUTHERN REGIONAL LIBRARY FACILITY AA 000 450 626 1 Mi