BT 256 36 UC-NRLF \ THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH A DISSERTATION Presented to the Faculty of Bryn Mawr College in part fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of doctor of philosophy June 1917 LOUISE PETTIBONE SMITH • • • • • • THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH A DISSERTATION Presented to the Faculty of Bryn Mawr College in part fulfilment of the requirement for the degree of doctor of philosophy June 1917 LOUISE PETTIBONE SMITH / 158'* ?.'*!'. ' '; LjOT/telsrA'L of biblical literature THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH Louise Pettibone Smith Wellesley College INTRODUCTION In the first thirty-nine chapters of the book of Isaiah four pas- sages are especially important in determining the course of the development of the Messianic ideal of Israel, namely 1 : 24-27 ; 9 : 1-6 ; 10 : 33-11 : 10 (or as usually cited 11 : 1-9), and 32 : l-6( ?). These four passages agree in describing a political kingdom with a definite government distinct from the rule of Jahveh Himself. The fact that the book of Isaiah, as it now stands, was compiled some time after the exile from smaller collections of unrelated fragments, many of which first circulated independently, and gradually came to be associated with Isaiah, is now too generally accepted by biblical scholars to need discussion here. Obviously, then, the presence of a particular passage in the compilation proves nothing concerning the identity of its author. It is in the book simply because a compiler considered it worthy of preservation. A large number of passages are clearly post-exilic in form and content (e. g. the oracle against Babylon, ch. 13) ; also many of the sections which as clearly belong to the eighth century contain explanations and additions of a much later date. The proportion of early and of late material in the several independent collections differs considerably. In chs. 2-12, for instance, the relative amount of Isaianic material is larger than in any other part of the book. In chs. 28-32, on the other hand, the few passages which may have been utterances of Isaiah are almost hidden by the accumulations of later matter. Neverthe- less, for the dating of any particular passage within the various collections we must depend on internal evidence alone. Among the passages of which the theme is the future pros- perity of Israel, by far the larger number are unhesitatingly assigned by modern scholars to a period during or after the exile — in many of them, indeed, the exile is presupposed as the historical background. The most important of such predictions are chs. 11 : 11-12 : 6 ; 24-27 ; 35. These passages are distinctly SMITH: THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH 159 eschatological in character. Jahveh will shake the earth 24 : 18, 19, punish Leviathan 27 : 1, divide the river 11 : 15b, dry up the sea 11 : 15a, cause streams to rise in the wilderness 35 : 6b, etc. ; the return of Israel from exile and the establishment of the world supremacy of Zion are to be effected by the direct action of the miraculous power of Jahveh 11 : 11-12 ; 11 : 15-16 ; 12 : 1-6; 25:9,10; 26:5,12,13,21; 27:1; 35:4; all the world will then acknowledge His power 24 : 14-15 ; 25 : 3, 7 ; 26 : 16 ; and Jahveh Himself will reign in Jerusalem 12 : 6 ; 24 : 23 ; 25 : 6, 10 ; 26 : 13 — ideas which are all characteristic of Jewish thought in the centuries after the exile. Of a similar type are a number of shorter passages (2:2-4; 4:2-6; 17:12-14; 28:5, 6; 29: 17-24; 30:18-30; 32:15-20; 33:13-24) which probably belong to the same period. In direct contrast to such passages are the four already men- tioned, in which the restored glory of Jerusalem is pictured as directly the work of the human ruler of the nation, although the ruler is of course the sign of Jahveh 's favor to His chosen people. 16 : 1-5 is not to be included with them since, although V. 5 promises one sitting on a throne *'in the tent of David," the character of the section is quite different. The reference to the ruler is here merely incidental in a prophecy which is chiefly concerned with the fate of Moab; while in the other passages the ruler is the chief figure. 16 : 1-5 is an insertion in the oracle against Moab 15 : 1-16 : 12, which 16 : 13-14 expressly states to be a quotation. The whole passage is probably late — should per- haps be dated in the same period as the book of Euth^ — and verse 5 is best understood as an allusion to an idea which had long been a part of Jewish expectation. 4 : 2 ff. ; 7 : 10-25, and 8 : 5-8 are also omitted since modern exegesis and textual criti- cism have proved conclusively that they were not intended to have a Messianic significance. In 4 : 2 the phrase * ' branch of Jahveh" is obviously parallel to "fruit of the land," so that a personal interpretation is extremely improbable.^ 7 : 10 ff. is evidently, from the context, a definite prediction of time f while 8 : 8 should be read '?N ^^Di^ O T^N , ending with the same refrain ^G. B. Gray, "Isaiah" (Int. Crit. Com.), 1911, pp. 275-277. ^ Duhm, Jesaia, p. 29, Gottingen, 1914. ^ For discussion see below, p. 197 f. 388354 160 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE as 8 : 10* and thus containing no reference to an expected Messiah. TEXT AND ANALYSIS OF THE SPECIFICALLY MESSIANIC PASSAGES To determine whether these four Messianic predictions ( 1 : 24-27 ; 9:1-6; 10 : 33-11 : 10 ; 32 : 1-6 (?) ) orginated after the destruction of Jerusalem or whether they form an integral part of the message which Isaiah brought to his people, a study of the passages themselves is the first essential. 1 : 24-27 is a part of a twelve line poem, beginning with verse 21, which is universally ascribed to Isaiah. The date is uncer- tain. Duhm refers it to the Syro-Ephraimitic war, while Cheyne and Marti date it about 705 b. c. The poem, which is in the Kinah or 3 : 2 metre, is usually considered to end at verse 26, although this leaves the second strophe half a line short. I am inclined to include verse 27 which is also a 3 : 2 line and omit the rather colorless beginning of verse 25 which in the present text scans 3:3:2. Verses 28 ff. are a late prose addition describing the fate of the wicked, a subject with which verse 27 has no connection. Also it seems somewhat unnatural that the supplementer of the poem should have begun his addition in the metre of the poem and continued it in prose. There is no linguistic argument against verse 27; the parallelism with np"lV requires O^ti^D to mean "just judgement" as often in Isaiah and not "judgement day."^ Although the word n"l£3 is not found elsewhere in Isaiah, it occurs twice in Hosea,^ thus showing that it was in use in Isaiah's time.'^ Verse 27, then, would be an allusion to Hezekiah's contemplated offer of tribute to Sennacherib (II Kings 18 : 13-16), which according to Isaiah ^s view would be useless without the intervention of Jahveh — an intervention conditioned on the reformation of the nation. Marti^ suggests that v. 23 refers to the alliance with Egypt of which Isaiah strongly disapproved. The poem would thus ^Duhm, iUd., p. 56 (ed. 1902); Marti, Jesaja, p. 85, Tubingen, 1900. 5 G. B. Gray, Isaiah, p. 36. «Hos. 7: 13; 13: 14. ' Cheyne, Introduction to Isaiah, p. 7. ^ ^ Marti, Jesaja, p. 20. SMITH: THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH 161 date at some time during the blockade of Jerusalem by Senna- cherib, before the retirement of the Assyrian army. 1 : 21-27. 21. A harlot she has become, the city of trust. With justice was Zion once filled, within her dwelt right. 22. Thy silver is but dross, thy drink impure. 23. Unruly are those ruling thee, companions of thieves. Everyone of them loves a bribe, and seeks a reward. No widow's cause they decide, no orphan they judge. 24. Hence speaks Jahveh of Hosts, Israel's might: On mine enemy I take revenge, and vengeance on my foe. 25. In fire will I cleanse thy dross, purge all thine alloy, 26. Restore thy judges as at first, thy counsellors as of old. Then righteous shalt thou be called, the city of trust. 27. By justice shall Zion be redeemed, her inhabitants by right. n:ir'? nWn nyi< 21 a njDN:! nnp D^i^D^ iTH 'ifiDD 22 Dnno vn "intr 23 ^ 102 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE D*iD'?tr tinn nit:^NiaD ^^bfitr rra^b^Ni 26 a ni^N:i nhp nS^n toWoD n^^ 27 npnvn notrn 21b. fW added from the Greek. The verse is too long by two accents. The final D^H^ID HHi^) is an awkward change to the concrete and may easily be a gloss, perhaps suggested by verse 15. (Cf. Duhm, p. 11; followed by Marti, p. 17; Gray, p. 33.) 22. D^DD apparently added to explain ^)nf2 which is more probably to be taken as olive juice, cf. Ar. maJil (cf. Gray, p. 36). Ken. 3 Mss. read D^M . 23a. Vn added by Budde (ZAW., 1891, p. 246) ; it improves the metre and also keeps the first half the line parallel in form to 21a and 22. nDH] M = nam, omit 1 with (m and Ken. 4 Mss. 23b. tp'l M = r^ini , omit 1 with O^B® and Ken. 1 Ms. 23c. IJO'-N'?] ill= Dn*':'J< i<^y i<^. Read with (g, Kal Kpimv . . . ov 7rpoa€xovT€s. The two parts of 23c are transposed in the present text and versions, making the metre 2 ; 3 (cf. Gray, pp. lxv, 31). SMITH: THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH 163 25. The verse as it stands scans 3:3:2; the first clause, *y^}^ n* HD^ti^NI is a fairly common expression, cf . Am. 1 : 8, Jer. 6 : 9, Ez. 38 : 12, Zech. 13 : 7, Ps. 81 : 15 ; it seems, therefore, probal)le that it arose by dittography from the beginning of the next verse or was inserted by some copyist. The use of HD^C^^N in different senses in the two verses is also somewhat awkward. *^D3^ ^ "^^3 5 CI^TI# "IDD = «? KaOapov, ad purum, ledakiu, and Ken. 2 Mss. ")DD , Kittel, following Lowth (cf. Gray, p. 35). 27. •T^tp^niiJJ •7;?^'1, ^B = ni2C*, iT^C*^ is suggested by Kittel. The emendation is parallel to that suggested by J. M. P. Smith for the name of Isaiah's son, 2C*^ INtT (cf. below p. 189) and should be accepted with it. The passage is not strictly Messianic, since the prediction mentions only the counsellors and judges; but it seems to belong to this group since it contains no hint of the direct rule of Jahveh Himself. It is probably the earliest of the four. 9 : 1-6. (4 strophes of 4 couplets, metre 3 : 3 and 2:2.) 1. A people who walk in the dark, have seen abundant light. The dwellers in a land of gloom, — upon them a light has shone. 2. He causes great joy, increases delight. Unto Thee as in harvest they rejoice, or as men dividing spoil. 3. Because the burdening yoke, and the shoulder-striking staff. The oppressor"'s mighty rod, Thou didst break as in Midlands day. 4. And the boot of each evil man, and the garment rolled in blood, Is become a flame and food of fire. 5. For a child is born, a son to us giv'n, On his shoulder is the rule, and they call his name 164 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE Wise in Design, Mighty as God, Father of Spoil, * Prince of Peace. 6. Great is his rule, and endless his pfeace. For David's kingdom and throne he shall found and make firm. In justice and right, both now and alway. The zeal of Jahveh shall bring it to pass. pD DVD nhnn ^'^ D^biD r?'?^^:!/!: n'?Dtri rrDntr'? riiTn b SMITH: THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH 165 np-iVDi obc:rM ^ 2a. n'?*Jin] M, Ketib, N:*? ^I^H, which is nonsense; Kere and Ken. 14 Mss. B^ read l'? ; (SC omit N'? • n'?On which restores the proper parallelism, was suggested by Krochmal and inde- pendently by Selwyn (cf. Gray, p. 175). 2b could be scanned as 4 : 4, in which case the poem would have lines of three different lengths. To divide as two couplets of 2 : 2 is contrary to the parallelism and makes the first strophe consist of five lines. Duhm (ed. 1902) omits *]0£3'? as referring to the joy of worship, and therefore out of place in a descrip- tion of harvest and victory. His suggestion is accepted by Marti. This omission suits the sense, but leaves an awkward succession of three forms of HOC* . Duhm (ed. 1914) keeps the text of iiH. If we suppose that rUlOtTD was inserted to make the construction clearer, and omit l'?*JI* wdth (gH, we might read b"?^ Dp'^na ntb^D ^ n^'vpD y^^"? ih^DC^ 166 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE 4a. M adds f ND > probably a dittograph from pND • i^C^")] m lias trj;")5. OilCQI read ;^tr"l (cf. 11:4). The 2 was prob- ably a later insertion in order to make a grammatical construc- tion after fND • n'?'?1Ji:: . cf . II Sam. 20 : 12. There is no need to emend with Gray to il'^NJlD , so (^i£. 4b. nn\1] M prefixes 1 , omit for the sake of parallelism with nnnn 3b. 5c. m N'^p.^^ point ^^n|>)n with' (j^l^X^®. (So Duhm, p. 66, Marti, p. 93.) c and d could be combined, giving one accent to the compound names instead of two, but Gray is probably right in assuming that for the sake of emphasis each word is to be given its accent. Duhm's division (ed. 1902) destroys the parallelism, since by it Di7t^ ")t^ must balance both 'T\2} '^N and 1}; ON* . In the edition of 1914, Duhm balances niD:i '^K with "TJ7 OK and assumes that the epithet which originally balanced Q)^^ ^2^ has been lost. 6a. nan] m rt2ld7 . The use of the final form of D points to textual corruption. Gray and Marti read HD*). The ti? probably arose by dittography from the preceding Di))^^ - The evidence of the language for dating this passage is inde- cisive, since the words which might give an indication of the period of the writing occur either here only or perhaps once elsewhere, e. g., pND- JKD- nntTO- D'^DND- HIO'^V occurs first in Jer. 2:6; 13 : 16. HN^p is an idea frequent in Ezekiel and later writers, ''but it may also be so interpreted as not to be absolutely incompatible with Isaiah's thought."^ Vv. 3 and 4 are expressed in terms too general to determine the date. How- ever, they contain no allusion to the deportation of any section of the people, and would therefore apply well to the tribute imposed by Assyria during the reign of Hezekiah. Further if PND is a loan word from the Assyrian^^ a reference to the Assyrian would naturally be inferred^^; ''garments weltering in blood" is hardly too strong an expression to be applied to an army which had recently destroyed the Philistine cities and the towns of Judah. The verses are then to be taken, not as ® Gray, Isaiah, p. 167. ^° Brown-Driver -Briggs, Lexicon, p. 684. " Kennett, The Composition of the BooTc of Isaiah. SMITH: THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH 167 a general prediction of the end of war (parallel to 2:4), but as a prediction of the destruction of a particular enemy. The names of the child in v. 5 are difficult to interpret, and the versions offer little help. Ti^V K'?^ may be "a wonder of a counsellor" parallel to DnN '?^D:3 Prov. 15:2 {GK., 128, I) or N'^S may be the pre- fixed accusative parallel to Is. 22 : 2, ' * giving wonderful counsel. ' '^- "IIDJI ^^ does not necessarily imply divinity, cf. the use of the plural, Ez. 32: 21 = ''mighty heroes" and further the use of "iVt in Ez. 31 : 11, and of the plural Job 41 : 17, Ez. 17 : 13, II Kings 24: 15, Ex. 15 : 15, where the MS. readings ^iV, til''^ etc. are probably due to an effort to distinguish the word from the divine name.^^ 1J^ *DN- 1i^ may be tak^ either as "booty" or as ''eter- nity." In the sense of "booty" it occurs Gen. 49:27, Is. 33:23. In the sense "eternity" it is late. "Booty" fits the passage here as the other meaning does not, since it gives us two pairs of epithets, each containing one name for a time of peace and one for a time of war. The chief argument offered against this interpretation applies also against the other. It is said that *DN in such names as Abimelek, Abidan, etc., always forms part of a sentence, e. g. "my father (is) king," "my father (is) judge." This is apparently true. However, the sentence frequently can not be taken literally, cf. 11 H *D5< "my father (is) majesty," b\2 ^DiV "my father (is) dew." On the analogy of these names it is quite as natural to say "my father is booty" as "my father is eternity"; and there appears to be little probability for the meaning "a father forever" parallel to -T;rn")a:i Is. 47:7, or D'?*);^ ID);, Dt. 15 : 17.^* UilZ* *)t^*, the last name, is obvious enough. The passage, 10 : 33-11 : 10, is the most elaborate and definite of the Messianic prophecies in the book of Isaiah. The argu- ments for regarding it as a single poem are as follows : 10 : 33-34 is not to be connected with what precedes, for 10 : 28-32, a vivid description of the advance of an hostile army, "Gray, p. 176; Marti, p. 93. " BDB., p. 42. " Gray, p. 174. 12 168 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE is complete in itself, and is quite different in metre and style from 10 : 33f . 10 : 33, 34 and 11 : 1 are equally figurative, and the contrast between them, although perhaps not "unmistak- able,"^^ is nevertheless too direct to be accidental. The vocab- ulary of 10 : 33, 34 is not post-exilic. Cheyne^^ found so many Isaianic expressions that he suggested quite seriously that the passage was an intentional piece of patchwork, composed by the redactor; e. g. w|J^D denominative from ^^i^D 17 : 6, ny^lJ^O- cf . 2 : 19, 21, f]p^ cf . r]p^ 17 : 16, nj;\n ^DDD cf . 9 : 17. The two verses as a whole are parallel to 2 : 12-17. The only late usage is inND, and this, as Cheyne himself admits in his edi- tion of Isaiah^^ should be emended (cf. below). Further H^tl pINH makes a good opening for a poem, while NV^I appears so unnatural that commentators have often suggested that an opening distich has been lost. 11 : 10 has usually been connected with the following clearly post-exilic section, 11 : 11 ff., because of its opening words Ninn DVD n^m which are identical with the beginning of V. 11. But it is quite possible, either that the beginning of V. 11 was prefixed by the compiler to make a superficial connec- tion between the two sections, or that the words, if they were originally a part of the verse, were the cause of the position of the later section. For the pre-exilic use of the phrase in predictions, compare Am. 8:3, 9, Hos. 1:5, 2 : 16. It is of frequent occurrence in the prophecies of Isaiah, e. g. 2 : 11, 17, 20; 3:7, 18; 4:1; etc. The chief reason, however, for including 10 : 33, 34 and 11 : 10 in the poem is that 10 : 33-11 : 10 taken together forms a homo- geneous and symmetrical whole. If the poem is considered as consisting of 11 : 1-8 only, it is impossible to divide into strophes of equal length without making divisions contrary to the sense^^ ; the poem is without proper introduction ; and its conclusion has little relation to its beginning. The addition of 10 : 33, 34 and 11 : 10 brings the whole passage into regular metrical form, the couplets being 3 : 3, arranged in strophes of three couplets each, with the strophic and sense divisions corresponding, while the " Dillmann, Der Prophet Jescda, p. 116 (Leipzig, 1890) ; Gray, p. 213. " Cheyne, Introduction, p. 56. "Cheyne, '' Isaiah," SBOT. ^* Gray, Isaiah, p. 212. smith: the messianic ideal of ISAIAH 169 similarity between 11 : 10 and 11 : 1 links closely the different parts of the poem. The divisions, then, are as follows: — 10 : 33a. The introductory line does not form a part of the metrical scheme.^^ Behold, Jahveli is destrojdng the forest. 10 : 33b-ll : 1. After the destruction, the branch of Jesse will bear fruit. 11 : 2-3. The spirit of Jahveh is upon him, so that he is not dependent upon human faculties. 11 : 4-5. Therefore he judges justly. 11 : 6-7a. Then even the beasts shall be at peace. 11 : 7b-9a. Nothing shall do harm. ll:9b-10. For the earth will be full of the knowledge of Jahveh and all nations will hon6r the root of Jesse. 10:33-11:10. 10 : 33. Behold the Lord of Hosts, destroying the tree-tops with might ! Laid low are the tallest limbs, the loftiest trees shall fall, 34. The thickets with iron He destroys, and Lebanon falls by the ax; 11 : 1. But shall spring from Jesse's trunk a branch from out his root. 11 : 2. On him the spirit of Jahveh, a spirit of wisdom and thought, A spirit of counsel and might, a spirit revering Jahveh. 11 : 3. And not by sight shall he judge, nor by what his ears may hear. 11 : 4. Rightly shall he judge the poor, treat justly the meek of the earth. With a word the oppressor smite, at his breath shall the sinner die. 11 : 5. The girdle of his loins shall be right, and with truth shall he bind himself. "Harper, Amos and Eosea, pp. 168 f. (Int. Crit. Com.). 170 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE 11 : 6. Then shall sojourn wolf with lamb, a leopard rest by a kid, A lion feed near a calf, their leader a little child. 11 : 7a. A cow shall feed with a bear, together their young lie down. 11 : 7b. The lion shall eat grass like the ox, and dust be the serpent's food. 11 : 8. The babe by the asp 's hole shall play, the child by the adder's home. 11 : 9a. There shall be nor evil nor harm, in all my holy mount. 11 : 9b. For knowledge of God shall fill earth as the water covers the sea. 11 : 10. And then shall Jesse's root a signal be to the world. To him shall the nations flock, and glorious be his rest. ni'kSav-ni.T ]hi^n rl^n 10:33 a D^i^-TJi nbipn ^bni 10:33 ^ '?naa nr^*TODD fipjn 10:34 »t^^ ;rno nm-Nvn 11:1 nW nn v'?;;-rrmi 11:2 nwni^T ....nn SMITH: THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH 171 D1£3tr^ vi^r nNnD'7-N'?1 . . • • 11:3 D^"?-] piVD D£)£ri 11:4 vint: niin pii'-iTm 11:5 trab-or nkr nil 11:6 pT nroj; -)b:)i nri^nnn nil nntDi 11:7 ^ ph-^DN^ npM n'nNi 11:7 ^ fnb-nn-^r piv y^ym 11:8 wns:*^ n"?! iitt-n'? 11:9 a nin^-nj;! pxn hn'pd-o 11:9 b ^b^»-trn:r Nnnn-DVD iTm 11:10 iiiD innjo ^h^n1 172 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE 10 : 33. n'^^^fi 40 Mss. a'a'O' H read HniiD • BDB, root ^^£3 II, doubtful, compare Dl^lKD ''boughs" Ez. 17:6, 31:5 and *)^C5n, Dt 24: 20. (& = eV8o|ovs, compare ni^O ''head-dress," Is. 3 : 20 ; 61 : 10 ; Ez. 24 : 17 ; 44 : 18 ; Ex. 39 : 28. Therefore pos- sibly used of the tops of the trees. 10 : 34. pnrai HI inH:i > (g o-^ roi? ^^r^Xois, hence Marti and Cheyne suggest in^IND' cf. Zech. 11:2. But some term parallel to ^/H^D is needed; Kittel suggests D"l"lpD "with an ax." ynm, cf. II Sam. 12:31, and p^H, Am. 1:3 requires less change of the Hebrew. 11:1. n>y] M nn£)V (^WB^IE read m£3^ 11:2. n^y mm il n^TI n;rn mn, a peculiar con- struction, since DVI is probably construct, with no noun imme- diately following, cf . GK, 128^ and note 1. 11:3. Before icTfx^vos €iXr}fjL€vo'' W. E. Smith, Prophets of Israel, p. 303. ^ Budge, The Gods of the Egyptians, p. 329, London, 1904. «^ Zimmermann, Agyptische Beligion, p. 14; Budge, ibid., p. 329; Erman, Agyptische Eeligion, p. 40, Tubingen, 1885. ®s Erman, iMd., p. 39. SMITH: THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH 201 was, however, while living, so closely identified with the sun- god that his palace was called ''the horizon," when he showed himself "he rose," when he died ''he set"; and on his head he wore the emblem of the sacred sun serpent.^^ When the Habiri entered Palestine, the heretic king, Ikhnaten, was on the throne of Egypt, but he was still addressed by the old titles with the substitution of Aten, the sun-disk, for Ra. The Tell- el-Amarna letters^*^^ are full of phrases showing how entirely the Canaanites accepted the Pharaoh's claim to deity. "Sun" or "son of the sun" he is of course called times without num- ber, e. g. 49:1, 3; 53:1; 84:1, 30; 147:5, 6, 52; 211:16. Namiawaza says (195 : 8 ff.) : "At the feet of the king my lord, the sun, the message (?) from the mornings and the evenings . . . The lord is the Sun in the Heaven, and as for the coming out of the sun from the heaven so wait the servants for the com- ing out of the words from the mouth of their Lord. ' ' In 292 : 8 ff . Addudani says : "I have looked here and I have looked there, but there is no light. I have looked towards the king my Lord, and there is the light." After Egypt abandoned Pales- tine, the Canaanites would naturally transfer these epithets to their own petty kings, and thus this mode of thought would be familiar to Israel. Indeed, 51, a letter from Addu-Nirari, seems to show that the very ceremony of anointing which gave Saul the spirit of Jahveh, was introduced into Canaan by Thothmes III. "Behold as Manah-bi-i.-ia (i. e. Thothmes III), king of Egypt, thy grandfather (T)a(ku), my grandfather, in Nuhasse made king, and oil on his head put ; for he thus spoke, that one whom the king of Egypt makes king, and on (whose head he oil) has put shall no one overthrow. "^^^ ^^ Erman, itid., p. 40. ^*^ Eeferences are made to the edition of Knudtzon, Die El-Amarna Tafeln, Leipzig, 1907-15. ^*^ Contrary to this view is the fact that anointing with animal fat was among the primitive Semites a necessary part of the sacrificial customs. The agricultural Semites modified the practice by burning the fat of the sacrifice and using vegetable fat for anointing. Among all Semites anoint- ing was practiced at festivals, and in connection with the priesthood. Sacred stones and images were also anointed with oil as an act of worship (cf. W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites, pp. 232, 383). However, the particular significance of the rite in connection with the office of king may well have originated in Egypt. 35: 24; 34: 47, 50; 1: 95, testify to the 202 JOURNAL OP BIBLICAL LITERATURE May we not, therefore, see in Isaiah's shining light (9:1) an echo of the courtly phrases of Addudani and his fellows? And for 11 : 4b, shall we not compare the appeal from the city of Irkata, 100 : 34 f., ''may the breath of the king not depart from us. We have shut the city gate until the breath of the king come to us. " ? Cf . also 141 : 14 ff. ; 145 : 19 ; 195 : 19 f . And again, Abimilki 's eulogy of the Pharaoh ( 147 : 5 ) suggests Is. 9:7, " My lord is the sun . . . He it is who makes alive by his good . . . who establishes the whole land in rest through the might of the hand.'' Again the king of Egypt like Isaiah's Messiah can judge rightly without hearing ; cf . with Is. 11 : 3, 119:36 "is no man who has spoken my right before the king, my lord. But my right the king knows." Further, since Isaiah was writing in the period of Assyrian supremacy, the claims and titles of the Assyrian kings must have been as familiar to him as those of the Davidic dynasty in Jerusalem. The description and names of the child (Is. 9:6-7) are by no means a translation of the Assyrian epithets, but there is a similarity undoubtedly intentional, between the effect of the whole and the grandiloquent beginnings of many Assyrian inscriptions. Compare for example that of Shalman- ezer II {KB., I, p. 153), "Shalmanezer II, king of hosts, the prince, the priest of Ashur, the mighty king, . . " . the sun of the hosts, who subdues all lands, the king, the honor er of the Gods, the darling of Bel, the officer of Ashur, the mighty, the exalted prince, who finds ways and paths, treads down the ends of the hills, and of all the mountains, who receives tribute and gifts of all the regions of the world (cf. Is. 11 : lOab), who opens paths everywhere, before whose mighty battle storm the regions of the world stoop . . . the heroic, strong one (cf. 1")DJl '?N) ... the splendid sprout of Takulti-Ninib. " But in spite of their epithets the kings of Assyria are only mortal. They often claim to have been designated as king by the gods before birth: "I am Ashur-bani-pal . . . whose name Ashur and Sin, the possessor of the king's cap(?), since distant days, had called to rule, and whom they in his mother's importance of gifts of olive oil to the Pharaoh (Knudtzon, notes on 51) and the phraseology of Addn-Nirari 's letter suggests that the Egyptians had transferred their own custom to Nuhasse, with the necessary explana- tion of its meaning. SMITH: THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH 203 womb had established to the shepherding over Assyria" {KB., II, p. 153). But the birth itself is natural. The king may even call a divinity mother or father, cf. the hymn of Gudea of Lagash to Bau, dating from about 2450 b. c. :^^- ' ' I have no mother — thou art my mother ; I have no father — thou art my father. My father ... in a holy place thou hast produced me, Goddess Bau, thou knowest what is good. Thou hast given me the breath of life. Under the protection of my mother, in thy shadow I will reverently dwell." But since the goddess is both mother and father, the hymn can hardly be meant literally. The story of the birth of Sargon cannot be taken as evidence for the claim of divine parentage, since the correct translation is apparently ''my mother was poor. ' '^^^ Some of the earliest kings, e. g. Sargon of Agade and his son Xaram-Sin have their names written with the sign for deity.^*^* Naram-Sin is portrayed with upturned horns on his head, the symbol of deity,^^^ and on a monument of Ur-Nina the ruler himself offers a libation j^*^^ the names of Dungi, Bur- Sin, and Gimil-Sin of the dynasty of Ur were also written with the sign of deity,^^" but the later kings require a priest even to bring them into the presence of God. There is no evidence for even a partially divine character of kings after the time of the Kassite kings of Babylon.^*^^ The kings are, however, especially favored by the Gods, and under their especial protection. Compare with Is. 11 : 2 such claims as the following made by Nebuchadrezzar, presumably ^** Jastro^, The Civilization of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 465, Philadel- phia, 1915. ^"^ AltorientaliscTie Texte ... ^°*Jastrow, Aspects of Beligious Belief and Practice in Babylonia and Assyria, p. 19, New York, 1911. ^" Jastrow, Aspects . . ., p. 23, Plate 8. ^" Jastrow, The Civilization . . ., p. 271. ^'"G. A. Barton, JAOS., XXXIV, p. 318, and Haverford Collection of Cuneiform Tablets, II, p. 58, Xo. 278, Philadelphia, 1914. ^'^ Kugler, Sternlcunde und Sterndienst in Babel, II, 1, pp. 144-149, Miinster, 1907-10, makes the last divine king Hammurabi, but cf. Hilprecht, Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania, Series A, XX, p. 52. 204 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE imitating his predecessors: ''King of Babylon . . . the exalted who understands the expression of the lawful inclination of the great Gods" {KB., 111:2, p. 39) ; and with 11:5, this from the inscription of Merodach-Baladan : "this is the ruler who brings together the injured, a just sceptre, a staff whicli leads aright the men intrusted to his hand" {KB., 111:1, p. 185). There are parallels also for the "shoot" of Jesse, cf. "the sprout of Bel-kapkap, the former king who still before the ancient time of the kingdom of Sulilu ruled" {KB., I, p. 191), cf. alsoZ^., I, p. 153. Since, then, the epithets of the king predicted by Isaiah are only those which could be applied to a powerful king of Israel sitting on the throne in Jerusalem in Isaiah's time, it is hardly fair to insist that the figure of the king is mythological because certain accompaniments of his reign are described in terms drawn from mythology. There is in Isaiah's thought no room for a supernatural monarch, but as has been shown, his thought requires to make it logically complete, the picture of the restora- tion of the days of David and Solomon as Isaiah understood them. For the prediction of an actual (not a mythical) king by a prophet we have at least one striking parallel in the literature of Egypt. A papyrus, No. 1116 of the Hermitage of Petrograd, dating from about the middle of the XIX dynasty (two other copies of part of the contents are preserved ),^^® tells a tale of the prophecy spoken by a priest in the presence of king Snefru (c. 2950 B. c). The prophecy runs as follows (according to Sayce and Eanke) : "A king shall come from the South, Ameni, the truth declaring, by name. He shall be a son of a woman of Nubia and will be born in the inner part of Nechen (the old capital of Upper Egypt). He shall assume the crown of Upper Egypt, and put upon himself the Lower Egypt crown. He shall unite the double crown and make at peace Horus and Set in love. The people of the age of the son of man shall rejoice and estab- lish his name for all eternity. They shall be removed far from evil and the wicked shall humble their mouths for fear of him. The Asiatics shall fall before his blows, the Libyans before his '"* Sayce, The Beligion of Ancient Egypt and Babylon, p. 248, Edinburgh, 1903. Golenischeff, in Eecueil de Travaux, XV, pp. 88, 89; Altorientalische Texte . . ., pp. 204 ft. (translation by Eanke). Compare also the trans- lation by Gardiner, in Jour. Eg. Arch., April, 1914. SMITH : THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OP ISAIAH 205 flame, the enemy before the rage of his . . . and the rebels before his strength. The royal serpent on his brow shall pacify the revolted. A wall shall be built, even that of the prince, that the Asiatics may no more enter into Egypt. They ask for water . . . according to the manner of ... in order to give drink to their cattle. The truth will again come to its place, while the lie . . . overthrown. He rejoices over it, he who shall see, who shall be in the train of the king. A wise man will sprinkle water for me when he sees that which I have said come to pass. ' ' There is in this prophecy a possible implication that the king to come is a miraculous being, and so Sayce interpreted it. But Ranke, following a suggestion of Eduard Meyer, points out that Ameni is the abbreviated form of Amen-em-het, and that the prophecy may be referred to Amenemhet I, the founder of the XII dynasty. The epithet, ''son of a man," applied to the king is, according to Ranke, the regular expression for ' ' a man of noble birth" in distinction to the son of an unknown father. The "prince's wall," which is referred to also in the Romance of Sinuhit and was therefore in existence about 1970, is the wall built on the Eastern frontier to keep the Bedoui out of Egypt. One of the inscriptions of Amenemhet quoted by Breasted,^^^ makes for him somewhat the same claim as does the prophecy, "binding of the chiefs of the Two Lands, capturing the South and the Northland, the foreign countries and the two regions, the Nine Bows and the Two Lands." Plainly, therefore, Egyp- tians of a later day thought that this first of the great kings of the South had been predicted nearly a thousand years before his birth. Such a tale could originate only among a people who were accustomed to hear predictions of good to occur in the reigns of future human kings. Thus although we can find in Egyptian thought no parallel for the expectation of a mytho- logical Hebrew Messiah, we do find there the same expectation of an ideal human king. PRE-EXILIC MESSIANIC EXPECTATIONS One argument against the genuineness of the Messianic pas- sages in Isaiah should be considered more fully — namely that the specific expectation of an ideal Davidic king did not originate "° Breasted, A History of Egypt, p. 151, New York, 1905. 206 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE until there was no longer an actual Davidic king upon the throne.^^^ This view is by no means universally accepted. Sellin^^^ asserts, with Gressmann, that the idea of a Messiah is an early Semitic ideal, older than the Hebrew monarchy. The arguments drawn from mythology have already been considered, but Sellin discusses in much greater detail than Gressmann the evidence afforded by the early Hebrew literature. In the early J stories of the patriarchs there are certainly expressions of an expecta- tion of a glorious future for the Hebrew nation, cf . Gen. 9 : 25-27, the blessing of Shem ; Gen. 12 : 2, the promise to Abraham ; Gen. 28 : 14, the promise to Jacob ; and from J and E, Gen. 27:27-29, Isaac's blessing to Jacob. (Gen. 22:17; 26:4, which Sellin also cites are the work of E^.)^^^ Sellin is undoubtedly correct in assuming that these stories are much older than the time of the composition of the J document, but none of these passages makes any specific mention of an individual ruler; and the description of the blessing is in all cases too general in phraseology to admit many deductions. Sellin 's inference that the inclusion of ''all the world" proves the mythological and non-Israelite origin of the idea is hardly admissible. Would a comparison with the folk-lore of any other nation lead us to expect Gen. 12:2 to read *'in thee shall be blessed those nations whose territories border on thine ' ' 1 These passages therefore prove nothing beyond the existence of the very natural belief that Jahveh would prosper His people. (Judg. 5:31 is a less positive expression of the same idea.) There are certain passages 'in the Pentateuch which may be interpreted as predictions of an individual, e. g. Gen. 49 : 22-26, the blessing of Joseph ; Gen. 49 : 9-12, the blessing of Judah ; Num. 24:17-20, Balaam's blessing upon Jacob (since Deut. 33 : 13-16 is based upon Gen. 49 : 22-26 and is less definite, it needs no separate consideration). Sellin asserts that these pas- sages portray in eschatological colors the rescue of the Israelites by an individual. Now Gen. 49 is generally admitted to contain elements of different dates,^^* which were combined at least at ^^ Marti, Das DodeTcapropheton (Mi. 5: 15), Tiibingen, 1903-04. "2 Sellin, Die israelitisch-jMiscJie Heilandserwartung, Berlin, 1909. "^ Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, The Eexateuch, London, 1900. ^^* Carpenter and Harford-Battersby, ibid.; Skinner, ^'Genesis" {Int. Crit. Com.), 1910. SMITH: THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH 207 late as the reign of David, so that it furnishes no certain evi- dence for the existence of conceptions earlier than the monarchy. Furthermore, the text of w. 22-26 is extremely corrupt; the only possible reference to an individual is v. 24cd, but *'the mighty one of Jacob ' ' is obviously Jahveh, cf . v. 25 and Is. 1 : 24 ; 49 : 26, so that the parallelism requires the last clause also to refer to Jahveh. Skinner^^^ reads with ^E^ "through the name of the shepherd of the Israel-Stone"; Mitchell,^^*' * * . . . shepherd of Israel thy father. ' ' Vv. 9-12 were evi- dently written after the rule of David had been firmly estab- lished (since the continuance of something non-existent is hardly an admissible prediction). The Messianic interpretation of the term, Shiloh, is first given in the Talmud^^^ as a parallel to pr, Ps. 72 : 2 ; nrjn, Jer. 16 : 13 et al., fanciful interpretations devised as compliments to various rabbis. The word was evi- dently never intended as a proper name. Many emendations on the basis of the versions have been suggested, i. e. ilb^i2 nt?. i7 IC'N. D^tr. The parallelism of the following clause could be kept by reading *'?tJ^ + n_ locale^^^ "until he enters into peace and his is the obedience of the nations," cf. ^^t^O II Sam. 3 : 27 ; n*?'tJ^ would then arise by transposition, and the rarity of the term ^^^ would hinder the correction of the mis- take. In any case the passage is clearly a vaUcinium ex event u concerning the rise of the Davidic dynasty coupled with the prediction of its long continuance. The various oracles of Balaam are best explained as composed at the same time as Gen. 49 and for a similar purpose, although the story in which they are inserted is probably much older. The monarchy is presupposed, and the mention of both Edom and Moab fits best the reign of David.^^^ For the use of the term "star" cf. Is. 14 : 12, Ez. 32 : 7. Sellin proposes to supplement the vague- ness of these prophecies by deducing the character of the expected rescuer from the common attributes of the heroes in the book of Judges, but neither miraculous birth (cf. Gideon, "'Skinner, iMd. "«H. G. Mitchell, Genesis (B.H.S.), 1909. "^ Briggs, Messianic Prophecy. "« G-K 90 a-h. "''G. B. Gray, Numhers (Int. Grit. Com.), 1903; Baentseh, Exodus, Leviticus, Numeri, Gottingen, 1903; Holzinger, Numeri, Tubingen, 1903. 208 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE Jephthah) nor phenomenal physical strength (cf. Deborah) seems to be a necessary characteristic of these heroes. Thus the Hebrew literature before the time of the literary prophets gives evidence only for an expectation of national pros- perity, and a hope of the long continuance of the ruling dynasty. Amos, the first of the prophets, denied the possibility of the ful- filment of even this hope, for Am. 9 : 11-15 presupposes the exile (v. 14) and is also entirely inconsistent with the rest of the prophet's teaching. On the other hand it is impossible to con- ceive the message of Hosea without some element of hope for the future. He pleaded eloquently for a return of the nation to the loving worship of Jahveh, and such phrases as 2:2; 10 : 12 ; 11 : 1, 3, imply that if Israel returned, there would be forgiveness and renewal of favor on the part of Jahveh. How definite was Hosea 's expression of this future hope is less easily determined since many passages in the book are either post-exilic or have suffered a post-exilic revision, e. g. 11 : 9-11 ; 14 : 4-9.^^^ But 2 : 14-23 ; 3:1-5 are as a whole consistent with Hosea 's phraseology and thought. The definite denunciation of Ba'al worship (2 : 16, 17) and the lack of reference to any return from exile prove 2: 16, 17 at least earlier than 586, and the ''pillar" and "teraphim" (3:4) argue for the pre-Deuteronomic char- acter of chapter 3. But since a pre-exilic date for the section as a whole does not exclude the probability of post-exilic glosses, it is unsafe to lay much weight on the reference to the covenant with the beasts (v. 18), or to assert that "David their king" (3:5b) proves that a re-union of Israel and Judah under a Davidic king formed a part of Hosea 's hope for the future. Thus we have no certain evidence that there existed before Isaiah any hope for the future of Israel more definite than that the Israelite nation was destined by Jahveh for prosperity, and that long continuance had been predicted for the dynasty of David. Neither is it clear that Isaiah 's contemporary, Micah, had any expectation of a Messiah.^^i ^[ 4.7 contains little or nothing which can be the work of Micah ; while Mi. 2 : 12-13, the only ^-"Harper, Amos and Hosea; J. M. P. Smith, Amos, Hosea, and Micah; Marti, Das DodeT{apropheto7i. ^2' J. M. P. Smith, Amos, Hosea and Micah; and ^' Micah, Zephaniah" . . . (Int. Crit. Com.) ; Marti, Das DodeMpropheton. SMITH: THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OF ISAIAH 209 hopeful passage in the first three chapters, presupposes the exile. There is, however, a possibility that some part of Mi. 5:2-6 may have been the work either of Mieah or of some unknown contemporary. The text is corrupt and the passage is obviously not a unit since it speaks of one leader and then of several; but the definite mention of Assyria (w. 5b, 6) as a conquering world power links the passage with the period of Isaiah and Micah.^^a Mi. 5 : 2 ff. may be an echo of the Messianic hopes of Isaiah, although again the uncertainty is too great to warrant taking the parallel as evidence for the pre-exilic date of the Isaiah passages. There is still to be considered whether there is any trace of the influence of Isaiah's ideal on the age immediately following the work of the prophet. II Sam. 7 : 11-16 is one of the most definite statements in the Old Testament of' the permanence of "^ The statement generally made (H. G. Mitchell, ^'Haggai, Zechariah . . .'^ Int. Crit. Com.), that "Assyria" was used by post-exilic writers as a name for any world power threatening Israel is not borne out by an examination of the passages. In Ez. 31: 3, "ni^X ,is not used for Egypt, but is a copyist's error for IIB^J^n (Bertholet, HezeJciel, p. 160). Ezra 6: 22 probably refers to a Persian satrap of Assyria who bore a courtesy title similar to Zerubbabel's (Batten, Ezra and Nehemiah, pp. 153, 154). The use of "Babylon'' for Persia, Ezra 5: 13; Neh. 13: 6, which Mitchell gives as parallel, is in both passages due to textual corruption, since Ezra 5: 13 should be read according to the text of Esdras "in the first year that Cyrus ruled over the country of Babylon" and Neh. 13:6 should read, parallel to Neh. 2: 1, simply "the king" (Batten, iMd.). In II Kings 23: 29; Is. 10: 24; 30: 31-33; Jer. 2: 18; Ps. 83: 8, the Assyrian empire gives the better sense. In most of the other passages the term is used of a geographical not a political division, e. g. Is. 11: 11, 16, where it is parallel to Elam, Gush, etc.; Is. 27:13; Lam. 5:6. In Is. 52:4 "Assyria" may be taken as a historical reference, parallel to the sojourn in Egypt. Zech. 10 : 10-12 refers specifically to Ephraim so that the return should naturally be from Assyria. This leaves unaccounted for only Is. 19: 23-25; but if these verses are a continuation of 19: 19-22, the men- tion of the altar in Egypt and the pillar suggests a pre-Deuteronomic date; while if they are a later addition, Assyria may have been substituted for the original name from 20: 1. Zech. 10: 10-12 dates from the Greek period. It is therefore possible that in this passage, and perhaps also in Is. 19: 23-25, if that is late, "Assyria" is used of the Seleucid kingdom of Syria, a confusion of terms exactly parallel to that in Herodotus {Enc. Bib., article "Syria," $ 1). Such a use, however, would give no support for the interpretation of "Assyria" as identical with Babylon or "any enemy of Israel." 210 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE the Davidic dynasty and of Jahveh's especial favor for David's descendants. The section in its present form shows plainly its Deuteronomic character, and is probably exilic, -but the present form of the passage is clearly not original.^^^ The whole point of the original oracle (omitting v. 13) was that David should not build Jahveh a house, but that Jahveh would make David a house. Obviously this section which disapproves of the build- ing of the temple is pre-Deuteronomic and was probably written in the early part of the seventh century, — a result of the national enthusiasm over the deliverance of Jerusalem from Sennacherib. Vv. 9, 14, 15a especially emphasize the peculiarly close relation between the king and Jahveh. The section in Deuteronomy 17 : 14-20 which describes the duties of the king, emphasizes Isaiah's ideal of right judgment and justice, and agrees with him in disapproval of intercourse with Egypt. If the king fulfills this Deuteronomic law, he and his children shall prolong their days in the kingdom. Thus in spite of the discouragement caused by the reactionary reign of Manasseh, traces of -Isaiah 's ideal king may be found in the law book of his followers. The only other description of an ideal king which is possibly pre-exilic is Jer. 23:5-7 (parallel to Jer. 33:14-22). For this passage a terminus ad quern is supplied by Zech. 3:8; 6 : 12, which certainly depend upon it ; for the abrupt introduction of the title *' Branch" implies a previous and more explicit use of the term/-* The passage, Jer. 23 : 5-7, is therefore either exilic or pre-exilic. CornilP^^ argues convincingly for Jere- miah's authorship of at least w. 5, 6. The passage is entirely ethical; it contains nothing of either war or politics. The expectation of help for Israel and Judah is characteristic of Jeremiah (cf. Jer. 3 : 6 ff.) . The decisive argument is the use of the name UplV iDtl''', parallel to the name of the reigning king, npll?. Zedekiah was always pitied rather than blamed by the 1--^ Kennedy, ''I and II Samuel" (New Century Bible), 1905; H. P. Smith, ''Samuel" (Int. Crit. Com.), 1899; Budde, Die BUcher Samuel, Tiibingen, 1902. ^-* Mitchell, ''Haggai, Zechariah . . .^' (Int. Crit. Com.), 1912; Cor- nill, Jeremia, Leipzig, 1905; Duhm, Jeremias, Tiibingen, 1907; Giese- breeht, Jeremias, Gottingen, 1907. ^25 CorniU, ibid., pp. 264, 265. SMITH: THE MESSIANIC IDEAL OP ISAIAH 211 prophet whose condemnation was for the nobles who influenced him for evil (cf. Jer. 2:8; 10:21; 23:1, 2). Thus Jer. 23: 1, 2, 5, 6 gives Jeremiah's verdict on Zedekiah, parallel to those on his predecessors. Jeremiah could not praise Zedekiah him- self, but he uses intentionally a similar name for the ideal king who is to come. The idea of a perfect king is evidently not being expressed for the first time in this passage, it is introduced much too casually. Further as Cornill says,^^^ Ezekiel knew the Messianic ideal and from Ez. 17:22-24; 34:23, 24, it is clear that he did not create it. Hence it must have originated before the exile. Also it is difficult to account for the assurances of Haggai and Zechariah, or for the brilliant eschatological pic- tures of a still later time if there had been no definite Messianic prediction by the accredited prophets of the pre-exilic period. Neither the appointment of Zerubbabel as governor of Jerusalem, nor any later event offers in itself a probable origin for a Mes- sianic hope, while the enduring confidence in the ultimate real- ization of such a hope implies a definite statement of it by prophets who had been accepted as inspired by Jahveh. CONCLUSION In conclusion: the expectation of an ideal king ruling in Jerusalem is a natural outgrowth of the historical situation at the end of Hezekiah's reign, since the deliverance of Jerusalem from Sennacherib inspired unlimited confidence both in the power of Jahveh, and in His determination to protect His chosen people. A natural accompaniment of this confidence was an expectation of a return of the power and prosperity of the already idealized days of the United Kingdom. Hezekiah was obviously incapable of being the leader of such a restoration; but Jahveh would provide a successor who should possess the necessary qualifications. Without the Messianic passages, the thought of Isaiah is incomplete. The destruction which he prophesied was not final, since the account of his prophecy that the city of Jerusalem should remain untaken must have some basis in fact, and some of the passages which predict the punishment of Assyria are ^^° Cornill, ihid. 212 JOURNAL OF BIBLICAL LITERATURE evidently genuine. The Messianic passages are the natural consequence of the fulfilment of these expectations. On the other hand, there is nothing in the character of the passages themselves which makes the Isaianic authorship improb- able. The vocabulary is similar to that of the passages accepted as genuine. The characteristics of the king were drawn largely from the stories of Saul, David, and Solomon in the J portion of the Book of Kings, which existed in written form in the time of Isaiah. The effect of the expressions used is precisely similar to that produced by the conventional series of epithets in the inscriptions of Assyrian kings — formulae which would certainly be known to Isaiah. Other phrases suggest the forms of address used in the Tell-el Amarna letters to the king of Egypt. These forms would be expected to occur in the court style of the Hebrews, who instituted their kingdom in imitation of their Canaanite neighbors. The king is thus a real not a mythological figure, since the epithets applied to him are all parallel to those used of actual rulers. Further, no reference to a mythological Messiah has yet been found in the literature of Egypt or of Babylonia and Assyria from which the Hebrew conception might have been bor- rowed, although there are parallels in Egyptian writings to the prediction of an illustrious king. The picture of the peace among the animals may have been drawn from the myth of Para- dise, but is used evidently to emphasize extraordinary prosperity and not intended to be understood literally. Finally, such passages as II Sam. 7 : 5 ff ., Jer. 23 : 5 ff., prove that a hope for a worthy successor to David was held in the period before the exile. It seems reasonable to suppose that Isaiah was the originator of that hope, and that the Messianic passages. Is. 1 : 24-27 ; 9:1-7; 10:33-11:10; 32 : l-6( ?), were the work of Isaiah. VITA I, Louise Pettibone Smith, was born in Ogdensburg, N. Y., October 4, 1887, my parents being Alonzo Albertus Smith and Louise Pettibone Smith. I was prepared for college by the Ogdensburg Free Academy, and by the Balliol School, Utica, N. Y., and entered Bryn Mawr College in October 1904, receiv- ing the degree of Bachelor of Arts in June 1908. For three N^ years after graduation, I taught in Hardin College, Mexico, I Mo., two years as assistant in English, one year as associate in / Latin. In the summer of 1911, 1 attended the summer quarter of / the University of Chicago, taking courses with Professors J. M. *^ ^Smith, Herbert L. Willett, and Lewis B. Baton. In 1911-12, leld the Graduate Scholarship in Semitic languages at Bryn Mawr College and in 1912-13, 1914-15, the Resident Fellowship, taking courses with Prof. George A. Barton. In 1913-14, I held the Thayer Fellowship of the American School of Oriental Research in Jerusalem, and from October 1913 to June 1914, I traveled and studied in Palestine and Egypt under the direc- tion of Prof. George L. Robinson of McCormick Theological Seminary. The summer of 1914 was spent in London in research at the British Museum. In 1915-18, I have been instructor in the department of Biblical History in Wellesley College. My graduate work at Bryn Mawr has been done under the direction of Prof. George A. Barton; the subject of my dis- sertation was suggested by him, and the work has been done under his direction. For suggestions of additional references and corrections I am indebted to Prof. J. M. P. Smith of the University of Chicago. I am very glad of this opportunity to express my gratitude to Prof. Barton, for his help and guidance and his unfailing interest during the past seven years. ■z UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA LIBRARY BERKELEY Return to desk from which borrowed. This book is DUE on the last date stamped below. ' 2 JAN 1948 LIBRARY USE 1 DEC 11 1951 24Feb'53HDA f£B2 5l953U' n^t5 CO LD 21-100m-9,'47(A5702sl 3)476 m I