THE ROBERT E. COWAN COLLECTION I'RBSKNTED TO 1H1. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA I'.Y C P. HUNTINGTON JUNE. 1897. Hc< ssion No7# /J'tf Class No* HAVE I SOLVED IT? HAVE I SOLVED IT? BY JAMES B. LEHIGH SAN FRANCISCO, CAL. DOMESTIC PUBLISHING COMPANY 1891. COPYRIGHT, 1891, BY DANIEI, F. LEHIGH Stanford's land-loan scheme, impracticable by Doming under the head of class legislation ; George's single- tax theory, not adapted to our commercial education ; Bellamy's ideal-life, pos- sible only when the exchange system is abolished ; mono- and bi-metallism, having no practical rule for their government, still leave, in the opinion of the writer, the financial^ question an unsolved problem. And believing it to be a duty that a citizen owes to his country to advance any theory or plan that might tend towards placing the cur- rency of the land on a definite basis, thereby placing finance in the category of the exact sciences, I respectfully submit the contents of the following pages to the public for their consider- ation. J. B. If. MODERN CIVILIZATION. I The merchant prince, with cleverly laid traps ; the banker, with his " lariat ; " woman, with her 1 ' dart ; ' ' men walking alongside of you with short, sharp " dirks," ready to plunge if you show a single sign of weakness ; ministers with long, solemn faces ; priests with upheld crosses, crying, " Follow us, or be forever damned; " Sal- vationists with cheap instruments trying to scare the devil, not from, but into us ; labor cursing and defiant ; capital intimidating, grasping, and merciless ; are some of the daily greetings with which unfortunate man must grapple. Such, O fellow human! is our reputed civilization in the closing years of the nineteenth century. The poor suffering for necessaries, the rich thirsting for more. What is the result? Unhappiness. Cause? Gold. Remedy? Sense. II Gold is our watchword. We awake in the morning with the hope that the day will be vic- torious for us. By victorious we mean that we will be successful in ' ' strangling " some other human being. How, we care not. Prefer, of course, to do it in as smooth a manner as is consistent with what are known as the laws of the land, but " knife him" we must. Different systems with the same object in view -Gold. The banker kindly suggests to the struggling widow to improve her premises to depend upon him as her financial friend ; she believes him ; accompanies belief with mortgage ; season passes ; tightness of the money market returns ; widow implores for extension ; banker firm for princi- pal (?) foreclosure follows ; some States thirty or sixty days for redemption ; transfer completed. The " lariating " was successful. The merchant prince paces the floor of his establishment, satisfied only in the knowledge that his well- worked " traps/' " below cost," ' ' genuine, " " guaranteed, " ' ' imported, ' ' and "closing out" are in good order, and anticipat- ing with tigerish glee the victim's struggle when once within his clutch. Then the being we meet on the street dis- guised as a friend. The shake. l ' Good morn- ing, Mr. Jones ; sincerely hope your family are enjoying the very best of health." Aside I wonder if he is going to " touch" me. " Thanks Mr. Smith. The very best ; I hope you can re- port the same. ' ' Between his teeth What a tight grip the old miser has. Wish I could hold my hands on his throat long enough to make him give up some of his ill-gotten stuff. Poor Brown has been compelled to retire to his sick-bed from fever caused by hard luck in one of his " duels" with his fellow-man. Mrs. Brown : "Oh Doctor Fifty Dollars ! is there any hope ? " Brown succumbs. Mrs. B. "Oh Rev. Mr. Ten Thousand, can I get you to say a few words for the repose of Brown's soul?" Rev. Mr. Ten Thousand looks pious, but is in truth very sad and uneasy, for he has doubts whether Brown has left enough to justify him in going to the grave in such inclement weather. The foregoing lines are merely intended to convey the fact that all our thoughts, our acts, our very lives, depend upon the single substance, Gold. We stake our all upon it. It is the lever which moves the Universe ; and if in unscrupu- lous hands, is certain to cause not only great dis- turbances, but actual distress to the taxpayers of the Country. And who are these taxpayers ? Is the reader one of them ? Let us see. OF THE k UNIVERSITY WHO ARE THE TAX-PAYERS? I * ' Do you see those laboring-men over there riling into that polling-booth ? Well, just think of it! not a d d one of them pays a doHar of tax, and yet any one of their votes counts as much as mine, after I have paid out this year alone over five hundred dollars for taxes. My God ! What are we coming to ? " The speaker was and still is the keeper of a prominent clothing house, and his remark was not an uncommon one, as it is probably made by every merchant in the country. "My friend," the writer replied, 4 ' You told me a short time ago that you aver- aged an annual net profit of from fifteen to twenty thousand dollars since you began busi- ness. That being the case, pray tell me what then have you paid ? It seems to me, after studying the matter over very carefully, that the ' kick' should come from the parties you * damn' as to the injustice of your vote off-setting the vote of one who has perspired for a life-time in the cause of labor, and who has nothing to show for it save his existence and your pros- perity. It seems to me that you should not be too outspoken in your condemnation ; for some day the film will be removed from their eyes, and they will awake to the full realization of not only the great wrong that has been done them these many years by you shrewd money-loaners and traders, but the crowning injury in robbing them of their honest title of tax-payers. If nature suddenly cut off the veins of min- eral (and we know this has occurred in many a past mining camp) the miners, accompanied by their families, would be compelled to flee to some other point. And supposing the isolation of the and subjoin the following chapters for the thoughtful consideration of all laboring people, no matter to what department of labor they are assigned. THE BASE OF WEALTH I The better to illustrate our ideas, we will suppose the United States to represent the world, and our population of sixty-two odd millions the world's inhabitants. Then, taking our products as based upon statistical reports, we find that its aggregate of value is about five billions of dol- lars, as can be readily observed from the annexed summary : Grain Crop, estimated valuation $2,000,000,000 Other Crops, " " 1,000,000,000 Cattle " " 1,000,000,000 Loss from demonetization of silver 1,000,000,000 II The soil adapted for wheat is not available for cotton, but both are indispensable ; therefore, a fair exchange between the grower of cotton to supply the wheat producer on the one hand, and enough wheat to sustain the cotton grower on the other, is certainly an equitable exchange, as the necessities of both are met. These products are of course perishable, and we are in conse- quence compelled to rely upon the soil to yield up annually sufficient necessities for our sus- tenance. This is as nature placed us, and from this base must we make all our estimates and calculations. As statistics show that one-third of our population are engaged in the production of perishable products, both vegetable and animal, we find that the actual result of their labor is the basis of our wealth not theoretically \ but practically. OUR EXCHANGE SYSTEM Civilization has arranged a system of ex- change houses, known as mercantile houses, that were original^ intended, or should have been, for the equi-distribution of the products of the soil in exchange for the products of the mind and muscle ; but the power of the strength of some minds over the average mind have suc- ceeded in thwarting the designs of nature, and have been so successful that the actual producers themselves, nay even the world, fully believe that the real taxpayers of the country are the keepers of these exchange houses. That they have thoroughly convinced the general public that it is not the perishable products of the country that are our maintenance, but a metallic or non-perishable substance, known as the precious metal, that is the basis of our wealth. To shatter this prevailing idea let us take a kindergarten view as to the actual necessity of the perishable and non-perishable products. Instead of having a system of exchange houses let us begin at an imaginary base, and suppose that each of our sixty-two odd millions of in- habitants to possess life, must be an actual pro- ducer of products necessary for his sustenance, therefore they are all tillers of the soil. We have previously stated that one-third of our population are enabled by the fertility of the soil not only to supply themselves, but also to supply the two-thirds who are not producers. This certainly shows that life can be sustained by each and all of us being actually engaged as tillers of the soil. Now, for the producers of the non-perishable commodity known as the precious metal, that has by the strength of some minds over others, proven conclusively to the world its greater, or by some called its intrinsic value, over the perish- able products. If the tillers, say for argument, just raised a sufficient amount to sustain them- r selves, they having decided that it is criminal to raise more than their actual requirements, it would be very evident that those not engaged in the production of necessaries or perishable com- modities would soon find that the gold in their vaults would be entirely useless as a means of sustenance ; that the position of the farmers would be reversed and that the ' ' very bright youths" engaged in making cartoons represent- ing farmers as legislators would soon change the customs to ones representing the dilemma of the owners of exchange houses bidding barrels of gold for loaves of bread. We have simply endeavored to show the relations, from a necessity standpoint, between the commodities produced by the tillers and the commodity found by the owners of exchange houses ; and to show which of the two classes is essential to the country, the one being a necessity of our creation ; the other, as far as sustenance is concerned, a superfluity. CO-LABOR But with civilization comes desire, the neces- sity of exchanging the products of one farmer for those of another, and Farmer Brown having raised enough of the necessaries for his own use and exchange purposes with other farmers, he finds he has a surplus on hand that will waste if he does not utilize it in some manner. Finding that it is not necessary for all men to be engaged in the tilling of the soil, and that additional comforts can be had by a system of co-labor, he is reasonable enough to appreciate the fact that the mind which is capable of converting the timber of the forest into homes, clay into pottery, ore into metal, etc., is entitled to his co-share of the necessaries of life the actual base by nature. Advancing civilization demonstrates that mat- ters can be simplified by inaugurating a system of exchange houses, where the products of one farmer's soil can be exchanged for those of another; that the products of both can be exchanged for the currency of the land, and that, in turn, for the products of the mind and muscle. By mind and muscle we mean the mind which is capable of giving instruction or amusement, and the muscle which is shaping non-perishable lux- uries into something which will be of benefit to all. Therefore, by common consent, a fair exchange between the tiller of the soil and the producer of increased comfort or instruction or amusement is certainly equitable and just ; thus each doing his part is entitled to equal benefit, equal honor, and equal justice. The tiller of the soil the base of operation is, therefore, entitled to no greater or less benefit than the producer of his comfort, as they are co-workers in different chan- nels for the same object the happiness and comfort of each other. THE VALUE OF OUR WEALTH I Having determined the basis of our wealth let us endeavor to ascertain its value ; that is, the value from the honest monetary basis. We find from the annexed report taken from the most reliable statistics governmental and other sources the following perishable commodities pro- duced in the United States, together with their market valuation : Corn - $ 754>433.45i Oats 222,048,486 Ha y 408,499,565 Wheat 334,773,678 ^Cotton. 300,000,000 *Coal 300,000,000 ^Forestry 300,000,000 Carried forward. $2,619,755,180 Brought forward $2,619,755,180 * Vegetables and Fruits 100,000,000 Barley 37,672,032 Buckwheat 7,627,647 Rye 16,721,869 Potatoes 81,413,589 Tobacco 43,666,665 *Wool 26,000,000 *Cattle 1,000,000,000 *Miscellaneous] 67,143,018 Total $4, 000,000,000 Add 25 per cent, for loss from demonetization of silver 1,000,000,000 Grand Total $5,000,000,000 * Estimated. The results show, of the above statistics, that the market valuation of the perishable com- modities produced_[inl[the United States aggre- ates about five billions of dollars, or a per capita valuation of about eighty dollars. And it is the result of this yield that is the direct main- tenance of our government and the source of all its wealth . II The perishable products being the base of our wealth, should then by this line of reasoning represent our basis of values, and, accordingly, our circulating medium should necessarily be based upon the value of our perishable products. Financiers say that supply and demand regu- late prices. Do we not depend upon those laws ? Is not our per capita of eighty dollars based upon the market prices of the perishable products? Financiers cannot dispute the stability of our crops, for it makes but little difference whether they go back to the first years of the century or to the past decade, they will find a very imma- terial variation. Why, then, should we have a circulating medium representing only twenty dollars per capita instead of eighty dollars per capita, the actual value of our products based upon the financiers' own laws of supply and demand ? Surely there must be something wrong with our financial system, particularly where, in the midst of plenty (as far as harvests go), there is so much suffering and unhappiness among the people. Ill Placing no value whatsoever upon the products of the mind and muscle, statistics prove that the value of products to the amount of eighty dollars per capita is annually consumed, and consequently destroyed, by each person accredited with a stomach. We have shown that one-third of the popu- lation must raise an average product valued at two hundred and forty (240) dollars, market value, of necessaries, to sustain the entire popu- lation. They must produce a bona fide two hundred and forty (240) dollars worth of neces- saries, to receive eighty (80) dollars worth of non- perishable luxuries. In other words, the two- thirds engaged in mind and muscle products must receive their pro-rata of the two hundred and forty (240) dollars worth of necessaries raised by the tiller, while the latter has only his one- third share, or eighty dollars. The average farmer's annual balance sheet would read as follows : Value of products $240 His own requirements So Balance for distribution Si 60 The farmer, to support his co-laborers engaged in the product of the mind or muscle, must patronize them to the extent of one hundred and sixty (160) dollars per annum in order to cause an equal distribution of the two hundred and forty (240) dollars between the soil, mind, and muscle laborers. If he does not exchange his surplus for the products of the mind and muscle, he abuses his trust, and in consequence compels his co-laborer to join him in tilling, to obtain the necessaries for sustenance. mi Estimated commercial wealth of the United States $80,000,000,000 Estimated assessable wealth of the United States 20,000,000,000 Maximum per capita of circulation if all our money were in circulation, twenty -four dollars. Estimated per capita of circulation by hoarding and Wall street " corners," six dollars. Six dollars per capita makes money worth from twenty to fifty per cent, per annum, according to the necessities of a co-laborer. Twenty-four dollars per capita averages twelve per cent, per annum. Eighty dollars per capita (the value of our necessary annual product) reduces money to three per cent, per annum, and increases proportionately the value of the labor of the soil, mind, and muscle tax-payers, removes the possibility of Wall street ' 'corners,'' thereby giving to a humble co-laborer, who is not skilled in the art of barter or exchange, a reasonable right to enjoy the glories and wonders of creation. GOLD SPEEDY RELIEF OUR PER CAPITA I The basis of our wealth being, therefore, established, and the real tax-payers of the country being determined, the question naturally arises as to whether there is not something wrong in a system where the precious metal is the sole desid- eratum of life, and where the tiller, the workman, the instructor, and the other co-workers are weighed only by the single standard of the amount of the metal they have in hand. They the larger holders of the precious tnetal tell us with a knowing wink that unless we do so and so, an awful financial calamity will befall us ; that there is great danger that bankers Brown, Hirsch and others, regarded as great financiers, may withdraw their gold from the market, and put it into a vault, securely lock it up, and ask us what shall we do then ? News- papers controlled by these shrewd financiers warn us to be careful not to antagonize these great men. Their agents commingle with the mob, shake their heads with dire misgivings, and kindly inform us who are already at the edge of the financial abyss, that they, the agents, are dubious as to whether anything can now prevent the expected collapse of the world, but believe that we might live a little while longer if we demonetize one-half of our metallic currency. " Grant it, quick, " cry the mob with simultan- eous unanimity. The financiers, as a rule, make few mistakes in their judgment of men. Too shrewd are they not to know the power of the Chief Executive, and they are as exacting of him as they are of the mob. In critical times, when their financial thrones are jeopardized, they expect him to address the politely called ( ' constituency, " and warn the long-eared, open-mouthed gentry not to tamper with this important subject; although this same Executive may once have been a policeman, but fate cruel I do not hesitate to add placed him in a position to throttle us. If we act as cowardly in the future as we have in the past, we shall submit to their extra exorbitant demand, and allow them to tighten our already painful fetters. If f on the other hand, we tell these shrewd financiers that they can take their gold and with it jump into the sea that neither it nor they will be missed we shall have decided a very knotty problem, and have gained our first point toward the true civili- zation of our world. We shall begin a system of existence that will be Utopian in the extreme ; that will give to those now living a certificate entitling them to breathe of the pure air ; to. exist, not by the sufferance of any human being v but by the right of one's creation. We shall then not be compelled to live, as at present, at war with one another engaged in a duel to the death for existence ; our children's manhood and womanhood will not depend entirely upon the amount of non-perishable product they possess,, but upon their right to share and share alike. in the products of the soil, which is theirs, co-equal with all by Nature's desire, but thwarted only by the greed of avaricious mankind. II You then must be anarchically inclined ? Not at all directly the opposite ; for we would not destroy, if power was given us, the existing state of affairs save only that which is anarchical, the? power of a few to create at their pleasure the oft-repeating panics, better called the weak- ening of the weak, the strengthening of the strong. How would you go about it? We would take at present, or until such time as our precious metals reach a parity with our products, the judgment of the founders of our government, and live religiously up to the provisions of the Constitution which treats of the liberty of the people. We would prefer the judgment of men who had no other thought than the welfare of the whole; their system of finance, being based upon a commodity of exchange that had been in existence through all known ages. The honesty of their intent and purpose no one can question. They had no Wall or Downing street to cater to, and did not seem from their acts to believe that the sole object of life was to corral the metallic substance. WE WOULD DEMAND AS THE FIRST AND MOST SPEEDY STEP FOR OUR RELIEF, AND THE PREVENTION OF ANARCHY, THE IMMEDIATE RESTORATION TO ITS CONSTITUTIONAL RIGHT, THE FREE AND UNLIMITED COINAGE OF SILVER BULLION. THE GRANDEST RESULT FROM SUCH RESTORATION BEING THE REDUCTION BY NEARLY FIFTY PER CENT. FROM THE HANDS OF A FEW THE POWER TO ENSLAVE THE MANY. We would follow the restoration of silver with a manifesto from the tax-payers to the keepers of exchange houses, that to act any longer in the capacity of custodians of the products of the soil, mind and muscle, they must never again be caught in an attempt to en- slave mankind by taking advantage of our trust- fulness in causing a false measurement of values to prevail. The above-mentioned manifesto should also contain a few suggestions as to the duties of these custodians who, by wit or otherwise, have succeeded in amassing huge boulders of the metallic substance. Accumulation cannot be pre- vented, and millionaires are a natural result of a barter system. They can, however, be a neces- sity to the country and tax-payers de facto, in the same proportion as their labor of distribution is to the labor of production, by simply spending their surplus in any manner they deem best for their own comfort and amusement. The only possible way they can become a detriment to the community is by hoarding what is known as the currency of the land, thereby keeping the same from circulating, and practically destroying the amount of their hoarding from the issued per capita to the circulating per capita, occasioned by their act. Though they may be the nominal possessors of property valued at millions, and enjoy fab- ulous incomes, no one could begrudge them their enjoyment and pleasure if they but do their simple duty by distribution. Hoarding only should be regarded as the cardinal crime, and known misers should by some legal process be gently relieved of their burden. Ill If, then, you place such a high valuation on the products of the soil, and so little on gold, how do you account for gold being worth so much more than the products ? Again : if the farmers get their price for their products, which is your per capita, what objection can they possibly have ? lastly : if the necessaries of life possess such a valuation as you state, why do the farmers exchange so much for so little in return; or, put- ting it in your language, why are they eager to exchange so much of the perishable products for so little of the non-perishable gold ? We answer on the grounds of what the world terms shrewd financiering, or what the sporting fraternity denominates, " flim-flamming. " If all our crops were harvested at the same time, and delivered on a certain date, we should unquestionably be com- pelled to pay the value of the crops in full, which, saying aggregates ^ive billions of dollars, we cer- tainly would require that amount in currency to pay for it. Now, if financiers can by a system of * ' flim-flamming, ' ' make one dollar take the place of four dollars, they satisfy the producer optically,. but not practically. If these payments were to be made once a year, the buyers would have to come prepared with the eighty dollars per capita, and the tillers of the soil would be our disbursing agents, instead of, as now, the keepers of exchange houses. These payments being made annually, we would be compelled to have our currency intact every pay-day, and the loss of a single dollar, or its equivalent, would naturally be sub- tracted from the pro rata of actual distribution. Now, if financiers can lessen the medium of exchange by some hocus-pocus of legislation, thereby lessening the per capita amount of the circulating medium to the per capita amount of production, they increase the demand value of the per capita of currency in the same propor- tion as the per capita of production decreases in demand value. The effect of such tricky legislation is prin- cipally felt by the "mind and muscle" pro- ducers, and would have the same effect upon them if the tillers of the soil should decide to hoard instead of distribute. Property having no natural value, simply an artificial one, would place these co-workers in a peculiar dilemma ; they could not realize on their artificial property, owing to the scarcity of exchange certificates ; and the necessities of life are denied them because some of their co- workers have proved recreant to their trust by hoarding instead of distributing, thereby causing a panic among the toilers. The co-workers are again at sea financially. Humanity becomes enraged and consequently unhappy, and is once more compelled to resort to criminality in deed and feeling to obtain the necessaries. Our world becomes chaotic, as described in the opening chapter. Pandemonium again seizes us ; merchants put out their * traps'' ; bankers hold their " lariats" in readi- ness woman, her "dart"; man, his "dirk." Darkness reigns. Ministers re-appear with solemn faces ; priests resume their cries ; Sal- vationists again confront us, and we are no longer worthy to leave the legacy of life to our successors. PRACTICAL POLITICS V I In the foregoing chapters we have endeavored to prove that every laborer is a tax-payer, and as such must know that his sovereignly stands or falls by his own activity or apathy. Therefore, we would respectfully submit to the public some similar scheme to the following as a basis for every citizen of the land taking an interest in his own and his country's welfare. II The defeat of the federal election measure : the impracticability of Civil Service reform, cer- tainly its un- Americanism ; the recognized evils resulting from the spoils system all combine to call for suggestions in the direction of the im- provement of our election methods. An improve- ment that will recognize the main provisions of the federal election measure in its demand for the rule of the majority de facto, and in consequence result in a full, free vote ; one that also will aid in enforcing civil service reform ideas by obtain- ing the best possible service, and, lastly, will reward politicians who may advance ideas that will contain sufficient merit to satisfy the majority of voters. While of course it is the popular thing to place the blame of the existing evils on the politicians and those favoring the spoils system, let us see whether the charge is altogether cor- rect, and whether the great evil which assumes the proportions of nothing more nor less than criminal neglect, does not lie almost entirely with what are known as the "better classes." Nearly all will admit that the principles out- lined by the founders of the republic, if strictly adhered to by all citizens, would have given us an almost perfect form of government ; therefore, if those principles could be enforced, that is, by a plan compelling citizens to do their simple duty, it would be a great boon to our country, and an advance step in our democratic system of gov- ernment. For the faithful consideration of the student of political economy and to the patriotic American tax-payer, we submit the following as a possible remedy for the existing situation : FIRST In local and State elections adopt the plan of a regular election- day , on which day all offices shall be filled ; as, for instance, the first Tuesday following the first Monday in No- vember, thus respecting the constitutional elec- tion day. On that day let all Municipal, County, District, and State offices be filled. SECOND Adopt a system of a regular " pri- mary ' ' day, say about one month prior to the election day, which would be practicable in all but presidential elections. An additional election day every fourth year would not be a very great burden. THIRD Make both the primary and election days legal holidays. FOURTH Make voting at both the primaries and elections compulsory. FIFTH Let the State prescribe such laws as will enforce voting, by heavy fines or imprison- ment, with, of course, the usual allowances for sickness or other justifiable causes. SIXTH Adopt the registration system every - citizen in every county being compelled to reg- ister as the main requirement for his citizenship. SKVKNTH L,et aliens doing business in this country, who have resided here long enough to acquire citizenship, have imposed upon them a heavy personal tax, regulated by their income. EIGHTH Consider non-registered persons as aliens, and treat them accordingly. NINTH Let representation in Congress be based upon the actual voting population as per registration. TKNTH Adopt the secret ballot system, rec- ognizing the legality of a blank ballot. ELEVENTH Permit any citizen to attend any party primary, and to cast his ballot in blank, or in any other manner he may see fit. The main object of these suggestions is to compel citizens to do their duty towards the republic. If patriotism is so laggard in their systems that harsh methods must be resorted to in order to compel them to awake to the evils of the existing situation, then let us adopt such meas- ures. L,et us look at the situation. A solid vote of the citizens means a majority rule, which is the basis of our government. A solid vote of the citizens at their respective primaries means the choosing of delegates that are selected by a majority of the citizens. The result of such com- pulsory laws can be easily foretold. Reputable men going en masse to their respective political primaries would easily outnumber the other element, and thereby completely squelch at one fell blow the obnoxious element that has so long controlled the key to the political situation. Under the present system, having the choice of attending the primaries or of staying at home, reputable men are loth to come into contact with what is known as the rough element ; and the latter class, knowing the weakness of reputable men in wishing to avoid unpleasant associations > are encouraged to adopt terrorizing and under- handed methods. If, however, it were compul- sory for all citizens to vote on the primary and election days, the better, which at all times out- numbers the rough element, would have no difficulty in naming the local, state, and general government officers. Appealing to their patriotism is in vain ; for what is everyone's business is no one's, and therefore, there is no other resource, or way to obtain a government of the majority than by the simple process of compelling that majority to do its duty. Fines, heavy fines, and, for second and third offences, imprisonment, would soon cause a marked degree of patriotism to arise in the bosom of every citizen. Ill The value of our perishable products repre- sents our actual wealth. This, as we have stated before, we place in round numbers at five billions of dollars, which is a per capita of about eighty dollars. How to keep the per capita of eighty dollars as intact as possible is the problem of good legislation. To reduce it causes a proportionate increase of suffering. If the French can talk an American out of a half-million dollars for a painting, it is a good thing for France, but a loss to this country. It practically means that one of the custodians of our wealth is giving up half a million of dollars of the products of our farms for the privilege of hanging up in a 10x12 room a few strokes of a Frenchman's brush ; and that so long as the painting is hanging up in our country it repre- sents an actual loss to us of a half million of dollars. On the other hand, if the same amount is paid to an American artist for an American painting, the half million of dollars only changes ownership and being still here does not repre- sent the loss of a single dollar. The painting can be destroyed by fire or otherwise, and the tax- payers at large will not be out anything. But the French painting destroyed while owned in this country represents a positive loss of the pur- chase price, and reduces our per capita accord- ingly. The same can be said about silks and other luxuries ; every dollar we pay out for such arti- cles represents a total loss ; the article when here may change hands many times at a considerable advance on the first cost of the goods, until it is worn out or destroyed ; but the price originally paid for the goods to the French is lost. The case is the same, whatever the nation, consequently, to equalize matters, we must see that the balance of trade is in our favor not measured by luxuries for necessaries, but neces- saries for necessaries, luxuries for luxuries. Therefore and this is the particular point we wish to call to the attention of financiers what difference can it possibly make as to the medium of exchange, whether it be based on a gold, silver or paper basis, so long as it represents the value of our perishable product, which we have already proven by statistics to be a per capita of eighty dollars. If we use a medium that does not represent the value of our perishable products, we are playing directly into the hands of men who have ' ' bulled ' ' the commodity known as the precious metal, and " beared'' the products known as the necessities, thereby causing the producing circles, and, consequently, their co- laborers, who together constitute the real tax- payers, to suffer in proportion ; and that the value of our perishable products, created by the laws of supply and demand, and bearing on the surface an eighty dollar per capita valuation, is dishonestly represented as at present by only twenty dollars per capita. IIII Politicians should endeavor to be honest with their following, and, in as plain a manner as possible, waiving everything that has the appear- ance of vagueness, present their proposition be- fore the jury. The radical difference in the policies of the two great parties on the question -of tariff is such a wide one that reason should interfere between the belligerents. For example, an item of vast importance to the Western States is the question as to whether the present tax on Lead should or should not be repealed ? We unhesitatingly answer, it should not, and endeavor to maintain our position by the follow- ing reasons : First If with a tariff an army of Americans can obtain employment, and without such restriction, they would be unemployed, we certainly could not hesitate from a patriotic standpoint? Second If Mexico receives four million dollars per annum from the United States for the item of Lead, is not the entire amount lost to us? Third Does it not also compel the army employed in the production of Lead to compete in other fields, say tilling ? Does not their competition lessen the value of farm products ? Fourth What benefit is derived by the farmer ? Why, it is said, he gets his Lead cheaper. True ; directly he does ; but indirectly he does not, for the entire valuation of the Lead leaves the farmer's jurisdiction not a vestige of the four millions remaining ; whereas, if he paid, say, five millions for the same quantity to his co- laborers, the difference of a million dollars in the price would practically be a subsidy to his own people to refrain from engaging in competition with himself, and the entire five millions would remain in the country and assist, which is the object of co-labor, in developing and there- by civilizing the country, bringing the farmer the result of such civilization equally with his co-worker. We have to decide as to whether the difference between the Mexican and American price jus- tifies the compulsion of Americans to compete with their co-laborers in other fields, and take the chance that the gross amount we pay the Mex- icans will be returned to us for exchange luxuries (the item of buying provisions from us does not count as any purchase of provisions implies a necessity independent of reciprocity) for if they do not return to us the entire amount for exchange luxuries, we are certainly out by the transaction. We must always bear in mind that our population of sixty-two odd millions is still intact, and that any portion of our five biliions of dollars that is lost lessens the per capita, which must be borne proportionately by all the tax- payers. Is such a result desirable or expedient ? Ask the American army of Lead-workers and the accompanying army of other co-laborers, created by and dependent upon the continued employ- ment of the Lead- working army, which, other- wise, would be thrown back upon our hands. V By our faulty legislation the products of each of the States practically now go to the metropolis of the United States, or to the gay European capi- tals, for the reason that adverse legislation in the way of preventing nionied people from enjoy- ing their wealth compels them to seek more agreeable climes places that know the value of wealth, and cater to it. The outcome of this adverse legislation is that those who have made their money in the Middle and Western States, and whose property is still here, have the income forwarded to them from those States, and enjoy the same either in our metropolis or the European capitals, where unwise, restrictive, or misguided legislation does not hamper them. Some States enact prohibitory laws. The result is that these States are drained of their wealth, and the same is spent royally elsewhere in anti-prohibitory amusements. L,et us for a change cater to the different elements that con- stitute human nature, and simply, though we may be cranky on some subjects, let us not for that reason compel others who are more rational or more liberal to think and act according to our notions. I^et us make each of our States as great and as good a pleasure resort as is possible. As to those who are fond of squandering their money by practically throwing it away, let them do so ; they think they are having a good time, and they are certainly paying for it in many ways. As regards those who enjoy horse racing, let them indulge in it to their heart's content. It makes a material difference in the value of Kentucky blue-grass whether a Haggin or a Stanford is in existence or not ; that these men have been willing to spend millions of dollars to possess the fastest animal has made many a Kentucky family happier, and the result is to-day that a Kentuckian who can raise a single speedy animal is a wealthy man, occasioned by no other reason than the desire of a fun-loving man of the Haggin or Stanford stripe to gratify his whim. Blue-grass, which was practically valuless before, is now a boon to its possessor made so, not because of its agricultural value, but entirely upon the grounds of its adaptability to serve the whims of the fun-loving. The fact of a second or two makes very little difference to the ordinary being, but that it causes a harmless rivalry between the wealthy, secures an army of people agreeable employment, and raises the value of every farm in the country. The States that will cater to the fun-loving community are the ones that will be successful in every sense of the word. While most of us, for affecting reasons, might frown down the prospect of a bull-fight in our community, the real feeling would be one of enthusiasm. In fact, we believe that if nine-tenths of our population should be suddenly transferred to Madrid, nearly all could be found at the first advertised bull-fight, enjoy- ing it fully as much as the natives themselves. As accumulation is a natural result of a barter system, and cannot be prevented, so, too, is the fun-loving element in our nature going to crop out on every opportunity whenever our purses will permit. It is a result of being mortal. Man is "built that way." You will find that there is very little difference in the composition of a healthy boy and a healthy colt. A boy cannot be serious, let him try never so hard ; not even just before or after Sunday-school. You may threaten him with the orthodox hell, but you will find that he is not phased by the "bluff," or "false alarm/' and that in the midst of the sermon his thoughts tend more towards "rais- ing ' ' hell than going there. Man is much like a volcano ; it is useless to tamper with the crater. Put whatever restrictions you will upon him, he is bound to effervesce every so often ; in fact, when he does not, it is a sure sign he is out of sorts and will bear watching. If the community will only remove a little of the moss that has accumulated over it, and legis- late, not to prevent amusements, but to cater to enjoyment in every possible way, they wil remove a gigantic barrier between the bugaboos of the cranks and those who favor the happiness, of man as he is made. VI Is it any wonder that one hundred millions of dollars crosses the Atlantic yearly, taken by our spendthrifts to avoid the obnoxious laws passed by our pumpkin legislators ? They remain here just long enough to draw the profits from our energy and soil, and then go to such places as a Paris, a Vienna, or a London, where the people wouldjrise in their might at even the suggestion of a law to prevent people from spending their own money. So the result of our humbug pro- hibitory laws, conceived and passed by a lot of cranks and fanatics, is, that the greatest portion of our surplus must go over to gay foreign capitals whose people cater to its demands, because they have sense enough to know that the greatest boon and blessing rich people can bestow is simply to spend theiir money. Therefore, the danger to our country is not from the spendthrifts, but from the cranks, no matter under what colors they may sail, whether they are known as the dress-reform crank, the prohibitory crank, or the religious crank. Let us, for a change, throw the throttle wide open and make this uncertain life short at best, a life more of pleasure than of pain ; let us be gay rather than grave. Let us Seek sun- shine rather than shadow. And let us go to the mysterious future with the feeling that, if left to the choice of man whether he would prefer a golden harp and an everlasting future or another short sentence on Earth, he would prob- ably, before settling down with the harp, be just foolish enough to ask for another short bout with planet Earth. CALIFORNIA I Poor, helpless California ; richer in varied resources than any other State in the Union, and in consequence better able to withstand the waves of adversity ; climate almost perfection ; people of, at least, average intelligence ; naturally inde- pendent by its physical location, which permits of ingress and egress through its magnificent harbor ; cereals, fruits, garden products, precious metals, timber, all in superabundance ; nature more kind to it than any other State. But withal, how helpless, how enslaved! The State encircled by an octopus which controls its politics ; its commerce ; its wealth. Not a blade of grass grows that does not contribute to its rapacity ; not a golden fruit, ripening under the careful nursing of nature's sun, that does not fall into its lap of desire. II The management of this octopus rules Call- fornia as does the Czar rule Russia. Everything and everybody must bend to it. Like their Russian prototypes, the people make futile attempts to overthrow its gigantic power ; they use the same secret methods, only differing in their systems by the absence of explosives j they resort to the clandestine means of anonymous subscriptions, and like stealthy methods, to induce other companies to enter the confines of the State, only to find that each time are they outwitted by a coup d'etat, or, as more properly designated, a sudsidization, which being greater than the merchants' subscription, is more accept- able to the "threatened competition." This incipient rebellion is soon regretted by its pro- moters, for the octopus retaliates in a worse than Siberian manner, by compelling the people to pay the subsidization by increased charges. Ill To such an extent has its power grown that it not only almost controls the State's politics, and its products, but also dictates who shall and wha shall not do business within its domains. A stranger, no matter how enamored he might be of its climate, is practically prohibited from doing- business in the State. He might command the best of credit from the business circles in which he is known, by his reputation of unfailing shrewdness and carefulness in his dealings, but he is restrained from doing business on a basis similar to what would be granted in some of the other States, viz., judging his ability to do- business by the resources and physical condition of his location. The result of a very careful examination is that he cannot engage in business without the consent of the octopus ; he finds that this octopus names those that may do the heavy business of the State ; that the rebate sys- tem is the means or instrument employed by it to bar out competition ; that unless he can obtain a permit or a certificate from the octopus to engage in business, it is useless for him to try. On the surface of matters he could get the same rates as others, but in reality is that the case ? Ask some of the merchants of San Francisco. IIII You may say that an Inter-State Commerce Commission exists to prevent such a state of affairs and to decide all questions of discrimin- ation with power to punish transgressors. How can you prove the existence of rebates? A re not the beneficiaries the relatives and friends of the octopus ? Do they not receive in return for their loyalty, certificates, or feudal commissions, to do business, which enables them to obtain wealth, position, power? Why don't the injured appeal to the courts ? Ahem! That's good. We almost forgot that a remedy was so near at hand. Of course, we would not dare to imply that the courts are not in the hands of the people. But still, courts are composed of lawyers, and lawyers j after all, are only mortal , and, unfortunately for our institutions, subject to the same prevailing weak- nesses that afflict members of other trades and professions, to- wit, the fear of power and the love of plenty. V It is no secret with the struggling attorney that his day dream is that the next knock on his office door might prove to be from the agent of the octopus. Well he might tremble, and his pulse beat violently, from even the mere thought of such a possibility, for he knows full well the value of such a knock. He knows that it is as effective in its transformation from poverty to power and plenty as was Aladin's lamp magical in its fictional result. Can the struggling attorney vacillate long in choosing between the people and the octopus, when before him stands the agent of the latter tendering him a gown of a Justice ? His family and himself are only mortal. He swallows, as best he can, his man- hood and nobility, and lays great stress on the chance that the public will never know the terms of his capitulation. L,et a lawyer show signs of a little more than ordinary ability, and he need not remain long on the " outside." Corpora- tions are paying a premium for talent and ability, and all they ask in return for position and gold is an alliance that really means a for- feiture of heart and conscience, and an abject surrender of all sympathy with the people when- ever a conflict between the two factions arises. VI And of such material are courts liable to be constituted. Gold would permeate their every fibre, and, knowing its power as they recognize it made them, they would make their obeisance to it alone or to its possessor ; and the anomaly would be presented of a people seeking justice or damages from corporations by trying their cases before the corporations' own attorneys or agents sitting as judges, and placed there for no other purpose than to protect the corporations' interests. A decision which could be read upside down or crosswise would give the case to the defendant, the costs to the plaintiff. VII It is the octopus whom we must seek for position and power. How nicely has it taken these prerogatives from the hands of the people ; and, withal, how insolent is it in its demands! If you cross it in any way, might it not, like the Czar, issue a ukase, which would practically dis- solve the court, and compel the people, by proper manipulation of both political conventions, to elect its attorneys for justices ? If, having sup- posed itself too strongly entrenched to fear opposition, and having temporarily neglected to attend to the minor details of court and political matters, should awake to find that a court has passed upon the validity of a contract (whether a marriage one or not is unnecessary to state) by which a plebeian is given an equity decision, when it discovers this concession to the people, would it quietly acquiesce? Oh, no; it would simply issue an order demanding the peremptory disso- lution of the court, and the election of another that would respect the rights of corporations over the people. The former decision would be reversed, and the current of j udicial events would again flow on smoothly in its direction. A WESTERN PRAYER As Lincoln immortalized himself by con- ferring freedom upon a suffering branch of our human race, let Congress follow his patriotic example, and liberate our mighty West from its bondage of inactivity ; let the fetters of unjust legislation that have held our farmers and miners for nearly a score of years, be broken, and let us be a living witness of the unusual spectacle of some modern Patrick Henry arising in his con- gressional seat and pleading for once THE PEOPLES' CAUSE.