■>Aa 
 
 A 
 
 
 CT 
 
 
 
 A 
 
 
 
 
 
 — i 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 1 
 
 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 3 
 
 rn 
 
 
 33 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 
 
 5 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 7 
 
 IILI 
 
 
 < ■ 
 
 
 5 
 
 1 
 
 ,>/ 
 
 x^
 
 THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 BURNING QUESTIONS 
 THE 
 
 EDUCATION 
 BILL 
 
 BY 
 
 Dr. riACNAriARA, li.P. 
 
 Member ot London School Board, 
 
 PRICE Threepence
 
 BURNING QUESTIONS. 
 
 Edited by 
 
 COLONEL DALBIAC, late MP. for North Camberwell. 
 No. 1. THE EDUCATION BILL. 
 
 By Dr. Macnamara. M.P. 
 No. 2. IRISH LAND QUESTION UP TO DATE. 
 
 By T. W. Russell, M.P. 
 No 3. THE AMERICAN INVASION. 
 
 By B. H. Thwaite, C.E., F.C.S. 
 
 ■♦*, Others to follow rapidly. 
 
 NEWEST EDUCATIONAL BOOKS 
 
 SONNENSCHEIN'S BEADING IN A TWELVEMONTH. 
 
 With coloured and other illustrations. 
 PART L —Short Vowels, strongly bound in cloth, lOd. 
 PART n. — Short Vowels with combined Consonants; Doable Vowels; Suffixes. lOd. 
 
 PARTS m. rv. in One Vol Long Vowels. Reading-lessons, &c,. Is. 
 
 THE PROBLEM OF TEACHING TO READ.— A Teachers' Companion to "Reading 
 in a Twelvemonth." Is. READING SHEETS,— 58. net. 
 
 "We have no hesitation in asserting that if the London School Board were to insist on 
 the general adoption of the Sonnenschein method of teaching reading, they would introduce 
 one of the most important educational reforms about since the Act of 1870." — St. James's 
 Gatette. "The Education Office might well give this .system a fair trial, and if it prove 
 satisfactory, introduce it into our elementary schools. It seems to promise results of the 
 highest possible value." — Daily News. 
 
 PARALLEL QRAMMAR SERIES. 
 
 Edited by Prof. E. A. SONNENSCHEIN, Litt.D. (Oxon.), M.A. (Oxon.). 
 Uniformity of Terminology and Uniformity of Classification are the distin- 
 guishing marks of this Series ; all the Grammars are constructed on the same plan, and the 
 same terminology is used to describe identical grammatical features in different languages. 
 A PARALLEL OF GREEK AND LATIN SYNTAX. By C. H. St. L. Russell, 
 M.A., Assistant Master at Clifton College. 3s. 6d. \_J^*st Published 
 
 LATIN GRAMMAR. Prof. Sonnenschein. 3s. (Accidence, is. 6d. ; Syntax, is. 6d.) 
 First Latin Reader and Writer (with Supplement). 2s. — Second Latin Reader and 
 Writer, is. 6d.— Third Latin Reader and Writer. 2s. (All by C. M. Dix, M.A. 
 Oxon. )— Fourth Latin Reader and Writer. By J. C. NicOL, M.A., Cantab., and 
 Rev. J. Hunter Smith, M.A., Oxon. 
 GREEK GRAMMAR. By Prof. Sonnenschein. 4s. 6d, (Accidence, with Supple- 
 ment, 2s. ; Supplement, 6d. ; Syntax, 2s. 6d.) 
 
 First Greek Reader and Writer. By J. E. Sandys, Litt.D., Public Orator in 
 University of Cambridge. 2s. 6d. 
 FRENCH GRAMMAR. By L. M. Moriarty, M.A. Oxon, 3s. (Separately; Accid- 
 ence, is. 6d. ; Syntax, is. 6d.) 
 
 Preparatory French Course. By A. M. Zweifel. is. 6d. — First French Reader 
 and Writer. By R. J. Morich, M.A., and W. S. Lyon, M.A. 2s. —Second French 
 Reader and Writer. By Prof. Barbier. 2s. — Third French Reader and Writer. 
 By L. Barbe, B.A. 2s. 
 GERMAN GRAMMAR. By Prof. Kuno Meyer, Ph.D. 3s. (Accidence, is. 6d. ; 
 Syntax, is. 6d.) 
 
 First German Reader and Writer. By Prof. Sonnenschein. is. 6d. — Second 
 German Reader and Writer. By W. S. Macgowan, M.A., LL.D. 2s. — Third 
 German Reader and Writer. By Prof. Fiedler. 2s. — Fourth German Writer. 
 By R. Gordon Routh, M.A. Oxon. 2s, 
 ENGLISH GRAMMAR. By J. Hall, M.A., A. J. Cooper, F.C.P, and Prof. 
 Sonnenschein. 2s. (Separately: Accidence, is. ; Analysis and Syntax, is.) 
 
 English Examples and Exercises. Part I., by M. A. Woods, is. Part IL, by 
 A. J. Cooper, is. — Steps to English Parsing and Analysis. By E. M. RAM.sAYand 
 C. L. Ramsay. Vol. I. Elementary, is. 6d. Vol. II. Further Exercises, is. 6d. 
 
 KEYS to the Latin and German Readers and Writers may be had by Teachtrs direct. 
 
 SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO., Ltd., London.
 
 AiT^ \ 
 
 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 AND ITS PROBABLE EFFECTS ON THE 
 
 SCHOOLS, THE SCHOLARS, AND THE 
 
 SCHOOL-TEACHERS. 
 
 BY 
 
 DR. MACNAMARA, M.P. 
 
 MEMBER OF THE I.ONDO.V SCHOOL BOARD, ETC. 
 
 '■'■Next to the maintenance of a great ami poiverful Navy, the future of England 
 may depend upon its schools, and upon ■what is taught in those schools. The 
 education, the right education, of our people may, and I believe will, become one 
 of the most important lines of our national defence" — [THE DUKE OF DEVONSHIRE, 
 Darlington, 8th October, 1S97.] 
 
 X n b 11 
 
 SWAN SONNENSCHEIN & CO., Lim. 
 1902
 
 
 THE EDUCATION BILL. 
 
 I. THE UNCONCEEN OF THE PARENTS. 
 
 " There is no doubt that, unless we intend the English people to become the 
 hewers of wood and the drawers of water for the world, we must make them as 
 well prepared for the tvork they have to do as are foreign workmen f — [Sib, 
 John Gorst at Longton, 19th November, 1897] 
 
 One of the most distressing features of English educationalism is 
 the apathy and unconcern of the very persons most concerned — 
 the parents of the children who use the schools. In Germany the 
 meanest day labourer is keenly alive not only to the broad features 
 of his common school system, but also to the details of the work 
 going on inside the school walls themselves. He knows intimately 
 the precise nature of the daily instruction his children are receiving; 
 and by his personal and active interest stimulates all associated 
 with the school to a vigilance and industry that must beneficially 
 affect the nature of the work achieved. So it is in Switzerland, in 
 Denmark, in Norway, in Sweden, in the United States, and indeed 
 in most of the civilised countries save our own. National education 
 flourishes in an atmosphere of natural sympathy and concern. 
 With us it still languishes in the shade of public disregard ; with 
 the result that directly any Parliamentary proposal is made to deal 
 with it, the parsons, and the pastors, and the professional politicians 
 take the field. The question at once becomes a question of Church 
 versus Chapel ; the school is rigidly squeezed out and the pathetic 
 figure of the child — tomorrow's citizen and the heritor of England's 
 greatness — disappears in the cloud of controversy so vigorously 
 raised by sectarian and partisan belligerents. 
 
 If the parents of the children only realised their responsibilities 
 they would ruthlessly sweep these turbulent theologians, these 
 
 4:06107
 
 4 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 tadpoles and tapers aside and settle the problem on such wise and 
 liberal lines as would secure to every child, no matter how 
 humble his extraction, the opportunities of a moral, intellectual 
 and physical equipment limited only by the limit which it has- 
 pleased God Almighty to put to his capacities. It is in the 
 hope — not a very robust one certainly — that a plain statement of 
 the existing facts and an impartial endeavour to state how they 
 would be modified if the Education Bill now before Parliament 
 became law may make for a rational treatment of the problem 
 that these lines are written. 
 
 II. HOW EDUCATION IS LOCALLY CONTROLLED. 
 
 ^'Civilised communities throughout the world are massing themselves- 
 together, each mass being meastired by its force ; and if we are to hold our 
 position among men of our own race or among the nations of the world, we 
 must malce up the smallness of our numbers by increasing the intellectual 
 force of the individual." — [Mr. Forster, 17th April, 1870, on introduc- 
 ing Bill of 1870.] 
 
 One of the two main objects of the present Bill is to cover the 
 country with Local Education Authorities. When the present 
 Government came into office in 1895 both the question of the 
 Central State Executive for Education and the question of the 
 Local Control were in a very faulty state. With a zeal born of 
 youthful vigour the Government tried in 1896 to tackle both these 
 problems in one Bill. The attempt proved abortive ; the Govern- 
 ment had, as the Americans say, bitten off more than they could 
 chew. They straightway resolved to deal with the two questions 
 separately and in 1899 passed a good Bill, the Board of Education 
 Bill, which unified and consolidated the several separate 
 and independent departments of State for the various grades of 
 education. So far so good. Now comes the very delicate and 
 thorny problem of overhauling the Local Authority phase of the 
 question. Here you are face to face with vested interests and 
 administrative jealousies and prejudices of a very pronounced 
 character. And here the task of reform is one of the gravest 
 difficulty.
 
 HOW EDUCATION IS LOCALLY CONTROLLED 5 
 
 Let US examine the existing facts. In the first place, dotted all 
 over the country in existence for the last fifty or more years, are 
 the groups of Managers of the Elementary " Voluntary " Schools. 
 In all there are now no fewer than 14,359 of these bodies. 
 Nominally they consist in each case of not less than three persons; 
 actually they are composed as a rule of one working member 
 only — the parson of the parish. These managing bodies are in no 
 way responsible to the localities, though here or there the 
 representatives of the parents of the children attending the school 
 have been very wisely co-opted. The only responsibility is to 
 the Central State Executive — the Board of Education — and this 
 responsibility takes the form of observance of certain rules and 
 regulations in return for the receipt of Government aid. Then, 
 still dealing with Elementary Education — this time in the Board 
 Schools — we find that since the Act of 1870 there have grown up 
 public local authorities elected ad lioc for purposes of education. 
 These are tlie School Boards. To-day these publicly elected bodies 
 cover 55 of the 63 country boroughs (Preston, St. Helens, Bury 
 Chester, Wigan, Lincoln, Stockport, and Bournemouth have no 
 School Boards, their Elementary Education being entirely confined 
 to the Voluntary Schools) ; they cover about half the non-county 
 and urban district municipalities ; and they cover about half the 
 rural areas of the country. In all to day you have 2544 School 
 Boards. 
 
 So much for Elementary Education, Board and Voluntary. 
 But this not all. Fourteen years ago the Conservative Govern- 
 ment of the day placed before Parliament a Temperance measure. 
 Part of the purpose of that measure was the extinction of certain 
 Public House licences. By way of compensation for this pro- 
 spective scheme the sum of about three quarters of a million was 
 put into the Budget. This sum was voted, but the Temperance Bill 
 afterwards broke down. What about the money ? If it was not 
 promptly diverted it would drift silently and mysteriously into 
 that bottomless pit known as the Sinking Fund. Just then our 
 ears were very full of the wonderful things tlie Germans were 
 d(jing in the way of promoting Technical Education. So, Liberals 
 joining with Tories, it was decided to send tlie money down to the 
 localities nominally in relief of local Taxation but with a very 
 plain hint that if it were to be continued year by year the best 
 thing to do with it was to apply it to purposes of Technical
 
 b THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 Education. Excellent ! But to what local authority could it be 
 sent ? The School Boards were the only public local authorities 
 for Education. But they only covered about two-thirds of the 
 country, and where they did exist they were not always everything- 
 that could be desired. The Government, however, had just passed 
 the Local Government Act of 1888. Why not therefore send.it to 
 the newly created County and County Borough Councils ? This 
 was done ; and from that day forward these universally existent 
 municipal bodies became more and more concerned in the work 
 of Technical and modern Secondary Education. 
 
 But even now we have not got to the end of the tale of local bodies 
 concerned in one or other of the grades of Public Education. In 
 recent years some of the Endowed Grammar Schools have laid 
 themselves out to teach Science and Art under government 
 regulations and for government aid. To this extent they become 
 Public institutions. But their Governors are in no way related to 
 or associated with either of the local authorities I have already 
 mentioned. Finally, there are the University Colleges. For the 
 past ten years or so Exchequer grants have been made to most of 
 these. To this extent again they are public institutions 
 But their Courts are quite independent of all other existing locality 
 authorities. This, then, is the hotch-potch of local control of 
 education with which we are confronted. 
 
 III. THE DEFECTS OF THE PEESENT LACK OF 
 CO-OKDINATION 
 
 " The elementary schools of the country must he in direct and organic 
 connection with the institutions for Higher Education." — [Statutje of the 
 Canton Zuech.] 
 
 The first and most obvious defect of the present lack of system is 
 the waste of public money in the extravagant duplication of 
 administrative machinery. Let me give an example that could 
 be paralleled in every locality urban and rural in the country. 
 The London School Board has in its charge 6 Industrial Schools 
 accommodating 1020 pupils. For the management of these 6 
 schools an Industrial School Committee of the Board, consisting
 
 DEFECTS OF THE PRESENT LACK OF CO-ORDINATION 7 
 
 of 17 members, meets fortnightly at the Board Offices on the 
 Victoria Embankment, and there is also at these Offices a pretty 
 expensive establishment of clerks and so on devoted exclusively 
 to Industrial School Work. At the same time the London County 
 Council has under it 2 precisely similar Industrial Schools accom- 
 modating 420 children. And here, again, these have a Committee 
 of 15 members meeting fortnightly, and a permanent establishment 
 in the County Hall at Spring Gardens. I^ow, it is quite safe to 
 say that either of these Committees and either of these sets of 
 establishment charges could most admirably meet the needs of 
 the whole of the 8 schools and their 1440 pupils. The saving 
 wouldn't be a great sum in this particular case. But, as I have 
 said, it could be multiplied to an indefinite extent up and down 
 the country. 
 
 Then the present state of affairs leads to all sorts of friction — 
 especially between the great School Boards and the Municipal 
 Technical Education Committees — respecting disputed territories. 
 The result is not only some amount of overlapping of educational 
 effort but local irritations and jealousies respecting conflicting 
 claims. 
 
 Finally, what I have styled the present hotch-potch of local 
 government in education is responsible for another shortcoming, 
 and a shortcoming which from the point of view of the working 
 people is far more serious than all the rest put together. Each 
 grade of school being under separate and independent management 
 there is no community of purpose, no co-ordination of educational 
 aim, and therefore no coupling up and linking together of the 
 schools. To-day we talk glibly of an educational ladder up which 
 the " lad of parts," but of humble extraction may climb, if he has 
 the capacity and the industry, until even he reaches the top-most 
 rung. This educational ladder business is largely a delusion and a 
 snare. For it to be real and complete your Elementary school 
 must stand on the broad foundation. Rising from it and in direct 
 and organic connection with it must come your Higher Elementary 
 School and then as a further telescopic development should come 
 your Technical and Secondary school, and so on. All the grades 
 of school must be linked together, their curricula must be shapen 
 so as to have regard the one to the other, and the whole scheme of 
 organisation must have as its genius the necessity to provide free 
 passage from one institution to the other. Obviously, these
 
 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 desirable ends can never be secured, even in the most halting 
 fashion, so long as each class of school is under an independent 
 body of management. 
 
 IV.— THE "ONE AUTHORITY" SCHEME OF THE BILL. 
 
 "/ti our country, everything depends upon the educated intelligence of the 
 2)eople and of all the 2^eople. Thus, from the very earliest times the American 
 jieople have shoivn the liveliest interest in the subject. The Pilgrim Fathers 
 had hardly landed when they hegan to establish schools. . . . Throughout 
 the United States it [educatio?i] h<is been the chief industry of the people, 
 because its development and extension are absolutely necessary in the common 
 judgment for the safety of our institutions ; and if there has been a^iything 
 good accoriqdished in America, I think you may attribute it to the devotion 
 of its people to education and to the universal dissemination of a perfectly 
 adequate common school system throughout the country." — [Mr. Choate, 
 American Ambassador, Burnley, 22nd November, 1900.] 
 
 " The Council of every county and of every county borough shall be 
 the Local Education Authorit}'." That is, as I have said, the first of 
 the two main principles of this Bill. It is the principle for which 
 the government has steadily worked since 1895. It is the principle 
 which substitutes control by the municipal authority for control 
 by an authority elected ad hoc. The apology of the government is 
 that it deliberately desires to bring the control of education into 
 the general field of municipal concern, and that it desires to 
 reduce the number of local authorities and elections. Whilst I 
 sympathise with all this, I cannot but feel a little uneasy — especially 
 when I remember the fact that the ruling family in the present 
 government is somewhat superciliously indisposed to concede the 
 need for anything like a generous education for the children of 
 the people. For, undoubtedly, some of those who desire to 
 " municipalise " the local control obviously hope that when 
 education is given to a body which has a hundred other things to 
 attend to it will be prosecuted with less vigour and assiduity than 
 it has been whilst in the hands of bodies elected to look after 
 nothing but Education. My own view is that these good souls 
 will soon find that they have builded better than they knew. 
 In any case the idea that there is something anti-democratic in
 
 THE "ONE authority" SCHEME OF THE BILL 9 
 
 the policy of handing over the local control of education to the 
 Municipal Councils is not justified by the history of the past. 
 When the Gladstone Cabinet of 1870 drafted the great Education 
 Bill of that year it arranged that the Local Education Authority 
 should consist of a number of persons selected hy the Town Councils in 
 the urban areas and hy the Vestries and Select Vestries in the rural. 
 That is the " luunicipalisation " idea to a nicety. The ad hoc policy 
 was brought forward as an amendment by Sir Charles Dilke, and 
 supported curiously enough by many of the leading Conservatives 
 of the day. On the other hand it was hotly opposed by such men 
 •as Mr. Eoster, Mr. Mundella, Mr. Muntz (Birmingham), Mr. 
 George Dixon (Birmingham), and Shaw-Lefevre, and Dr. Lyon 
 Playfair. 
 
 But, turning back to the present Bill we find that though the 
 •County Borough and County Councils are to be the Local Education 
 Authorities, autonomy in respect of Elementary Education is 
 conferred upon every non-county borough with a population of 
 ■over 10,000 and upon every Urban District with a population of 
 over 20,000. Why 20,000 people in the Urban District are to be 
 •denied that which is given to 10,001 in the non-County Municipal 
 Borough I confess I cannot sa}^ But in any case these small 
 autonomous areas, taken as they will be out of the General 
 County Scheme for Elementary Education, may find themselves 
 rather neglected when the county comes to develop schemes for 
 Secondary Education. I need not say that this small borough 
 •autonomy idea has no justification from the point of view of 
 •effective or even symmetrical and economical administration. It 
 is indeed a re-echo of the Commi[tee Stage of the Bill of 189G 
 which Bill was mainly wrecked by the resistance of the small 
 boroughs against the idea that their aftairs should be governed 
 from a county centre perhaps forty or fifty miles away. 
 
 I ought to add at this point that it is a feature of the Bill that 
 its Education Authority, about to be created, may, if it pleases, 
 leave Elementary Education alone and confine itself to Higher 
 Education. This permissive policy cut right across the heart of 
 the Bill and renders it grotesque by destroying its unifying and 
 its co-ordinating purposes. I do not myself believe that the 
 adoptive clauses can stand. They were obviously a ballon d'essai 
 «ent up on behalf of some member or members of the Cabinet who 
 were pusillanimous about compelling the Local Authorities to rate-
 
 10 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 aid the present Denominational Schools. But as it is my profound 
 belief that the Bill will either have to be made compulsory in its 
 application to Elementary Education or be withdrawn all together, 
 I do not stay to argue the case against allowing a selfish locality 
 to contract itself out of its obligation towards Elementary 
 Education. 
 
 v.— MUNICIPALISATION— SPUEIOUS AND GENUINE. 
 
 " Much has bee?i done during the past Jive years to improve our 7iational 
 system of education, and we hope that further efforts in the satne direction 
 u'ill have a 2)lace among the cares of the Neiv Parliament^ — [Election 
 Address of Sie Richard C. Jebb and Sir John E. Gorst, October, 
 1900.] 
 
 TH0UC4H I have, as will be seen, no particular quarrel with the 
 government in its " municipalisation " policy, so far as I am 
 concerned if we enter upon that policy it must be applied in a 
 genuine and not a spurious form. Now it is my complaint against 
 the present Bill that the application of the municipalisation plan 
 has been disastrously vitiated. In the first place the County and 
 County Borough Council are to do nothing themselves except raise 
 money by rate or on loan. They are at once to delegate all their 
 educational powers to an Ediication Committee. The Committee must 
 consist, as to a majority of its members, of persons selected by the 
 County or County Borough Coimcil. Thus, supposing the Bradford 
 City Council resolve upon the Education Committee of thirty 
 persons, the Council would at once name sixteen ; when the sixteen 
 got together they would select fourteen more ; and thus the thirty. 
 But not one of these need necessarily he a nicmher of the City Council. 
 Now this is not good business at all. In the municipalisation 
 schemes of the Government Bills of 1896 and 1901 it was 
 provided that the majority of the Education Committee in each 
 case must be members of the present Council. And surely Liberal 
 and Tory may agree each to assist the other in the task of bringing 
 the government back to its wiser schemes of 1896 and 1901. 
 
 But this is not all. Not only is the Education Committee 
 deliberately framed on the lines of one remove from the direct
 
 MUNICIPALISATION — SPURIOUS AND GENUINE 11 
 
 touch of the rate-payer who finds the money ; when we get to the 
 actual management of the schools themselves we find ourselves 
 another remove away from the influence of popular pressure. The 
 Education Committee cannot of course manage any school. That 
 must be left to the " local managers." And where do the public 
 come in there ? The Local Education Authority (County or 
 County Borough Council) " shall have the right " through its 
 Education Committee (nominees of the Education Authority and 
 Co-opted persons) " of appointing such persons as they think fit 
 to be additional managers, so that the number of the persons so 
 appointed, if more than one, does not exceed one- third of the whole 
 number of managers." Thus when we get down to the schools 
 themselves we find ourselves a very long way from the rate-payer, 
 and even then his several times removed proxy is in a permanent 
 minority ! Again this is not good business. Indeed, it seems 
 suspiciously like a scheme to keep the hand of the man who finds 
 the money as far from the control of the schools as possible. 
 
 Let me, however, be fair. The " local manager " must " carry out 
 the Directions " of the paramount Education Committee " as to 
 the secular instruction to be given in the school." The Education 
 Committee further will have the power of inspection of the school 
 and its accounts. Further, the Education Committee will have a 
 veto over the appointment of any teacher (but that veto is only 
 exercisable in respect of the teacher's secular qualifications). All 
 this will no doubt keep the managers up to the mark. But what 
 about a veto over the dismissal as well as the appointment of the 
 teacher ? What about compelling the managers to pay the 
 teachers a living wage ? What about insisting that they shall not^ 
 when appointing a teacher, secure also quite gratuitously the 
 services of an Organist for the Parish Church, a Choirmaster, and 
 a Sunday School Superintendent. To-day it is quite the usual 
 thing to work in these duties when appointed to the Headship of 
 a village school, and to ease the managerial conscience by offering 
 a microscopic honorarium out of private Church funds for these 
 multifarious extraneous tasks to the tune of say, from £5 to £10 
 a year, the real payment coming of course out of the public grants 
 made to the school. The Bill is silent on all these and a hundred 
 other important points. It will be urged doubtless that these are 
 Committee details. Perhaps so. In any case I think we may 
 look with confidence to the sense of fairplay on both sides of the
 
 12 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 House to get these necessary improvements added. As I have all 
 along said, given that the House is left a free hand to deal with 
 the Bill, it can easily be made a much more educationally effective 
 instrument than it is at the present moment. 
 
 VI.— THE PRESENT FINANCING OF ELEMENTARY 
 EDUCATION BOARD AND VOLUNTARY. 
 
 " You cannot graft a scientific and artistic tducation tipon the stunted 
 stump of a defective elementary education^ — [Duke of Devonshire at 
 Derby, 20th January, 1899.] 
 
 I COME now to the second of the two great issues raised in this 
 Bill. The one is the revolution which it is proposed to work in 
 the local control of Education : the other is the revolution it is 
 proposed to work in the method of financing Elementary Educa- 
 tion as given in what are now known as the Voluntary Schools. Let 
 lue again rehearse the existing facts. At the present time there 
 are 5| millions of working class children in attendance at the 
 Elementary Schools of England and Wales. Roughly, three 
 millions of these are attending the Voluntary Schools : 2| millions 
 the Board Schools. The main differences in these two classes of 
 schools are : — 
 
 (1). In the form of the local management. 
 
 (2), In the nature and amount of the local financial support ac- 
 corded. 
 
 (3). In the character of the religious instruction given. 
 
 With number one I have already dealt ; with number three I 
 will deal hereafter. Meanwhile, as to number two, which raises 
 the question of tlie financing of the schools. The financial support 
 accorded to both Board and Voluntary Schools is of two kinds — 
 central and local. The central support consists of grants from 
 the Exchequer paid upon the report of H.M. Inspectors of Schools ; 
 and, generally speaking, is receivable by the Voluntary schools on 
 the same terms as by the Board schools. Additional, however, to 
 the Government Grants hitherto payable under the Education 
 Code to both Board and Voluntary schools alike, special Treasury 
 ■Grants have been provided for under the Voluntary Schools Act of
 
 FINANCING OF ELEMENTARY EDUCATION BOAED IS- 
 
 1897, and the Necessitous School Boards Act of the same year. 
 Under the Vohintarj Schools Act, a Special Aid Grant, amounting 
 in all to nearly £800,000, is payable yearly on the basis of 5s. 9d. 
 per child in the Urban schools, and 3s. 3d. per child in the Eural 
 schools, to most of the Voluntary schools, upon the recommenda- 
 tion of School "Associations." Under the Necessitous School 
 Boards Act, a total sum of about £170,000 is annually dispensed 
 to a comparatively small number of the School Boards where the 
 rateable value of the locality is not high, and the percentage of the 
 whole number of elementary school children to be provided for by 
 the Board is large. But neither of these Acts raises any serious 
 fundamental principle — except, of course, that they increase the- 
 proportion of the total education charge thrown upon the Central 
 Exchequer — and, therefore, do not seriously affect the present 
 position. Notwithstanding the recent legislation, therefore it is 
 still practically true that grants to Board and Voluntary schools 
 from the Central Exchequer are very largely made on the same 
 basis, and come out at pretty much the same amount per 
 child. 
 
 These Exchequer Grants are admittedly not enough upon which 
 to conduct a school with anything like efficiency. It is an essen- 
 tial part of the existing system that they shall be supplemented by 
 local aid. In the case of the Board schools, this essential supple- 
 mentary income is provided from the rates, and in School Board 
 districts this local contribution is compulsory upon all ratepayers. 
 The Voluntary schools have no such compulsory local income to 
 turn to, but must supplement their central aid from the offerings 
 of benevolent and charitable persons. The School Boards last year 
 found it necessary to supplement their central aid hy a sum equal to 
 £1 5s. Qd. per child of the children in attendance in the schools. The 
 conductors of the Voluntary schools were only alle to secure a local 
 supplement to their central aid in the form of a voluntary suhscription 
 equal to 6.s. 5f?. per child. It is this serious difference in tlie local 
 income of the schools which must in some way or other be re- 
 moved before the problem can be considered to be finally settled. 
 For be it remembered a majority of the working class children are 
 in attendance at these starved Voluntary schools, and it is, from a 
 national point of view, a dangerous anachronism to fob them olf 
 with an inferior education which is inferior because the disastrous 
 endeavour is made to maintain it, so far as local aid is concerned,.
 
 14 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 out of the fluctuating hand of charity.I am not denying a meed of 
 gratitude to the voluntary subscriber. He has done work which 
 was all along a State obligation. But he has failed, and failed 
 naturally enough to find the means whereby our Common schools 
 can be kept up to the level of modern requirements and the 
 standard set by our great Continental and American competitors. 
 
 Frankly I rejoice that the question of abrogating the voluntary 
 contribution plan in respect of National Education has been raised. 
 It is time we gave it up, and though I shall have some criticism of 
 the way the Government proposes to deal with the question I 
 heartily agree that it is high time the matter was seriously 
 tackled. 
 
 YII.— SOME EESULTS OF THE VOLUNTAEY 
 CONTEIBUTION PLAN. 
 
 " The man or woman who is content to leave our people intellectually in- 
 ferior to those with whom they ivill have to contend in the peaceful arts, is 
 no better a friend to this country than those who tcould leave us compara- 
 tive/y defenceless, and alloxv our rivals and opponents to have ships, guns, 
 and materials of warfare far supenor to our own." — [SiK John Gokst, 
 Guildhall, 8th July, 1898.] 
 
 For let us look at some of the results of this attempt to run our 
 national education on private charity. The first most disastrous 
 result is the shocking way the average Voluntary School is staffed. 
 At this point I may say that the Elementary Schools, Board and 
 Voluntary, are manned by four classes of teachers. These are : — 
 (1). Adults who have gone through all the grades of train- 
 ing, and are classed as fully certificated. 
 
 (2). Teachers who have been apprenticed as pupil teachers, 
 but have not completed the course for the teacher's certificate. 
 These are styled ex-pupil teachers. 
 
 (3). Young women over eighteen years of age — technically 
 known as " Article 68's " — who have no professional qualifi- 
 cation whatever, except that, in the opinion of the Inspector, 
 they are presentable young persons, and can give evidence 
 that they have been successfully vaccinated.
 
 SOME EESULTS OF THE VOLUNTARY CONTRIBUTION PLAN 
 
 15 
 
 (4). Juvenile apprentices to the art of teaching, known as 
 pupil teachers. 
 Under any efficient system of education, neither the " Article 
 68 " nor the pupil teacher would be looked upon as an efficient 
 member of the school staff. But it is too common an experience 
 to find the schools — especially Voluntary schools in town and 
 country and rural Board Schools — staffed almost entirely with 
 these inefficient supernumeraries. Now let me give a little table 
 shewing the way the Board schools and the Voluntary schools are 
 staffed winding up with the staffing arrangements for the London 
 School Board — a standard which might well be striven after in 
 the provinces, urban and rural. 
 
 
 Percentage engaged of 
 
 England and Wales. 
 
 Certificated 
 
 Adult 
 Teachers. 
 
 Of Ex-Pupil 
 Teachers. 
 
 Of Article 
 6S's. 
 
 Of Juvenile 
 
 Pupil 
 Teachers. 
 
 In all Voluntary Schools. 
 
 38 
 
 23 
 
 18 
 
 21 
 
 In all Board Schools. . . . 
 
 51 
 
 21 
 
 5 
 
 23 
 
 Under the London School 
 Board. 
 
 81 
 
 4 
 
 
 
 15 
 
 This table is eloquent of the state of things in the Voluntary 
 schools. But it is really worse than it looks. Because the case of 
 the pupil teachers in the Voluntary schools is far worse than that 
 of his youthful colleague in the Board school. The Voluntary 
 school pupil teaclier is usually turned on from the very first as a 
 fiill-blown "journeyman" teacher. In the Board schools he is 
 usually treated strictly as an apprentice, spending only the half of 
 each day in actual teaching and being occupied with learning the 
 technique of the teaching art during the other half. This state of 
 things is not only grossly unjust for the Voluntary school child, 
 whose intellectual training is thus left to the blundering hand of 
 the apprentice, but it is also shamefully unjust to the apprentice 
 himself. They work him so hard as a sul)stitute for an adult 
 teacher (at a wage that ranges from eighteen pence to ten
 
 16 
 
 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 shillings a week) that at the end of his apprenticeship he fails 
 the " Scholarship " test which is to admit him to a Training 
 College so that he may ultimately become a Trained Certificated 
 Teacher, and is either turned ignominiously out of the profession 
 altogether or perpetually committed to its lowest and worst-paid 
 ranks ! (I am not necessarily blaming the school managers. It is 
 only another direct result of the vicious Voluntary contribution 
 policy.) 
 
 Here is another vivid contrast of the results of local rate- 
 contribution (for the Board school) and local Voluntary contribution 
 (for the Voluntary school) I exclude from my calculation all 
 ex-pupil teachers. "Article 68's," and pupil teachers. Comparing 
 the number of children enrolled to the number of certificated 
 teachers in each class of school I get the following : — • 
 
 Class of School. 
 
 Children enrolled. 
 
 Certificated 
 Teachers 
 employed. 
 
 Number of 
 Children to 
 each Certifi- 
 cated Teacher. 
 
 All Voluntary Schools. 
 
 3,043,006 
 
 29,294 
 
 103 
 
 All Board Schools. . . . 
 
 2,662,609 
 
 34,744 
 
 76 
 
 jSTow look for a moment at the expenditures last year on 
 Teaching Staff (ahvays necessarily by far the largest " mainten- 
 ance " item) in the two classes of schools : — 
 
 Class of School. 
 
 Expenditure per Scholar on Teaching 
 power. 
 
 In the Voluntary Schools. . . . 
 
 £1 15 2 
 
 In the Board Schools 
 
 £2 5 2 
 
 Let me pursue the question of the teachers' salaries a little 
 closer. I will now confine myself absolutely to the adult Certifi- 
 cated Teachers and examine the average amounts paid in each 
 class of Voluntary school and in the Board schools last year : —
 
 SOME EESULTS OF THE VOLUNTAEY CONTRIBUTION PLAN 
 
 17 
 
 
 Certificated Masters. 
 
 Certificated Mistresses. 
 
 
 Head. 
 
 Class. 
 
 
 Head. 
 
 Class. 
 
 Class of School. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 Average 
 Salaries 
 
 Number 
 provided 
 
 with 
 House or 
 Rent free. 
 
 Average 
 
 Salaries. 
 
 Average 
 Salaries. 
 
 Number 
 provided 
 
 with 
 House or 
 Rent free. 
 
 Average 
 Salaries. 
 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 
 £ s. 
 
 d. 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 
 £ s. d. 
 
 'hurch Schools. . 
 
 127 12 8 
 
 4,324 
 
 83 5 
 
 8 
 
 82 7 9 
 
 3,272 
 
 58 18 i 
 
 Vesleyan Schools. 
 
 182 II 4 
 
 47 
 
 89 18 
 
 9 
 
 94 8 4 
 
 3 
 
 62 13 ; 
 
 loman Catholic 
 Schools. 
 
 128 8 4 
 
 24 
 
 86 II 
 
 7 
 
 75 5 5 
 
 266 
 
 58 5 ^ 
 
 British and other 
 Schools. . . 
 
 152 19 II 
 
 222 
 
 98 8 
 
 8 
 
 88 2 6 
 
 133 
 
 65 I : 
 
 Joard Schools. . 
 
 170 10 9 
 
 1,511 
 
 109 6 
 
 6 
 
 121 19 11 
 
 464 
 
 83 19 { 
 
 A glance at this table will shew that the real sufferers from the 
 " intolerable strain " — which we are assured falls upon the Volun- 
 tary School Managers — 'are the Voluntary School teachers. 
 Eemember the teachers referred to in the foregoing table are all 
 Certificated Teachers. They have been to the same Colleges and 
 passed the same Certificate Examinations. And yet if they 
 happen to be the Head Masters of the Board Schools they 
 get an average salary of £170 10s. 9d. as against an average of 
 £127 12s. 8d. for exactly the same work and the same qualifica- 
 tions in the Church Schools. 
 
 The same work ! In the one case the rooms will be large and 
 airy, the classes fairly small, the apparatus plenteous and modern, 
 and the assisting staff large and duly qualified. In the other the 
 premises will be old and snuffy, the apparatus old ill-adapted and 
 stinted, the classes large and unwieldy, and the assistant staff 
 mainly ex-pupil teachers, juvenile pupil teachers, and Article 68's. 
 The same work ! 
 
 It has been made a gibe against the recent Conference of the 
 National Union of Teachers tliat it gave something in the nature of 
 qualified approval of the Government Bill. If you, gentle reader, 
 were a Voluntary School teacher grinding hard against the collar at 
 a shameful wage and with grotesquely inadequate aid ; or if you
 
 18 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 again were the more favoured Board School colleague watching 
 the work of your Voluntary School associate with the eye of 
 kindly sympathy; and if you saw the prospect of fair financial 
 support for the starved Voluntary school from wholly public sources, 
 why, what then ? 
 
 My very great fear is that, as the Bill now stands, most of these 
 hopes of fairer treatment for the Voluntary teacher are doomed 
 to disappointment. The scheme of this Bill is to find the much 
 needed wherewithal from the rates. AVill the agriculturalists, for 
 instance, gleefully pay them ? And if they do, is there anything 
 to compel the local managers to give the helot of the teaching 
 profession, the average A^'oluntary School teacher, anything ap- 
 proaching a fair wage ? 
 
 VIIL— THE FINANCmG OF ELEMENTAEY EDUCATION, 
 BOAED AND A^OLUNTAEY, UNDEE THE BILL. 
 
 " A71 uneducated democracy, a hadly educated democracy, without the 
 "ense of jn-oimrtion, constitutes a public danger. Education can at all 
 events give our jieople some idea of the danger of ignorance, of the risk of 
 yielding to sudden impulses, insjnred frequently hy generoics motives. As 
 wealth increases, as the Empdre grows more jyowerful, greater vigilance is 
 required, that virtues, which are threatened hy too much p)rosp)erity , do not 
 disappear. . . . Moral jjrogress is more essential to a nation than m/iterial 
 p)r ogress. Men and women who strengthen the moral fibre of a nation are 
 more entitled to the credit of being empire-builders than those who annex 
 neiv markets." — [Lord Reay's Address to the London School Board, 
 5th October, 1899.] 
 
 The Bill frankly dispenses with Voluntary contributions so far 
 as educational " maintenance " is concerned, and throws the Volun- 
 tary Schools (hereafter to be known as Denominational Schools), 
 boldly upon the rates just as the Board Schools (hereafter to be 
 known as Local Authority Schools or, better still, Public Muni- 
 cipal Schools) find their supplemental local income in that source 
 at present. I have already assumed that the permissive character 
 of this rate-maintenance for the Denominational schools will be 
 struck out, and that it will be made compulsory upon the Local 
 Education Authority to take over Elementary Education. If it is,
 
 FINANCING OF ELEMENTARY EDUCATION, BOARD AND VOLUNTARY 19 
 
 we may look for protests from many parts of the country, and 
 particularly from these parts — quite, as I have shown, a third of 
 the whole area — which have never laid a rate for Elementary 
 Education before. But if the the application of this rate-main- 
 tenance be left to the localities themselves just where the co- 
 ordination and public aid are most needed the Bill will become a 
 dead letter. 
 
 Assuming then that Part III. of the Bill, the Elementary School 
 sections, are made compulsory, let us see how we shall then stand. 
 Tlie present Voluntary contributions of 6s. 5d. a child, will all be 
 needed to keep the fabric in good condition. This is the part 
 which the Denominationalists have to pay for the right to quarter 
 their schools upon the rates. Many people think they ought to 
 pay a bigger price. I will only say that if the Municipal control 
 can be made anything like real the managers of the Denomina- 
 tional schools will have a very heavy task before them in keeping 
 the lighting, ventilation, warming, drainage, and general up-keep 
 of their buildings up to the Municipal standard in these matters. 
 Many of the buildings are wofully out of date, and Municipal 
 inspection is likely to be much more exacting than the pleasing 
 laisser alter in these matters of the gentlemen appointed by the 
 Board of Education to be very cranky indeed sometimes over the 
 condition of the 3 R's, the length of the Nile, and the height of 
 Kinchinjinga. Indeed it would not surprise me to find very few 
 Denominational schools still in the hands of their present managers 
 in ten years time — if the Municipal control and inspection can be 
 made real. 
 
 In any case existing Voluntary contributions will not be applied 
 to "maintenance," so there will be nearly £1 per head of the 
 Voluntary School children to rate up. Five shillings of this will 
 come from the Preferential Special Aid Grant to the Denomina- 
 tional Schools which will be continued under the new regime. 
 'Yo bring the Voluntary Schools up to the Board School level then 
 tlie rates will have to find something like 3 million times 15 
 shillings more than they do now. That means a new rating 
 charge of 2\ millions, just at a time when rates and taxes are 
 already grievous to be borne. Will the country generally give 
 it ? In my opinion, certainly not. What will liappcn will he this, 
 that in mod localities the present rate or « slightly increased rate 
 loill have to suffice for the needs not only of the Board School children
 
 20 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 hut of the Voluntary School children as well. That is the real 
 danger of the proposition. It cannot but mean additional aid in 
 all districts where at present there is no School Board. The 
 Voluntary Schools of Chester, Bury, Wigan, Lincoln, Bournemouth, 
 St. Helens, Stockport, and Preston ; of those 109 non-county 
 boroughs and urban districts, that at present pay no rate ; and of 
 that, half of the raral area of England and "Wales that similarly 
 escapes ; these schools of course must gain. Though here a good deal 
 of the admiration for Denominational schools will promptly dis- 
 appear when the people find that they are just as expensive as the 
 Board Schools have been in the past. 
 
 But what will happen in, say, Hastings, where the School Board 
 rate already amounts to £2 Os. Id. per year for each Board School 
 child ; in Oxford where the amount of rate contribution is 37s. 
 per child for the year ; in Southampton where it is 34s. 5d. ; in 
 Halifax where it is 33s. lOd. ; in Canterbury where it is 32s. 8d. ; 
 and in Croydon where it is 32s. 6d. ? Of course you can put 
 the Voluntary school on the rates to the same purpose at probably 
 a smaller amount per child, because the administrative charges 
 involved in the above will not need to be repeated in their 
 entirety at any rate. But, making all due allowances, these rate 
 capitation contributions will need to be nearly doubled wherever 
 the Voluntary school children equal in number the Board School 
 children. And the increase elsewhere will be larger or smaller 
 according to the number of new supplicants for rate-aid there 
 may be. Erom the Board School point of view the outlook is 
 really serious. We must not have the Board School Peter robbed 
 to pay the Denominational School Paul. Probably most of the 
 present supporters of the Voluntary Schools would not wish this. 
 But they will not be the masters of the situation. The obscurantist 
 will put them on one side ; and I am sorry to say he is still to 
 be found in very distinguished and respousible positions in this 
 country of ours. 
 
 It seems to me that by far the safest, and indeed the most just 
 course, would have been to have gone boldly for the nationalisation 
 of the Education charge as a national service. Why there should 
 be a local rate in aid of a Berkshire School any more than there 
 is for the Berkshire Eegiment I have never been able to understand. 
 Surely Education is as much an Imperial service as either the 
 army or the navy. I am the more surprised that Mr. Balfour has
 
 HIGHER EDUCATION UNDEB THE BILL 21 
 
 gone in for so largely increasing the rating charge for education 
 because I observe that at the 1895 General Election he put upon, 
 his Election Card the following : 
 
 " Poor Law and School Board Eates to be charged in the 
 Imperial Exchequer." 
 
 IX.— HIGHEE EDUCATION UNDEE THE BILL 
 
 "Much has yet to be done, not by legisation alone, before the sons and 
 daughters, both of the working class and of those who direct our trade and 
 our industries, will have throughout the country those educational advantages 
 which they need and which they deserve. Good education given on sound 
 methods counts for much in the develo]}ment of both intelligence and character, 
 and the largest possible stock of vigorous intelligence and strong character 
 will be reqxdred for the nation in future if this country is to maintain her 
 2)osition in the world." — [Mk. Acland's Farewell Letter to his 
 Constituents 12th July, 1898.] 
 
 It is very curious to notice that although Secondary Education 
 has been upon the lips of the present government ever since it was 
 called together in 1895 this Bill which is, as I have shewn, a 
 far-reaching and comprehensive measure, can as it stands, do but very 
 little for this branch of the work. First of all the term used, 
 " Higher Education," is made by the Bill — which its authors will 
 no doubt say was compelled in its turn by the Cockerton judgment 
 — to include a large variety of matters. Indeed it includes every- 
 thing that is not of the most elementary character and that is not 
 intended for children under 15 years of age. It thus embraces all 
 Technical Instruction, all Secondary Education modern and 
 classical, all work done on behalf of the Training of Teachers, all 
 instruction of Pupil Teachers, and, strangely enough, all Evening 
 ♦School work, elementary and advanced. For the prosecution of 
 all these grades of the work the Local Authorities will still be 
 offered the usual niggardly Exchequer grants — which ought, by 
 the way, to be largely enhanced if we really mean business in the 
 field of Higher Education. In addition they may rate themselves 
 up to 2d. in the 'pound. (Eemember they have already put the 
 Denominational Elementary Schools newly upon the rates.) A 
 rate of 2d. for these purposes is of course quite grotesque even if
 
 22 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 levied. Indeed I must again protest against thrusting all these- 
 educational needs upon the rates at all. It will only mean that 
 the work will be sterilised and obstructed. Eates right and left 
 for Education will not be paid cheerfully until you have a pro- 
 letariat much more keenly imbued with the value and importance 
 of education as a factor in National Defence than confronts us to- 
 day. By way I suppose of subtle joke it is provided that a 
 locality may rate itself far more than 2d. in the pound for 
 "Higher Education," if the Local Government Board graciously 
 permits. This is sheer nonsense. Local Government regulations 
 respecting all sorts of things from Sewage Farms to glycerinaled 
 lymph may be right enough. But if the ratepayers of Leeds for 
 choice, like to levy a sixpenny rate for " Higher Education " upon 
 themselves what has that to do with the Local Government Board? 
 
 X.~SOME MISCELLANEOUS POINTS. 
 
 " Tht only desire ivldch every lover of education, every educated man and 
 woman, can possibly have is that the titmost j^ossihle extension shall he given 
 to our national system of education which in tht last generation has made 
 such great jyrogress, and that ive shoidd not level doimi, hut level up, and 
 make the institzitio7is of the country as perfect for the education of the people 
 as it ispossshle to make them."—{^iR John Gorst at the Mercers' Hall, 
 22nd November, 1895.] 
 
 Here are a number of miscellaneous points which, before I turn 
 to my final topic, I may dispense with imder this general heading. 
 Ill the first place the Education Committee of the Local Authority 
 is to have complete "control of all secular instruction in public 
 Elementary Schools," and " the managers of the school shall carry 
 out any directions of the Local Education Authority as to the 
 secular instruction to be given in the school." Further, " the Local 
 Education Authority shall have power to inspect the school," etc. 
 I sincerely trust that all this does not mean the abrogation of the 
 Whitehall Standard and of Whitehall Inspection. No doubt a 
 great County Borough might safely be left to fix its own standard 
 and to see that such standard is reached. But can this be safely 
 left to the rural counties ? For the last seventy years it has been 
 one long struggle to bring them up to the level insisted upon by
 
 SOME MISCELLANEOUS POINTS 23 
 
 the State Department responsible for education. All sorts of 
 grumbling reasons have been given as to why the smallest modicum 
 of education will suffice for the village child. The depopulation of 
 the rural class, the decline in the price of the quarter of wheat 
 and agricultural depression generally have been attributed to the 
 very innocent and very unambitious village school ; and from time 
 to time we have such very good fellows as Major Easch, M.P., 
 sending Jeremiahs to the Times about the sinfulness of teachinjj 
 the country child what he is pleased to style " Shakespeare and 
 the musical glasses." This being the attitude of a good many of 
 the leading lights of rural life I want to insist that, while the 
 County Authorities shall be given full power to adapt the curriculum 
 of its schools to the needs of the locality and the habits of the 
 people, there shall be no falling below a certain fixed standard, and 
 that standard I would fix as the Whitehall Education Code for 1901. 
 Another general point has reference to the fact that under the 
 Bill no child may stay in an Elementary School after his fifteenth 
 Ijirthday. Of course the argument of the Government is that tliis 
 is a part of the scheme of co-ordination. At fifteen, they may say, 
 if a child wants further education lie must be drafted to the next 
 grade of school. But it is absurd to make a hard and fast rule like 
 this. Suppose, for instance, the child has been neglected in early 
 life, has been for a long period ill, or is of dull intellect ; he may 
 need purely elementary iustructioTi even after his fifteenth birth- 
 day, and his parents may be willing to keep him at school so that 
 he may get it. The Bill says " No ! " It is no longer " Blessed be 
 they that hunger and thirst after knowledge." To-day they are 
 sent empty away. Again, suppose the child to have successfully 
 passed through all the grades of Elementary School work at fifti.-en, 
 and sup})ose that his parents are anxious to give him a year's 
 training beyond this. If he is in an urban district it is very much 
 to be hoped that in future his P^lementary School will be so linked 
 with a Secondary School that the way to that extra year's schooling 
 will be conspicuously clear and easy. But will it be so in the 
 village ? I fear not. Now, in Scotland, it is the custom to organise 
 where needed a " Secondary top " to a village Elementary School, 
 and some of the finest Secondary Education in the world has been 
 given in these schools. Surely the rule of the Bill should be so 
 elastic as to allow of similar organisation failing the existence of 
 an adjacent separate school for Secondary Education.
 
 24 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 This reference to Scotland leads me to ask why the English and 
 Welsh working people should be content with State facilities for 
 education which, generally speaking, fall considerably below those 
 provided for their fellow-countrymen in Scotland ? In Scotland 
 the pupil may stay in the Elementary Day School till eighteen ; 
 in England and Wales fifteen. In Scotland there is no limit of 
 age for the Mght School pupil requiring elementary instruction : 
 in England and Wales no opportunity for such instruction is offered 
 after fifteen. In Scotland Mght School instruction may be " free " 
 if the Local Authority wishes. In England and Wales, according 
 to the Night School Code which will come into force on August 
 Isl of this year, fees must be charged as a rule, though the Board of 
 Education is prepared to entertain the invidious poUcy of remitting 
 fees in certain cases. 
 
 Whilst dealing with this matter I may properly revert to another 
 point in the Bill. It says that all Night School work shall be 
 considered as Secondary Education. This of course implies a per- 
 fectly organised Day School system under which on coming to a 
 Night School every youth in the land will be so grounded in the rudi- 
 ments as at once to be able to take up Science, Art, Technology, 
 Commercial work and so on. But this is very far from being the 
 case unhappily ; and however much we may deplore the fact, it is 
 still necessary thirty years after Mr. Foster's Act to make pro- 
 vision for purely elementary instruction for neglected adults in the 
 night schools. To say that this should be not necessary is the 
 policy of the doceknaire run mad ; and to style all night work as 
 Secondary and to organise it accordingly, is to withhold the chance 
 of a little schooling from very many deserving men and women 
 whose early neglect is probably quite as much the fault of the 
 State as of themselves.
 
 THE EELIGIOUS QUESTION — THE EXISTING FACTS 25 
 
 XI.— THE EELIGIOUS QUESTION— THE EXISTING FACTS 
 
 " Of one thing only can we be certain — that it ivill he a period of keen, 
 intelligent, almost fierce, international competition, more probably in the arts 
 of peace even than in the arts of war. How, then, should we prepare for 
 such an epoch and such a conflict ? . . . We have to make sure of our 
 equipment. . . . Mentally and physically our people must be ivorthy of 
 their destiny.'"— [Lob.T) Rosebery's Eectorial Address, Glasgow Uni- 
 versity, 16th November, 1900.] 
 
 I leave to the last what I would fain not enter upon at all, a 
 discussion of the Eeligious Question. Because, after five-and- 
 tweuty years of the closest study of our Educational system, I am 
 pretty sure that nothing I or anybody else can say will soften the 
 acrimony of the conflict in which we are once more plunged, or 
 tend to the calling of a " Truce of God " upon this unhappy problem 
 so that we may push on with this vital question of the training of 
 our people. The present Education Bill has been before the 
 country but a few weeks and already there is little heard but the 
 clamour of conflicting sects. So it was in 1870. Eeligion was 
 mentioned many more times than Education during the memor- 
 able discussions that year ; and so, apparently, it will be during the 
 present year of grace. 
 
 The Bill of 1870 originally left the form of religious instruction ^ 
 in the new rate-aided schools to be determined by the localities 
 themselves. This scheme was the subject of sharp criticism on the 
 occasion of the second reading when Mr. George Dixon moved a 
 declaratory amendment to the effect that no Bill could be con- 
 sidered which did not settle by statute the form of the religious 
 instruction in the Board schools that were to be. 
 
 On going into Committee the religious question was again the 
 subject of long and heated debate, this time the proposition being 
 advanced that no further State grant should be made to Denomina- 
 tional Schools : that the State should confine itself rigidly to Secular 
 Education, and that religious instruction should be left to the 
 volunteer efforts of the religious bodies themselves. This policy, I 
 may add in passing, was very badly beaten. In the end, and after 
 all sorts of proposals had been put forward and rejected, a com- 
 promise was arrived at. It provided that the religious instruction 
 in the rate-aided schools should be strictly undenominational not
 
 26 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 involving any formulary distinctive of any particular denomination 
 This stands as part of the famous Clause 14 of the Act of 1870, 
 and is known as the " Cowper-Temple " Clause. Clause 7 of the 
 Act, known as the " Conscience Clause," has ever since hung con- 
 spicuously on the walls of every State-aided Elementary School, 
 Board or Voluntary. It anounces to all whom it may concern that 
 any parent may withdraw his child from the religious instruction of 
 the school if he so wishes ; and such withdrawal shall be made with- 
 out any forfeit on the part of the scholar " of the other benefits of the 
 school." It is a striking commentary upon either the indifference 
 of the parents as to the precise form of religious instruction to be 
 imparted to their children or the satisfactory nature of the settle- 
 ment of 1870, that the" Conscience-Clause" has proved practically 
 a dead-letter. Both in the Denominational and the Board Schools 
 withdrawals have been almost entirely unknown, a fact which has 
 been contributed to very largely by the tact and discretion of the 
 school teachers who have always softened down dogma not only to 
 the tender capacities of the children but to the not less tender 
 susceptibilities of those amongst the parents who have been com- 
 pelled by law to use a school with the religious character of which 
 they have been in disagreement. 
 
 This then is how religious instruction has been and is given to- 
 day under the Act of 1870. In the Board Schools it is strictly 
 Biblical. The*'whole school assembles at 9 in the morning, and 
 under the direction of the head-teacher a hymn is sung and the 
 Lord's Prayer is recited. Often a short general exhortation of the 
 pupils by the head-teacher follows. Then the classes are marched 
 away to their respective rooms and the Scripture Lesson follows. 
 It is conducted by the class teacher and consists of a lesson on 
 some of the historical parts of the Holy Word together with the 
 committal to memory by the pupils of carefully selected portions of 
 the Psalms, the Proverbs, the Gospels and so on. The syllabus of 
 Scripture teaching is usually a fine tribute to its compilers and the 
 lessons are almost invariably models of reverence and devotion. 
 Can anything be more reassuring to the country than this picture 
 of the whole of the children gathered together day by day for this 
 admirable family" worship ? Inspired by a simple sense of justice 
 the highest dignitaries of the Church of England from Her Arch- 
 bishops downwards have felt constrained to chide those amongst 
 her flocks who, through ignorance or fanaticism have raved about
 
 THE KELIGIOUS QUESTION — THE EXISTING FACTS 27 
 
 " Godless Board Schools," and " that shifting, shapeless monster 
 Undenominatioualism ! " This common religious teaching, founded 
 on the Cowper-Temple Compromise is, of course, given subject tO' 
 the " Conscience Clause " which I have already described. 
 
 In the average Church of England School the religious instruc- 
 tion is pretty much the religious instruction of the Board Schools 
 and very little more — whatever may be the protestations of parish 
 clergy at Church meetings. Of course in all cases The Apostles 
 Creed is added and there is a lesson or so per week in the Church 
 Catechism. But unless the clergyman be very " High " and very 
 active, Church teaching wears down in practice to something very 
 little beyond the undenominatioualism of the. Board Schools. In 
 many of the villages this is frankly admitted and both Churchmen 
 and Nonconformists agree that the thing shall be softened down 
 to an acceptably common denominationalism. Why ? Because 
 then there will be no demand on the part of the Nonconformists 
 for an undenominational school. If the religious instruction was 
 agressively Church of England the Nonconformists would promptly 
 inflict a rate upon the locality. And neither Churchmen nor Non- 
 conformists want this. Thus in practice a new compromise has 
 grown up ; the compromise whereby dissenting religionists may so 
 compose their differences as to avoid the nuisance of a local rate 
 for education. 
 
 Of course in the schools belonging to the Konian Catholic 
 Church, and, as I have said, in those associated with " High " 
 Anglican Churches, the religious instruction is much more 
 definitely and specifically Denominational. But here again the 
 instruction is given subject to the protection of tlie " Conscience 
 Clause." 
 
 What have been the objections to this system during its thirty- 
 two years existence ? In the first place it is complained that the 
 undenominatioualism — rate and state aided as it is — of the Board 
 School is, in ettect, the denominationalism of Nonconformacy. 
 Thus it is that Nonconformacy gets all it wants without voluntary 
 contribution. The Church of England, on the other hand, is re- 
 presented as having to provide its denominationalism out of its 
 own pocket after having, in School Board districts, paid its rates to 
 the Board School. I need not say that the Nonconformists resent 
 this way of putting the case. They view the Board School as the 
 Common School providing a common basis of religious teaching';
 
 28 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 and urge that those who want more must expect to make a special 
 payment over and above their contribution to the rates and taxes 
 which help to maintain the Common School. On the other hand 
 not only do Church people claim rate-aid for the denominationalism 
 at present taught in their Church Voluntary Schools ; but they 
 also go on to point out that many children of Church parents are 
 in attendance at the undenominational Board Schools, and that 
 therefore it is a fair thing to ask that " facilities " should be given 
 for the instruction of the Church children attending the Board 
 Schools " in the particular faith of their parents." To those who 
 work in the school day by day all this is very amusing, though no 
 doubt it is inspired by motives which are entirely creditable, sincere 
 and honest. As a matter of fact nearly nine per cent, of the English 
 working people want their children taught the Bible. But as to 
 what particular denominational colour should be put upon the 
 religious teaching they have no feeling whatever. I may at once 
 be asked why then do a majority of the children attend the 
 Voluntary Schools seeing that these are denominational. In the first 
 place I must reply that very many of them have no option : the 
 Voluntary School is the only one open to them. In a third of the 
 country there are no Board Schools at all, and in the other two- 
 thirds many of the localities are only served by Voluntary 
 Schools. Again, many parents send their children to the 
 Voluntary Schools because they went there themselves, and be- 
 cause they know and respect the teachers. And, finally, an earlier 
 comment of mine gives after] all the most conclusive answer — and 
 that is the fact that in most of the so-called Denominational 
 Schools there is very little indeed that is of a strictly denomina- 
 tional character. Quite certain am I that not five per cent, of the 
 parents who use the Church School do so because of the opportunity 
 it affords for Church religious instruction.
 
 THE RELIGIOUS QUESTION — THE PEOPOSALS OF THE BILL 29 
 
 XII.— THE EELIGIOUS QUESTION— THE PEOPOSALS 
 OF THE BILL. 
 
 " There tvas no subject that axipealed more strongly to an American than 
 that of education. When it was once determined that their institutions 
 tvere to rest for their success upon the intelligence of all the people, main- 
 tained by universal suffrage — for every man one vote and for no man 7nore 
 than one vote — ii becaiive an absolute necessity that the people in all parts of 
 the country, in all callings of life, should have an education adeqvnte to en- 
 able them both to perform their public duties as citizens and to discJiarge 
 their private business in life. — [Mr. Choate, American Ambassador, 
 City of London College, 10th December, 1900. 
 
 How then does the goverment propose to deal with this terribly 
 thorny problem in its present Bill ? It proposes to leave the re- 
 ligious instruction absolutely as it is, both in Board Schools and in 
 the Denominational Schools, perpetuating the Cowper-Temple 
 Clause for the former and the Conscience Clause for both. We 
 thus have at once raised the proposal to throw Denominational 
 education entirely upon the rates and taxes, leaving only to the 
 denominationalists the task as I have already said of keeping the 
 fabric in good repair. This determination to rate-aid the Denomin- 
 ational Schools has immediately created no end of a pother. 
 Strangely so, because for the last seventy years these schools have 
 been increasingly maintained out of the public purse. Indeed at the 
 present time over 1000 of them are maintained exclusively out of 
 exchequer grants and thousands more merely supplement those 
 grants by a few pence per child per year by way of voluntary 
 contributions. But, of course, Exchequer grants come from a 
 long way off and people do not quite see that they help to raise 
 those grants by every luxury — almost every necessity of life — in 
 which they indulge from day to day. Hezekiah Smallbury the deacon 
 of the village chapel has been a contributor to the only school in 
 the village, the Church School, all these years in his capacity as a 
 tax-payer — though, let it be said, he has always stoutly refused 
 to give a voluntary contribution, even when threatened with the 
 alternative of a School Board rate. And not quite realising the 
 extent to which he has been debited as a tax-payer for the upkeep 
 of this much reprobated Church School, Hezekiah lias not said 
 very much about the matter. r>ut now call him to the front door
 
 ."30 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 to present him with a Demand Note for say ten or fifteen shillings 
 out of his very pocket by way of a rate in aid of the Church 
 School, and what then ? Why then Hezekiah goes as a delegate to 
 the St James's Hall, and hopes the spirit of Oliver Cromwell is 
 only slumbering in this country and so on. 
 
 But the Goverment has really endeavoured in its way to meet 
 Hezekiah. It says in its Bill that if the parents of 30 children do 
 not like the form of religious instruction given in the school or 
 schools available to them, they can go to the Local Authorities 
 Education Committee aiud ask that a school may be built for 
 them. If such a school be built for the nonconforming 30 it will 
 be a Local Authority School, and the religious instruction will be 
 undenominational. I say " if such a school be built " advisedly. 
 Lor this 30-children-separate-school absurdity is hedged round 
 in a way that, whilst reducing its absurdity, also detracts 
 from its genuiness as an honest offer. Here are the clauses 
 which deal with the building of such a new school : — 
 
 " 9. Where the local education authority or any other persons 
 propose to provide a new public elementary school, they shall give 
 public notice of their intention to do so, and the managers of any 
 existing school, and the local education authority (where they are 
 not themselves the persons proposing to provide the school), and 
 any ten ratepayers in the area for which it is proposed to provide 
 the school, may, within tliree months after the notice is given, 
 appeal to the Board of Education on the ground that the proposed 
 school is not required, or that a school provided by the local 
 education authority, or not so provided as the case may be, is 
 better suited to meet the wants of the district than the school 
 proposed to be provided, and any school built in contravention of 
 the decision of the Board of Education on such appeal shall be 
 treated as unnecessary." 
 
 " 10. The Board of Education shall determine in case of dispute 
 whether a school is necessary or not, and in so determining, and 
 also in deciding on any appeal as to the provision of a new school, 
 shall have regard to the interest of secular instruction, to the 
 wishes of parents as to the education of their children, and to the 
 economy of the rates, but a school actually in existence shall not 
 be considered unnecessary in which the number of scholars in 
 average attendance as computed by the Board of Education is not 
 less than thirty."
 
 THE RELIGIOUS QUESTION — THE PROPOSALS OF THE BILL 31 
 
 How many attempts to build new schools will successfully run 
 the gauntlet of these clauses I should like to know ? Financially 
 and educationally I am glad that they will be few,, because I do 
 not want money wasted on a lot of microscopic little schools that 
 will not only be financially most extravagant but from their 
 minute proportions will be impossible of ellective educational 
 organisation. 
 
 This then briefly is the government scheme for dealing with 
 the religious question. It is indeed a clumsy device. It does not 
 meet the demand of the Church of England for " Church teaching 
 for Church children in the Bible Schools," and its proposals for 
 meeting the grievance of the village nonconformist is so patently 
 insincere that it will only exacerbate those whom it was intended 
 to deceive. Surely something fairer, something more practicable, 
 could have been devised as " a way out " of this wof ul imjiasse ! 
 
 Let one suggest a better compromise. If there really are any 
 parents of children attending the Board Schools who object to the 
 Bible teaching (I have worked in and about the Board School as 
 pupil, pupil-teacher, assistant-teacher, head-teacher and School 
 Board Member for the last thirty years and never met such a 
 ■case) let us give them facilities for having their children instructed 
 by the representatives of their own denomation in Church, 
 Chapel, Mission Hall, etc., for as many mornings a week as they 
 please during the time that tlie general body of the scholars will 
 be receiving of the ordinary religious instruction of the school. Let 
 the school open for secular subjects at say ten, and let those children 
 then come in " without forfeiting the other benefits of the school." 
 The government proposal of 1896 in clause 27 of its Bill of that 
 year proposed that the denominational volunteers s/iomZc? come into 
 the Board Scliools day by day for the purpose of taking aside the 
 children of their Church during the religious hour. Wliilst I am 
 very strongly opposed to this I see no reason why "outside 
 facilities " should not be offered. In six months I believe practically 
 all the children would be back again at the common family lesson 
 of the school and a very irrepressible bogey would have been laid 
 for all time. As to the Denominational schools, these arc as I 
 have shown much more nearly Undenominational than tlieir 
 conductors would probably be willing to admit. My suggestion is 
 that they sliould be made frankly Undenominational on, sav, 
 Monday, Tuesday, Thursday and Friday and that on "Wednesday 
 
 4()r>i()7
 
 32 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 specific denominational teaching should be the order of the day, 
 subject always of course to the conscience clause. 
 
 There is another possible compromise. And that is that Church 
 and Nonconformacy should agree on a common form of religious 
 lesson to be strictly Biblical plus the Apostles' Creed and, say, the 
 "duties" of the Church Catechism. A compromise of this sort 
 ought to be agreeable to the great body of the Christian community 
 and being subject to the Conscience Clause would present no 
 particular hardship to the conscientious objector. In Scotland a 
 compromise of this sort involving a Bible-teaching syllabus, plus 
 the Shorter Catechism, has been in force for many years. But the 
 Scotch are two shrewd to allow fine distinctions of faith to rob 
 their children of that first-class business asset — a good education 
 — notwithstanding their proverbial penchant for theological dis- 
 quisition. 
 
 XIIL— HOW THE BILL MIGHT BE IMPEOVED IN THE 
 INTEEESTS OF THE SCHOOLS, THE CHILDEEN", 
 AND THE TEACHEES. 
 
 " Make your educational latv strict, and your criminal ones may he gentle ; 
 but leave youth its liberty and you will have to dig dungeons for age. And 
 it is good for a man that he ' wear the yoke in his youth ' ; for the reins 
 may then be of silken thread and with sweet chime of silver bells at the bridle ; 
 but for the captivity of age you viust forge the iron fetters and cast the 2mss- 
 ing bell." — [Ruskin, Munera Ptdveris.] 
 
 After the manner of the school teacher let me recapitulate the 
 modifications I would make in the Bill. 
 
 1. The Education Committee should be composed as to a majority 
 of its merabers, of members of the Municipal Council. 
 
 2. It should transact all its ordinary business in public, and 
 report its proceedings from time to time to the Local Education 
 Authority. 
 
 3. It should have a veto over the dismissal as well as the ap- 
 pointment of the teacher : should veto compulsory extraneous tasks 
 being thrust upon the teacher by the managers : and should institute, 
 scales of salaries to be paid in all publicly-aided schools.
 
 HOW THE BHiL MIGHT BE IMPEOVED 33 
 
 4. In the County Boroughs option should be given to the locality 
 to continue its directly elected School Board — reinstated in the 
 position aw^e-Cockerton — as the authority for all Elementary Edu- 
 cation, a Joint Committee of the School Board and the Municipal 
 Council being the authority for Higher Education. (This ad- 
 mittedly cuts across the symmetry of the " one-authority " scheme 
 of the Bill ; but it is probably as far as we can go in respect of 
 these great centres in one Session of Parliament.) 
 
 5. There should be no limit of Eate for Higher Education and 
 no veto by the Local Government Board. Both for Elementary 
 and Higher Education Exchequer grants should be much more 
 generously made than at present. There should be a fixed propor- 
 tion of the one to the other, the local rate being called on to bear 
 not more than a fourth of the entire cost of Public Education. 
 
 6. The proposal to confer autonomy on the smaller urban areas 
 should be withdrawn. 
 
 7. There should be a " Conscience Clause " in all institutions of 
 any kind aided by public funds whether central or local. 
 
 8. Admission to all publicly-aided Training Colleges for teachers 
 should be determined by educational merit, and preference should 
 not be given to the members of any particular denomination. 
 
 9. The number of Local Managers should never be less than five 
 in any particular group. 
 
 10. The principles of the Necessitous School Boards' Act of 1897 
 should apply in respect of all expenditures by Local Authorities on 
 account of their Elementary Schools. (This involves a highly 
 technical point ; but I may shortly say that its application would 
 in many cases materially relieve the local ratepayers by increasing 
 the proportion of Exchequer grant receivable.) 
 
 11. Whilst allowing the Local Authority free power to adopt 
 the curricula of the Elementary Schools to the needs of the locality 
 and the habits of the parents, the standard should never be per- 
 mitted to fall below a statutorily prescribed standard, say that of 
 the Whitehall Code for 1901, and this standard should be periodi- 
 cally reviewed by Parliament. 
 
 12. The question of the provision of new schools should be 
 decided as in the past by the test as to whether or not the locality 
 can show a deficiency of school places for the number of children 
 of the Elementary School age and class scheduled. 
 
 13. The prescription that children of fifteen years of age and 
 
 I
 
 34 THE EDUCATION BILL 
 
 over shall not remain in Elementary Schools should be struck out : 
 so also should the definition that all Night School work shall be 
 considered to be Higher Education according to the definition of 
 the Act. 
 
 14. Eeligious instruction in the Local Authority Schools should 
 be undenominational and under the " Conscience Clause " ; but 
 facilities should be offered to any parents desirous of securing some 
 other form of religious instruction ; these facilities should enable 
 the child to absent itself from school — for the purpose of receiving 
 religious instruction elsewhere — until the commencement of the 
 secular teaching. 
 
 15. Eeligious instruction in the present Denominational Schools 
 should be undenominational on Monday, Tuesday, Thursday and 
 Friday in each week. On Wednesday in each week the instruction 
 should be denominational for the children of such parents as have 
 preferred a request that it shall be so, the whole to be here or 
 elsewhere subject to the " Conscience Clause." 
 
 These fifteen emendations would, in my opinion, vastly improve 
 the Bill as an educational instrument and would certainly facilitate 
 its passing through the Houses of Parliament. 
 
 W. Jolly & Sons, Albany Press, Aberdeen.
 
 (FOUNDED 1555). 
 
 ORESHAM'S 
 
 ^ 5CH00U 
 
 Holt, Norfolk. 
 
 HEADMASTER : 
 
 G. W. S. HOWSON, M.A. 
 
 (Late of Uppingham School). 
 
 Three miles from the sea and close to Sheringham and 
 
 Cromer. The soil is gravel on chalk. Entirely 
 
 new drainage. 
 
 GOVERNORS : 
 
 THE FISHMONGERS' COMPANY AND COUNTY 
 AND LOCAL REPRESENTATIVES. 
 
 Class Rooms, Laboratories, and Workshops are in course of 
 
 erection at an estimated expenditure of £40,000. 
 
 Highest inclusive fees, £57 per annum. 
 
 Science and modern languages taught throughout the school. 
 
 Yearly leaving Exhibitions of £60 per annum for three years. 
 
 Army and Navy Classes. 
 
 For further particulars address the Headmaster.
 
 EYESTRAIN. 
 
 AITCHISON'S 
 
 RELIEVE TIRED EYES. 
 
 The SUN, April 21st, 1898, iu an article on Defective Eyesight, says : 
 Mr. AITCHISON'S sj-stem of sight testing is undoubtedly the 
 most perfect in existence." 
 
 Mr. AITCHISON adapts Spectacles and Eyeglasses in the mo-st scientifio 
 manner to correct nearly all defects of vision. Prices strictly 
 moderate. 
 
 ♦* HINTS ON EYESIGHT," a pamphlet, post free. 
 
 YOU CANNOT AFFORD 
 
 TO NEGLECT YOUR EYESIGHT, 
 
 Even if the defect of vision is only trifling it ahoiild b« 
 corrected. The eyesight can be preurved, and in most 
 esses prevented from getting worse. Mr. Aitchison's 
 system of Sight Testing is the most perfect in existence, 
 the eyes being examined carefullj' in every instance, and 
 the amount of the defect accurately mea.-5med. 
 
 Spectacles^ Eyeglasses, and Artificial Eyes 
 
 AT M05T .MODERATe PRICKS. 
 
 AITCHISON & CO., 
 
 OPTICIANS 
 to H.M. Qovernment 
 
 46, FENCHURCH ST.; 
 14, NEWGATE ST. ; 
 
 6, POULTRY; 4^ g o o 
 
 428, STRAND; ^'^^O • 
 
 47, FLEET ST., 4*57% ^m 
 
 LONDON.
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY 
 
 Los Angeles 
 
 This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. 
 
 ;am 9 A ic^ffH 
 
 SB III O 
 
 'Z 
 
 iiSr^- 
 
 LO: 
 
 Utt 
 
 ^t P ; . 
 
 ^ %5 
 
 FormLQ — 15m-10,'48(Bl039)444 
 
 UiNl V i^^SlTY OP CALIFORNtj 
 
 AT 
 
 LOS ANGELES 
 
 LIBRARY
 
 LB Jilacnamara - 
 -2531 — the education- 
 1902 bill. 
 
 :3fi 
 
 eatcli Library 
 
 ^bS" 1902 .^A23e 
 
 L 009 560 028 ^ 
 
 LB 
 
 2581 
 
 1902 
 
 M239
 
 ..^V-^^"^'"" V. -^1 
 
 
 i. 
 
 ^^: 
 
 
 
 ' '/ 
 
 
 
 
 V ., 
 
 X^K**"