Wm/^^i^- W*f^M 'iB!>my CANADA DEPARTMENT OF MINES Hon. Louis Ck)DBRRE, Minister; R. W. Brock, Deputy Minister. GEOLOGICAL SURVEY MEMOIR 63 No. 6, Anthbopological Series Noun Reduplication in Comox, a Saiish Language of Vancouver Island £. Sapir OTTAWA Government Printing Bureau 1915 No. 1429 CONTENTS. PAOB Introduction i I. Phonetics 2 II. Nouns normally reduplicated 9 III. Reduplicated plurals of nouns II IV. Reduplicated diminutives of nouns 20 V. Doubly reduplicated diminutive plurals of nouns 34 VI. Miscellaneous linguistic material 43 VII. Comparative notes on Salish noun reduplication 46 Noun Reduplication in Comox, a Salish Language of Vancouver Island INTRODUCTION. One of the most characteristic grammatical processes of a group of Northwest Pacific Coast languages, embracing the Tsimshian, Kwakiutl-Nootka, Salish, and Chemakum linguistic stocks, is initial reduplication, employed in both noun and verb forms to indicate a variety of grammatical concepts, chiefly those of plurality, distribution, and iteration. The Salish languages in particular are known to make exuberant use of reduplication for grammatical purposes, but the subject, which seems to bristle with irregularities and intricacies of detail, has never been adequately treated for any of the numerous dialects of the stock. Indeed, a thorough grammatical study, at the same time phonetically adequate, of a Salish language, is still one of the desiderata of American linguistics. During the autumn of 1910, while prosecuting ethnologic and linguistic research for the Geological Survey of Canada among the Nootka Indians now living in two reserves near Alberni, B.C., opportunity was incidentally found to gather some linguistic data on Comox, a Salish language spoken on the east coast of Vancouver island near the present town of Comox. The dialect represented in these notes seems to be Comox proper (Qldmox'^s), with which ddhos, spoken on the mainland of British Columbia, was stated to be identical. SdlolV" was stated to be a northern dialect of the same language. This term is evidently identical with Boas' Catl61tq, which he Uvses to apply to the most northern group of Coast Salish tribes, excluding Bella Coola, inhabiting "Discovery Passage, Valdes Island, Bute and Malaspina Inlets."^ Boas adds, "The Catl61tq are called K'omoks by the L^kwiltok'" (southernmost Kwakiutl tribe.) The informant was Tommy Bill, an Indian of mixed blood, whose father belongs to the TsHcd'atH" tribe of Nootka Indians, while his mother was a Comox, he himself living with and being to all intents and purposes a member of the Hopdtdas'atH'^ tribe of Nootkas. His knowledge of Comox was obtained in his earlier years, when living among his mother's people, whom he visits from time to time; it is only fair to add that he speaks mainly Nootka and English nowadays and does not claim to have a perfect command of Comox. However, the rather elementary character of the data obtained, together with convincing internal evidence derived from their study, leaves no room for doubt as to the essential accuracy of the material here presented. Most of the time spent on Comox was taken up with securing material pertinent to the problem of reduplica- tion in nouns. For most of the nouns obtained, plural, diminu- tive, and diminutive plural forms were secured, all of which involve various types of reduplication. Our linguistic material thus naturally divides itself into three heads, not to speak of a small number of nouns that are always used in reduplicated form. A few introductory remarks on Comox phonetics and some supplementary data are also added. I. PHONETICS. Vowels. The short vowels found in the Comox material secured are: a (as in German Mann); a (as in English bat); e (short and open as in English met); e (short and close as in French ete); i (short and open as in English hit); i (short and close as in French jini); o (short and open as in German dort); * See F. Boas, First Oeneral Report on the Indians of British Columbia, Report B. A. A. S. , 1889, 5th Report on North-Western Tribes of Canada, p. 10. p (short and close as in French beau); and u (short and open as in English put) . Of these vowels, e, i, and i are etymologically one sound, which is modified by phonetic surroundings; simi- larly, and u. Velar consonants tend to lower preceding or following i to e (possibly sometimes e), while certain consonants (particularly s and I) tend to palatalize i to i. e and o, which latter does not occur often, are doubtless etymologically related to e and p respectively, but seem in every case to be clearly kept distinct from these, d is not common. Corresponding to each of the short vowels is a long vowel (long d, however, has not been found). These are indicated as: d (as in German Bahn); e (long and open as in French mere, or as in English hear, but without "r-vanish"); e (long and close as in German See); t (long and open as in English beer, but without "r-vanish"); I (long and close as in English see); o (long and close as in English roll, or as in German Sohn); 6 (long and open as in English born, but without "r-vanish"); u (long and close as in English rule) ; and H (long and open as in English poor, but without "r-vanish"). Similarly to the corresponding short vowels, and under parallel phonetic circum- stances, e, I, and I are variants of one sound, etymologically speaking, though % is often to be interpreted as lengthened form of inorganic vowels, in which case it does not seem to vary with e and i; o, u, and u are likewise representatives of what is etymologically a single sound. 6 does not often occur; it is probably etymologically related to o. e occurs often and cannot be considered a mere variant of e. As not infrequently happens in American Indian languages, the long vowels are not always held out with even stress, but end with short rearticulations which give the whole vowel in each case a quasi-diphthongal effect. Such vowels have been noted by the writer in Takelma, Southern Paiute, and, at least to a moderate extent, in Nootka; Boas has noted them in Tsimshian. While they occur to a considerable extent in Comox, they cannot as in Takelma be considered the normal forms of the long vowels; sometimes the short rearticulations seem to serve as glides to following consonants, particularly velars. The quasi-diphthongal long vowels are here indicated by long vowels followed by superior short vowels, the vocalic 50138—3 quality of the latter being indicated as in normal short vowels. There are found: a"; t; e*; e* (occurs before anterior palatal consonants) ; iV V; i^ (occurs before velar consonants) ; 0? and 0"; and w". A number of cases also occur of short vowels followed by weak rearticulating vowels; such are e*, p?, and I* (here the * is a glide to the following velar consonant) . Some of these may well represent secondarily shortened long vowels. Differing from such long or short vowels with quasi- diphthongal character are vowels that are secondarily diph- thongized by a vocalic glide whose timbre depends wholly on the following consonant; such is i" in kuyu^nd^x'^ "hill," in which the second " is a glide due to the u- timbre of the final consonant. Short vowels of somewhat obscure quality are also found, either representing dulled forms of normal short vowels or being of inorganic origin and meant to lighten consonant clusters or serve as glides. Such vowels are: a (as in English hut, yet sometimes less clearly marked in quality), which is sometimes inorganic, sometimes dulled from a; e (obscure vowel with e- quality) ; and i (very short rather unclear i) . At times short vowels are so weakly articulated as to be barely audible; these are rather "murmured" short vowels of etymological significance than merely glides, timbre-echos of preceding consonants, or voiceless vowels. Examples are: ? in Idl^ho'm^ "small clam" (-Z?6- reduced from Id'"!}- in l6""hom^ "clam"; yet in this case ? can just as well be morphologically dispensed with and phonetically explained as a timbre-echo of -61-); ^ in qe'w^x "steel-head salmon" (that ^ is organic, despite its dull quality and extreme brevity, and reduced from a, is indicated by Nootka qe'wan "steel-head salmon," with which Comox qt'w^x is evidently identical; borrowing has doubtless taken place); ^ and " in hew^qen" "swan" and its diminutive hew^qAdol. Another class of "murmured" vowels (German 'Murmel- vokale") is formed by weakly articulated, yet not voiceless, vowels occurring in syllabically final position after glottal stops ('). Such vowels are only in part "murmured echoes," i.e., reduced repetitions of immediately preceding fully voiced vowels (such are a'", e'*, i'\ ai'\ o'?, 6'°; vowel breakings of this type occur often in American languages) ; in some cases we have also murmured vowels after glottal stops that are of dififerent quality and etymologically distinct from immediately preceding vowels (such are a'* and d'*)- Some consonants, notably glottalized ("fortis") consonants, are apt to be followed by timbre-echoes dependent in quality on the preceding vowel. This simply means that the oral resonance chamber characteristic of a vowel may, failing to be materially disturbed by the following consonant position, linger on and thus become acoustically noticeable as a voiceless (sometimes aspirated) vocalic echo; if the consonant is a spirant, the vocalic timbre may be audible during its production. Examples of such unaspirated timbre-echoes after glottalized consonants are: " in pid'alats!'' "skunk" and ? in k!6^dot!^ "porpoise." In Id'g^et!" "herring" the t! was heard with definite a-timbre despite preceding S. After u (o) -vowels syllabically final A;-sounds are regularly followed by echoes (aspirations when consonant is not glottalized) with w-timbre. Hence A;'", kh, x^, g'", q!", and x" (see below for orthography of /c-sounds). These sounds, however, are also very frequent after unrounded vowels, as in M"c?aA;'" "skin;" in such cases they represent original labialized A;-sounds (see below). Aspiration with definite w-timbre is also found after t, as in sdZf" "woman." Excluding such inorganic diphthongs as are formed by vowels and following glides (e.g., ^"), there have been found as true short diphthongs ai, au (also au), ai, ei, and long diphthongs di, au. Vowels normally forming diphthongs that do not so unite, each preserving its full value, are separated by . (thus, a.i as distinct from true diphthong ai). Stress accent is indi- cated by ' over vowels. Consonants. The consonant system of Comox is fairly full, including, as it does, eleven distinct series that differ according to place of articulation. As regards manner of articu- lation, six distinct series are to be recognized (voiceless stops, glottalized or "fortis" stops, voiced stops, voiced nasals, voiceless spirants, and voiced spirants), though by no means all of these are represented for all places of articulation. The voiceless stop and glottalized stop series are complete, the voiceless spirants nearly so, while the others are quite defective. All these consonants may be represented in the form of a table : — 50138— 3i Voice- less stops Glot- talized stops Voiced stops Nasals Voice- less spirants Voiced spirant* Laryngeal (glottal) qw k kw ku L tc ts t p h X V rw XV I e Velar «•' q!w k! k!w ku! l! tc! M I! p! Labialibed velar rSrrrrnRAi. Labialiebd guttural Prb-quttubal (anterior pala- tal) 0" I (voiced contin- uant) dj V Dossal latbral PALAfAt sibilant Alveolar sibilant Alvbolar (d) (6) n m c is pronounced like sh of English ship; x« like ch of German ich. tc, tc!, dj (like J of English jam), ts, and ts! are affricatives (stop plus corresponding spirant; no simple stops correspond to ic-series). l and l! are also affricatives, but with lateral (voiceless spirant I) release. 6 and d are phonetic variants of m and n; b and d were often, though not consistently, heard between vowels, m and n rather consistently as initials, while m and n were more often heard as syllabic finals than h and d. These b-m and d-n sounds have been at various times analysed by Boas as "semi-nasalized" consonants. "The nasal opening," he writes, "may differ in width, and the stricture of the upper nares may produce semi- nasalized consonants. "2) Again, in speaking more definitely of Coast Salish, "... the b sound ... is produced with half-closed nose by the Indians of the Strait of Fuca, in the State of Washington. . . . The characteristic trait of the sound is a semiclosure of the nose, similiar to the effect produced by a cold in the head."' These remarks doubtless apply to Comox as * Boas uses e (interdental spirant, like th of English thick) in certain words for our s. See hia Oatldltq vocabulary, Report B.A.A.S., 1890, 6th Report on N.W. Tribes, pp. 141-163. I do not know if Tommy Bill's failure to use this sound is an individual peculiarity or not. • F. Boas, Introduction, Handbook of American Indian Languages, Bulletin 40, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1911, p. 22. » ibid., p. 17. well as to more southern Coast Salish languages, yet it seems likely to the writer that under certain phonetic conditions these semi-nasals become true nasals. No attempt will here be made to normalize orthography on this point, a faithful record of what was heard, or thought to be heard, being presented. Eliminating 6 and d as of secondary origin (gf" and dj, it should be carefully noted, are true sonant stops, not "intermediates"), all the other consonants listed in the table are etymologically distinct, that is, none of them are mere variants, (k, k!, and X, however, may prove to be merely secondary forms of kw, k!w, and xw.) This gives us no less than thirty-six (or thirty- three) organically distinct consonants to operate with. A secondary series of aspirated surds (voiceless stops followed by aspiration) arises when voiceless stops occur as syllabic finals (written p\ V, k\ A;"', q\ tc'); kw and qw become A;'" and 5*", that is, their aspiration-release has w-timbre; similarly, k!w and q!w in this position become A:/" and g.'". q, it may be noted, is often released into a weak spirant glide x (written ^) before the following vowel is attacked (thus, g^a for qa). Final vowels and m and n are also often followed by aspiration (-a* and similarly for other vowels, m' or less often b\ rC or less often d'), though this was not consistently heard. Final w and n are etymologically distinct from final glottally affected m and n, which are written w' and n' (sometimes breath release is heard after glottal release, when they are written m" and n"). Long consonants (indicated by " after consonant) were noted, but seem to be of no etymological significance (examples are q', d'). Sound Changes. Lengthening and reduction of vowels are important phonological processes in Comox, also, though to less extent, changes of vowel quality. As these, however, are generally of grammatical significance, they are best taken up in their proper place under types of reduplication. As more strictly phonetic pure and simple in character is to be considered the palatalizing of a to i in the neighbourhood of g^, also the change of A to w and i in appropriate phonetic circumstances. These changes also, however, are most clearly brought out in connex- ion with morphological processes. Many cases of g^, perhaps all, are undoubtedly due to original w. It seems that w, when it came to stand between vowels 8 (not, it would seem, including cases of preceding vowel plus glottal stop), also initially in many cases, regularly passed into gr". Thus, as diminutive of xAucin" "bone" is found xt^xigHdrC <*xtxAwic%n^ {-Agy- becomes -ig^-, as noted above). Similarly, from qt'w^x "steel-head salmon" is formed qeqeg^e^x "little steel- head salmon" and qeqAuqd^°-g^e^x "little steel-head salmon (plur,)." This phonetic law explains a class of plurals, formed by reduplicating with p- vowel, derived from stems in internal -g^-. Thus, from tlegyem (<*t!ewem) "sun, moon" is formed plur. t!6H!eg^em {<*t!Awt!ewem); other examples will be given in their proper place. So also is explained suffix -dgyil "canoe" in such forms as tcddd^g^il "three canoes," s^yatsd'^gHl "five canoes", as compared with -dul in rndsdul "four canoes;" -dg'^'il is evidently from *-dwil (cf. KwantlEn, of Cowichan group of Coast Salish, -aQitl "canoe" in numerals,'^ i.e., -axwil; perhaps cf. Comox nSxwil "canoe"). An interesting test case is qt^g^as "deer," doubtless a loanword from Kwakiutl (cf. Kwakiutl g^was "deer"^). Another such test case is afforded by Comox tigH^'x'^ "nine" < *tAWAx'^ or Hawux"^ (cf. KwantlEn tuq "nine,"^ i.e., tux or tux, contracted from *tuwux). Compare also Comox M'g^os "chief" with PEntlatc and Siciatl Mwus*. On the other hand a number of words have been found with w between vowels. Such are ts!ats!dwicin' "hail," xwd'awiH' "fire," and 'dwdk^" "tobacco." It is not clear how this -w- is related to -w- > -g^-. Just as gy and w are related, so there is reason to believe that dj and y are related, though there is perhaps not quite as con- vincing internal evidence at hand. See Type VIII of plural formations for such evidence. Moreover, with Comox djidis "tooth" compare KwantlEn yenis "tooth;"^ with Comox djicin"^ "foot" compare Siciatl yicin.^ * See C. Hill-Tout, Ethnological Studies of the Mainland HalkomtlBm, a division of the Salish of British Columbia, Report of British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1902, Ethnological Survey of Canada, p. 65. * See F. Boas, Kwakiutl, Handbook of American Indian Languages, Bulletin 40, Bureau of American Ethnology, 1911, p. 447. » C. Hill-Tout, ibid., p. 64. * F. Boas, Comparative Vocabulary of Eighteen Languages spoken in British Columbia, Report of British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1890, 6th Report on the North- western Tribes of Canada, p. 148. ' C. Hill-Tout, Ethnological Studies of the Mainland HalkomSlEm, a division of the Salish of British Columbia, Report of British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1902, Ethnological Survey of Canada, p. 86. * F. Boas, Comparative Vocabulary of Eighteen Languages spoken in British Columbia, Report of British Association for the Advancement of Science, 1890, 6th Report on the North- western Tribes of Canada, p. 14' "^-, 9 II. NOUNS NORMALLY REDUPLICATED. A considerable number of Comox nouns always appear in reduplicated form, reduplication in these cases being of no grammatical significance, but belonging to the noun as such. Many of them are animal names, and of these some are quite evidently onomatopoetic. Ten fairly distinct types of redupli- cation seem to be illustrated in the rather limited material available. Very likely others exist. Type I. Completely Reduplicating. ho'iuho^m blue grouse xOp'xop' humming-bird k^dck^QC bluejay tsH'xHsHx^ fish-hawk pok'^^pok'"' liver gH^gH^ panther qe'n'qen"^ duck qvn^qwi^ sea-gull "Duck" and "sea-gull" have both syllables with vowels alike in quality but with short vowel in the second. Type II. Completely Reduplicating with ^. te'ltoV small butter-ball duck hd'ihei' arrow "Arrow" belongs perhaps rather with Type I. Both of these nouns lose a glottal stop in the reduplicating syllable. Type III. Reduplicating Syllable: cvci.^ titditcVc owl kwa'kw6,''^djo'' grey squirrel tlAq'tlAqdi dog-wood Type IV. Reduplicating Syllable: ce. m%''mau cat k^lPk^lak^! crow tdVitca.iq'^ salt-water hunter In "salt-water hunter" reduplicating tcl- is broken into tcVi-. 1 In these formulse c represents first consonant of stem, v first vowel, ci second consonant of stem, vi second vowel, and so on. v represents any long vowel, v any shortened vowel. 10 Type V. Reduplicating Syllable: ci. Only one or two certain examples have been found of this type. They differ from the preceding in that the vowel of the redupli- cating syllable is short. qwi^qwdH!Ald°''k' butterfly w^'wdlos young man (form probably diminutive in). Possibly also: — e'adjam' young woman Type VI. Reduplicating Syllable: cd or ca. LdLdpx pocket-knife qwdqumPs marten xdxe'* nit mdmstco'm mink Type VII. Reduplicating Syllable: cv. ts!ats!dwicin' hail tdatddHldn" mouse xwdxwadjo'm fly (word probably diminutive in form). qAq'td'amas game with wooden ball^ qdqowPm^ down (of bird) Type VIII. Reduplicating Syllable: cv'. gd'°go' rush mat djd'^dja* tree Type IX. Reduplicating Syllable: cd. Only one example has been found of this type : — tdVxHal necklace Type X. Reduplicating Syllable: cec. Of this very peculiar type (doubly reduplicating consonant, otherwise like Type IV) also only one example has been found : — qHqlqld'adje'uk"'' butter-ball duck 1 Formed from q'td'abaa "wooden ball covered with spruce-roots." There were two sides in the game, with the same number on each. Each side had a goal consisting of a little pit, which was guarded by one man. All but the two guards gathered in the centre. One man threw up the wooden ball and everyone tried to catch it, run with it to the goal of the opponents, and put it into the pit. Those of the other side tried to take the ball away from the one that had it. The side that first made ten goals won the game. After four goals had been made, the game was suspended for a while and a general free-for-all fight took place. 11 Here may also be given: — qldqltux"^ big fire (form is augmentative?): scattered around. cf. qldtix"^ fires III. REDUPLICATED PLURALS OF NOUNS. By far the larger number of Comox nouns form their plural by reduplication, in a few cases different stems are used for singular and plural, while still other nouns seem to form no plural. The most persistent type of plural reduplication is that in which both first and second consonants of stem are repeated, though ^ess numerously represented types also occur. Type I. Reduplicating Syllable: cvci 'lAkom'^ beaver kumdqirC sea-lion qwAdPs humpbacked whale qwAsAm woolly grouse xop'xop^ humming-bird ts!ox6"° codfish lIAxwo,'"' dog salmon sd'an" cohoe salmon qfwAVlHcirC humpback salmon xd^a big clam it*' Am' cockle xApd'^ red cedar qd'^'a'* hemlock q!dp!xwai oak pit'ixdi alder V.tHhai wild cherry bush 'dwdk^"" tobacco qlwA'ix wood xd'a.idatc stump plural t!Ak"H!Akom'" kumkumdqirC qwAd'qwAdi^'S qwAsqwASAm xdp^xop'xop'^ tsloxtsloxd'" LfAxdAXwd'^ sd''^sa'arC qlwAVqlwAt'iHcirC xd^^xa^d lV'^u}^ attC (type viii?) xip'xApa'* qlaplqltplexwai (with lengthening of first stem-vowel; -e- is in- organic) pWplVixdi (type viii?) V.eHlt'ihdi (type viii?) 'au'dwdk'"* many bun- ches of tobacco q!wAiq!wA'ix xd''^xa'a.idatc 12 mAqshC nose djicin' foot djidis tooth LifkuinAs heart xAucin'^ bone fc^'zi/ little finger tslAmdW index finger qlwdt'Am river pdxai' creek Lldqe^nac spring kupu'^mi^'X"' hill Ltdxai' old man giZ'g/ warrior LlAms house xAsAm box kwd'am coiled storage basket Lipdtil basket bag qldk'"' board k^Ilk^dyu oar SAg'ifc'" war-club ^ig/" bow tdWqdmin knife stplAmin" shinny stick lAq'.As mountain-goat blanket Llpt'tsld''^ yellow-cedar qiAs'Addi buckskin shirt Lldqlacin"^ moccasin pdq'dos white-eyed tdxdos red-eyed plural mAqiniAqsirC djicdjiciii' djiddjidis LlSk^LlikuinAs xAuxAucirC kHtlkHt! tslAmtslAmdla' q!wdVq!wat'Am pdxpaxai' Lldq^Llaqe^nac kup*kupumi"x" (with shortening of second stem-vowel) Lldxhlaxai' qAl'qAlq! LlAmL.'Ams xAsxASAm kwd'^kwa'am l! Ap" l! Apdtil q!dk"''q!ak''' kvHkv'k«!ikyayu sAq^SAq'Ak*"* lAq.'HAqh tditHcHV qamirC sipfsiplAmi^rC lAqllAqUs LlAp^LlApttsId''^ q! Asq! As' addi LlAqlLlAqlacin'^ pdq^paq'dos tdxtcixdos Type II. Reduplicating Syllable: gac. This type differs from the preceding in that, while both first and second stem-consonants are reduplicated, the stem vowel between these consonants is not, but is replaced by an inorganic A-vowel. If the vowel is followed or broken by a glottal stop, or if there are two successive vowels, the second consonant is 13 repeated just the same, the glottal stop being neglected in the reduplicating syllable. Thus, tde'dd- and Lla'al- reduplicate as tcHn- and l!aI- respectively. Several nouns with stem-A and reduplicating-A, listed under Type I, should perhaps belong here. Three sub-types are to be recognized, according to whether a remains as such (sub-type a), is palatalized by s, tc, tcf, k^, I, or y to i (i) (sub-type 6), or is labialized by xw to u (sub-type c). Sub-type II a. m\^xal bear plural mlxmi^xdl Lld'ard'm^ wolf LlAlLld'aVd'm" qla^h! land otter qlALlqld^h! qld^sa" sea otter qlAsqld^sa" xd^'wa fur seal xAuxd'wa dsx"" hair seal 'As'dsx'' k!6^dot!? porpoise hlwAd'klwd^dot!? (with shortening of second vowel of stem) pIdqiAddtc goose p!Aq!p!dq!Addtc q^'n'qen^ duck qAd' qen' qen^ hew^qerC swan hAuhew^qen* qt^w^x steel-head salmon qAuqt'w^x td^q.'wa^ devil-fish tAqltd^qlwa^ mdtldi horse clam mAt!mdH!di (with length- ening of first vowel of stem) sd^'ba*^ mussel SAwsd"'6a' mdHcHn* louse mAtdimdHcHrC dsd'i huckleberry bush ^As'dsdH xwdsAhdi soapberry bush xwAsxwdsAbdi tle'^'de^qwai salmon-berry bush t!Ant!e''^de'qwai Hd^abuxwdi gooseberry bush t! Amt! Amuxwdi (with re- duction of a' a of stem to a) qex" ring finger qAx^'qex'^ Lld'^qlwdi fish-gill L!Aq!"L!d''q!wdi sopAdatc tail sAp^so'^pAdatc tstdmuql cloud tslAmitsIdmuql 14 tld'^qfaV mountain st'qef dug hole, well td'mic man xa'p! baby basket t.'d'mV paddle waxdHsU pipe tdfxHal necklace qHd'abas wooden ball used in game mitdli beaver-tooth die plural t!Aq!t!&''q!aV sAq^se'qet" tAmto'mic XApIxd^p! V.Amtl&mV wAxwaxaHsH tAt'oVxHal qAfq^td'abas mAVmiHdli (with length- ening of first stem- vowel) qAq'qd'^qa" lAqlHdqlwainop" hlAXhldxe LlAlLldlsdmi qd''^qa rush mat Idqiwdinop cedar-bark mat Lidxe oldest hldlsdmi strong An irregular example of this sub-type is : — sdtslAm tyee salmon sAmsdHsfAm Here the first and third, instead of first and second, consonants are reduplicated. Sub-type II 6. tde'ddo dog k^dck^dc blue jay l6'^°horrC small clam tsldtdilbai spruce sdstn'^ mouth sdpdxos horn kd'^sAd' star ydxai^^ pack-basket tcHntde'ddo kHck'^dck^dc liml6'-''hoirC ts.'itc'^ tsldtdilbai (tsHtc' - instead of tsUtd-) slssosin'^ (with shorten- ing of second stem- vowel) sipsdpdxos kwiskosAd' yixiydxai'^ Irregular examples of this sub-type are: — tdatddHldn'^ mouse tix'^sal tongue tditHddH.'dn" (for tdiV- instead of tditf-see "spruce" above) tistlx^'sal 15 In the first of these the plural is built not on the already redupli- cated simplex (as e.g., in "bluejay" above), but on a simpler unreduplicated stem abstracted from it. In the second example the first and third, unstead of the first and second consonants, are reduplicated (cf. "tyee salmon" above). Sub-type II c. Only one example is available : — xwdtoqo'm "falls" plural xuVxwdtoqo^m Type III. Reduplicating Syllable: co or co. Nearly all of these nouns have g^ as their second consonant, representing, as we have already seen, original w. These nouns could be considered a sub-type of Type II, were it not that they form their reduplicating syllable not in -au, as might perhaps be expected (cf. xAuxAudn* under Type I), bat in -o- (-m- after dj- and g«-) or -o- (probably due to contraction of original -aw-). Two sub-types can be recognized, according to whether the reduplicating vowel is short (sub-type a) or long (sub-type 6). Sub-type III a. td'ag^ax"* fern td'agHn salmon spear Sub-type III b. Id^g^et!" herring pleg^di halibut gviigv%i panther tteg^em sun, moon htg^os chief djigHrC song Id'^dak"'* skin totd'ag^ax"^ totd'agHn Ula'^g^H!" p!d''p!egydi *g«ugH^gH* (not obtained as such, but implied in diminutive plural gn^g^ug^'gH* "pan- ther cubs") t!6H!eg"em sun and moon hd^'heYQS djudjigHrC lo^'ld^dak"'' It is not clear why "skin" should reduplicate with o-vowel. 16 Type IV. Reduplicating Syllable: cv; Syncope of First Stem Vowel. Only one example has been found of this type. As it begins with g^-, the stem -g^ of the plural, coming immediately before another consonant, reverts to w, uniting with preceding a to form au. g^dq'dhas married woman plural g^duq'dhas That *wdq'dhas is to be presupposed is corroborated by com- parison with KwantlEn s-wd-wkkus "married woman."^ Type V. Reduplicating Syllable: cvc. Nouns belonging to this group have long stem-vowels and differ from Type I in that the reduplicated vowel is shortened, though it keeps its quality. xdug^as grizzly bear xduxdug^as qd'um' eye qduqd'unC qd^'mai" snow on ground qumqo^'mai'^ I6kd°min bailer Iu¥l6k6°min Type VI. Reduplicating Syllable: caci. ti'hd''ddn' chief's wife tdhtihd'^ddn' heq^sd'^min'^ pole for poling canoe hdq'heq'sd''min' olqai'^ snake 'dVolqai''' (with shorten- ing of first stem- vowel) OL leggings 'dL'aL "Leggings" may, of course, just as well belong to Type I. Type VII. Reduplicating Syllable: cv. qfda'dda ear q!6q!oa'dda it {dAms) big (house) ttti {htAms) big (houses) dx" snow-flake raven . ; •' plan J qeix salmon-egg tcfeq' robin mo'os head For "robin," tc!AqHc!eq\ which might well enough be expected as plural, was explicitly denied. If necessary to express plurality in these nouns, qax or qAX "many" can be juxtaposed before any of them. 50138—4 20 IV. REDUPLICATED DIMINUTIVES OF NOUNS. Diminutives in Comox, as in other Salish languages, are formed by means of reduplication. Reduplicated diminutive forms, however, differ from reduplicated plurals in that the reduplicat- ing syllable repeats the first consonant of the stem, never also the second. Moreover, the vowel of the reduplicating syllable is formed according to different rules from that of the redupli- cating syllable of plural forms. Further complications result from the internal changes to which the stem is often subjected, so that altogether a large number of more or less distinct types of diminutive formations may be recognized. It will be advan- tageous to list in a purely analytical way the various features that are found in diminutives, so that ready reference may be made to them when discussing the types as*such. Diminutivizing characteristics are : — (1.) Reduplication of initial consonant of stem, followed by a. Short e (i or ^). Two types of e- reduplication may be recognized, according to whether e is or is not accented. Thus, mimo^os from nio'os "head"; qeq&'ya^ from qd'ya'^ "water.' b. Long e {i or i), always accented. Thus lUlIaxwo,^* from hlAxwa''' "dog-salmon." c. ^, always accented. Thus q!e'^q!e^L! from qld'^U" land- otter." d. V, which may or may not be accented. Thus, lolko°min from I6k6°min "bailer." e. V, which is regularly accented. Thus, k!6k!oddth from klD^dot!? "porpoise." f. Short a, accented or not. Thus, LdLp'im^' from lVam'^ "cockle." g. Long a. Thus, djddjd'^gHn'^ from djigHn' "song." h. Long d'a. Thus, sd'aslV"^ from sd/f" "woman." i. Short o. Thus, LloL.'d'ami'^s from lIattis "house." (2.) Glottal stop inserted in stem. This may occur as a. Breaking of (non-final) vowel or diphthong. Thus, tdtcd'^yac from tcdyac "hand." b. Glottalizing of final consonant (generally m or n) ; this should probably include breaking of vowel when final. Thus. Idl^bo'm' from W'^honC "small clam." 21 (3.) Quantitative vocalic changes (increments). These include a. Lengthening of (last) stem vowel. Thus, tdtig^dp* from td'ag«ax" "fern." b. Change to wd or wa of u of stem. Thus, diminutive plural kwtkumkwd'''mdqin' from plural kumkumdqin^ "sea-lions." c. Lengthening of inorganic a (or i, e) to t. Thus, xexsim' from xAsAm "box." Less often, full a is changed to i (of. 4b), as in kw^kwi'im' from kwd'am "coiled storage basket." d. Insertion of i. This is probably but another form of 3c, inorganic a and absence of vowel being perhaps con- sidered as phonologically equivalent. Thus, qeqAWq! from qll'q! "warrior." e. Insertion of short vowel {a, i) before syllable with length- ened vowel. Thus, xt^xigHdn^ (note second i) from xAucin" "bone." f. Lengthening of a or a (non-final) to d. Thns, qlwdqlwd'''- djix from qlwA'ix "wood." (4.) Qualitative vocalic changes. These include a. Umlaut of a to short e (i). Thus, xexd'adje'ic from xd'adjaic "stone." b. Umlaut of a (or a), rarely o, to long e (i, I). Thus, qlt^fe^k"'' from qlak""" "board." c. Change of stem vowel to a'a. Thus, totd^amic from td'mic "man." (5.) Vocalic reduction. Under this head may be grouped a. Shortening of stem vowel before syllable with lengthened vowel (or inserted t) . This shortening before lengthening is doubtless due to quantitative rhythm. Thus, qwl'- qwi^qwV^ (note second i) from qwt^qwi' "sea-gull. Such shortened syllables regularly lose their glottal stop, if there is one present, as in qeqawem" from qd'um" "eye." b. Syncope of stem vowel after reduplicating syllable with accented vowel. Long vowels may thus fall out quite as readily as short ones. Thus, se'"sp'xos from sdpdxos "horn." These twenty-two diminutivizing features occur in various combinations, so that a large number of possible types of 50138^^ 22 diminutive formation may result. A considerable number of such types can be constructed from the available material, but this need not exemplify all that actually occur. As to which of the features listed are fundamental to Salish and which merely secondary in Comox or several Coast Salish languages, it is useless to speculate. Adequate comparative data are necessary. A few points of a comparative nature will be brought forward at the end of the paper. The various diminutive types will now be taken up in order, the main stress being laid on the form of the reduplicating syllable. Type I. Reduplicating Syllable: ce. Various sub-types occur, according to whether the stem vowels remain unmodified or are subjected to comparatively slight changes. Sub-type I a. Diminutive feature la only: — mo'os head diminutive mimo'os q'td'abas wooden ball qeq'td'abas qiga'dda ear q!weq!oa'dda 'dwd¥^ tobacco 'e'awdk'" qwAdi^s whale qweqwAdi^s Qd"'a'* hemlock qvAqo'^'a'^ sidjdqo'p^ basket cap slsidjdqo'p'^ qeix salmon-egg qtqeyix {-eyi- prob- ably merely variant of -ei-) lb-type I b. Diminutive features la, 3c (or d) :— mAqsirC nose mimAqst''n' djidis tooth djidjidPs tVx'^ yellow cedar (<' Hiyix") titiylx'* qAl'q! warrior q^qAli^q! Sub-type I c. Diminutive features la, 3 a, 5a: — htgygs chief Mheg^o'^s 23 Type II. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; stem: feature 2a. In these diminutives the first vowel of the stem is broken, the broken vowel taking the form v'v. If the final vowel is long, it seems to be shortened {-a becomes -'"). pPk! ground-hog diminutive pipi'ik! q'.t'etc elk ql^q'Ie'e'etc xd^d big clam a;|xA'a'" Though the last diminutive seems to correspond exactly in form and rhythm to the second, the final -a'" may perhaps here be better explained as breaking of the last vowel (-a) of the stem (feature 2b). Type III. Reduplicating Syllable: c|; stem: features 3a or d, 5a, 26. qd'um* eye qeqawem^^ (-e- doubt- less merely variant of -1-) qwVqui^ sea-gull qwi'qwi^qwi"^ Type IV. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; stem: features 4a, 3c, 2b. kwd'am coiled storage basket kwekwi'im' Type V. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; stem: feature 5b. LltkuinAS heart LlidkuinAS xApd'^ red cedar xexpd'* Type VI. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; stem: features 5b, 46. qwAsAm woolly grouse qweq*"se'm-ol pdxai' creek pip^xe'* Type VII. Reduplicating Syllable: c^; stem: features 5b, 3c, 2a. xAsAm box xexsim' 24 Type VIII. Reduplicating Syllable: ce. In this type the reduplicating e is unaccented. According to whether or not the stem is modified in regard to vocalic length or quality, various sub-types may be recognized. Sub-type VIII a. Diminutive feature la only: — tsldtdilbai spruce diminutive ts!its!dtc!ilbai qd'ya'^ water qeqd'ya" q6^"qwai speaker qwiqd^^qwai Here probably also belongs qwi^qwdHlAld^^k' "butterfly." Sub-type VIII b. Diminutive features la, 5a (accent on third syllable of diminutive) : — sayd^ada neck sisiyd'ada (sa-short- ened to sa-, which, coming before y, has to be palatal- ized to si-) xd'aidatc stump xexA'd.idatc (-a.i- probably equiva- lent to -di-) Sub-type VIII c. Diminutive features la, 3a (or c) : — sd'yal lake sisd'ydl mdHdin' louse mimdHdirC Sub-type VIII d. Diminutive features la, 4b: — pdh^^pok'"" liver pipiik^"pi^k''^ Type IX. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; stem: feature 2a. Here again the reduplicating vowel is an unaccented e. The stem, however, is characterized by the breaking of one of its vowels. According to whether or not umlaut also takes place, two sub-types are to be recognized. Sub-type IX a. Diminutive features la, 2a: — tcdyac hand " tcitcd'^yac 25 Sub-type IX b. Diminutive features la, 2a, 4a: — xd'adjaic stone diminutive xexd'adje'ic As irregular representative of this type may perhaps be con- sidered : — q^'n^qerC duck qeqA'dd-ol (built on unreduplicated sim- plex) Type X. Reduplicating Syllable: ct. Various sub-types are to be recognized, according to whether or not the stem vowels are quantitatively modified. Sub-type X a. Diminutive feature lb only: — tdel rain tdttdel pltg^di halibut pH'pHg^di ts!oxd"° codfish tsH'ts'.oxd'" LlAxwd'"^ dog-salmon lUiJaxwo,'* xd^p! baby-basket xt^xd^p! p!6xd'^ raven pH'pIoxo'^ yip'Px^ hole ytyipVx" Llpt'ts.'a'" yellow-cedar bark L.'t'LlpitsId'" blanket titctitcPc little owl tttitctitdi^c k^dck^dc blue jay kH'^k^dc qoqowi^m' small breast feathers qwt'^quwVm' In the last two examples the diminutive is formed, not from the already reduplicated simplex, but from the unreduplicated form abstracted from it. Sub-type X b. Diminutive features lb, 3c: — L.fpdtil bag hlt^Llpattl tdeq' robin tdPtdi'q' kumaqiri' sea-lion kwi'kumdqin'^ djicirC foot dji'djicirC iAqh bow H'Hi'q!'' Sub-type X c. Diminutive features lb, 5a, 3c (or 3a) : — qlwAt'iHdrC- humpback salmon q!wtq!utlHdiTC Hd'abuxwdi gooseberry bush tliV.Amuxwdi pld'alats!'^ skunk pI^plA'ldts! (mis- heard for -p!aI-?) 26 Sub-type X d. Diminutive features lb, 3e, 3c: — XAUcirC bone diminutive xt^xig^icirC {-igH- < *-AWA-) It should be noted that this type of diminutive formation, while externally similar to Type VIII of plural formation (cf., e.g., xt^xd^p! "little basket" with qlt^qlaik""^ "eagles"), is in reality quite distinct in origin, the latter, as we have seen, tracing its reduplicating -e- to -Ay- and being limited to nouns with i-diph- thongs. Type XL Reduplicating Syllable: ct; stem: feature 26. mdtlai horse clam mt'mAtld''^ (me'- per- haps misheard for me-) hdihei {hdihei'?) arrow htheiheV'' qlAs' Addi buckskin shirt q!t^q!as'add'i Type XII. Reduplicating Syllable. : Q,t; stem: 46. q!d¥" board q!tq!e''k"'' ah leggings VlL Type XIII. Reduplicating Syllable: ct; stem: feature 5b. There are two sub-types, according to whether or not the stem vowel is modified. Sub-type XIII a. Diminutive features 1 b, 5 b: — q!dp!xwai oak q!tq!p!xwai pWixdi alder p!i'p!xdi Lld^glwdi fish-gill Lli'^Llqlwdi kup-u^'mi^x'^ hill kvdk^'^p-VV Idqlwdinop" cedar-bark mat Wlq'.wdinop'^ tH'ibdi wild-cherry bush t.'i'tlbdi V.Aq'tlAqdi dog-wood HtV.qdi In the last example the diminutive is built up on the unre- duplicated stem abstracted from the already reduplicated simplex. The broken stem vowels -eH- of "alder" and "wild- 27 cherry bush" disappear in the diminutive apparently without trace of ', but this may in part be due to following q! and p/, which imply '. With these contrast: — sd'an" cohoe salmon diminutive sis'ad-ol . Here the -a'a- is treated, not as a broken vowel, but as two vowels with intervening consonant. Sub-type XIII b. Diminutive features lb, 5b, 3c: — lAq.'As mountain-goat blanket Wl'qlis LlAqlacin"^ moccasins Lft^dqlacen'^ (mis- heard for -en"?) Type XIV. Reduplicating Syllable: ct; stem: features 5a, 3c, 26. tOg^em sun, moon Hi'tHgHm^ -i- is for -A-, because of following g^. Type XV. Reduplicating Syllable: ct; stem: features 6b, 4a. SAq'Ak^"^ war-club d^sqek^"* Type XVI. Reduplicating Syllable: ce'. qd'^qa'^ rush mat qe'^qd'" toVxHal necklace te'H^xHal The diminutive of "necklace," as often happens with nouns reduphcated to begin with, is built up on the implied unredupli- cated stem. The same applies to the diminutive of "rush mat," except that here it is the reduplicating syllable of the simplex, which doubtless more nearly represents the simple stem, that is taken as the base of the diminutive form. Type XVII. Reduplicating Syllable: ce'; stem: feature 4a or b. Two sub-types are found, according to whether or not there areat the same time quantitative changes in the stem. 28 Sub-type XVII a. Diminutive features Ic, 4b: — qld'^h! land-otter diminutive qle'^qle'Ll qla^sa" sea-otter , qle'^qfe's (note loss of -a') Sub-type XVII b. Diminutive features, Ic, 5a, 4a (or b) : — qt'iw^x steel-head salmon qe'qeg^e^x -gv- is from original -w-. It is not clear whether -qeg^e^x repre- sents *-qewe^x or *-qewex. Type XVIII. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; stem: features 3c, 2b. qlwdt'Am river qlwe^qlwaVim' {qlwe'- not equivalent to q!we^-; see diminu- ' tive plural type iv) Type XIX. Reduplicating Syllable: at'; stem: feature 6b. There are two sub-types, the latter with modified stem vowel. Sub-type XIX a. Diminutive features Ic, 5b: — sdpaxos horn se'^sp'xos heq'sd'^min^ pole for poling canoe he'^hq^sd'^min" Sub-type XIX b. Diminutive features Ic, 5b, 3c : — tlAkom"^ beaver {-ko- doubt- tIe'HIkwim' less for -kwA-) % Type XX. Reduplicating Syllable: c^. Here again there are two sub-types, the latter with vocalic reduction. Sub-type XX a. Diminutive feature Id : — xdug^as grizzly bear xdxdug^as Here probably belongs also xwdxadjo'm' "fly." Sub-type XX b. Diminutive features Id, 5a, 3c or d: — Id^gyet!" herring Idlig'^et!" {-i- < -a-) IdidatctAn woman's cedar-bark laltdatcttn {-i- <-A2-) skirt t.'d'mV paddle tldV.AbiH' 29 Type XXI. Reduplicating Syllable: cv; stem: feature 5b. There are three sub-types, based on differences in the further treatment of the stem. Sub-type XXI a. Diminutive features Id, 5b: — ydxai'^ pack-basket diminutive yd.ixai'^ Sub-type XXI b. Diminutive features Id, 5b, 3a: — waxdHsU pipe wauxdHsU^ Sub-type XXI c. Diminutive features Id, 5a, 5b : — ldk6"mtn bailer lolko^min Type XXII. Reduplicating Syllable c^; stem: features da or c, and 26. There are two sub-types, depending on whether or not the first vowel of the stem is reduced. Sub-type XXII a. Diminutive features Id, 3c, 2b: — sdtsfAm tyee salmon sas'dHsH'm^ Sub-type XXII b. Diminutive features Id, 5a, 3a, 2b: — sd'jdJA' leaf sastdjd'" (-1- reduced from -a'i-) Type XXIII. Reduplicating Syllable: cv; stem: features 5a, Sa or c. kld^dot!^ porpoise k!6k!oddt!^ mdyos raccoon mdmiyo^s (-4- palat- alized from -A-, re- duced from -a-) td'ag'ax" fern tdtig^dx"^ (-i- palatal- ized from -A-, re- duced from -d'a-) t&'agHn salmon-spear tdtigHn (dit.) y^d^dVm slave g^dgHdt^m {-i- pala- talized from -A-, re- duced from -a°-) 30 Id^dak'" skin diminutive Idlidd'^k''' (dit.) dsx"^ hair-seal 'd'astx"^ tsldmuql cloud ts!dts!imAqwil (-/- palatalized from -a-, reduced from -a-; -niA- merely vari- ant of -mu-) dlqai'"' snake '6'olqai'^ 'dmaxHdjo'" ant ^d\imaxHdjo^° In the last two examples the final vowel is considered quanti- tatively long and hence cannot be further lengthened. Quite irregular is: — tdyac killer-whale tdtlyac The long -^- and the short -a- of the stem are the exact reverse of what would be expected (Hdtiydc, cf. tdtig^dx'' aboVe). Type XXIV. Reduplicating Syllable: cv; stem: features 5a, 46. tdatddHldn'^ mouse tc!dtc!it!in'^ {-i- pal- atalized form of -A-, reduced from -a°-) The diminutive, as often, is based on the unreduplicated stem abstracted from the already reduplicated simplex. Type XXV. Reduplicating Syllable: cv; stem: features 5a, 2 b Two sub-types are to be recognized, depending on the treat- ment of the last vowel of the stem. Sub-type XXV a. Diminutive features la, 5a, 2b: — l6'^''borrC small clam lol^bo'nC k.'oyokobthi fisherman klokloyokobPn"^ Sub-type XXV b. Diminutive features le, 5a, 3a, 2b: — xd^^wa fur seal xdxAwa'a sd^'ba' mussel sdsAbd'" tde'ddo dog tde'dtclido'^ {-i- pala- talized from -A-, re- duced from -e'a-) In the last example -e'o is treated as a reduplicating long vowel. 31 Type XXVI. Reduplicating Syllable: cf; stem: feature 6h. Three sub-types are to be recognized, according to whether the stem undergoes no further change or is further modified. Sub-type XXVI a. Diminutive features le, 5b: — sdsin" mouth diminutive sdssin* pldqfAddtc goose p!dp!q!Addtc Ifha^ddn' chief's wife tiVhdddn' sdpAdatc tail so^spAdatc xwdsAbdi soapberry bush xwdx'^sabdi ttx'^sal tongue ttHx^sal dsd'i huckleberry bush 'd'Asd'i {-os- cannot be further reduced than -AS-) mi'xdl bear mi'mExdl {-e- is mere- ly glide) sipfAmtn* shinny stick sVsp! AmPrC mitdli beaver-tooth die mt'm{i)tdli i-i- is merely glide) k^Ilk^dyu oar k^!i'k'"!h'dyu st'^qeV dug hole, well si'^sqeV "Bear," "shinny stick," "beaver-tooth die," and "oar," which have short stem-vowels, are perhaps better listed with type X. Sub-type XXVI b. Diminutive features le, 5b, 3c: — k6"SAd' star kok'sid' Sub-type XXVI c. Diminutive features le, 5b, 5a, 3a: — Ue'^'dtqwai salmon-berry bush tlW.dAqwdi Type XXVII. Reduplicating Syllable: cv; stem: features 5 b, 4 b. tld^qlaV mountain t!&t!q!eH' Type XXVIII. Reduplicating Syllable: cv; stem: features 6b (or a), Sa, 2a. td^qlwa^ devil-fish tdt^qlwd'" djd'^dja" tree djddjidjd'" (-i- pal- atalized from -A-, reduced from -a'"-) 32 Type XXIX. Reduplicating Syllable: ca. Two sub-types have been found illustrated, each represented by but one example in the material obtained. Sub-type XXIX a. Diminutive features If, 3c, 2b: — Lp'Am" cockle diminutive LdLV'im"^ Sub-type XXIX b. Diminutive features If, 3b, 2a: — kwiidjdk''' trout kwakwd'^djdk''' Type XXX. Reduplicating Syllable: ca; stem: feature 3f. Two sub-types may be recognized, the second with further modification of the stem. Sub-type XXX a. Diminutive features Ig, 3f : — qlwA'ix wood q!wdq!wd'''djix (-dj- <*-y-, glide be- tween -d'"- and -i-). Sub-type XXX b. Diminutive features Ig, 3f, 3c: — djigHn' song (<*dJAWAn') djddjd°^gHn' Type XXXI. Reduplicating Syllable: cy'f', stem: feature 5b. sdlV"" woman sd'aslV'' girl Lld'al'o'm' wolf Lld'aLlFo'm' Type XXXII. Reduplicating Syllable: co; stem: feature 4c. Two sub-types, each represented by one example, are found, the second involving a further change of stem. Sub-type XXXII a. Diminutive features li (perhaps rather 1 d), 4c:- td'mic man totd'amic boy Sub-type XXXII b. Diminutive features li, 4c, 3d: — lIams house LfoLld'amPs Diminutive in -ol, -ol. Besides forming diminutives by means of reduplication and internal stem change, Comox can also make diminutives of animal nouns by means of a suffix -o^(f ") or -ol{f"). Some of the diminutives in -o^(r") or -o?(r") are nouns whose simplex is 33 already reduplicated (cf. reduplicated nouns which form no reduplicated plural), yet not all. Of those formed from unre- duplicated nouns, some have diminutive reduplication at the same time, others not. By an interesting phonetic law of rhythmic balance -©^(f") is suffixed to stems whose last vowel is short, -pZ(r") to those whose last vowel is long. The examples obtained of the suffix are : — 1. -dl(V^) hew^qerC swan diminutive hew^qAdol mt'^mau cat mi'^mirCol qldik'"" eagle qe'n'qerC duck ts!itsq!e'^nas chicken hawk tdeq'' robin sd'an" cohoe salmon xop'xop' humming bird gvfigvii panther jqfdikdl \q!eq!Auq!dikdl little eagles qeqA'ddol ts.'itsqle'^nasolf'' tdUdeqHdeqolV" little robins jsis'addl \stsoso'dddl plur. xdp'xopoW'^ gviigviyul The last two seem irregular as regards rhythmic balance; perhaps they were respectively misheard for *x6p'xopdW'' and *gH^gHyul. -ol has also been found in mim'infol /s'" mdmstco'm "little mink." 2. -ol (r") hd'mho'm blue grouse hd'mho'mol qwdqumVs marten qwdqumi^solV"^ qwAsAm woolly grouse qweq'^se^mol tsU'xHsHx^ fish-hawk isH'xHsUxwol kwa'kwd'''djo^ grey-squirrel kwa'kwd''^djol 34 V. DOUBLY REDUPLICATED DIMINUTIVE PLURALS OF NOUNS. The plurals of diminutives are, as a rule, doubly reduplicated, the first reduplicating syllable expressing the diminutive idea, the second that of plurality; the first reduplicating syllable is almost invariably of diminutive type, the second of plural type. Hence diminutive plurals are morphologically, and psycholo gically, diminutivized plurals, not pluralized diminutives. While they may be said, on the whole, to be formed from the plural of the simplex, the diminutive singular has often influence on the form of the diminutive plural, both as regards the inner stem changes and the vowel of the reduplicating syllable. Thus diminutive plurals may be said to combine, roughly speaking, the characteristics of both the plural and diminutive of the simplex. In order better to understand the formation of the diminutive plural and to assist in cross-referencing, the types to which the non-diminutive plural and the diminutive singular belong will be indicated in the following lists. Type I. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; followed hy plural of simplex. The reduplicating syllable is analogous to that of diminutive types X, XI, XII, XIII, XIV, and XV. According to whether or not the remaining part of the word is somewhat modified from the plural of the simplex, sub-types may be recognized. Sub-type I a. Plural of simplex unchanged: — LftkuiriAS heart plur. I. dim. V. dim. plur. LH'dEk^- LlikuinAS tsloxd"" codfish dit. x a tslttsloxtsloxo'" LlAxwa'"' dog-salmon dit. dit. LftLlaxdAxwd'* Lfpi'tsia'"' yellow cedar bark basket dit. dit. LHLlAp'LlApUsIa'" tcleq'' robin no plur. xb. (type I implied tditdeqHdeqoW'' in dim. plur.) aL leggings I. (or VI.) XII. t'aL'aL kupu^'mftV hill dit. XIII a. kwlkup^kup-VV (with -^H" as in diminutive singu- lar) 35 k^Hk^dyu oar plur, , dit. dim. XXVI a. dim. plur. k^lik^li- k'^'k^Hk^dyu sip.'Amin^ shinny-stick dit. dit. slsiplsiplami^n" qwdqumPs marten no ] plur. -olV^ qwtqumqwdqumi^s (type I, based on stem-form of unreduplicated simpl ex, im- plied in ( iim. plur.) xd"p! baby baskel II a. X a. xexApfxd'^p! tfd'abuxwdi goose - berry bush dit. xc. t!it! Amt! Ahuxwdi Idq.'wdinop' cedar - bark mat dit. xiii a. lUAqlHdqlwdinop^ Lld^qlwdi fish-gill dit. dit. LHLlAq^Lld^qlwdi klo^dot!^ porpoise dit. XXIII. k!wtk!wAd'k!6^doi!f tsldmuql cloud dit. dit. ts!us!Amis!dmuql mitdli beaver-tooth die dit. XXVI a. mi'mAi'mi'Hdli ml'xdl bear II a. XXVI a mt^mAxEmixdl {-E- is glide) s^'qet* well dit. dit. stsAq'se'qeC Dsd'i huckleberry bush dit. dit. 't^As'dsd*i sdpAdatc tail dit. dit. sisAp'sd"pAdatc td'mic man dit. XXXII a. . tit Amid' omic g^d^di^m slave XI. (aside XXIII. gyegndgyd^di^m from ( fd- belongs (based on -gHdg^d"- to II b.) dt'm of plur.) ydxai'^ pack-basket lib. XXI a. ylylxiydxai'* tc!atc!dH!dn" mouse dit. XXIV. tcHtcHVtddHldn'" ko'^SAd' star dit. XXVI b . kwVkv)iskd"SAd' pleg^di halibut Ill b. X a. pHpId^pIeg^di g«pgH^ panther no plur. -ul gn^gVugH^gH^ (type Ill b im- plied in dim . plur. ) dlqai'^ snake VI. XXIII. 'e'Al'olqai'* 50138—5 36 sd'fdjA' leaf plur. VIII. dim. xxii b. dim. plur. sisisd'tdjV djd''*dja' tree irregular xxviii. djedjidjd'''dja' (built on plur. of type viii) yip ' t^x" hole ix. x a. yeyip'yip ' Vx'^ (built on plur. of type i) Suh-type I b. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive feature 3a, c, or d : — djidis tooth Lipdtil bag djicin' foot lAq.Us mountain- goat blanket LlAqlacin'" mocca- sin I. dit. dit. dit. dit. lb. xb. dit. XIII b . dit. djidjiddjidPs lUl! Ap' l! Apdtll djidjisdjictn'' ItlAqUAqHs L!eL! Aq! l! Aqladn" {-in' misheard for tlAkom^' beaver I. XIX b. -in'' ?) t!it!Ak'H!Akwim' t!6'mV paddle II a. XX b. tnt.'Amt.'d'^biH' waxdHsli pipe dit. XXI b. wiwAxwaxdHsU* td'qlwa' devil-fish dit. XXVIII. titA' q'td^qlwa' {-'q' misheard for djigHn' song Ill b. XXX b. -q! ?) djidjUdjigHn' Sub-type I c. feature 5a: — Plural of simplex modified by diminutive Idko^mtn bailer V. XXI c. liluk'loko^min ifha^ddn' chief's VI. XXVI a. titahtihd''ddn' wife • Sub-type I d. feature 2b: — Plural of simplex modified by diminutive l6"°borrC small clam lib. XXV a. lilimld"°bo'm' kloyokobt^n fisher- man VIII. dit. k!wik!wlk! oyoko- 37 Sub-type I e. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive feature 4b: — tld'^qlaV mountain plur, ii a. dim. xxviii. dim. plur. t!et!Aq!t!d''q!eH' Sub-type I f. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive features 3b, 2a, 3c: — kumaqirC sea-lion i. x b. kwikumkwd'^'mdqtn' A couple of aberrant diminutive plurals with ce- are given under type ii f. Type II. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; followed by plural of simplex. The reduplicating syllable is analogous to that of diminutive types I, II, III, IV, V, VI, VII, VIII, IX. Sub-types are to be recognized here as in type i. Svh-type II a. Plural of simplex unchanged : — qwAdi^s hump- backed whale I. I a. qweqwAd ' qwAdPs q6"^a'^ hemlock dit. dit. qwiqoqo'^'d'^ 'dwdk'" tobacco dit. dit. ^ e^ Au' dwak""^ xApd'"' red cedar dit. V. xexAp'xApd'^ q!dp!xwai oak dit. XIII a. q!eq!Ap!q!dp!xwai q^td'abas wooden ball used in game II a. I a. qeqAt'q'td'abas qe'n^qerC duck dit. IX b. qeqAd'qen'* (based on unreduplicated simplex) qd'^qa' rush mat dit. XVI. qeqAq'qd''^qd' tdVxHal necklace dit. XVI. titAxHdfxHal (re- duplicating sylla- ble for plurality based on unredu- plicated form of simplex) 50138—5^ 38 qla^L! land-otter plur. ii a. dim. xvii a. dim. plur. q!eq!AL!q!d''L! qld^sa" sea-otter dit. dit. qleqlAsqla^s (with loss of -a\ as in dim. sing.) xd^'wa fur seal dit. XXV b, , xexAuxd'wa sd^'ha^ mussel dit. dit. sisAmsd^'ba" xwdsAbdi soapberry- bush dit. XXVI a. xwexwAsxwdSAbdi pldqlAddtc goose dit. dit. pleplAqlpId^qlA- ddtc Lid'aVo'm: wolf dit. XXXI. LleLlAldd'aVd^m" tsfdtdilbai spruce lib. VIII a. ts!its!itc'ts!dtc!ilbai k^dck^dc blue jay dit. X a. k^dkHck^dc (based on unreduplicated form of simplex) sdpdxos horn dit. XIX a. sisipsdpdxos td'ag^ax" fern ma. XXIII. titotd' ag^ax"" heg^os chief Ill b. I c. heho^'he^g^os xdug^as grizzly bear V. XX a. xexauxdug^as heq'sa^min' pole for poling canoe VI. XIX a. hehdq'heq' sd'^mirC qloa'ada ear TII. I a. q!weq!oq!oa'dda sidjdqo'p'^ basket hat VIII. I a. sisisidjdqo'p' tdyac killer whale XI XXIII tititd'^yac (plur. of type VIII implied in dim. plur.) Sub-type II b. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive feature 3c or d: — qAl'q! warrior I. lb. qeqAlqAli'^q! lAq!"" bow dit. xb. lilAqMt''qh qlwAtiHdn^ hump- back salmon dit. xc. q!weq!wAt'q!wA- t'lHdtrC xAucin" bone dit. xd. xexAUXAUcfirC mdHdin'^ louse II a. VIII c. mimAtdmdHdirC dsx" hair seal dit. XXIII. 'e'As^dsix'' WagHn salmon spear ma. dit. titotd'agHn 39 Sub-type II c. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive features 3a or c, and 2b: — XASAm box p] ur. I. dim. VII. dim. plur. xexAsxA^rn' qwAsAm woolly dit. VI. qwequsqusim'^ grouse (-qus- probably merely variant of -qwAS-) qiAs'Addi buckskin shirt dit. XI. q!eq!Asq!As'add*i Ll^'Am' cockle dit. (or VIII.) XXIX a. LiLi^Ldi'tm"^ (with irregular lengthen- ing of -P- = -Al- to -ai-) hew^qerC swan II a. -ol hehAuheWqen'^ mdt.'di horse clam dit. XI. memAt!mdH!d'^ q&^urrC eye V. III. qeqoqd'dm'^ {-qo- heard for -qau-, or perhaps for -qAu- reduced from-gaw- — see type iii) Sub-type II d. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive feature 4a or b : — pdxai' creek I. VI. pipAxpaxe'* g.'dfc'" board dit. XII. q!eq!ak'''q!t'k' SAq'Ak'" war-club dit. XV. sisAq''sAqek'^'^ Sub-type II e. Reduphcating syllable of plural of simplex changed to cam-: — xd^d big clam qldik"" eagle VIII. II. xexAuxd'A (note change of xa'd- to -xa'a, perhaps due to rhythmic anal- ogy of dim. sing. x^xa'&'a) -oi q!eq!Anq!dik-dl 40 These strange diminutive plurals can hardly be explained otherwise than as formed by analogy of such diminutive plurals as xexAUxd'wa "little fur seals," xexauxdug^as "little bears," and x^xAUXAucin"^ "little bones," where -XAu-{-xau-) is etymo- logically justified. The parallelism of xd'd "big clam" and xd'^'wa'^ "fur seal" seems particularly plausible. Sub-type II /. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive feature 4c (for convenience of comparison one form with ce is included) : — V.tHhdi wild cherry plur. i (or viii). dim. xiii a. dim. plur. bush qi''w^x steel-head salmon tVp" yellow cedar II. VIII. XVII b. lb. t!et!Amt!d'ahdi (really belongs to type i; based on reduplicated plu- ral of type ii) I. qeqAuqd^°'g"e''x {-g^e^x as in dim. sing.) Utotd'ayix" (tPx"* > Hiyix", ti- being modified to td'a- ; -to-, cf. type II e, is peculiar and is probably due to analogy of titotd'- agyax"" "little ferns") Another diminutive plural with erratic -o- vowel (in both reduplicating syllable for plurality and stem) belonging to type I, is:— sd'an' cohoe sal- mon XIII a. stsoso'dd-ol The material at hand does not permit to see what analogies have operated here. 41 Type III. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; reduplicating vowel of plural of simplex shortened. A new feature is here introduced, the shortening of the long reduplicating vowel characteristic of the plural. Sub-types are here also to be recognized. Sub-type III a. xdp^xop' hum- ming bird Id^g^H!" herring Wdak"'' skin qd'ya^ water xd'a.idatc stump III b. Ill b. VIII. I. (type VIII im- plied in dim . plur.) sd'yal lake viii. IdidatctAn woman's dit. cedar-bark skirt Plural of simplex not otherwise modified : — plur. I. dim. -oW"* dim. plur. xwexop^xo^p" (bas- ed on unredupli- cated simplex) XX b. liloWgHt!" XXIII, lelold'^dak^'* VIII a. qeqegd'ya" VIII b. xexexd'aidatc VIII c. XX b. sisisd^yal lilildidatctAn Sub-type III b. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive feature 2a: — ^c^yac hand viii. ix a. tcltcUcd'yac Sub-type III c. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive features 2a, and 3b or f : — sayd'ada neck kwudjdk''' trout VIII. dit. viiib. sisfsd'ya'ada XXIX b. kwikv4kwd'''djdk''' Sub-type III d. Plural of simplex modified by diminutive features 4a and 2a: — xd'adjaic stone VIII, IX b. xexexd^ adjeHc 42 Type IV. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; followed by simplex. It seems that a reduplicating syllable with e tends to be considered the morphological equivalent of double reduplication (see plural type X, diminutive type XVI), in this case of combined diminutive and plural reduplication. Various sub-types are to be recognized, according to whether the reduplicating syllable is followed by the unmodified (or modified) simplex, the modified form characteristic of the diminutive, or by a form still further modified. Sub-type IV a. Simplex unchanged: — plfixdi alder plur. I. dim. XIII a. dim. plur. (or viii) . p!ep!t'''xai hlAms house dit. XXXII b. hle'^LlAms md'os hand no plur. I a. me' mo' OS (may also be considered as belonging to type IV b) Sub-type IV b. ide'ddg dog Simplex modified by diminutive feature 5a :- II b . xxvb . tde'tcHn'dm" (ir- regular in that -o of stem is dropp- ed; with -aw' cf. perhaps -a'm of djddjid'm 'trees') Sub-type IV c. Reduplicating vowel of diminutive changed toe:— xwdxwadjo'm" fly (dim. in form) qwi^qwdH.'Ald'k' butterfly (dim. in form) mAqsirC nose i. kwd'am coiled storage basket dit. qlwdt' Am river dit. ttp'sal tongue ii b . xwe'^xwAdjo^m"^ qw^'qwdHlAld'k^ I b. me'mAqs¥n IV. kwe'^kwi'tm' xviii . qlwe'^qlwat " im' XXVI a. te'Hx^sal 43 Sub-type IV d. Reduplicating vowel of diminutive changed to e; stem further modified by diminutive features 5a and 3c: — qlwA'ix wood plur. i. dim. xxxa. dim. plur. q!we''q!wadjix Sub-type IV e. Reduplicating vowel of diminutive changed to i; stem further modified by diminutive feature 5b: — sdtslAm tyee sal- II a. mon XXII a. se'^stsWm" Type V. Reduplicating Syllable: ce; followed by plural of simplex modified by diminutive features 5a and 3a : — tle'^'de^qwai salmon- plur. ii a. dim. xxvi c. dim. plur. berry bush V.e't! Ant! An' qwdi (-e*- is lost, cf. diminutive feature 5 b) s6^n'^ mouth ii b . xxvi a. se'sossin" VI. MISCELLANEOUS LINGUISTIC MATERIAL. Numerals. 1. p&'a 2. sd'a 3. tcdlas 4. mos 5. styatcis 11. dp'an haik"'' pd,'" 20. simcyd'a 200. sd'mitc 30. tcanaux^'cyd'a 300. tcd'adagHtc 40. mosalcyd'a 400. mosd'agHtc 50. seyats.'alcya'a 500. seatsd'agHtc 6. V.dxam {oT-ab) 60. tidxamalcyd'a 600. tIaxamd'agHtc 7. ts'.o'Hci^s 70. tsfotci'alcyd'a 700. ts.'otcisd'agHtc 8. td'atci^s 80. td'atcisalcyd'a 800. td'atcisa'agHtc 9. tigH^'x'* 90. tigHxwalcyd'a 900. tigHxwd' agHtc 10. op- an 100. Vsd'Htc 1000. Vsd'ag'^Uc 2000 is sdba t'sd'agHtc or sd'a Vsd'agHtc. 44 Numerals with classifying suffixes, referring to class of objects counted, are: — People Canoes Fathoms Houses Dollars 1. pipd'a natc!d''g''il natc!d^:fHal natc!dj:wdutf'' pd(f'(/s 2. sfio'a tdbagyil sAmtdi ad'abauti;" sdQ'gt 3. tcdlayi tcddd''g''il tcadd''r"tal tcd'dautf tcdlasQs 4. tn^adyi mdsdul md$dltdl mdsautf rndsga 5. s^yatadui a^yatad'^gyU a^yataaltdl a^yataautf a^yatSQa 6. ttdxamdyi t!dxamd''g''il 7. talbtcjadyi 8. ta'dtciadyi 9. tigvifw&yi 10. dpdndyi The series for "dollars" refers, properly speaking, to round objects, including such objects as heads and turnips. Body-part suffixes. Examples of body-part "substanti- vals," as they have been termed by Boas, which occur only in composition (better perhaps derivation), are: — head: paq-e^q'^warC white-headed tdx • e^q'warC red-headed (or -ad') hand: pdq'o'"^dja' white-handed tclxo'^dja" red-handed eye: pdq-dos white-eyed pdq^paq'dos white-eyed (plur. ; refers to several persons or to two eyes of one person) tdxdos red-eyed tdxtcixdos red-eyed (plur.) nose: tsldts.'e^miq'"' red-nosed pdq'e'^q'" white-nosed t!dVts!d'''miq''^ nose bleeds foot: pdq'cin'^ white-footed pdq'paq'dn^ white-footed (plur.) With these contrast independent use of qloa'dda "white ears." 'ear" in pdq^paq*^ 45 Possessive and subjective pronouns. Only very frag- mentary data were secured on Comox pronouns. I do not consider them as particularly reliable. tAtsi md'os my head iAmsi md'os our heads Ibid., p. 131. * Ibid., p. 135. ' F. Boas, Report B.A.A.S., 12th Report on N.W. Tribes, p. 28. * F. Boas, Report B.A.A.S., 6th Report on N.W. Tribes, p. 135. ' Some Lower Lillooet linguistic material was obtained in January, 1912, from I naca Jacob (Indian name Yisp). « F. Boas, ibid., p. 131. 48 It would seem that type VII, which is only sporadically repre- sented in Comox, is more typically developed in Interior Salish. Examples are: — Shuswap Thompson River tsitQ house giMa old woman tcitQ house s-tsuk' picture s-k'dk'qa dog s-pEzuzo bird Lower Lillooet Note also: — Nanaimo s-kikEldQoa musk- rat tcW^'x house 5^'? water plur. tsitsitQ^ gigitia} tcitcttQ^ s-tsutsuk'^ s-k'ak'dk'qa^ s-pspEZuzo^ (this form, however, may really be diminutive plural, s-pEzuzo being dimin- utive, with final re- duplication, of s-pEz6 "animal," whose plu- ral is normally form- ed : s-pEzpEz6,^ type I) s-kikikslaQoa^ tcitdf^x^ k'okutnis* (probably mis- print for -k'uinis) k'unes whale (i.e. qunes) It is interesting to contrast with this plural (qoqwtnis in our orthography) Comox qwAd'qwAdVs humpbacked whales {