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 GIFT OF 
 
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 Adaptation of Suffixes in Congeneric 
 Classes of Substantives 
 
 MAURICE BLOOMFIEI.O 
 
 Johns Hopkins University 
 
 Reprinted from The American Journal of Philology, 
 Vol. XII, No. ,45,; pp„ J-29J ' , vj . 
 
 BALTIMORE, 1S91 
 
 The Johns Hopkins Press 
 
njo 
 
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 k> 
 
ON ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES IN CONGENERIC 
 CLASSES OF SUBSTANTIVES. 
 
 The term adaptation is used here to designate the infusion with 
 some definite grammatical or lexical value, of a formal element 
 originally either devoid of any special functional value, or pos- 
 sessed of a value which has faded out so completely as to make this 
 infusion possible. Thus in English sing, sang, sung) German 
 werde, ward, (g-e-)worde?i the different vowels are felt to be the 
 carriers of the tense-distinction. Here the association of the 
 vocalic variations with temporal distinctions is a comparatively 
 recent development: the variation (ablaut) is due to phonetic 
 causes, very largely differences in accentuation, which had no 
 direct connection with temporal distinctions. But with the decay 
 of the inflectional elements which did convey the distinctions of 
 tense, the vowel of each form was associated more and more with 
 the special vocalic color of the root, until in modern English radi- 
 cal i is to all intents and purposes the significant vowel of the 
 present, a of the imperfect, and u of the perfect passive participle. 
 It is as though Homeric Sepnopat, 8e8opKa, cbpanov had in the later 
 development of Greek speech become subject to a phonetic cor- 
 ruption which stripped them of personal inflections, reduplication 
 and augment resulting in pres. *8epK, perf. *dop<, aor. * Spate, and 
 e, o, a would then be felt as the respective causes of the varying 
 tense-values. An instance in which the grammatical value of a 
 form has faded out so completely as to permit its infusion with a 
 new value, originally altogether foreign to it, is the use of the ele- 
 ment -mini in Latin as the personal inflection of the second plur. 
 passive. Lat. legiminl (sc. estis) is = Xeyo-/xei/ot, nom. plur. masc. 
 
 411293 
 
«.• • • • • ••• 1 ■ ■ •• • 
 
 2 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 of the middle-passive participle. After this form had been woven 
 into the paradigm of the present passive its origin was entirely- 
 forgotten ; it was felt to be a personal inflection, and was then ex- 
 tended throughout the passive system, yielding legebaminl, lege- 
 mini, legamini and legeremini, thus succeeding in adapting the 
 form -mini completely to the use of an ordinary personal inflec- 
 tion. Other cases of adaptation in modern English are contained 
 in men, feet as the plur. of man, foot: here the umlaut (cf. Germ. 
 manner, f us se) has been adapted as a plural sign ; in oxen as plur. 
 of ox (Germ, der ochs, des ochsen, both singular) : here the ele- 
 ment -en- originally a nominal suffix (cf. Vedic uks&n- ■ ox '; 
 Lat. stem homin- ' man ') has been adapted to use as a sign of 
 the plural. Cf. in general Paul, Prinzipien der Sprachgeschichte 2 , 
 p. 172; Delbriick, Einleitung in das Sprachstudium 1 , pp. 66 fg. 
 (where Ludwig's theory and writings on adaptation are quoted 
 and discussed), 96 fg. ; Windisch, Personalendungen im Griech- 
 ischen und Sanskrit, Transactions of the Royal Saxon Academy, 
 March 2, 1889, pp. 7 fg. 
 
 1. The Greek Nominative Trout;. 
 
 An ancient riddle of Greek grammar is the Ionic-Attic nomina- 
 tive novs, gen. 7rod-6s. A more original nominative in Greek appears 
 in Doric n£>s, preserved in the gloss of Hesychius, nS>s ' • nos. vno 
 A(opie<ov (cf. also his other gloss nop • novs. Adicawes). The diphthong 
 ov of novs cannot hail from proethnic times, as the related lan- 
 guages have only monophthongs : e in Latin pes (*ped-s) and 
 com-pes ; o in Doric nS>s, Lat. com-pds = com-pes in Priscian i. p. 
 26 H, Gothic fdt-us, nom. plur. Old Norse*fdt-ir in fdetr (umlaut) ; 
 
 in nob-6s, Lat. tri-pod-atus ; Umbrian du-purs-us, petur-purs-us 
 
 1 bipedibus, quadrupedibus ' (Iguvinian tablets vi. b) ; e in ped-is, 
 ne(a (*7Tf8-ta), etc. ; reduced root pd- inZend fr a- &d- a- 'fore-foot.' 
 Nowhere is there an opening for an original Greek diphthong 
 ov = I. E. du or dy> ; 2 the stem evidently belongs to the so-called 
 £-0-series. As a special Greek phonetic development, Attic oxy- 
 tone novs could stand only for *n6vs (cf. Cretan tops = Attic rovs) 
 
 1 For the accent of this form see the author in A. J. P. IX 15 ; Brugmann, 
 Griechische Grammatik 2 , §74. 
 
 2 Sk. pad, gen. pad-ds ; Zend pa$-em and pdftebyo exhibit the same relations 
 of quantity as appears in the European languages : the qualitative relation has 
 disappeared. But there is no diphthong. 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. 3 
 
 or *7r6vrs like the participle Sods for *86-vt-s. For these there is no 
 basis. 
 
 Various attempts have been made to explain the form, some in 
 recent years, e. g. by Joh. Schmidt in KZ. xxv. 16, and Solmsen 
 ibid. xxix. 358, note. I regard them as unsatisfactory and omit 
 their refutation. G. Meyer, Griech. Gramm. 2 §313, says : 'Attisch 
 novs jedenfalls eine Neubildung ist bisher unerklart.' Very 
 recently Brugmann, Grundriss ii. 450 ; Griechische T Grammatik 2 , 
 §74, is of the same opinion. I believe that Attic-Ionic nom. novs 
 foot is made in direct imitation of Pan-Hellenic 68ovs tooth, 1 the 
 point of contact being the meaning : both are parts of the body. 
 Designations of parts of the body exercise strong analogical 
 influence upon one another, and occasionally the suffix of some 
 one of them succeeds in adapting itself so as to be felt the char- 
 acteristic element which bestows upon the word its value. That 
 is to say, when such a suffix has spread analogically to a greater 
 or lesser extent within the category, then the meaning of the 
 category may be felt to be dependent upon the special form of the 
 suffix, or, stated conversely, the suffix may be infused with the 
 special characteristic of the category; after that, when occasion 
 arises to form new words of this same class, the suffix is put into 
 requisition as though it were the essential element which imparts 
 to the word its special significance. This thesis, though stated 
 narrowly for the present only in reference to designations of parts 
 of the body, is sufficiently important to justify our dwelling upon 
 it at length ; it will in the end lead us to a much broader field 
 than the one just indicated. First we shall assemble certain cases 
 in which assimilation and adaptation has influenced designations 
 of parts of the body. 
 
 2. Designations of parts of the body by heteroelitie 
 stems in r and n. 
 
 As early as I. E. times a considerable group of designations of 
 parts of the body were formed after a peculiar heteroelitie declen- 
 sion. They were neuters having the casus recti in -r and the 
 casus obliqui in -?i : 
 
 liver: ynap, rjnaros ; Lat. Jecur, jecinoris (for *jecinis\ the 
 syllable or came in from the nominative, perhaps through the 
 
 'Aeolic iSovreg is transformed by popular etymology (edo)). bdwv, Hdt. vi. 
 107 ; Herodian ii. 928, II, is the result of proportional analogy : \66vteq : Id&v 
 = bddvreg •: x, i. e. bduv. 
 
4 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 channel of the genitive jecoris, which in turn was made upon the 
 base of the nom. ; cf. uber-is below) ; Sk. ydkrt, yaknds ; Zend 
 ydkare (Zend-Pehlevi glossary: the oblique w-stem does not 
 occur); Lith. jekn-os, fern, plurale tantum, and jekanas (Bezzen- 
 berger, zur Geschichte der litauischen Sprache, p. 291) are based 
 upon the rc-stem, the r-stem being wanting. Through the medium 
 of a 'ground-form ' lieqrl]o\\. Schmidt, Die Pluralbildungen der 
 indogermanischen Neutra, p. 198 fg., adds to this group the Ger- 
 man words for 'liver,' Ohg. libera, lebera, Ags. lifer, as also 
 Armenian leard and Old Prussian lagno. 
 
 adder: ovdap, ovdaros ; Sk.udhar y udhnas\ Latin uber, which has 
 passed also into the oblique cases : the rc-stem perhaps in Oufen-s 
 (Festus), Ufen-s * name of a river.' Germanic forms: Mhg. tiler, 
 Nhg. euter, Ags. of udrum ' uberibus,' Eng. udder exhibit the 
 r-stem ; in Ohg. dative sg. iltrin there is mixture of r- and n- 
 stems in reversed order from that which has taken place in Lat. 
 jecinoris ; see above. 
 
 blood: Vedic dsrg (TS. dsrl), asnds, classical Sanskrit asr-a-m; 
 Greek lap, Epic flap =*rjap, the corresponding rc-stem being lost; 
 Lat. assir'm Festus, Paul Epit. p. 16; Loewe, Prodr. 142. Lettish 
 asins presents the w-stem. I. E. esr$ or &sr$, gen. asn-6s. x 
 
 thigh : femur, feminis with assimilations in both directions; 
 the nom. femen (rare according to Priscian vi. 52) and the geni- 
 tive femoris (cL jecoris, above). 
 
 wing: r-stem, Lat. *peler in acci-piter 2 'quick-wing, falcon'; 
 the rc-stem petn- in penna for *petn-a ' wing, feather.' The r- 
 stem further in irrsp-o-v, Ohg. federa, fedara, Ags. fe^er, Sk. 
 patr-a- ' wing, feather,' Zd. patere-ta- ' winged ' (cf. nrepa-To-s), 
 Cymric alar 'winged.' The w-stem further in Cymric etn, Old 
 Irish en ' bird.' The recent discussion of the word by Joh. Schmidt, 
 loc. cit. pp. 173-176, seems to establish the I. E. bases pe'lr^, gen. 
 peln-ds in close parallelism with the word for ' blood ' above : 
 dsr] or esr$ (cf. dap'), gen. asn-ds. 
 
 inner body, viscera, vein: Homeric rjrop with Aeolic op for 
 
 1 According to De Saussure (Memoire, p. 225), Lat. san-gu-en (Ennius ap. Cic.) 
 belongs to this group, san- for (a)sn- with gu from the nom. (cf. Sk. dsrg). The 
 -en at the end a second time in deference to the old declension of the word in 
 the oblique cases (Vedic asn-ds). Differently W. Schulze, KZ. xxix. 257. 
 
 2 accipiter for *acu-piter (cf. acu-pedius, w/cO-f) may be the result of popular 
 etymology which associated the word with accipio ; see Joh. Schmidt, Plural- 
 bildungen, p. 174. 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. 5 
 
 ap (Schmidt, ibid. 177) ' heart' and ?)t P -o-v ' abdomen '; Ohg. ddara, 
 inn-ddiri 'viscera,' Ags. aedre, Old Norse ae6r 'vein,' Obg. edro 
 'bosom' (formed like rjrpov), Oir. in-athar 'entrails.' The com- 
 plementary rc-stem is wanting, but the restriction of the declen- 
 sion of ?jTop in Homer to the casus recti (dative fjropt later, Simon. 
 7. 7) shows that the type was once *eter, *Un-os, or the like. For 
 the variety of meanings cf. Vedic hirci 'vein,' Lat. hira 'intestine,' 
 hara-spex ' he who inspects the entrails, soothsayer.' 
 
 excrement: <tkS>p, <t kotos ; Sk. fdkrl, gaknds ;' Lat. mas- 
 {s)cerda, Festus 146 (thence cerda falsely clipped off for bti-cerda, 
 etc., Schmidt, ibid. 178); Old Norse skarn; Obg. skvrina ; Lith. 
 tu skverne ' invective against misbehaving children.' In the last 
 three the r- and w-stems are blended ; cf. jecinoris and utrin, 
 above. 
 
 nerve, sinew, etc.: I. E. casus recti sneuer, sneur-t ; casus 
 obliqui sneiin-os, etc. Zend sndvare 'sinew,' Ossetic navr 'vein,' 
 Ohg. snuor 'schnur,' Goth, sndrjd 'wicker-basket,' from stem 
 sncuer. The stem snet^rt in Arm. neard 'nerve, sinew,' Hiibsch- 
 mann, Armenische Studien, p. 45, Nr. 217. The w-stem in Vedic 
 sndvan 'sinew, string.' Greek vcvpo-v contains the usual exten- 
 sion to the ^-declension = sneuro-. For Latin nervu-s see Vani- 
 cek, Griechisch-Lateinisches Worterbuch ii. p. 1161. 
 
 gall: Gr. x°^ f pos seems to be an extension of an r-stem (cf. 
 rjptpa : rjpap) which is supplemented by the w-stem contained in 
 Ohg. galla, O. Norse gall, hat./ellis. The stems seem to have 
 been I. E. ifiolr-, ^holn-ds or ^heln-o's. Cf. Froehde, Bezz. Beitr. vii. 
 105; Johansson, Gott. Gel. Anz. 1890, Nr. 19, p. 766, note. 
 
 mouth, jaw: Zend zafare, gen. zafand. The r-stem is occa- 
 sionally extended into the oblique cases: dat. zafre; nom. plur. 
 zafra. The »-stem also in pri-zafanem ace. sg. masc. 'three- 
 headed.' 
 
 flat of the hand, sole of the foot : Bivap, Swapos (the r-stem 
 extended through the oblique cases), onio-devap for *6irio-066€vap 
 (haplography) 'outer hand,' vnodepap 'palm under the thumb'; 
 Ohg. tenar, ienra, Mhg. tener 'flat hand.' a 
 
 1 Qak- for sak- by assimilation of the dental sibilant to the guttural of the 
 consecutive syllable ; see Bloomfield and Spieker, Proceedings of the American 
 Oriental Society for May, 1886, p. xl. (Journal, Vol. xiii, p. exxi). Is Lat. 
 coram (*cdsam) from a root whose Sk. equivalent is kaQ—kds ' to be visible' ? 
 Cf. sa-kaQa ' presence,' sakdQe ' in the presence of, near,' Acv. Gr. i. 18. 7. 
 
 2 The adaptation of the suffix r-n to this group extended itself also to the 
 originally broader meaning of the word, which seems to have been ' flat 
 
6 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 The limitation of this class is not by a hard and fast line. Per- 
 haps odcpo-s • yaorrjp (Hesych.), Vedic udard-m and uddra-m 
 belly, stomach, represent another r-stem of this class, extended 
 by the suffix -o-. Likewise av<pap ' wrinkled skin ' (cf. Lat. suber 
 'cork-tree: tree with wrinkled bark'); Ix^P lymph, ichor (cf. 
 tap 'blood') and ax&p scurf (cf. <ricS>p 'excrement') may belong 
 here, in part by later adaptation within Hellenic times. For the 
 remaining stems in p in Greek see below, p. 21, note. 
 
 That so large a portion of the limited group of heteroclitic nouns 
 in r-n should have been absorbed by designations of parts of the 
 body admits of but one explanation. The suffix, in the first place, 
 had no intrinsic value which rendered it especially suitable for 
 words of this kind. It was employed accidentally in some one or 
 two such designations, and thence it was extended gradually by 
 single acts of analogy, becoming more and more productive, 
 until it had adapted itself in proethnic times to this special use. 
 As it was, it never became restricted exclusively to such use (see 
 v8a>p, vdaros and more below) : neither did the entire domain of 
 designations of parts of the body succumb to it, nor did it sharpen 
 its own physiognomy to such an extent as to be rendered unfit 
 for other service. 
 
 3. Designation of parts of the body by other hetero- 
 elitie declensions with n-stems in the oblique cases. 
 
 The rc-stems which appear in the oblique cases of the hetero- 
 clitic declension in r-n occupy the same territory, the oblique 
 cases, in the paradigms of certain other heteroclitic declensional 
 types ; here also the meaning is prevailingly that of parts of the 
 body. The process of adaptation which resulted in the feeling 
 that oblique cases of w-stems, when combined with r-stems in 
 the casus recti, were suitable for this class of nouns, appears in 
 operation — also in proethnic times — with other stems : consonantal 
 stems, /-stems, s-stems : 
 
 ear : genitive ovaros for *ovo-ptos, Gothic ausin-s. The stem of 
 the casus recti is partly consonantal, as in Latin aus of au(s)-dz're y 
 aus-culto, Old Irish 0; partly /-stem as in Lat. auri-s, Lith. ausi-s 
 
 expanse,' dXbg devap * expanse of the sea,' cf. Vedic samudrdsya dhdnvan ' on 
 the strand of the sea.' If dhdnvan =• devap (for *0elvap t cf. eUap and edap, 
 Hesych.) we have the «-stem which has been expelled by the r-stem in Greek. 
 Cu. Etym. 5 , p. 255, compares also Mhg. tenni ' tenne.' 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. J 
 
 (in both the z-stem is extended through the paradigm), Zend usV 
 * ear,' Obg. usi ' the ears ' ; and partly s-stem as in ausos in Obg. ucho, 
 gen. usese. According to Joh. Schmidt, KZ. xxvi. i7,Pluralbildun- 
 gen, p. 407, Greek ous, Doric &s are the contracted forms of *ovaos 
 rather than the direct equivalents of Latin aus-. In German the 
 «-stem, Goth, ausin-, nom. ausd y just as in augo, hairtd, etc., 
 below, has usurped the entire paradigm. 
 
 head: gen. Ved. firsnds, Horn. Kpaaros, Attic Kparos. The 
 w-stem also in dp<pi-Kpavo-s 'two-headed.' Casus recti, originally: 
 Sk. giras 'head, point' = Kepas 'horn,' 2 Lat. * ceres in cerebrum for 
 *ceres-rom (Brugmann, Grundriss i. p. 430; ii. p. 175); Old 
 Norse hjarsi 'crown of the head,' Ohg. hirniiox *hirzni (mix- 
 ture of the s- and w-stems as in Ved. flrsnds: Kluge, Paul und 
 Braune's Beitr'age, viii. 522 fg.).* 
 
 eye: Gothic genitive augins, Sk. gen. aksnds : the s = I. E. s 
 is from an j-stem I. E. og-os = Obg. oko, gen. ocese (cf. the j-stem 
 in the nom. of the word for 'ear,' above). Joh. Schmidt finds the 
 w-stem corresponding to augin- in irpo<rd>7ra<ri and Horn, evpv-ona 
 (ibid. 109, 398, 400) ; the w-stem corresponding to Sk. aksn- 
 indirectly in Aeolic omrara (ibid. 408 fg.). The casus recti were 
 made from the j-stem oqos } above ; from z'-stems in Lith. akl-s 
 'eye,' *augi- in Goth, and-augi-ba 'plainly,' Ohg. augi-wis 'pub- 
 lice,' and the duals ooo-e=*ogie, Obg. obi, Zend asi ; * and from con- 
 sonantal stems eXU-on-cs 'Axaiol, Horn. The German has passed 
 the entire paradigm of the word into the ^-declension : Goth. 
 augd, Ohg. auga ; cf. ausd above. For Arm. akn see p. 9. 
 
 The productivity of this suffix in the oblique cases of words for 
 parts of the body, coupled with other stems in the casus recti, 6 
 
 1 So we may now write indiscriminately all Zend j^-sounds, since Geldner's 
 edition of the text renders the separation into varieties of secondary import- 
 ance ; cf. A. V. W. Jackson, The Avestan Alphabet, p. 20. 
 
 8 But Hesych. : ntpag • ne^alf] ; Etym. Mag. 504, 50 : KEpaq Aeyerai ml f/ KE(pa?^rj. 
 Original meaning of the group : ' the highest part of the body : head with 
 men ; horn with horned animals.' 
 
 3 Exhaustive collections of material, and thorough discussions of this stem 
 and its derivatives in Danielsson, Grammatische und Etymologische Studien 
 I. napa, Kkpnq, TJpsala Universitets Arsskrift, i883; Joh. Schmidt, Plural- 
 bildungen, pp. 363-378. 
 
 4 The last three Schmidt, ibid. p. 398, regards as consonantal stems with 
 dual ending i. 
 
 5 Except when the entire paradigm of the words of this class has assumed the 
 «-type, as is the case in German and Armenian ; see Gothic ausd, augo above, 
 and cf. the next subdivision of this article. 
 
8 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 continues in a marked fashion in the separate languages. It 
 is of course impossible to say in every case that this condi- 
 tion is a creation of the separate language: often the rc-stem 
 may have been lost in all but one language. But there are 
 cases when it may be assumed with great show of proba- 
 bility that the process of adaptation which started this non-de- 
 script suffix upon a strongly individualized career in I. E. times 
 was repeated anew by several of the languages. We begin with 
 the cases from the German, where the domain of the neuter «-stems 
 is almost entirely monopolized by designations of parts of the 
 body ; see Kluge, Stammbildung, §78. 
 
 heart : gen. Goth, hairtins, with secondary nom. hairtd. The 
 old casus recti were formed from consonantal stems : ^p(5), 
 Ved. su-hard ' of friendly heart '; Lat. stem cord-, Sk. hrd, 
 Zend stem zered- in instrumental zeredd, Yasna 31. 12 (Geld- 
 ner's ed.) ; and from z-stems, Vedic nom. hrdi, Ohg. herzi-suht 
 'cardia,' Lith. szirdi-s, Obg. sridi-ce. Cf. also Greek <apbia and 
 Kpadla, and Sk. hrdaya-. 1 
 
 testicle : Old Norse eista, neuter rc-stem. An .s-stem, perhaps 
 as original representative of the casus recti, appears in Obg. isto 
 'testicle' (cf. the s-stems oko 'eye,' ucho 'ear'). 
 
 cheek: Ohg. wa?iga, neut.; Ags. wonge, neut. Old Norse 
 vange is masculine; Old Saxon wanga is fem. See Kluge, 
 Nominale Stammbildungslehre, §78ab ; Schmidt, Pluralbildungen, 
 p. 107. 
 
 lung: Old Norse lunga. Kluge, ibid.; Schmidt, 108. 
 
 ankle: Old Norse ok/a. See ibid. 
 
 collar-bone : Old Norse viftbeina. See ibid. 
 
 breast-bone: Old Norse flagbrjoska. See ibid. 
 
 The following oblique cases of rc-stems are restricted to Sanskrit, 
 though in more than one case the possibility that correspondents 
 existed in the related languages must be taken into account. 
 
 mouth : Sk. gen. dsn-ds. Casus recti Lat. ds, Sk. ds, conso- 
 nantal stems ; (dsya-m), dsia-m, io-stem.* 
 
 1 The ^-declension of this stem is at least Proto-Germanic and may, as far 
 as the oblique cases are concerned, reach back to I. E. times, though this does 
 not admit of proof: Goth, hairtd, Old Norse hjarta, Old Saxon herta, Ohg. 
 herza. Ags. heorte has assumed the feminine gender. 
 
 2 According to Geldner, Metrik d. jUng. Avesta,and KZ. xxiv. 548, Zd. aonhano, 
 Vend. iii. 29, and, according to Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. xv. 33 fg., Zd. asnc 
 and asnae-ca also represent the «-stem (dsn-) of this word. The heteroclisis 
 in that case may date back to Indo-Iranian times. 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. g 
 
 bone: Vedic gen. asthn-ds. Casus recti dsthi, Lat. os, stem 
 ost-, gen. oss-is. Even the Zend, the nearest relative of Vedic, has 
 the gen. ast-as(ca) according to the consonantal declension. 
 Greek aarc(ft)-av 'bone' and oan-vos 'bony.' 1 
 
 thigh: Vedic gen. sakthn-ds, casus recti sdkthi. No certain 
 correspondent in any of the related languages. Cf. De Saussure, 
 M£moire, p. 226. 
 
 fore-arm: Vedic gen. doqn-ds. The casus recti have conso- 
 nantal dos, which in the later language penetrates into the casus 
 obliqui, e. g. dor-frkjdm, Mhbhar. i. 153, dor-bhis, Malavika 77. 
 
 In Zend also we may note the inroads of this adaptation in two 
 cases of especial interest : 
 
 nose : The abl. naonhanat occurs at Vend. iii. 46 ; ix. 158. It 
 is based upon an ra-stem ndsn-. The prevailing inflection in Vedic 
 is upon the basis of the consonantal stem nas- in nom. du. nasd, 
 and oblique cases nas-A, nas-i, nas-ds. Cf. Old Persian ace. 
 ndham. 
 
 tooth: The -stem dantan- represents the prevailing form of this 
 word, and it has remained masculine notwithstanding its transition 
 to this type. See Justi, sub voce, and dantdno, nom. plur. masc. 
 Zend-Pahlavi Glossary (Haug and West, pp. 8. 3; 49. 14, etc.). 
 In addition to this the stem data- in ddtdhva, Vend. xv. 4, and 
 tizi-ddta-, Vend. xiii. 16, is left as the representative of the old 
 consonantal stem, which has passed into the <z-declension. ddta- 
 — dnt-d- ? 
 
 o 
 
 4. Designations of parts of the body in Armenian. 
 
 Upon the ground of the Armenian we do not venture with full 
 confidence, as the history of the individual words involved in this 
 discussion is by no means clear in every detail. But it is worth 
 while to point out how completely the ^-declension has taken 
 hold of the designations of parts of the body ; in fact, how large 
 a part of the territory occupied by such w-stems, as are at all 
 clear etymologically, is in the hands of the semasiological category 
 in question. We have here in the first place the word for eye, 
 nom. akn, gen. dat. akan. Here the w-declension in the oblique 
 cases is certainly old, and has absorbed the entire paradigm just as 
 in Goth, augd, augins. Cf. Hiibschmann, Armenische Studien, p. 
 17, Nr. 4. The word for ear, unkn, is treated most recently by 
 
 1 Possibly oGTd-no-g for *doTv.no-g ' crab ' shows a trace of the w-stem in 
 Greek ; cf. Brugmann, Grundriss ii. p. 243. 
 
IO AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Friedrich Miiller, Armeniaca vi. p. 5, Nr. 49 (Transactions of the 
 Imperial Academy of Vienna, Vol. cxxii. 1890). The form is 
 explained most naturally on the supposition that it is based upon 
 the old tt-stem of the oblique cases : usn- = Goth, ausin- = Gr. 
 ova-(ros). I would suggest that to this was added the -kn of akn 
 eye, making usn-kn, which changed to unkn : the words for eye 
 and ear are especially prone to assimilate; see below, p. 13, note. 
 Now it is surely not the result of accident that armukn elbow, 
 gen. armkan (Hiibsch. p. 21, Nr. 45) and mukn, gen. mkan 
 muscle (also ' mouse,' Hiibsch. p. 44, Nr. 206) are declined in a 
 parallel fashion. It is hard to believe that we have not here the 
 adaptive influence of akn eye and unkn ear. 1 But further, we 
 find under the control of the w-declension the words for tooth 
 atamn, gen. dat. atama?i (Hiibsch. p. 20, Nr. 33) ; for nose, rungn 
 (Miiller, p. 6, Nr. 55); for foot, otn, gen. otin (Hiibsch. p. 46, 
 Nr. 230) ; for hand,/*r«, gen. jerin (ibid. p. 40, Nr. 174). We 
 have thus eight designations of parts of the body, most of them 
 very common, exhibiting similarities of treatment which is in 
 some instances palpably secondary (e. g. in otn, which represents 
 the I. E. stem/^-), and due no doubt in some measure to assimi- 
 lation with other members of the same class. It is of course pos- 
 sible that the transition of these words to the rc-declension is only 
 a part of the more general movement which has drawn other 
 Armenian substantives into the weak declension ; see Hiibschmann, 
 ibid. p. 18, Nr. 12 : p. 19, Nr. 22 ; p. 20, Nr. 31 ; p. 28, Nr. 86 ; 
 p. 40, No. 180; p. 44, Nr. 207; p. 48, Nr. 245; p. 55, Nr. 291. 
 We do not venture to decide in every detail the points here sug- 
 gested, but would emphasize once more that the kn at the end of 
 four of these words is in all probability due to adaptation, while, as 
 a matter of fact, the appearance as rc-stems of eight of these words 
 presents essentially the same outcome which we have seen in the 
 spread of the rc-suffix in the Germanic designations of members 
 of the body. 
 
 5. The I. E. word for « member, limb. 9 
 
 An old I. E. word for part ofthe body in general seems to 
 me to have fallen under the ban of this adaptation of the n-r- 
 sufhx. Lat. membru-m is now generally explained as coming 
 
 1 In the case of mukn the k may be the residue of an original diminutive 
 stem reflected by Lat. muscu-{lus), Sk.musaka: this rendered the adaptive 
 process easier. 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. II 
 
 from mens-ro- = Old Irish mlr ' piece of flesh,' from *mens-ra- } 
 both being derived by secondary extension by suffix -ro- from an 
 old stem for 'flesh,' Vedic mdnsd- 'flesh,' mdns-pdcana- 'per- 
 taining to the cooking of meat'; Goth, mimza- 'meat,' Obg. meso 
 'meat.' But the Irish derivative with -ro- still means 'meat,' and 
 not 'limb.' On the other hand, Vedic marman, which the Peters- 
 burg Lexicon— perhaps without desire to etymologize — translates 
 by 'membrum,' is the true semasiological correspondent ofmem- 
 brum ; see e. g. AV. vi. 75. 18 : marmdni te vdrmand chddaydmi 
 'I cover your limbs with a coat of mail.' At Kauc. 13. 6 seven 
 members (sapta marmdni) are spoken of, and the commentator 
 specifies — with what justice it is hard to szy—padamadhydni 
 ndbhihrdayam miirdhd ce 'ti. 1 Vedic mdrma is I. E. mtrrnn, 
 and may have had the r-stem *mermer as well as its usual side- 
 form in -o-, *mermro- ; cf. above Sk. asra- by the side of stems 
 asn- and dsrg ; pdtra- and irrepo- by the side of acci-piter ; rjTpo- 
 by the side of rJTop, etc. The stem *mermro- containing a group 
 of three consonants, was relieved to *memro- y probably before the 
 individual Italian period ; cf. in general De Saussure, Memoire de 
 la Societe de Linguistique, vi. 246 fg. Italic *memro- becomes 
 membro- as hlbernu-s for *hlbrino-s for *himbrznos= Greek x«M e ~ 
 pivo-s, as tuber, stem *tabro for tumbro- = Sk. tilmra-s 'fat, strong.' 
 See Louis Havet, M6moires de la Soci6t6 de Linguistique, iii. 416; 
 Osthoff, Morph. Unters. v. 85 fg* 
 
 6. Gothic lotus and tuu|>us. 
 
 Of especial interest for the problem which stands at the head 
 of this paper is a small group of words designating parts of the 
 
 1 The Hindus always feel the etymology which they ascribe to the word 
 (root mar ' to die ') : accordingly, the notion of ' vital part of the body ' ever and 
 again crops out in connection with the word. The medical castras speak of five 
 different categories of marman, which are subdivided so as to amount altogether 
 to 107 marmdni or vital parts of the body ; see Wise, A Digest of Hindu Medi- 
 cine, p. 69 fg. ; cf. also Nirukta ix. 28 ; xiv. 7 ; Yajnav. iii. 102, and the list of 
 citations from Sugruta given in the Pet. Lex. sub voce marman. If the word 
 is proethnic, as is assumed above, their interpretation is secondary, and it may 
 be fairly questioned whether there is any connection at all with root mar 
 'to die.' 
 
 2 Possibly *mermro- survived until the early Italic period, producing *mer/n- 
 bro-, losing its r after the development of the transitional 6, just as in a later 
 Italic period Lat. marmor-, *marmr- yielded French *marmbre % which was 
 relieved by the loss of the m in modern marbre. 
 
1 2 AMERICAN JO URNAL OF PHIL OLOGY. 
 
 body in Gothic and other Germanic dialects. The question has 
 often been asked why the I. E. stem. pod- foot, Proto-Germanic 
 fot-, should have become fpt-u-s in Gothic. The comparison with 
 the Vedic &n. \ey. pdd-ii-s } glossed by Durga at Nirukta v. 19 with 
 jangamana 'course,' has but little in its favor. The view, formul- 
 ated most clearly by Bernhard Kahle, Zur Entwicklung der Con- 
 sonantischen Declination im Germanischen, p. 9 (cf. also Brug- 
 mann, Grundriss ii. p. 450), is now generally accepted. According 
 to Kahle, the ^-inflection of the Gothic stem began in the ace. sg. 
 and pi. : fotu = Proto-Germ.fotum = I. K.pddm ; foiuns = Proto- 
 Germ. fdtuns = I. E. pddns. These forms coincided with the 
 corresponding cases of w-stems, and furnished the point from 
 which the old consonantal declension could slip over into the 
 ^-declension. 1 But it is not a little striking, in the light of our 
 investigation, that the Gothic word for tooth has the very same 
 inflection : nom. tun\us> etc. Here also it is perfectly possible 
 that the ace. sg. iuri\>u, ace. plur. tu?i\uns y dat. plur. tun\um should 
 have offered occasion for a change from the consonantal to the 
 ^-declension (see Kahle, p. 15). But whence the coincidence? 
 Why should the same analogy have completely overrun both 
 words independently in Gothic? It must be remembered that in 
 the remaining German dialects the decay of the proethnic con- 
 sonantal declension of each of these words was followed by an 
 eager line of aspirants from all possible other declensions : /-de- 
 clension (e. g. Ohg. dat. plur. fuazi?n, zenirri), rc-declension, 
 ^-declension, etc. ; see Kahle, pp. 8 fg. and 14 fg. It has hitherto 
 passed without notice that in the consideration of these two words 
 their character as designations of parts of the body might play a 
 role, and further that they belong to a group of at least four 
 words of the same category, handus hand and kinnus chin, 
 cheek being the other two. Of these kinnus is certainly the con- 
 tinuation of a pre-Germanic w-stem = Gr. yews, Lat. genu-(Jnu-s) 
 'belonging to the cheek' (denies genuini) ; Sk. hdnu-s 'jaw,' a etc. 
 
 'According to Kahle, pp. 8, 9, the dat. plur. fdtum is also an independent 
 analogical intruder into the paradigm : it is made in accordance with the prevail- 
 ing type of the dat. plur. of consonantal stems na/itum =T > roto-Germ.*na/itumi 
 for * ■nahtmmi ; Proto-Germ. fdtmi would have yielded *fdtm, not fdtum. This 
 form, therefore, may be added to fdtum ace. sg., and fdtuns % ace. plur., making 
 in all three //-forms as the basis of the entire w-declension. 
 
 2 Goth, kinnus for *kinu-s : the nn from oblique cases in which the stem- 
 final came to stand before a vowel : 'kint&- became kinn- as vianu = Vedic 
 stem mdnu- ' man ' became mahn-, and spread over the entire paradigm. 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. 1 3 
 
 The word for hand seems to have been originally a consonantal 
 stem which passed over into the z*-declension, but its transition has 
 been very much more complete than that of the stems for foot 
 and tooth; the ^-declension of hand was in all probability 
 largely completed in Proto-Germanic times, although here also 
 forms of other declensional types (e. g. Ohg. dat. plur. hentirn) 
 are not wanting; see Kahle, ibid. p. 27. I believe now that the 
 development of the entire group was as follows : Proto-Germanic 
 *kin-u-s encountered in early German times certain cases of hand- 
 which looked like w-forms: ace. sg. handu{nt)\ ace. plur. 
 handuns ; dat. plur. ha?idum(i). The semasiological kinship of 
 the two stems drew on the latter to the approximate completion 
 of its declension according to the «-type ; these two sought out 
 in Gothic two more designations of parts of the body, fot- and 
 turfy-, the way being again prepared by the existence in each of 
 the ambiguous forms, the ace. sg. and plur. and the dat. plur. (see 
 above). One may venture to intimate still more precisely that 
 kinnus completed the development of fundus, and handus the 
 development of fdtus, since tooth and jaw, hand and foot have 
 special affinities and were doubtless often mentioned in pairs. 
 The difference in the gender, kinnus and handus, feminine ; fundus 
 and/dtus, masculine, presented no difficulty, since fern, and masc. 
 ^-sterns in Gothic are inflected precisely alike ; as far as the Gothic 
 documents in our possession are concerned we may remember 
 that kinmis and handus render the Greek feminines -yeWy and 
 X€Lp, while fdtus and tun\us reproduce the Greek masculines novs 
 and 68ovs. 1 
 
 1 Further instances of the adaptation of suffixes designating parts of the 
 body may be contained in the following cases: Vedic sanu-, snti- back, 
 which I would compare with Gr. vvaaa for *ow-nia or *ovv-Tia ' turning-point,' 
 lit. ' that to which the back is turned,' and Lat. sinus • curve, bosom,' is of a 
 structure very parallel to jann-, -jnti- knee, Gr. y6vv, yvv-%. These two pro- 
 ethnic stems are not only both designations of parts of the body, but they 
 share also the notion of ' bent surface, curvature '; it seems likely that the 
 special structure which separates these two groups from all others is due to 
 some extent to mutual assimilation. Possibly Vedic frnga horn owes its 
 difficult secondary suffix -ga- (cf. Lat. comu, Goth, haiirn, Runic hornd) simply 
 to Vedic dnga limb; the meanings are again peculiarly near each other. 
 This explanation seems to me not less plausible than that advanced by Kluge, 
 Festgruss an Bohtlingk, p. 60. The frequent parallelism in the form of words 
 for eye and ear has been noted; see, e. g. Schmidt, Pluralbildungen, pp. 250, 
 389, 406. The same scholar, ibid. 250, note, assumes the influence of the Vedic 
 dual aksydu 'the eyes' upon Vedic sakthydu '*the thighs'; the meanings 
 are quite as far apart as those of bdovq and Tzovq,fdtus and tunyus. 
 
14 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 7. Excursus on words for right and left. 
 
 A propos of Gothic handus a few remarks on words for right 
 and left. The words for right from the root deks show an 
 astonishing variety of suffixes, though the meaning is apparently 
 the same. They may be grouped as follows: 
 
 Suffix -ino-. 
 
 Suffix -uo-. 
 
 Suffix -tero-. 
 
 Suffix -%o-. 
 
 Suffix -tmmo-. 
 
 Sk. ddkzina-. 
 
 Goth, taihsva-. 
 
 Lat. dexter. 
 
 Gr. degiog. 
 
 Lat. dextimus. 
 
 Zd. ddsina-. 
 
 Ohg. zeso (gen. 
 
 Gr. det-iTEpdg. 
 
 
 
 Obg. desinu. 
 
 ze'swes). 
 
 
 
 
 Lith. deszin'e 'right 
 
 Old Ir. dess. 
 
 
 
 
 hand.' 
 
 Cymr. dehou. 
 
 
 
 
 Some of these are secondary: Lat. dextimus presents the 
 superlative suffix -mmo- in addition to the comparative -ero- in 
 dexter, perhaps after such a proportional analogy as inferus : infi- 
 mus = dexter : x, i. e. dextimus. Greek degirepos right is certainly 
 formed secondarily after its opposite apiarepos left. On the other 
 hand, 8e£i6s and dexter represent old comparative formations whose 
 antiquity there is no reason to doubt. Most noticeable are the 
 forms in -uo- : Brugmann, Rheinisches Museum, vol. lxiii 401 has 
 suggested that these are imitations after the opposite words for 
 'left,' represented by Lat. laevo-s = Gr.\at-(P)6-s = Obg. levii; Lat. 
 scaevo-s — Gr. o-Kai(f)6-s. I would suggest a somewhat broader 
 basis which shall include both manifestations of the suffix -uo- : 
 while -tero- and -to- are original comparative suffixes, the suffix 
 -UO- is a broader suffix of direction. Comparison and direc- 
 tion (e. g. Sk. ddksina- 'south'; Old Ir. dess 'south'; o-kcllo-s 
 ' western ') are the two prominent phases of the function of the 
 words of this category. In other words, I would see in the suffix 
 -710- in words for right and left the suffix which appears in I. E. 
 fdk-ud-: Vedic ilrdhva-s 'upright,' Gr. 6 P 6(f)6-s 'upright,' Lat. 
 arduo-s, etc. In Vedic writings, e. g. AV. iv. 40; Kaucika- 
 sutra 116. 3 urdhvd is a designation of direction (urdhva dig) by 
 the side oipracl, ddksind, pratici, ildici (dig) ; two more designa- 
 tions of direction in the same lists dhruva and vyadhvd seem to 
 exhibit the readiness with which this suffix adapted itself to words 
 of direction. This point of view accounts also, we believe, for the 
 appearance of the suffix -uo- in the two oldest I. E. words for all, 
 soluo- : Gr. ovXo-s and 8\o-s, Lat. salvo-s, Sk. sarva-, Zd. haurva-, 
 etc. ; and uikuo- : Sk. vigva-, Zd. vispa-. These also were words 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. I 5 
 
 of direction. Only it may be questioned whether Sk. vigva- and 
 Zd. vlspa- are not themselves secondary assimilations to soluo- 
 undertaken by these two languages independently, since Ache- 
 menidan visa- and Obg. visi exhibit no trace of the u. In the 
 earliest Indian writings vigva- and sarva- jostle each other: the 
 RV. has vigva- more frequently than sdrva-; later sdrva- gains 
 the upper hand. 
 
 Brugmann, ibid. p. 399 fg., observes that a large number of 
 words for 'left' are derived from roots expressing the idea of 
 'good, favorable, desirable, of good omen.' Upon this I would 
 base the etymology of Vedic savyd- = Zend havya- 'left.' The 
 older identification with scaevo-s, o-k<u6-s, Fick 3 i. 228 (cf. Curtius, 
 Etym. 5 166) is not tenable ; sk does not become s in Vedic or h in 
 Zend, nor does Greek o-kgw-s exhibit epenthesis of i. I regard 
 savyd- as a derivative with comparative suffix -io- from sii 'good,' 
 just as navy a- 'new, recent' is made with the same suffix from nu 
 'now.' Cf. Vedic vdmd- ' good ' and vama ' left.' Is Gothic hlei- 
 d-uma- 'left' to be compared with a supposable Sk. *gri-tama- 
 'best'? The d($) in hleiduma- before the ordinary superlative 
 suffix -uma- ( r mmo-') would then perhaps be due to adaptation 
 from other superlative words of direction, e. g. Ags. si$-em-(esf). 
 Or is it simply a word of direction, containing the root I. E. klei 
 'to lean,' and connected with Ohg. (h)ll-ta 'inclined plane'; cf. 
 k\t-tv-s 'hill'? cf. Brugmann, Grundriss ii. p. 159. In that case 
 also the connection between hleiduma and words like si§em-(esf) 
 seems very likely. 1 
 
 8. Assimilation of opposite*, and assimilation of 
 congeners. 
 
 If it shall turn out that the explanations offered in the preced- 
 ing pages are true, we may allow ourselves to dwell for a moment 
 upon the principle which they involve. In our opinion, this method 
 of investigation is of great importance. It has been known for a 
 long time that words of opposite value exert an attractive influ- 
 
 1 Wackernagel, KZ. xxix. 134 has rendered likely that x e P (J - is tne stem for 
 'hand' in Greek. Can a bridge be built between this and Aryan *zhasta-, Sk. 
 hdsta-, Zd. zasta-, Achemenidan dasta- ? I. E. *ghers-to-, relieved of its r, one of 
 three consecutive consonants, would yield ghes-to-. Such is the treatment of 
 the group rst in Latin : to[r)stus : torreo, etc., Stolz, Lat. Gr. s §65. 3d, p. 313. 
 Possibly ,Vedic kistd- 'singer, poet' may come from ki(r)std-\n some pre-Aryan 
 period of speech, cf. kirtt- 'praise,' thus illustrating the same phonetic pro- 
 cess. 
 
1 6 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 ence upon one another, 1 and this knowledge has been used to 
 good purpose, growingly year by year. The reason for this has, 
 however, largely escaped notice : opposites attract each other 
 because they belong semasiologically to the same class. Now, 
 just as it is a sound mode of procedure while watching the historical 
 change or development of a certain word, to keep an eye con- 
 stantly upon the parallel development of its opposite or its oppo- 
 sites, so it is true method to consider all the members of that 
 broader class of which the N word and its opposite form are but 
 single representatives. Let me illustrate by a new example which 
 seems to me especially well calculated to place this point into the 
 right light. The ordinary word for white in the Veda is gvetd- y 
 a prehistoric word, comparable with Obg. svetu 'light/ and less 
 directly with Goth. hveit(a)-s ' white.' a By its side stands a rarer 
 word with a slightly differentiated meaning gyeid- white, red- 
 dish-white, which looks altogether as though it were merely a 
 modification of fvetd- ; certainly no independent etymology for 
 the word can be found. I would suggest .that gyetd- is a modifi- 
 cation of gvetd- after it had fallen under the influence of its 
 opposites fydmd- and gydvd- black, dark. Thus much for the 
 influence of these opposites upon one another. Now, this 
 secondary word gyetd- white, duly takes a place among words 
 of color in general, and forms a feminine gytni in accordance 
 with the far-reaching fact — itself no doubt due to adaptation — 
 that color-words ending in -ta- make feminines in -nl ; see 
 below under paragraph n, p. 26. But once more, the regular 
 feminine of gvetd- is gvetd : the word in this form has not obeyed 
 
 1 Of the literature on this subject, which is constantly growing, I will point 
 out only the following : Osthoff, Morphologische Untersuchungen, ii. 35 ; 
 Wackernagel, KZ. xxv. 289 fg.; Brugmann, Berichte der Kgl. Sachsischen 
 Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften, 1883, p. 191 fg. ; Stolz, Wiener Studien, ix. 
 305; Wheeler, Analogy (Ithaca, 18S7), p. 19; Brugmann, Grundriss, ii. no, 
 292,453 note 2, 465; Joh. Schmidt, Pluralbildungen, 207, 212 note. To the 
 scant list of cases of syntactical analogy of opposites I would add Eng. differ 
 with, which is a modification of differ from made in deference to the 
 form and the meaning of agree with; to differ with means not to 
 agree with; it never means to differ in form, character, etc. Does 
 Greek akvudq owe its v to the influence of the stem rjdv- ? 
 
 2 It looks as though Proto-Germ. *hveita-s from I. E. kueito-s o\jz& its /instead 
 of p (*hveiya-s) to the analogy of its opposite *svarta-s, I. E. suordo-s. Note 
 Goth, hveits and svarts ; Old Norse hvitr and svartr; Old Saxon hvit and 
 svart ; Middle English hwit and swart, etc. 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. 1 7 
 
 the call of the adaptive law of the feminines just now alluded to. 
 Yet Vopadeva iv. 27 reports a feminine fveni, which is likely 
 enough to have been formed somewhere or other in deference to 
 the special inducement offered by that fern, gyeni, which itself 
 sprung from the loins of fvetd- : truly a clear illustration of the 
 influence of an opposite blending with the influence of a congeneric 
 word into one composite result. I believe that the presence of 
 this principle in the minds of those who investigate the history of 
 words will be found more and more a means of saving much 
 acute but futile phonetics, and I hope to add a few more illustra- 
 tions of this point in the sequel of this article. All this is of 
 especial importance in the study of the history of noun-suffixes ; 
 the suffix must be considered from two leading points of view : 
 first, in the light of the entire mass of material which has the 
 same and related suffixes ; secondly, in the light of the semasio- 
 logical category to which the word belongs. Kluge, in his Nomi- 
 nate Stammbildungslehre der Altgermanischen Dialecte, has 
 emphasized the latter point of view perhaps a little too much at 
 the expense of the former ; Brugmann, in the second volume of 
 his Grundriss, has emphasized the first at the expense of the 
 second ; only an appendix (ii. pp. 419 fg.) deals with the sema- 
 siological categories. Even this, however, is full of suggestion, 
 as is everything which comes from the pen of this gifted scholar. 
 
 9. Designations of birds, animals, and plants 
 in Greek. 
 
 In Brugmann's discussion of the Greek suffix -*o-, -*- (nom. -£), 
 ibid. pp. 243, 255, 257, there is no indication of the fact that this 
 suffix is largely pre-empted by designations of animals, especially 
 birds and plants. Thus : 
 
 1. Birds: y Xai£ owl; Upa^Xp^ hawk; "vy£ (i/3u£) wryneck; 
 icavag, kt)L'£, kx)% sea-gull; k6kkv£ cuckoo; <6pa^ crow; Kpeg = 
 Lat. crex ; oprv£ quail; nepdig partridge; ^Xrj^ combless 
 cock. 
 
 2. Other animals: dl£ goat ; dXdnrr}^ fo x ; d<nrdXa£, or7ra\a£ m o 1 e ; 
 &6a£ a fish; £d/zj3u£ silk-worm ; de\<pag pig; Xa/3pa£ sea-wolf 
 (fish); XdXag croaking frog; Xelpag snail; Xvyg lynx ; pvpMg 
 ant; Troprag calf; np6£ roe; 7rra>£, nrdg hare; o-KvXag puppy; 
 o-K<aXr]£ worm; o-^wasp; tctti£ grasshopper ; vo-rptg hedge- 
 hog; <poLvi£ phoenix. Persian spaka- dog promptly becomes 
 
 *o-7ra£, aCC. (Tirana, Hd. i. IIO. 
 
1 8 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 3. Plants and the like: y\&£ beard of corn; dovag, 8oi>va£ 
 reed; av6cpi£ beard of corn; dplda£ lettuce ; Adpi£ lark-tree ; 
 vd P dr]£ ferula; fy(pa£ unripe grape; fy^ shoot; pd£, p<i>$ 
 berry, grape; <Tfu\ag y e w ; cpolvig palm. Cf. also *d\v£ bud. 
 
 Even a superficial survey of these lists shows that there must 
 have existed in the speech-sense of the Greeks the feeling that 
 the suffix -£ (nominative) was especially fit for designations of 
 animals and plants, in other words that the suffix had adapted 
 itself definitely to such use. Further, a glance at Kluge, Stamm- 
 bildung, §61, p. 29, shows that the germs of this adaptation are 
 pre-Hellenic. Ohg. chranuh kranich; Goth, ahaks dove; 
 Ohg. habuh habicht, hawk; Ags. ruddoc; Middle Engl, 
 puttock; Engl, pinnock exhibit the same suffix adapted to 
 the same function, well established in German. 1 In all likeli- 
 hood the adaptation of this suffix to the designation of birds 
 began in proethnic times, and was emphasized anew in Greek and 
 German ; cf. Armenian krunk = Ohg. chranuh ; oprvg == Sk. 
 vartika, vartaka-. A survey of the Greek list of names of birds 
 suggests furthermore one or two interesting details and questions. 
 Brugmann, Grundriss ii. 243, suggests that v of oprvg may be due 
 to the v of KOKKvg, tpvg, etc., the Sk. having a before the k (var- 
 taka-'). Very likely, and I would suggest the same explanation 
 for the v of nrepvg wing. Joh. Schmidt, Pluralbildungen, p. 176 
 note, assumes that nrepvy- is a cumulative analogical formation 
 (syncretic analogy), the result of two prehistoric stems, one 
 having the final I. E. 3 without preceding u (Zd. *pterej-, Old 
 Netherl.- fetherac) ; the other ending in u without the guttural 
 (represented by Vedic patdru- 'flying'). Far simpler and quite 
 as likely seems to me the assumption that some word for 'wing,' 
 either irrepo-v or a stem ending in a guttural not preceded by u, 
 fell under the influence of bird-names in vg y borrowing from them 
 either the entire suffix -vg or at least the v. Bird and wing 
 approximate one another about as closely in meaning, e. g. as 
 night and sleep, whose similarity in meaning Joh. Schmidt, 
 ibid. p. 212 note, employs to account for the formation of Vedic 
 svapnaya i n s 1 e e p, after the pattern of naktaya by night. Again, 
 the v of nom. ow£ claw, nail may in its turn have been influ- 
 enced by nrepvg and the names of birds in -i>£ : the v is in some 
 
 1 For other designations of animals in German by definite suffixes which 
 have no doubt spread by adaptation, see Kluge, ibid. §§3, 6, 18, 28, 34, 
 84, 100. Cf. also in general below, p. 24 fg. 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. 1 9 
 
 way or other secondary ; cf. Sk. nakhd-s, Ohg. nagal, Lat. unguis, 
 Lith. naga-s, etc. Similarly the word for egg, Ohg. ei, plur. 
 £Z£7> (Nhg. «', eier) follows the adaptation of the I. E. suffix -os, 
 -es, Proto-Germanic -az, ~iz, which begins to play the role of a 
 plur. suffix, at first largely in designations of animals, e. g. Ohg. 
 kalb, plur. kalbir calf; see Kluge, ibid. §84 ; Brugmann, Grund- 
 riss, p. 395. 
 
 10. Designations of divisions of time. 
 
 That a chain of adaptation started to bind together in some 
 early period of I. E. history the designations of seasons and 
 divisions of time has, as far as I know, hitherto not been 
 observed, or distinctly stated. The metaplastic declension in -r 
 and -n, the same which proved so active in bringing together the 
 designations of members of the body, has gained quite a con- 
 siderable footing within this semasiological category. An old 
 declension *veser or vesr (casus recti), *vesn/s seems to lie at the 
 base of the multiform representatives of the I. E. word for 
 spring. The r-stem appears in Greek tap, ?jp, Lat. ver (Brug- 
 mann, Grundriss i. 430), Old Norse vdr (Schmidt, Pluralbildungen, 
 p. 201); Zend vanhr-i (Zend-Pahlavi glossary); Lith. vasar-ci 
 'summer'; perhaps also Vedic vasar-ha (Ludwig, RV. vol. iv. 191 ; 
 Bartholomae, Bezz. Beitr. xv. 15). The w-stem is at the base of 
 Obg. vesn-a and Vedic vasan-td- spring. 
 
 The word for winter has developed early, though possibly 
 secondarily, the same double suffix : -r in Greek x«/uep-u/d-r, Lat. 
 hibernus (cf. above, p. 11), Armenian jme'r-n, gen. jmer-an ; the 
 w-suffix in Vedic hemdn-, heman-td-, Gr. xel/ui, x«/*a>*>, Arm. jiun 
 from *jivan = *jiman ; see Hubschmann, Armenische Studien, 
 p. 18, Nr. 12; p. 40, Nr. 178. The additional suffix with n in 
 Arm. jmer-n, jmer-an may represent the blending of the oblique 
 ^-cases with the casus recti in -r. The r-n suffix appears also 
 in Arm. amar-n, gen. amar-an summer, the stem amar- being 
 = Ohg. sumar (cf. Ved. sdmd 'year,' Zend hama 'summer'); 
 -r and -n are blended in this Armenian word just as in the word 
 for winter. The word for night exhibits the r-stem in vvKrap, 
 wKTep-ls, vvKT€p-iv6-s, Lat. noctur-nus, Zend nahiare in nahtourusu 
 (Bartholomae in Bezz. Beitr. xv. 19) ; the rc-stem in the solitary 
 Vedic naktd-bhis (RV. vii. 104, 8=AV. viii. 4, 18) which Joh. 
 Schmidt, KZ. xxvi. 18, and Pluralbildungen, p. 212, identifies 
 with Goth, nahtam (w-stem). It has occurred to me that nak- 
 tdbhis by night might be the analogical opposite of dhabhis by 
 
20 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 day (see below, p. 22), but the difference in the accent renders 
 this unlikely ; the accent of naktdbhis is the old accent of the 
 oblique cases, that of dhabhis, as well as the entire stem dhan-, 
 seems to have followed the analogy of dhar and dhas {dhobhis). 
 Goth, nahtam could also be imagined as the opposite of the o. 
 stem dagam, but for Goth, nahta-mats 'supper,' which, like Goth. 
 auga-daurd 'window' (cf. dat. plur. augani), has propagated the 
 inorganic representatives of the rc-stem : the w-stem seems there- 
 fore to be old. 
 
 The heteroclitic declension appears most clearly in Gr. rjpap 
 (Jniiepa), finaros day; Vedic dhar, dhn-as (Zend loc. asni) day; 
 Zd. Isapare, gen. hsafnd night, Vedic «',wrdawn (extended to 
 the oblique cases, gen. usrds) ; cf. also vdsard- early; Lith. 
 auszrd, Gr. fa'p-ios, avp-10-v, rjpi in the morning: a trace of the 
 rc-stem perhaps in Zend uYsdnd (=*usdno), according to Geldner, 
 Bezz. Beitr. xiv. 1. The r-stem without the rc-stem is found in 
 Zd. ayare day ; l Zd. ydre, ydra- year, Goth, jer, Gr. &pa, Obg. 
 jaru, jara; further in the German stem for winter in Ohg. 
 wintar, Ags. vinter, Goth. vintr-us; and for summer: Ohg. 
 sumar, Ags. sumer; see Kahle, ibid. p. 18; Kluge, Stamm- 
 bildung, p. 2 ; Schmidt, Pluralbildung, p. 207. The r-stem 
 appears also in Vedic vatsard- year, by the side of vatsd- 'year- 
 ling calf and Gr. feros : cf. Cu. Etym. 5 p. 208; HUbschmann, 
 ibid. Likewise in Latin vesper, vespera, Gr. eane'pa evening, 
 parallel but not identical with which are Lith. vdkara-s, Obg. 
 veceril ' evening': the suffix is the same as that of the Greek and 
 Latin words. Cf. Schmidt, ibid. p. 18 note. Further, Ohg. 
 demar 'crepusculum,' demer-ungd 'crepusculum ' seems to hold 
 the same relation to Ved. tdmas as u§ar- : zisas, above ; see 
 Schmidt, ibid. p. 206. Here also belong Ohg. wetar, Ags. weder 
 weather; cf. Obg. vedro hot weather; perhaps likewise the 
 adverbially employed stems, Vedic muhur quickly (cf. muhur-td 
 moment) ; sabar- at once, in sabar-dhuk (nom.), sabar-dugha- 
 4 giving milk at once'; Ved. ptinar again; Zd. isare at once; 
 Gr. acpap immediately, of which the corresponding n-stem may 
 be contained in acpv-a> of a sudden. 2 
 
 1 Schmidt, Pluralbildungen, p. 216 note, assumes that this word is the Zend 
 representative of Vedic dhar, having changed its true form *azar (cf. loc. asni) 
 perhaps under the influence of y are year. Cf. also ayara- ' genius of the day.' 
 
 2 Very different etymological views in reference to this word have been 
 advanced by Froehde, Bezz. Beitr. x. 294 ; Bartholomae, ibid. xv. 17 ; Schmidt, 
 Pluralbildungen, p. 516 note. Cf. also Kretschmer in KZ. xxxi. 35 r. 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. 21 
 
 The process of adaptation of the suffix to words for division of 
 time obtained an additional impetus from their secondary adjec- 
 tive derivatives in -mo- ; this, by clipping the final r of the stem, 
 yielded -rino-, and seems to have become independently produc- 
 tive in proethnic times. The representatives of this formation 
 are restricted to Greek and Latin : iapivo-s, x €l H- € P lJ/ o-s (cf. depivo-s), 
 wKTepivo-s, rjnepivo-s, e<nr€piv6s J 1 Lat. vernu-s, noctumu-s, diurnu-s, 
 vesperna, hibernu-s.' 1 
 
 1 Suff. -tvo- also exhibits in Greek signs of independent productivity as a 
 means of making derivatives from words for divisions of time : 6eikivo-g, 
 nepvaivd-g, depivo-g, oTrupivo-g, eudiv6-g. 
 
 2 Of recent years the view has been expressed with growing confidence that 
 the r-stems in the heteroclitic declension in r-n, and elsewhere, are in reality 
 case-forms with original locative value, which have been made the basis of a 
 more or less complete declensional system. Thus recently Bartholomae, Bezz. 
 Beitr. xv. 14 fg. ; Johansson, Gott. Gel. Anz. 1890, Nr. 19, p. 774. At the base 
 of this view seems to lie the consideration that designations of time, space, 
 and parts of the body are peculiarly addicted to such declensional methods 
 (Johansson, ibid.). In the case of words for time and space which are a priori 
 very liable to be employed in the locative, a certain degree of plausibility 
 attaches to this view. But how about designations of parts of the body ? Is 
 it at all, likely that the I. E. form, represented by ^ap = Lat. jecur= Sk. 
 yakrt, etc., ever meant in proethnic times ' in the liver,' though no such case 
 value is ever attached to it in any period of I. E. speech ? And why should 
 the declension of the casus recti of the word for water vdop = Ohg. wazar 
 have developed paradoxically out of the locative, the casus obliquus par excel- 
 lence ? There are a plenty of other words in -p which have nothing to do 
 with time, space, and parts of the body. I will mention from the Greek, 
 without aiming at exhaustiveness: akuap, -arog * wheaten flour'; aheityap, -arog 
 'unguent'; almp indecl. 'bulwark'; 6i?^ap, -arog 'bait'; elliap, -apog 'cover- 
 ing'; hXdop, eMup 'desire'; e^wp, -upog 'booty'; nelop, -upog 'son'; ttreap, 
 •arog 'possessions'; Ivpap 'filth'; panap, -apog 'blessed'; pvX a P 'expedient'; 
 pupap, pvpap 'blame'; venrap, -apoq 'nectar'; bap (up),bapoq 'consort'; bvap 
 'dream'; dveiap, -arog ' food'; Tretpap, -arog ' end'; 7re2xop ' monster'; irlap, indecl. 
 ' fat ' GCiKxop ' sugar ' oreap, -arog ' tallow '; renpap, reupcop ' boundary, aim '; vrrap 
 'waking vision'; typtap, -arog 'well.' Cf. also e. g. Lat. iter, itineris 'way'; 
 cicer, ciceris 'pulse'; Ags. tiber, tifer, Ohg. zebar, Nhg. ziefer, ge-ziefer, un-ge- 
 ziefer, as specimens from languages outside of Greek. These words, many of 
 them old, exhibit the greatest variety of meanings, and the association of their 
 r- forms with the locative can be undertaken only with utter disregard of their 
 face-value. Bartholomae, in another little article entitled 'Arische lokative 
 mit «,' ibid. p. 25 fg., goes still farther and assumes that the w-cases of the 
 heteroclitic declensions in r-n also grew up on the basis of a locative in », and 
 he does not hesitate to take very sturdily the consequences of this view : they 
 may be stated by saying that the entire declension of the words for ' liver,' 
 rjTzap, -arog, etc., or 'blood,' Vedic dsrj, asnds, etc., has grown up on the basis 
 
22 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Words for seasons and divisions of time also present here and 
 there minor adaptive groups or instances of assimilation of 
 single forms. It is certainly not accidental that vasantd- spring 
 and hemantd- winter are formed exactly alike; as far as the 
 secondary ~td- is concerned one may mention muhiirtd- moment 
 in the same connection. The suffix -ina- occurs in Vedic sam- 
 vatsarina- yearly and firdvrsinam (sc. dhar) belonging to the 
 rainyseason, varsa. The identity of the endings in au{c)tum- 
 nus and vertumnus may not be altogether accidental. The suffix d 
 of Sk. g ardd autumn is repeated — not accidentally it may be sup- 
 posed — in Ohg. stem lengiz-, Ags. lenct-en, spring, lent; it is to 
 be noted that to our conception these two words for season are oppo- 
 sites, though they were probably not felt to be so in the region of 
 the earth in which they were formed. The assimilation of oppo- 
 sites is especially frequent in names for divisions of time: Armen- 
 ian jmern and amarn winter and summer (cf. above) palpably 
 exhibit similarities of structure too close to be accidental. Brug- 
 mann, Grundriss ii. p. 453, note 2, even assumes that the m in 
 the words oldest I. E. stem for winter, Lat. hiem-s, etc., has come 
 in the place of n owing to the m of the I. E. stem sent- summer. 
 The German words for summer and winter often influence the 
 gender and declension of one another; see Kahle, ibid. p. 20; 
 Schmidt, ibid. p. 207. It is now well known that Lat. diurnus is 
 patterned after nocturnus, while on the other hand noctu is pat- 
 terned after diu ; that Obg. dinija by day is formed after nostijq 
 by night; that both ending and gender of Ohg. tages have 
 passed over to Ohg. nahtes; that the stem Vedic dosds- even- 
 ing is a transformation of dosa after the analogy of usds- morn- 
 ing, at AV. xvi. 4, 6; see Brugmann, Berichteder Konigl. Sachs. 
 Gesellsch. 1883, p. 192; Schmidt, ibid. p. 207. The solitary form 
 naktdbhiSy RV. vii. 104, 18 = AV. viii. 4, 18, may possibly, though 
 
 of original locatives. One may ask whimsically how often the ancient Indo- 
 Europeans, who were scarcely advanced bacteriologists, had occasion to employ 
 the expression 'in the blood.' The verisimilitude of this entire line of theo- 
 ries seems to lie solely in the fact that the suffixes r-n adapted themselves very 
 early to designations of time and space ; here locative function prevails. 
 When winter, or summer, day or night are mentioned in simple non-reflective 
 language it is naturally and almost always ' in winter,' ' in summer,' ' by day,' 
 'by night,' and the investigator may be led to seek the cause of this prepon- 
 derating, but accidental locative function in any marked peculiarity of form, 
 although this peculiarity may be due to a totally different line of historical 
 causes. 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. 2$ 
 
 not probably, turn out to be an analogical opposite of dhabhis (see 
 above, p. 19). 
 
 11. Adaptation in other substantival categories. 
 
 In the following we shall assemble a few additional cases of the 
 adaptation of suffixes from various quarters of I. E. speech. No 
 attempt to exhaust the subject in any direction is intended; my 
 object is rather to put into stronger relief the explanations sug- 
 gested in the preceding pages, and, what is more important, to 
 push forward to a more prominent place this mode of inquiry, 
 whose ideal outcome is to decide in investigation the fate of no 
 word without having first surveyed the whole line of its lexical 
 relatives. 
 
 The authors of the Sanskrit lexicon of the Petersburg Academy 
 were first to indicate that adaptation was at work very early in 
 establishing the prevailing forms of the earliest I. E. category of 
 nouns of relationship. In Vol. iv. p. 690a, note (s. v. mdtar), they 
 say : ' pitar and mdtar sind zwar urindogermanisch, aber schwer- 
 lich die altesten namen fur vater und mutter. Diese werden 
 pa und md oder ahnlich (vgl. tata und nana) gelautet haben, und 
 diese naturlaute mbgen in einer spateren schon reflectierenden 
 periode der sprache bei der bildung von pitar und mdtar maass- 
 gebend gewesen sein.' From proethnic times come the words of 
 relationship pdter- father, mater- mother, bhrater-, bhrator- 
 brother, dhughdUr- daughter, sue'sor- sister; daiu/r- (darjp, 
 Lat. levir) husband's brother; the stem corresponding to 
 Vedicydtar-, Gr. «W«rp-« or dvdrep-es, 'LzX.janitr-ic-es brothers' 
 wives (strong stem dindter-\ weak stem inter-)) and the stem 
 corresponding to Vedic jdmatar- (yijdmdtdr-) son-in-law (cf. 
 
 yapftpos). 
 
 We may regard it as certain that the spread of the suffixes 
 -ter-y -er- over this category began with some one or two words 
 of relationship, in which the suffix had the ordinary function of 
 agency, without, of course, any implication of relationship. The 
 word for father seems to have the best claim to be considered 
 the originator of the category : pdtir- seems to contain the same 
 root as pd-ti-s (Sk. pdti-s, nom-i) husband and h£-pot nephew, 
 grandchild (cf.Leumann in Festgruss an Bohtlingk, p. 77). By 
 the side of/<?//r- 'protector/ used as a frozen epithet of father, 
 stood pd y the I.E.* lallwort ' for f a t h e r. By proportional analogy 
 the 'lallwort ' for mother would give rise to mdttr- {pa \pdi£r = 
 
24 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 md:x, i. e. mdUr-'). 1 The propagation of the suffix after that 
 would be a natural consequence. 
 
 Especially interesting and corroborative are the cases in which 
 the suffixes or case-endings of the nouns of relationship in -ter-> 
 -er- make inroads on other nouns of relationship within the his- 
 tory of the individual languages. Thus the Vedic stem ndndndar- 
 husband's sister, which occurs but a single time at RV. x. 85, 
 46, is in all probability a tentative formation according to this 
 type. 
 
 The stem I. E. ne'pot nephew, grandchild partially passes 
 over into the r-declension in Indo-Iranian times: e. g. Vedic dat. 
 sg. ndptre, somewhat later (TS. i. 3, 11, 1) ace. sg. n&ptdram; 
 Zend gen. sg. nafe§rd-, ace. sg. naptdrem. Similarly Vedic 
 pdti-s in the sense of husband — not in the sense of 'lord' — has 
 in various cases assumed case-endings like the nouns of relation- 
 ship, e. g. gen. patyilr^-us) like pitur^-us) : in this it is followed 
 in a single case by the stem jam- wife, which also makes the gen. 
 jdnyus in the Veda. These again are followed by sakhi- friend, 
 which makes gen. sdkhyus. The anomalous dat. plur. vld<n (for 
 *vle'(n) unquestionably follows Trarpao-t, Bvyarpdai ; cf. Wackernagel 
 in KZ. xxv. 289. Possibly the Germanic forms corresponding to 
 I. E. daiuer- brother-in-law which exhibit a guttural, Ags. 
 tdcor and especially Ohg. zeihhur> are indebted to forms of I. E. 
 svekuro- father-in-law for its appearance. Cf. especially Ohg. 
 svehur.' 1 
 
 An I. E. secondary suffix -bho~ is employed extensively in 
 Sanskrit and Greek for the formation of names of animals. Thus, 
 Vedic or Sanskrit vrsabhd- and rsabhd- bull, garabhd- a f a b u- 
 lous animal, gardabhet- and rasabha- ass, ferabha- snake, and 
 a list of eight others offered by Whitney, Sk. Gr. 2 1199a. In 
 
 1 Cf. the somewhat different view advanced by Delbruck, Die Indoger- 
 manischen Verwandtschaftsnamen, p. 68 fg. Delbruck records the interesting 
 observation that the word pita r- never means 'progenitor' in the Rig-Veda. 
 
 2 Note in this connection the little Germanic category formed with a suffix 
 containing gutturals to express collectives from nouns of relationship : Goth. 
 broprahans brothers; Old Norse ftftgar, plur. tant. masc. fatherandson; 
 mot&gur, plur. tan t. fem. mother and daughter, and the neuter pluralia 
 tant. fe^gin father and mother; moe^gin mother and son; systkin 
 brother and sister , fripgen pair of lovers. See Kluge, Stammbildung, 
 §68a; Schmidt, Phiralbildungen, p. 16. No one seems to be able to point out 
 the exact source of this adaptation. For other designations of relatives, etc., 
 see also Kluge, ibid. §§25, 26. 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. 2$ 
 
 Greek c\a<f>o-s deer ; ept^o-s young goat; tcipacpo-s fox ; <6pa<po-s 
 raven ; Kd\a<po-s, do-KaXacpo-s owl, and a few others cited by Brug- 
 mann, Grundriss ii. p. 204. Here also it is safe to judge that the 
 ending -bho- turned up accidentally in some one or a few designa- 
 tions of animals, and was propagated either in I. E. times or by 
 Sanskrit and Greek, each on its own account. We are not in the 
 position to suggest the starting-point for the development. In 
 Kluge's Stammbildung groups of animals formed with one and 
 the same suffix are mentioned in §§3, 6, 18, 28, 34, 84, 100. The 
 most interesting of these are those which are felt to be imbued 
 with such force in the consciousness of living dialects, e. g. -chs 
 inNhg.ochs, fuchs, luchs, dachs, lachs (cf.K.34); -^rinNhg. 
 kater, biber, hamster, tieger, panther, ganser-ich (late 
 Mhg.ganzer, Engl, gander), tauber-ich, adler, 1 geier, sper- 
 ber, etc. (cf. K. 34); -ling in sperli-ng, hanfling, hering, 
 griindling, gressling, saibling, buckling 3 (cf. K. 100). 
 Unquestionably these suffixes would be put into requisition in 
 modern German if the call for new designations of animals be- 
 came sufficiently imperative. 3 
 
 Words for color are especially prone to adaptive influence. In 
 Latin and German the I. E. suffix -uo- y intrinsically one of the most 
 nondescript formative elements, develops this special function : 
 helvu-s yellow, Ohg. gelo ; flavus e viridi et rufo et albo 
 concretus (Fronto, in Gellius ii. 26, 11), perhaps identical with 
 
 1 A patent case of assimilation to this class : adler = Ohg. adal-ar ' edel-aar.' 
 2 Possibly another case of assimilation to this class: a variant form of the 
 word is bucking. 
 
 3 In Vedic siikard- hog, boar I would also see the influence of incipient 
 adaptation. The word is best explained upon the basis of a stem *su-ka (cf. 
 Old Welsh hucc, Cornish hoch : whence is borrowed English hog), i. e. stem 
 su- with the quasi-diminutive suffix -ko-, frequent in designations of animals 
 (cf. Persian onana above). This *suka- came under the influence of Ved. 
 vydghrd- tiger (cf. also Sk. marjard- cat): the adaptation may have been pro- 
 moted by the claims of popular etymology which would gladly seize upon a 
 word siikard-, since it suggests su-kard- ' making the sound su.' My colleague, 
 Dr. H. A. Todd, kindly draws my attention to the following very parallel cases 
 of assimilation in names of animals from the Italian : n appears for / in licorno 
 from unicorno unicorn after the pattern of lif ante — elef ante elephant: 
 Meyer-Liibke, Italienische Grammatik (Leipzig, 1890), §167, end. Also, the 
 two designations of fishes sargus and pagrus frequently assimilate : Tuscan 
 par ago to suit s a rag o, and conversely Genoese sagau after pagau : ibid. 
 §295, end. 
 
26 AMERICAN JOURNAL OF PHILOLOGY. 
 
 Ohg. bldo blue; 1 gilvu-s light yellow ; fulvu-s reddish 
 yellow (Fronto, ibid.) ; rdvu-s grey ; furvu-s dark. For the 
 Germanic form s, Ohg. faro colored; elo, gelo yellow, salo 
 black, bldo blue, grdo grey; Low Germ, falo fallow; Ags. 
 baso purple; see Kluge, Stammbildung, §i86b. 2 In Sanskrit 
 the suffix -ta { r ita-') is adapted to the same use: h&rita- yellow, 
 dsita- black, palitd- grey, rdhita-, lohita- red, fvetd- white, 
 fyetd- reddish-white, Ha-, vy~Ha- variegated, pita yellow. 
 These again prevailingly and quite irregularly form feminines in 
 -nl : h&rikni, dsikni, palikni, rdhini, and lohini, e'nl and vy-enl, 
 fy/ni, fvenl (the last reported only by Vopadeva) : they also have 
 arrived at this uniformity by processes of assimilation, which can 
 be in part traced with considerable certainty ; see especially 
 Schmidt, Pluralbildungen, p. 398 fg. 3 
 
 The following additional categories maybe mentioned : Words 
 for office in Latin : The denominative verb judicdre, from judex, 
 naturally forms an abstract in -tu-, judicdtu-s office of judge. 
 Of the same sort are sendtu-s, principdtu-s, ducdtus, pontificdtus, 
 none of which have a verb corresponding to judicdre by their 
 side. The suffix -dtu- has adapted itself to independent use as a 
 suffix designating office, carrying with it the lexical value inherent 
 in one or two stems with which it happened originally to be fused. 
 Cf. with this the little groups designating officers, made with the 
 suffixes -Ha- and -ana- in German (Kluge, ibid. §§18, 20), of 
 which Eng. beadle, Germ, biittel and Germ, schoffe (gen. 
 schoffen) are modern representatives. A movement in a similar 
 direction is at the base of the Latin group dominus, decanus, 
 patronus, tribunus : the primary formation dominus ( = Sk. damana- 
 'conquering') may have started the category. 
 
 1 I. E. bhluo-s. 
 
 2 Cf. Engl, yellow, sallow, fallow. 
 
 3 It is not at all rare for feminines to enter upon processes of adaptation 
 from which the males are left out. Thus the Vedic, Latin, and Greek suffixes 
 designating female divinities: Vedic -ayi and -ant {agriayi, indram, Whitney, 
 Sk. Gr. a 1220, 1223b) ; Lat. -ona in Bellona, Pomona, etc., -onia in Feronia, 
 Pdlonia, etc. ; Greek -uvq in Aiuvq, Zifi&vi], etc. Cf. Gottinger Gelehrte 
 Anzeigen, 1890, Nr. 19, p. 774. The originators of these lines of adaptation 
 are difficult to point out, but we may regard it as certain that there is no 
 intrinsic value in the suffixes which fits them especially for this function. 
 Aiuv-q can be directly compared with Italic Janus : the n here at least has 
 nothing to do with fem. value. This may have been the originator of its 
 entire class. 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. 2/ 
 
 Designations of dwelling-places and repositories for various 
 substances : In Greek the suffix -<*>v has adapted itself to such use : 
 olvJai/y olve<bv w i n e-c e 1 1 a r ; 7rap6ev<uv, napOeveaip maiden's chamber; 
 avbpvv men's chamber; linra>v stable; Xaaiwv place covered 
 with shrubbery ; wwai/emptyroom. Cf. with this the Ger- 
 manic designations of places in which plants grow, formed with 
 the ending -ahi, Kluge, ibid. §67. 
 
 Professor Gildersleeve observes acutely that the suffix -yg in 
 <rZpiy£ pipe, o-aXniyg trumpet, cpapvy£ w i n d-p i p e, Xdpvyg throat, 
 (nrfjXvy^ cave owes its considerable scope to adaptation. The 
 notion of hollowness is common to all of them. Cf. the English 
 expressions mouth of a cave, and mouth of a trumpet. This 
 category is of especial interest on account of the comparative 
 remoteness of the conception which binds it together. The Italian 
 builds up on a similarly far-fetched motif a considerable class of 
 nouns in -ime to designate varieties of ordure, fodder for animals, 
 etc.; see Meyer-Lubke, §509 (I am again indebted to Dr. Todd for 
 the reference) : coacime, governime, grassime and marcime dung; 
 fondime dregs, yeast, lettime straw, mangime fodder for 
 domestic animals, pastime pasture, becchime fodder for 
 birds. The link which binds these together is evidently that 
 they are all of them materials handled by the peasant. 1 The par- 
 ticular form which originated the category is again unknown. In 
 this connection I would express my own surmise that the ' sec- 
 ondary' suffix -ma of*dacruma, dacrima, lacruma tear is bor- 
 rowed from spuma f o a m : -ma as a secondary suffix is otherwise 
 unknown in Latin, and the related words (ddicpv, etc.) show no 
 trace of it anywhere. 
 
 Of especial interest is the occasional appearance to a greater or 
 lesser degree of the notion of contempt or disparagement in sub- 
 stantives formed with the same suffix. Such value attaches either 
 altogether or at times to suffix -ulo- in Lat. credulu-s, bibu/u-s, 
 gemulu-s } tremulu-s, querulu-s, pendulu-s, sedulu-s) it is per- 
 fectly evident that the notion of contempt did not dwell origi- 
 nally in the harmless suffix (I. E. -Uo-') % but that it was read into 
 it from one or the other instance in which the root itself expressed 
 contempt or disparagement. 2 A similarly contemptuous value 
 
 1 Cf. Vedic piirita- and karisa- dung, and Cat. Br. ii. 1. 1. 7 : samdnarh vai 
 purlmm ca karlsam ca '/. and k. are the same.' 
 
 a Note the full continuance of this special function of the suffix in the Engl- 
 ish version of the Latin words : e. g. querulous, bibulous, etc. 
 
2 8 AMERICAN JO URN A L OF PHIL OLOGY. 
 
 seems to have gained something of a start in certain Lat. forma- 
 tions in -aster, e. g. oleaster wild olive, pyriaster wild pear, 
 por caster dirty hog,Jiliasler stepson, Antoniaster, Fulviaster, 
 proper names with contempt attached; see Archiv fur Latein- 
 ische Lexicographic i. 390. 1 In Lithuanian also a small group of 
 nouns with suffix -eli- show signs of having started that suffix on 
 the road of development to a suffix of contempt : netikeli-s good- 
 for-nothing, paklydeli-s c r a c k-b rain, padukeli-s maniac, etc. ; 
 see Brugmann, Grundriss ii. p. 199. A touch of a similar devel- 
 opment seems to crop out also with the Lith. suffix -ju-, ibid. p. 
 301. Cf. also the Germanic names for contemptible persons in 
 -(h)-ard mentioned by Kluge 32, of which Engl, dullard, slug- 
 gard, bastard, German bankert are modern representatives. 
 I would' finally index briefly a small number of German suffixal 
 categories which are scattered through Kluge's Stammbildung : 
 designations of relatives and persons pertaining to the house, K. 
 §§25, 26; bastards and the like, 25 ; names of dynasties, 26 ; names 
 of divinities and mock-words, 29 ; designations of male persons 
 in -ulf, 32 ; of female persons in -hildi y 52 ; collectives of human 
 beings, 69, 70; designations of utensils, 81, 85, 89, 90, 91 ; desig- 
 nations of coins, 100. 
 
 Lexical adaptation is by no means restricted to substantival 
 categories: it has, however, its greatest opportunities in that 
 quarter. The k of ov/c-eVi has passed over to pj-K-en, thus starting, 
 as it were, an element -k€ti in words with negative adverbial value. 
 But it is limited by the small variety of negative stems at the 
 disposal of the language. There is no reason why assimilation 
 should not operate in all kinds of classes of verbs : verba senti- 
 endiet declarandi, verbs of motion, verbs of carrying and fetching, 
 verbs for eating and drinking, etc., etc. But the material is 
 evidently less pliable ; the number of available present suffixes is 
 too small to permit the endowment of them with any too special 
 value ; these exercise a dominating influence on the forms of verbs, 
 so as to render the adaptation of other final sound-groups almost 
 impossible. At least the writer happens to be acquainted only 
 with sporadic instances of assimilation which have not developed 
 into formal categories by sufficiently extensive adaptation. The 
 verb rjTTaaOai to be worsted, in Sophocles, Thucydides, etc., is 
 a modification of ^^TovaOai (cf. eo-aovaOat in Hdt.) after the pattern 
 
 1 This force of the suffix is still alive in Engl, poetaster, etc. 
 
ADAPTATION OF SUFFIXES. 2$ 
 
 of its synonym viKaaOai to be conquered; see KZ. xxx. 299. 
 The verb dva-ya in the gloss of Hesychius, bvayv • dno8va> is, perhaps, 
 due to the influence of fxiaya (Od. o- 49 : eaa ptaycaOat ' to enter a 
 house') ; see Morph. Unters. iv. 34, note. One of the best cases 
 of this sort seems to me to be the following : the present system 
 bartOf'xai to assign a portion is formed from the root da after the 
 pattern of naTeofiat = Goth, fddjan feed ; cf. KZ. xxvii. 267, note. 
 In Lat. versutus dexterous, crafty, a modification of versdtus, 
 whenever its meaning touches upon that of astiitus cunning, 
 artful, this assimilation is restricted to the participle; cf. KZ. 
 xxx. 300. We have recently, in the English of the United States, 
 formed humorously the causative verb to wine, i. e. to enter- 
 tain with wine, after the pattern of the causative to dine to 
 entertain at dinner, itself a formation of no great antiquity. 
 The vulgar pronunciation of catch is ketch, a type of pro- 
 nunciation which is not extended to the closely parallel forms 
 hatch, latch, match, etc. Possibly ketch is due to the influence 
 of fetch, although it may be the residue of a form with umlaut 
 = South English ketch, etc. ; see Trautmann, Anglia iv., Anzeiger, 
 p. 52. No doubt others can be added to this small list, but this 
 is at any rate a rare process in the verb ; as far as we know it has 
 led to no adaptation of accidental sound-groups to the expression 
 of definite verbal categories in any older period of I. E. speech. 
 
 Maurice Bloomfield. 
 

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