POEMS 
 
 LAURENCE Ml NOT.
 
 POEMS 
 
 INTERESTING EVENTS 
 
 IN THE REIGN OF 
 
 KING EDWARD III. 
 
 WRITTEN, 
 
 IN THE YEAR MCCCLII. 
 BY 
 
 LAURENCE MI NOT. 
 
 WITH 
 
 A PREFACE, DISSERTATIONS, NOTES, 
 
 AND 
 
 A GLOSSARY. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 PRINTED Sr T. BENSLEr, 
 FOR T. EGERTON, WHITEHALL. 
 
 1/95.
 
 PR 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 TH E negleft which writers of genius are oc- 
 cafionally condemned to experience, as well 
 from their contemporaries as from posterity, 
 was never exeuiplifycd, perhaps, in a more 
 eminent degree than by the poet whofe works 
 are now offered to the public. His very 
 name appears totally unknown to Leland, 
 Bale, Pitts, and Tanner: it is mentioned, in 
 Ihort, by no one writer, till late in the pre- 
 fent century, nor is found to occur in any 
 catalogue: while the filence of the public 
 records would induce us to believe that the 
 great monarch whom he has fo eloquently 
 and earneftly panegyrifed was either igno-
 
 (vi) 
 
 rant of his existence or infenfible of his 
 merit*. 
 
 That thefe equally elegant and fpirited 
 compofitions were at length retrieved from 
 the obfcurity in which they had been for 
 ages intered was owing to a whimfical cir- 
 cumftance, which it may not be impertinent 
 to relate. The compiler of the Cotton ca- 
 talogue (printed at Oxford in 1696), or fome 
 perfon whom he employed, had contented 
 himfelf with defcribing the inestimable vo- 
 lume (GALBA E. IX.) which contains fome 
 of the moft precious relics of ancient Eng- 
 lifh poetry in thefe words: " CHAUCER. Ex- 
 emplar emendate fcrif turn" The manufcripr, 
 
 * Of this 'monarch, who gave to Chaucer an office in 
 the customs, upon condition that he wrote his accounts 
 with his own hand, it has already been obferved, that, 
 " though adorned with many royal and heroic virtues," 
 he had not the gift of discerning and patronizing a great 
 poet." Tyrwhitts Chaucer, Appendix to the preface, p. 
 xxviii.
 
 it muft be confefsed, is very fairly, and alfo 
 pretty corrctf/v written, (if either be the mean- 
 ing of emendate,) but owes not the fmallefl 
 obligation to the great poet whofe genuine 
 works might, naturally enough, have been 
 expected to occupy the whole. The indo- 
 lence of our catalogue-maker being equal to 
 his ignorance, readyly converted the name of 
 RICHARD CHAWFER, fcrawled, perhaps by 
 fome former proprietor of the volume, on a 
 fpare leaf, into that of GEOFFREY CHAUCER, 
 the fuppofed author of its contents. To this 
 fortunate blunder, however, (if a blunder 
 there was to be,) we are indebted for our ac- 
 quaintance with the name and writings of 
 LAURENCE MINOT, whom one of a different 
 nature might have configned to perpetual 
 oblivion. The late ingenious and industrious 
 mister Tyrwhitt, in preparing materials for 
 his admirable edition of The Canterbury tales, 
 confulted die manufcript for the purpofe of
 
 ( viii ) 
 
 collating an accurate copy of his favourite 
 author. His disappointment, which may be 
 eafyly imagined, would be very fpeedyly 
 converted into the moft agreeable furprife, 
 on finding himfelf thus unexpectedly intro- 
 duced to the acquaintance of a new poet, 
 anterior, perhaps, to that favourite in point 
 of time, and certainly not his inferior with 
 refpect to language. In confequence of this 
 happy discovery, the name of LAURENCE Mi- 
 NOT (which he himfelf has luckyly taken 
 care to preferve) was firft ufhered into the 
 modern world by a note to the learned 
 " Esfay on the language and verfification of 
 Chaucer." 
 
 A copy of thefe poems having been com- 
 municated to mister Warton of Oxford, 
 fome extra&s from them appeared, with fuf- 
 ficient aukwardnefs indeed, in the third vo- 
 lume of The history of EngliJJi poetry, pub- 
 liflied in 1781. Thofe extrafts, however, are
 
 by no means undistinguifhed by the general 
 inaccuracy which pervades that interefting 
 and important work. Its author, confident 
 in great and fplendid abilities, would feem 
 to have disdained the too fervile tafk of cul- 
 tivating the acquaintance of ancient dialed 
 or phrafeology, and to have contented him- 
 felf with publiftn'ng, and occafionally at- 
 tempting to explain, what, it muft be evi- 
 dent, he did not himielf underftand. That 
 an Englifti writer of the firft eminence fhould 
 never have heard of the name of BAHOL 
 muft excite furprife : and yet this appears to 
 have been the cafe of our poetical historian, 
 who, in his, certainly bold, but not lefs erro- 
 neous, attempts to elucidate one of the follow- 
 ing poems, makes " Edward THE BALIOLFE" 
 to mean "Edward THE WARLIKE," that is, 
 " Edward THE THIRD," who " is introduced," 
 he fays, " by Minot, as refilling the Scottifh 
 invaiion in 1347 [1346] at Nevil's crofs near
 
 (*) 
 
 Durham:"* though every child might be ex- 
 pefted to know that this monarch was, upon 
 that occafion, at the fiege of Calais ; and, in 
 fat, he is, in the very poem alluded to, ex- 
 prefsly flated to be " out of the londe." With 
 refpecl: to the age of the manufcript, which 
 the fame gentleman attributes to the reign 
 of Henry VI. he was probably misled by the 
 perfon who transmited the poems, as it may 
 very fairly be refered to that of Richard II. 
 though fome pieces, it is true, are inferted by 
 a later hand, and of a more modern date. 
 
 * The is well known to be the northern corruption of 
 de: hence the Bruce, the Baliol, of the Scotifh poets. See 
 Barbours Life of Bruce, pasfim. Thus, alfo, Philippe de 
 Valois is here called "Philip the Valas." The name of Baliol 
 was frequently written Bailolfor BaiUiof in the age of our 
 poet. In Moreses Notn'wa nobilium equitumque fub E. I. 
 1749, we find " fir Thomas de Bailolf-" and in a lift of 
 Durham knights, in the time of Henry III. preferved in an 
 ancient MS. in the auditors -office, Durham, (called The 
 Boldon~lnike, from its containing a copy of that record,) " fir 
 John de BaiUiof, fir Hugh de Bailliof, fir Euftace de Bail- 
 lof." Blind Harry, the Scotifh Homer, calls John de Ba- 
 liol, " Jhon the Balztime."
 
 (xi) 
 
 That thefe poems were written, or at leaft 
 completed, in the beginning of the year 
 1352 (according to the prefent rUle), is not 
 a mere circumftance of probability, but may 
 be clearly demonflrated by internal evidence 
 and matter of fact. The lateft event they com- 
 memorate is the capture of Guifnes-castle, 
 which happened, according to Avesbury, on 
 faint Vincents day, the 22d of January, 
 135J-2j and it is manifeft that the conclud- 
 ing poem, of which that capture is the fub- 
 jecl:, was written in " winter", (February, moft 
 likely,) while the fact was recent, and the cap- 
 tors were in posfesfion of the place, which, 
 we learn from Stow, they did not long oc- 
 cupy *. The fact, indeed, might have been 
 
 * Stows account, whencefoever he had it, is not every 
 where very clear. If Avesbury be right, and the ambasfadors 
 from thee^il of Guifnes did not arrive in London before 
 the day of St. Maurice the abbot, which is the ifth of Ja- 
 nuary, John de Doncaster murt have kept posfesfion till the 
 following year (1352-3); which is highly improbable.
 
 (xii) 
 
 infered from other circumflances : that the 
 duke of Lancaster, who is familiarly men- 
 tioned by that title, was only fo created the 
 6th of March 1350-1 ; and that fome great 
 events quickly fucceeded the year 1352, 
 which, as our author has not celebrated nor 
 alluded to them, it may be prefumed he did 
 not live to witnefs. Minot, of courfe, is to 
 be regarded as a poet anterior not only to 
 Chaucer, who, in 1352, was but 24 years of 
 age, and had not, fo far as we know, given 
 any proofs of a poetical imagination, but 
 alfo to Gower, who, though he furvived that 
 writer, was probably his fenior by fome years. 
 He cannot, at the fame time, be confidered 
 as the firft of Engliih poets, fince, not to 
 mention the hermit of Hampole, the pro- 
 lixity of whofe competitions is compenfated 
 more by their piety than by their fpirit, he 
 is clearly posterior to Robert Mannyng (or 
 of Brunne); whofe namefake of Glouces-
 
 (xiii) 
 
 ter is. in faft, the Ennius of this numerous 
 family.* 
 
 It feems pretty clear, from our authors 
 dialed and orthography, that he was a na- 
 tive of one of the northern counties, in fome 
 monastery whereof the manufcript which 
 contains his poems, along with many others 
 in the fame dialed, is conjectured to have 
 been written ; and to which, at the fame 
 time, it is not improbable that he himfelf 
 fliould have belonged. Chance, however, 
 may one day bring us fomewhat better ac- 
 quainted with his history. 
 
 * How long Mannyng was employed upon his transla- 
 tion of Langetoft does not appear ; but that he had not finilhed 
 it in 1337 is clear from a pasfage in p. 243 of the printed 
 copy : and, indeed, he, elfewhere, exprefsly tells us, 
 " Idus that is of May left i to write this ryme, 
 B letter & Friday bi ix. that zere zcde prime." 
 
 (p. 341.) 
 
 The dominical letter, as Hearne obferves, Ihould be D : fo 
 that the poet finifhed his work, upon which he had proba- 
 bly been engaged for fome years, on Friday the 1 5th of 
 May, 1339.
 
 (xiv) 
 
 The creative imagination and poetical 
 fancy which distinguifh Chaucer, who, con- 
 fidering the general barbarifm of his age 
 and country, may be regarded as a prodigy, 
 admit, it muft be acknowledged, of no com- 
 petition -, yet, if the truth may be uttered 
 without offence to the eftablifhed reputa- 
 tion of that preeminent genius, one may 
 venture to asfert that, in point of eafe, har- 
 mony, and variety of verfification, as well 
 as general perfpicuity of ftile, Laurence Mi- 
 not is, perhaps, equal, if not fuperior, to 
 any Englifh poet before the fixteenth, or 
 even, with very few exceptions, before the 
 feventeenth, century. There are, in faft, 
 but two other poets who are any way re- 
 markable for a particular facility of rime- 
 ing and happy choice of words: Robert of 
 Brunne, already mentioned, who wrote be- 
 fore 1340, and Thomas Tusfer, who wrote 
 about 1560.
 
 (XV) 
 
 As to what concerns the prefent publica- 
 tion, it may be fufficient to fay, that the 
 poems are printed, with fcrupulous fidelity, 
 from the only manufcript copy of them 
 known to exift, of which even the evident 
 corruptions, though unnoticed in the text 
 or margin, are not corrected without being 
 elfewhere pointed out to the reader, in or- 
 der that he may decide for himfelf upon the 
 necesfity or propriety of the correction. All 
 abbreviations, indeed, have been entirely dis- 
 carded ; as hath likewife the character^} the 
 improper reprefentative, though peculiar, per- 
 haps, at that period, to the northern fcribes, 
 of the Saxon J?. The letter z, however, is 
 retained j a retention which can require no 
 apology, after the refpectable examples of a 
 Ruddiman and a Percy ; notwithftanding they 
 may have been ranked, among " ignorant edi- 
 tors," for the prefervation of " this ftnpid
 
 (xvi) 
 
 blunder."* Its power, at the fame time, is, 
 in thefe poems, everywhere that of the mo- 
 dern y confonant ; though, on many occa- 
 fions, it is the fubftitute of gh. 
 
 It may be requifite to apprife the reader, 
 that our author, like Chaucer, and, perhaps, 
 other poets of the fame age, makes occafional 
 ufe of the e feminine, which renders it ne- 
 cesfary, in pronunciation, to divide, in fome 
 cafes, what, in others, is a fingle fyllable : a 
 liberty upon which the metre and harmony 
 of his lines will now and then be found es- 
 fentially to depend. Thus, for inftance, in 
 page 1, line 8, the word "dedes" is to be pro- 
 nounced, as a disfyllable, " dedes"; though, 
 in the very next line but one, it is equally 
 requifite to be pronounced as a monofyllable. 
 
 * See Ancient Scoi'ifli poems, 1786, p. 520. The asfer- 
 tion made in the fame page, that the letter z, "in the old 
 editions," is " carefully distinguimed from the"_y confo- 
 nant, in the manner there defcribed, feems to be hazarded 
 >vithout the flightcft authority or foundation.
 
 ( xvii ) 
 
 111 the fame predicament are " Scottes" (p. 3; 
 1.5.) and " Scottes" (p. 4. 1. 4.) and " bowes" 
 (p. 20. 1. 1O.) and " bowes" (p. 23. 1. 4.) The 
 ufe of the acute accent, which has been in- 
 troduced in a few inftances of proper names, 
 may, perhaps, be thought no lefs proper in 
 the cafe fpoken of j but, befide that there is 
 only a tingle manufcript, the writer of which, 
 not having received the terrible injunction 
 layed upon Adam Jcrivmere* t was posfibly un- 
 aware of the poets intention, one muft not 
 forget the fentiment of a moft ingenious and 
 accurate perfon upon this fubje6t: that " a 
 reader, who cannot perform fuch operations 
 for himself, had better not trouble his head 
 about the verfification of ' an ancient au- 
 thor'." * It may, therefor, be deemed fufri- 
 cient to add, in the words of the fame ex- 
 cellent critic, that " the true e feminine is 
 
 * See Urrys Chaucer, p. 626. 
 f Canterbury tales, iv. 95. 
 
 b
 
 ( xviii ) 
 
 always to be pronounced with an obfcure eva- 
 nefcent found, and is incapable of bearing 
 any flrefs or accent." * 
 
 The NOTES which accompany thefe poems 
 are given chiefly from fome ancient manu- 
 fcript, from the old Englifh translation of 
 Froisfart, an almoft contemporary writer, 
 and from the chronicles of Fabian, Holin- 
 fhed and Stow; but more efpecially from 
 that of Froisfart, the extracts from which, 
 though occasionally prolix, as it is a book 
 of great rarity, may be excufed, if not wel- 
 comed, by moft readers, on account of their 
 novelty. The language of this translation, 
 however obfolete it may now appear, was 
 doubtlefs efteemed perfectly elegant at the 
 court of king Henry the eighth; it being the 
 work of a very eminent and accompliihed 
 nobleman of that period. 
 
 * The latter is never implyed by the acute accent '; but 
 Urry, out of ignorance, adopted the grave- accent ^ } which 
 always requires it.
 
 (xix) 
 
 As the general information which appear- 
 ed necesfary to illustrate the two principal 
 fubjets of Minots poetry, his heros wars with 
 Scotland and with France, was thought too 
 long for the note v it has been thrown into 
 the form of DISSERTATIONS. This, how- 
 ever, being an after-thought, has occafioned 
 fome repetitions, which the reader is defired 
 to pardon. 
 
 No word of the leaft difficulty has been in- 
 tentionally omitted in the GLOSSARY; though 
 many words, peculiar to our author, are nc- 
 cesfaryly fubmitted to further investigation ; 
 as it feems no part of an editors duty to fave 
 his readers the trouble of guefsing at the 
 meaning of expresfions for which they can- 
 not posfibly be more at a lofs than he i* 
 himself.
 
 INTRODUCTORY 
 
 DISSERTATIONS. 
 
 I. 
 
 ON THE SCOTISH WARS OF KING EDWARD III. 
 
 1 HE male line of the royal family of Scot- 
 land having become extin6t by the death of 
 Alexander III. in the year 1285-6, and the 
 young queen, Margaret of Norway, his grand- 
 daughter, the only furviving defcendant of 
 Henry prince of Cumberland, eldeft fon of 
 David I. dying, an infant, in 1200, feveral 
 perfons, in different rights, layed claim to 
 the crown ; and the regency of Scotland, ei- 
 ther unable or unwilling to decide the con- 
 tell, folicited the assistance of king Edward I. 
 This monarch, powerful, ambitious and po- 
 litic, readyly accepted the office of arbitra- 
 tor; but, previously to a deciiion upon the 
 claims of others, he thought it necesfary to
 
 ( xxii ) 
 
 determine a claim of his own, which was, to 
 be fuperior and lord paramount of the king- 
 dom of Scotland^ a claim which the compe- 
 titors, whether through ignorance, timidity, 
 or prudence, unanimously acknowleged; and, 
 in that character, they obliged themfelves, by 
 a folemn inftrumenr, to fubmit to his award: 
 the regency and baronage of Scotland, at the 
 fame time, not only furrendering the king- 
 dom, but doing homage and fwearing fealty, 
 as to their liege lord, in order to enable him, 
 as he pretended, to carry it the more effec- 
 tually into execution. This meeting was 
 held, by adjournment, at a fmall village on 
 the north fide of the Tweed, oppofite to the 
 castle of Norham, in the beginning of June 
 1291, and was further adjourned to the 2d 
 of Auguft in the fame year; when the claims 
 were to be received by commisfioners named 
 for the purpofe, who were to report the re- 
 fult to Edward. The competitors, accord 
 ingly, at this adjourned meeting, delivered 
 in their claims, which amounted to thirteen ; 
 but, moft of them being very frivolous, they 
 were, by different means, finally reduced to 
 two: thofe of John de Baliol and Robert de
 
 ( xxiii ) 
 
 Brus, or Bruce, both powerful barons as well 
 in England as in Scotland ; Baliol being the 
 grandfon of Margaret, the eldeft daughter of 
 David earl of Huntingdon, fecond fon of 
 David I. and Bruce the fon of Ifabel, the 
 fecond daughter of the fame nobleman. The 
 fole question, therefor, left to the decifion 
 of Edward, was whether the isfue of an elder 
 fister, more remote in one degree, was to 
 be prefered to the isfue of a younger lis- 
 ter, nearer in one degree ; and his definitive 
 judgement was, that Baliol fhould have fei- 
 lin of the kingdom of Scotland, faving the 
 right of the king of England and his heirs. 
 Seifin being accordingly delivered, Baliol was 
 crowned at Scone on the 30th of Novem- 
 ber 1292, and on the 26th of the following 
 month did homage to his liege lord at New- 
 castle upon Tyne. This adjudication of the 
 Englilh monarch, however unfatisfactory in 
 its confequences, was felf- evidently juftj and, 
 fuppoling with the learned and ingenious 
 Ruddiman, the Scots of that period to have 
 thought otherwife, namely, that the child of 
 a younger daughter was to be prefered, in an 
 indivifible inheritance, to the grandchild of
 
 ( xxiv ) 
 
 an elder, they muft certainly have been very 
 confufed and inconfequential reafoners. 
 
 In the year 1295, Baliol, who had been re- 
 peatedly cited before the Englifh parliament, 
 on the complaint of his own fubje6ts, and 
 feems, in fhort, to have had his patience com- 
 pletely, and, perhaps, intentionally, wearyed 
 out by the domineering infolence of his lord 
 paramount, entered into an alliance with Phi- 
 lip the fair king of France, and committed 
 fome petty devastation upon the Englifh bor- 
 ders. Edward, glad of his vasfals rebellion, 
 immediately took Berwick; and, (Baliol hav- 
 ing formally renounced his allegiance,) by his 
 general the earl of Warren, defeated the Scots 
 at Dunbar. The castles of Roxburgh, Edin- 
 burgh, and Stirling, fpeedyly furrendered; 
 and, to conclude, Baliol, on the 2d of July 
 1296, in the moft humiliating manner that 
 could be devifed, exprefsed contrition for his 
 offences, and resigned his crown, kingdom, 
 and people into the hands of his liege lord, 
 who once more received the fealty of his 
 Scotifti fubjecls, as their immediate and law- 
 ful fovereign. 
 
 In the following year (1297) the Scots,
 
 (XXV ) 
 
 under the command of the illustrious Wil- 
 liam Wallace, defeated the Englilh in re- 
 peated engagements, and drove them out of 
 the country. Edward again invaded it, and 
 again, after a fpirited oppofition, reduced it 
 to fubjection. En Hoi, whom he had retained 
 in custody from the time of his refignation, 
 was now fent over to France, and delivered 
 into the hands of the popes nuncio, to be 
 dispofed of at his holinefses pleafure. The 
 younger Bruce, who had been chofen one of 
 the guardians of Scotland, in the name of 
 his fathers rival, and had furrendered him- 
 felf to the Englifli, dying in 1304, was, with 
 Edwards confent, fucceeded in his Scotifli 
 inheritances by his eldeft fon. 
 
 Edward feemed now to have attained the 
 fummit of his ambitious views : but the calm 
 was tranlient and delufive. Four months 
 fufficed to overthrow a fystem, which, it has 
 been obferved, " the incesfant labours of fif- 
 teen years had established by disfimulation, 
 craft, and violence, with a wafte of treafure, 
 and the effufion of much blood." 
 
 On the 10th of February 1305-6, Robert
 
 ( xxvi ) 
 
 Bruce, grandfon to the competitor, arrived 
 in Scotland ; and, having appointed an inter- 
 view with John Comyn, lord of Cumber- 
 nauld, a nobleman of the firft confequence 
 in that kingdom, in the church of the mi- 
 norites at Dumfries, ftabbed him before the 
 high altar. The immediate caufes of Bruce's 
 leaving the Englifh court, of his requefting 
 this conference, and of its violent isfue, are 
 not known. It is, however, highly probable 
 that he came down refolved to asfert his pre- 
 tentious to the Scotifli crown, and, naturally 
 anxious to attach to his party the moft pow- 
 erful baron in his realm, had propofed term?, 
 the rejection of which gave rife to an alter- 
 cation, which terminated in his opponents 
 death. But, whatever was, in faft, the fub- 
 je6t of the converfation, to which no third 
 perfon appears to have been privy, it is cer- 
 tain that Bruce, though excommunicated as 
 a facrilegious murderer, did not think it ne- 
 cesfary to publifh his vindication. He was 
 probably fatisfyed in having got rid of one 
 whofe friendfliip he found it impracticable 
 to obtain, and whofe enmity might have
 
 ( xxvii ) 
 
 furniilied an infuperable barrier to his at- 
 tempt.* 
 
 On the 27th of March 1306, Bruce was 
 folemnly crowned at Scone ; and, on the 7th 
 of June 1 32Q, dyed in the full and peaceable 
 posfesfion of that fovereignty which he had 
 ftruggled through numerous difficulties, and 
 againft the moft potent enemies, to reftore 
 and eftablifh. 
 
 Previously, however, to this event, Ed- 
 ward II. the fon and fuccesfor of Edward I. 
 (who dyed on his expedition againft Scot- 
 land, the 7th of July 1307) after a turbu- 
 lent and disgraceful reign, had, in January 
 1326-7, been formally depofed from the fo- 
 vereignty, by the queen and her faction, 
 who had placed his crown on the head of 
 the young prince of Wales, now Edward III. 
 and a treaty of peace between the two king- 
 doms had been concluded at Northampton 
 in April 1328; of which one article was that 
 Joan, faster to the Englith monarch, Ihould 
 
 * The notion, entertained by lord Hailes and others, that 
 Comyn, in right of his mother, Marjory, fister to Baliol, 
 had himfclf fome contingent pretenfions to the crown, feems 
 destitute of foundation.
 
 ( xxviii ) 
 
 be given in marriage to David the only fon 
 of the king of Scots. This marriage having 
 accordingly taken place, David II. and his 
 queen (he being in his 8th year and fhe 
 about the fame age) were crowned at Scone, 
 on the 24th of November 1331 . 
 
 John Baliol, who dyed in France in 1314, 
 had left an elder fon, Edward, the heir of 
 his pretenfions; and this youth the king of 
 England had, in 1330, taken under his pro- 
 tection, and formally permitted to relide 
 there for a twelvemonth. 
 
 Though, by an exprefs article in the treaty 
 of Northampton, no reftitution was to be 
 made by either fovereign of inheritances 
 which had fallen into his hands by the for- 
 feiture of former proprietors, an exception 
 was introduced in favour of Thomas lord 
 Wake, Henry de Beaumont, and Henry de 
 Percy, who were to be reftored to the eftates 
 of which the king of Scots, by reafon of the 
 war between the two nations, had already 
 taken posfesfion. This article had been ful- 
 filled with refpeft to Percy, and Edward had 
 repeatedly, though ineffectually, demanded 
 its performance in favour of Wake and Beau-
 
 ( xxix ) 
 
 mont. Thefe noblemen, therefor, in con- 
 junction with the other disinherited barons, 
 having prevailed upon young Baliol, who 
 arrived very opportunely for their purpofe, 
 to head the enterprife, determined to invade 
 Scotland. Edward, however, who affe&ed 
 publicly to oppofe a defign which he pri- 
 vately countenanced, would not fuffer them to 
 enter that kingdom by the Englifh marches; 
 as fuch a meafure would have been in open 
 violation of the peace of Northampton, of 
 which he appeared very tenacious. They, 
 therefor, changed their plan to an invafion by 
 fea, and, having embarked with their forces 
 in the Humber, landed at or near Kinghorn, 
 in the firth of Forth, on the 6th of Auguft 
 1332. The earl of Fife, who oppofed their 
 landing with a few hafty levies, being quickly 
 defeated, Baliol marched to Dunfermline, and 
 attacking the Scotifli army under the com- 
 mand of Donald earl of Mar, the new re- 
 gent, obtained a victor}-, which to the Eng- 
 lilh was as eafy and honorable, as to the 
 Scots it is, even by their own historians, al- 
 lowed to have been bloody and disgraceful. 
 The regent, whofe ignorance appears to have
 
 (XXX) 
 
 been the chief caufe of this national disaster, 
 with many other noblemen, perilled in the 
 conflict. Baliol entered Perth on the fol- 
 lowing day, and, a blockade formed by the 
 earl of March being abandoned, within three 
 weeks after his landing perceived himfelf in 
 the peaceable posfesfion of a kingdom, and 
 was formally crowned at Scone on the 24th 
 of September. The king of England now 
 thought it prudent, " for the fafety of the 
 realm," to draw near the Scotiih frontiers j 
 and, while he remained at York, received, 
 from the grateful Baliol, an inftrument, exe- 
 cuted at Roxburgh-castle, whereby he ac- 
 knowleged Edward for his liege lord, and 
 covenanted to put him in posfesfion of the 
 town of Berwick, and of other territory on 
 the Scotiih marches: offering, moreover, to 
 marry the young queen, to increafe her join- 
 ture, and to provide for the dethroned mo- 
 narch as his faid liege lord mould advifej 
 and engaging to ferve in all his wars, with 
 two hundred men at arms, for a year toge- 
 ther, at his own expence. Edward, in re- 
 turn, was to guarantee the posfesfion of Scot- 
 land to this mumroom monarch. In the
 
 ( xxxi ) 
 
 mean time the friends of the young king 
 were not idle: for, on the l6th of December 
 following, while Baliol was indulgeing in the 
 fweets of fovereignty at Annan, he was fud- 
 denly attacked by the earl of Murray and 
 others, at the head of a party of horfe, and 
 efcaped with great difficulty into England ; 
 his brother, and feveral other perfons of dis- 
 tinction, being flain in his defence. Here he 
 renewed his engagements to Edward j and, 
 by the asfiitance he received, was enabled to 
 return into Scotland, and quarter himfelf in 
 the neighbourhood of Roxburgh. The Scots, 
 upon Baliols flight, having made fome in- 
 roads upon the borders, the Englifh monarch 
 now formally proclaimed that they had vio- 
 lated the peace of Northampton ; and, being 
 refolded, he faid, to chaftife their outrages, 
 and to feek redrefs for the injuries which he 
 pretended they had done him, ordered an 
 army to asfemb-le at Newcastle upon Tyne : 
 defiring, at the fame time, that public pray- 
 ers might be offered for his fuccefs: a piece 
 of fuperftition or hypocrify which Christian 
 fovereigns take particular care never to ncg- 
 lel when they are engaged in the profecu
 
 ( xxxii ) 
 
 tion of an unjuft war. He layed fiege to Ber- 
 wick, before which Baliol, who had made 
 him a prefent of it, had already arrived, with 
 his forces, in the beginning of May 1333; 
 and, the regent attempting to relieve the 
 town, a general engagement enfued, at Ha- 
 lidon-hill, in which the Scots were discom- 
 fited with prodigious flaughter; whereupon 
 the town and fortrefs of Berwick were im- 
 mediately furrendered. The young king and 
 queen, who had hitherto refided at Dunbar- 
 ton castle, were now conveyed into France; 
 and Baliol again held parliaments, in one of 
 which the treaty of Roxburgh was ratifyed, 
 and the town, castle, and territory of Ber- 
 wick annexed for ever to the Englifh crown. 
 He, fhortly after, furrendered the forefts of 
 Jedburgh, Selkirk, and Ettrick, the counties 
 of Roxburgh, Peebles, Dumfries and Edin- 
 burgh, and the conftabularies of Linlithgow 
 and Haddington; and, on the ISth of June 
 1334, did homage, and fwore fealty, to his 
 liege lord, for the kingdom of Scotland, at 
 the town of Newcastle upon Tyne. The par- 
 tifans of David, however, foon exerted them- 
 felves in fuch a manner as to oblige Baliol to
 
 ( xxxiii ) 
 
 implore, in perfon, the protection of his feu- 
 dal fovereign, who, in December 1334, in- 
 vaded the country; an invafion which was 
 repeated in the following year. There would 
 feem to have been a conteft between this 
 mock-monarch and his liege lord which of 
 them could moft effectually wafte and deftroy 
 a kingdom, which neither had any longer a 
 hope to enjoy peaceably.* The war was car- 
 ryed on with various fuccefs till May 1341, 
 when (Baliol having previously withdrawn 
 into England) David and his queen arrived 
 from France. The Scots now began to reta- 
 liate on the Englifh frontiers; and, in 1346, 
 while Edward was profecuting his wars in 
 France, David, at the instigation, it is faid, 
 of king Philip, whom the Englifli monarch 
 had already charged with aiding the Scots 
 contrary to the conditions of a fubfifting truce, 
 asfembled a formidable army, and, penetrat- 
 ing into the bifliopric of Durham, pitched 
 
 * Another pretender, according to Wyntown, ftarted up 
 in the perfon of John of Eltham, earl of Cornwall, only 
 brother to the king of England, whom, in the heat of their 
 altercation upon the fuhjet, he flew with his own hand. 
 (See B. VIII. c. xxx.) 
 
 C
 
 ( xxxiv ) 
 
 his camp in the neighbourhood of that city, 
 on the l6th of Oftober. The archbifliop of 
 York (William de la Zouche), Henry de 
 Percy, and Ralph de Nevill, under a com- 
 misfion from the regency, headed the Eng- 
 lifli army ; and, in an engagement which 
 enfued, called TJic battle of Nevils-crofs , the 
 Scots were routed with great flaughter, and 
 their king, after a gallant refistance, taken 
 prifoner: nor, though occafionally permitted 
 to vilit his dominions, was he finally releafed 
 till the 3d of October 1357, a ft er a captivity 
 of eleven years. 
 
 Baliol, who had ferved in the Englifh ar- 
 my at the battle of Durham, and, from king 
 of Scotland, condescended to become gover- 
 nor of Berwick, feeming now completely lick 
 of fovereignty, made an abfolute furrender to 
 Edward, in confideration of 5000 marks and 
 an annuity of 2000. as well of his private 
 eftates in Scotland as of his nominal king- 
 dom, delivering feifin of the former by a 
 clod of earth, and of the latter by the royal 
 diadem, and inferting in the inftrument of 
 furrender a claufe of warranty for himfelf 
 and his heirs againft all mortals for ever.
 
 ( XXXV ) 
 
 This farcical fcene pafsed at Roxburgh- castle, 
 while Edward, it feems, lay at Bamburgh in 
 Northumberland; and the phantom of de- 
 parted royalty, who appears, throughout the 
 procefs of this political drama, the tool of 
 the more crafty and ambitious Edward, re- 
 tired into England, where he continued in 
 obfcurity till the time of his death, which 
 happened in 1363. 
 
 Edward, now become the immediate and 
 abfolute fovereign of Scotland, displayed his 
 affection for his new fubje6ts by a frelh in- 
 road and more exteniive devastation 5 being 
 " refolved," he faid, " inviolably to maintain 
 the ancient laws and the ufages of that king- 
 dom." The Englifli, however, were foon 
 driven out of the country, and the liege lord 
 and asfignee of Baliol finally " exprefsed his 
 willingnefs to enter into a treaty with the 
 Scots, not only for the ranfom of their king, 
 and for a cesfation of hostilities, but alfo for 
 a perpetual peace."* 
 
 * See the Annals of Scotland, by fir David Dalrymple 
 (lord Hailcs). Edin. 1776-9, 2 vo!s. ^jto.
 
 II. 
 
 ON THE TITLE OF KING EDWARD III. TO THE 
 CROWN OF FRANCE. 
 
 ON the death of Charles the fair, king of 
 France, the laft of the three fons and fucces- 
 fors of Philip the fair, in 1328, (his wife, 
 Joan d'Evreux, being left pregnant,) the of- 
 fice of regent was claimed by Edward III. 
 king of England, then a youth of 15, in 
 right of his mother Ifabel, only fister of the 
 deceafed monarch; his claim being oppofed 
 by that of Philip, fon of Charles, of Valois, 
 younger brother of Philip the fair. This con- 
 teft (which involved, in fad, the right of fuc- 
 cesfion to the crown itfelf, in cafe the child 
 of which Joan was then pregnant fhould, as 
 it did, happen to be a daughter), was, by the 
 French peerage, decided in favour of the lat- 
 ter, who, in virtue of that decifion, on the 
 delivery of the queen-dowager, fucceeded to 
 the vacant throne. In any other country 
 than France the claim of Edward muft un-
 
 ( xxxvii ) 
 
 questionably have been prefered to that of 
 Philip; but by an ancient and eftablifhed 
 custom of that kingdom (ufually called the 
 Salic law) females were incapable of inhe- 
 riting the crown; and, confequently, Ifabel, 
 having no right in herfelf, could not posfi- 
 bly, as was contended, transmit any to her 
 fon. This confequence, however, was denyed 
 by Edward, who infilled, that, although fe- 
 males were perfonally excluded, fuch inca- 
 pacity did not reach their male defcendants; 
 and that he, as the neareft male in blood, 
 ought to be prefered to Philip, who was 
 very far removed. But the argument, if 
 well-founded, clearly proved too much to 
 be of any fervice to the Englifh monarch, 
 fince the male isfue of the daughters of for- 
 mer kings muft inevitably have been prefered 
 to him. Thofe writers who have argued 
 againft the existence or force of the law itfelf 
 have fallen into a fimilar dilemma; fince, it 
 is evident, allowing the defcent of the crown 
 to females, that the pretenfions of Edward, 
 however preferable to thofe of Philip, muft 
 have been postponed to the right even of 
 Blanch the new-born daughter of the late
 
 ( xxxviii ) 
 
 king. The validity, therefor, of the Salic 
 law was necefsaryly admitted by both parties} 
 the only disagreement between them arifing 
 from its conftruction. The fallacy of Ed- 
 wards claim is manifefted by his own argu- 
 ments : fince, in the firtl place, if the right 
 of the mother were nothing, me, whether 
 living (as me then was) or dead, could trans- 
 mit none to the fon ; and, fecondly, if me had 
 a right capable of transmislion, the male is- 
 fue of Joan daughter of Lewis Hutin, of Joan 
 daughter of Philip the long, and of Blanch 
 daughter of Charles the fair, were clearly to 
 be prefered to the male isfue of Ifabel the lis- 
 ter of thofe monarchs. It is, therefor, impos- 
 lible to conceive a claim more frivolous and 
 worfe fupported than that of Edward to the 
 crown of France. However, as the reafon- 
 ing of kings is faid to confift in force, to that 
 fpecies of logic the disappointed monarch, as 
 foon as he found it convenient, was deter- 
 mined to refort. 
 
 Soon after the coronation of Philip of Va- 
 lois (A. C. 132p), Edward, who held the 
 duchy of Aquitain and county of Ponthieu as 
 a vasfal to the crown of France, was fum-
 
 ( xxxix ) 
 
 moned to do his fealty for thofe provinces. 
 This threw him into a great dilemma j for, 
 if he fhould refufe the required homage, he 
 muft inevitably forfeit his territories, which 
 he did not at that period think himfelf ftrong 
 enough to defend ; and, if he performed it, 
 he would, by acknowlegeing the fuperiority 
 of Philip, appear to renounce his pretenfions 
 to the kingdom itfelf. Out of this difficulty 
 he was extricated by a falvo worthy of his 
 claim: he protefted, in a council of his peers, 
 that whatever he was about to perform or 
 promife in France would be done againft his 
 will, and to the end only that he might pre- 
 ferve his provinces in that kingdom ; of which, 
 after a trifling objection as to the nature of 
 the homage, he received the accustomed in- 
 vestiture. 
 
 In the year 1336, after the conclufion of 
 the Scotifh wars, Edward began to think it 
 time that he fhould convince Philip of his 
 fuperior right to the throne of France by 
 force of arms. To this project he is generally 
 thought to have been determined by the in- 
 flammatory eloquence of Robert earl of Ar- 
 tois, a French refugee, who, to gratify a per-
 
 (xl) 
 
 fonal pique againft his fovereign, fcrupled 
 not to endeavour the deftruction of his coun- 
 try; but there can be little doubt that Ed- 
 ward was fufficiently inclined to the mea- 
 fures he adopted without fuch diabolical in- 
 fligation. With this view he formed alliances 
 with many illustrious potentates on the con- 
 tinent; amongft whom were the duke of 
 Brabant, the marquis of Juliers, the earls of 
 Gelderland and Hainault, the archbifhop of 
 Cologne, and, finally, the emperor, Lewis of 
 Bavaria, who created him vicar of the em- 
 pire throughout France, which gave him a 
 colourable authority over his German confe- 
 derates. James Arteville, likewife, a brewer 
 of Ghent, who had acquired the management 
 of the turbulent Flemings, brought that pow- 
 erful nation into the league ; and, in order 
 to avoid the penalty or reproach of taking up 
 arms againft the king of France, with whom 
 they had lately concluded a treaty of peace, 
 perfuaded Edward to asfume that title: but 
 which, it is faid, the monarch, as if con- 
 fcious of the flagrant injustice of the ufurpa- 
 tion, was not prevailed on to do without he- 
 (itation and difficulty. He now, however, fent
 
 (xli) 
 
 the duke of Brabant and marquis of Juliers in 
 formal embasfy to Philip to demand a refigna- 
 tion of the crown ; he publifhed manifestos, 
 and wrote letters to the pope : the former, of 
 courfe, Philip declined, and the latter he re- 
 futed or replyed to. The two firft campaigns, 
 if Edwards invafions of France may be fo 
 called, pafsed without any action of impor- 
 tance j and a truce, on the intercesfion of the 
 countefs of Hainault, the mother-in-law of 
 Edward and fister of Philip, was agreed to 
 by tliefe rival monarchs. In the mean time, 
 Edwards German allies, disappointed pro- 
 bably in their too fanguine expectations of 
 Englifh gold and French plunder, gradually 
 fell off; and even the emperor, at the in- 
 llance of Philip, revoked the title of impe- 
 rial vicar. 
 
 On the expiration of the truce, the war 
 was renewed with increased vigour, and the 
 fuccefses of the campaign were crowned by 
 the bloody victory of Cresfy, and the long- 
 expected furrender of Calais. A new truce 
 was now concluded on, through the media- 
 tion of the popes legates, during which Phi- 
 lip of Valois dyed, and was fucceeded by hi* 
 d
 
 fon John, who, on a renewal of the war, 
 was made prifoner at the battle of Poictiers 
 in 1356. This event was followed by an- 
 other truce for two years; and Edwards terms 
 of pacification, though accepted by his royal 
 captive, being rejected, as dishonorable and 
 injurious, by the dauphin and ftates of France, 
 he, in 135p, prepared for a new invafion of 
 that unfortunate kingdom, which according- 
 ly took place 3 but, becoming fenfible that the 
 fuccefs of his arms anfwered no other pur- 
 pofe than to depopulate one country and im- 
 poverifh the other, he was induced to liften 
 to more reafonable propofals, and a peace 
 was, at length, concluded, on the 8th of May 
 1360, of which the principal conditions were, 
 that king John mould be fet at liberty, on pay- 
 ment of three million crowns of gold; that 
 Edward mould for ever renounce all claim to 
 the crown of France, as well as to die provinces 
 of Normandy, Maine, Touraine and Anjou, 
 posfefsed by his ancestors; in lieu whereof 
 he was to receive certain other districts, to- 
 gether with the towns of Calais, Guifnes and 
 Montreuil, to be held, along with Guienne, 
 in abfolute fovereignty: but John, finding
 
 ( xliii ) 
 
 infuperable difficulties to occur in fulfilling 
 the conditions of the peace on his part, gave 
 a fingular proof of monarchical good faith, 
 by returning to his former lodgings in the 
 Savoy, where he dyed on the 8th of April 
 1364. 
 
 The power and posfefsions of the Englifli 
 every day yielding to the prudence of the new 
 king, Charles V. and the conduct of his brave 
 conftable, Du Guefclin, Edward thought fit 
 to refume the empty title of king of France ;* 
 but, after fending repeated though ineffec- 
 tual levies into that kingdom, was at length 
 obliged to conclude a truce with the enemy, 
 " after almoft all his ancient posfefsions," 
 fays Hume, " had been ravimed from him, 
 
 * This title has fmce continued a part of the royal ftile, 
 and, by an aft of parliament, made in the 3 5th year of 
 Henry VIII. was " united and annexed for ever to the im- 
 perial crown of his highnefs realm of England :" as if it 
 confifted with the peculiar morality of kings and nations to 
 perpetuate, with ostentatious and infuiting formality, an in- 
 ftance of ufurpation and injustice which had been the means 
 of converting an unnatural hatred into a national virtue, of 
 wafting millions of treafure, and of fpilling oceans of blood. 
 It has now, indeed, loft its baneful influence, and is become 
 perfectly infignifkant and contemptible.
 
 ( xiiv ) 
 
 except Bourdeaux and Bayonne, and all hU 
 new conquefts, except Calais." Having fur- 
 vived his eldeft fon, the black prince, about 
 a year, he expired on the 2lft of June 1377, 
 in the 65th year of his age and the 5ift of 
 his reign.* 
 
 * See Schoefjlini commtntationcs Jihtoricce & crit'tcte. Sa- 
 Jtliee, 1741. 4to. caput V. and Humes History of England, 
 volume II.
 
 POEMS. 
 
 LITHES, AND I SALL TELL ZOW TYLL 
 THE BATAILE OF HALIDON-HYLL. 
 
 TREW king, that fittes in trone, 
 
 Unto the i tell my tale, 
 And unto the i bid a bone, 
 
 For thou ert bute of all my bale : 
 Als thou made midelerd and the mone, 
 
 And beftes and fowles grete and finale, 
 Unto me fend thi focore fone, 
 
 And drefce my dedes in this dale.
 
 ( 2 ) 
 
 In tliis dale i droupe and dare, 
 
 For dern dedes that done me dere ; 
 Of Ingland had my hert grete care, 
 
 "When Edward founded firil to were : 
 The Franche-men war frek to fare 
 
 Ogaines him, with fcheld and fpere j 
 Thai turned ogayn, with fides fare, 
 
 And al thaire pomp noght worth a pere. 
 
 A pere of prife es more fum tyde 
 
 Than al the bofte of Normondye : 
 Thai fent thaire fchippes on ilka fide, 
 
 With flefch and wine, and whete and rye j 
 With hert and hand (es noght at hide) 
 
 For to help Scotland gan thai hye : 
 Thai fled, and durft no dede habide, 
 
 And all thaire fare noght wurth a flye. 
 
 For all thaire fare, thai durft noght fight, 
 
 For dedes dint had thai flike dout ; 
 Of Scotland had thai never fight, 
 
 Ay whils thai war of wordes ftout : 
 Thai wald have mend tham at thaire might, 
 
 And befy war thai thareobout. 
 Now god help Edward in his right ! 
 
 Amen ! and all his redy rowt !
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 His redy rout mot Jhefu fpede, 
 
 And fave tham both by night and day ; 
 That lord of hevyn mot Edward lede, 
 
 And maintene him als he wele may. 
 The Scottes now all wide will fprede, 
 
 For thai have failed of thaire pray j 
 Now er thai dareand all for drede, 
 
 That war bifore fo flout and gay. 
 
 Gai thai war, and wele thai thoght 
 
 On the erle Morre and other ma j 
 Thai faid it fuld ful dere be boght, 
 
 The land that thai war flemid fra. 
 Philip Valays wordes wroght, 
 
 And faid he fuld thaire enmys fla : 
 Bot all thaire wordes was for noght, 
 
 Thai mun be met if thai war ma. 
 
 Ma manafinges zit have thai maked, 
 
 Mawgre mot thai have to mede ! 
 And many nightes als have thai waked 
 
 To dere all Ingland with thaire dede : 
 Bot, loved be god ! the pride es flaked 
 
 Of tham that war fo ftout on ftede ; 
 And fum of tham es levid all naked, 
 
 Noght fer fro Berwik opon Twede.
 
 (4) 
 
 A litell fro that forfaid toune, 
 
 Halydon-hill that es the name, 
 Thare was crakked many a crowne 
 
 Of wild Scottes, and alls of tame j 
 Thare was thaire baner born all dounej 
 
 To mak Hike bofte thai war to blame : 
 Bot nevertheles ay er thai boune 
 
 To wait Ingland with forow and fchame. 
 
 Shame thai have, als I here fayj 
 
 At Donde now es done thaire daunce r 
 And wend thai molt another way, 
 
 Even thurgh Flandres into France : 
 On Filip Valas faft cri thai, 
 
 Thare for to dwell and him avaunce ; 
 And nothing lift tham than of play, 
 
 Sen tham es tide this fary chance. 
 
 This fary chaunce tham es bitid, 
 
 For thai war fals and wonder fell ; 
 For curfed caitefes er thai kid, 
 
 And ful of trefon, futh to tell. 
 Sir Jon the Comyn had thai hid, 
 
 In haly kirk thai did him qwell ; 
 And tharfore many a Skottis brid 
 
 With dole er dight that thai moft dwell.
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 Thare dwelled cure king, the futh to faine, 
 
 With his menze, a litell while} 
 He gaf gude confort, on that plaine, 
 
 To all his men obout a myle. 
 All if his men war mekill of maine, 
 
 Ever thai douted tham of gile ; 
 The Scottes gaudes might nothing gain, 
 
 For all thai ftumbilde at that ftile. 
 
 Thus in that ftowre thai left thaire live, 
 That war bifore fo proud in prefe. 
 
 Jhefu, for thi woundes five, 
 
 In Ingland help us to have pefe! 

 
 II. 
 
 NOW FOR TO TELL ZOW WILL I TURN 
 OF [THE] BATAYL OF BANOCBURN. 
 
 SKOTTES, out of Berwik and of Abirdene, 
 At the Bannokburn war ze to kene; 
 Thare flogh ze many fakles, als it was fene, 
 And now has king Edward wroken it, i wene : 
 It es wroken i wene, wele wurth the while; 
 War zit with the Skottes, for thai er ful of gile. 
 
 Whare er ze, Skottes of Saint- Johnes-toune ? 
 The bofle of zowre baner es betin all doune - } 
 When ze bofting will bede, fir Edward es boune 
 For to kindel zow care, and crak zowre crowne : 
 He has crakked zowre croune, wele worth the while; 
 Schame bityde the Skottes, for thai er full of gile. 
 
 Skottes of Striflin war fleren and flout, 
 Of god ne of gude men had thai no dout ; 
 Now have thai the pelers priked obout, 
 Bot at the laft fir Edward rifild thaire rout : 
 He has rifild thaire rout, wele wurth the while ; 
 Bot ever er thai under bot gaudes and gile.
 
 (7) 
 
 Rughfute-riveling, now kindels tlii care, 
 Bere-bag, with thi bofte, thi biging es bare ; 
 Fals wretche and forfworn, whider wiltou fare ? 
 Bufk the unto brig, and abide thare : 
 Thare, wretche, faltou won, and wery the while; 
 Thi dwelling in Donde es done for thi gile. 
 
 The Skotte gafe in burghes, and betes the ftretes, 
 All thife Inglis-men harmes he hetes ; 
 Fail makes he his mone to men that he metes, 
 Bot fone frendes he findes that his bale betes : 
 Fune betes his bale, wele wurth the while j 
 He ufes all threting with gaudes and gile. 
 
 Bot many man thretes and fpekes ful ill, 
 That fum tyme war better to be flane-ftill ; 
 The Skot in his wordes has wind for to fpill, 
 For at the laft Edward fall have al his will : 
 He had his will at Berwik, wele wurth the while. 
 Skottes broght him the kayes, bot get for thaire gile.
 
 in. 
 
 HOW EDWARD THE KING COME IN BRABAN0, 
 AND TOKE HOMAGE OF ALL THE LAND. 
 
 GOD, that fchope both fe and fand, 
 Save Edward king of Ingland, 
 Both body, faul and life, 
 And grante him joy withowten ftrif ; 
 For mani men to him er wroth, 
 In Fraunce and in Flandres both : 
 For he defendes faft his right, 
 And tharto Jhefu grante him might, 
 
 And fo to do, both night and day, 
 
 That yt may be to goddes pay. 
 
 Oure king was cumen, trewly to tell, 
 
 Into Brabant for to dwell 5 
 
 The kayfer Lowis of Bavere, 
 
 That in that land than had no pere, 
 
 He, and als his fons two, 
 
 And other princes many mo, 
 
 Bisfchoppes and prelates war thare fele, 
 
 That had ful mekill werldly wele, 
 
 Princes and pople, aid and zong, 
 
 Al that fpac with Duche tung,
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 All thai come with grete honowre, 
 Sir Edward to fave and focoure, 
 And proferd him, with all thayre rede, 
 For to hald the kinges ftede. 
 The duke of Braband, firft of all, 
 Swore, for thing that might bifall, 
 That he fuld, both day and night, 
 Help fir Edward in his right, 
 In toun, in feld, in frith and feri ; 
 This fwore the duke and all his men, 
 And al the lordes that with him lend, 
 And tharto held thai up thaire hend. 
 Than king Edward toke his reft, 
 At Andwerp, v. hare him liked beft ; 
 And thare he made his mone playne, 
 That no man fuld fay thareogayne j 
 His mone, that was gude and lele, 
 Left in Braband ful mekill dele ; 
 And all that land, untill this day, 
 Fars the better for that jornay. 
 When Philip the Valas herd of this, 
 Tharat he was ful wroth, i wis j 
 He gert asfemble his barounes, 
 Princes and lordes of many tounes; 
 At Parifs toke thai thaire counfaile, 
 Whilke pointes might tham mofte availej
 
 And in all wife thai tham bithoght 
 To ftroy Ingland, and bring to noght. 
 Schip-men fone war efter fent, 
 To here the kinges cumandment ; 
 And the galaies-men alfo, 
 That wift both of wele and wo. 
 He cumand than that men fuld fare 
 Till Ingland, and for nothing fpare, 
 Bot brin and fla both man and wife, 
 And childe, that none fuld pas with life : 
 The galay-men held up thaire handes, 
 And thanked god of thir tithandes. 
 At Hamton, als i underftand, 
 Come the gaylayes unto land, 
 And ful faft thai flogh and brend, 
 Bot noght fo mekill als fum men wend ; 
 For or thai wened war thai mett 
 With men that fone thaire laykes lett. 
 Sum was knokked on the hevyd, 
 That the body thare bilevid; 
 Sum lay ftareand on the fternes ; 
 And fum lay knoked out thaire heroes : 
 Than with tham was none other gle, 
 Bot ful fain war thai that might fie. 
 The galay-men, the futh to fay, 
 Moft nedes turn another way;
 
 Thai foght the ftremis fer and wide, 
 Jn Flandres and in Seland fyde. 
 Than faw thai whare Cristofer ftode, 
 At Armouth, opon the fludej 
 Than wen thai theder all bidene, 
 The galayes-men, with hertes kene, 
 Eight and forty galays and mo, 
 And with tham als war tarettes two, 
 And other many of galiotes, 
 With grete noumber of fmale botes; 
 Al thai hoved on the flode, 
 To ftele fir Edward mens gode. 
 Edward oure king than was noght there, 
 Bot fone, when it come to his ere, 
 He fembled all his men full ftill, 
 And faid to tham what was his will. 
 Ilk man made him redy then, 
 So w r ent the king and all his men 
 Unto thaire fchippes ful haftily, 
 Als men that war in dede doghty. 
 Thai fand the galay-men, grete wane, 
 A hundereth ever ogaynes ane ; 
 The Inglis-men put tham to were, 
 Ful baldly, with bow and fpere j 
 Thai flogh thare of the galaies-men, 
 Ever fexty ogaynes ten;
 
 ( 12 ) 
 
 That fum ligges zit in that mire, 
 
 All hevidles withowten hire. 
 
 The Inglis-men war armed wele, 
 
 Both in yren and in ftele ; 
 
 Thai faght ful faft, both day and night, 
 
 Als lang als tham lafled might ; 
 
 Bot galay-men war fo many, 
 
 That Inglis-men wex all wery: 
 
 Help thai foght, bot thar come nane, 
 
 Than unto god thai made thaire mane. 
 
 Bot, fen the time that god was born, 
 
 Ne a hundreth zere biforn, 
 
 War never men better in fight 
 
 Than Inglifs-men, while thai had myght; 
 
 Bot, fone all maistri gan thai mis. 
 
 God bring thaire faules untill his blis ! 
 
 And god asfoyl tham of thaire fin, 
 
 For the gude will that thai war in I Amen. 
 
 Liftens now, and leves me, 
 Who fo lifes thai fall fe 
 That it mun be ful dere boght, 
 That thir galay-men have wroght. 
 Thai hoved ftill opon the flode, 
 And reved pover men thaire gude ; 
 Thai robbed, and did mekill fchame, 
 And ay bare Inglis-men the blame.
 
 ( 13 ) 
 
 Now Jhefu fave all Ingland, 
 
 And blis it with his haly hand ! Amen. 
 
 EDWARD, oure cumly king, 
 In Braband has his woning, 
 
 With mani cumly knight; 
 And in that land, trewly to tell, 
 Ordains he flill for to dwell, 
 
 To time he think to fight. 
 
 Now god, that es of mightes mafte, 
 Grant him grace of the haly gafte, 
 
 His heritage to win -, 
 And Mari moder, of mercy fre, 
 Save oure king and his menze 
 
 Fro forow, fchame and fyn. 
 
 Thus in Braband has he bene, 
 Whare he bifore was feldom fene, 
 
 For to prove thaire japes ; 
 Now no langer wil he fpare, 
 Bot unto Fraunce faft will he fare, 
 
 To confort hym with grapes. 
 
 Furth he ferd into France, 
 God fave him fro mischance, 
 And all his cumpany 1
 
 ( 14) 
 
 The nobill due of Braband 
 With him went into that land, 
 Redy to lif or dy. 
 
 Than the riche floure de lice 
 Wan thare ful litill prife, 
 
 Faft he fled for ferde; 
 The right aire of that cuntre 
 Es cumen, with all his knightes fre, 
 
 To fchac him by the berd. 
 
 Sir Philip the Valayfe 
 Wit his men in tho dayes, 
 
 To batale had he thoght ; 
 He bad his men tham purvay, 
 Withowten lenger delay, 
 
 Bot he ne held it noght. 
 
 He broght folk, ful grete wone, 
 Ay fevyn ogains one, 
 
 That ful wele wapind were ; 
 Bot fone when he herd afcry 
 That king Edward was nere tharby, 
 
 Than durft he noght cum nere. 
 
 In that morning fell a myft, 
 And when oure Inglifs-men it wift, 
 It changed all thaire chere;
 
 Oure king unto god made his bone, 
 And god fent him gude confort fone, 
 The weder wex ful clere. 
 
 Oure king and his men held the felde 
 Stalworthly, with fpere and fchelde, 
 
 And thoght to win his right, 
 With lordes, and with knightes kene, 
 And other doghty men bydene, 
 
 That war ful frek to fight. 
 
 When fir Philip of France herd tell 
 That king Edward in feld walld dwell, 
 
 Than gayned him no gle ; 
 He traifted of no better bote, 
 Bot both on hors and on fote 
 
 He hafted him to fle. 
 
 It femid he was ferd for ftrokes 
 When he did fell his grete okes 
 
 Obout his pavilyoune; 
 Abated was than all his pride, 
 For langer thare durft he noght bide, 
 
 His boft was broght all doune. 
 
 The king of Berne had cares colde, 
 That was ful hardy and bolde, 
 A ftede to umftride;
 
 [He and] the king als of Naverne 
 War faire ferd in the feme 
 Thaire heviddes for to hide. 
 
 And leves wele it es no lye, 
 The felde hat Flemangrye 
 
 That king Edward was in, 
 With princes that war flif ande bolde, 
 And dukes that war doghty tolde, 
 
 In batayle to bigin. 
 
 The princes that war riche on raw 
 Gert nakers ftrike, and trumpes blaw, 
 
 And made mirth at thaire might j 
 Both alblaft and many a bow 
 War redy railed opon a row, 
 
 And ful frek for to fight. 
 
 Gladly thai gaf mete and drink, 
 So that thai fuld the better fwink, 
 
 The wight men that thar ware. 
 Sir Philip of Fraunce fled for dout, 
 And hied him hame with all his rout ; 
 
 Coward, god giff him care ! 
 
 For thare than had the lely-flowre 
 Lorn all halely his honowre, 
 That fo gat fled for ferd >
 
 (17) 
 
 Bot cure king Edward come ful ftill, 
 When that he trowed no harm him till, 
 And keped him in the berde.
 
 IV. 
 
 LITHES, AND THE BATAIL I SAL BIGYN 
 
 OF INGLISCH-MEN AND NORMANDES IN THE SWYN. 
 
 Mi NOT with mowth had menid to make 
 Suth fawes and fad for fum mens fake; 
 The wordes of fir Edward makes me to wake, 
 Wald he falve us fone mi forow fold flake ; 
 War mi forow flaked fune wald I fing : 
 When god will fir Edward fal us bute bring. 
 Sir Philip the Valas caft was in care, 
 And faid fir Hugh Kyret to Flandres fuld fare, 
 And have Normondes inogh to leve on his lare, 
 All Flandres to brin, and mak it all bare ; 
 Bot, unkind coward, wo was him thare, 
 When he failed in the Swin it fowed him fare ; 
 Sare it tham fmerted that ferd out of France, 
 Thare lered Inglis-men tham a new daunce. 
 The burjafe of Bruge ne war noght to blame, 
 I pray Jhefu fave tham fro fin and fro fchame ; 
 For thai war fone at the Slufe all by a name, 
 Whare many of the Normandes tok mekill grame.
 
 ( 19) 
 
 When Bruges and Ipyre hereof herd tell, 
 Thai fent Edward to wit, that was in Arwell j 
 Than had he no liking langer to dwell, 
 He hailed him to the Swin, with fergantes fnell, 
 To mete with the Normandes that fals war and fell, 
 That had ment, if thai might, al Flandres to quell. 
 King Edward unto fail was ful fune dight, 
 With erles and barons, and many kene knight; 
 Thai come byfor Blankebergh on faint Jons night, 
 That was to the Normondes a well fary light; 
 Zit trumped thai and daunced,wi th torches ful bright 
 In the wilde waniand was thaire hertes light. 
 Opon the morn efter, if i futh fay, 
 A mery man, lir Robard out of Morlay, 
 At half-eb in the Swin foght he the way, 
 Thare lered men the Normandes at bukler to play; 
 Helpid tham no prayer that thai might pray, 
 The wreches es wonnen, thaire wapin es oway. 
 The erle of Norhamton helpid at that nede, 
 Als wife man of wordes, and worthli in wede. 
 Sir Walter the Mawnay, god gif him mede ! 
 Was bold of body in batayle to bede. 
 The due of Lankaster was dight for to drive, 
 With mani mody man that thoght for to thrive ; 
 Wele and ftalworthly ftint he that ftrive, 
 That few of the Normandes left thai olive;
 
 (20) 
 
 Fone left thai olive, hot did tham to lepe, 
 Men may find by the flode a hundred on hepe. 
 Sir Wiliam of Klinton was eth for to knaw, 
 Mani flout bachilere broght he on raw ; 
 It femid with thaire fchoting als it war maw, 
 The boft of the Normandes broght thai ful lawj 
 Thaire boft was abated, and thaire mekil pride, 
 Fer might thai noght fle, bot thaire bud tham bide. 
 The gude erle of Glowceter, god mot him glade ! 
 Broght many bold men with bowes ful brade ; 
 To biker with the Normandes baldely thai bade, 
 And in middes the flode did tham to wade ; 
 To wade war tho wretches caften in the brim, 
 The kaitefs come out of France at lere tham to fwim. 
 I prays John Badding als one of the beft; 
 Faire come he fayland out of the futh-weft, 
 To prove of tha Normandes was he ful preft, 
 Till he had foghten his fill he had never reft. 
 John of Aile of the Sluys, withfcheltron full fchene, 
 Was comen into Cagent, cantly and kenej 
 Bot fone was his trumping turned to tene, 
 Of him had fir Edward his will, als i wene. 
 The fchipmen of Ingland failed ful fwith, 
 That none of the Normandes fro tham might fkrith: 
 Whofo kouth wele his craft thare might it kithj 
 Of al the gude that thai gat gaf thai no tithe.
 
 ( 21 ) 
 
 Two hundreth and mo fchippes in the fandes 
 Had oure Inglis-men won with thaire handes ; 
 The Kogges of Ingland was broght out of bandes, 
 And alfo die Cristofir, that in the ftreme ftandes ; 
 In that ftound thai ftode with ftremers ful ftil, 
 Till thai wift ful wele fir Edwardes will. 
 Sir Edward, oure gude king, wurthi in wall, 
 Faght wele on that flude, faire mot him fall ! 
 Als it es custom of king to confort tham all, 
 So thanked he gudely the grete and the fmall; 
 He thanked tham gudely, god gif him mede ! 
 Thus come our king in the Swin till that gude dede. 
 This was the bataile that fell in the Swin, 
 Where many Normandes made me kill din; 
 Wele war thai armed up to the chin, 
 Bot god and fir Edward gert thaire bofte blinj 
 Thus blinned thaire bofte, als we wele ken: 
 God asfoyle thaire fawls ! fais all Amen.
 
 V. 
 
 HERK.INS HOW KING EDWARD LAY 
 WITH HIS MEN BIFOR TOURNAY. 
 
 To WREN AY zow has tight 
 
 To timber, trey and tene j 
 A bore with brems bright, 
 
 Es broght opon zowre grene; 
 That es a femely fight, 
 
 With fchilterouns faire and fchene 
 Thi domes-day es dight, 
 
 Bot thou be war, I wene. 
 
 When all yowre wele es went 
 
 Zowre wo wakkins ful wide, 
 To fighing er ze fent 
 
 With forow on ilka fyde j 
 Ful rewfull es zowre rent, 
 
 All redles may ze ride - } 
 The harmes that ze have hent 
 
 Now may ze hele and hide. 
 
 Hides and helis als hende, 
 
 For ze er caft in care, 
 FvQ few find ze zowre frende,
 
 (23 ) 
 
 For all zowre frankis fare. 
 Sir Philip fall zow fchende, 
 
 Whi leve ze at his lare ? 
 No bowes now thar zow bende, 
 
 Of blis ze er all bare. 
 
 All bare er ze of blis, 
 
 No bofl may be zowre bote, 
 All mirthes mun ze mis, 
 
 Oure men fall with zow mote, 
 Who fall zow clip and kys, 
 
 And fall zowre folk to fote; 
 A were es wroght, i wis, 
 
 Zowre walles with to wrote. 
 
 Wrote thai fal zowre dene, 
 
 Of dintes ze may zow dowtj 
 Zowre biginges fall men brene, 
 
 And breke zowre walles obout. 
 Ful redles may ze ren, 
 
 With all zowre rewful routj 
 With care men fall zow ken 
 
 Edward zowre lord to lout. 
 
 To lout zowre lord in land 
 
 With lift men fall zow lerej 
 Zowre harmes cumes at hand,
 
 ( 24) 
 
 Als ze fall haftly here. 
 Now frendfchip fuld ze fande 
 
 Of fir Philip zowre fere, 
 To bring zow out of band, 
 
 Or ze be broght on bere. 
 
 On bere when ze er broght, 
 
 Than cumes Philip to late; 
 He hetes, and haldes zow noght, 
 
 With hert ze may him hate. 
 A bare now has him foght 
 
 Till Turnay the right gate, 
 That es ful wele bithoght 
 
 To flop Philip the fixate, 
 Fulftill: 
 Philip was fain he moght 
 
 Graunt fir Edward his will. 
 
 If ze will trow my tale, 
 
 A duke tuke leve that tide, 
 A Braban brwed that bale, 
 
 He bad no langer bide 5 
 Giftes grete and fmale 
 
 War fent him on his fide; 
 Gold gert all that gale, 
 
 And made him rapely ride, 
 Till dede:
 
 ( 25 ) 
 
 In hert he was unhale, 
 
 He come thare mofte for mede. 
 
 King Edward, frely fode, 
 
 In Fraunce he will noght blin 
 To mak his famen wode, 
 
 That er wonand tharein. 
 God, that reft on rode, 
 
 For fake of Adams fyn, 
 Strenkith him main and mode, 
 
 His reght in France to win, 
 And have I 
 God grante him graces gode, 
 
 And fro all fins us fave ! Amen.
 
 VI. 
 
 HOW EDWARD AT HOGGES UNTO LAND WAN 
 AND RADE THURGH FRANCE OR EVER HE SLAV 
 
 jViEN may rede in romance right 
 Of a grete clerk that Merlin hight j 
 Ful many bokes er of him wreten, 
 Als thir clerkes wele may wittenj 
 And zit, in many preve nokes, 
 May men find of Merlin bokes. 
 Merlin faid thus, with his mowth, 
 Out of the north into the fowth 
 Suld cum a bare over the fe, 
 That fuld mak many man to fie; 
 And in the fe, he faid ful right, 
 Suld he fchew ful mekill might 5 
 And in France he fuld bigin 
 To mak tham wrath that er tharein j 
 Untill the fe his taile reche fale 
 All folk of France to mekill bale. 
 Thus have i mater for to make, 
 For a nobill prince fake: 
 Help me god, my wit es thin ! 
 Now LAURENCE MINOT will bigin.
 
 (27) 
 
 A BORE es broght on bankes bare, 
 
 With ful batail bifor his breft, 
 For John of France will he noght fpare, 
 
 In Normondy to tak his reft, 
 With princes that er proper and preft : 
 
 Alweldand god, of mightes mafte, 
 He be his beld, for he mai beft, 
 
 Fader and fun and haly gafte! 
 
 Haly gafte, thou gif him grace, 
 
 That he in gude time may bigin, 
 And fend to him both might and fpace, 
 
 His heritage wele for to win j 
 And fone asfoyl him of his fin, 
 
 Hende god, that heried hell ! 
 For France now es he entred in, 
 
 And thare he dightes him for to dwell. 
 
 He dwelled thare, the futh to tell, 
 
 Opon the cofte of Normondy ; 
 At Hogges fand he famen fell, 
 
 That war all ful of felony: 
 To him thai makked grete maistri, 
 
 And proved to ger the bare abydej 
 Thurgh might of god and mild Mari, 
 
 The bare abated all thaire pride,
 
 (28) 
 
 Mekill pride was thare in prefe, 
 
 Both on pencell and on plate, 
 When the bare rade, withouten refe, 
 
 Unto Cane the gray theft gate; 
 Thare fand he folk bifor the zate 
 
 Thretty-thowfand ftif on ftede : 
 Sir John of France come al to late, 
 
 The bare has gert thaire fides blede. 
 
 He gert blede if thai war bolde, 
 
 For thare was flayne and wounded fore 
 Thretty-thowfand, trewly tolde, 
 
 Of pitaile was thare mekill more ; 
 Knightes war thar wele two fcore, 
 
 That war new dubbed to that dance, 
 Helm and hevyd thai have forlore : 
 
 Than misliked John of France. 
 
 More misliking was thare then, 
 
 For fals trefon alway thai wroght ; 
 Bot, fro thai met with Jnglis-men, 
 
 All thaire bargan dere thai boght. 
 Inglis-men with lite tham foght, 
 
 And haftily quit tham thaire hire ; 
 And, at the laft, forgat thai noght, 
 
 The toun of Cane thai fett on fire.
 
 (29 ) 
 
 That fire ful many folk gan fere, 
 
 When thai fe brandes o ferrum flye; 
 This have thai wonen of the were, 
 
 The fals folk of Normundy. 
 I fai zow lely how thai lye, 
 
 Don gen doun all in a dauncej 
 Thaire frendes may ful faire forthi 
 
 Pleyn tham untill John of France. 
 
 Franche-men put tham to pine, 
 
 At Cresfy, when thai brak the brig; 
 That faw Edward with both his ine, 
 
 Than likid him no langer to lig. 
 Ilk Inglis-man on others rig, 
 
 Over that water er thai went 3 
 To batail er thai baldly big, 
 
 With brade ax, and with bowes bent. 
 
 With bent bowes thai war ful bolde, 
 
 For to fell of the Frankifch-men ; 
 Thai gert tham lig with cares colde, 
 
 Ful fari was fir Philip then. 
 He faw the toun o ferrum bren, 
 
 And folk for ferd war faft fleand; 
 The teres he lete ful rathly ren 
 
 Out of his eghen, i understand. .
 
 ( 30) 
 
 Than come Philip, ful redy dight, 
 
 Toward the toun, with all his rowt, 
 With him come mani a kumly knight, 
 
 And all umfet the bare obout. 
 The bare made tham ful law to lout, 
 
 And delt tham knokkes to thaire mede; 
 He gert tham ftumbill that war ftout, 
 
 Thare helpid nowther ftaf ne ftede. 
 
 Stedes ftrong bilevid ftill 
 
 Bifide Cresfy opon the grene; 
 Sir Philip wanted all his will, 
 
 That was wele on his fembland fene. 
 With fpere and fchelde and helmis fchene, 
 
 The bare than durft thai noght habide : 
 The king of Berne was cant and kene, 
 
 Bot thare he left both play and pride. 
 
 Pride in prefe ne prais i noght, 
 
 Omang tliir princes prowd in pall j 
 Princes fuld be wele bithoght, 
 
 When kinges fuld tham tyll counfail call 
 If he be rightwis king, thai fall 
 
 Maintene him both night and day, 
 Or els to lat his frendfchip fall 
 
 On faire manere, and fare oway.
 
 ( 31 ) 
 
 Oway es all thi wele, i wis, 
 
 Franche-man, with all thi fare j 
 Of murning may thou never mys, 
 
 For thou ert cumberd all in care : 
 With fpeche ne moght thou never fpare 
 
 To fpeke of Inglifs-men defpite; 
 Now have thai made thi biging bare, 
 
 Of all thi catell ertou quite. 
 
 Quite ertou, that wele we knaw, 
 
 Of catell, and of drewris dere, 
 Tharfore lies thi hert ful law, 
 
 That are was blith als brid on brere. 
 Inglis-men fall zit to-zere 
 
 Knok thi palet or thou pas, 
 And mak the polled like a frere; 
 
 And zit es Ingland als it was. 
 
 Was thou noght, Franceis, with thi wapin, 
 
 Bitwixen Cresfy and Abvyle, 
 Whare thi felaws lien and gapin, 
 
 For all thaire treget and thaire gile? 
 Bisfchoppes war thare in that while, 
 
 That fongen all withouten ftole: 
 Philip the Valas was a file, 
 
 He fled, and durft noght tak his dole.
 
 ( 32 ) 
 
 Men delid thare ful mani a dint 
 
 Omang the gentill Geneuayfe; 
 Ful many man thaire lives tint, 
 
 For luf of Philip the Valays. 
 Unkind he was and uncurtayfe, 
 
 I prais nothing his purviance; 
 The beft of France and of Artayfe 
 
 War al to-dongyn in that daunce. 
 
 That daunce with trefon was bygun, 
 
 To trais the bare with fum fals gyn : 
 The Franche-men faid, All es wun, 
 
 Now es it tyme that we biginj 
 For here es welth inogh to win, 
 
 To make us riche for evermore : 
 Bot, thurgh thaire armure thik and thin, 
 
 Slaine thai war, and wounded fore. 
 
 Sore than fighed fir Philip, 
 
 Now wift he never what him was beft ; 
 For he es caft doun with a trip, 
 
 In John of France es all his treft j 
 For he was his frend faithfuleft, 
 
 In him was full his affiance : 
 Bot fir Edward wald never reft, 
 
 Or thai war feld the beft of France.
 
 (33) 
 
 Of France was mekill wo, i wis, 
 
 And in Paris the high palays : 
 Now had the bare, with mekill blis, 
 
 Bigged him bifor Calais. 
 Heres now how the romance fais, 
 
 How fir Edward, cure king with croune, 
 Held his fege, bi nightes and dais, 
 
 With his men bifor Calays toune.
 
 VII. 
 
 HOW EDWARD, ALS THE ROMANCE SAIS, 
 HELD HIS SEGE BIFOR CALAIS. 
 
 CALAIS MEN, now may ze care, 
 
 And morning mun ze have to mede; 
 Mirth on mold get ze no mare, 
 
 Sir Edward fall ken zow zowre crede. 
 Whilum war ze wight in wede, 
 
 To robbing rathly for to ren ; 
 Mend zow fone of zowre misdede, 
 
 Zowre care es cumen, will ze it ken. 
 
 Kend it es how ze war kene 
 
 Al Inglis-men with dole to dere j 
 Thaire gudes toke ze albidene, 
 
 No man born wald ze forbere; 
 Ze fpared noght, with fwerd ne fpere, 
 
 To ftik tham, and thaire gudes to ftele ; 
 With wapin and with ded of were, 
 
 Thus have ze wonnen werldes wele.
 
 (35 ) 
 
 Weleful men war ze, i wis, 
 
 Bot fer on fold fall ze noght fare, 
 A. bare fal now abate zowre blis, 
 
 And wirk zow bale on bankes bare. 
 He fall zow hunt als hund dofe hare, 
 
 That in no hole fall ze zow hide ; 
 For all zowre fpeche will he noght fpare, 
 
 Bot bigges him right by zowre fide. 
 
 Bifide zow here the bare bigins 
 
 To big his boure in winter-tyde, 
 And all bityme takes he his ines, 
 
 With femly fergantes him bifide. 
 The word of him walkes ful wide, 
 
 Jhefu, fave him fro mischance ! 
 In bataill dare he wele habide 
 
 Sir Philip and fir John of France. 
 
 The Franche-men er fers and fell, 
 
 And mafe grete dray when thai er dight; 
 Of tham men herd flike tales tell, 
 
 With Edward think thai for to fight, 
 Him for to hald out of his right, 
 
 And do him trefon with thaire tales j 
 That was thaire purpos, day and night, 
 
 Bi counfail of the cardinales.
 
 (3(3) 
 
 Cardinales, with hattes rede, 
 
 War fro Calays wele thre myle, 
 Thai toke thaire counfail in that ftede 
 
 How, thai might fir Edward bigile. 
 Thai lended thare bot litill while, 
 
 Til Franche-men to grante thaire grace; 
 Sir Philip was funden a file, 
 
 He fled, and faght noght in that place. 
 
 In that place the bare was blith, 
 
 For all was funden that he had foght; 
 Philip the Valas fled ful fwith, 
 
 With the batail that he had broght: 
 For to have Calays had he thoght, 
 
 All at his ledeing loud or fiill, 
 Bot all thaire wiles war for noght, 
 
 Edward wan it at his will. 
 
 Lyftens now, and ze may lere, 
 
 Als men the futh may underftand, 
 The knightes that in Calais were 
 
 Come to fir Edward fare wepeand, 
 In kirtell one, and fwerd in hand, 
 
 And cried, Sir Edward, thine [we] are, 
 Do now, lord, bi law of land, 
 
 Thi will with us for evermare.
 
 ( 37 ) 
 
 The noble burgafe and the beft 
 
 Come unto him to have thaire hire; 
 The comun puple war ful preft 
 
 Rapes to bring obout thaire fwire: 
 Thai faid all, Sir Philip oure fyre, 
 
 And his fun, fir John of France, 
 Has left us ligand in the mire, 
 
 And broght us til this doleful dance. 
 
 Oure horfes, that war faire and fat, 
 
 Er etin up ilkone bidene, 
 Have we nowther conig ne cat, 
 
 That thai ne er etin, and hundes kene, 
 All er etin up ful clene, 
 
 Es nowther levid biche ne whelp, 
 That es wele on oure fembland fene, 
 
 And thai er fled that fuld us help. 
 
 A knight that was of grete renowne, 
 
 Sir John de Viene was his name, 
 He was wardaine of the toune, 
 
 And had done Ingland mekill fchame. 
 For all thaire bofle thai er to blame, 
 
 Ful ftalworthly thare have thai ftrevyn, 
 A bare es cumen to mak tham tame, 
 
 Kayes of the toun to him er gifen.
 
 ( 38 ) 
 
 The kaies er zolden him of the zate, 
 
 Lat him now kepe tham if he kun ; 
 To Calais cum thai all to late, 
 
 Sir Philip and fir John his fun : 
 Al war ful ferd that thare ware fun, 
 
 Thaire leders may thai barely ban. 
 All on this wife was Calais won ; 
 
 God fave tham that it fo gat wan !
 
 VIII. 
 
 SIR DAVID HAD OF HIS MEN CRETE LOSS, 
 WITH SIR EDWARD, AT THE NEVIL-CROSS. 
 
 SIR David the Brufe 
 
 Was at distance, 
 When Edward the Baliolfe 
 
 Hade with his lancej 
 The north end of Ingland 
 
 Teched him to daunce, 
 When he was met on the more 
 
 With mekill mischance. 
 Sir Philip the Valayfe 
 
 May him noght avance, 
 The flowres that faire war 
 
 Er fallen in Fraunce; 
 The floures er now fallen 
 
 That fers war and fell, 
 A bare with his bataille 
 
 Has done tham to dwell. 
 
 Sir David the Brufe 
 
 Said he fulde fonde 
 To ride thurgh all Ingland,
 
 (40) 
 
 Wald he noght wonde ; 
 At the Weftminfter-hall 
 
 Suld his ftedes ftonde, 
 Whils oure king Edward 
 
 War out of the londe : 
 Bot now has fir David 
 
 Mifsed of his merkes, 
 And Philip the Valays, 
 
 With all thaire grete clerkes. 
 
 Sir Philip the Valais, 
 
 Suth for to fay, 
 Sent unto fir David, 
 
 And faire gan him pray, 
 At ride thurgh Ingland, 
 
 Thaire fomen to flay, 
 And faid none es at home 
 
 To let hym the way; 
 None letes him the way, 
 
 To wende whore he will : 
 Bot with fchiperd-ftaves 
 
 Fand he his fill. 
 
 Fro Philip the Valais 
 Was fir David fent, 
 All Ingland to win,
 
 (41 ) 
 
 Fro Twede unto Trent; 
 He broght mani bere-bag, 
 
 "With bow redy bent ; 
 Thai robbed and thai reved, 
 
 And held that thai hentj 
 It was in the waniand 
 
 That thai furth went; 
 Fro covaitife of cataile 
 
 Tho fchrewes war fchent; 
 Schent war tho fchrewes, 
 
 And ailed unfele, 
 For at the Nevil-cros 
 
 Nedes bud tham knele. 
 
 At the ersbisfchop of Zork 
 
 Now will i bigyn, 
 For he may, with his right haud, 
 
 Asfoyl us of fyn$ 
 Both Dorem and Carlele, 
 
 Thai wald nevir blin 
 The wirfchip of Ingland 
 
 With wappen to win; 
 Mekil wirfchip thai wan, 
 
 And wele have thai waken, 
 For fyr David the Brufe 
 
 Was in that tyme taken.
 
 ( 42 ) 
 
 When fir David the Brufc 
 
 Satt on his ilede, 
 He faid of all Ingland 
 
 Haved he no drede; 
 Bot hinde John of Coupland, 
 
 A wight man in wede, 
 Talked to David, 
 
 And kend him his crede : 
 Thare was fir David 
 
 So dughty in his dede, 
 The faire toure of Londen 
 
 Haved he to mede. 
 
 Sone than was fir David 
 
 Broght unto the toure, 
 And William the Dowglas, 
 
 With men of honowre ; 
 Full fwith redy fervis 
 
 Fand thai thare a fchowre, 
 For firft thai drank of the fwete, 
 
 And fenin of the fowre. 
 Than fir David the Brufe 
 
 Makes his mone, 
 The faire coroun of Scotland 
 
 Haves he forgone; 
 He luked forth into France,
 
 (43 ) 
 
 Help had he none, 
 
 Of fir Philip the Valais, 
 
 Ne zit of fir John. 
 
 The pride of fir David 
 
 Bigon faft to flaken, 
 For he wakkind the were 
 
 That held him felf waken; 
 For Philyp the Valaife 
 
 Had he brede baken, 
 And in the toure of Londen 
 
 His ines er taken: 
 To be both in a place 
 
 Thaire forward thai nomen, 
 Bot Philip fayled thare, 
 
 And David es cumen. 
 
 Sir David the Brufe 
 
 On this manere 
 Said unto fir Philip 
 
 Al thir fawes thus fere : 
 Philip the Valais, 
 
 Thou made me be here, 
 This es noght the forward 
 
 We made are to-zere ; 
 Fals es thi forward,
 
 (44) 
 
 And evyll mot thou fare, 
 For thou and fir John thi fon 
 Haves kaft me in care. 
 
 The Scottes, with thaire falshede, 
 
 Thus went thai obout 
 For to win Ingland 
 
 Whils Edward was out; 
 For Cuthbert of Dorem 
 
 Haved thai no dout, 
 Tharfore at Nevel-cros 
 
 Law gan thai lout; 
 Thare louted thai law, 
 
 And leved allane. 
 Thus was David the Brufe 
 
 Into the toure tane.
 
 IX. 
 
 HOW KING EDWARD AND HIS MENZE 
 MET WITH THE SPANIARDES IN THE SEB. 
 
 I WALD noght fpare for to fpeke, 
 
 Wift i to fpede, 
 Of wight men with wapin, 
 
 And worthly in wede, 
 That now er driven to dale, 
 
 And ded all thaire dede, 
 Thai fail in the fee-gronde 
 
 Finches to fede; 
 Fele fiflches thai fede, 
 
 For all thaire grete fare : 
 It was in the waniand 
 
 That thai come thare. 
 
 Thai failed forth in the Swin, 
 
 In a fomers tyde, 
 With trompes and taburns, 
 
 And mekill other pride ; 
 The word of tho weremen 
 
 Walked full wide;
 
 (46 ) 
 
 The gudes that thai robbed 
 
 In holl gan thai hidej 
 In holl than thai hided 
 
 Crete welthes, als i wene, 
 Of gold and of filver, 
 
 Of fkarlet and grene. 
 
 When thai failed weftward, 
 
 Tho wight men in were, 
 Thaire hurdis thaire ankers 
 
 Hanged thai on here j 
 Wight men of the weft 
 
 Neghed tham nerr, 
 And gert tham fnaper in the fnare, 
 
 Might thai no ferr 3 
 Fer might thai noght flit, 
 
 Bot thare moil thai fine, 
 And that thai bifore reved 
 
 Than moft thai tyne. 
 
 Boy with thi blac berd, 
 
 I rede that thou blin, 
 And fone fet the to fchrive, 
 
 With forow of thi fyn ; 
 If thou were on Ingland, 
 
 Noght faltou win,
 
 (47 ) 
 
 Cum thou more on that cofte 
 
 Thi bale fall bigin: 
 Thare kindels thi care, 
 
 Kene men fall the kepe, 
 And do the dye on a day, 
 
 And domp in the depe. 
 
 Ze broght out of Bretayne 
 
 Zowre cuftom with care, 
 Ze met with the marchandes 
 
 And made tham ful barej 
 It es gude refon and right 
 
 That ze evill misfare, 
 When ze wald in Ingland 
 
 Lere of a new lare : 
 New lare fall ze lere, 
 
 Sir Edward to lout, 
 For when ze ftode in zowre ftrenkith 
 
 Ze war all to ftout.
 
 X. 
 
 HOW GENTILL SIR EDWARD, WITH HIS 
 
 GRETE ENGINES, 
 WAN WITH HIS WIGHT MEN THE CAS- 
 
 TELL OF GYNES. 
 
 WA R this winter oway, 
 
 Wele wald i wene 
 That fomer fuld fchew him 
 
 In fchawes ful fchene; 
 Both the lely and the lipard 
 
 Sold geder on a grene. 
 Mari, have minde of thi man, 
 
 Thou whote wham i mene ; 
 Lady, think what i mene, 
 
 I mak thee my mone ; 
 Thou wreke gude king Edward 
 
 On wikked fyr John. 
 
 Of Gynes ful gladly 
 Now will i bigin, 
 We wote wele that woning
 
 (49 ) 
 
 "Was wikked for to win: 
 Crift, that fwelt on the rode, 
 
 For lake of mans fyn, 
 Hald tham in gude hele 
 
 That now er tharein ! 
 Inglis-men er tharein, 
 
 The kastell to kepe j 
 And John of France es fo wroth 
 
 For wo will he wepe. 
 
 Gentill John of Doncaster 
 
 Did a ful balde dede, 
 When he come toward Gines 
 
 To ken tham thaire crede j 
 He flirt unto the castell 
 
 "Withowten any ftede, 
 Of folk that he fand thare 
 
 Haved he no dredej 
 Dred in hert had he none 
 
 Of all he fand thare ; 
 Faine war thai to fle, 
 
 For all thaire grete fare. 
 
 A letherin ledderr, 
 'And a lang line, 
 A fmall bote was tharby,
 
 ( 50) 
 
 That put tham fro 
 The folk that thai fand thare 
 
 Was faine for to fyne ; 
 Sone thaire diner was dight, 
 
 And thare wald thai dine -, 
 Thare was thaire purpofe 
 
 To dine and to dwell, 
 For trefon of the Franche-men, 
 
 That fals war and fell. 
 
 Say now, fir John of France, 
 
 How faltou fare, 
 That both Calays and Gynes 
 
 Has kindeld thi care? 
 If thou be m^n of mekil might, 
 
 Lepe up on thi mare, 
 Take thi gate unto Gines, 
 
 And grete tham wele thare; 
 Thare gretes thi geftes, 
 
 And wendes with wo, 
 King Edward has wonen 
 
 The kastell tham fro. 
 
 Ze men of Saint-Omers, 
 
 Trus ze this tide, 
 And puttes out zowre paviliownes
 
 (51 ) 
 
 With zowre mekill pride; 
 Sendes efter fir John of Fraunce 
 
 To ftand by zowre fyde, 
 A bore es boun zow to biker, 
 
 Thatweledarhabide; 
 Wei dar he habide 
 
 Bataile to bede, 
 And of zowre fir John of Fraunce 
 
 Haves he no drede. 
 
 God fave fir Edward his right 
 
 In everilka nede, 
 And he that will noght fo, 
 
 Evil mot he fpede; 
 And len oure fir Edward 
 
 His life wele to lede, 
 That he may at his ending 
 
 Have hevin till his mede. 
 AMEN.
 
 ORIGINAL READINGS, 
 
 CORRECTED IN THE IMPRESSION. 
 
 Page 7. Line 9. Skottes. 
 
 8. ii. trely. 
 
 J 3' 14. forow and fchame, 
 
 14- 19. whe. 
 
 22. mornig. 
 
 23. IgHff. 
 
 24. fhanged. 
 
 15- 5- Stalwortly. 
 2 3 . fur. 
 
 1 6. 2. feld? ferene. 
 
 19- 5- Nomandes. 
 
 23. 22. zow. 
 
 28. 17. misliling. 
 
 30. 20. tyll] toll. 
 
 3i 3. murnig. 
 
 33- *. tha. As this <word has al- 
 
 ready occuredfor the 
 (fee p. 20; itmajpof, 
 ftbly be right.
 
 Page 34. Line 2. murnig. 
 
 35. 12. fegantes. 
 
 40. 15. flay. 
 
 45. 17. werkraen. 
 
 46. 2. gan thai it hide. 
 20. tho. 
 
 51. 9. Haveves.
 
 NOTES. 
 
 Page i. 
 
 I. THE BATAILE OF HALIDON-HYLL.] Of this 
 
 battle (fought the igth of July 1333) the follow- 
 ing particulars are extracted from an old manu- 
 fcript in the Harleian library (number 4690). 
 
 '* Att that tyme itte befell thatt king Edwarde 
 of Windefore helde his parlement atte the Newe 
 Caftell uppe Tyne, for diverfe desefes thatt weren 
 in thatt countre ; and thenne thider to him come 
 fir Edwarde Bailolle king off Scottelond, and to 
 him he dude homage and feute for the reme off 
 Scottelonde . . . Thanne fir Edward of Bailoll 
 towke his leve off king Edwarde, & went ayenne 
 into Scottelonde, and was fo grete a lorde, & fo 
 moche had his wille, that he touke no hede to 
 hem that halpe him in his quarelle ; werefore thei 
 wente thennes fro him & dwelleden in her owne 
 londe, and lyveden with her rentes in Scottelonde. 
 And itte was not longe after thatte the king of 
 Scottelonde wente fro thennes he was at thatt tyme 
 to the towne of Amande *, and ther he towke his 
 * Annan.
 
 (56) 
 
 fojourne, and thidcr comen to him a companie 
 off knightes & mighty fquieres, & yelde ham 
 to him, and made him bel continaunce ; and fo 
 thei baren ham to him thatte is trufte was fulliche 
 in ham : and as fone as the treitours perceiveden 
 that he trufte on hem, thei asfembled 1. orped 
 men, and wolde have fleine him; butte by the 
 grace of godde he brake a walle off his chaumber, 
 and afcaped her trefoune, as godde wolde ; butt 
 alle his folke werenne yfleye : & fo with grete 
 paiue he come to the towne off Cardoile*, and 
 there abode, gretely discomforted: and this aven- 
 ture befelle him in the vigille off the concepcioune 
 off our lady. And thenne the king of Scottelond 
 fended to the king of Englonde howgh treitouresly 
 he was put to fchame in litell wile by his owne 
 lieges, to the whiche he truftedde gretely; and 
 therefore he praiedde the king of Englonde, for 
 the love of godde, thatte he wolde helpe him & 
 meynteine ayenfte his enemys. Thanne the king 
 of Englonde, havyng defpyte of that trefount, 
 behete him gode focour, and fente to him that he 
 fchulde holde him in pees in the cete off Cardoille 
 into the tyme thatte he had gadredde his power. 
 And thenne king Edwarde of Englond made a 
 Counfeill atte London, & lete asfemble his folke in 
 diverfe fchires of Englonde, and wente towards 
 * Carlile.
 
 (57) 
 
 the towne of Berwike uppon Twede ; and thider 
 come to him king Edwarde off Scottelonde, with 
 his power, to befege the towne ; and there thei 
 fette a faire towne & pavylounes, and lete dyche 
 itte welle alle aboute hem, fo thatte thei hadde no 
 drede of the Scottes, and made meny asfautes with 
 gonnes and engines to the town, werewith thei 
 dellroieden meny menne, & threw a downe many 
 houfes to the pleine erthe : nottewithftonding, the 
 Scottes defendedde welle the towne, fo thatte the 
 king might not come thereynne a grete wile. 
 But the kingges tweyne befegede the towne fo long 
 that hem failed vitaile ; and alfo thei were fo for- 
 wacched thatte thei wifte notte watte to do ; but 
 by ther comen asfente thei lette crye on the walles 
 that thei mighten have pees off Englifchemenne ; 
 and fo thei praiden the kingges off her grace, 
 and alkeden treues for viii. daies, in thatte cove- 
 naunt, iff thei werre notte refckewed by the par. 
 ties of her towne towarde Scottelonde, & off the 
 Scottes, withynne the fame viii. daies, that thei 
 fchulde yelde hem, bothe towne & manne, to the 
 kingges ; and to holde that covenaunte thei pro- 
 ferred the ii. kingges xii. hostages oute off the 
 towne. Wanne the hoftages weren deliveredde 
 to the kingges, thei of the towne fenten to the 
 Scottes to telle hem of her mischieff ; and thenne 
 the Scottes come thider prively, and pafleden the
 
 ( 58 ) 
 
 water of Twede to the bought of goddes houfe ; 
 and fir Willam Dikkette, atte that tyme chieff 
 ftywarde of Scottelonde, with other Skottes, put 
 hemfelf in perell off her lyffe atte thatt tyme ; for 
 thei pafleden over the water ther that there ftode 
 a brigge fom tyme, & the ftones wer coveredde 
 with the water, and many off her company weren 
 adreinte ; but the forfeide fir Willam paffed over, 
 & many other off his companie, and come to the 
 Englifche fchippes ; and there in a barge of Hulle 
 he flowe xvi. menne j and then thei entreden in to 
 the towne of Berwike bi water. Werefore the 
 towne helde hem for refckewed, & afkede ayen 
 her hostages : and the king off Englond fent hem 
 to feine that thei haflced her hostages with wrong ; 
 for the Scottes entred the towne by the parties off 
 the towne towarde Englonde, and the covenaunte 
 was betwene ham that the towne fchulde be res- 
 kewed towarde the parties of Scottelonde j and 
 therefore the king commaunded hem to yelde 
 uppe the towne, or he wolde flee the hostages : 
 and the Skottes feiden that the towne was res- 
 kewedde welle ynough j and therto thei wolde 
 holde ham. Than was the king righte wrothe ; 
 and anone he towke oon off the hostages, that hete 
 fir Thomas of Seeton, the fone off fir Alifaunder 
 Seton, wiche was wardeine of Berwikke ; and this 
 fir Thomas was parfon off D unbar ; and he towke
 
 ( 59 ) 
 
 him firfte of alle the hostages * ; and then the king 
 fente hem worde thatt every day he wolde take 
 too off the hostages, and do to ham alle the defs- 
 efTe that he mighte, if thei wolde not yelde him 
 the town ; and fo he wolde teche hem to kepe 
 her covenauntz. And whan thei off the towne 
 herd thefe tidingges, thei were wonder fory, and 
 fenten ayenne to the king off Englonde, prayynge 
 him to graunte hem other viii. daies off refpite, 
 with foche covenaunte, thatt iff ii.c. men of armes 
 might paffe by hem & entre in to the towne bi 
 Itrengthe, to vitaille ham, thatte thanne the towne 
 fchulde be holde reskewedde ; and iff xxi. or xxii. 
 or mo weren fleye off the ii.c. before feide, that 
 the town fchulde notte be holde reskewedde : 
 and to this the king accordeclde, & towke other 
 xii. hostages. And in the mene wile, on feinte 
 Margareteis eve, in the yere off grace am 1 , ccc. & 
 ' xxxiii.' the Scottes come oute off Scottelonde 
 fersly, in iiii. wingges, welle araied in armour, 
 to mete with king Edwarde of Englond and king 
 Edwarde off Scottelonde with a grete power 
 aboute even-fong tyme. And at that fain tyme 
 was a grete node on the water off Twede, that 
 no man might paffe that water on horfe ne on 
 fote, & that water was betwene Englond and the 
 
 * Subintelligltur and hanged him. The execution took 
 place in the fathers fight.
 
 ii. kingges; & then the Scottes aboden, hoping 
 that by her ftrengthe the Englifchemen fchulden 
 be flaine with fighting, or elles be adreinte ; but, 
 worfchipped be god, the falfe Scottes faileden off 
 her purpofe .... The erle of Dunbar, keper of 
 the castell of Berwikke, halpe the Scottes with 1. 
 men off armes. Sir Alifaunder Seton, keper off 
 the town of Berwike, halpe the Scottes with an 
 hundred men off armes : and the comens off the 
 town with iiii.c. men of armes, x.m'. & viii.c. 
 fote menne. The fom of erles & lordes amownteth 
 Ixv. The fom off bachelers newe dubbed, a c. & 
 xl. The fom off men off armes, iii.m 1 . vi.c. xl li . 
 The fom of comineres, iiii.fcore m 1 . &ii.c. The 
 fom total off alle thepepelle amownteth, iiii x *m 1 . 
 xv. m. & v.c. & v.* And thes forfeide Ixv. grete 
 lordes, with iiii. bateilles, as it is before defcri- 
 vedde, come alle afote ; and king Edwarde off 
 Englonde and king Edwarde off Skottelonde had 
 well pairaled her folke in iiii. bateilles on fote, 
 alfo to fighte ayenfte her enemys. And then the 
 Englifche mynftrelles beten her tabers, & blewen 
 her trompes, and pipers pipeden loude, and made 
 a grete fchoute uppon the Skottes. And then 
 hadde the Englifche bachelers eche off hem ii. 
 wingges off archers, which atte thatte meting 
 mightly drewen her bowes, & made arowes flee 
 
 * Thefe numbers appear to be inaccurate.
 
 
 (61 ) 
 
 as thik as motes on the fonne beme ; and fo theie 
 fmote the Skottes that the! fell to grounde by 
 many m 1 . and anone the Skottes beganne to flee 
 fro the Englifchemenne, to fave ther lyves. Butt 
 wanne the knaves & the Skottifche pages, that 
 weren behinde the Skottes to kepe her horfes, 
 feyen the discomfiture, thei prikeden her maisters 
 horfes awey to kepe hemfelfe from perelle ; and 
 fo thei towke no hede off her maisters. And 
 then the Englifchemen towken many off the 
 Skottes horfes, and prikeden after the Skottes, 
 & flewe hem downerighte : and there men mighte 
 fee the nowbell king Edwarde off Englonde, & 
 his folke, hough mannefully thei chafeden the 
 Skottes j weroff this romance was made. 
 
 THERE men mighte well fee 
 Many a Skotte lightely flee, 
 And the Englifche after priking, 
 With fcharpe fwerdes them ftriking, 
 And there her baners weren founde, 
 Alle displayedde on the grounde, 
 And layne ftarkly on blode, 
 As thei had fought on the flode. 
 Butt the Skottes, ille mote thei thee ! 
 Thought the Englifch adreint fchulde be, 
 For bicaufe thei mighte not flee, 
 Butte iff thei adreinte fchulde bee.
 
 (62) 
 
 Butte thei kepte hem manly on londe, 
 So thatte the Scottes might nott ftonde, 
 And felde hem downe to grounde, 
 Many thowfandes in thatte ftounde ; 
 And the Englifchemen purfuyed hem fo 
 Tille the flode was alle agoo. 
 Alle thus the Skottes discomfite were 
 In littell tyme with grete feere. 
 For non other wife dide thei ftryve 
 But as xx. fchepe among wolfes fyve; 
 For v. off hem then were 
 Ayenfte an Englifchman there : 
 So there itte was welle femyng 
 That with multitude is no fcomfitingj 
 But with god, fulle of mighte, 
 Wham he will helpe in trewe fighte. 
 So was this, bi goddes grace, 
 Discomfiture off Skottes in that place, 
 That men cleped Halidown-hille, 
 For there this bateill befelle, 
 Atte Berwike befide the towne 
 This was do with mery fowne, 
 With pipes, trompes, and nakers therto, 
 And loude clariounes thei blew alfo. 
 And there the Scottes leyen dede, 
 xxx.m 1 . beyonde Twede, 
 & v.m'-. tolde thereto, 
 With vii.c.xii. and mo j
 
 (63 ) 
 
 &: of Englifchemen but fevenne, 
 
 Worfchipped be god in hevenne ! 
 
 & that wer men on fote goyng, 
 
 By foly of her owne doyng. 
 
 On feinte Margeteys eve, as y yow tell, 
 
 Befille the victory of Halidoune-hille, 
 
 In the yere of god almighte 
 
 A m'.iii.c. and ' iii.' and thritty. 
 
 Atte this discomfiture 
 
 The Englifch knightes towke her hure 
 
 Of the Skottes that weren dede, 
 
 Clothes & haberjounes for her mede; 
 
 And watteever thei might finde 
 
 On the Skottes thei lefte not behinde ; 
 
 And the knaves, by her purchas, 
 
 Hadde there a mery folas, 
 
 For thei hadde, for her degree, 
 
 In alle her lyffe the better to be. 
 
 Alle thus the bateille towke ending; 
 
 But y canne not telle off the yen going 
 
 Off the too kingges, were thei become, 
 
 & wether thei wenten out or home : 
 
 But godde, thatte is heven king, 
 
 Sende us pees and gode ending 1" 
 
 The Englifti historians are thought to have ex- 
 aggerated the number and carnage of the enemy. 
 They are compared by one old author to a fwarm
 
 (64) 
 
 of locufts, and their lofs, in killed, is generally 
 ftated at upward of thirty thoufand. " He flewe 
 of them," fays Fabian, " as testifieth divers writ- 
 ers, feven carles, nine hundred knightes and ba- 
 nerettes, foure hundred efquiers, and upon thirty 
 two thoufand of the common people ; and of Eng- 
 lifhmen were flaine but onely fiftene perfons." 
 Froisfart has a chapter upon the fiege of Berwick, 
 but takes not the leaft notice of this great and 
 bloody battle. 
 
 Page 4. 
 
 L. 4. OfnviliiSccttes ) afjdaIlsoftame-1 Thefe 
 " wild Scottes " were the inhabitants of the high- 
 lands and weftern iles, of Galloway, and other 
 parts ; thofe, in fhort, who adhered to the ancient 
 drefs or manners, and Irim or Pi&ifh language. 
 The " tame " Scots, of courfe, were the low- 
 landers, who fpoke Englifti. 
 
 L. 10. At Donde no<w es done thaire daunce.] The 
 authors allufion is to the battle of Duplin, (a vil- 
 lage in the neighbourhood of Perth,) fought the 
 izth of Auguft 1332, in which an army of forty 
 thoufand Scots, under the command of Donald 
 earl of Mar, regent, (who was flain in the con- 
 flicl:,) were completely and disgracefully over- 
 thrown, with great eafe, and prodigious (laugh- 
 ter, by Edward Baliol, and the disinherited Eng- 
 lifh barons, (fuch, that is, as had loft their Scot-
 
 (65) 
 
 tifli posfesfions) with their followers, to the amount 
 of about three thoufand men. Duplin, however, 
 is at a confiderable distance from Dundee; but 
 the engagement might have obtained a name from 
 the latter place, by reafon of Baliols fleet being 
 ftationed there ; he and his forces having been pre- 
 viously landed at Kinghorn. See the "Annals 
 of Scotland," by lord Hailes. 
 
 L. 21. Sir Jon the Comyn, &c.] Sir John Co- 
 myn of Badenoch, a powerful Scotifh baron, in 
 the Englifh intereft, was flain by Robert Bruce, 
 afterward king of Scotland, at a private confe- 
 rence between them, in the friery-church, Dum- 
 fries, on the toth of February 1305-6. The im- 
 mediate motive to this aft of violence has not 
 tranfpired ; though historians feem as confident 
 in their guefses as if they had been actually pre- 
 fent at the interview. 
 
 Page 6. 
 
 II. [THE] BATAVL OF BANOCBURN.] This 
 battle was fought on the 24th of June 13 14., be- 
 tween the Englilh and Scotim armies, headed by 
 their refpective fovereigns (Edward II. and Ro- 
 bert Bruce); in which the Englifli were com- 
 pletely defeated. Bannockburn is in the fhire of 
 Stirling. 
 
 Saint-Johnes-toune.'} Perth, of which Baliol took 
 posfesfion the day after the battle of Duplin. 
 
 F
 
 Page 8. 
 III. How EDWARD THE KING COME IN BRA* 
 
 BAND, 
 
 AND TORE HOMAGE OF ALL THE LAND.} 
 " The kyng of Englande," according to Frois- 
 fart, whofe relation is here tranfcribed, " made 
 great purveyances; and whan the wynter was 
 pafsed he toke the fee, well acompanyed with 
 dukes, erles, and barownes, and dyvers other 
 knyghtes ; and aryved at the towne of Ande- 
 warpe, as than pertayninge to the duke of Bra- 
 bant. Thyther came people from all partes to 
 fe hym, and the great eftate that he kept. Than 
 he fent to his cofyn the duke of Brabant, and to 
 the duke of Guerles; to the marques of Jullers, to 
 the lorde Johan of Heynalt, and to all iuch as he 
 trufted to have any conforte of; fayng howe he 
 wolde gladly fpeke with theym : they came all to 
 Andewarpe bytvvene Whytfontyde and the feeft 
 of faynte Johan. And whan the kyng had well 
 feafted them, he defyred to knowe their myndes, 
 whanne they wolde begynne that they had pro- 
 myfed ; requirynge them to dyfpatche the mater 
 brevely ; for that intente, he fayd, he was come 
 thyder, and had all his men redy : and howe it 
 fhulde be a great damage to hym to deferre the 
 mater long. Thefe lordes had longe counfell 
 among them, and fynally they fayd : Syr, our
 
 (67) 
 
 commynge hyther as nowe was more to fe you 
 than for any thynge els : we be nat as nowe pur- 
 veyed to gyve you a ful anfwere. By your ly- 
 cence, we (hall retourne to our people, and cume 
 agayne to you at your pleafure ; and thanne gyve 
 you fo playne an anfwere that the mater (hall nat 
 reft in us. Than they toke day to come agayn a 
 thre wekes after the feeft of faynt John ... So 
 thus thefe lordes departed, and the kynge taryed 
 in the abbay of faynt Brunarde, and fome of the 
 Englyflhe lordes taryed ftyll at Andewarpe, to 
 kepe the kynge company, and fome of the other 
 rode about the countrey in great dyfpence . . . 
 The day came that the kynge of Englande loked 
 to have an anfwere of thefe lordes; and they ex- 
 cufed them, and fayd howe they were redy and 
 their men, fo that the duke of Brabant wolde be 
 redy for his part ; fayeng that he was nere than 
 they . . . Than the kyng dyd fo muche that he 
 fpake agayne with the duke, and (hewed him the 
 anfwere of the other lordes, defyring him by amyte 
 and lynage that no faut were founde in him ; fay- 
 eng how he parceyved well that he was but cold 
 in the mater ; and that, without he wer quicker, 
 and dyd otherwife, he douted he fhulde lefe ther- 
 by the ayde of all the other lordes of Almayne 
 through his defaulte. Than the duke fayd, he 
 wolde take counfayle in the matter j and whan he
 
 had longe debated the mater, he fayd he (hulde 
 be as redy as any other ; but firfte, he fayd, he 
 wolde fpeke agayne with the other lordes j and he 
 dyde fende for them, defyring them to come to 
 hym wher as they pleafed beft. Than the day 
 was apointed about the myddes of Auguft, & this 
 counfell to be at Hale, bycaufe of the yong erle 
 of Haynalt, who ftiulde alfo be ther, and with 
 hym fir Johan of Heinalt his uncle. Whann thefe 
 lordes were all come to this parlyament at Hale, 
 they had longe counfayle togyderj finally they 
 fayd to the kyng of Englande : Syr, we fe no 
 caufe why we ftiulde make defyance to the Frenche 
 kyng, all thynges confydred, without ye can 
 gette thagrement of themperour ; and that he 
 wolde commaunde us to do fo in his name. The 
 emperour may well thus do, for of long tyme 
 paft there was a covenant fworne and fealed that 
 no kyng of Fraunce ought to take any thyng 
 parteyning to thempyre, and this kynge Phylippe 
 hath taken the castell of Crevecure in Cambreyfis, 
 and the castell of Alves in Pailleull, and the cytie 
 of Cambray : wherfore themperour hath good 
 caufe to defye hym by us ; therfore, fir, if ye 
 can get his acord, our honour dial be the more : 
 and the kyng fayd he wolde folowe their coun- 
 fayle. Than it was ordayned that the marques 
 of Jullers fhulde go to themperour, and certayne
 
 (69 ) 
 
 knyghtes and clarkes of the kynges, and fome of 
 the counfell of the duke of Gwerles. But the 
 duke of Brabant woulde fend none fro hym ; 
 but he lende the caftell of Lovayne to the kynge 
 of Englande to lye in. And the marques and his 
 company founde the emperour at Florebetche, 
 and (hewed hym the caufe of their commyng. 
 And the lady Margarete of Heynault dydde all 
 her payne to further forthe the mater, whom fir 
 Lewes of Bavyer than emperour had wedded . . . 
 And themperour gave commysfion to four knyghtes 
 and to two doctours of this counfell to make kyng 
 Edwarde of Englande his vycarre generall through- 
 out al the empyre ; and therof thefe fayd lordes 
 hadde inftrumentes publyke, confyrmed and feal- 
 ed fuffyciently by the emperour . . . And than 
 about the feeft of all fayntes the marques of Jul- 
 lers and his company fent worde to the kyng how 
 they had fped. And the kyng fent to hym that 
 he fhulde be with hym about the feeft of faynt 
 Martyne j and alfo he fent to the duke of Bra- 
 bant to knowe his mynde, wher he wolde the par- 
 lyament ftiuld be holde ; and he anfwered at Ar- 
 ques, in the county of Loz, nere to his countrey. 
 And than the kyng fent to all other of his alyes, 
 that they fliulde be there ; and fo the hal of the 
 towne was apparelled and hanged, as though it 
 hat ben the kynges chamber. And there the
 
 (70) 
 
 kyng fatte crowned with geolde v. fote hygher 
 than any other : and there openly was rede the 
 letters of themperour, by the which the kyng 
 was made vycare generall and lieftenaunt for the 
 emperour, and had power gyven hym to make 
 lawes, and to mynistre justyce to every perfon in 
 themperours name, and to make money of golde 
 and fylver. The empennir alfo there commaunded 
 by his letters, that all perfons of his empyre, and 
 all other his fubgiettes fliulde obey to the kyng of 
 England his vycare as to hymfelfe, and to do hym 
 homage . . . And whan all this was done the 
 lordes departed, and toke day that they fhulde all 
 appere before Cambray thre wekes after the feed 
 of faynt Johan, the whiche towne was become 
 Frenche : thus they all departed, and every man 
 went to his owne." (Froisfarts chronicle, trans- 
 lated by fir John-Bourchier lord Berners, 1525, 
 fo. b. 1. volume i. chap. 32, 34.) 
 
 Page 9. 
 
 L. 15. And tbare be made his mane playne.] 
 " Kynge Edwarde, as vycare of thempyre, went 
 then to Lovayne to the quene, who was newly 
 come theyder out of England, with great noble- 
 nefle, and well accompanyed with ladyes and do- 
 mofels of Englande. So there the kynge and the 
 quene kepte their houfe ryght honorably all that 
 wynter; and caufeed money, golde and fylver,
 
 < 71 ) 
 
 to be made at Andewarpe, great plentie." (Frois- 
 (arts chronicle.) 
 
 Page 10. 
 
 L. 3. Schip-menfoneivar efterfent, &c.] "The 
 Frcnche kynge on his part had fet Genowayes, 
 Normans, Bretons, Pycardes, and Spanyardes, to 
 be redy on the fee to entre into Englande asfone 
 as the warre were opened." (Froisfwt, vol. i. 
 c- 35-) 
 
 L. i j. At Hawton, &c.] " Asfone as fir Hewe 
 Quyrieil, [r. Quyriett] fir Peter Babuchet, and 
 Barbe Noyre, who lay and kept the ftreightes 
 ' bytwene ' England and Fraunce with a great na- 
 vy, knewe that the warre was opyn, they came 
 on a fonday in the forenoone to the havyn of 
 Hampton, whyle the people were at mafle ; and 
 the Normayns, Pycardes, and Spanyerdes entred 
 into the towne, and robbed and pylled the towne, 
 and flewe dyvers, and defowled maydens, and en- 
 forced wyves, and charged their veflels with that 
 pyllage ; and fo entred agayne into their fliyppes : 
 and whan the tyde came they disancred, and fayled 
 to Normandy, and came to Depe ; and there de- 
 parted and devyded their boty and pyllages." 
 (Froisfart, vol. i. chap. 37.) 
 
 L. 15. Thegalay-ment&c.] " Kyng Philyppc," 1 
 fays Froisfart, " greatly fortyfyed his navy that 
 be haddeon the fee, wherof fyr [Hewe] Kiry[ett],
 
 ( 72 ) 
 
 [fir Peter] Bahuchet, and Barbe Noyre were cap- 
 taines : and they had under them a great retinue 
 of Genowaies, Normayns, Bretons, and Picardes. 
 They dyd that wynter great domage to the realme 
 of England. Somtyme they came to Dover, Sand- 
 wyche, Winchelfe, Haflinges, and Rye : and did 
 moche forowe to thenglislhemen, for the were a 
 great nombre, as a xl. m. men. Ther was none 
 that coude ysfue out of England, but they were 
 robbed, taken or flayne : fo they wan great pyl- 
 lage, and fpecyally they wan a great (hype called 
 Christofer, laden with wolles, as (he was goyng into 
 Flaunders; the whiche fliype had cofte the kyng 
 of England much money ; and all they that were 
 taken within the fhippe were fleine and drowned < 
 of the which conqueft the Frenchemen wer right 
 joyoufe." (Chap. 44.) 
 
 The account given of this affair by Fabian is 
 more particular than Froisfarts. 
 
 " In the xiii. yeare[i338], kynge Edward with 
 quene Philip hys wyfe, for moore asfured ftablifli- 
 ment of amitie, to be had betwene him and the 
 Hollanders, Sealanders, and Brabanders, pasfed 
 the fea in the beginninge of the moneth of ' Ju- 
 lye,' & fayled with a goodly companye into the 
 countrey of Brabant, the queene then being great 
 with childe, where of the earls of Brabant he was 
 honorably receaved, V. ... In this pafletyme,
 
 ( 73 ) 
 
 the Frenche king had fent dyvers ftiyppes unto the 
 fea with men of warre, for to take the Englyme 
 marchauntes and other that came in theyr courfe. 
 And fo befell that they encountred with two great 
 fhippes of England, called the Edwarde and the 
 Christopher, the whiche (as testifieth the French 
 chronicle) were freyt with great riches, and alfo 
 well manned. Anone, as either was ware of other, 
 gonnes, and fliot of longe bowes, and arblasters, 
 were not fpared on nother fide, fo that betwene 
 them was a cruell fyght, but not egall : for of 
 the French men wer xiii. failes great and fmal, & 
 of the Englishmen but five, that is to meane, thefe 
 two forefaid great mips, two barckes and a carvell, 
 the which thre fmal mips, efcaped by their deliver 
 fayling, and the two abode & fought beyonde ix. 
 houres, fo much that there were flaine upon bothe 
 parties above fixe hundred men; but, in the end, 
 the faid two (hips wer taken, and brought into the 
 French kinges ftreames, & many of the Englyflimen 
 that were wounded caft into the fea." (P. 206.) 
 
 Page 13. 
 
 L. zi. Furth keferd into France, &c.] " Asfone 
 as kyng Edward had pasfed the river of Lefcaute *, 
 and was entred into the realme of Fraunce, he ... 
 went and lodged in thabbey of mount faint Mar- 
 tyr, and there taryed two dayes, and his people 
 * The Scheld.
 
 (74) 
 
 abode in the countrey, & the duke of Brabant 
 was lodged in thabbey of Vancelliz . . . And the 
 next day on the mornyng the kyng departed from 
 Mount Saynt Martyn . . . and fo than they entred 
 into Vermandoys, and toke that day their lodgyng 
 be tymes on the mount Saynt Quintyne in good 
 order of batayle . . . Than the lordes toke coun- 
 fell what way they fhulde drawe, and, by thadvyce 
 of the duke of Brabant, they toke the way to Thy- 
 eralfe, for that way their provifyon came dayly to 
 them. And they determyned that if kyng Phy- 
 lyppe dyd followe them, as they fuppofed he wolde 
 do, that than they wolde abyde hym in the plane 
 felde, and gyve hym batayle. Thus they went 
 forthe in thre great batayls : the marflialles and 
 the Almaygnes had the firft, the kynge of Eng- 
 lande in the myddle warde, & the duke of Bra- 
 bant in the rerewarde. Thus they rodde forthe, 
 brennynge and pyllynge the countrey a thre or 
 foure leages a day, and ever toke their logynge 
 betymes. And a company of Englyfihmen and 
 Almaygnes pafsed the ryver of Somme, by the 
 abbey of Vermans, and wafted the countrey al 
 about. An other company, wherof fir Johan of 
 Heynault, the lord Faulquemont, and fir Arnold 
 of Bacquehen were chefe, rode to Origny Saint 
 Benoyfte, a good towne ; but it was but eafely 
 clofed : incontynent it was taken by asfant, and
 
 ( 75 ) 
 
 robbed, and an abbey of ladyes vyolated, and the 
 towne brent. Than they departed, and rode to- 
 warde Guys and Rybemont, and the kynge of 
 Englande lodged at Vehories, and ther taryed a 
 day, and his men ranne abrode, and dyftroyed the 
 conntrey. Than the kynge toke the way to the 
 Flammengerie, to come to Lefche in Thyeraffe, 
 and the marftials and the bysfhoppe of Lincolne 
 with a fyve hundered fperes pafsed the ryver of 
 Tryfague, and entred into Laonnoys, towarde 
 the lande of the lorde of Coucey, and brent Saynt 
 Gouven, and the towne of Marie. And on a 
 nyght lodgedde in the valley befyde Laon, and 
 the nexte day they drewe agayne to their hooft ; 
 for they knewe by fome of their prifoners, that 
 the Frenche kyng was come to Saynt Quyntines 
 \v:'Ji a c. thoufand men, and thereto paflethe ry- 
 ver of Somme. So thefe lordes in their return- 
 ynge brent a good towne called Crecy, and dy- 
 verfe other townes and hamelettes therabout . . . 
 The kynge of Englande departed fro Sarnaques 
 and went to Muttrell j and ther loged a nyght ; 
 and the next day he went to the Flamengery, and 
 made all his men to loge nere about hym, wherof 
 he had mo than xl. thoufande ; and there he was 
 counfelled to abyde kyng Philyp, and to fyght with 
 hym. The French kyng departed fro Saynt Quyn- 
 and dayly men came to him fro all partes,
 
 ( 76) 
 
 and fo came to VyronfoflTe. There the kyng ta- 
 ryed, & fayd howe he wold nat go thens tyll he 
 had fought with the kynge of Englande, and with 
 his alyes, feyng they were within two leages to- 
 guyther . . . Thus thefe two kynges were lodged 
 bytwene Vyronfoffe and Flamengery, in the playne 
 feldes, without any advauntage. I thynke ther was 
 never fen before fo goodly an aflemble of noble men 
 togyder as was there. Whanne the kynge of Eng- 
 land, beyng in the chapell of Thyerafle, knewe how 
 that king Philyppe was within two leages, than he 
 called the lordes of his hoft togyder, and demaund- 
 ed of them what he fhuld do, his honour faved, 
 for he fayd that his entencyon was to gyve ba- 
 tayle. Than the lordes behelde eche other, and 
 they defyredde the duke of Brabant to Ihewe firft 
 his entent. The duke fayd that he was of the ac- 
 corde that they (hulde gyve batayle, for otherwyfe, 
 he fayd, they coude nat depart, favyng their ho- 
 nours j wherfore he counfayled that they fliulde 
 fende herauldes to the Frenche kyng, to demaunde 
 a day of batayle. Than an heraulde of the duke 
 of Guerles, who coude well the langage of Frenche, 
 was enformed what he fhulde fay, and fo he rode 
 tyll he came in to the Frenche hooft. And ' than ' 
 he drewe hym to kyng Philyppe and to his coun- 
 fayle ; ind fayde, Sir, the kynge of Englande is 
 in the felde, and defyreth to have batell, power
 
 (77) 
 
 agaynft power : the whiche thyng kyng Philyppe 
 graunted, and toke the day, the Friday next af- 
 ter j and as than it was Wednifday. And fo the 
 haraude retourned, well rewarded with good fur- 
 red gownes gyven hym by the French kyng and 
 other lordes, bycaufe of the tidynges that he 
 brought. So thus the journey was agreed, & 
 knowledge was made therof to all the lordes of 
 bothe the hooftes, and fo every man made hym 
 redy to the mater . . . Whan the Friday came in 
 the mornyng, both hooftes aparelled themfelfe 
 redy, and every lorde harde mafic among their 
 owne companyes, and dyvers wer thriven. Firft 
 we woll fpeke of thorder of thenglyflhmen, who 
 drewe them forwarde into the felde, and made 
 iii. batels a fote, and dycl put al their horfes and 
 bagages into a lytell wood behynde them, and for- 
 tefyed it. The firft batel ledde the duke of Guer- 
 les, the marques of Nufle, the marquyes of Blan- 
 quebure, fir Johan of Heynault, therle of Mons, 
 therle of Savynes, the lorde of Faulquemont, fir 
 Guyllam du Fort, fir Arnolde of Baquehen, and 
 theAlmayns; and amonge them was xxii. ban- 
 ners, and Ix. penons in the hole, and viii.m. men. 
 The feconde batayle had the duke of Brabant, and 
 the lordes and knyghtes of his countrey . . . The 
 duke of Brabant had xxiiii. baners, and Ixxx. 
 penons, and in al vii.m. men. The iii. batayle
 
 ( 78) 
 
 & the gretreft had the kyng of Englande, and 
 with hym his cofyn therle of Derby *, the bys- 
 fhoppe of Lynecolne, the bysfhoppe of Durarae, 
 therle of Saliftmry, the erle of Northampton and 
 of Glocetter, therle of Suffolke, fir Robert Dar- 
 toyfe, as than called erle of Rychmont, the lorde 
 Raynolde Cobham, the lorde Perfy, the lorde 
 Roofe, the lord Montbray, fir Lewes and fir Johan 
 Beauchampe, the lord Dalawarre, the lorde of 
 Laucome, the lorde Basfet, the lorde Fitzwater, 
 fir Water Manny, fir Hewe Haftynges, fir Johan 
 Lyle; and dyvers other that I can nat name, 
 among other was fir Johan Chandos, of whom 
 moche honour is fpoken in this boke. The kyng 
 had with hym xxviii. baners, and Ixxxx. pe- 
 nons, and in his batale a vi.m. men of annes, and 
 vi.m. archers ; and he had fet an other batell as 
 in a wyng, wherof therle of Warwyke, therle of 
 Penbroke, the lorde Barkly, the lorde Multon, 
 and dvyerfe other were as cheyfe, and they were 
 on horsbacke. Thus, whan every lorde was un- 
 der his banner, as it was commaunded by the mar- 
 flials, the kyng of England mounted on a palfray, 
 acompanyed all onely with fir Robert Dartoyfe, 
 fir Raynolde Cobham, and fir Water of Manny, 
 and rode along before all his batels, and right 
 fwetely defyred all his lordes and other, that they 
 * Afterward duke of Lancaster.
 
 ( 79) 
 
 wolde that day ayde to defende his honoure ; and 
 they all promyfed hym fo to do. Than he returned 
 to his owne batell, and fet every thing in good 
 order, and commaunded that non fhuld go before 
 the marflials baners. 
 
 " Nowe let us fpeke of the lordes of Fraunce 
 what they dyd. They were xi. fcore baners, 
 iiii. kynges, v. dukes, xxvi. erles, and mo than 
 iiii.m. knyghtes j and of the commons of Fraunce 
 mo than Ix.m. The kynges that were there with 
 kyng Philyppe of Valoys, was the kyng ' of Be- 
 Ijayne,' the kyng of Naverre, and kyng Davyd of 
 Scotland ; the duke of Normandy, the duke of 
 Bretayne, the duke of Bourbon, the duke of Lor- 
 rayne, and the duke of Athenes. Of erles : therle 
 of Alanfon, ' brother ' to the kyng, the erle of 
 Flaunders, therle of Heynalt, the erle of Bloys, 
 therle of Bare, therle of Foreftes, therle of Foyz, 
 therle of Armynack, the erle Dophym of Au- 
 vergne, therle of Vandofme, therle of Harrecourt, 
 therle of Saynt Pol, therle of Guynes, therle of 
 Bowlongne, therle of Rousfy, therle of Dampmar- 
 tyn, therle of Valentynois, therle of Aucer, therle 
 of Saucerre, therle of Genue, the erle of Dreux 
 and of Gafcongue, and of Languedoc. So many 
 erles and vycuntes that it were longe to reherfe. 
 It was a great beauty to beholde the baners and 
 ftandredes, wavyng in the wyndej and horfes
 
 ( 80) 
 
 barded j and knyghtes and fquyers richely armed . 
 The Frenchemen ordayned thre great batayls ; in 
 cche of them fyftene thoufand men of armes, 
 [and] xx. m. men a fote. 
 
 " It myght well be marveyledde, howe fo 
 goodly a fight of men of warre, fo nere togyder, 
 fhulde depart without batayle. But the French- 
 men were nat al of one accorde, they were of dy- 
 vers opynyons. Some fayde, it were a great fliame 
 and they fought nat, feyng their ennemys fo nere 
 them, in their owne countre, raynged in the felde; 
 and alfo had promyfed to fyght with them . And 
 fome other fayd, it Ihulde be a great folly to fyght, 
 for it was harde to knowe every mannes mynde, 
 and jeopardy of treafon. For, they fayd, if for- 
 tune were contraiy to their kyng, as to lefe the 
 felde, he than fliuld put all his hole realme in a 
 jeopardy to be loft 5 and though he dyd dysconfet 
 his ennemes, yet for all that he fliuld be never the 
 nerer of the reahne of Englande, nor of fuch landes 
 parteynyng to any of thofe lordes that be with 
 hym alyed. Thus, in ftrivyngof dyvers opynions, 
 the day paft tyll it was paft noone ; and then fo- 
 denly there ftarted an hare among the French- 
 men ; and fuch as fawe her cryed and made gret 
 brunt, wherby fuche as were behynde thought 
 they before had ben fightynge, and fo put on their 
 helmes, and toke their fperes in their handes : and
 
 (81 ) 
 
 fo there were made dyvers newe knyghtes ; and 
 fpecially therle of Heynalt made xiiii. who were 
 ever after called knyghtes of the hare. Thus that 
 batell ftode ftyll all that Friday. And befyde this 
 ftryfe bytwene the counfellours of France, there 
 was brought in letters to the hooft, of recommen- 
 dacion to the Frenche kyng, and to his counfell, 
 fro kyng Robert of Cicyle j the which kyng, as 
 it was fayd, was a great aftronomyre, and full 
 of great fcience. He had oftentymes fought his 
 bokes on the ftate of the kynges of England and 
 France ; and he founde by his aftrology, and by 
 thenfluens of the hevens, that if the French kyng 
 ever fought with kyng Edwarde of England, he 
 ftiuld be discounted : wherfore he, lyke a king of 
 gret wysdome, and as he that douted the peryll 
 of the Frenche kyng his cofyn, fent oftentymes* 
 letters to king Philyppe, and to his counfayle, that 
 in no wyfe he fhulde make any batayle agaynft 
 thenglyfihmen, where as kyng Edwarde was per. 
 ibnally prefent. So that, what for dout, and for 
 fuch writyng fro the king of Cecyle, dyvers of 
 the great lordes of Fraunce were fore abaflhed j 
 and alfo kynge Philyppe was enfourmed therof. 
 Howebeit yet he had great wyll to gyve batayle, 
 but he was fo counfelled to the contrary, that the 
 day pafsed without batell, and every man with- 
 diue to their lodgynges. And whan the erle of 
 
 G
 
 ( 82) 
 
 Heynalt fawe that they fhuld nat fight, he de- 
 parted with all his hole company, and went backs 
 the fame night to Quesnoy. And the kynge of 
 Englande, the duke of Brabant, and all the other 
 lordes, returned and trufsed all their bagagis, and 
 went the fame night to Davefnes in Heynalt. And 
 the next day they toke leve eche of other j and 
 the Almayns and Brabances departed, and the 
 kynge went into Brabant with the duke his co- 
 fyn. The fame Friday that the batell fhulde have 
 ben, the French kynge, whan he came to his lodg- 
 yng, he was fore dyspleafed, bycaufe he departed 
 without batayle. But thay of his counfayle fayde, 
 howe right nobly he had borne hymfelfe, for he 
 had valyantly purfued his enemies, and had done 
 fo muche that he had put them out of his realme ; 
 and how that the kyng of England fhulde make 
 many fuch vyages or he conquered the realme of 
 Fraunce. The next day kyng Philyppe gave 
 lycence to all maner of men to depart, and he 
 thanked right courtesly the gret lordes of their 
 ayde and focour. Thus ended this great jour- 
 ney; and every man went to theyr owne." Frois- 
 fart, vol i. chap. 39, V. This was in 1339.
 
 ( 83 ) 
 
 Page 1 8. 
 
 V. LlTHES, AND THE BATTAIL I SAL BEGYN 
 OF INGLISSH MEN AND NORMANDES IN 
 
 THE SWYN.] 
 
 " Nowe lette us ... fpeke of the kynge of Eng- 
 lande, who was on the fee to the intent to arryve 
 in Flaunders, and fo into Heynalt to make warre 
 agaynft the Frenchmen. This was on Mydfomer 
 even, in the yere of our lord m.ccc.xl. all then- 
 glyfle flete was departed out of the ryver of Tames, 
 and toke the way to Slufe. And the fame tyme 
 bytwene Blanqueberque and Slufe on the fee was 
 fir Hewe ' Kyryett,' fir Peter Bahuchet, and Barb- 
 noyr : and mo than fix fcore great vesfels befyde 
 other, and they were of Normayns, Bydaulx, Ge- 
 nowes, and Pycardesj about the nombre of xl.m. 
 There they were layd by the Frenche kyng, to de- 
 fende the kyng of England pasfage. The kynge 
 of England and his came faylyng tyll he came be- 
 fore Slufe; and whan he fawe fo great a nombre of 
 fhippes that their maftes femed to be lyke a great 
 wood, he demaunded of the mayster of his fliip 
 what peple he thought they were; he anfwered 
 and fayde, Sir, I thynke they be Normayns layd 
 here by the Frenche kynge ; & hath done gret 
 dyspleafure in Englande, brent your towne of 
 Hamton, and taken your great ftiyppe the Chrys- 
 tofer. A, quod the kinge, I have longe defyred to
 
 fyght with the Frenchemen, and nowe fhall I 
 fyght with fome of them, by the grace of god 
 and faynt George, for truly they have done me 
 fo many dysplefurs that I fliall be revenged & I 
 may. Than the king fet all his ftiyppes in order, 
 the gretteft before, well furniffhed with archers, 
 & ever bytwene two fhyppes of archers he had 
 one fliypp with men of armes, and than he made 
 an other batell to ly a lofe with archers to confort 
 ever them that were mooft wery, yf nede were. 
 And there were a great nombre of countefses, la- 
 dyes, knyghtes wy ves, & other damofels that were 
 goyng to fe the quene at Gaunt : thefe ladyes 
 the kyng caufed to be well kept with thre hun- 
 dred men of armes, and v.c. archers. 
 
 " Whan the kyng and his marfhals had or- 
 dered his batayls, he drewe up the feales and cam 
 with a greater wynde, to have the vauntage of 
 the fonne. And fo at laft they tourned a lytell to 
 get the wynde at wyll : and whan the Normayns 
 fawe them recule backe, they had marvell why 
 they dyde fo. And fome fayd, They thinke them 
 felfe nat mete to medyll with us j wherfore they 
 woll go backe. T r hey fawe well howe the kyng 
 of England was there perfonally, by reafon of his 
 baners. Than they dyd appareyle their flet in 
 order, for they wer fage and good men of ware 
 on the fee } and dyd fet the Christofer, the which
 
 ( 85 ) 
 
 they had won the yer before, to be formaft with 
 many trumpettes and inftrumentes : and fo fet on 
 their ennemies. There began a fore batell on 
 bothe partes : archers and crosbowes began to 
 fhote, and men of armes aproched and foughte 
 hande to hande ; and the better to come togyder, 
 they had great hokes, & grapers of yron to caft 
 out of one fliyppe into another, and fo tyed them 
 faft togyder. There were many dedes of armes 
 done, takyng and rescuyng agayne. And at laft 
 the great Christopher was firft won by thenglyflh- 
 men, and all that were within it taken or flayne. 
 Than there was great noyfe and cry, and theng- 
 lyflhmen aproched and fortifyed the Christofer 
 with archers, and made hym to pafle on byfore 
 to fyght with the Genoweys. This batayle was 
 right fierfe and terryble ; for the batayls on the 
 fee ar more dangerous and fierier than the ba- 
 tayls by lande : for on the fee ther is no reculyng 
 nor fleyng, there is no remidy but to fight, and to 
 abyde fortune, and every man to fhewe his prowes. 
 Of a trouthe fir Hewe ' Kyriett,' and fir [Peter] 
 Bahuchet, and Barbe-noyer were ryght good and 
 expert men of warre. This batayle endured fro 
 the mornyng tyll it was noone, & thenglyflhmen 
 endured moche payne, for their ennemies were 
 foure agaynft one, and all good men on the fee. 
 Ther the kyng of England was a noble knight of
 
 (80) 
 
 bis owne handes, he was in the flouer of his yough. 
 In like wyfe fo was the erle of Derby, Pembroke, 
 Herforde, Huntyngdon, Northampton, and Glo- 
 cetter, fir Raynolde Cobham, fir Rycharde Staf- 
 forde, the lorde Percy, fir Water of Manny, fir 
 Henry of Flaunders, firjohan Beauchamp, the lorde 
 Felton, the lorde Brafleton, fir [John] Chandos, 
 the lorde Delawarre, the lorde of Multon, fir Ro- 
 bert Dartoys, called erle of Rychmont, and dy- 
 verfe other lordes and knyghtes, who bare them- 
 fe[l]fe fo valyantly, with fome focours that they 
 had of Bruges, and of the countrey thereabout, 
 that they obtayned the vyctorie. So that the 
 Frenchmen, Normayns, and other were dysconfet- 
 ted, flayne, and drowned : there was nat one that 
 fcaped, but all were flayne. Whane this vyctorie 
 was atchyved, the kyng all that nyght abode in 
 his fhyppe before Slufe, with great noyfe of trum- 
 pettes and other inftrumentes. Thyder came to 
 fe the kynge dyvers of Flaunders, fuche as had 
 herde of the kynges commyng, &V." Frbisfart, 
 vol. i. c. 50. 
 
 " The French king being advertifed that the 
 king of England meant (hortlie to returne into 
 Flanders with a great power, in purpofe to invade 
 the realme of France on that fide, asfembled a 
 navie of foure hundred fhippes under the leading 
 of three expert capteins of the warres by fea, as
 
 ( 87) 
 
 fir Hugh Kiriell [r. Kiriett], fir Peter Bahuchet, 
 and a Geneweis named Barbe-noir, appointing 
 them to the coafts of Flanders to defend the king 
 of England from landing there, if by any meanes 
 they might. Thefe three capteins or admerals 
 came and laie with their (hips in the haven of 
 Sluife, for that it was fuppofed the king of Eng. 
 land would arrive there, as his meaning was in- 
 deed. Whereupon, when his men, fliips, and pro- 
 vifions were once readie, in the moneth of June 
 [1340], he tooke the fea with two hundred faile, 
 and directing his courfe towards Flanders, there 
 came unto him the lord Robert Morley, with the 
 north navie of England, fo that then he had in all 
 about three hundred faile, or (as other faie) two 
 hundred and three fcore. 
 
 " The French navie laie betwixt Sluife and 
 Blancbergh, fo that when the king of England 
 approched, either part defcried other, & there- 
 with prepared them to batell. The king of Eng- 
 land ftaied, till the funne, which at the firft was in 
 his face, came fomewhat weft ward, and fo had it 
 upon his backe, that it (liould not hinder the fight 
 of his people, and fo therewith did fet upon his 
 enimies with great manhood, who likewife verie 
 ftoutly incountered him, by reafon whereof in- 
 fued a fore and deadlie fight betwixt them. The 
 navies on both fides were divided into three bat-
 
 (88) 
 
 tels. On the Englifh part, the carles of Gloces- 
 ter, Northampton, and Huntington, who was 
 admerall of the fleet that belonged to the cinque 
 ports, and the lorde Robert Morley, admerail of 
 the northerne navie, had the guiding of the fore 
 ward, bearing themfelves right valiantlie, fo that 
 at length the Englilhmen having the advantage, 
 not onlie of the funne, but alfo of the wind and 
 tide, fo fortunatlie, that the French fleet was 
 driven into the ftreights of the haven, in fuch 
 wife that neither the fouldiers nor mariners could 
 helpe themfelves, infomuch that both heaven, fea, 
 and wind, feemed all to have conipired againft 
 the Frenchmen. And herewith manie fliips of 
 Flanders joining themfelves with the Englifh fleet, 
 in the end the Frenchmen were vanquished, flaine 
 and taken, their fhips being alfo either taken, 
 bowged, or broken. 
 
 " When night was come upon them, there 
 were thirtie French (hips that yet had not entred 
 the battell, the which fought by covert of the 
 night to have ftolne awaie, and one of them be- 
 ing a mightie great vesfell, called the James of 
 Deepe, would have taken awaie a (hip of Sand- 
 wich that belonged to the prior of Canterburie: but 
 by the helpe of the erle of Huntington, after they 
 had fought all the night till the next morning, 
 the Engliflimen at length prevailed, and taking
 
 ( 69 ) 
 
 that great huge (hip of Deepe, found in hir above 
 foure hundred dead bodies. To conclude, verie 
 few of the French fliips efcaped, except fome of 
 their fmall vesfels, and certeine gallies with their 
 admerall Barbe-noir, who in the beginning of the 
 battell got foorth of the haven, adviiing the other 
 capteins to doo the like, thereby to avoide the 
 danger which they wilfullie imbraced. There 
 died in this battell, fought (as fome write) on 
 inidfummer-daie, in the yeare aforeiaid, of French- 
 men to the number of 30000, of Englilhmen about 
 4000, or (as other have that lived in thofe daies) 
 not pail 400, amongit whom there were foure 
 knights of great nobilitie, as fir Thomas Mon- 
 hermere, fir Thomas Latimer, fir John Boteler, 
 and fir Thomas Poinings. 
 
 " It faid alfo, that the king himfelfe was hurt 
 in the thigh. The two Englifh mips that had 
 beene taken the yeere before, the Edward and the 
 Christopher, were recovered at this time, amongft 
 other of the French fliips that were taken there. 
 Sir Peter Bahuchet was hanged upon a crofle pole 
 faftened to a mart of one of the fliips *. Through 
 the wilfulneiFe of this man, the Frenchmen re- 
 
 * Fabian (ays that both " fyr Nicholas Buchett" (as he 
 calls him) " and fyr Hugh Querett, in defpite of the Frenche- 
 men, were hanged upon the fayles of the ftiippes, which 
 they wcr taken in."
 
 (90) 
 
 ceived this lode (as the French chronicles report) 
 bicaufe he kept the navie fo long within the ha- 
 ven, till they were fo inclofed by the Englifhmen, 
 that a great number of the Frenchmen could ne 
 ver come to ftrike ftroke, nor to ufe the (hot of 
 their artillerie, but to the hurt of their fellows. 
 Howfoever it was, the Engli(hmen got a famous 
 victorie, to the great comfort of themfelves, and 
 discomfort of their adverfaries. The king of Eng- 
 land, after he had thus vanquifhed his enimies, 
 remained on the fea by the fpace of three daies, 
 and then comming on land, went to Gant, where 
 he wes received of the queene with great joy and 
 gladnefle." Holinftieds chronicle, 1587, vol. ii. 
 p. 358. See alfo Fabians, 1559. p. an. 
 Page 19. 
 
 L. 14. fir Robard out ofMorlay.] Robert lord 
 Morley, admiral of the north navy of England ; 
 dyed in France, 1361. 
 
 L. a i . The erle of Norbamton.~\ William de Bo- 
 hun, created earl of Northampton in 1339; dyed 
 in 1359. 
 
 L. as. Sir Walter the Mawnay.'] Sir Walter 
 Manny, a native of Hainault, and the hero of a 
 romance in real life. See Froisfarts chronicle, 
 throughout. In performance of a promife he had 
 made " before ladyes and demofelles er he came 
 out of Englande," he *' made the firft journey
 
 (91 ) 
 
 into France," burnt a town, took a castle, and re- 
 turned as if he had been taking a mornings ride. 
 Another time, in the courfe of an after-dinner con- 
 verfation, in a befieged town, he propofes to isfue 
 out and break down a great engine ; which is in- 
 ftantly done, with equal gallantry and judgement. 
 King Edward and the prince of Wales fought un* 
 der his banner at the battle of Calais. He dyed, 
 full of glory and honour, in 1371, and was bu- 
 ryed in his own foundation of the Charter-houfe. 
 
 L. 25. TheducofLankaster.] Henry (furnamed 
 de Grismond, otherwife au tort col, or wry neck) 
 then earl of Derby, who, fucceeding to the earl- 
 dom of Lancaster on the death of his father, in 
 134.5, was, on the 6th of March 1351, created 
 duke of Lancaster. He dyed in 1360, and was 
 buryed in the church of the college and hospital of 
 the New-works, at Leicester, which he had found- 
 ed. He was a brave and fortunate commander, 
 and makes a great figure in Froisfarts chronicle ; 
 being at the fame time of a mild and generous dis- 
 pofition, and fo much beloved by the people as to 
 be ufually called the good duke of Lancaster. His 
 piety, which may be now thought the leaft ad- 
 vantageous part of his character, procured him, 
 if not actual canonization, at leaft the title of 
 faint, a circumftance unnoticed by historians*. 
 
 * " Testimonia ' Laurentli Dtvianenfis,' de prtecipuis Car- 
 nulitcuuB rcligionls fautorlbus, fcil. . . , SANCTO HENRICO
 
 (92 ) 
 
 Page 20. 
 
 L. 3. SirWiliamofKlinton.'} Sir William Clin- 
 ton, created earl of Huntington in 1338, dyed in 
 I354- 
 
 L. 9. The gude erle of Glo-'wceter.'] Hugh De- 
 fpenfer; dyed in 1350. 
 
 Page 21. 
 
 L. 3. The Kogges of Ingland . . .] This feems 
 the proper name of the fhip. The word coggis is 
 ufed by bifhop Douglas in the fenfe of boats or 
 pinnaces : 
 
 " And fum with airis into the coggis finall 
 Ettilit to land." 
 
 The latter are now called cocks or cock-boats. 
 The original word cog or cogue is ftill, in Scot- 
 land, the name of a wooden vesfel ufed for fup- 
 ing or drinking out of. The Koggis of Ingland is 
 perhaps the identical fhip which Stow calls the 
 blacke Cocke. In 134-0, the earl of Gloucester, 
 being to go to fea in the kings fervice, had two 
 ftiips asfigned to him out of the royal navy, <viz. 
 
 PRIMO DUCK LANCASTRIJE." MSS. Har. 1819. fo. 13. 
 
 The houfe of Lancaster, indeed, was peculiarly distinguifhed 
 by the odour offanctity ; the miracles of his uncle, St. Tho- 
 mas, were long celebrated; and that his defcendant, Hen- 
 ry VI. was not raifed to the fame honour, is folely afcrib- 
 able to the avarice of his immediate fuccesfor of the fame 
 name.
 
 (93) 
 
 " the S. Mary Cogg, and the Cogg of Clyne." 
 (Dugdales Baronage, i. 395 .) The Cristofr has 
 been already mentioned. 
 
 Page 22. 
 VI. HERKINS HOW KING EDWARD LAY 
 
 WITH HIS MEN BIFOR. TOURNAY.] 
 
 The king and his allies laid fiege to Tournay on 
 the of July, 1 34.0, and raifed it, by reafon 
 
 of a truce agreed upon between him and king 
 Philip, on the of September in the fame year. 
 See Froisfarts chronicle, volume i. cc. 53, &V. 
 Page 24. 
 
 L. 13. Tojlop Philip the Jlrate: 
 
 Fulflill.} This fpecies of 
 
 verfe, which was probably common enough in 
 our authors time, though perhaps confined to 
 popular compofitions, now loft, is introduced, 
 for the fake of ridicule, no doubt, by Chaucer in 
 his rime office Thopas. Mr. Tyrwhitt, who had 
 not obferved the prefent inftance, nor met, it 
 feems, with any other, is very much at a lofs to 
 account for it. See his " Notes on The Canter- 
 bury tales'" (iv. 37). 
 
 Page 24.. 
 
 L. 18. A duke tuke le-ve that tiJe.~\ Froisfart af- 
 fords no ground to accufe the duke of treachery 
 or defection : he merely fays that, on raifing the
 
 fiege, " theBrabances departed quickely, for they 
 had 'great' defyre therto." Indeed it was faid 
 that the befieged, whom the king thought to fa- 
 mifli, " founde fomme courtefy en theym of Bra - 
 baunt, in fufferynge vytayles to pafle throughe 
 their hooft into the cytie : and they of Brusfels 
 and Lovane were fore wery with taryeng there 
 fo long, & they defyred the marfliall of thoft that 
 they might have leave to retourne into Brabant. 
 The marfliall fayde, he was well content ; but than 
 they muft leave all their harnes behynd them : 
 with the which anfwere they were fo afhamed that 
 they never fpake therof more.'" It is, however, 
 highly probable that the duke, who was one of 
 the king of Englands commisfioners to treat of 
 the truce, might be particularly eager to have it 
 concluded ; fince the king " departed fore agaynil 
 his mynde, if he myght have done otherwyfe, 
 but in maner he was fayne to folowe the wylles 
 of the other lordes, and to byleve theyr coun- 
 fayls." 
 
 Page 26. 
 L. i. Men may rede in romance right 
 
 Of a grete clerk that Merlin bight. ~\ Mer- 
 lin, furnamed Ambrofius, the fon of an incubus, 
 is a prophet and enchanter in the fabulous history 
 or romance, profefsed to have been translated out 
 of the ancient Britifh language (but perhaps writ-
 
 (95 ) 
 
 en in original Latin) by Jeffrey of Monmoutb, 
 afterward bifhop of St. Afaph, about the year 
 1125. Vortegirn, king of the Britons, having 
 been fpectator of a battle between two dragons, 
 commands honeft Ambrofe to tell him what it 
 portended : upon which he, burfting into tears, 
 delivers, at fome length, the fuggestions of his 
 prophetical fpirit, in the courfe of which he fays : 
 " From Conan fhall proceed a warlike boar, that 
 fhall exercife the fharpnefs of his tufks within the 
 Gallican woods. For he fhall cut down all the 
 larger oaks, and fhall be a defence to the fmaller. 
 The Arabians and Africans fhall dread him; for 
 he fhall purfue his furious courfe to the farther 
 part of Spain." See The Britijb history, translated 
 by Aaron Thompfon, 1718, p. 212. The author 
 choofes to apply this image to his hero, whom he 
 frequently, both in this and the following poems, 
 calls a bore or the bare. 
 
 There was alfo another Merlin, furnamed Sil- 
 vestris, or Caledonius, who prophelyed of king 
 Charles II. under the figure of a boar. See Bri- 
 tijb and outlandijb prophefes, by Thomas Pugh, 
 gentleman, 1658, 4.10. p. 153. 
 
 Many copies of thefe prophecies, confiderably 
 differing from each other, are ftill extant, both in 
 French and Latin ; but it would be a matter of 
 difficulty, perhaps, to find the identical authority
 
 ( 96) 
 
 vouched by our author*. It may, however, be 
 deemed fufficient for the prefent purpofe, to cite 
 the character of his hero from certain " Prophe- 
 cies of Merlin," evidently compofed in their own 
 time, as extant in the Cotton MS. 
 
 " Efter the gayt f fall cum a lyon, 
 
 That in hert ful fers and fell fall be fun 5 
 
 His bihalding fall be ful of pet, 
 
 His fembland to feke reft lykind fall be, 
 
 His breft alfwa fall be (tokening of tbreft, 
 
 Untill all lufes pefe and reft, 
 
 His tong fall fpeke wordes all of lewte, 
 
 His bering like a lamb meke fal be ; 
 
 He fall have trey and tene in bigining, 
 
 To chistise misdoers of wrang lifing ; 
 
 And als thurgh felnes fethin fall he feke, 
 
 Till he have made the folk als lamb to be meke. 
 
 He fall be cald in the werld, als wide als it es, 
 
 Bareofhele, ofnobillay, and of felnes. 
 
 Als a lamb fall he [be] milde and meke, 
 
 And unto rightwisnes ay fall he feke. 
 
 * That part of Robert Mannyngs translation of Peter 
 Langtofts chronicle which contains the Britilh history has 
 not been publifhed ; nor does the work exift in MS. elfe- 
 where than in the Inner-Temple library. He may proba- 
 bly give the prophecy more in our authors manner. 
 
 f Edward II.
 
 (97 ) 
 
 This ilk befte that es the bare named biforrt 
 
 Cumes out of Windefore, thare befe he born. 
 
 Whetand his tufkes fall that ilk baie 
 
 Fare thurgh foure landes thar he come never are; 
 
 And evermore his jornay ever ilka dele 
 
 Sail he do hardily, nobilly and wele ; 
 
 Till the burgh of Jerufalem and to the haly land, 
 
 Sail he find none ogains him to ftand. 
 
 Spayne fall trembill for tene and for care, 
 
 Aragowne fall have drede and dout of the bare. 
 
 In France fall he fett his hevid biforn ; 
 
 His tail fal reft in Yngland, whare he was born 5 
 
 He fal whet his tufkes on Parifs zates ; 
 
 Almayn fal be ful ferd for his lates. 
 
 He fall gar revers and mani grete flode 
 
 Be rinand with hernes and with rede blode. 
 
 The grefes that er grene fal he rede make ; 
 
 Mani man for the bare fal trembill and quake. 
 
 In alkins landes win fall the bare 
 
 That any of his eldres has lofed are. 
 
 So nobil and fo doghty fall the bare be 
 
 That he fall or he dy were corons thre. 
 
 Underlout fall he mak ilk outen land 
 
 To be at his will and bow till his hand. 
 
 Wele more fall the bare conquer and win 
 
 Than ani did bifore of all his end kin. 
 
 All lordes fall him lout without ani lefe, 
 
 And than fall his land be in fwith gude pefe:
 
 (98) 
 
 Sethin in a fer land end fall he, 
 
 And for his nobilles be graven bitwen kinges 
 thre." 
 
 Page z 7 . 
 
 L. 3. For John of France luill be nogbt fpare-"} 
 John of France is John duke of Normandy, fon 
 to king Philip, whom he fucceeded on the a 3d of 
 Auguft, 1350. 
 
 L. 1 5 . For France now es he entred in. ] " Whan 
 the kynge of Englande," fays Froisfart, " ar- 
 ryved in the Hogue Saynt Waft *, the kinge ys- 
 fued out of his fhyppe, and the fyrft fote that he 
 fette on the grounde, he fell fo rudely that the 
 blode brafte out of his nofe : the knyghtes that 
 were aboute him toke him up, and fayd, Sir, for 
 goddes fake, enter in agayne into your fliyp, and 
 come nat a lande this day; for this is but an evyll 
 fygne for us. Than the kyng anfwered quyckely 
 and fayd, Wherfore this is a good token for me, 
 for the lande defyreth to have me. Of the whiche 
 anfwere all his men were ryght joyful : fo that day 
 and nyght the kynge lodged on the fandes, and 
 in the mean tyme dyscharged the fhyppes of their 
 horfes and other bagages. There the kynge made 
 two marfhals of his hooft, the one the lorde God- 
 fray of Harecourt, and the other therle of War- 
 wyke, and the erle of Arundell conftable. And 
 * La Hogue.
 
 (99) 
 
 he ordayned that therle of Huntyngdon fliulde 
 kepe the flete of ftiyppes with c. men of armes, 
 and foure c. archars. And alfo he ordeyned the 
 batayls, one to go on his ryght hande, clofynge to 
 the fee fyde, and the other on his lefte hande, and 
 the kynge himfelfe in the myddes, and every nyght 
 to lodge al in one felde. Thus they fette forth as 
 they were ordayned; and . . . [after taking, rob- 
 ing, or burning the towns of " Harflewe, Cher- 
 bourgue, Mountbourgue, Quarentyne," and "ma- 
 ny other townes in that country," and laftly, " a 
 great towne called Saynt Lowe," 1 ] the kynge went 
 towarde Cane, the whiche was a greater towne, 
 and full of drapery, and other marchauntdyfe, and 
 ryche burgefses, noble ladyes and damofels, and 
 fayre churches, and fpecially two 'great' and 
 ryche abeys, one of the Trynytee, another of 
 faynt Stephyn ; and on the one fyde of the towne 
 one of the fayreft castells of all Normandy, and 
 capitayne therin was Roberte of Blargny, with 
 thre hundred Genowayes ; and in the towne was 
 therle of Ewe and of Guynes, conftable of Fraunce, 
 and therle of Tankervyll, with a good nombre of 
 men of warre. The king of England rode that 
 day in good order, and logedde al his batayls to- 
 gyder that night, a two leages fro Cane, in a towne 
 with a lytell havyn called Haustreham ; and thy- 
 der came alfo all his navy of fhyppes, with therle of
 
 ( 100) 
 
 Hunfyngdone, who was governour of them. The 
 conftable and other lordes of France that nyght 
 watched well the towne of Cane, and in the morn- 
 ynge armed them, with all them of the towne. 
 Than the conftable ordayned that none fliulde ys. 
 fue out, but kepe their defences on the walles, 
 gate, bridge, and ryver, and lette the fubbarbes 
 voyde, bycaufe they were nat clofedde, for they 
 thought they mulde have ynough to do to defende 
 the towne, bycaufe it was nat clofedde but with 
 the ryver. They of the towne fayde howe they 
 wolde ysfue out, for they were ftronge ynough to 
 fyght with the kyng of Englande. Whan the 
 conftable fawe their goodwyls, he fayde, In the 
 name of god, be it; ye (hall not fyght without 
 me. Than they ysfued oute in good order; and 
 made good face to fyght, and to defende theym, 
 and to putte their lyves in adventure. 
 
 " The fame daye thenglyffh men rofe erly, and 
 appayrelled them redy to go to Cane : the kynge 
 harde noyfe before the fonne-ryfmge; and than 
 toke his horfe, and the prince his fon, with fir 
 Godfraye of Harcourt, marmall and leader of all 
 the hooft, whofe counfayle the kynge moche fo- 
 lowed. Than they drewe towarde Cane with their 
 batels in good aray; and fo aproched the good 
 towne of Cane. Whanne they of the towne, who 
 were redy in the felde, fawe th?fe thre batayls.
 
 commyng in good order, with their baners and 
 ftanderdes vvavynge in the wynde, and the archers, 
 the which they had nat bene accustomed to fe, 
 they were fore afrayd, and fledde away towarde 
 the towne, without any order or good aray, for 
 all that the conftable coulde do: than the En- 
 glyfflimen purfued them egerly. Whan the con- 
 ftable, and the erle of Tankervyll fawe that, they 
 toke a gate at the entry, and faved themfelf and 
 certayne with them ; for the Englyfftimen were 
 entred into the towne. Some of the knyghtes and 
 fquyers of Fraunce, fuche as knewe the waye to 
 the castell, went thyder, and the captayne there re- 
 ceived them all, for the castell was large. Theng- 
 lyffhmen in the chafe flewe many, for they toke 
 none to mercy. Than the conftable and the erle 
 of Tankervyll, beynge in the lytell towre at the 
 bridge fote, loked alonge the ftrete, and faw their 
 men flayne without mercy, they douted to fall 
 in their handes. At laft they fawe an Englylftie 
 knyght with one eye, called fir Thomas Holande, 
 and a fyve or fixe other knyghtes with hym ; they 
 knewe them, for they had iene them before in 
 Pruce, in Grenade, and other vyages : than they 
 called to fir Thomas, and fayde howe they wolde 
 yelde themfelfe prifoners. Than fir Thomas came 
 thider with his company, and mounted up into 
 the gate, and there founde the fayde lordes with
 
 ( 102) 
 
 xxv. knyghtes with them, who yelded them to fir 
 Thomas, and he toke them for his prifoners, and 
 left company to kepe theym j and than mounted 
 agayne on his horfe, and rode into the ftreates, and 
 faved many lyves, of ladyes, damofels, and cloys- 
 terers fro defoylynge, for the foudyers were with- 
 out mercy. It fell fo well the fame feafon for 
 thenglyffhmen, that the ryver, whiche was able to 
 here Ihyppes at that tyme, was fo lowe that men 
 went in and out befyde the bridge. They of the 
 towne were entred into their houfes, and caft 
 downe into the ftrete llones, tymbre and yron j 
 and flewe and hurte mo than" fy ve hundred En - 
 glyflhmen,wherwith the kynge was fore displeafed. 
 At nyght whan he hard therof, he commaunded 
 that the next daye all fliulde be putte to the fwerde 
 and the towne brent ; but than fir Godfray of 
 Harecourt fayd : Dere fir, for goddes fake, asfwage 
 fomewhat youre courage ; and let it fuffyce you 
 that ye have done. Ye have yet a great voyage to 
 do, er ye come before Calys, whyder ye purpofe 
 to go j and, fir, in this towne there is moche peo- 
 ple, who wyll defend their houfes ; and it woll coft 
 many of your men their lyves, er ye have all at 
 your wyll ; wherby, paraventure, ye fhall nat 
 kepe your purpofe to Calys, the whiche fliulde 
 redowne to your rech. Sir, fave your people; for 
 ye (hall have nede of them or this moneth pafle ;
 
 ( 103 ) 
 
 for i thynke verely your adverfary kynge Philyppe 
 woll mete with you to fyght, and ye (hall fynde 
 many ftrayt pasfages and rencounters. Wherfore 
 your men, and ye had mo, (hall ftande you in 
 gode ftede : and, fir, without any further fleynge, 
 ye (hall be lorde of this towne, men and women 
 woll put *al' that they have to your pleafure. 
 Than the kyng fayd, Sir Godfraye, you ar our 
 marfhall; ordayne every thynge as ye woll. Than 
 fir God fray, with his baner, rode fro ftrete to 
 ftrete, and commaunded in the kynges name, non, 
 be fo hardy to put fyre in any houfe, to (lee any 
 perfone, nor to vyolate any woman. Whan they 
 of the towne hard that crye, they receyved the 
 Englyffhmen into their houfes, and made theym 
 good chere ; and fome opyned their coffers, an 
 badde them take what them lyft, fo they myght 
 be asfured of ther lyves : howe beit there were 
 done in the towne many yvell dedes, ' murders' 
 and roberyes. Thus the Englyflhmen were lordes 
 of the towne thre dayes, and wanne great richefle, 
 the which they fent by barkefle and barges to 
 Saynte Savyoure, by the ryver of Austrehen a 
 two leages thens; where as all their navy lay. 
 Than the kyng . . . departed fro the towne of 
 Cane, and rode in the fame maner as he dyde be- 
 fore; brennynge and exilynge the countrey." 
 (Vol. i. cc. izz, &c.)
 
 ( 104) 
 
 Page 28. 
 
 L. 24. 'fbetounofCznetbaifetonfire,'] This 
 is a mistake, as appears from the precedeing ex- 
 tract. After leaving Caen, the king burnt the 
 town of " Gyfors, Saynte Germayne in Laye, 
 Mountjoy, Saynte Clowde, Petit Bolayne by Pa- 
 rys, and the quenes Bourge." On quiting the 
 vicinity of Paris he hanged twenty of his men for 
 feting fire to the fair and rich abbey of Saint 
 Mesfine near to Beauvais, the fuburbs of which 
 town were burnt, as was alfo the town of Poys. 
 See Froisfart, vol. i. c. 125. 
 Page 29. 
 
 L. 10. At Cresfy 'when thai brak the brig.] No 
 particular mention is made by Froisfart of the 
 breaking of this bridge 5 he only fays that " the 
 kyng of Englande being at Araynes wyft nat 
 where for to pafle the Some, the which was large 
 and depe, and all briges w^re brokin, and the 
 pasfages well kept." 
 
 L. 14. Over that water er thai went.] " Whan 
 ' the Frenche kyng 1 was at Amyenfe he had or- 
 dayned a great barowne of Normandy, called fir 
 Godmar du Fay, to go and kepe the pasfade of 
 Blanche Taque, where the Englyfmmen muft 
 pafle, or els in none other place: he had with 
 iiym m. men of armes, and fixe thoufand a fote, 
 with the Genowayes ; foo they went by Saynte
 
 ( 105 ) 
 
 Reyngnyer in Ponthieu, and fro thens to Crotay, 
 whereas the pasfage lay. And alfo he had with 
 hym a great nomhre of men of the countrey, and 
 alfo a great nombre of theym of Mutterell ; fo 
 that they were a twelfe thoufand men, one and 
 other. Whan the Englyfihe hooft was come thy- 
 der, fir Godmar du Fay araunged all his company 
 to defende the pasfage. The kyng of Englande 
 lette nat for all that, but whanne the fludde was 
 gone, he commaunded his marfliall to entre into 
 the water, in the name of god and faynt George. 
 Than they that were hardy and coragyous entred 
 in bothe parties, and many a man reverfed : there 
 were fome of the Frenchmen of Arthoyes and 
 Pycardy that were as gladde to juft in the water 
 as on the drye lantie. The Frenchemen defended 
 fo well the pasfage at the ysfuyng out of the wa- 
 ter, that they had moche to do : the Genowayes 
 dyde them great trouble with their crosbowes. 
 On thother fyde the archers of Englande fliotte fo 
 holly togyder, that the Frenchmen were fayne to 
 gyve place to the Englvffhmen. There was a fore 
 batayle, and many a noble feate of armes done on 
 both parties : finally thenglyflhmen pafsed over, 
 and asfembled togyder in the felde. The kynge 
 ;md the prince pafsed, and all the lordes : than the 
 Frenchmen kept none array, but departed he that 
 j^ight beft. Whan fir Godraar fawe that discon-
 
 ( 106 ) 
 
 fyture, he fledde and faved hymfelfe : fome fledde 
 to Abvyle, and fome to Saynte Raygnyer. They 
 that were there a fote coude nat flee, fo that there 
 were flayne a great numbre of them of Abvyle, 
 Muttrell, Arras, and of Saynt Reygnier: the 
 chafe endured more than a great leag. And as 
 yet all the Englyfftimen were nat pafsed the ry- 
 ver, certayne currours of the kyng of Behayne, 
 and of fir Johan of Heynaultes, came on them 
 that were behind, and toke certayne horfes and 
 caryages, and fiewe dyvers, or they coude take 
 the pasfage." Froisfart, vol. i. c. 127. 
 
 L. 2,1. He fa*w the toun o ferrum bren.~\ Our 
 author is ftill fpeaking, it would feem, of the town 
 of Cane 5 for, if he means the town of Cresfy, he 
 muft have been misinformed, as Crotay feems to 
 have been the only place burnt after the king 
 pafled the river. He arrived on Friday the i^h 
 ofAuguft, 1346, in the neighbourhood of Cres- 
 fy, where he encamped : the king of France lying 
 with a great army at Abbeville. 
 Page 30. 
 
 L. i. f ban come Philip fulredyciigbty &c.] This 
 is the famous battle of Cresfy, of which Froisfarts 
 account, though fomewhat prolix, is very curious 
 and minute. " On the Fridaye, as i fayde be- 
 fore, the kyng of Englande lay in the feldes 5 for 
 the contrey was plentyfull of wynes and other vy-
 
 ( 107 ) 
 
 tayle $ and yf nede had bene they had provyfyon 
 folowynge in cartes and other caryages. That 
 nyght the kynge mad a fupper to all bis chefe 
 lordes of the hooft, & made them good chere : 
 and whan they were all departed to take their 
 reft, than the kynge entred into his oratorie, and 
 kneled downe before the auter, praeng god de- 
 voutly, that if he fought the next day that he 
 might achyve the journey to his honour. Than 
 aboute midnyght he layde hym downe to refte j 
 and in the mornynge he rofe betymes, and harde 
 mafle, and the prince his fonne with hym ; and 
 the mofte parte of his company were confefsed and 
 houfeled : and, ' after' the mafle fayde, he com- 
 maunded every man to be armed, & to drawe to 
 the felde, to the fame place before apoynted. Than 
 the kynge caufed a parke to be made by the wode 
 fyde, behynde his hooft; and there was fet all 
 cartes and caryages, and within the parke were 
 all their horfes, for every man was afote : and 
 into thys parke there was but one entry. Than 
 he ordayned thre batayls. In the firft, the yonge 
 prince of Wales, with hym the erle of Warwyke 
 and Canforde, the lorde Godfray of Harecourt, 
 fir Reynolde Cobham, fir Thomas Holande, the 
 lorde Stafforde, the lorde of Mauny, the lorde 
 Dalaware, fir Johan Chandos, fir Bartylmewe de 
 JJomes, fir Roberte Nevyll, the lorde Thomas
 
 ( 108 ) 
 
 Clyfforde, the lorde Bourchier, the lorde de la 
 Tumyer, and dyvers other knytts and fquyers 
 that i can nat name: they were an viii. hundred 
 men of armes, and two thoufande archers, and a 
 thoufande of other, with the Walffhmen : every 
 lorde drue to the felde apoynted, under his owne 
 baner and penone. In the fecond batayle, was 
 therle of Northampton, the erle of Arundell, the 
 lorde RofTe, the lorde Lygo, the lorde Wy lough- 
 by, the lorde Basfet, the lorde of Saynt Aubyne, 
 fir Loyes Tueton, the lorde of Myleton, the lorde 
 de la Sell, and dyvers other, about an eight hun- 
 dred men of armes, and twelf hundred archers. 
 The third batayle had the kynge : he had fevyn 
 hundred men of armes and two thoufande ar- 
 chers. Than the kyng lept on a hobby, with a 
 whyte rodde in his hand, one of his marflials on 
 the one hande, and the other on the other hande : 
 he rode fro renke to renke, defyringe every man 
 to take hede that daye to his right and honour. 
 He fpake it fo fwetely, and with fo good counte- 
 nance and inery chere, that all fuch as were dis- 
 confyted toke courage in the fayeng and heryng 
 of hym. And whan he had thus vify ted all his ba- 
 tayles, it was then nyne of the day: than he caufed 
 every man to eate & drynke a lytell, and fo they 
 dyde at their leafer ; and afterwarde they ordred 
 agayne their bataylles : than every man lay down*
 
 ( 109) 
 
 on the yerthe, and by hym his falet and bowc, to 
 be the more freflher whan their ennemyes fliulde 
 come. 
 
 " This Saturdaye the Frenche kynge rofe be- 
 tymes, and hard mafic in Abvyle, in his lodgynge 
 in the abey of Saynte Peter ; and he departed af- 
 ter the fonne-rifyng. Whan he was out of the 
 towne two leages, aprochyng toward e his enne- 
 myes, fome of his lordes iayde to hym : Sir, it 
 were good that ye ordred your batayls, and let 
 all your fotemen paffe fomwhat on before, that 
 they be nat troubled with the horlemen. Than 
 the kyng fsnt iiii. knyghtes, the Moyne Battell, 
 the lorde of Noyers, the lorde of Beaujewe, and 
 the lorde Dambegny, to ryde to avyewe 'theng- 
 lyfthe hoite: and fo they rode fo nere that they 
 myght well fe part of their dealyng. Thenglyflh- 
 men fawe them well, and knewe well howe they 
 were come thyder to avieu them : they let them 
 alone, and made no countenance towarde them, 
 and let them retourne as they came. And whan 
 the Frenche kyng fawe thefe foure knyghtes 
 retourne agayne, he taryed tyll they came to 
 hym ; and fayd, Sirs, what tydynges ? Thefe four 
 knyghtes eche of them loked on other, for there 
 was none wolde fpeke before his companyon. 
 Finally, the kynge fayd to Moyne, who pertayned 
 to the kynge of Behaygne, and had done in his
 
 ( no ) 
 
 dayes fomoch that he was reputed for one of the 
 valyanteft knightes of the worlde, Sir, fpeke you. 
 Than he fayd : Sir, I (hall fpeke, fith it pleafeth 
 you, under the correction of my felawes : fir, we 
 have ryden and fenc the behavynge of your en- 
 nemyes, knowe ye for trouth, they are refted in 
 thre batayls, abydinge for you. Sir, I woll coun- 
 fell you, as for my parte, favynge your displea- 
 fure, that you and all your company reft here and 
 lodg for this nyght ; for or they that be behynde 
 of your company be come hyther, and or your 
 batayls be fet in good order, it wyll be very late, 
 and your people be wery and out of array j and 
 ye (hall fynde your ennemys freffhe and redy to 
 receyve you. Erly in the mornynge ye maye or- 
 der your bataylles at more leafer, and advife your 
 ennemies at more delyberacion, and to regarde 
 well what way ye wyll asfayle theym ; for, fir, 
 furely they woll abyde you. Than the kynge 
 commaunded that it fhuld be fo done. Than his 
 ii. marfhals one rode before, another behynde, 
 fayenge to every baner, Tary and abyde here, in 
 the name of god and faynt Denys. They that 
 were formaft taryed ; but they that were behynde 
 wolde nat tary, but rode forthe, and fayd howe 
 they wold in no wyfe abyde tyll they were as ferre 
 forward as the forrnaft. And whan they before 
 fawe them come on behynde, than they rode for-
 
 ( 111 ) 
 
 warde agayne ; fo that the kyng nor his marfhals 
 coude nat rule them. So they rode withoute or- 
 der in good araye, tyll they came in fyght of their 
 enemyes. And asfone as the formaft fawe them, 
 they reculed than backe without good araye t 
 wherof they behynde had marvell, and were abafTh- 
 ed, and thought that the formaft compani had 
 ben fightyng : than they myght have had leafer 
 and rome to have gone forwarde if they had lyft. 
 Some went forthe, and fome abode ftyll. The 
 commons, of whome all the wayes bytwene Ab- 
 vyle and Cresfy were full, whan they fawe that 
 they were nere to their ennemies, they toke their 
 fwerdes, and cryed, Downe with them, let us fle 
 them all. There was no man, though he were 
 prefent at the journey, that coude ymagen or (hewe 
 the trouth of the yvell order that was amonge the 
 Frenche partie ; and yet they were a mervelous 
 greate nombre. That i wryte in this boke, i lern- 
 ed it fpecyally of the Englyflhmen, who well be- 
 helde their dealyng ; and alfo certayne knyghtes of 
 fir Johan of Henaultes, who was alwayes aboute 
 kynge Philyppe, {hewed me as they knewe. 
 
 " Thenglyfthmen, who were in thre batayls 
 lyenge on the grounde to reft them, asfone as they 
 faw the Frenchmen aproche, they rofe upon their 
 fete, fayre and eafely, withoute any haft, and 
 aranged their batayls. The firfte, whiche was
 
 the princes batell, the archers there ftode in ma- 
 ner of a herfe, and the men of armes, in the bo- 
 tome of the batayle. Therle of Northamton & 
 therle of Arundell, with the fecond batell, were 
 on a wynge in good order, redy to confute the 
 princes batayle, yf nede were. The lordes and 
 knyghtes of France came nnt to the asfemble to- 
 gyder in good order ; for fome came before, and 
 fome came after, in fuche haft and yvell order, 
 that one of them dyd trouble another. Whan the 
 French kyng fawe the Englyffhmen, his blode 
 chaunged, and fayde to his marshals, Make the 
 Genowayes go on before, and begynne the batayle, 
 in the name of god and faynt Denyfe. There 
 were of the Genowaies, crosbowes, about a fyf- 
 tene thoufand, but they were fo wery of goyng 
 a fote that day a fix leages, armed with their cros- 
 bowes, that they fayde to their conftables, We be 
 nat well ordred to fyght this daye, for we be nat 
 in the cafe to do any great dede of armes ; we 
 have more nede of reft. Thefe wordes came to 
 the erle of Alanfon, who fayd, A man is well at 
 eafe to be charged with fuche a forte of rascalles, 
 to be faynt and fayle nowe at mooft nede ! AHb, 
 the fame feafon, there fell a greate rayne and a 
 clyps, with a terryble thonderj and before the 
 rayne there came fleyng over bothe batayls a great 
 nombre of crowes, for feare of rhe tempeft com-
 
 ( 
 
 wyng. Than anone the eyre beganne to waxe 
 clere, and the fonue to ftiyne fayre and bright j 
 the whiche was right in the Frenchmens eyen, 
 and on the Englyffhmens backe. Whan the Ge- 
 nowayes were asfembled toguyder, and beganne 
 to aproche, they made a great leape and crye to 
 abaflhe thenglyflhmen ; but they ilode ftyll, and 
 ftyredde nat for all that. Thanne the Geno- 
 vvayes, agayne the feconde tyme, made another 
 leape and a fell 'crye, and flepped forwarde a ly- 
 tellj and thenglyffhmen remeved nat one fote. 
 Thirdly, agayne they leapt and cryed, and went 
 forthe tyll they came within (hotte : thanne they 
 fhotte fursly with their crosbowes. Than theng- 
 lyflhe archers ftepte furthe one pafe, and lette fly 
 their arowes, fo holly and fo thycke, that it femed 
 fnowe. Whan the Genowayes felte the arowes > 
 perfynge through ' heeds,' armes, and breftes, 
 many of them call downe their crosbowes, and 
 dyde cutte their ftrynges, and retourned discon- 
 fyted. Whan the Frenche kynge fawe them flye 
 awaye, he fayde, Slee thefe rafcals, for they mail 
 lette and trouble us withoute reafon. Than ye 
 fhulde have fene the men of armcs daffhe in among 
 them, and kylled a great norabre of them. And 
 ever ftyll the Englyfihmen mot where as they 
 fawe thyckeft preace: the (liarpe arowes ranne 
 into the men of armes, and into their horfes, and
 
 manyftll, horfe and men, amonge the Genoweysrj 
 and whan they were downe, they coude nat re- 
 lyve agayne, the preace was fo thycke, that one 
 overthrewe another. And alfo amonge the En- 
 glyflhmen there were certayne rascalles, that went 
 afote, with greate knyves ; and they went in 
 among the men of armes, and flewe and mur- 
 dredde many, as they laye on the grounde ; bothe 
 erles, ' barownes,' knyghtes, and fquyers : wher- 
 of the kyng of Englande was after displeafed ; for 
 he had rather they had hene taken prifoners. The 
 valyant kynge of Behaygne, called Charles of Lu- 
 zenbourge, fonne to the noble emperour Henry 
 of Luzenbourge, for all that he was nyghe blynde, 
 whan he underftode the order of the batayle, he 
 fayde to them about hym, Where is the lorde 
 Charles my fon ? His men fayde, Sir, we cannat 
 tell 5 we thynke he be fyghtynge. Than he fayde, 
 Sirs, ye are my men, my companyons, and frendes, 
 in this journey ; i requyre you bryng me fo farre 
 forwarde, that i maye ftryke one ftroke with my 
 fwerde. They fayde they wolde do his com- 
 maundemente; and to the entent that they fhulde 
 nat lefe hym in the preafe, they tyed all their 
 raynes of their bridelles eche to other, and fette 
 the kynge before to acomplyffhe his defyrej and 
 fo they went on their enemyes. The lorde Charles 
 of Behaygne, his fonne, who wrote hymfelfe kynge
 
 fcf Eehaygne, and bare the armes, he came il\ 
 good order to the batayle, but whanne he fawe 
 that the matter wente awrye on their parte, he 
 departed, i can nat tell you whiche waye. The 
 kynge his father was fo farre forevvarde, that he 
 ftrake a ftroke with his fwerde, ye and mo than 
 fought valyantly ; and fo dyde his company, and 
 they adventured themfelfe fo forwarde that they 
 were all flayne, and the next day they were founde 
 in a place about the kynge, and all the horfes tyed 
 eche to other . . . This batayle bytwene Broy and 
 Cresfy, this Saturday, was ryght cruell and fell, 
 and many a feat of armes done that came not to 
 my krowlege. In the night dyverfe knyghtes 
 and fquyers loft their maisters, and fomtyme came 
 on thenglyflhmen, who receyved theym in fuche 
 wyfe, that they were ever nighe llayne ; for there 
 was none taken to mercy nor to raunfome ; for fo 
 the Englyllhmen were detennyned in the mornyng 
 [of] the day of the batayle. Certayne Frenche- 
 men and Almaygnes perforce opyned the archers 
 of the princes batayle, and came and fought with 
 the men of armes hande to hande. Than the fe- 
 conde batayle of thenglyflhmen came to focour the 
 princes batayle ; the whiche was tyme, for they 
 had as than moche ado ; and they with the prince 
 fent a mesfenger to the kynge, who was on a ly- 
 tell wyndmyll hyll. Than the knyght fayde to
 
 ( 
 
 the kynge, Sir, therle of Warwyke, and therle of 
 Canfort, fir Reynolde Cobham, and other fuche 
 as be about the prince your fonne, ar feersly 
 fought withall, and are fore handled : wherfore 
 they defyre you that you and your batayle wolle 
 come and ayde them, for if the Frenchmen encreafe, 
 as they dout they woll, your fcnne and they mall 
 have moche ado. Than the kynge fayde, Is my 
 fonne deed, or hurt, or on the yerthe felled ? No, 
 fir, quoth the knyght, but he is hardely matched j 
 wherfore he hathe nede of your ayde. Well, {ayde 
 the kyng, retourne to hym, and to them that fent 
 you hyther, and fay to them, that they fende no 
 more to me for any adventure that falleth, as long 
 as my fonne is alyve : and alfo fay to them, that 
 they fuffre hym this day to wynne his fpurres ; 
 for, if god be pleafed, i woll this journey be his, 
 and the honoure therof, and to them that be 
 aboute hym. Than the knyght retourned agayn 
 to them, and (hewed the kynges wordes, the which 
 gretly encouraged them ; and repoyned in that 
 they had fende to the kynge as they dyd .... 
 In the evenynge the Frenche kynge, who had left 
 about hym no mo than a threefcore perfons one 
 and another, wherof fir Johan of Heynalt was 
 one, who had remounted ons the kynge, for his 
 horfe was flayne with an arowe ; than he fayde to 
 the kynge, Sir, departe henfe, for it is tyme : lefe
 
 ( H7 ) 
 
 nat yourfelfe wjlfully: if ye have lofle at this 
 tyme, ye fhall recover it agayne another fealon. 
 And" foo he toke the kinges horfe by the brydell, 
 and ledde hy;n away in a maner perforce .... 
 This Saturday the Englyfihemen never departed 
 fro their batayls for chafynge of any man, but 
 kept ftyll their felde, and ever defended themfelfe 
 agaynft all fuch as came to asfayle them. This 
 batayle ended aboute evynfonge tyme. 
 
 " On this Saturdaye, whan the nyght was come, 
 and that thenglyffhmen hard no more noyfe of 
 the Frenchemen, than they reputed themfelfe to 
 have the vyctorie, and the Frenchmen to be dys- 
 confited, flayne and fled awaye. Than they made 
 greate fyers, and lyghted up torchefle and can- 
 delles, bycaufe it was very darke j than the kyng 
 avayled downe fro the lytell hyll whereas he ftode, 
 and of al that day tyll than his helme came never 
 of on his heed. Than he went with all his batayle 
 to his fonne the prince, and fayde, Fayre fonne, 
 god gyve you good perfeverance ; ye ar my good 
 fon, thus ye have acquyted you nobly ; ye ar wor- 
 thy to kepe a realme. The prince inclyned him- 
 felfe to the yerthe, honouryng the kyng his fa- 
 ther. This night they thanked god for their 
 good adventure, and made no booft therof ; for 
 the kynge wolde that no manne fhulde be proude 
 or make booft, but every man humbly to thank
 
 god." Froisfarts chronicle, vol. i. cc. 128, 129, 
 130, 131. 
 
 Page 34. 
 VII. How EDWARD, ALS THE ROMANCE SAIS, 
 
 HELD THE SEGE BIFOR CALAYS.] 
 " Whan the kyng of Englande was come before 
 Calys *, he layde his fiege and ordayned bas- 
 tides, betwene the towne and the ryver; he made 
 carpenters to make houfes, and lodgynges of great 
 tymbre, and fet the houfes lyke ' ftreetes,' and 
 coverd them with rede and brome ; fo that it was 
 lyke a lytell towne ; and there was every thynge 
 to fell, and a markette- place to be kept every 
 Tuefdaye and Saturday, for flefihe and fyflh, mer- 
 cery-ware, houfes for cloth, for bredde, wyne and 
 all other thynges necesfarie, fuche as came out of 
 England, or out of Flanders, there they myght 
 bye what they lyft . . . The kynge wolde nat as- 
 fayle the towne of Calys ; for he thought it but 
 a loft labour : he fpared his peple, & his artil- 
 lery, and fayd howe he wold famyflhe them in the 
 towne with long fiege, without the Frenche kyng 
 come and reyfe his fiege perforce. Whan the cap- 
 ten of Calys fawe the maner and thorder of then- 
 glyfthmen, than he conftrayned all poore and 
 meane peple to ysfue out of the towne. And on 
 * On the 3d of September, 1346.
 
 ( 
 
 Wednyfday there ysfued out, of men, women and 
 chyldren, mo than xvii.c. and as they pafsed 
 through the hooft, they were demaunded why 
 they departed, and they anfwered and fayde, by- 
 caufe they had nothyng to lyve on. Than the 
 kyng dyd them that grace that he fuffred them 
 to pasfe through his hod without danger, and 
 gave them mete and drynke to dyner, and every 
 perfon ii.d. fterlyng in almes; for the which dy- 
 ners many of them prayed for the kynges profpe- 
 ryte. 
 
 " Kinge Philyppe, who knewe well howe his 
 men were fore conftrayned in Calays, commaund- 
 ed every manne to be with hym at the feelt of 
 Pentecoft, in the citie of Amyenfe, or there about : 
 there was none durft fay nay . . . Whan they were 
 all at Amyenfe they toke counfayle ; the Frenche 
 kyng wold gladly that the pasfages of Flaunders 
 myght have ben opyned to hym : for than he 
 thought he might fende part of his men to Gra- 
 velyng, and by that way to refreflhe the towne 
 of Calys, and on that fyde to fyght eafely with 
 thenglyfthmen. He fcnde great mesfangers into 
 ' Flaunders' to treat for that mater, but the kyng 
 of Englande had there fuche frendes that they 
 wolde never accorde to that curtefy : than the 
 Frenche kyng faid howe he wolde go tliyder on 
 the fyde towarde Burgoyne .... Than the kynj
 
 ( 120 ) 
 
 went to the towne of Arras, and fette many men 
 of warre to the garyfons of Arthoys . . . Than 
 the French kyng and his company departed fro 
 Arras and went to Hedyn; his hooft with the ca- 
 ryage held well in length a three leages of that 
 contrey ; and there he taryed a day, and the next 
 day to Blangy. There he refled to take advyfe 
 what way to go forthe : than he was counfayled 
 to go through the contrey called la Belme, and 
 that way he toke, and with him a cc.m. one and 
 other ; and fo . . . came ftreyght to the hyll of 
 Sangattes, bytwene Calays and Wysfant. They 
 came in goodly order with baners displayed, that 
 hit was great beautie to beholde their puysfant 
 array : they of Calys, whan they fawe them lodge, 
 it femed to them a newe fiege. 
 
 " Ye mail here what the kyng of Englande 
 dyd . . . Whanne he fawe and knewe that the 
 Frenche kyng came with fo great an hooft to rayfe 
 the fiege, the whiche had cofte him fo moche good, 
 and payne of his body, and loft many of hys men, 
 and knewe well howe he had fo conftrayned the 
 towne, that hit coulde nat longe endure for de- 
 faute of vitayls, it greved hym fore than to de- 
 part. Than he advyfed well howe the French, 
 men coude nat aproche nother to the hooft, nor 
 to the towne, but in two places, other by the 
 downes by the fee fyde, or elles above by the
 
 ( 121 ) 
 
 highe waye, and there was many dykes, rockes, 
 and mareflhes, and but one way to pafle over the 
 bridge called Newlande bridge. Than the kynge 
 made all his navy to drawe along by the cofl of 
 the downes, every ftiyp well garnyfihed with bom- 
 bardes, crosbowes, archers, fpringalles, and other 
 artyllary j wherby the Frenche hooft myght nat 
 pafle that waye. And the kyng caufed the erle 
 of Derby to go and kepe Newlande-bridge with a 
 great nombre of men of armes and archers, fo 
 that the Frenchmen coude natte pafle no waye, 
 * without ' they wolde have gone through the 
 marmes, the whiche was unposfyble. On the 
 other fyde, towarde Calays, there was a hygh 
 towre kept with xxx. archers, and they kept the 
 pasfages of the downes fro the Frenchmen . . . 
 The Frenche kyng fent his marflials to advyfe 
 what way he myght aproche to fyght with the 
 Engiyffhmen : fo they went forthe, and whan 
 ' they ' had advyfed the pasfages and ftraytes, 
 they retourned to the kyng, and fayde, howe in, 
 no wyfe he coude come to the Englyflhmen, with- 
 out he wolde lefe his people. So the mater refted 
 all that day and nyght after. The next day, af- 
 ter made, the Frenche kynge fende to the kynge 
 of Englande the lord ' Geffraye' of Charney, the 
 lord Ewftace of Rybamount *, Guy of Nele, 
 
 * This nobleman was taken prifoner, in fingle combat, 
 by king Edward, fighting under the banner of fir Walter
 
 ( 122 ) 
 
 and the lorde Beajewe; and as they rode that 
 ftronge waye, they fawe well it was harde to pafTe 
 that way. They prayfed mcche the order that the 
 erle of Derby kept there at the bridge of New- 
 lande, by the whiche they pafsed. Than they 
 rode tyll they came to the kynge, who was well 
 acompanyed with noble men aboute hym ; thanne 
 they foure lyghted, and came to the kynge, and 
 dyde their reverence to hym. Than the lord 
 Ewftace of Rybamount faid, Sir, the kynge my 
 mayster fendeth you worde by us that he is come 
 to the mount of Sangate to do batayle with you ; 
 but he canne fynde no way to come to you : ther- 
 fore, fir, he wolde that ye fhulde apoynt certnyn? 
 of your counfayle, and in lyke wife of his, and 
 they betwene theym to advyfe a place for the ba- 
 tayle. The kyng of Englande was redy advyfed 
 to anfwere, and fayde, Sirs, I have well underftande 
 that ye defyre me, on the behalfe of myne adver- 
 fary, who kepeth wrongfully fro me myne hery- 
 tage : wherfore i am forie. Say unto hym fro me, 
 if ye lyft, that i am here, and fo have bene nyghe 
 an hole yere, and all this he knew right well. He 
 
 Manny, at the battle of Calais, in 1349. The night after 
 the battle the king gave his prifoncrs a Cupper in the castle 
 of Calais, and after (upper, he gave fir Euftace a chaplet of 
 pearls from his own head, as the moft valiant knight of the 
 world, and fet him free without ranfom. See Froisfrrt, 
 v, i. cc, 151, 152.
 
 ( 123 ) 
 
 myght have come hyther foner, if he had wolde; 
 but he hath fuffred me to abide here fo long, the 
 whiche hath ben gretly to my coftc and charge. 
 I nowe coude do fo moche, if i wolde, to be fone 
 lorde of Calays, wheribre I am natte determynedde 
 to folowe his devyfe and eafe, nor to departe fro 
 that whiche i am at the poynt to wynne, and that 
 i have fo fore defyred, and derely ' boughte:' wher- 
 fore if he nor his men canne paffe this way, lette 
 theym feke fome other pasfage, if they thynke to 
 come hyther. Thanne thefe lordes departed, and 
 were conveyed tyll they were pafte Newlande 
 bridge : than they (hewed the Frenche kynge the 
 kynge of Englandes anfwere. 
 
 " In the meane feafone, whyle the Frenche 
 kynge ftudyed howe to fight with the kyng of 
 Englande, there came into his hooft two cardy- 
 nalles from bisfhoppe Clement in legacion, who 
 toke great pnyne to ryde bytwene thefe hooftes ; 
 and they procuredde fb moche that ther was 
 graunted a certayne treatie of acorde, and a re- 
 fpyte bytwene the two kynges, and ther men, 
 beynge there at fiege and in the felde all onely. 
 And fo there were four lordes apoynted on ey- 
 ther partie to counfell togyder, and to treat for 
 peace . . . and the two cardynalles were meanes 
 betwene the parties. Thefe' lordes mette thre 
 dayes, and many devyfes put forthe, but none
 
 ( 124) 
 
 effecte . . . than the two cardynalles returned to 
 Saynt-Omers ; and whan the Frenche kynge fawe 
 that he coude do nothynge, the next daye he dys- 
 loged by tymes, and toke his way to 'Amyens,' 
 and gave every man leve to depart. 
 
 " After that the Frenche kynge was thus de- 
 parted fro Sangate, they within Calays fawe well 
 howe their focoure fayled them; for the whiche 
 they were in great forowe. Than they defyred 
 fo moche their captayn, fir Johan of Vyen, that 
 he went to the walles of the towne, and made a 
 fygne to fpeke with fome perfon of the hooft. 
 Whan the kynge harde therof, he fetide thyder 
 fir Galtier of Manny, and fir Basfet. Than fir 
 Johan of Vyen fayd to them : Sirs, ye be ryght 
 valyant knyghtes in dedes of armes ; and ye knowe 
 well howe the kynge my mayster hath fende me 
 and other to this towne, and commaunded us to 
 kepe it to his behofe, in fuche wyfe that we take 
 no blame, nor to hym no dammage ; and we have 
 done all that lyeth in oure power. Now oure fo- 
 cours hath fayled us ; and we be fo fore ftrayned, 
 that we have nat to lyve withall, but that we 
 mufle all dye, or els enrage for famyn; without 
 the noble and gentyll kyng of yours woll take 
 mercy on us, the whiche to do we requyre you to 
 defyre hym to have pyte on us, and to let us go 
 and depart as we be j and lette hym take the
 
 ( '25 ) 
 
 towne and castell, and all the goodes that be ther- 
 in, the whiche is greate abundaunce. Than fir 
 Gaultyer of Manny fayde, Sir, we knowe fom- 
 what of the entencyon of the kynge our mayster, 
 for he hath (hewed it unto us : furely, knowe, for 
 trouth, it is nat his mynde that ye, nor they 
 within the towne, fhulde depart fo; for it is his 
 wyll that ye all fliude put yourfelfes into his pure 
 wyll, to ranfome all fuche as pleafeth hym, and 
 to putte to dethe fuche as he lyfte : for they of 
 Calays hath done hym fuche contraryes and dis- 
 pyghtes, and hath caufed hym to dyspende foo 
 moche good, and lofte many of his menne, that 
 he is fore greved agaynft them. Than the cap- 
 tayne fayde, Sir, this is to harde a mater to us ; 
 we ar here within a fmall forte of knightes and 
 fquyers, who hath trewely ferved the kyng our 
 maister, as well as ye ferve yours. In lyke cafe, 
 and we have endured moche payne and uneafe, 
 but we mail yet endure asmoche payne as ever 
 knyghtes dyd, rather thanne to confent that the 
 worft ladde in the towne (hulde have any more 
 y veil than the greteft of us all. Therfore, fir, we 
 praye you, that of your humylite, yet that ye 
 woll go and fpeke to the kynge of Englande; and 
 defyre hym to have pitie of us; for we trufte in 
 hym fo moche gentylnefle, that by the grace of 
 god, his purpofe fliall chaunge. Sir Galtier of
 
 ( 126) 
 
 Manny and fir Basfet retourned to the kynge, and 
 declared to hym all that hadde bene fayde. The 
 kynge fayde, he wolde none other wyfe, but that 
 they fliulde yelde them up fymply to his pleafure. 
 Than fir Gaultier fayde, Sir, favynge your dis. 
 pleafure in this, ye may be in the vvronge ; for ye 
 fhall gyve by this an yvell enfample. If ye fende 
 any of us your fervauntes into any fortrefie, we 
 woll nat be very gladde to go, if ye putte any of 
 theym in the town to dethe after they be yelded : 
 for in lyke wife they woll deale with us, if the 
 cafe fell lyke. The whiche wordes dyverfe other 
 lordes that were there prefent fustayned and mayn- 
 teyned. Than the kynge fayde, Sirs, i wyll nat 
 be alone agaynfte you all ; therfore, fir Gaultier 
 of Many, ye (hall goo, and faye to the captayne, 
 that all the grace that they fhall fynde nowe in 
 me is, that they lette fixe of the chief burgefses of 
 the tow ne 'come' 1 out bareheeded, barefoted and 
 barelegged, and in their fhertes, with haulters 
 about their neckes, with the kayes of the towne 
 and castell in their handes ; and lette theym fixe 
 yelde themfelfe purely to my wyll, and the refy- 
 dewe i wyll take to mercy. Than fyr Gaultyer 
 retourned, and founde fyr Johan of Vyen ftyll on 
 the wall, abydynge for an anfwere: thanne fir 
 Gaultyer fliewed hym all the grace that he coulde 
 gette of the kynge. Well, quod fir Johan, fir, i
 
 ( 127 ) 
 
 requyre you tary here a certayne fpace, tyll i go 
 in to the towne, and fliewe this to the commons 
 of the towne, who fent me hyder. Than fir Johan 
 went unto the market-place, and founed the com- 
 mon bell ; than incontynent men and women as- 
 fembled there: than the captayne made reporte 
 of all that he had done, and fayde, Sirs, it wyll 
 be none otherwyfe; therfore nowe take advyfe, 
 and make a fliorte aunfwere. Thanne all the peo- 
 ple beganne to wepe, and to make fuche forowe, 
 that there was nat fo herd a hert, yf they had fene 
 them, but that wolde have had greate pytie en 
 theym : the captayne hymfelfe wepte pytiously. 
 At laft the mooft ryche burgefle of all the towne, 
 called Ewftace of Saynte-Peters, rofe up and f.iyde 
 openly : Sirs, great and fmall, greate myschiefe it 
 fhulde be to fuffre to dye fuche people as be in 
 this towne, other by famyn or otherwyfe, whan 
 there is meane to fave theym. I thynke he or 
 they mulde have great merette of our lorde god, 
 that myght kepe theym fro fuche myscheife. As 
 for my parte, i have fo good trufte in our lorde 
 god, that yf i dye in the quarell to fave the refy- 
 dewe, that god wolde pardone me. Wherfore, to 
 fave them, i wyll be the firft to putte rny lyfe in 
 jeopardy. Whan he had thus fayde, every man 
 worfhypped hym, and dyvers kneled downe at his 
 fete, with fore wepyng, and fore fyghes. Than
 
 ( 128) 
 
 another honefte burgefle rofe and fayde, I wyll 
 kepe company with my gofluppe Ewftace : he was 
 called Johan Dayre. Than rofe up Jaques of 
 Wysfant, who was ryche in goodes and herytage ; 
 he fayd alfo, that he wolde hold company with 
 his two cofyns in lyke wyfe : fo dyd Peter of Wys- 
 fant his brother : and thanne rofe two other ; they 
 fayde, they wolde do the fame. Thanne they went 
 and apparelled them as the kyng defyred. Than 
 the captayne went with them to the gate : there 
 was great lamentacyon made, of men, women and 
 chyldren, at their departynge. Than the gate was 
 opyned, and he ysfued out with the vi. burgefses 
 and clofed the gate agayne, fo that they were by- 
 twene the gate and the barryers. Than he fayde 
 to fir Gaultyer of Manny, Sir, i delyver here to 
 you, as captayne of Calys, by the hole confent of 
 all the people of the towne, the fix burgefses 5 
 and i fwere to you truely, that they be and were 
 to day mooft honourable, ryche, and mofte nota- 
 ble burgefses of all the towne of Calys. Wher- 
 fore, gentyll knyght, i requyre you, pray the 
 kyng to have mercy on theym, that they dye nat. 
 Quod fir Gaultyer, I can nat fay what the kynge 
 wyll do; but i (hall do for them the beft i can. 
 Thanne the barryers were opyned, the fixe bur- 
 gefses wente towardes the kynge, and the cap- 
 tayne entred agayne into the towne. Whan fir
 
 ( 129) 
 
 Gaultier prefented thefe burgefses to the kyng, 
 they kneled downe, and helde up their handes 
 and fayde : Gentyll kynge, beholde here, we fixe, 
 who were burgefses of Calays, and great mar- 
 chantes, we have brought to you the kayes of the 
 towne, and of the castell ; and we fubmyt oure 
 felfe clerely into youre wyll and pleafure, to fave 
 the refydue of the people of Calays, who have 
 fuffred greate payne. Sir, we befeche youre 
 grace to have mercy and pytie on us, through 
 your hygh nobles. Than ail the erles and ba- 
 rownes and other that were there wept for pytie. 
 The kynge loked felly on theym, for greatly he 
 hated the people of Calys, for the great damages 
 and displeafures they had done hym on the fee 
 before. Than he commaunded their heedes to be 
 ftryken of. Than every man required the kyng 
 for mercy; but he wolde here no man in that 
 behalfe.' Than fir Gaultyer of Manny fayd: A, 
 noble kynge, for goddes fake refrayne 'your' cou- 
 rage ; ye have the name of fouverayne nobles : 
 therfore nowe do nat a thyng that fhulde blemyflhe 
 your renome, nor to gyve caufe to fome to fpeke 
 of you vyllany. Every man woll fay it is a great 
 cruelty to put to dethe fuche honeft perfons, who 
 by their owne wylles putte themfelfe into youre 
 grace to fave their company. Than the kyng 
 wryed away fro hym, and commaunded to fende
 
 ( 130) 
 
 for the hangman; and fayde, They ofCalys hath 
 caufed many of my men to be flaine, wherfore 
 thefe {hall dye in lyke wyfe. Than the quene, 
 beynge great with chylde, kneled downe, and fore 
 wepynge, fayd : A, gentyll fyr, fith I pafsed the 
 fee in great parell ihave defyred nothynge of you; 
 therfore nowe i humbly requyre you, in the ho- 
 nour of the fun of the virgyn Mary, and for the 
 love of me, that ye woll take mercy of thefe fix 
 burgefses. The kynge behelde the quene, and 
 Itode ftyll in a ftudy a fpace, and than fayd : A, 
 dame, i wold ye had ben as nowe in fome other 
 place ; ye make fuche requeft to me that i can nat 
 deny you : wherfore i gyve them to you, to do 
 your pieafure with theym. Than the quene caufed 
 them to be brought into her chambre, and made 
 the halters to be taken fro their neckes, and 
 caufed them to be newe clothed, and gave them 
 their dyner at their lefer : and than fhe gave ech 
 of them fixe nobles, and made them to be brought 
 out of thooft in favegarde, and let at their lyber- 
 te. Thus the ftronge towne of Calys was gyven 
 up to kyrig Edwarde of Englande the yere of our 
 lorde god m.ccc.xlvi. in the moneth of Auguft." 
 Froisfarts chronicle, vol. i. chap. 133, 144, &c. 
 
 To this relation of Froisfart it may not be im- 
 proper to add the discovery and reflections made, 
 fome years fmce, by M. de Brequigny, in confe-
 
 ( 131 ) 
 
 quence of his refearches in London, relative to 
 the history of France, as communicated by him 
 in a memoir to the French academy. (Mtmrires 
 de llttercture de racatiemieJes injcriptions, xxxvii. 
 
 5*8.) 
 
 " I mal not examine the feveral circumftances 
 of Froisfarts relation, of which he is the only 
 voucher. Perhaps it may be thought difficult to 
 reconcile them with certain fafts hitherto un- 
 known, but of incontestable authenticity; which 
 i fhal content myftlf to report. 
 
 " The queen, who is fuppofed to have been fo 
 touched with the mifery of the fix burgefses, whofe 
 life fhe had faved, did not fail to obtain, a few 
 days after, the confiscation of the houfes which 
 John d'Aire, one of them, had posfefsed in Ca- 
 lais. 
 
 " The greater part of the other houfes were 
 given to the Englim. whom Edward called thither 
 by his letters of the izth of Auguft. Calais had 
 coft him too dear; he felt the importance of fuch 
 a place too much to neglect anything which might 
 enfure its prefervaticn. Even the habitations 
 which he there granted to his fubje&s were not 
 given without a claufe of felling them to none but 
 the Englim. 
 
 " It is not, however, necesfary to imagine, as 
 
 one commonly believes upon the faith of histo-
 
 ( 132) 
 
 rians, that every former posfesfor was driven out, 
 that every Frenchman was excluded 5 i have feen, 
 on the contrary, a number of French names 
 among thofe of the perfons to whom Edward 
 granted houfes in his new conqueft. But i did 
 not expecT: to find in the number of thofe who 
 had accepted the favours of the new fovereign, 
 him who appeared the moft likely to disdain them, 
 the famous Euftache de Saint-Pierre. 
 
 " By letters, of the 8th of October j 347, two 
 months after the furrender of Calais, Edward 
 gave to Euftache a confiderable penfion, til he 
 ihould provide for him more amply. The mo- 
 tives of this favour are the fervices which he 
 owed to render, either in maintaining good or- 
 der in Calais, or in watching the fafety of that 
 place. Other letters, of the fame date, founded on 
 the fame motives, grant to him and his heirs the 
 greateft part of the houfes and ground which he 
 had posfefsed in that city, and add to them, fur- 
 ther, fome others. That Euftache de Saint-Pierre, 
 the man who is painted to us as immolating him- 
 felf with fo much generofity to the duties of fub- 
 jecl: and citizen, could confent to acknowlege 
 for fovereign the enemy of his country, to en- 
 gage folemnly to preferve for him that very place 
 which he had fo long defended againft him ; in 
 fine, to bind himfelf to him by the ftrongeft tie
 
 ( 133 ) 
 
 for a noble mind, the acceptance of a favour, 
 feems to accord little with the high idea hitherto 
 given of his patriotic heroifm. 
 
 " His conduct, perhaps, will be attributed to 
 the vexation excited by feme discontent ; and it 
 will be alledged that Froisfart has faid, that Phi- 
 lip did nothing to recompenfe the courage and fi- 
 delity of the brave Calefians. But Froisfart was 
 ill-informed. We have many ordinances of Phi- 
 lip, by which he provides for the indemnity of 
 the unfortunate inhabitants of Calais ; we have 
 fome which prove that this indemnity took ef- 
 fe6t j and the kings, his fuccesfors, John II. and 
 Charles V. paid ftill more attention to them. 
 
 " It muft therefor be confefsed that the glory 
 ofEuftachede Saint-Pierre is fomewhat tarnifh- 
 ed j and, fince the facts which i expofe appear to 
 impeach it, i dial make bold to draw from them 
 the conjectures to which they give birth. 
 
 " We have feen, by the letters of the Calefians, 
 that their final refolution was to fally out of their 
 walls fword in hand, and to feek, through the 
 Englifh army, death or liberty. It appears evident 
 that Euftache combated this defperate refolution . 
 In the laft council held at Calais, he rofe the firft, 
 and gave his opinion, according to the relation of 
 Froisfart himfelf, to furrender on the conditions 
 which Edward dictated. He faved, by this mean,
 
 ( 134) 
 
 the befieged, and fpared the blood of the befieg- 
 ers ; he ferved equally both parties. Edward had 
 reafon to take this in good part, and was willing to 
 prove it to him by favours. He had even reafons 
 to feek to attach to himfelf a man of fo great 
 weight in the city ; and he fucceeded at length 
 in forcing Euftache to be grateful. This, it ap- 
 pears to me, is what naturally refults from the 
 combination of the fails which i have ftated." 
 
 Page 39. 
 VIII. SIR DAVID HAD OF HIS MEN CRETE 
 
 LOSS, 
 WITH SIR EDWARD AT THE NEVIL- 
 
 CROSS.] 
 
 " Whan the kynge of Englande, fays Froisfart, 
 * ! had befieged Calays, and lay there, than the 
 Scottes determyned to make warre into Englande, 
 and to be revenged of fuch hurtes as they had 
 taken before ; for they fayde than, howe that the 
 realme of Englande was voyde of men of warre, 
 for they were, as they fayde, with the kyng of 
 Englande before Calys, and fome in Bietaygne, 
 Poyctou, and Gafcoyne. The Frenche kyng dyd 
 what he coude to ftyre the Scottes to that warre, 
 to the entent that the kynge of Englande fhulde 
 breke up his fiege, and retourne to defende his
 
 ( 135 ) 
 
 own realme.* The kynge of Scottes made his 
 fommons to be at Saynt-Johans-towne, on the ry- 
 ver of Taye, in Scotlande : thyder came erles, 
 barownes and prelates of Scotlande; and there 
 
 * Thus Winton (who has a Jong chapter, 
 
 " Quhen kyng David pafsyt fra hame 
 
 Till the batell of Durame") ; 
 
 " A thowfand and thre hunder yherc 
 
 And fex and fourty to tha clere, 
 
 The kyng of Prawns fet hym to rafs 
 
 And fet a fege befor Calays, 
 
 And wrate in Scotland tiil our kyng, 
 
 Specyally be 'tha' praying 
 
 To pafs on were in-till Ingland; 
 
 For he fayd he fuld tak on hand 
 
 On other halff thame for to warray, 
 
 Sa upon bathe halfis fuld thai 
 
 Be ftraytly itad : oure kyng Dawy, 
 
 That wes yhowng, ttowt, and rycht joly, 
 
 And yharnyd for to fe fychtyng, 
 
 Grawntyt the kyng offFrawncys yharnyng." 
 The fame historian reprefents the allegation of none being 
 at home to let hym the -way, to have occured at a conference 
 on taking " the pele of Lyddale :" 
 
 " Than confalyd Willame off Dowglas, 
 
 That off weris mart wyfs than was, 
 
 To turne agayne in thair cuntre ; 
 
 He fayd that with thair honcste
 
 ( 136) 
 
 agreed, that, in all hafte posfyble, they mould en- 
 tre into Englande. To come in that journey was 
 defyred Johan of the out iles, who governed the 
 wylde Scottes j for to hym they obeyed, and to 
 no many els. He came with a thre thoufande of 
 the moofte couragyouft people in all that coun- 
 trey. Whan all the Scottes were asfembled, they 
 were, of one and other, a fiftye thoufande fyght- 
 ynge menne. They coude nat make their asfem- 
 ble fo fecrete, but that the quene of Englande, who 
 was as thanne in themarchefle in the north, about 
 Yorke, knewe all their dealynge. Than fhe fent 
 all about for menne, and lay herfelfe at Yorke : 
 than all men of warre and archers came to New- 
 castell with the quene. In the meane feafon, the 
 kyng of Scottes departed fro Saynt- Johannes 
 
 Thai mycht agayne repayr rycht welle 
 
 Syne thai offfors had tane that pelle. 
 
 Bot o'.hir lordis that war by 
 
 Sayd he hau fillyd fully ly 
 
 His bajgis, and thairis all twme war, 
 
 Thai fai that thai mycht rycht welle fare 
 
 Till Lwndyn, for in Ingland than 
 
 Off gret mycht was lefft na man ; 
 
 For thai fayd all war in Prawns, 
 
 Bot fovvteris, (kynneris, or marchawns. 
 
 The Dowglas thare mycht noucht be herd, 
 
 Bot on thaire way all furth thai ferd."
 
 ( 137 ) 
 
 towne, and wente to Donefremelyne the firfte 
 daye, the nexte daye they pafsed an arme of the 
 fee, and fo came to Eitermelyne, and than to 
 Edenbrough. Than they nombred their com- 
 pany, and they were a thre thoufande men of 
 armes, knyghtc-s and fquyers, and a thretie thou- 
 fande of other on hackenayes. Than they came 
 to Rousbourge, the firft fortrefle Englyflh on that 
 parte; captayne there was fir Wyllyam Monta- 
 gue: the Scottes pafsed by, without any asfaut 
 makynge ; and fo wente forthe brennynge and dis- 
 troyenge the countrey of Northumberlande ; and 
 their currours ranne 'to Yorke, and brent as 
 moche as was without the walles, and retourned 
 agayne to their hooft, within a dayes journey of 
 Newcastell upon Tyne. 
 
 " The quene of Englande, who defyred to de- 
 fende her contrey, came to Newcastell upon Tyne, 
 and there taryed for her men, who came dayly 
 fro all partes. Whan the Scottes knewe that the 
 Englyflhemen asfembled at Newcastell, they drue 
 thyderwarde, and their currours came rennynge 
 before the towne ; and at their retournynge they 
 brent certayne (mail hamelettes thereabout, fo 
 that the fmoke therof came into the towne of 
 Newcastel!. Some of the Englyflhmen wolde a 
 ysfued out to have fought with them that made 
 the fyers, but the captayns wolde nat fuffre theym
 
 ( 139 ) 
 
 to ysfue out. The next day the kynge of Scottes, 
 with axl. thoufande men, one and other, came and 
 lodged within thre lytell Englyflhe myle of New. 
 castell, in the lande of the lorde Nevyll ; and the 
 kyng ftnt to them within the towne, that if they 
 wolde ysfue out into the felde, he wolde fyght 
 with theym gladly. The lordes and prelates of 
 Englande fayd, they were content to adventure 
 their lyves, with the ryght and herytage of the 
 kynge of Englande their mayster : than they all 
 ysfued out of the towne, and were in nombre a 
 twelfe hundred men of armes, thre thoufande 
 archers, and fevyne thoufande of other with the 
 Walflhmen. Than the Scottes came and lodged 
 agaynft theym, nere togyder : than every man 
 was fette in ordre of batayle. Than the quene 
 came amonge her men : and there was ordayned 
 four batayls, one to ayde another. The firfte had 
 in governaunce the bifliop of Dyrham, and the 
 lorde Percy: the feconde, the aj chbysihoppe of 
 Yorke, and the lorde Nevyll: the thyrde, the bys. 
 fhoppe of Lyncolne, and the lorde Mombray : the 
 fourth, the lorde Edwarde de Bayleule, captayne 
 of Berwyke, the archbysfhoppe of Canterbury, 
 and the lorde Rofe : every battayle had lyke nom- 
 bre after their quantyte. The quene went fro ba- 
 tayle to batayle defyring them to do their devoyre 
 to defende the honour of her lorde the kyng of
 
 ( 139 ) 
 
 Englande, and in the name of god every man to 
 be of good hert and courage; promyfyng them 
 that to her power (he wolde remembre them as 
 well or better as thoughe her lorde the kyng 
 were there perfonally. Than the quene departed 
 fro them, recommendyng them to god and to 
 faynt George. Than anone after the bataylles of 
 the Scottes began to fet forwarde, and in lyke 
 manner fo dyd thenglyfihmen. Than the archers 
 began to fliote on bothe parties ; but the fhot of 
 the Scottes endured but a fliort fpace: but the 
 archers of Englande (hot fo feersly, fo that whan 
 the batayls aproched there was a harde batell. 
 They began at nyne and endured tyll noone. The 
 Scottes had great axes, fharpe and harde, and gave 
 with them many great ftrokes, howbeit finally 
 thenglyfflimen obtayned the place and vyctorie, 
 but they loft many of their men. There were 
 flayne of the Scottes, therle of Sys, therle of Osfre, 
 the erle of Patnys, therle of Surlant, therle Das - 
 tredare, therle of Mare, therle Johan Duglas, and 
 the lorde Alyfaunder Ramfey, who bare the 
 kynges baner; and dyvers other knightes and 
 fquyers. And there the kynge was taken, who 
 fought valiantly, and was fore hurt : a fquyer of 
 Northumberland toke hym, called Johan Cop- 
 lande ; and asfone as he had taken the kynge he 
 went with hym out of the felde, with viii. of his
 
 ( 140) 
 
 fervauntes with hym; and foo rode al that day, tyll 
 he was a fyftene leages fro the place of the ba- 
 tayle ; and at nyght he came to a castell called 
 Orgulus * ... The fame day there was alfo taken 
 in the felde the erle Morette, the erle of Marche, 
 the lord Wyllyam Duglas, the lorde Robert Ve- 
 fy, the bysfhoppe of Dadudam, the bysfhoppe of 
 Saynt * Andrewes/ and dyvers other knyghtes 
 and barownes. And there were flayne of one 
 and other xv. thoufandej and the other faved 
 themfelfe, as well as they myght. This batell 
 was befyde Newcastell, the yere of our lorde 
 m.ccc.xlvi. the Saturday next after Saynt My- 
 chaell. 
 
 " Whan the quene of Englande, beynge at 
 Newcastell, underftode howe the journey was for 
 her and her men, (he than rode to the place 
 where the batayle had bene i thanne it was (hew- 
 ed her howe the kynge of Scottes was taken by 
 a fquyer called Johan Coplande, and he hadde 
 caryed away the kynge no man knewe whyder. 
 Than the quene wrote to the fquyer, commaund- 
 ypg hym to bring his prifoner . . . and howe he 
 had nat well done to depart with hym without 
 
 * What castle this was docs not appear : " Chastell.or- 
 gueilleux" is the language of romance. Knyghton fays, 
 David was led to Bamburgh-castle, then belonging to the 
 lord Percy.
 
 ( 141 ) 
 
 leave . . . Whan the quenes letter was brought 
 to Johan Copland, he anfwered and fayd, that 
 as for the kyng of Scottes his prifoner, he wolde 
 nat delyver hym to no man nor woman lyving, 
 but all onely to the kynge of Englande, his fove- 
 rayne lorde : as for the kynge of Scottes, he fayd, 
 he fluild be favely kept, fo that he wolde gyve 
 acompte for hym. Thanne the quene fente let. 
 ters to the kyng, to Calays, wherby the kyng 
 was enfourmed of the ftate of his realrae. Than 
 the kynge fcnde incontynent to Johan Coplande, 
 that he Ihulde come over the fee to hym, to the 
 fiege before Calays. Than the fame Johan dyd 
 putte his prifoner in fave kepynge in a ftronge 
 castell, and fo rode through Englande, tyll he 
 came to Dover; and there toke the fee, and ar- 
 ryved before Calays. Whan the kyng of Eng- 
 land faw the fquyer, he toke him by the hande 
 and fayd, A, welcome, my fquyer, that by your 
 valyantneffe hath taken myne advarfary the kyng 
 of Scottes. The fquyer kneled downe and fayde : 
 Sir, yf god by his grace hath fuffred me to take 
 the king of Scottes by true conqueft of armes, 
 fir, i thynke no man ought to have any envy 
 thereat ; for as wel god maye fende by his grace 
 fuche a fortune to fall to a poore fquyer, as to a 
 great lorde : and, fir, i requyre your grace be 
 nat myscontent with me, though i dyde nat de-
 
 ( 142 ) 
 
 lyver the kynge of Scottes at the commaunde- 
 ment of the quene : fir, i holde of you, as myne 
 othe is to you, and nat to her, but in all good 
 maner. The kynge fayd, Johan, the good fer- 
 vyce that ye have done, and your valyantnefle is 
 fo moche worthe, that hit muft counteryayle your 
 trespafle, and be taken for your excufe; and 
 fhame have they that bere you any yvell wyll 
 therfore. Ye fhall retourne agayne home to your 
 houfej and thanne my pleafure is that ye delyver 
 your prifoner to the quene my wyfe : and in a re- 
 warde i asfygne you, nere to your houfe, where as 
 ye thynke beft yourfelfe, fyve hundred pounde 
 iUrlyng of yerely rent, to you and your heyres for 
 ever : and here i make you fquyer for my body.* 
 Thanne, the thyrde day, he departed, and re- 
 tourned agayne into Englande; and whan he 
 came home to his owne houfe, he asfembled to- 
 guyder his frendes and kynne, and fo they toke 
 the kynge of Scottes, and rode with bym to the 
 cytie of Yorke, and there, fro the kyng his lorde, 
 he prefented the kynge of Scottes to the quene, 
 and excufed hym fo largely, that the quene and 
 her counfell were content. Than the quene . . . 
 
 * The king made him a banneret. The $co a year was 
 to be paid out of the customs of London and Berwick till the 
 land could be provided. See Stows Annales, 1592, p. 375. 
 Fxdera, v. 5.
 
 ( 143 ) 
 
 departed fro Yorke towardes London. Than (he 
 fette the kynge of Scottes in the ilronge towre 
 of London, and therle Morette, and all other 
 prifonersj and fette good kepyng over them." 
 (Vol. i. cc. 137, Sff.) 
 
 Froisfart, in this narrative, has embraced for 
 truth fome confiderable errors. In the firft place, 
 that the queen was not in the north at this period, 
 nor had any concern whatever in the command 
 or direction of the army, is clear from the filence 
 of our own contemporary or moft ancient histori- 
 ans : neither was flie vice gerent or warden of the 
 kingdom, as he fcems to fuppofe. Secondly, the 
 > battle was not " befyde Newcastell," but between 
 Durham and a village called Kirk-Merrington, 
 near twenty miles off. It is called tke battle ofNe~ 
 vils-crofs, from an ancient ftone-crofs erefted by 
 one of that family, about a mile from Durham, 
 and demolifhed, by fome puritanical enthufiafts, in 
 1569, near which was probably the heat or con- 
 clufion of the fight.* The purfuit, according to 
 Stow, continued as far as Prudhow and Cor- 
 bridge, on the north fide of the Tyne. 
 
 John Copland, in taking king David prifoner, 
 
 * Modern writers fuppofe this crofs to have been erected 
 in confcquence of the battle; whereas it w.is clearly a well- 
 known ftation at the time.
 
 ( 144 ) 
 
 ( according to Wynton ) had two of his teeth 
 
 knocked out by that monarch : - 
 
 " Jhon off Cowpland thare tuk the kyng, 
 Off forfs noucht yholdyne in that takyng j 
 The kyng twa teth owt off his hevyd 
 With a dynt off a knyff hym revyd." 
 
 " This battell," fays Stow, " was fought on the 
 feventeenth of Oftober [1346]. The prifoners 
 were conveyed to London about Chriftmaffe, Da- 
 vid le Brufe except, which might not travell by 
 reafon of two deadly woundes in his head with ar- 
 rowesj but the fecond of Jannuary he was brought 
 up, and conveyed from Weftminfter to the tower 
 of London, in fight of all the people, and there 
 lodged in the blacke nooke of the fayde tower, 
 tieere to the conftables guard, there to be kept."* 
 (Annales, 1591, p. 374-) That Edward Baliol 
 
 * David was actually delivered, at York, by Ralph de 
 Jfevill to Thomas de Rokeby, fherif of Yorkshire, and by 
 him, on the 2d of January, 1346-7, delivered into the 
 custody of John Darcy, conrtablc of the tower of London. 
 (Fcedera, v. 539.) That he was taken by Copland is cer- 
 tain ; but the conteft or transaction between this gentleman 
 and the queen, though adopted by Carte, Hume, and other 
 modern historians, feems nothing more than an ill-founded 
 report, not to believe it the invention of Froisfart, to do ho- 
 nour to his country-woman.
 
 ( 145 ) 
 
 had feme command in the Englilh army at the 
 battle of Durham is highly probable, but it can- 
 not be accurately ascretained. See lord Haileses 
 Annals of Scotland, ii. 213. Hutchinfons History 
 of Durham, ii. 337. 
 
 " Cuthbert of Dorem" (p. 44) is faint Cuth. 
 bert, concerning whom fee the laft-mentioned 
 work (i. 20). 
 
 Page 45. 
 IX. How KING EDWARDE WITH HIS MENZE 
 
 MET WITHTHESPANIARDESINTHE SEE.] 
 
 " In the fommer ' 1350,' variance rifing betweene 
 the fleets of England and Spaine, the Spaniards 
 befet the Brytaine fea, with 44 great fliippes of 
 warre, with the which they funke ten Englifli fhips 
 comming from Gascoigne towardes Englande, 
 after they had taken and fpoyled them, and thus 
 their former injuries being revenged, they entred 
 into Sluce in Flanders. 
 
 " King Edwarde underftanding heereof, fur. 
 niflied his navie of fiftie mippes and pinaces, fore- 
 cafting to meete with the Spaniards in their re- 
 turne, having in his company the prince of Wales, 
 the carles of Lancaster,North-hampton,Warwicke, 
 Salisburie, Arundale, Huntington, Glocester, and 
 other barons and knightes with their fervants and 
 archers, and upon the feaft of the decolation of S. 
 El
 
 ( 146) 
 
 John, about evenfong time, the navies mette at 
 Winchelfea, where the great Spanifh vesfels fur- 
 mounting our mips and foyftes, like as castles to 
 cotages, (harply asfailed our men ; the ftones and 
 quarels flying from the tops, fore and cruelly 
 wounded our men, who no lefle bufie to fight 
 aloofe with launce and fword, and with the fore- 
 ward manfully defend themfelves ; at length our 
 archers pearced their arbalisters with a further 
 retch then they could ftrike againe, and thereby 
 compelled them to forfake their place, and caufed 
 other fighting from the hatches to made them- 
 felves with tables of the (hips, and compelled them 
 that threw ftones from the toppes, fo to hide them, 
 that they durit not mew their heades, but tumble 
 downe : then our men entring the Spanim vesfels 
 with fwords and halberds, kill thofe they meete, 
 within a while make voyde the vesfels, and fur- 
 nifti them with Englim-men, until they, beeing 
 befetre with daikenefie of the night, could not 
 discerne the 27 yet remaining untaken : our men 
 caft anker, ftudying of the hoped battell, fuppo- 
 fing nothing finiflied whileft any thing remained 
 undone, drefsing the wounded, throwing the mi- 
 ferable Spaniards into the fea, refrelhing them- 
 felves with victuals and fleepe, yet committing 
 the vigilant watche to the armed bande. The 
 night overpafsed, the Englilh-men prepared (but
 
 ( 147) 
 
 in vain) to a new battel; but when the funne be- 
 gan to appeare, they viewing the feas, coulde per- 
 ceive no figne of refistance ; for 27 (hips flying 
 away by night, left 1 7 fpoiled in the evening to 
 the kings pleafure, but againft their will. 
 
 " The king returned into England with vic- 
 torie and triumph; the king preferred there 80 
 noble ympes to the order of knighthood, greatly 
 bewayling the lofle of one, to wit, fyr Richard 
 Goldesborough, knight." Stows Annales, 1591, 
 P- 35- 
 
 Page 48. 
 
 X. HOW GENTILL SIR EDWARD, WITH HIS 
 
 CRETE ENGINES, 
 WAN WITH HIS WIGHT MEN THE CAS- 
 
 TELL OF GYNES.] 
 
 The beft historical account of this capture feems 
 to be that given by Stow ; Froisfart and Fabian 
 but (lightly mentioning it. 
 
 " About the beginning of Januarie [1352], 
 the Frenchmen being occupied about the repayr- 
 ing of the walles of Guifnes towne, being afore 
 that time deftroyed by the Englishmen, fome men 
 of armes of Caleis, underftanding their doings, 
 devifed how they might overthrow the worke, in 
 this fort. There was an archer named John 
 Dancaster, in prifon in the castell of Guifnes,
 
 ( 148 ) 
 
 before that time taken, who not having where- 
 with to pay his raunfome, was let lofe, with con- 
 dition that hee fhould worke there among the 
 Frenchmen. This fellow chanced to lye with a 
 laundres, a ftrumpet, & learned of her where 
 beyond the principall ditch, from the bottome of 
 the ditch, there was a wall made of two foote 
 broade, ftretching from the rampiers to the 
 brimme of the ditch within forth, fo that being 
 covered with water it could not be feene, but not 
 fo drowned, but that a man going aloft thereon, 
 fhould not bee wette paft the knees, it being 
 made for the ufe of fifhers ; and therefore in the 
 middeft it was discontinued for the fpace of two 
 foote : and fo the archer (his harlot mewing it to 
 him) meafured the heyght of the wall with a 
 threede. Thefe thinges thus knowen, one day 
 flipping downe from the wall, he pafsed the ditch 
 by that hidden wal, and, lying hidde in the marfh 
 til evening, came in the night neare unto Caleis, 
 where tarying for the cleare day, hee then went 
 into the towne (for elfe he might not) ; here he 
 inftrufted them that were greedie of pray to ' fcale 
 the castell, and' howe they might enter the fame : 
 they caufed ladders to be made to the length by 
 the archer appointed. Thirtie men confpired to- 
 gither, clothing themfelves in blacke armour 
 without any brightnefle, went to the castel, by
 
 ( 149) 
 
 the guiding of the faid John de Dancaster, and 
 climing the wall with their ladders, they flewe the 
 watchmen, and threwe them downe headlong be- 
 fide the wall : after this, in the hall they flew 
 many, whome they found unarmed, playing at the 
 chefle and hazard. Then they brake into the 
 chambers and turrets, upon the ladies and knights 
 that lay there afleepe, and fo were masters of all 
 that was within : and (hutting all their prifoners 
 into a ftrong chamber, being bereft of all their 
 armour, they tooke oute the Englifhmen that had 
 bene taken the yeere before, and there kept in 
 prifon ; and after they had relieved them well 
 with meate and drinke, they made them guardens 
 over them that had them in custodie : and fo they 
 wanne all the fortrefses of the castell, unknowen 
 to them that were in the towne (appointed to 
 overfee the repayring of the broken walles) what 
 had happened to them within the castell. In the 
 morning they commaunded the workemen in the 
 towne to ceafe from their workes, who thereupon, 
 perceiving that the castell was wonne, ftreight- 
 wayes fledde ; and the newe Castilians fuffered the 
 ladies to depart on horfebacke, with their apparell, 
 writings and muniments, where[by] they ought 
 to hold their fees : and the fame day there came 
 from Caleis to their ayde fuch perfons as they fent 
 for, by whofe ayde they kept the castell: and 
 about three of the clocke there came two knights,
 
 ( 150) 
 
 fent from the earle of Guifnes, who, demanding a 
 truce, willed to know of them that were thus 
 entred the castell, who they were, to whom they 
 belonged, and by whofe authority they kept the 
 castell, fo taken in the time of truce ; whereunto 
 they anfwered, that being intruded, they woulde 
 not declare to any man their purpofe, till they 
 had tryed a longer posfesfion : and therefore, on 
 faint Mawrice day the abbot, (the king being 
 bufie in parliament) ' fome' Frenchmen, being fent 
 from the fayde earle of Guifnes, declared, how in 
 prejudice of the truce the fayd castell was taken, 
 and therefore by right of mutuall faith it ought 
 to be reftored unto them. The king anfwered, 
 that without his knowledge that enterprife was 
 made, and therefore he gave commandement to 
 his fubjectes that none of them mould deteyne 
 the castell of Guifnes,' but deliver it unto the 
 lawfull lordes thereof. The mesfengers being re- 
 turned home, and reporting what they had done, 
 the earle of Guifnes commeth to the castell, de- 
 manding of them within, as at other times, in 
 whofe names they kept it; who conftantly af- 
 firming that they kept it in the name of John 
 Dancaster, hee required to knowe if the famejohn 
 were the king of Englands liegeman, or would 
 obey him; who anfwering that hee knewe not 
 what mesfengers had beene in England, the earle 
 offered for the castell, befides all the treafure
 
 found in it, many thoufands of crownes or pos- 
 feslions for exchange, and a perpetuall peace with 
 the king of Fraunce. To this they anfwered, that 
 before the taking of that castell they were Eng- 
 liflimen by nation, but by their demerites ban- 
 niflied for the peace of the king of England, 
 wherefore the place which they thus helde they 
 would willingly fell or exchange, but to none 
 fooner then to their natural 1 king of England, to 
 whom, they faid, they would fell their castell to 
 obtaine their peace : but if he would not buy it, 
 then they would fell it to the king of France, or 
 to whomfoever would give the moft for it. 
 
 " The earle being thus fluffed of from them, 
 the king of England bought it indeede, and fo had 
 that place which hee greatly defired." Annales, 
 1592, p. 388. 
 
 L. 5. Both the lely and the lipard.] The author 
 alludes to the armorial enfigns of the two king- 
 doms. That the LIONS in theEnglifh Ihield were 
 originally LEOPARDS is a facl not to be disputed. 
 Thus Langtoft, as rendered by his ingenious trans- 
 lator, Robert of Brunne, fpeaking of the battle of 
 Falkirk : 
 
 " Thei fauh kynges banere, raumpand thre 
 
 LEBARDES." 
 
 See alfo Draytons Poly~OIbion t fong the eleventh, 
 and the learned Seldens illustrations.
 
 GLOSSARY. 
 
 Ailed, p. 41. 
 Aire. p. 14. heir. 
 
 Albidcne. p. 34. from time to time, one after another ? Tlie 
 word bidene is generally ufedfor prefently, in a fhort time, 
 by and by, none of -which fenfesfeem tofuit the prefent text: 
 and the meaning is as doubtful in other places. Thus, in the 
 ancient metrical romance o/~Ywaine and Gawm, MS. 
 " His hert he kasfet albydene, 
 Wliar himfelfdar noght befene." 
 Again : 
 
 " The king himfelf& ah the queue, 
 & other kaightfs albidcnc." 
 Again: 
 
 " Ncmfalycu have noght hot their aw'tn, 
 That is the half of a\. bydcne." 
 See Bidene. Bydene. 
 
 Alblaft. />. 1 6. (more properly Arblaft; arcbalefte, F. Ar- 
 cu-balifta, L.) a crofs-bova; put in the text for the arba- 
 lifter or crofs -bow-man. Fabian ufes Arblasters for crofs- 
 bows (fee before, p. 73) > as Stow does Arbalisters, in 
 p. 140, for crofs-buw-men. Thus alfo Robert of Brunne : 
 
 Thatfauh an alblastere, a quarellc lete he fie." 
 Ald./>. S.o/J. 
 Allane. p. 44. alone.
 
 (154) 
 
 Alls. p. 4. alfo. Ms. p. 3. /. 4. as. /. 19. alfo. 
 
 Alweldand. p. 28. all--wielding, all-governing. 
 
 Are. p. 31. ere, before, 
 
 Afcry. herd afcry. p. 14. Aranf it fpoken, cryeJ, reported, 
 or proclaimed. 
 
 Asfoyl. p. 12. abfol-ve. 
 
 At. p. 2. to. 
 
 Avance. p. 39. Avaunce. />. 4. advance. 
 
 Bade. />. 20. <7*c<&. 
 
 Balde. p. 49. ieW. 
 
 Baldely. p. 20. Baldly. /.. 11. boldly. 
 
 Bale. />. I. n>;7, mifiry, forrova. 
 
 Ban. ^. 38. curfe. 
 
 Bare. />. 26. ioar. See the note. 
 
 Bavere. p. S. Bavaria. 
 
 Bede. />/>. 6, 19. offer. 
 
 Beld. />. 27. refuge, help, protection. 
 
 Berne. />. 16. Bohemia. 
 
 Bere. />. 24. 6/W. broght on here. Jivii/. 
 
 Bere-bag. pp. 7, 41. bag-bearer, carry-fad, wallet-man. 
 Froisjart, defcribing the manners of the Scots during their 
 military expeditions, faj-i: " They cary -with them none other 
 purveyance, but on their horfe bitiuene the faddyll and the 
 pannell they trujfe a brode plate ofmetall, and behynde the 
 faddy I they -wyll have a lytel facke, full of ootemele, to the 
 entent, that tahan they have eaten of the foddenfefjhe, than 
 they ley this plate on thefyre, and tempre a lytel of the ote- 
 mele, & -whan the plate is hate they caft of the thyn pajle 
 iheron, and fo make a lytle cake in maner of a crakenell or 
 tysket, and that they eate to comfort e -withall theyr ftomaki.
 
 ( 155 ) 
 
 Wherfore it is no great merveile though they male greatter 
 journeys than other people do." (Vol. i. chap. 17.) 
 
 John of Hexham obferves that the f eld -where the battle 
 
 of the flandard -was fought, in 1138, obtained the name of 
 
 Baggamor, from the fads or -wallets left thereon by the 
 
 enemy. (X fcrip. p. 162.) 
 Befy. p. z. bufy, active, officious. 
 Betes. p. 7. /. 9. beats, -walks up and dcrwn : fee batre leg 
 
 rues, batre le pave, in Coigraves dictionary. 
 Betes. /. 7. /. 12. amends, heals, cures. 
 Bid. p. i. offer, prefer, put up. 
 Bidene (or All bidene)./>. \\.prefently, immediately. p. 37. 
 
 in procefs of time, or, perhaps, one after another f See Al- 
 
 bidene. Bydene. 
 Biforn. />. 12. before. 
 Big. p. 29. 
 Big. />. 35. build, erefl. Bigged him. p. 33. //*/ him, 
 
 pofted himfelf, made his d-welling or habitation, taken up his 
 
 refdence. 
 
 Biging. p. 7. dwelling, habitation. 
 Biker, p. 20. bicker, Jkirmijh. p. 51. asfail, attack. 
 Bilevid. p. 10. -mas left, remained. p. 30. are left, are 
 
 remaining. 
 
 Blin. p. 21. era/<?. Blinned. />. 21. ceafed. 
 Bone. />/). I, 15. prayer, requejl. 
 Bot. />. 6. io/A ; ai -we Jhould probably read. 
 Bot. />. 13. >. 
 
 Bote. />. 1 5. ioo/> amends, remedy, help. 
 Boun, />. 51. Boune. />. 24. ready prepared. 
 Bourc. />. 35. habitation.
 
 ( 156) 
 
 Brade. p. 20. broad.. 
 
 Brak. p. * 9 . ire/fc. 
 
 Brandes, p. 29. _^Vf brands, things onjire. 
 
 Brems, p. 11.. perliaps Brenis, corslets; as in the ancient Scot - 
 
 \Jh metrical romance of the Aunter of fir Gawane (~a MS. 
 
 in the editors posfesjion, furreptiiiously printed, in 1792? by 
 
 John Pinkerton) : 
 
 <l Shenejheldes -werejlired, 
 Bright brenes by bled." 
 
 See, alfo, the glosfary to Bp. Douglases Virgil, in the "word 
 
 Byrnie. 
 
 Brend. p. 10. burned. 
 Brene, p. 23. burn. 
 Brid. p. 4. bird. 
 Brig. p. 7. bridge. 
 Brin. p. IO. wr. 
 Bud. p. 10. behwed, muft. 
 Burgafe. />. 37. burgefses. 
 Burghes. p. 7. borouglis. 
 Burjafe. p. 18. burgefses. 
 Bulk, />. 7. Jiye. 
 Bute. />. i. &# Bote. 
 Bydene./>. 15. after or beyond them ? Tlie -word occurs, -with 
 
 an apparently Jimilar fenfe, in the Aunter of fir Gawane : 
 " Bothe the kyng and the quene, 
 And al the doughti bydene." 
 
 Again : 
 
 " Theyjhullen dye on a day, the doughty bydene." 
 
 Its etymology is uncertain ; the one, at leafl, conjectured by 
 
 feme (i. e. by the even, as belive, a term ofjimilarjigmfi-
 
 (157) 
 
 cation, they think, comes from by le eve,) Is altogether unfa- 
 
 tisfactory. See Albidene. Bidene. 
 Cditefes. p. 4. caittfs, -wretches. 
 Cant. /. 30. bri/k, in high fpirits : the -word canty it Jl'dl 
 
 ufed in Scotland -with thisfenff. 
 Cantly. />. 20. bri/kly. 
 Clerkes. p. 40. learned men. 
 Clip. p. 23. embrace. 
 Come. p. 9. came. 
 Confort. p. 13. comfort, 
 Conig. p. 37. coney, rabbit* 
 Covaitife. />. 4. covetousnefs. 
 Cumand. />. 10. com-nanded. 
 Cumen. p. 18. come. 
 Dale. />/>. I, 2. valley, ufed metonymically for the "world or 
 
 earthy which is Jl'ill frequently termed a vale of mifery. 
 Dare. p. i.Jlare, as one terrifyed or amazed? Dareand. p. 3. 
 
 .ftareing, &c. 
 Ded. p. 34. deed. 
 Dele. p. 9. quantity. 
 Dene. />. 23. J, habitation f 
 Dere. /. 2. for/, /wr/w, //ry, trouble, vexation. 
 Dcrc. />. 3. for/, harm, vex, &c. 
 Dern. />. 2. -^/, fever f. 
 Did. />. 20. ftjy></, /(j(/f. 
 Dight. p. 4. drefsed.pp. 19, 22, 50. <&v/W, addrefsed, 
 
 prepared, made ready. Dightcs. p. 27. addrefses, prt- 
 pares. So, in the old romance of Syr Degore : 
 M thyng redy to fouper he dyghte." 
 Dint. p. 2. JirAe. Dintcs. />. 23. Jirokes.
 
 ( 158 ) 
 
 Do. p. 47. caufe, mate. 
 
 Dole. p. 4. forrow, grief. p. 31. Jliare, portion. 
 Domp. p. 47. plunge, plump, fall, or be thrown. 
 Dongen. p. 29. dung, thrown. 
 Done. p. 2. do, caufe. -p. 39. caufed, made. 
 Dowt. p. 23. doubt, be doubtful or fufpicious. 
 Dray. />. 35. noife, riotous mirth; desroy, F. So, in a celt* 
 Irated Scotijh poem : 
 
 " Wai never in Scotland hard norfene 
 
 Sic danjing and deray." 
 Drefce. p. I. drefs, addrefs, direff. 
 
 Drewris. p. 31. jewels, ornaments of drcfs, things rich and va- 
 luable. Tlius, in the ancient metrical romance of Ywainc 
 and Gawin : 
 
 " The lady made ful men chere 
 
 SJio -was al dight -with drew) is der." 
 Eghen. p. 29. eyes. 
 Er. p. 4. are. 
 Ertou. p. 31. art thou. 
 Es. p. 2. is. 
 Eth. p. 20. eafy. 
 Everilka. />. 51. every. 
 Fainc. p. 50. eager. 
 Faire, pp. 16, 29. fairly. 
 Famen. p. 25. foemen, enemies. 
 Fand. p. 10. found. 
 Fare. /.. 2. /. 5. 0, fpetd. 
 Fare./.. 5. /. 16. 
 Felde. p. rf.feld. 
 Fele. /-. 8. many, feveral.
 
 ( 159) 
 
 Fell. p. it), f tree, cruel, -wicked, malicious. 
 
 Felony, p. 27. -villainy, -wickednefs, malice, treafon, treachery, 
 
 mischief. 
 Fer. p. ao. fir. 
 Ferd. pp. 13, 18. fared, -went. 
 Ferd. />/>. 15, 16. (/. 2.) feared, afraid. 
 Ferd. />. 14. /. 24. Ferdc. p. 14. fear. 
 Fere. ^. 24. companion. 
 Ferr. ^. 46. farer, further. The line, however, JfioulJ, pro- 
 
 bably, be read: 
 
 " Flit might thai noferr." 
 Ferrum. o ferrum. p. 19. afar off. 
 File. pp. 31, 36. a ccnaard, perhaps, or "worthlefi perfon. 
 
 The -word is aljo ttfed by Rjbtrt Brunne : 
 
 " David at that -while -was -with Ed-ward the kyng, 
 Zit a-vancedhi tJiat file untille a fair e thing." 
 
 Htarne, at random, explains it by "fool, thread, tri- 
 
 >" 
 
 Fine. p. 46. end. 
 Fleand. p. 29. fleeing, flying. 
 Flemid. p. 3. banijhed. 
 Flit. p. 46. remove. 
 
 Fode. freely fode. p. 25. freely-fed, gently-nurtured, well- 
 bred (fub. youth, or young perfoti) ; from the Saxon Foe- 
 dan, to feed; a frequent expresjion in old metrical romances. 
 Thus, in that o/Tristrem : 
 
 " Her forvoen and her care 
 Thai -with that frely fode." 
 Again, in Ywaync and Gawin : 
 
 " My daughter, fayreji foJc olyvr."
 
 ( 160) 
 
 // is lihivife ufed ly Wmton: 
 
 " Syne Saxon and the Scotils Uude 
 Togyddyr is inylion frely fwde." 
 Fold. p. 35. 
 
 Fonde. p. 39. attempt, endeavour, flr'we. 
 Fone. /. 7. few. 
 
 Forthi. p. 29. therefor, for that reafoit. 
 Forward, p. 43. promife, covenant. 
 Founded, p. 2. -went, isfued. 
 Fra. p. -3,. from. 
 Franceis. />. 31. Frenchman. 
 Frankis. p. 22. franks, "a denomination of French money, 
 
 anfrvering at prefent to the livre Tournois." 
 Frek. pp. 2, 15. perhaps, ready, eager. Tlie word frakly 
 
 Cnimbly,fiviftly, hajlyly} is ufed by btfnop Douglas. 
 Frely. p. 25. /rrc/x. to* Fode. 
 Frith. />. 9. ivood. 
 
 Fro. />. 28. from, from the time that. 
 Fun. p. 38. /o</. 
 Funden. p. 36. _/oni 
 Fune. />. 7. /nc. 
 Fyne. /. 50. 
 Gaf. p. 1 6. jviw. 
 Gafe. p. 7. J-OM. 
 
 Gafte. haly gafte. p. 13. holy ghoft. 
 Gate. ^. 28. way. 
 Gaudes. />. 5. tricks. So Winton: 
 
 tf But this kyng Edtaard all uyth gawdys 
 KnaUyd Robert the Bnvs aythfrtrxdis." 
 Gcneuayfe. p. 32. Genoefe.
 
 Coder, p. 48. gather, meet. 
 
 Ger. p. 27. caufe. Gert. p. 9. caufed. 
 
 Geftes. p. 50. guejis. 
 
 Get. p. 7. aw interjection of contempt. 
 
 Giff. />. 1 6. j-hv. 
 
 Gile. p. 5. guile, deceit, treachery. 
 
 Gle. />. 10. w/VM. 
 
 Code. p. ii. oft, property. 
 
 Grame. ^. 18. for, mischief. 
 
 Gray theft, p. 28. ready ejt, near eft, bej}. 
 
 Gude. p. 6. oex/. 
 
 Gude. p. 12. (./*. 
 
 Hald. )>. 9. Mf. 
 
 Halely. />. 16. -wholely. 
 
 Haly. /.. 13. &-<rGaft. 
 
 Hat. p. 1 6. mzj called. 
 
 Haved. Haves, p. 42. &j</, A<w. 
 
 Hele. p. 49. WM. 
 
 Hele. p. 22. ^</<-, conceal. Helis. ^. 12. A;i/^, conceal. 
 
 Hend. />. 9. ^</. 
 
 Hende. ^>. 22. kind, gentle. 
 
 Kent. />. 22. caught. 
 
 Here. />. 46. hair. 
 
 Heres. />. 33. AM/-. 
 
 Heried. p. 27. harry ed, fpoiled, ravaged, plundered. Jefui 
 Chrift, after his refurrection, made a hostile defcent or irrup- 
 tion into hell, and, armed -j.-ith his crofs, (the devils, terri- 
 fyed perhaps by fo unufual a -weapon, not daring to oppoft 
 him,} carry ed off" a number of damned fouls. See a curiotii 
 M
 
 ( 162) 
 
 reprtfcntation of this tranfaction in Hearnes edition of], de 
 
 Fordun Scotichronicon, />. 1403. 
 Hernes. />. 10. brains. 
 Hetes. />. 7. threatens. f. 24. promifci. 
 Heviddes. f. 1 6. heads. 
 Hevidles. p. 12. headlefs. 
 Hevyd. />. 10. head. 
 Right. />. 26. TO<M called. 
 Hinde. />. 42. //*, courteous. 
 Hire. />. 12. 
 
 Hoved. p. ii. hovered, remained. 
 Hurdis. />. 46. ro ? 
 
 Ilk. f . 1 1. Ilka. p. 2. wcA, fixTy. Ilk one. />. 37. rp^ry <w^. 
 Inc. p. 29. *y. 
 
 Ines p. 13. ;, /o%w^, refidence. 
 Inogh. />. 1 8. fo^A. 
 Japes, p. 13. tricks, jeers, ntocks. 
 Joraay. />. 9. journey, expedition : journee, F. 
 Kaitefs. p. 20. caitifs, knaves, 
 Kayes. /.. 7. fcyj. 
 Kayfer. />. 8. emferor. 
 
 Ken. ^.21. inoro. />. 23. /<wA. Kend. />. 42. taught. 
 Kene. ^. 6. keen, Jharp, fierce, cruel, pp. 19, 20. W</. 
 Kid. p. 4. 
 Kirk. p. 4. 
 
 Kirtell. /). 36. tunic or maijlcoat. 
 Kith. />. 20. ^rw. 
 
 Kouth. />. 20. coW, foiw, -W<H w^s/ff of. 
 Kumly. />. 30. cow/y. 
 Kun. p. 38. ca, *9TOi have.
 
 Lare. p. 18. doctrine. 
 
 Lat. p. 30. let, 
 
 Law. />. 30. 7ow. 
 
 Laykes. />. 10. />/<yj, jj>orfo, pastimes. 
 
 Ledcing. p. 36. leading, management. 
 
 Lele. ^>. 9. /rwr. Lely. p. 28, truely. 
 
 Lely. />. 47. Lely-flowre. />. 1 6. M<- /;//)> or flower-de-luce : 
 
 ("flouredelice", p. 14. fleur delis, F.) the national or 
 
 royal Jhield of France being a blue field, fxnoJered -with thofe 
 Jicrwers, Jince reduced to three. See p. 151. 
 Len. p. 51. lend; i. e. lend him grace. 
 Lend. ^>. 9. fciyed, remained. So in Ywaine and Gawin : 
 " Sir Y-waine tvald no lenger lend, 
 But rediei himfajifor to wend." 
 Lended. p. 36. 
 Lere. pp. 20, 23. learn, teach. At lere them, to learner teach 
 
 themfelves.p. 36. learn. Lefed. p. 18. taught. 
 Let./). 40. hinder. Letes. p. j^o. flops, hinders. Lett. p. 10. 
 
 hindered, put a fop to. 
 
 Leve. />. 18. believe. Leves. />. 12. believe. 
 Leved. />. 44. 
 Levid. />. 3. left. 
 
 Lif ^. 14. /nr. Lifes. p. 12. /fi>. 
 Lig. p. 29. /K. Ligand. />. 37. /ymj-. Ligges./.. 12. /fr. 
 Lift. p. 23. 
 
 Lithes. />. I. liflen, attend, hear, hearken. 
 Live. p. 5. /j/ir. 
 Lout. /. 23. honour; properly to bav> pp. 30, 44. bow 
 
 <Lwn, ftoop. 
 Lyftens. />. 36. liflen.
 
 Ma. p. 3. more, 
 
 Main. />. 25. Maine, p. 5. corpora! ftretigth, force, main 
 
 and mode. p. 25. body and mind. 
 Maistri. f. 12. force, former. 
 Maked. p. 3. Makked. />. 27. awJr. 
 Mane. />. 12. moan. 
 Mafe. />. 35. fe. 
 Mafte. p. 13. s/f. 
 Mawgre. />. 3. dejpite. 
 Mede. />. 3, 24, 51. reward. 
 
 Mekil. />. 20. Mekill. />. 5. much, great. 
 
 Menid. p. 18. meant, intended. 
 
 Menze. pp. 5, 13. followers, retinue: mesnie, F. 
 
 Middelerd. />. I. the earth. 
 
 Misliked. p. 28. disliked. 
 
 Misliking. p. 28. dislike, displeafure. 
 
 Mo. p, 8. K>r?. 
 
 Mode. />. 25. mind, fpirlt. See Main. 
 
 Mody. p. 19. Ar<*, fpirited. 
 
 Mold. />. 34. wrtA. 
 
 Mone. />. i. <x*. 
 
 Mone. />. wowy. 
 
 Mot. p. 3. <y. 
 
 Mote. /. 23. "' 
 
 Mun. />. 3. muft. 
 
 Nakers. />. 16. tymbals; afpeclts of martial nwjic adopted 
 
 from the Saracens. 
 Nane. p. iz. none. 
 Naverne. />. 16. Navarre. 
 Ne. />. 6. or.
 
 ( 
 
 Neghed. p. 46. nighed, approached, drew near to. 
 
 Nerr. p. 46. near. 
 
 Noght. p. -i. I. 8. not. p. 10. nothing. es noght at hide. 
 
 p. 2. /. 12. itjignifes nothing to conceal it. 
 Nokes. p. 26. nooks, corners. 
 Nomen. p. 43. too*. 
 Nowther. p. 30. neither. 
 Ogaines, p. 2. Ogains. p. 14. again/}. 
 Ogayn. p, 1. again. 
 Olive, p. 19. rt/nv. 
 Omang. />. 30. among. 
 Or. />. 10. f/orc. 
 Oway. />. 19. <ravy% 
 
 Palet. .31. 7W, /</, cro-wn, pate. Pinkerton, in one of 
 the m'iferable pieces of guefs-ivork, he is pleafed to call a 
 gloffary, interprets 11 BREAK your PALLAT," " CUT 
 your THROAT." 
 
 Pall. />. 30. Jine cloth, ufedfor the rotes of kings and princes. 
 " Sometime let gorgeous Tragedy, 
 In fceptred pall come fioeeping by," 
 
 The -word, at laft, became Jignificant rather of theJJiape titan 
 of the quality of the garment, as toe fame times read, of ii a 
 pall of -white Jilk." (See Langhams letter from Killing. 
 worth, 1575.) // M now confined to the ornamental caver- 
 ing of black velvet ufed hi fitneral-procajions. 
 Pay. p. 8. content, fat isf action. 
 Pelers. p. 6. pillars. 
 Pencell. p. 28. afmalljheamer. 
 Pere. p. 8. peer, equal. 
 Pine. pp. 29, 50. pain. 
 Pitaile. p. 28. foot-foldien: pitaille, F.
 
 Plate. />. 8. mail, armour, as breajl-plate, back-plate. Thuf 
 
 Spenfer (Faerie queer.e, V. viii. 29) : 
 
 " So, forth he came all in a coat of plate." 
 Pleyn tham. p. 79. complain. 
 Polled, p. 31. Jha-ven. 
 Povre. />. 12. poor: pauvre, F. 
 Prefe. ^. 5. prefs, croud. 
 Preft. />. 20. ready. 
 Priked. />. 6. riden. 
 
 Prife. />. 2. />w*, -value. />. 14. prize, praife, efteem. 
 Proved, p. 1"J.Jlrove, tryed. 
 Purvay. />. 14. provide, prepare. 
 Quell, p. 4. *///. 
 Quite, p. 31. y//. 
 Railed. /.. 16. /</, 
 Rapely. />. 2 
 Rapes, p. 37. ro. 
 
 Rathly. p. 29. ^cort, quiMy.p. 24. eagerly, readyly. 
 Raw. ^. 1 6. row. 
 Rede. ^>. 9. advice, counfel. 
 Rede. />. 46. ad-rife, counfel. 
 Redles. p. 22. 
 Ren. p. 34. rw. 
 Refe. />. 28. 
 
 Reved. />. 12. roii^J, /<ji (jway. 
 Rig. />. 29. back. 
 Rightwis. p. 30. righteous, juft. 
 Riveling. p. 7. Tliis-word is ufed, as an adjective, ly Chaucer, 
 
 in his Romant of the rofe, with thejignification of wrinkled: 
 " Or botis rivcling as a gipe ;" 
 
 whence it may befuppofcd to mean, in the text, a manjhr'i-
 
 (16 7 ) 
 
 tided or -wrinkled -with hunger. It is, however, found to 
 eccur, as a fiib/iant'rve, in Robert Mannyngs translation of 
 Peter Langtofts chronicle: 
 
 " Thou fcabbed Scotte, tlii nek thi hotte, the develle it breke t 
 It fallt be hard to here Edward ageyn the ff eke, 
 Hefalle the ken, our lond to bren, & -werre biginne, 
 Thou gttcs no thing, hot thi rivelyng, to hang ther inne." 
 Its meaning, at the fame time, is ft ill uncertain ; but unlefs 
 it exift, in other pasfages, as an ad jet. five, it is moft abfurdly, 
 and, at any rate, imperfeflly, interpreted by Hearne, " turn- 
 ing in and cut, 'wriggling," See Rugh-futCj below* 
 Rode. p. 25. rood, crofs. 
 
 Romance, pp. 26, 3^. Jlory ; any historical relation in vulgar 
 poetry. The -word is frequently uftd by Robert of Br unite 
 in the fenfe of a common history, as tvell as for his French 
 original. 
 
 Rugh fute. p. 7. rough-foot, rough-footed. Our author , pro- 
 bably, alludes to a fort of Jhoes, called rullions, made by the 
 Scots from the raio hide vit/i the hair on. They are mentioned 
 by hi/hop Douglas, in hit tl fevynth booke ofEneados:" 
 " There left fute and al thare leg -was bare, 
 Ane rouch rilling o/"raw hyde and of hare 
 The tothirfute coverit taele and knyt." 
 Blind Harry (about 1460) makes young Stlby taunt his hero, 
 Wallace, in the following terms : 
 
 " He callyt on hym, and f aid, Thou Scot, abyde ! 
 Qulia de-Mill the gralhis .in fo gay a tvyJc f 
 Ane Erfche man/ill it -was thi kynd to -wer, 
 A Scotts thewittil undyr thi belt to her, 
 Rouch rowlyngs apon thi harlot fete, 
 Giffmt thi knyjf, quhat dois thi ger fa mete ?"
 
 ( 108) 
 
 TJie -u">rd Rewelyngs, in thefenfi: ofrullions cr brogues, is 
 repeatedly ufed by Andrew of fVyntorwn. 
 
 Sad. p. 1 8. ferious, grave, fohmn. 
 
 Saine. p. 5. fay. 
 
 Sakles. p. 6. guiltlefs, blamelefi, innocent. 
 
 Sal. p. \%.JJiall. 
 
 Saltou. p. 46. Jhalt that. 
 
 Salve, p. 1 8. 
 
 Sare. p. 2. fore. 
 
 Sari. p. 9 . Sary. /.. 4. /wry. 
 
 Saul. /.. 8. ></. 
 
 Sawes. p. 1 8. fay ings, discourfes. 
 
 Sawls. /.. T.I. fouh. 
 
 Schac. />. 14. ./fok. 
 
 Schawes. />. 48. -woods. 
 
 Schcltron. p. 20. a body of foot, in a compafl circle ; fo called, 
 it "XouU feem, from the appearance of their Ihields; -which, 
 together -with that of their ^pear-points, might alfo give oc- 
 cajion to the epithet fliene orjhining. See P. Langtofts chro- 
 nicle by Robert of Brunne, p. 304, and the publi/hers glos- 
 J'ary. 
 
 Schende. />. 23. ruin. 
 
 Sehene. p. 20. bright, Jhining. 
 
 Schent. p. 5. ruined. 
 
 Schilterouns. p. 22. See Scheltron. 
 
 Schrewes. p. 41. -villains, -wretches. 
 
 Schrive. p. 46. confefs thyfelf. 
 
 Seland. />. II. Zealand. 
 
 Scrubland, p. 30. femblance, appearance. 
 
 Sembled. />. ri. asfembled. 
 
 Sen. p. ir.Jinct.
 
 ( 109) 
 
 Scnin. p. 42. after, afterward. 
 
 Sere. p. 43. feveral. 
 
 Scrgantes. p. 19. fergeants; a fort of gens d'armes, according 
 
 to M. ie Grand. 
 Skrith. ^>. 20. 
 
 Slake. />. 1 8. asf-wage, quench. 
 Slike. ^. a. /wcA. 
 Slogh. p. 6. _/fot>. 
 Smale. p. i. /W/. 
 Snapcr. ^>. 46. 
 Snell. /. 19. hen, Jharp. 
 Socore. p. I. fuccour. 
 Sonc. ^. I . _/oo. 
 Sowed. />. 1 8. 
 
 Stalworthly. />. 1 5. .flouily, vigorously, valiantly. 
 Starcand. p. 10. Jlareing. 
 Stede. ^. 3. ,/fcft/, Ao^. 
 Stede. />. 9. Jlead, place, room* 
 Steren. p. 6. ^7, ,/ffr. 
 Sternes. />. 10. y?arf. 
 Stif. />. \k.Jlout. 
 
 Stile. />. 5. a/rf ofjtept iopafi out ofontjteld into anther. 
 Stint, p. ly.Jloped, ended. 
 
 Stirt. p. 49. ftarted, leaped, rujhed, pafsed hastjlj. 
 Stound. p. ii. y/M<* of time. 
 Stowre. /.. 5. ////, *///#. 
 Strcnkith. />. 25. Jirengthen. 
 Strenkith. />. 47. Jirengtk. 
 Strive. />. it), ftrife. 
 Stroy. />. 10. dtftroj.
 
 ( 170) 
 
 Suld. p. 4. fliould. 
 
 Suth. p. 4. yoo/A, truth. 
 
 Suth. ^. 1 8. footh, true. 
 
 Swelt. p. 49. dyed. 
 
 Swink.. p. 1 6. /afoor, 
 
 Swire, p. 37. wcvfr. 
 
 Swith. p. 20. zci. 
 
 Taburns. />. 45. tabors, drums. 
 
 Tarettes. p. u. 
 
 Tene. p. 20. farirw, gritf> trouble, affliction, 
 
 Tha. />. 20. /fo. 
 
 Thareogayne. />. 9. thereagainft. 
 
 Thir. />. 10. Mf/f. 
 
 Tho. p. 14. !$<?/. 
 
 Tide. p. 4. fo/W. 
 
 Tight. />. 22. 
 
 Timber, p. 2,2. deftructlonf The "word occurs, as a verb, in 
 the Aunter of fir Gawane : 
 
 " Thusjhall a Tyber untrue tymber -with tent." 
 
 Tint. p. 32. loft. 
 
 Tithandes. p. 10. tidings, 
 
 To-dongyn. p. 32. dung davin, overt/tr.'um. 
 
 Trais. p. $2. betray. 
 
 Traifted. p. 15. trujied. 
 
 Treget. p. 31. deceit, treachery, juggleing, irnposturt. 
 
 Treft. p. 32. trujl. 
 
 Trew. p. I. true. 
 
 Trey. />. 22. a -word nearly fynonimoui, perhaps, -with tene, 
 (asliich fee,} and generally ufed in its company. See R. of 
 Brunne, pp. 235, 304; and before, p. 96.
 
 ( 171 ) 
 
 Trone. />. i. throne. 
 
 Trow. p. 24. believe. 
 
 Trus. p. 50. 
 
 Tyde. p. 2. /;W. 
 
 Tyll. />. i. /o. 
 
 Tyne. />. 46. loft. 
 
 Umfet. />. 30. *</</ ; a contraction, perhaps, of umlxfct, a. 
 
 word ufed by Wyntovon : 
 
 " And wmbefet the Scottis there." 
 Umftride. />. 16. beflride. 
 Uncurtayfe. p. 32. uncourteous. 
 Unhale. p. 24. unbound. 
 Unkind, p. 1 8. unnatural. 
 Unfele. p. 41. 
 Wait. p. 4. 
 
 Wakkind. p. 43. awakened. Wakkins. p. 22. a-wattat. 
 Wald. />. 2. TOO/</. 
 Wall. />. 21. 
 Walld. p. 15. /</. 
 Wane. />. u. quantity, plenty. Thus in Ywayn and 
 
 Gawin : 
 
 " Of maidens -was fharfo gude wane 
 
 Waniand. pp. 19, 41, 45. decreafeorTO,ineofthemom? 
 
 Wapin. p. 19. "weapon. 
 
 VVapind. p. 14. -we.iponed, armed. 
 
 Wappen, p. 41. tveapon. 
 
 War. /. 6. /. 6. 
 
 Wede. p. 19. a/^arr/. 
 
 Weder. p. 15. -weather.
 
 (172 ) 
 
 Wele. p. 3. well. werldly wele. p. 8. worldly wealth. 
 
 Well. p. 19. very. p. 31. good fortune. 
 
 Wen. p. 1 1. go, or went. It Jhould probably be wend. 
 
 Wend. p. 4. go. 
 
 Wend. Wened. p. 10. thought, fuppofed, conjectured. 
 
 Went. p. 22. ow. 
 
 Wepeand. p. 36. vnpM?. 
 
 Were. />. 2. war. Were men. />. 45. men of war. 
 
 Wery. />. 7. /. 60 in M* Aunter of fir Gawane : 
 
 " But hejhal -coring his honde and warry the wyle." 
 Wex. p. 12. -waxed, grew, became. 
 Whilke. p. 9. -which, -what. 
 Whilum. p. 34. fometime, formerly. 
 Whore, p. 40. -where. 
 Whote. pp. 4, 8. -woteji, Tui'sweji. 
 Wight, p. 16. Jirong, fold. 
 Wikked. p. 49. difficult? 
 Wiltou. />. 7. -wilt thou. 
 Win. />. 49. take, get. 
 Wit. />. 14. informed f Sent Edward to wit. p. 19. /<) /o 
 
 inform him, fent him information. ' 
 
 Withowten. p. 8. -without. 
 Witten. p. 26. know. 
 Wode. p. 25. W. 
 
 Won. />. 7. <fcw//. Wonand. /. 25. d-wetting. 
 Wonde./.. 40.>/>, >jr. ' 
 Wone. ^>. 14. number, company. 
 Wonen. p. 49. won, got. 
 Woning. p. 13. dwelling, rejidence, habitation. p. 48, 
 
 place.
 
 ( 173 ) 
 
 Wonnen. es wonnen. p. 1 9. are -won, are had as eafyly, or 
 are as perfeftly at mercy, as an unarmed man? f. 34. 
 
 IVcn, got. 
 
 Worthli. p. 19. Worthly. p. 45. -worthy. 
 
 Wreke. p. 48. revenge. Wroken. p. 6. revenged 1 . 
 
 Wrote, p. 33. undermine, overthrow, properly to root up at 
 faoine do: wrotan, Saxon. 
 
 Wurthi. p. 21. -worthy. 
 
 Zate. p. 38. gate. Note, this character (Z), at the begin- 
 ing of a jfy liable, had, uniformly, the power of Y in the 
 middle of one it had, ufually, that ofGH: tut it never oc- 
 curs in the latter Jituation throughout thefe poems. 
 
 Zere. />. 12. years. 
 
 Zit. p. 19. yet. 
 
 Zolden. p. 37. yielded, delivered up. 
 
 Zong. p. 8. young. 
 
 Zow. p. i. you. 
 
 Zow. p. 6. your.
 
 CORRECTIONS 
 
 AND 
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 P* 6. /. 13. Striflin] Stirling. 
 
 P. 7. Rughfute-riveling] delete the hyphen, and place one 
 between Rugh and fute. 
 
 P. 1 1. /. 4. Armouth] Yarmouth, hi Norfolk. 
 
 P. 1 8. /. 12. the Swin] A river or pat/age between the 
 tie ofCadfand and the S. fT. continent of Flanders. 
 
 /. 17. the Slufe] or the Sluys (p. 20) a fea- 
 
 p-.rt, belonging, at prefent, to the Dutch, oppojtte the He ofCad- 
 fand, in -what -was then the county of Flanders. 
 
 P. 19. /. 2. Arwell] Orwell-haven in Suffolk. 
 
 /. 9. Blankebergh] Blankenberg, a fea-port, in 
 
 the county of Flanders, between OJiend and the Sluys. 
 
 P. 20. /. 20. Cagent] the He ofCadfand, in the mouth of 
 the Scheld. 
 
 P. 27. Hogges] or La Hogue, a fea-pori-twn of Nor- 
 mandy, about tooo leagues S. of Bjrfcur. 
 
 P. 28. //. 6, n. Thretty-thowfand] delete the hyphen. 
 
 P. 65. /. 1 8. after interview, add: 
 
 The moft authentic account of this transaction is, proba-
 
 ( 176) 
 
 bly, that given by Langtoft, or his translator, each of whom 
 was living at the time : 
 
 " Of William haf ze herd, how his endyng was, 
 Now of kyng Robert to telle zow his trespas. 
 Als Lenten tide com in, Cristen mans lauh, 
 He fent for Jon Comyn, the lord of Badenauh ; 
 To Dounfres fuld he come, unto the Minours kirke, 
 A fpekyng ther thei nome, the Comyn wild not wirke, 
 Ne do after the fawe of Roberd the Brus. 
 Away he gan him drawe, his confeil to refus, 
 Roberd with a knyve the Comyn ther he fmote, 
 Thorgh whilk wounde his lyve he loft, wcle i wote. 
 He zede to the hie autere, & ftode & relied him thore, 
 Com Roberdes fquiere, & wonded him wele more, 
 For he wild not confent, to reife no folie, 
 Ne do als he ment, to gynne to mak partie, 
 Ageyn kyng Edward, Scotland to dereyne, 
 With werre & batail hard, reve him his demeyne." 
 P. 65. /. ^f>. Before Saint -Johnes-toune, infer! 1. J. and, 
 after Duplin, add: 
 
 Among all the Englifh writers, historians or poets, per- 
 haps the Scots have not a more inveterate enemy than Peter 
 Langtoft, or his congenial translator, Robert Mannyng, who 
 omits no opportunity of exercifmg his fatyrical vein upon 
 them. He even prays for their deftruction, and wifhes the 
 whole country funk to hell. 
 
 " Jhefu fo meke, i the bifeke, on croice that was wonded, 
 Grantc me that bone, the Scottes fone alle be confonded ! " 
 
 p. 283.
 
 ( 177 ) 
 
 " Wales, wo the be, the fende the confound ! 
 
 Scotland, whi ne mot i fe ' the' fonken to helle ground > 
 
 P. 265. 
 
 See alfo p. 379, and the prefent glosfary, under the word 
 RIVELING. 
 
 The Englifh, indeed, feera, in all ages, to have thought it 
 esfential to the character of a good patriot to hate and vilify 
 their neighbours; but it is not too late, one would hope, for 
 them to be taught better manners. 
 
 P. 8 1. /. 8. kyng Robert of Cicyle.] Concerning thisfage 
 and fcientific monarch, and of the pride "which occajioned his 
 downfall, there is an old metrical romance, or legend, extant in 
 MS. Mister fParton, -very ftrangely, fuppofes Robert Cicyll 
 (the title, he fays, of an old Englijh morality ?) a corruption 
 of Robert the devil. 
 
 P. 93. l.z. After the parenthefs, add See alfo Spelmans 
 glosfary voct COGONES. 
 
 P. 96. note. Another copy of Mannings 'work, according 
 to Tanner, is in the architpiscopal library at Lambeth. Both 
 repojitories, however, are prefumed to be inacces/ible to all but 
 thofe peculiarly favoured by right or \ntereft. 
 
 P. 115. /.4. Infert this note: Leland, out of Scala chro- 
 nica, tells us exprefsly that " This Charles, eleclid emperor, 
 fled at the batail of Crescy." (Col. i. 562.) 
 1.11. The following note, alfo, Jhould have been here inferted: 
 I'rince Edward, then a youth of 16, is commonly pretended 
 to have himfelf (lain the king of Bohemia, and, in comme- 
 moration of that event, to have adopted the badge and motto 
 born on that day by his royal victim, and which have been 
 N
 
 ( 1/8 ) 
 
 ever fince appropriated to the princes of Wales. (See Cam- 
 dens Remains, 1674. p. 451.) This anecdote is, neverthe- 
 thelefs, very questionable, and perhaps totally destitute of 
 foundation. The o/lrich-fcatJiers, at leaft, were certainly 
 the badge, not only of the black prince, but alfo of his two 
 brothers, John of Gaunt and Thomas ofWoodftock, and con- 
 tinued to be the favourite distinction of the houfe of Lancas- 
 ter till the time of Henry VI. and even much later, as ap- 
 pears by the feal of the old countefs of Richmond, mother 
 to Henry VII. They are likewife asfumed by Richard duke 
 of York, and his fon, afterward king Edward IV. (See 
 Sandfords Genealogical history, 1677.) Some perfon or other 
 may, probably, be able to clear up this matter; and, at the 
 fame time, to account, upon better authority than has yet 
 appeared, for the origin of the TWO ROSES, which make 
 fo confiderable a figure in Englifh history. Camden, it is 
 true, in page 452 of the above work, alledges, that " John 
 of Gaunt, duke of Lancaster, took a red rofe to his device, 
 (as it were by right of his firft wife, the heir of Lancaster,) 
 as Edmund of Langley, duke of York, took the white rofe;" 
 anJ, in the preceding page, he fays that ''Edmund Crouch- 
 backe, firft earl of Lancaster, ufed a red rofe, wherewith his 
 tomb at Weftminfter is adorned :" but, upon a pretty ac- 
 curate examination of all the feals, arms, badges, and mo- 
 numents, of the earls and dukes of Lancaster, publilhed by 
 Dugdale, Sandford, and others, it does not appear that any 
 one of them ever ufed a rofe for his device. On the con- 
 trary, as has been already noticed, the favourite cognizance 
 of John of Gaunt, and from him, it would feem, of the 
 houfe of Lancaster, was the oftnch-fealhers; two of which
 
 ( 1/9 ) 
 
 appear upon the duchy-feal to this day. The rofes, therefor, 
 of earl Edmunds tomb may have been introduced merely 
 by way of ornament, at the fancy of the artift. That the 
 kmg of Bohemia ufed the device in question does not, per- 
 haps, appear from any ancient or creditable authority. 
 
 Some of our bcft historians (as Murimuth, Walfingham, 
 and Knyghton) agree in ftating that the king of Majorca 
 was alfo killed at this battle, which the authors of the Um- 
 verftil history, for the reafons there given, pronounce a falfe- 
 hood. The authentic difpatchcs, likewife, prcferved by Ro- 
 bert of Avesbury (p. 1 36\ only mention "le roi Je Beaume;" 
 and the filence of our author, Minot, is a corroborative tes- 
 timony. 
 
 P. 140. Aid to ilienote: Wallis, in his Natural history of 
 Northumberland, (ii. 416.) fays that Copcland, attended by 
 only eight of his fervants, carried David off in triumph to 
 the castle of Roxbrough, of which he was governor. It ap- 
 pears, however, that this identical castle (of which, it is 
 likely enough, Copeland had been governor, (fee Lclands 
 CJlec. i. 558.) as he actually was afterward, [Foedtra, v. 
 760.) belonged, at that time, to the king of Scots. (See 
 Ridpaths Border-history, 332, 335.) Some historians, it 
 fecms, relate that the king was conveyed to Ogle-castle, (Ibi. 
 338.) which is very probable, as it had been lately built, 
 and fir Robert de Ogle, the then posfesfor, was prefent at 
 the battle, (Wallis, ii. 551.) where, in faft, he had a prin- 
 cipal coniiiiand : and thus, Froisfert, confounding Ogle with 
 crgueil, .way have created his imaginary " ihastell-orguril- 
 leux." Copelands own refidence was, probably, at South- 
 Copcland, byWoollcr? and not at CopfhnJ-catttt, which, ;it
 
 ( 180) 
 
 that period, belonged to a different name. It appears, from 
 an excerpt in Lelands Itinerary, (viii. 50, b.) that he at- 
 tempted the capture of king David by the advice of Thomas 
 Carre his ftandard-bcarer. 
 
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