ILCHESTER LECTURES COMPARATIVE LEXICOGRAPHY TBaUantpnt -£>res« BALL ANT YNE, HANSON AND CO. EDINBURGH AND l.ONDOM »la\)tc anti 3Lattn. ILCHESTER LECTURES COMPARATIVE LEXK 'OGRAPHY DIX1VEKKH AT THE TAYLOR INSTITUTION, OXFORD. CARL ABEL, Ph.D. C LONDON": T I; U B N K R & CO'., LUDCf A TK II I L L 1883. [All rights reserved, j ^ -TsSSSa- PREFACE. Delivered before the Uuiversity of Oxford, these Lectures were intended to serve a double object, Whilst discussing some points of Slavic and Latin philology, I aimed at illustrating Comparative Lexicography, a sister science of Comparative Grammar, whose formation and uses I have re- peatedly endeavoured to advocate. A brief account of the existing discrepancy between the two Russian races and languages opens the book. Of the lexicological details given, and the conceptual estimates taken in these intro- ductory chapters, it may be fairly said that they are an attempt at tilling virgin soil. An inquiry into Russian, Polish, and Latin synonyms follows. The comparative dissection of a few vocables, indicative of Liberty and Society notions, besides analysing the Slavic mind with the help of the language-test, will, it is hoped, sufficiently demonstrate the method adopted. It cannot be too emphatically asserted, that, on being properly investigated, the words, forms, and con- vi PREFACE. structions of every language are found to display a comprehensive view of the universe, its things, qualities, and transactions, as conceived by each nation after its own peculiar fashion and style. To complete the systematic analysis of the dic- tionary, it should, therefore, be supplemented by a corresponding inquiry into grammar, the scrutiny of each verbal notion under conceptual categories being coupled with the examination of synonymous grammatical forms and constructions. It is by studying grammar exclusively according to parts of speech — at once the most abstract and least instructive method, though the one most indi- spensable for acquiring rudiments — that we are apt to lose sight of the connection existing between ideas expressed by inflexion, and the same concepts as conveyed in independent words. As regards the etymologies cited, the reader, .should he wish to follow up the subject beyond the details given in the concluding chapter, is referred to the author's Linguistic Essays and Coptic Researches. Oxford, February 15, 1883. CONTENTS. PAGE I. THE SLAVIFICATIOX OF THE FINNISH AREA . . I II. THE TWO RUSSIAN LANGUAGES . . . . . 29 III. THE RUSSIAN LINGUISTIC CONCEPTION OF ' GENTLEMAN ' AND ' NOBLEMAN ' 59 IV. THE LINGUISTIC CONCEPTION OF LIBERTY IN RUSSIAN AND POLISH AS COMPARED WITH LATIN . . 87 V. EGYPTIAN INVERSION . . . . . . 117 I. THE SLA VIFICA TION OF THE FINNISH AREA. I. There are parts of the earth, uniform on the sur- face, but concealing a multitude of divers strata disposed at a small depth from the monotonous crust. Wherever the deeper layers are covered with alluvial and diluvial deposits, the surface is rendered homogeneous, while the subsoil retains all its original diversity. As in geology, so it is in ethnology. Not to speak of uncivilised or semi- civilised races inhabiting remote quarters of the globe, nearly all European nations include a variety of heterogeneous elements with their former or actual differences hidden from view by fortuitous identity of language. This remark applies equally to all the principal nationalities of the Continent. Everywhere foreign ingredients have been politically annexed, and lin- guistically embodied, by physical or intellectual force. Spain, chiefly Arabic in the south, Teuton in the centre, Celtic and Basque in north and east, is nevertheless outwardly Spanish everywhere. France, Eoman in the south, Celtic in the centre and west, and Teutonic in considerable portions of the north and north-east, is yet very French 4 THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. throughout. Germany, with a purely Teutonic north-west, combines a strong Celtic alloy in the musical and imaginative south, and a consider- able Slavonic and Lithuanian admixture in the frigid and reasoning north-east. Yet the one speech of Fatherland is uniformly heard in all these various regions. Neither are the Slav nationalities less diversified. Of the southern Slavs, the Serbs and Croats are pre-eminently Slav ; but the Bosnian is semi-Turk, the Montenegrin and Dalmatian is at least half Albanian, and the Bulgar is a Finno- Tatar, and a comparatively recent immigrant from the Ural mountains. Despite their dissimilar origin, however, Serbs, Croats, Bosnians, Dalmatians and Montenegrins speak apparently the same tongue, and the Bulgarian sister dialect closely approxi- mates the others of the same geographical group. Farther north the Bohemian Czech has swallowed up not a few Germans, tinging his speech with Teutonic idioms. The Pole, too, adds various foreign elements to his primary Slavonic stock. Danes, Germans, and Turk- Tatars are with tolerable distinctness traced as conquerors, who formed the Poles into the first commonwealth they ever pos- sessed. In Eussia the medley is quite as great. In that country the majority of the people are actually not of the descent popularly understood to be indicated by their name. Slavs and Slavdom being nowadays so much identified with the mighty THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. 5 name of Rus, this part of our subject would seem to call for a few elucidatory remarks, even were it not intimately connected with the linguistic inquiry in hand. When Kurik the Swede, towards the end of the ninth century, occupied North-Western Russia from the Baltic to Novgorod and Tver, the people he subjected to his rule were Slavs, seemingly without government, and easily reduced to obedience by the bold and imperious Northmen. Eurik's heir pene- trated as far south as KiefT ; while his later succes- sors, in less than a century's time, annexed the far- stretching eastern lands down to the river Oka and the ancient town of Susdal. The eastern lands thus added were entirely distinct from the western or Slavonic possessions of the Rurikian dynasty, being Finno-Tataric in point of race and speech ; * but the diversity of the subject elements was hidden under the identity of the ruling nation. Swedes in those days calling themselves Rothrmen, ?'.e., Ruddermen, or sailors,t the common appellation of Rothr, * The term Finns is used throughout as a generic appellation of the most westernly branch of the great Finno-Tataric-Mongolian family of speech. + The inhabitants of the Oestergotland and Upland shores were for- merly called Rods-karlar, ' rudder-men,' just as the Norwegian fishermen go to this day by the name of 'Rods-folk' or 'Ross-folk.' Hence 'Ruotsi,' the appellation given to the Swedes by their Finnish neighbours on the opposite shore, and 'Rus,' as pronounced by the Slavs. Cf. Rydquist, ' Svenska Sprakets Lagar ; ' Aasen, 'Norsk Ordbog;' Wiede- mann, ' Estnisches Worterbuch ; ' Thomsen, ' Relations between Ancient Russia and Scandinavia ; ' Ralston, 'Early Russian History.' 6 THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. Ruothr, Roth, Ruth, was indiscriminately be- stowed upon the entire extent of their dominion, no matter whether the inhabitants were Slavs or Finns. This is the origin of the promiscuous denomination of two distinct and, in historical times, altogether unrelated races by the name of a third, foreign to both. Still the foreign name did not attain equal prevalence in both sections of the Rurikian Empire. The Slavic portion of the Ruri- kian territory, indeed, was uniformly called Russ since the ninth century ; but the Finnic division, which soon became politically separated from it, and probably never received more than a moiety of Swedish immigrants, for six centuries after the conquest went chiefly, and indeed almost exclu- sively, by the more ancient and indigenous names of Susdal and Muscovy. Not until 250 years ago, Muscovy, still more than half Finnic at that time, adopted the appellation of Rus for good. Having just then conquered from the Poles a portion of the Slavic country, to which the name more properly belonged, Muscovy thought it as well to announce her accession to the western community by dropping her Finnic designation, and taking that of the more European and more civilised race. Besides rendering her European, the style and title of Rus gave Mus- covy an apparent right to fresh conquest in the same desirable quarter. With half the Ukraine taken from Poland and the title of a Russian THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. 7 Grand Prince finally appropriated by the ruler of Muscovy, the wish to absorb the Southern Slav seemed to acquire the dignity of a legitimate dynas- tic claim. In this, it need hardly be said, Eussia did neither more nor worse than every other power in those conquering days thought itself entitled to do. The change of name was productive of charac- teristic consequences. Directly their Finnic and semi-Finnic neighbours began to don the name of Eus in preference to previous indigenous appella- tions, the Eussians of Slavic descent, by whom the coveted epithet had been formerly all but mono- polised, thought it necessary to mark their diver- sity from their new Finno-Tataric namesakes by pointedly calling themselves Slavic Eussians. Up to that time they had, as a rule, contented them- selves with the unqualified name of Eussians. This reaction of the Muscovite change of name upon the designation of the Kieff Slavo-Eussian people is curiously illustrated by the titles of the two oldest Slavo-Eussian dictionaries extant. The first dic- tionary, by Lawrence Sisan, printed at Vilna in 1596, calls the language 'prosti Euski dialect,' which means ' the Eussiau vernacular.' Thirty years later, upon a new dictionary being published at Kieff by Berinda, the author deemed it indis- pensable to describe his language on the title-page as Slaveno-Eosski, i.e., Slavo-Eussic, in contradis- 8 THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. t motion to the Finno-Kussian speech prevailing at Moscow. The significant discrimination made is confirmed by a corresponding procedure on the part of the Muscovites themselves. When appropriating the ethnographic title of their west- ern neighbours and recent subjects, the Musco- vites did not take it over in its exact form and shape, but significantly altered its mould and general appearance. Slavic Russia always called herself simply Rus ; but the princes of the Finnic territory, on espousing the new epithet, adorned it with the classical and eminently European termi- nation of ia. What was Rus at KiefT, with a Latin tinge became Russia (Rossiya) at Moscow. Probably the wish to approximate culture by a classical name, and the policy of displaying independence by a dis- tinct appellation, equally contributed to cause Musco- vites to change Russ into Russia when dropping their more ancient Finnish patronymic. The political bearing of this cognominal metamorphosis may be traced down to the present day. The reunion of semi-Finnic Muscovy with a portion of Slavic Rus- sia 250 years ago gave the signal for adopting the denomination of Russ : the more novel plan to es- tablish Russian hegemony over all Slavs has lately encouraged Muscovite politicians to claim absolute Slavonic descent, — a pretension not at all included in the original appropriation of the style and title of Russ. THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. 9 There is ample indigenous and foreign proof of the national diversity between the two sections of the Eussian Empire since the beginning of their recorded history. In the eleventh and twelfth cen- turies the Rurikian dominion, divided into a number of independent and semi-independent principalities, extended about 700 miles north and south, and 600 miles east and west, comprising about one-fourth of the present area of European Russia. From Nestor, the earliest Russian historiographer, who penned his important chronicles towards the end of the eleventh century, we learn, that at least one-fourth of this original empire, including the principalities of Sus- dal, Vladimir, and Moscow, was Finnic, not Slavic, in speech. A missionary, scholar, and historian, Nestor carefully separates the Turanic people of Moscow from the Aryans of Kieff, and expressly points out the linguistic diversity of the two. The Nishni Novgorod Chronicler likewise calls the abo- riginals of his province 'Finnish heathens.' Six hundred years later, i.e., towards the end of the seventeenth century, barely two hundred years ago, the German traveller Olearius found the eastern portions of Moscow and Susdal still Finnic in speech. The fact is the more notable, as Kutko Khan, the last Finno-Tataric ruler of Mos- cow and Susdal, was dethroned by Ivan Dolgoruki, a member of the Rurikian family, full five hundred years before Olearius visited those parts. Five io THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. hundred years of Rurikian rule, then, had not suf- ficed to Slavify Moscow. Towards the middle of the eighteenth century, L'AbbeChappe d'Auteroche, senl to explore Eussia in behalf of the French Government, noted in his diaries the same radical dissimilarity between Slav and Muscovite. It was only in the reign of the Empress Elizabeth Petrovna (1741-1762) that the Mordva Finns of Nishni Novgorod, Simbirsk, Samara, Pensa, Saratoff, Kasan, and Astrakhan were forced to adopt Christianity — a ceremony which did not prevent their adhering to pagan rites and foreign dialects till thirty or forty years ago. The slow progress of Slavification is accounted for by a variety of geographical and political cir- cumstances. Extending from Novgorod to Mus- covy, and farther east across the low ridges of the Ural, the Finno-Tatar expanse was too large to be easily dotted with Slavonic settlements. When the Mongol territory was annexed, being a perfect wilderness of immense extent, it presented another obstruction to the progress of Slavonic speech. There were constantly fresh arrivals from Siberia, too ; while, owing to the long political division separating the Eastern from the Western, the Finnic from the Slavonic principalities of the Rurikian dynasty, comparatively few Slavs (ac- cording to Karamsin and other historians) ever emigrated to the Turanic lands. Neither should THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA, n it be overlooked, that the Mongol inroad under Gingiskhan, though it overran, at the same time strengthened, the cognate Finno - Tatar element indigenous in the Eastern territories. In a paper upon Eussian literature in the fourteenth century, the famous philologist Bouslayeff calls Eurikian Moscow a semi-Tatar camp, which made war upon Novgorod, Pskoff, Tver, and the north - western Slavs generally in the Mongol interest and with Mongol help. In point of fact, it was this semi- Tataric character which procured Muscovy the countenance of the pure and unmitigated Tatar, i.e., the Mongol, and at the time of the Khanish suze- rainty, enabled her to begin the subjugation of the neighbouring Slav, whose speech and name she subsequently proclaimed as her own. Thus strengthened in her Finno-Tataric proclivities even after she had turned the tables upon the common suzerain, and, with the help of the Slav, whom the Mongol permitted her to annex, had defeated and partially annexed the Mongol himself, Muscovy kept her ancient speech. Like many Asiatic tribes, Finno-Tatars indeed possess a wonderful facility in acquiring foreign tongues — a facility which, to a modem European, is next to unintelligible. Not- withstanding, however, this ready aptitude for lin- guistic denationalisation, which could hardly occur if old ideas were cherished and new ones appreciated in the way they are farther west, the antagonistic 12 THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. agencies enumerated strongly asserted themselves until within recent times. Accordingly, Finns, Tatars, and Mongols required a thousand years in the old Rurikian territory, and about half as much in the lands annexed since the overthrow of the Khanates, to attain their present state of more or less advanced Slavification. Pas- sive recipients of everything foreign as they always have been, the Finns, Tatars, and Mongols of Euro- pean Russia even now largely use their own idiom conjointly with Slav. To this day East Vladimir, the province east of Moscow, and the centre of old Susdal, knows its own Mordva dialect by the side of Slav. Nay, all over the more northern and eastern sections of the ancient Finnish and Tatar area, though the upper classes are Slav in speech, there remain millions of villagers and nomads with a Slavonic smattering and a marked partiality for Turanian word and phrase. As there are only some four hundred towns in the late Finno-Tatar territory, their Russian aspect, accordingly, neither mitigates nor disproves the Turanian descent of the immense majority of the rustics. In many parts the original tribal names of the Finno-Tataric race, Mer, Mordva, Tcheremiss, Tchuwasch, Votyak, Siryan, Teruchan, Karatai, Vogul, Baskhir, Pet- scheneg, &c, are still remembered and in use. The very capital of Moscow derives its name from the Moshka tribe, a subdivision of the Mordva. In THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. 13 European Russia the total of this wholly or partially Slavified Finno-Tataric population to-day is calcu- lated at 40,000,000 against only 15,000,000 of pure Russo-Slavonic origin. The political events which contributed to deepen the original national discrepancy between Finno- Russian and Slavo-Russian cannot be too much dwelt upon. In the thirteenth century the semi- Slavified Finns of Muscovy, who had long been struggling with the Polovtsi and other unmitigated Turanians of the southern and eastern area, were absolutely overrun by the Mongolian Tatars, who ruled the country for two hundred years. During these terrible two hundred years, and the hardly less barbarous two hundred years immediately suc- ceeding Mongol rule, Muscovite civilisation, what there had been of it, was tatarised. When revived by Peter the Great, it became European and cosmo- politan, with a decided German and rationalistic tinge. Politically and intellectually the fate of the Slavic Russians w T as very different. Though like- wise suffering from Mongol raids, the Slavic Russians from 1320 to 1680 mainly obeyed Lithuano-Polish masters, who kept them comparatively free from the Turanian scourge, gave them an upper class, converted numbers to the Roman Church, and im- pregnated their first essays in literary culture with the spirit and the doctrines of the Papal religion. In fact, it was only in consequence of the Poles 14 THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. attempting to force Catholicism upon the southern- most Russian Slavs, that, going over to the Musco- vites, the Ukraine Cossacks paved the way for the subsequent conquest of Slavic Russia by Catherine II. Muscovy's gain in the first division of Poland, broadly speaking, was the annexation of Slavonic Russia by Finno-Tataric Russia, from which it had been estranged since the early days of the Rurikian conquest. Civilisatory despotism in those days forming the Muscovites into powerful armies, while the aristocratic republic of Poland fell a prey to anarchy, the ruin of the weaker, though certainly not the less ambitious state, was rapidly decided in an era of resolute dynastic aggrandisement. So very heterogeneous are the origin, the history, and the culture of the Slavo-Russians and the Finno-Tataric Russians. Down to the time of Peter the Great, the Finno-Russians never dreamt of concealing the Turanic origin of their race. Only after Peter began to Europeanise his Musco- vites, the notion that they had numerous relations living in Siberia and other Asiatic lands was officially tabooed. Official St. Petersburg in those un- scientific days had not realised the fact that all Europeans are in reality Asiatics, and that the Finns, so far from being the latest, are, on the contrary, the earliest arrivals from the East in these western lands. So the idea of an Asiatic origin was very unnecessarily abhorred and put down with the THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. 15 strong hand. Dr. Miiller, one of the German scholars summoned to form an Academy of Science in bran-new St. Petersburg, in 1749 published a book entitled ' Origin es Gentis et Nominis Eussorum.' In this creditable performance the worthy man, gratefully called to this day the father of Eussian historiography, plainly demon- strated the non-Slavonic extraction of the Mus- covites. His arguments were repeated, apparently without any inkling that he might be giving offence, by M. Trediakovski, the perpetual Secre- tary of the new Academy. Upon hearing of these erudite asseverations, the Empress Elizabeth, the daughter and third successor of Peter the Great, was highly incensed, and immediately resolved upon a most striking description of criticism. Tre- diakovski was soundly flogged. In fact, he got a painful hundred for his unpalatable ethnography. Mtiller, being a foreigner in a land which wanted and honoured foreigners in those civilisatory days, had to be dealt with more leniently. The unlucky investigator was consigned to durance vile until he should consent to recant. As the man was too much of a scholar to like the idea of retracting the outcome of conscientious research, the Empress, by way of compromise, adroitly proposed that the in- discreet doctor should acknowledge the Muscovites to be the lineal descendants of the Eoxolans, a people of doubtful nationality on the Sea of 1 6 THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. Azoff, mentioned by classical writers as fighting Mithridates in days of yore. Midler, like every- body else, not having the least notion who and what the Roxolans really were, in the sorry plight in which he found himself did not object to regard them as Russians for the nonce. So by an admis- sion which involved no absolute untruth he hap- pily got out of jail at last. Twenty years after this forcible emendation of history, the Empress Catherine the Great stoutly confirmed her pre- decessor's verdict. Again it was an unfortun- ate German scholar whose literary zeal irritated Majesty. Professor Stritter, a member of the St. Petersburg Academy, in a book published in 1791, ' Populi Antiquae Russise,' boldly repeated the Finno-Tatar unpleasantness. Catherine having so long been a zealous and most generous protectress of scientific research, the naive savant thought him- self at liberty to proclaim what he regarded as an incontrovertible fact. But the Empress speedily disillusioned the confident antiquary. Though herself a German, the daughter of an Ascanian prince and Prussian general, the Czarina in this emergency promptly took the field for the Slavic theory against Teuton research. In a paper of instructions to the Russian Schoolbook Depart- ment, Catherine forthwith inserted the memorable words : ' Though the Russians and Slavs are not of the same origin, there is no ill-will between THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. 17 them. It would be a scandal to admit Mr. Strit- ter's opinion that the Eussians are Finns. The horror felt at the idea by us all is the best proof that we can have nothing in common with the Finns.' * The better to inculcate her own view of the matter, Catherine subsequently issued a ukase commanding Muscovites to be Europeans. It was with reference to this extraordinary document that Mirabeau, in his 'Liberte de l'Escaut' indulged in the pert though ethnographically untenable re- mark, ' Les Eusses ne sont Europeens, qu'en vertu d'une definition declaratoire de leur souveraine.' Could he have foreseen the discoveries of modern philology, Mirabeau would not have ventured upon the cutting observation. Albeit partially Finns, the Eussians to-day are known to be quite as much European as anybody else, considering that we have all been discovered to be Asiatics by descent. Truth will out. However much deprecated by their Government in those early and comparatively igno- rant days, the mixed descent of the Muscovite Eussians has been subsequently admitted by almost all the leading writers on Muscovite history, most of them Eussians and Slavs. Schlozer, Schnitzler, Schafarik, Soloviev, Saveliev, Karamsin, Pagodine, Castren, all or nearly all of them dis- tinguished members of the St. Petersburg Academy, * Reprinted in the ' Journal de l'Instruction Publique de l'Empire Russe,' Janvier, 1835. B iS THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. arc pretty much in accord upon this pregnant point. Only ten years ago, the famous Kostoma- roff published a learned essay entitled, ' Dve Russkiya Narodnosti,' Anglice, ' The Two Prussian Nationalities,' in which some of the realities of the case were set forth with much historical and lin- guistic acumen. Indeed, whatever assertions to the contrary may have been advanced by politicians in the interest of Russian hegemony over the Slav, Russian scholars have never been remiss in acknowledging the conclusive character of the Turanic descent evidence handed down by his- tory. And why should they have acted otherwise ? With so many strong points to give their national character worth and weight, the Muscovite race have no occasion to conceal the elements that have combined to produce them. If neither genuine nor unalloyed Slavs, Muscovites, with all their short- comings, are yet clever, enterprising, enduring, courageous, and, as all the world is aware, have been eminently successful in very many respects. No- thin^ could be more erroneous than to regard the Muscovite or Finno-Tataric ingredient of the Rus- sian Empire in its present Slavified aspect as inferior to the western or more purely Slavonic portion of the population. Though the two ele- ments differ, either contains highly remarkable traits in its national character. THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. 19 The Slavo-Eussian — to-day called Little Russian,* because his country constitutes only one-fourth of the entire extent of European Eussia — is a sensi- tive, excitable, and musical being, essentially seden- tary, agricultural, and domestic. The Slavified Finno-Tatar, on the other hand, formerly called Muscovite, and to-day known as Great Russian, because his race extends over three - fourths of European Russia, is a clever, cold-blooded, calcu- lating individual, who dislikes a settled life, varies agriculture with many an itinerant trade, and dearly loves to rove about as a pedlar or wandering mechanic, with the morrow's bread as uncertain as the road he treads in the pathless steppe. The Slavo-Russian marries for love ; the Finno-Russian is married by his father, with the assistance of the mediating priest. The priest frequently acts as a paid agent, and the father and the priest, in estimating feminine worth, prefer bones that will stand labour to beauty that is only skin-deep. Slavo-Russian family life habitually displays tender- ness and mutual consideration and care ; in Finno- Russia the rustic wife and children are obliged to slave for the master of the house, and the sons remaining under the same roof with the father, even when married, the sons' wives too are subject * The names of Great and Little Russia occur for the first time in the Treaty of Pereyaslav, concluded 1654 between the Grand-Duke Alexius of Muscovy and Bogdan Chmelnicki, to enact the incorporation of a portion of the Ukraine. See concluding note of this chapter. 20 THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. to the dictation of the domestic patriarch. But while the Slavo-Eussian is impressible and apt to waver and fret, the Finno-Eussian is sturdy, con- fidentj and adventurous ; while the Slav sings, the Finno-Muscovite is either silent or indulges in caustical philosophy ; while the one glories in in- numerable ditties and ballads, the other, besides retaining the epical talent of the Finn, boasts the possession of some ten thousand proverbs, most of them shrewd and pointed, though many of them pessimistic and ill-natured. In the Finn the Slav's feeling is replaced by reasoning power ; imagination by plain common-sense ; amiable weakness by rough, stern strength. But for the distinctive charac- teristics of her Muscovite ingredient, Eussia would never have attained the might she possesses. Owing to their innate diversity, there is little love lost between the two Eussian races. The Slav dubs the Muscovite 'Katsap,' a term implying something harsh, rough, and at the same time over-politic ; the Muscovite, on his part, compli- ments the Slav as ' Kkokhol,' meaning to denounce him as irresolute, weak, and sly. The Slav every now and then complains that he has been forced by the Muscovites to relinquish the Uniate-Eomanist creed, which he accepted under Polish rule, and re- embrace Oriental orthodoxy, from which he was alienated centuries ago. The Slav occasionally grumbles at being placed under Muscovite officials, THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. 21 with no sympathy for his sensitive temper, and no pity for his grievances and griefs. Last, not least, the Slav deplores that his language is officially tabooed, and may not even be put into print. This is a sore point. In the centuries marking the advent of culture to those parts, Slavic Russian, as a literary language, was stifled by Polish, the idiom of the then owners of the land ; at present, when Slavic Russia is the property of Finno-Russia, the linguistic eclipse of the inhabitants continues, though it emanates from a different quarter. Finno- Russian being, by the dominating race, declared the official and literary tongue of the empire, Slavic Russian, or, to use modern phraseology, Little Russian, has only at times been allowed to be printed at all. In the liberal period which in- augurated the era of Alexander II., the sunshine of freedom was shed upon Kieff, as upon every other part of the Empire. Being licensed for print, the Little Russian language in those days rapidly produced a promising historical and religious litera- ture. In that halcyon epoch of Russian liberalism, Little Russian literature witnessed a perfect revival, and attracted considerable attention at home and abroad. Not a few of its productions were actually translated, or recommended for translation, into Great Russian. Books of sweet and passionate poetry abounded. Popular songs and tales, the phantastic heirlooms of a wildly imaginative race, 22 THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. were numerously collected. Historical, linguistic, and philological inquiries displayed a noble par- tiality for patriotic and erudite research. But the fates, which had so long obstructed its growth, speedily reasserted their unpropitious influence upon Little Russian literature. In the interest of national unity and Muscovite predominance, the independent literary resurrection of Little Russia was promptly put a stop to by the vigorous states- men of St. Petersburg. The Slavic or Little Russians showing in their books and papers a decided inclination to assert a distinct nationality and to accentuate their dissimilarity to the Musco- vites, the movement had to be stayed, and accord- ingly was stayed with a will. In 1859, in the first blush of the liberal era, M. Lavrovski had been actually permitted to discuss the independent nationality and speech of the Little Russians in the official reports of the Ministry of Public In- struction ; in 1876, fifteen years later, Little or Slavonic Russian, the language from which the Great or Finno-Russian is mainly derived, was ab- solutely interdicted by Imperial decree. Since then Little or Slavonic Russian may not, as a rule, be printed. Indeed, it may hardly be read or spoken either, except by scholars or boors. Excluded from church, school, and court, it is equally prohibited in the theatre, the concert-room, and the editorial office. For private persons it is scarcely safe to THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. 23 possess copies of the literature licensed in preceding reigns; while what little instruction is imparted in elementary schools is impaired by its delivery to peasant children in a semi-foreign vernacular. For an estranged tongue to the Little Russian the Great Russian idiom has gradually become. Though chiefly of Little Russian descent, the Great Russian speech, as we shall have no difficulty in ascertaining, is very considerably altered from its original type. As yet, however, the official veto has not suc- ceeded in silencing the Slavo-Russian tongue. Pro- hibited in Russia, the ancient idiom is still put into type by Little Russians inhabiting the eastern districts of the Austrian province of Galicia, com- monly called Ruthenes or Russinians. What is even more remarkable, the Great Russians actually assist in Galicia what they suppress in Russia. Unable to put an end to Little Russian literature on Austrian soil, the Great Russians have made a vir- tue of necessity, and positively subsidise on Haps- burg territory what they exterminate on their own. Divers reasons account for this peculiar policy. By helping him to accentuate his separate nationality, the Russinian peasant in Galicia is pitted against his Polish landlord. He is drawn, too, from the Romanist to the Orthodox Establishment, and he is taught the Muscovite tongue while he is seemingly treated to his own. The Russinian speech employed in subsidised Galician prints is mostly an artificial product made 24 THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. to order by the writers, very nearly approximating the Great Russian in words, and wholly so in feeling. Thus the idiom persecuted in Russia, where it opposes Great Russian, is fostered, and at the same time Muscovitised, by the Great Russians themselves in Austria, being there administered as an antidote against Polonism, Romanism, and Hapsburg rule. The struggle between subsidised Russinianism and the Austro-Polish authorities rages fiercely, and every now and then produces strange results. Only a few months ago the Russinian subsidised press in Austria figured largely in a trial for high treason which came off at Lemberg, the capital of Galicia. The prisoners, mostly Austro-Russinian journalists and priests, were charged with the design to betray their sovereign, and hand over Austrian-Russinia to Russia. They were certainly proved to have received money from St. Petersburg; and as leading personages of the St. Petersburg capital were introduced by name in the official acte iV accusation, the scene was as sensational as it was painful. Though the punishments inflicted were lenient, the proceedings mark a period, in the history of the race. By way of significant epilogue to the trial, the Pope has just deposed the Uniate bishop who countenanced these intrigues, and excommunicated a priest who fostered them. As might have been foreseen, the priest, immediately upon excommunication, embraced Orthodoxy, and THE SLAVIFICATION OF THE FINNISH AREA. 25 addressed a violent letter to the Pope, in which he claimed the Slav, body and soul, for the Czar. The chequered destinies of the Little Kussian race are shown in the fact that the priest so signally punished for Muscovitism in 1882, in 1874 achieved notoriety by his loyal devotion to the Austrian Emperor, who protected his countrymen from the Poles. The Polish ascendancy which has since supervened in Galicia has lately reconciled the Little Russians of Austria to the Great Rus- sians, however dissatisfied the Little Russians of Russia may, every now and then, be with their fate. Jammed in between Poles and Great Rus- sians, the Little Russians have ever found it diffi- cult to assert themselves, and are apt to appeal alternately from one neighbour to the other.* A very different sort of Little Russian literature is produced at Geneva by refugees from Little Russian districts under Great Russian control. Successors of the Ukrainophil poets and politicians, who penned their glowing effusions under Nicholas I. and Alexander II., the gentlemen who have been lately publishing Russinian books, pamphlets, and periodicals on the distant soil of Switzerland aim * In 1770 the Little Russian Cossacks rebelled against the oppression of the Poles. When the Poles failed to suppress the revolt, the Great Russians, finding their own territory threatened, interfered, and by a ruse captured the insurgent chief Gonta, and 8000 men. These 8000 prisoners Field-Marshal Eomanzoff handed over to the Poles, who distri- buted them for execution over their various provinces, when each town killed its ,' like the English ' hand- some,' may be fittingly ascribed to persons that have nothing personally attractive about them ; whilst the English ' nice,' a peculiarly generous vocable, lends itself to be predicated of a good many people wdio would not be awarded similar praise by its Latin prototype ' nitidus.' Again, in Latin we discover the verb ' transmittere ' to embrace the several meanings of ' transmit, transfer, cede, intrust, dedicate, perforate, pass, pass by, throw across, live through, live down,' all of wdiich, in English, have to be rendered singly by their respective equivalents. Greek has its ' Xoyl^ecOai ' in the cumulated sense of ' to cypher, OF 'GENTLEMAN' AND 'NOBLEMAN.' 63 calculate, sum up, add, attribute, meditate, con- sider, judge, and infer.' The German ' scheinen ' unites the notions of ' to shine,' and ' to seem ; ' the Russian ' slagaty ' combines the ideas of ' to add ' and to ' wrap up ; ' and the Egyptian ' sem, setem,' is tantamount to both ' hear ' and ' listen.' Compar- ing the foreign words enumerated with their nearest English equivalents, we have no difficulty in notic- ing the inherent discrepancy of meaning which separates original and translation. In some cases, Latin cannot be accurately rendered at all, there being no word found in English with exactly the same conceptual ingredients. In other instances, where the same ingredients are forthcoming in both languages, they occur in different proportions, and accordingly impart different hues to their rejDre- sentative compound in either. In both cases, the notions compared have been differently viewed by the men who formed the two languages. The above remarks hold good when analysis is coupled with synonymy. Confronting a word with its closest approximate in another tongue, we are apt to suppose that what cannot be mutually rendered by the two limbs of the comparison, cannot be expressed at all by the language in which the deficiency happens to occur. When, however, investigation is extended to the synonyms of the terms contrasted, we are frequently gratified to detect the missing shade in some cognate vocable, 64 THE RUSSIAN LINGUISTIC CONCEPTION mixed up with tints other than those associated to it in the language in which it was first noticed. Comparing, e.g., the English and Russian ideas of zeal, there is no Russian adjective corresponding to ' strenuous.' The ardour in 'strenuous,' it is true, is appropriately expressed by ' reVnosti,' anglice 'zealous;' but the boldness, activity, and enter- prise inherent in the British vocable as well, and inseparable from the ardour which forms its primary element, cannot apparently be conveyed by any one Russian adjective bearing upon the notion. In searching, however, a little farther afield, we are agreeably surprised to come upon the noun 'maladyetz,' meaning a young man possess- ing the very combination of qualities for which the English idea of strenuousness is conspicuous. Hence it is clear that to form an idea of any con- cept in any language, it is indispensable to extend observations over groups of words, and eliminate the entire notion from the various individual ex- ponents over which it is scattered. By way of illustrating this method by a Slavic specimen, let us dissect the Russian terminology for some socially and morally interesting notions, — gentleman, gentlemanly, nobleman, and noble. Of the large number of words coming under this cate- gory, a few principal ones admit of being presented in a brief sketch. Russian does not possess any single term com- OF 'GENTLEMAN' AND 'NOBLEMAN.' 65 bining the three constituent qualities of a gentle- man : good breeding, liberal education, and high honour. Each of these qualities is separately ascribed by Russian linguistic usage. Beginning with the element of honour, there are four principal terms set apart for its expression as a distinctive personal trait. 'Nadejni tchelovek' designates a trustworthy man ; ' dobrosavestni tchelovek/ a con- scientious man ; ' tchestni tchelovek,' an honest honourable, and honoured man ; and ' doblestven- nik,' a moral hero. Of these four epithets, two refer each to one particular feature of social mo- rality only, while the two remaining ones include every commendable quality comprised in the notion of honour. ' Nadejni tchelovek,' a trust- worthy man, and ■ dobrosavestni tchelovek,' a con- scientious man, are one-sided appellations; 'tchestni tchelovek,' a man of marked honesty and honour, and ' doblestvennik,' moral hero, on the contrary, indicate an honourable man all round. There is a notable distinction made between these four several terms as regards frequency of application. Upon ac- quainting ourselves a littlemore closely with theposi- tion they occupy in the language, we find the one- sided terms 'nadejni' and 'dobrosavestni tchelovek,' respectively trustworthy and conscientious man ? to be in constant use ; while ' tchestni tchelovek,' a man of marked honesty and honour, and ' doblest- vennik,' moral hero, are much more rarely heard. 66 THE RUSSIAN LINGUISTIC CONCEPTION It seems natural expressly to extol trustworthiness and conscientiousness, when found ; while the more comprehensive quality of honour is not so often mentioned, unless, indeed, the possession of positive virtue is intended to be specially emphasised. As to ' doblestvennik,' moral hero, it stands altogether too high for everyday parlance. Accordingly, no term is appropriated to the colloquial ascription of the ordinary, commonplace, and, so to say, matter of course amount of personal honour in all its various aspects at once. There is not only no one word as comprehensive as the English vocable 'gentleman' in its triple reference to character, cul- ture, and education ; but among the several fami- liar words relating to character alone, there is not one conveying all that is conveyed respecting this one quality by the wider English term. On the other hand, there are several much-used phrases indicative of education. ' Abrasovanni,' cultivated, and 'prosveschtschenni,' enlightened, are words constantly recurring in Eussian conver- sation. Everybody in the upper classes claims these qualities as his own, and delights in having them attributed to himself. A man is ' abrasovanni,' cultivated, when he knows enough of the world to look upon things in the approved European way, and to converse upon them in customary French phraseology ; he is ' prosveschtschenni,' on the other hand, enlightened, civilised, when he has OF 'GENTLEMAN' AND 'NOBLEMAN.' 67 given up the oppressive superstitions of ancient Muscovy, and has become both intelligent and humane. Significantly enough, this word 'pros- veschtschenni,' though primarily referring to intel- lectual improvement alone, has a decided tendency to include moral amelioration. To be ' prosvesch- tschenni,' now-a-days, is not only to be well-in- structed, but also to recognise the notions of duty, veracity, and philanthropy. Thus it happens that the demands of honour, which, as a mere matter of honour, are not embodied in any common- place epithet, come to be incorporated in a familiar byname, whose original import refers to civilisa- tion. Thirdly, as to the good-breeding, which forms an indispensable ingredient in a gentleman's charac- ter, its ordinary denominations in Eussian are derived from culture possessed, respect paid, or friendliness shown. ' Utschlivi ' means well-taught, and in consequence polite ; ' vejlivi ' signifies well-informed, and in consequence well-mannered ; 'utschtivi,' respectful, and consequently considerate. The other more demonstrative group embraces ' priyatni,' pleasant; ' lubesni,' amiable; and ' mili,' nice, friendly, and expansive. From which we may safely infer that good manners are supposed to arise chiefly from culture or amiability, from adopted Europeanism, or the innate blandness of the Russian heart. 68 THE RUSSIAN LINGUISTIC CONCEPTION On summarising the result of this analysis, we find ordinary soeial morality, as well as culture and manners, represented as often springing from civilisation alone — a curious and yet, considering the circumstances, a very intelligible way of look- ing upon men and tilings. Again, such manifes- tations of ordinary social morality as do not arise from civilisation alone are most frequently repre- sented as trustworthiness, reliability, and absence of deceit. In fact, absence of deceit is found to be the popular interpretation of honour. On the other hand, a word is not wanting which declares high social morality to have its source in a keen sense of personal honour ; whereas mere politeness, besides frequently proceeding from culture, is de- scribed as the outcome of the supple complaisance and obsequiousness as natural to the Russian cha- racter as the extreme reverse. Handled in this wise, the dissection of a few words enables us to extract from the Russian national mind impor- tant avowals respecting the origin and nature of some of its most remarkable notions and qualities. From the lino-uistic evidence elicited it will be seen that the French story of a Russian asking in blank astonishment, ' Tschto eto honor V (' In the name of goodness, what is honour ? ') is no more than a disrespectful gibe, instinct with the spirit of inter- national derision, so very common in all lands and times. Had it no object besides helping nations to OF 'GENTLEMAN' AND 'NOBLEMAN: 69 form a more correct and equitable estimate of each other, comparative lexicography would require to be created. If there is no commonplace name indicating the possession of personal honour, except as regards that particular point of honour known as trust- worthiness, there are several familiar phrases de- noting individuals to whom honour is habitually rendered. The first word we come across in this category is ' patchotni.' ' Patchotni secretar,' hono- rary secretary, exactly corresponds with the Eng- lish translation, and serves to determine the mean- ing of the vocable. But ' patchotni grashdanin,' an honorary citizen, is a wealthy merchant upon whom the title has been specially conferred by a gracious Czar. At the top of the peculiar climax there stands ' patchotni tchelovek,' literally an honorary man, i.e., an individual reverenced for his prominent position by equals and inferiors, and dubbed hono- rary in consequence by the voice of the people. The better to realise the singular meaning of this term ' patchotni,' honorary, we shall compare it with ' patchtdnni,' honoured, which attributes as a mere temporary possession what ' patchotni,' honorary, confers as a lasting qualification and as a sort of inherent dignity. To be honoured on one occasion or on several occasions is to be ' patch- te'nni ; ' to be habitually honoured is to become an altogether ' honorary person,' 'patchotni tchelovek.' ;o THE RUSSIAN LINGUISTIC CONCEPTION A Russian, therefore, may not only be honorary as a secretary or as a member of a society, but honorary even as a member of society at large. Passing on to neighbouring ground, we find a remarkable distinction drawn between the several equivalents for the English adjective ' noble.' The adjectives derived from the old and popular words for nobleman have nothing whatever to do with noble in a moral sense. ' Barin,' 'boydrin' (bar), anglice boyard, originally denoted the master of the slave, that is, in accordance with ancient local institutions, the nobleman ; but the adjective de- rived from this noun, ' barski,' simply means that which belongs to the master, without any reference to nobility or any other moral or immoral qualities inherent in that individual. The only metaphorical touch added to this adjective refers to imperious- ness and the strenuous exercise of masterdom ; * barski ' means not only that which appertains to the master, but also masterful. It is the same with ' dvoryanin,' a more modern word for noble- man. ' Dvoryanin ' literally signifies courtier, a man attached to the Czar's cabinet or household, who accordingly ranks as a nobleman.* The adjec- tive ' dvoryanski,' deduced from this noun, has nothing of personal nobility in it ; like ' barski,' it signifies almost exclusively that which is the * There is another etymology, referring the word to the possession of large property. OF 'GENTLEMAN' AND 'NOBLEMAN.' 71 property of the exalted person mentioned. Not noble feelings, but the nobleman's house, wife, and chattels are usually called barski or dvory- anski. In signal contradistinction to these two old and historical appellations of the nobility, a novel word, frequently applied since modern civili- sation extended to Eussia, includes both mean- ings in its more comprehensive compass, noble in position and noble in point of character. ' Blagorodni,' literally well-born, indicates a man of noble station, and noble sentiments as well. By the time this aristocratic term came into use, the moral development of the country had sufficiently advanced to admit of rank being identified with virtue. There is a gratifying chapter of Bussian history contained in the to Put- ash, much a sha, thousand, ah-e a ha, time, life, lifetime. ah a ha, substance, flesh. ah Aha., to rejoice, ah-e a ha, to stand, bek a kep, light. bek A keb-s, tree, balk-u a kolb-s, vessel, belj A jarb-s, vessel. bon, bad a nob-e, a sin. bas, bis-e a seb, to cut. bet a teb, a fig. bot-s a tob-s, to hurt, to wound, beh A ^;eb, to bend, beh, to bow a hob-e, humble, beh a ;/eb, to strike, push, boh a hep, to cover, eu-i a ue-i, to recede, tham-ie a mat-e, to possess, ah a ^a, acre, ak A ko, to put. kr-r a rek, to burn. kolb-s a balk-u, vase, kul-ol a lik, to draw together, terp A pordsh, to smash, kolp a polk, to destroy, klip-i a plik, to carve, hem, hot A meh, to burn, ken - ken, ken - au a nek, to strike, konh a hank, to blossom, kap a pok-f, hair, wool, koor Alok-lek, to tear. ker a rek, to turn. kor-h a rak-h, to burn. kas, to cut a sakh, to carve. lek, green a hr-r, leaf, flower. lek, a part a hel, to cut, divide. lok-s a khol, to stab, prick. las a sal, tongue. rash-e a shair-i, rejoice. loih-e a hair-e, dirt. lodj Adjol, to desist. lotj a tjol, to rob. ma, place a am, in. ma A am, similarly. ma-i a am, to love. mo a am, to catch. mu v iom, water, sea. mn a nm, and. mes-I, night a sam, darkness. mes-t A sem-t, to paint. met-I a t'am-a, volume. mat-n a tern, sword. mash a tshem - tshom, to be able, mesh-e a tshem-tshom, to seek, mesh-a a shem, to travel, meh, girdle, wreath A hom-i, to turn round, encircle, meh a hem, to burn, nau a an, to see. n-neh a hen, a string, to tie (also), nut', to knock down a ton, to kill. nutsh-s a tshon-t, wrath, neh, to separate a hen, to tie, and (also), leh a har-h, to care, to work, neh A hen-nu, to adore, osh a sho, much, oh-e a ha, to stand. EGYPTIAN INVERSION. u-bes a u-seb, a heap. pir a rep-i, to grow. ush a shu, immense. pa-t a ap-e, head, beginning. pa a ab, to jump. pa-pa A ab, to shine. beh a p/eb-^eb, to strike. plotsh a dsharb, naked. peltsh-e a shorp, old. penh a %enp, to catch. pursh-a, to break a solp,to cut, destroy. plik, to strike, to do stone- cutter's work a kelp, fist, stick. nesh a shen, to terrify. pash-f, net a shop, to catch. peh a hep, to go. beh a p^ab, to incline. peh A p/eb, to cut. rek, to bend a kel, to bend, kr-os, a ring. rek, to turn round a kor-ker, to turn about, to fly. rek, to cut, divide a kar-tl, knife. rok-h a kor-h, to burn. rek a kr-r, keial, to burn. retAdjor-j, to net, to entrap. rev-s to ( % er_s ' to cufc ' divide. ' < tshor-te, knife, cut a ) ' \ kkol, to stab. re^-t a ;/er, to measure. rush-e a dshor, tshor-tsh, to see. rosh-resh a shair-i, red. rash, to cut a shar, to divide. sa a as, to proceed, progress. savais, sarcophagus. sab a besh, to wash. seb a besh-t, bad, enemy. seb a bas, to cut. s-bek a s-keb, thigh. s-benA s-neb, tie. s-re^ a s-^er, throne, raised seat, tep, tap-t, to eat a pat, food, sol, sal, lux a resh, to see. sem-tt a mes-tm, antimony, se-t a as-t, the soil, s-tu •% a bat, to cover, se^, soh a hes-k, deaf. sesh a shes, becoming, sosh a shos, unbecoming, sef a fes, to wash, to clean, sakh a kas, to carve, soph (sof), beverage a pos, water, ta a aat-t, unclean, toi A aat, seat, dwelling, teb a a-pet, hippopotamus, tob-i a pet, vessel tik, to hurl a kat-o, arrow, t'ek-a, to divide a ket, a morsel, tek-t, food a ket-ti, corn, tern a met-n, sword, ton a nut', to cut down, smash, ten-nu, to grow a natsh, great, t'en-nut a net'-a, wrath, t'ep a a-pt, ship, tep a a-pt, goose. ter a a-redj, term, end, border. t'ar Arodj, to see. tes, to divide a shet, amputate, te^, to irrigate a j/et, to flow. te^ a ^et, to cut down, teh a p^et, to proceed, teh-u a hat, to bawl, hurrah. EGYPTIAN INVERSION. tef a fotsh, to leap. tadj Ashot-i, substance, mass, ^a, rope a ho-k, to tie, bind. y& a a% to put, place, fling. a;a-u a a^, altar. X au a u^-a, night. p^eb a beh, to bend, ^eb a beh, to strike, ^eb a beli, to cut. kheib-i a beh-t, shade. OtAt'e-ta, fat. sha a esh-she, becoming, sho a osh, much, shna a ansh, the wind, to blow. shen-t a nesh-t, to smash, strike down, break to pieces. shep a a-pesh, splendour. shap a pesh, to divide. shop, to move a posh-s, to re- move. ua a au, to carry, bear. khol a lok-s, to prick, stab. kher a pokh-t, re^-s, to strike, smash, hou, more a uoh, also, and. haAoh-i, heap, multitude. heb-sAbeh-n, to cover, hob-s, to go round a bik-i, girdle, ham a nieh-i, a fish, hem a a-meh, to see. hen a neh, to adore, han a a-n^, a plant, vegetable. hank a konh, to grow, blossom. hep a peh, to move, go. djorb A pordj, to break. pert' a torp, to smash, break. her-sh a rokh-t, to smash. djau, to chew a uadj-i, the jaw. tsheu a uesh, narrow. djom, dshom, force a mash, to be able. tshol, to rob a latsh, to exact. tsholp, to reveal A bredsh, lisrhtnins:. B. — Inversion of Sense. bah, full v empty. me%, empty v meh, full, tern, to sunder v tem, tem-i, torn, to join. nash, small, weak v nesh-t, big, strong, neh, to cut, sunder, separate v noli, rope, tauf, to burn v djaf, cold, ^er-s, to divide v %er-sh, to join, sam, darkness v sem, to become visible. sat, to throw away v set, to recover, sesh, becoming v sdsh, unbe coming, tes, to sunder v teshtesh, to mix. aft, to jump v to rest quiet, kef, to take up v to let lie. ken, strong v weak, men, to stand v menmen, to move, tua, to honour v to despise, terp, to take v to give, ^en, to stand v to go. EGYPTIAN INVERSION. C. — Inversion of Sound and Sense. ben, to be absent, nothing O neb, nib, all. bredsh, splendour O J£reb, darkness, kar, wise O rak-a, stupid, mer, left hand O rem, right hand, meh, full O ^em, empty. noh, to run O ^en, to stand still. nash, weak, feeble O tshn-e, strong, ot, to tie O ta, to cut. pir, fire, light O reb, dark, pert', to tear O t'erp, to sow. pe%, to cut, divide O hop-t, to tie, join, pesh, to divide O sheb, to join, mix. pesh, to destroy O sap, to create, shape, pah, to divide O hop-t, to join, luk, ardere, lucere O hlo-1, dark. mes-I, darkness O sem, to be- come visible. sem-a, to show O mesh-e, to seek. ^en-st, knot ) . , , i 1.- O nek > to cut. hen, to tie. J sosh, unbecoming O shes, be- coming, ta, to cut, divide <> ot, to tie up, join, connect. tern, to sunder O modj-t, to connect, toh, to consolidate O het, to destroy, teh, to run O ket, to stand still, rest, ^eii, to rest noh, to run, leap. %reb, darkness O bredsh, brightness, ^err-sh, to connect O rek, to separate, o-djep, cold O u-bet, to glow, hel-hol, to extend O lik, to draw together, neh, to separate O hn, to tie. hop-t, to join O pah, to cut, divide. These tables include Hieroglyphic, Demotic, and Coptic words promiscuously. Attention is directed to the occurrence of the same words in the three tables, showing roots to have undergone the three metamorphoses simultaneously. PRINTED BY DALI.ANTYNE, HANSON AND CC. EU1NKURC.H AND LONDON. prospectus. Post 8vo, pp. viii. — 266, cloth, price 93. LINGUISTIC ESSAYS. By CARL ABEL, Ph.D. CONTENTS. Language as the Expression of National Modes of Thought. The Conception of Love in some Ancient and Modern Languages. The English Verbs of Command. The Discrimination of Synonyms. Philological Methods. The Connection between Dictionary and Grammar. The Possibility of a Common Literary Language for all Slavs. The Order and Position of Words in the Latin Sentence. Coptic Intensification. The Origin of Language. Proving the signification of words and forms to reflect a nation's general view of the universe, the Author advocates a psychological study of language, to supplement the prevailing formalism of ordi- nary grammar. To this end English and other familiar linguistic notions are tested hy a new method of national and international analysis, which combines the dictionary and the grammar ; the origin of language and the primitive significance of sounds are unra- velled in essays, containing striking results of etymological research; while in the connection between philology, psychology, and politics, the bearing of linguistic lore upon the general concerns of mankind is conclusively evidenced. The most enjoyable faculty in the exer- cise, but, frequently, the one least enjoyed in the study, speech, in these treatises is shown to constitute at once the most faithful and the most attractive record of the history of the human, and more especially the national, mind. Opinions of the Press. " Dr. Abel maintains, with justice, that sounds do not constitute a language until sense and meaning are breathed into them, and that, con- sequently, in linguistic investigation we must have regard quite as much to psychology as to phonology. Language is the mirror in which the ideas and beliefs of a people are reflected, and in dealing with it we cannot afford to forget this fact. Dr. Abel's views on the origin and growth of speech are best exemplified in an essay which is now published for the first time. . . . The attractive style and admirable English of Dr. Abel, give his views an unusually good chance of being heard. "—Academy. " No doubt it is to the discovery that all phonetic changes are regulated by strict law that modern linguistic science owes its origin ; no doubt, too, the chief progress hitherto made in the scientific study of language has been upon the physiological rather than upon the psychological side of speech ; but this ought not to blind us to the importance of a psychological investigation of the words we utter, and the necessity of discovering the laws which regulate the development of ideas and significations. This is the task to which Dr. Abel has devoted himself, and carried out in the series of works prefixed to this article. The student of comparative philo- ( 2 ) logy will welcome the presence of so honest and learned a labourer in a field which has been generally left to the port or the untrained dilettante." — A. H. Satoe in Academy. "Comparative philology has not only solved some curious problems as bo the origin and development of certain words, but it has proved an invaluable aid to ethnology, by indicating prominent stages in the history of individual races. Dr. Abel, in the volume before us, has carried the investigation a step further, and discussed the subject from an ethical point of view. His method is to point out how far language is an embodi- ment of a nation's views of men and things. While grammar deals only with the form and arrangement of words, he aims at appreciating the meaning conveyed in the substance as well as the form — in short, at advo- cating a psychological study of language instead of the ordinary unintelli- gent and mechanical method of learning." — Professor Palmer in Standard. " Dr. Abel's Essays are representative of psychological linguistics, and the English public may be congratulated upon receiving so valuable a book on what in reality is the most conclusive account of the intellectual his- tory of mankind. Max Miiller, indeed, notwithstanding the different basis he starts from, adopts a similar method in some of his spirited in- quiries ; but he speedily leaves the psychological region and goes off in a different direction. Dr. Abel's Essays embrace the entire domain of linguis- tics. Inquiring into the origin of language by the light of the history of the Egypto- Coptic tongue, he analyses existing languages as the expression of distinct national individualities. The most delicate gradations of thought and feeling, as displayed in the notion of Love by Hebrews, Romans, Eng- lish, and Russians, are accurately set forth by this learned and most intel- lectual investigator ; vowels are proved to supply a peculiar means of varying significations ; the order and position of Latin words in the sen- tence, an intricate and not easily-controlled subject, is reduced to funda- mental laws ; the Slav languages, so little known to any except specialists, are discussed to show the expediency of making Russian the common literary medium of the race, were any such medium ever introduced, &c. . . . Synonymical, grammatical, lexicographical, and psychological, the wealth of these inquiries is as great as the instruction they convey, and the sug- gestive charm they exercise upon the student." — Dr. Bruchmann in Stein- thaCs Zeitschrift fur Vblkcrpsychohgic und Sprachwissenschaft, Band xiv., Heft 2, 18S2. "Die allgemeine Grammatik beabsichtigt nurden allgemeinen Sinn der fremden Sprache zum Zwecke ungefiihren Uebersetzens zu lehren, oder, wo sie tief er greift, isolirte Punkte der Etymologie, Synonymik oder Syntax zu erkliiren, ohne den das Geistige erst recht aufdeckenden Zusammenhang mit allem verwandten Geistigen zur Geltung zu bringen. Abel dagegen verlangt, und eben hierin ist er, so viel ich sehe, bahnbrechend, dass wir uns iiber dies mehr formale Verfahren erheben und durch Vereinigung des Worterbuchs und einer umfassenden Synonymik mit der Grammatik vor allem den sachlichen Bedeutungsgehalt der Worter ins Auge fassen. Er will die in einer Sprache niedergelegten Anschauungen eines Volkes nach ihrem Inhalte gruppiren, den Bedeutungen der selbststiindigen Worte eine umfassende Bearbeitung zukommen lassen, von der Vergleichung einiger weniger Synonyma auf die gemeinsame Behandlung der Worter ganzer Gedankenklassen ubergehen, gleichviel welchem Redetheile sie angehbren, hierauf endlich mehrere Sprachen in derselben Weise behandeln und zuletzt die Ergebnisse unter einander vergleichen. TJeberall erweitert sich die Sprachkenntniss zur Sachkenntniss ; wir erhalten neue Aufschliisse iiber die Veranderungen der Gedanken und Gesinnungen, wir bereichern unsere eigene Anschauungen." — Professor Nerlich in National Zeitunj, December 1 3, 1 882. ( 3 ) " Dieses Buch gehort zur Literatur des In- und des Auslandes ; deim es hat einen deutschen Verfasser, ist zum Teil aus dem Deutschen iiber- setzt und wird eine Zierde der englischen wissenschaftlichen Literatur sein. Wir kennen den Dr. Abel liingst als einen der Seltenen, welche zugleich durch Strenge der wissenschaftlichen Methode und Sicherheit des empirischen Takts, wie durch Feinheit des Sprachgefiihls, in das Wesen einzelner Sprachen mit der Absicht und mit dem Erfolge eindringen, das Wesen menschlicher Sprache iiberhaupt tiefer zu erkennen. Denn auch von dem grosseren Werke des Verfassers iiber das Koptische abgesehen, durch welches er sich eine Stelle in der vordersten Reihe der deutschen Sprachforscher eworben hat, dessen Wiirdigung aber iiber die Grenzen dieses Magazins wie iiber den sprachlichen Horizont des Referenten hin- ausgeht, hat sich Dr. Abel, dem deutschen gebildeten Publikum durch einige deutsch geschriebene Abhandlungen, welche in dem vorliegenden Buche englisch wieder erscheinen, als ein Meister in der Erweiterung und Vertiefung der Bedeutungslehre bekannt gemacht." — Professor Lazarus in Magazin f. d. Literatur d. In- und Auslandes, Nov. 3, 1883. "Messrs. Triibner & Co., of London, have just published a volume of Linguistic Essays, by Dr. Carl Abel, of Berlin, who has rapidly taken rank among the first philologists of our time. Language, as not merely the expression, but the embodiment of a nation's general views of men and things, is the theme of the first six Essays. In the seventh Essay he dis- cusses the possibility of a common literary language for the Slav nations. The eighth Essay, on 'Coptic Intensification,' and the ninth, 'On the Origin of Language,' discuss the most mystical problem of the philologist by the latest historical light of Egyptian philology. The tenth and last Essay, ' On the Order and Position of Words in the Latin Sentence,' treats very ingeniously and learnedly of the intellectual principles of laws which determine the arrangement of words in a sentence. Dr. Abel is a leader of the ' Junggrammatische Schule ' fast growing up in Germany, which is endeavouring to promote the growth of psychological linguistics, in contra- distinction to the prevailing formalism of elementary and abstract grammar. No one would suspect from reading these Essays that he was a Prussian, and not a born Englishman." — The Critic, New York, Sept. 23, 1882. " This book is a somewhat miscellaneous collection of essays by a German scholar, who enjoys considerable reputation as a writer on language in general, and Egyptian philology in particular. His point of view is the psychological side of speech, a field in which Professors Lazarus and Stein - thai have worked with distinguished ability. The author lays down, as the basis of his studies, the proposition that a nation's language is an em- bodiment of its general views of men and things ; hence a comparative survey of the significations of words in the idioms of different races is a ready means of estimating their relative moral and intellectual qualities. It must be conceded that Dr. Abel has introduced us to a field which promises exceedingly important discoveries, but of which scholars are as yet scarcely beyond the border." — Literary World, Boston, Sept. 9, 1882. " Dr. Abel, the author of a new German treatise upon Language, recently published in London, is one of the first philologists in Germany. Though still comparatively a young man, he is a leader of the Junggram- matische Schule, now rapidly recruiting in Germany, the aim of which is to promote the growth of psychological linguistics in contradistinction to the prevalent formalism of elementary and abstract grammar ; in other words, to make philology yield fruit as well as leaves. . . . Dr. Abel is one of the few German writers of eminence whose English style never betrays his Teutonic origin. No Englishman writes more faultless or idiomatic English. We see it announced that he is to deliver a course of lectures this season at Oxford, where he will renew his efforts to ' email- ( 4 ) cipate philology from the thrall of conventionalism, and to make its waste places blossom as the rose.'" — Harper's Magazine, October 1882. " It is because Dr. Abel believes that the signification of words and forms reflects a nation's general view of mind and life, and carries on his researches on the basis of national and international linguistic analysis, that we gladly recommend these thoughtful and attractive Essays to the readers of Mind. Students of English especially may be congratulated upon a contribution to their branch of knowledge which combines no ordinary amount of empirical tact with a degree of sprachgefuhl unusual even in the Germans themselves." — Herbert Morton Baynes, in Mind, April 1883. " This is an extremely interesting volume. . . . The author's ultimate object is to render philology a comparative conceptology of nations ; and all his essays are so thoughtful, so full of happy illustrations, and so admirably put together, that we hardly know to which we should specially turn to select for our readers a sample of his workmanship. His first Essay, on ' Language as the Expression of National Modes of Thought,' is quite a model of sound and suggestive criticism ; and not less admirable is the third Essay, which deals with the English verbs of command. Very striking, too, is the Essay on the ' Conception of Love in some Ancient and Modern Languages.' " — The Tablet, July 29, 1882. " Dr. Abel's philological essays are very interesting and suggestive studies of certain aspects of the use of language, and are characterised by thoroughness, clearness, and philosophical acumen. Popular in style, they contain a great many fresh, brilliant, and learned observations from the point of view of a philosophical student of language. Archbishop Trench has taught us how fruitful such themes may be when approached with adequate skill and scholarship : this is a pleasant glimpse of another excur- sion into the same field." — The Literary World. " Dr. Abel has published an exceedingly subtle and delicate discrimina- tion of the words expressive of love in several ancient and modern languages. . . . The different shades and modes of the very variable sentiment are fully set forth in this instructive treatise." — Professor Pott, Wurzelworterbuch, v. 379, Ixvii. " Dr. Abel's treatise on the Latin order of words is a thoughtful essay, based upon ample and deep observation. Conceived from a thoroughly psychological point of view, it is uncommonly calculated to inculcate correct and discerning notions of Latin linguistic phenomena." — Prof. Schweizer- Sidler, in Kiihn's Zeitschrift fur verzleichende Sprachforschung, xxi. 1. " Dr. Abel, honourably known for his contributions to Coptic philology, has published very interesting and ingenious lectures on language as an index to national character. The English, Latin, Hebrew, and Russian languages are principally analysed, and the vocabulary of each, in the crucial examples selected, is shown to be very copious." — Saturday Review. "A psychological analysis of language carried out with all the author's well-known refinement and subtlety." — Professor Bastian in Ethnogra- pshische Zeitschrift, 1882. " A philologist equally famous for scholarship and intellectual apprecia- tion of linguistic peculiarities has presented us with a most accurate and refined delineation of the English concept of command." — Cologne Gazette. " In dissecting words, Dr. Abel is writing a history of civilisation and culture. While the substance of his essays is equally commendable for philosophical and linguistic subtlety, the form in which he communicates the result of his learned researches is a pattern of attractive and lucid style." — St. Petersburg Gazette. LONDON : TRUBNER & CO., 57 and 59 LUDGATE HILL. 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