D S 
 
 
 
 
EXCHANGE 
 
JAN 23 1914 
 
 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 AND A 
 
 REARRANGEMENT OF SOME FRAGMENTS 
 FROM NICOLAUS OF DAMASCUS 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 PRESENTED TO THE 
 
 FACULTY OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY 
 
 IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE 
 
 OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 BY 
 LEIGH ALEXANDER 
 
 1913 
 
THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 AND A 
 
 REARRANGEMENT OF SOME FRAGMENTS 
 FROM NICOLAUS OF DAMASCUS 
 
 A DISSERTATION 
 
 PRESENTED TO THE 
 
 FACULTY OF PRINCETON UNIVERSITY 
 
 IN CANDIDACY FOR THE DEGREE 
 
 OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY 
 
 BY 
 LEIGH ALEXANDER 
 
 1913 
 
Accepted by the Department of Classics 
 June, 1911 
 
- 
 
 PREFACE 
 
 The present work was undertaken shortly after the exca- 
 vation of Sardes, under the direction of Professor H. C. 
 Butler, was begun. It was at first my intention to write con- 
 cerning the history of that city in the Greek or the Roman 
 period ; and some time in the future that purpose may perhaps 
 be carried out. On examination, however, it seemed that 
 there was in our traditional sources concerning "the kings of 
 Lydia" enough material for further discussion of that subject. 
 
 The present study has been carried on under the direction of 
 Professor William K. Prentice, and I wish to acknowledge 
 my great indebtedness to him for his constant assistance 
 and advice, and for his unsparing criticisms. My debt to 
 him is especially great in Chapter III. My most hearty thanks 
 are also due to Professor Edward Capps, for his unfailing 
 encouragement, and for his stimulating suggestions. 
 
 LEIGH ALEXANDER 
 Oberlin, Ohio. 
 January, 1914. 
 
 29 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 PAGE 
 
 INTRODUCTION 7 
 
 I. The sources. Limits of the present work 7 
 
 II. Previous monographs on this subject 7 
 
 CHAPTER I. THE RELATION TO ONE ANOTHER OF SOME 
 
 FRAGMENTS CONCERNING LYDIA FROM NlCOLAUS' UNI- 
 VERSAL HISTORY 9 
 
 I. The Excerpta de Virtutibus et Vitiis 9 
 
 II. The Excerpta de Insidiis 16 
 
 III. Tentative "original" account in Nicolaus 19 
 
 CHAPTER II. MELES 21 
 
 I. Meles I, II, III. Were they the same person or not? 21 
 
 II. M-eles II and III, and the Kambles story 22 
 
 1. Possible reasons for considering Meles II and 
 
 III different persons 22 
 
 2. Reasons for identifying Meles II and III 25 
 
 3. Position of fr. 28 (Kamblitas or Kambles) in 
 
 Nicolaus' narrative 28 
 
 4. Element of historical fact in Nicolaus' account 
 
 of Meles 28 
 
 III. Meles I 30 
 
 1. Not necessarily founder of Sardes 30 
 
 2. Relation between Meles I, II, and III 31 
 
 3. Relation between the Lion story and Nicolaus' 
 
 account of Meles 31 
 
 IV. Conclusion : There was only one Meles 31 
 
 CHAPTER III. THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 
 
 OF LYDIA 33 
 
 I. Summary of the traditional accounts 33 
 
 1. Nicolaus 33 
 
 2. Herodotus 36 
 
 3. The chronographers 37 
 
 II. Discussion of certain details in the traditional ac- 
 counts 39 
 
 1. Sadyattes (Adyattes, Alyattes), a royal 'title'. . 39 
 
 2. Kambles ( ?) Sadyattes, the 3rd Mermnad 
 king 40 
 
 5 
 
CONTENTS 
 
 3. Adramytes = Adramys = Hermon ( ?) = Aly- 
 attes, father of Croesus 42 
 
 4. The murderer of Daskylos 1 43 
 
 5. The irpoTraTopts of Kandaules (Sadyattes) ... 45 
 
 6. Moxos (Mopsos) and Askalos 46 
 
 7. "Ardys" and Akiamos 48 
 
 8. Askalos and Daskylos 1 49 
 
 9. Historical summary of disturbances in reign 
 
 of Akiamos ^2 
 
 10. "Sadyattes" the "regent", son of Kadys 53 
 
 II- Tylon 53 
 
 III. New "genealogical" list of kings 57 
 
 1. The list 57 
 
 2. Meles' position in the list 60 
 
 3. Conclusion 60 
 
INTRODUCTION 
 
 I. The traditional sources for the history of the Lydian 
 kings are familiar. They consist chiefly of the first book of 
 Herodotus, the fragments of Xanthus' Lydiaca, the frag- 
 ments of Nicolaus of Damascus concerning Lydian history, 
 together with the lists of Lydian kings contained in the works 
 of the Christian chronographers, Julius Africanus, Eusebius, 
 Hieronymus, etc. The other traditional sources which mention 
 Lydian kings are, for the most part, incidental references of 
 no value in the present study, which is concerned almost en- 
 tirely with the "Herakleid" and "Mermnad" dynasties of 
 Lydian kings and does not undertake a consideration of the 
 earliest kings and mythical heroes of Lydia. 
 
 II. Besides passages in works of larger scope, such as 
 histories, commentaries on ancient authors, etc., there have 
 been within the past century, among other monographs bear- 
 ing more or less directly on the history of the kings of Lydia, 
 two dissertations which are of special importance in the 
 present work: 
 
 R. Schubert, Geschichte der Konige von Lydien, Breslau, 
 1884. 
 
 G. Radet, La Lydie et le monde grec au temps des Merm- 
 
 nades, Paris, 1893. 
 
 After careful examination and comparison with the original 
 ancient sources, it has seemed necessary in a number of cases 
 to differ very materially from the works just mentioned, both 
 as to method of treatment and also as to conclusions obtained. 
 It is necessary, therefore, to revert once more to the original 
 sources and subject them to a fresh study. Before, however, 
 a comprehensive treatment of the sources is undertaken, the 
 path may be cleared by two preliminary investigations, which 
 will be found in chapters I and II. 
 
 
CHAPTER I 
 
 THE RELATION TO ONE ANOTHER OF SOME FRAGMENTS CONCERN- 
 ING LYDIA FROM NICOLAUS' UNIVERSAL HisTORY 1 
 
 It is well known that many of the extant fragments of 
 Nicolaus of Damascus come to us through two of the collec- 
 tions of excerpts prepared for the Emperor Constantinus 
 Porphyrogenitus (912-956 A.D.). These are the Excerpta de 
 Virtutibus et Vitiis, and the Excerpta de Insidiis. In both 
 of these collections there were excerpts from other works by 
 Nicolaus, doubtless made by the same excerptor or group of 
 excerptors ; but our present investigation is concerned only with 
 the excerpts from his Universal History, of which Lydian 
 history formed a part. 
 
 I. The Excerpta de Virtutibus et Vitiis. 
 
 By running over the pages of this work, 2 we can soon see 
 clearly that the chief excerptor's general plan and method 
 was to go through the works of various writers, e.g., Josephus, 
 Diodorus, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Polybius, Appian, etc., 
 and among them Nicolaus of Damascus, and gather together 
 anecdotes and accounts illustrative of the main theme, virtues 
 and vices. It would be natural, one would think, to begin at 
 the beginning of each source book, and go straight through, 
 noting down the Virtues' and Vices'; and this method is 
 followed in the excerpts from Josephus and Diodorus, 3 ap- 
 parently without any mistakes or variations from the true 
 order in the original works of these authors. Now, in deter- 
 mining whether this same 'straightforward' system of arrange- 
 ment is followed also in the excerpts from Nicolaus, the 
 accompanying tables will be of assistance. The first is a 
 complete list according to Miiller (FHG. Ill) of all the frag- 
 ments from Nicolaus' Universal History, books I-VII, includ- 
 
 l 'I<FTopia KaQoKiK-fj. Cf. Suidas s. v. Ni/c6Xaos Aa/to<r/c7ji'6j. 
 
 * Excerpta Historica iussu Imp. Constant. Porphyrogen. confecta; 
 ed. Biittner-Wobst (1906), vol. II, pars I, passim; also the 'Tr60e<rtj 
 of the same work, pp. 1-3. See also the edition of the Excerpta by H. 
 Valesius (Henri de Valois), Paris, 1634. 
 
 1 See the conspectus on pp. 362 ff. of the volume and edition of 
 the Excerpta cited. Compare also the numbering of the sections 
 in the text, throughout the edition. 
 
 9 
 
IO THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 ing not only the fragments preserved in the two series of 
 Excerpta mentioned above, but also those that have come 
 down to us through other writers. The second table shows, in 
 a double or parallel outline, the fragments contained in the two 
 series of Excerpta only. 
 
 Table I. Tabular list of fragments from Nicolaus' Universal 
 History, books I-Vll. 
 
 The numbering of fragments and their arrangement in 
 'books' follow Miiller, in FHG. Ill, 345 ff., 356 ff. A double 
 asterisk (* *) indicates that the fragments so marked are 
 definitely assigned, by their own wording, to their respective 
 'books' in Nicolaus' work. The section numbers in the Exc. 
 de Virt. from Nicolaus, and in the Exc. de Ins. from this 
 author, are those of Biittner-Wobst and De Boor respectively. 
 See the two parts of Table II. 
 
 1 1, II.] Assyria and Media. 
 
 Fr. 7 (Exc. de Ins. 2) Semiramis. 
 
 8 (Exc. de Virt. 7) Sardanapalos. 
 
 9 (Exc. de Ins. 3) Sardanapalos. 
 
 10 (Exc. de Virt. 8) Parsondas and Nanaros. 
 
 11 (Suidas s.v. e^Ke/cX^a) Nanaros. 
 
 12 (Exc. de Virt. 9) Zarina and Stryangaios. 
 **I3 (Etym. M. p. 180, 43) Achaemenes of Persia. 
 
 [III.] Early Greece, etc. 
 
 Fr. 14 (Exc. de Ins. 4) Boeotia: Amphion and Zethos. 
 
 15 (Exc. de Ins. 5) Boeotia: Laios. 
 
 1 6 (Exc. de Virt. 10) Bellerophon. 
 
 17 (Exc. de Ins. 6) Peloponnesus: Pelops and Oeno- 
 
 maus. 
 
 1 8 (Exc. de Virt. n) Thessaly: the Argonauts. 
 
 19 (Exc. de Ins. 7) Thessaly: Larisa, daughter of 
 
 Piasos. 
 
 20 (Exc. de Virt. 12) Herakles. 
 
 21 (Exc. de Virt. 13) Troy: King Skamandros. 
 2ia (Schol. Horn. Odyss. I. 21) Odysseus. 
 
 IV. Lydia, etc. 
 
 **Fr. 22 (Steph. Byz. s.v. Top/n^os) Torrhebos. 
 
 23 (Steph. Byz. s.v. Av/coo-fleVrj) Lycosthene (city). 
 
 24 (Exc. de Virt. 14) Meles the tyrant; Moxos. 
 **25 (Steph. Byz. s.v. Nijpa^os) Nerabos (city). 
 
 
FRAGMENTS FROM NICOLAUS CONCERNING LYDIA II 
 
 **26 (Steph. Byz. s.v. 'Ao-KoXwv) Askalos, general of 
 
 Akiamos. 
 
 27 (Exc. de Virt. 15) Daughter of Salmoneus. 
 
 28 (Exc. de Virt. 16) Kamblitas (Kambles). 
 
 **29 (Steph. Byz. s.v. 'AO-KUVUI) Ascania (city in Troad). 
 
 Damascus. 
 
 **Fr. 30 (Josephus Ant. lud. I. 7. 2) Abraham. 
 31 (Josephus Ant. lud. VII. 5. 2) Adados. 
 
 Greece. 
 **Fr. 32 (Const. Porph. De them. II. 6) Peloponnesus. 
 
 33 (Exc. de Virt. 17) The Amythaonidae (of Pylos). 
 
 34 (Exc. de Ins. 8) Agamemnon and Aegisthus. 
 **35 (Steph. Byz. s.v. Kapvta) Karnia (city in Ionia). 
 
 36 (Exc. de Virt. 18) The Heracleidae. 
 **37 (Steph. Byz. s.v. opvo) Mt. Thornax in Laconia. 
 
 38 (Exc. de Ins. 9) Temenos, and Deiphontes one of the 
 
 Heracleidae. 
 
 39 (Exc. de Ins. 10, n) Kresphontes and Aipytos of 
 
 Sparta. 
 
 **4O (Steph. Byz. s.v. Meo-oXa, Nijpt's) Messenian cities. 
 41 (Exc. de Ins. 12, 13) Pheidon: Korinthos. 
 
 V. Greece: Arcadia. 
 
 Fr. 42 (Steph. Byz. s.v. *A/>Kas) The name Arcadia. 
 43 (Exc. de Virt. 19) King Lykaon of Arcadia. 
 **44 (Steph. Byz. s.v. Bwraxt'Seu, napcipaa) Arcadian 
 
 cities. 
 
 The Euxine and Aegean. 
 
 45 (Steph. Byz. s.v. Mco^/x/Jpta) City in Thrace. 
 
 46 (Socrates Hist. Eccles. VII. 25) Chrysopolis, city 
 
 near the Bosporus. 
 
 **47 (Steph. Byz. s.v. Staves, 2/cvpos, 'A/xopyos) Islands in 
 
 the Aegean. 
 48 (Steph. Byz. s.v. 'Ay^nf** 'Y^pSe&ov) Places in 
 
 Lesbos. 
 
 [VI.] Lydia. 
 
 Fr. 49 (Exc. de Ins. 14, 15) Ardys to Gyges. 
 
 Greece. 
 Fr. 50 (Exc. de Ins. 16) Athens. 
 
 51 (Exc. de Virt. 20) Athens. 
 
 52 (Exc. de Ins. 17) Cyrene. 
 
12 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 53 (Exc. de Ins. 18) Ionia. 
 
 54 (Exc. de Ins. 19, 20) Ionia. 
 
 55 (Exc. de Ins. 21) Tbessaly: Jason and Medeia. 
 
 56 (Exc. de Virt. 21) Thessaly: Acastus and Peleus. 
 **57 (Exc. de Virt. 22) Sparta: Lycurgus. 
 
 [VII.] Greece. 
 
 Fr. 58 (Exc. de Ins. 22) Corinth: Cypselus. 
 
 59 (Exc. de Virt. 23) Corinth: Periander. 
 
 60 (Exc. de Ins. 23, 24) Corinth: Periander. 
 
 61 (Exc. de Ins. 25) Sicyon: Myron. 
 
 Lydia. 
 Fr. 62 (Exc. de Virt. 24) Gyges and Magnes. 
 
 63 (Exc. de Virt. 25) Sadyattes, son of Alyattes. 
 
 64 (Exc. de Virt. 26) Alyattes, son of Sadyattes. 
 
 65 (Exc. de Virt. 27) Croesus. 
 
 Persia and Media. 
 
 66 (Exc. de Ins. 26) Cyrus. 
 
 67 (Exc. de Virt. 28) Cyrus. 
 
 Lydia. 
 
 68 (Exc. de Virt. 29) Croesus and Cyrus. 
 
 Rome. 
 
 69 (Exc. de Virt. 30) Amulius and Numitor. 
 **7<D (Exc. de Virt. 31) Romulus. 
 
 Table II. The two parts of this table are given below, facing 
 each other, on pages 14 and 15. 
 
FRAGMENTS FROM NICOLAUS CONCERNING LYDIA 13 
 
 At first sight, in the second table, if we look only at the order 
 of the excerpts and their subjects, there appears to be little 
 or no classification, or at best only a very haphazard arrange- 
 ment. The excerptor seems to give a section or group of 
 extracts from one part of Nicolaus' work, following them by a 
 few from another part, then returning again to some country 
 already touched upon, and so on. Is this chaos due to lack 
 of system on the part of the excerptor, or due to Nicolaus 
 himself ? 
 
 Miiller has divided these Excerpta, assigning particular ex- 
 cerpts to particular 'books' of Nicolaus' Universal History. 
 An indication of this division into books is given in the left- 
 hand column in the outline of the Exc. de Virtutibus. We can 
 trace some of the excerpts in this collection to their proper 
 books with certainty, others with probability, as follows. At 
 the end of Exc. de Virt. 22 we find re'Aos rov s' Ao'yov Ni/coXaov 
 Aa/xao-KTjvov. At the end of Exc. de Virt. 31 we find T&OS TOV ' 
 Ao'yov TI/S NtKoAaov to-ropta*. These excerpts belong therefore 
 without doubt to books VI and VII respectively. Next, 
 Miiller 4 puts Exc. de Virt. 19 into book V, because this 
 excerpt is about Lykaon of Arcadia, and frags. 42 and 44 (from 
 Steph. Byz.) about Arcadia (compare Table I) are expressly 
 assigned to book V in the wording of the fragments themselves. 
 On the same principle Miiller rightly puts Exc. de Virt. 17 and 
 18 (FHG. Ill, 374, 375; frags. 33, 36) into book IV. These 
 fragments are about the Peloponnesus and the Heracleidae; 
 and fragments 32, 37, and 40 (Miiller's numbering; compare 
 Table I) are also about the Peloponnesus and are expressly 
 assigned to book IV. Miiller also with good reason puts Exc. 
 de Virt. 14-16 into book IV (frags. 24, 27, 28). They are 
 on Lydian history; and frags. 22 and 26 (compare Table I), 
 from Steph. Byz., also on Lydian history, are expressly as- 
 signed to book IV. Lastly, Exc. de Virt. 7-9 (Miiller frags. 
 8, 10, 12) concerning Assyria and Media, doubtless belong to 
 book I or book II of Nicolaus, not only because they come at 
 the very beginning of the series of excerpts from his Universal 
 History (Exc. de Virt. 1-6 are taken from his Auto- 
 biography), but also because frag. 13 concerning Achaemenes 
 
 FHG. III. 378, 379; frag. 43- 
 
TABLE II : first part. 
 Outline of the fragments from Nicolaus' Universal History contained in the 
 EXCERPTA DE VlRTUTlBUS ET VlTlIS. 
 
 Muller'f arrangement in 
 'books'. FHG. Ill, 345 ff., 
 350 ff. 
 
 Numbering of the sections 
 in the edition of the 
 Exc. de Virt. 
 by BUttner-Wobst 
 
 Content of fragments. 
 
 in 
 
 *7, 8, 9 
 (Mullcr fr. 8. 10. 12) 
 
 ASSYRIA AND MEDIA. 
 
 
 10-13 
 
 EARLY GREECE. 
 
 
 10(M. 16) 
 
 Bellerophon. 
 
 in 
 
 11(M.18) 
 
 Thessaly: the Argonauts. 
 
 
 12(M. 20) 
 
 Herakles 
 
 
 13(M.21) 
 
 Troy : king Skamandros. 
 
 IV 
 
 14-16 
 14(M. 24) 
 15(M. 27) 
 16(M. 28) 
 
 LYDIA. 
 Meles the tyrant; Moios. 
 Daughter of Salmoneus. 
 Kamblitas (Kambles). 
 
 
 17-23 
 17-19 
 171M.33) 
 18(M.36) 
 
 GREECE. 
 Peloponnesus. 
 The Amythaonidae (of Pylos). 
 The Hcracleidae. 
 
 V 
 
 19(M.43) 
 
 Arcadia : king Lykaon. 
 
 
 20(M.51) 
 
 Athens. 
 
 VI 
 
 21(M.56) 
 
 Thessaly; Acastusand Pclcus. 
 
 
 22(M.57) 
 
 Peloponnesus. 
 Sparta; king Lycurgus. 
 
 
 23 (M. 59) 
 
 Corinth: Periander. 
 
 vn 
 
 24-29 (M. 62-65. 67. 68) 
 
 LYDIA. Gyges and his successors. Cyrus of PERSIA. 
 
 
 *30. 31 (M. 69. 70) 
 
 ROME: Amulius; Numitor; Romulus. 
 
 Miillcr's assignment of these fragments or sections to this particular ' bbok' of Nicolaus' Universal History 
 is very probable. 
 ** Assignment certain. 
 
TABLE II : second pan. 
 
 Outline of the fragments from Nicolaus' Universal History contained in the 
 
 EXCERPTA DE INSIDIIS. 
 
 Proposed new 
 
 Muller's arrangement 
 
 Numbering of the sections 
 in the edition of the Exc. 
 
 
 arrangement 
 
 in 'books'. FHG. 
 
 de Ins. by De Boor (series 
 
 Content of fragments. 
 
 of 'books'. 
 
 Ill, 345 ff., 356 ff. 
 
 with Boissevain and 
 Biittner-Wobst). 
 
 
 Ill 
 
 
 2, 3 (Miillcr fr. 7, 9) 
 
 ASSYRIA AND MEDIA. 
 
 
 
 4-13 
 
 EARLY GREECE. 
 
 
 
 4. 5 (M. 14. 15) 
 
 Boeotia: Amphion and Zethos; Uios. 
 
 
 in 
 
 
 
 
 
 6-13 
 
 Peloponnesus, etc. 
 
 
 
 6(M.17) 
 
 Pelops and Oenomaus. 
 
 
 
 7(M.19) 
 
 Thessaly^Larisa.* daughter of Piasos. 
 
 in 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 8(M.34) 
 9(M.38) 
 
 Agamemnon and Aegisthus. 
 Te^nenos. and Deiphontes one of 
 
 
 
 
 the Heracleidae. 
 
 
 
 10. 11 (M. 39) 
 
 Kresphontes and Aipytos of Sparta. 
 
 
 
 12 "\ 
 
 Pheidon. 
 
 
 
 13 / ( ' 
 
 Korinthos. 
 
 
 
 14. 15 (M. fr. 49) 
 
 LYDIA. 
 
 
 
 
 Ardys to Gygcj. 
 
 IV 
 
 
 
 
 
 VI 
 
 
 
 v 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 16-25 
 
 GREECE. 
 
 
 
 16 (ML 50) 
 
 Athens. 
 
 
 
 17(M.52) 
 
 Cyrenc 
 
 VI 
 
 
 18-20 (M. 53, 54) 
 
 Ionia. 
 
 
 
 21(M. 55) 
 
 Thessaly : Jason and Medeia. 
 
 VII 
 
 vn 
 
 22-24 (M. 58. 60) 
 
 25{M. 61) 
 
 26 (M. 661 
 
 Corinth: Cypselus; Periander. 
 Sicyon : Myron. 
 PERSIA and MEDIA. Cyrus. 
 
 27 (M. 101) 
 
 ROME; Life of Caesar. 
 
 See MuUer. FHG. Ill, 36, note 19. 
 
1 6 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 of Persia (compare Table I) is expressly assigned to 
 book II. There are no indications (such as the foregoing) of 
 the particular 'books' to which Exc. de Virt 10-13, 20, 21, 
 23-29 belong; but we have just seen that the definitely located 
 excerpts and those located with extreme probability appear 
 in perfectly regular and normal positions in the series. That 
 is, excerpts from books I and II come at the beginning of the 
 series, excerpts from book IV a little farther along, and after 
 them in regular succession excerpts from books V, VI, and 
 VII. One may therefore feel practically certain that the 
 doubtful excerpts, though no clue or indication of position is 
 attached to them, come in just where the excerptor puts them, 
 and belong to the 'books' to which Miiller assigns them. Es- 
 pecially is this true of Exc. de Virt. 23-29. These must belong 
 to the first part and the middle part of Book VII, because 
 they come between Exc. de Virt. 22, the definitely known end 
 of book VI, and Exc. de Virt. 30, 31, the definitely located end 
 of book VII. 
 
 We may conclude, then, that the excerptor did use the same 
 'straightforward' method of arrangement not only in his ex- 
 cerpts from Josephus and Diodorus, but also in those from 
 Nicolaus; and the apparent confusion in the subject matter is 
 due to Nicolaus himself. His plan or system seems to have 
 been this: to take one historical period and give parallel his- 
 tories or accounts of different countries, one after the other, 
 all belonging to the same general period; then to take a later 
 period and do the same thing over again. This accounts for 
 the frequent returns to the history of a country already 
 touched upon. 
 
 II. The Excerpta de Insidiis. 
 
 This series of excerpts is similar in nature to the Exc. 
 de Virtutibus, and consists of a series of extracts from 
 various authors, all bearing upon and illustrating the main 
 theme indicated in the title of the collection. And here also one 
 of the source books used by the excerptor was Nicolaus' 
 Universal History. For purposes of comparison the outline 
 of the Exc. de Ins. has already been given, facing that of the 
 Exc. de Virt. 
 
 Now, in the Exc. de Virt. we have seen that there are some 
 
FRAGMENTS FROM NICOLAUS CONCERNING LYDIA If 
 
 definite indications of location, assigning particular excerpts to 
 particular books in Nicolaus' work. In the Exc. de Ins. there 
 are no such indications. But one needs only to compare the 
 general trend of the subjects or countries mentioned in the two 
 outlines (the right-hand column in each outline) in order to 
 feel certain that in both collections of Excerpta the excerptor 
 used the same 'straightforward' method, and therefore that the 
 order of the excerpts gives us the correct order of Nicolaus' 
 own work. 
 
 Miiller has attempted to assign the particular Excerpta de 
 Insidiis to their respective books, and one may agree in general 
 with his assignments, though with some important exceptions. 
 In the Exc. de Ins. Miiller rightly puts the history of Assyria 
 and Media into books I and II. Exc. de Ins. 4-7 he rightly 
 assigns to book III, in which early Greek history is treated, as 
 we see in the outline of the Exc. de Virt. Exc. de Ins. 16-21 
 he rightly puts in book VI, and 22-26 in book VII. We may 
 note that the position of Exc. de Ins. 16, 21, and 22-24, 
 concerning Athens, Thessaly, and Corinth, respectively, corre- 
 sponds exactly in the general order of the excerpts to the posi- 
 tion of Exc. de Virt. 20, 21, and 23, which also concern 
 respectively Athens, Thessaly, and Corinth. 
 
 But Miiller is perhaps wrong in assigning Exc. de Ins. 8-13 
 to book IV, and almost certainly wrong in putting Exc. de 
 Ins. 14 and 15 into book VI. One can easily see, however, 
 why he did so. Exc. de Ins. 8-13 concern the history of 
 the Peloponnesus, and No. 9 is about one of the Heracleidae; 
 and this seems to correspond very well with the Greek 
 history from book IV in the Exc. de Virt. But if Exc. de 
 Ins. 8-13 belong to book IV, and 16-21 to book VI, then 
 14 and 15 (which come between these two groups) might well 
 be assigned to book V or perhaps to the first part of book VI. 
 This would be Miiller's reason, if expressed. 5 
 
 Against this view the following considerations seem per- 
 
 Even he, however, recognizes that it is not conclusive, for he puts 
 the words "['E*r /3i/SX. $']" in brackets (cf. FHG. Ill, 380) at the head 
 of frag. 49 (= Exc. de Ins. 14, 15), thus showing that he is uncertain 
 whether it should be assigned to that book. Compare Table I, and 
 contrast the lack of brackets at the beginning of books IV and V, 
 where he feels no such uncertainty. 
 
18 
 
 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 tinent: Miiller's assignment of Exc. de Ins. 8-13 to book IV 
 certainly seems within the range of possibility, but it is equally 
 possible to put them in book III ; for, as we see by the outline 
 of the Exc. de Virt, book III also contains Greek history, and 
 one excerpt (No. 12) is about Herakles. That is, we may 
 consider Exc. de Ins. 8-13 simply a continuation of the same 
 general passage to which 4-7 belong, and thus put 4-13 all in 
 book III. Further, Agamemnon (Exc. de Ins. 8) would of 
 course be mentioned in connection with the story of the Trojan 
 war, and in the outline of the Exc. de Virt. we can see that 
 there is a corresponding fragment in book III (No. 13) deal- 
 ing with Skamandros, King of Troy. It seems, therefore, 
 very reasonable indeed to place Exc. de Ins. 8-13 in book III. 
 It would of course be possible to put Exc. de Virt. 13 into 
 book IV (though Miiller does not do so), and then retain 
 Miiller's location of Exc. de Ins. 8-13 in book IV to corre- 
 spond with it. But whether the two groups, Exc. de Virt. 13 
 and Exc. de Ins. 8-13 are placed both of them in book III 
 (which seems to me preferable), or whether they are both 
 placed in the first part of book IV, it nevertheless remains true 
 in either case that Exc. de Ins. 14 and 15 (concerning Lydia) 
 will naturally and almost of necessity fall not into book VI 
 where Miiller places them, but into book IV, because book IV 
 in the outline of the Exc. de Virt. contains a section or division 
 on Lydian history which, as we have seen above, can be defi- 
 nitely assigned to book IV. In this way, Lydian history occu- 
 pies an exactly corresponding position in both outlines. Fur- 
 ther, at the end of the Exc. de Virt. we have this order: 
 "Corinth Lydia and Persia Rome", corresponding to "Co- 
 rinth Persia and Media Rome" at the end of the Exc. de Ins. 
 Thus, all the Oriental sections throughout the two outlines 
 will correspond exactly : the fragments from book VII, Persia 
 and Media Lydia, Persia; from book IV, Lydia Lydia; 
 from books I, II, Assyria and Media Assyria and Media. 
 But this correspondence, stated a little differently, and coupled 
 with the other coincidences of arrangement already pointed out, 
 means simply that the entire outline of the Exc. de Ins. will 
 thus correspond, throughout, in its arrangement, to that of 
 the Exc. de Virtutibus. 
 
 The proposed change, or reassignment of fragments to 
 
FRAGMENTS FROM NICOLAUS CONCERNING LYDIA IQ 
 
 books in the Exc. de Insidiis, seems therefore considerably 
 more satisfactory than Miiller's arrangement. 
 
 III. Proceeding then from this basis, we can see at once 
 that Exc. de Virt. 14-16 (Meles and Moxos; Kambles) and 
 Exc. de Ins. 14, 15 (Ardys to Gyges) belong to the same 
 general passage on Lydian history, in the same book of 
 Nicolaus' Universal History. The importance of this will 
 be brought out later. Meanwhile, the question at once arises : 
 in what order should these fragments in book IV from the 
 Exc. de Virt. and those from the Exc. de Ins. be combined, 
 so as to arrive at the original consecutive order of the narrative 
 in Nicolaus concerning Lydian history ? A tentative arrangement 
 or combination of the fragments is represented by the column or 
 table given on the next page, and in the following pages reasons 
 will be given for inserting particular fragments where they are 
 here placed. With such an "original account" in Nicolaus, in 
 the upper part of the column, belonging to the earlier section 
 of Lydian history (Nicolaus book IV) the excerptor de 
 Virt. et Vit. would find nothing to suit the purposes of his 
 collection of Virtues' and Vices' except the bravery of Moxos and 
 the gluttony of Kambles (Kamblitas). But the rest of this first 
 part, detailing the plots and rivalry (insidiae) between the two 
 great families of the Heracleidae and the Mermnadae, would 
 naturally be given at some length by the excerptor de Insi- 
 diis. And vice versa the entire lower part of the column, the 
 later section of Lydian history (Nicolaus book VII), would 
 from its very nature be appropriate for the Exc. de Virt. et 
 Vit., but not for the Exc. de Ins. 
 
I 
 
CHAPTER II 
 MELES 
 
 I. The present discussion will be easier to follow, if the 
 entire "summary of traditional accounts", given below at the 
 beginning of Chapter III, be read here. In our traditional 
 accounts of Lydia, we have three different stories about a 
 person or persons named Meles, two of which are found in the 
 fragments of Nicolaus. 
 
 1. Meles of the Lion, 6 whom we may call Meles I. Hero- 
 dotus (I. 84) tells the familiar story about a King Meles whose 
 concubine bore him a lion. This beast he was to carry round 
 the walls of the acropolis at Sardes, according to the directions 
 of the oracle at Telmessos, and thus render the fortress 
 impregnable. 
 
 2. Meles the Tyrant, 7 who was driven out by Moxos. We 
 may call him Meles II. 
 
 3. King Meles, 8 who went into voluntary exile to Babylon. 
 He may be called Meles III. 
 
 Thus far historians have considered that at least Meles II 
 was different from Meles III, e.g. Rawlinson, Hist, of Hero- 
 dotus (1880), vol. I, 342, note i ; Stein, Herodotos (1901), vol. 
 I, 103; How and Wells, Com. on Herodotus (1912), vol. I, 97. 
 Among those who make this distinction are Schubert and 
 Radet. The latter does not mention Meles II at all; so we 
 may conclude that he classes the story about him among the 
 "recits 9 purement legendaires" to which he consigns Meles I. 
 But he certainly does not consider the Meles of the Exile (III) 
 to be the same as Meles the Tyrant (II) ; else, where he dis- 
 cusses the reign 10 of the former, he would surely make some 
 mention of the latter and of the account that Moxos drove 
 
 * The relation of Meles I to II and III will be discussed a little 
 later, pp. 30 ff. ; so Meles I may here be omitted from our considera- 
 tion, although it seemed best to mention him here in order to justify 
 the terminology I, II, III. 
 
 7 Nicolaus f r. 24. See text below, p. 26. 
 
 " Nicolaus fr. 49. See below, summary of traditional accounts, 
 PP. 33, 34- 
 
 La Lydie, 70. 
 
 "La Lydie, 78, 83, 88, et al. 
 
 21 
 
22 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 him out. Schubert also plainly considers Meles II and III to 
 be different persons. For he mentions Meles the Tyrant (II) 
 on p. 4 (Gesch. d. Kon. v. Lyd.) as the predecessor of "King" 
 Moxos, among the kings whom he believes were of Herodotus' 
 dynasty of the "Atyadae" (op. cit. p. i). But he does not 
 mention him at all on pages 9, 10, 22, where he takes up Meles 
 III as one of the last few "Heracleidae" of Nicolaus and 
 Herodotus. 
 
 But, as the course of this investigation will show, it is of 
 great importance to determine whether there was more than 
 one person named Meles. Now, it is reasonable to assume 
 that, where the same name occurs more than once in a historical 
 account, the same person is indicated, unless the names are 
 qualified in some way or there is some valid reason for dis- 
 tinguishing the persons referred to. Consequently, it is proper 
 to investigate all reasons which can be adduced for distinguish- 
 ing between Meles II and III. If these reasons are not suffi- 
 cient, it is reasonable to believe that both the passages in 
 Nicolaus which mention Meles refer to the same person. 
 
 II. i. Possible reasons for considering Meles II and III 
 different persons. 
 
 a. Some have considered that Moxos was the successor 
 of Meles II, the Tyrant, since he drove the latter out ; whereas 
 the successor of Meles III is not Moxos, but Myrsos. Clearly 
 this is one of the reasons which caused Schubert 11 to separate 
 Meles II and III. But the actual text does not warrant us 
 in believing that Moxos (Mopsos) 12 was a king at all. The 
 words used in referring to him are simply ?Moos 6 AvSo's, OVTOS 
 6 avrip , 13 and wo Mttyov TOV AvSot). 14 Moxos may have been 
 only a general, and reasons for believing that he was so will 
 be brought forward below, pp. 46 ff. If so, then he would 
 not be the successor of the Meles whom he drove out. 
 
 b. In Nicolaus fr. 24 Meles II is spoken of as a rvpavvos, 
 and is driven out; while in fr. 49 Meles is called f &uriA.evs, 
 goes voluntarily into exile to Babylon, returns, and resumes 
 his throne. Since these statements differ, it looks as if 
 
 11 Gesch. d. Kon. v. Lyd. 4, 5. 
 
 12 These are doubtless two forms of the same name. See below, p. 47. 
 "Nicolaus fr. 24; FHG. Ill, 371. 
 
 "Xanthus fr. 11; FHG. I, 38. 
 
MELES 23 
 
 Nicolaus must have believed Meles II to be different from 
 Meles III. 
 
 But these two stories, however different, are neither con- 
 tradictory nor mutually exclusive, and so may well relate to 
 the same person. It is quite possible that the original passage 
 in Nicolaus from which (as will be shown later) we may 
 believe that both these two excerpts were taken, gave a com- 
 bined account of a king who withdrew from his kingdom, 
 and after three years resumed his throne, but only to be 
 expelled permanently a little later. 
 
 c. Meles II is mentioned in fr. 24. But this fragment, in 
 Nicolaus' original narrative, certainly preceded 15 fr. 28, which 
 mentions a king named Kambles (Kamblitas). Schubert there- 
 fore concludes that the chronological position of Meles II in the 
 line of kings must have been before Kambles. 16 Further, Schu- 
 bert and others have assumed that the place which the Kam- 
 bles episode occupied in Nicolaus' narrative is to be determined 
 by the position of Kambles in the line of kings ; and that, since 
 Kambles' name does not appear among the names of the 
 Mermnadae, the last dynasty of Lydian kings, nor among the 
 last four or five Heracleidae, who immediately preceded the 
 Mermnadae, Kambles must have preceded 17 all of these. Con- 
 sequently it would seem that the mention of Meles II, since it 
 preceded the mention of Kambles, must also have preceded 
 
 15 See outline of the Exc. de Virt., given above p. 14 ; see also the 
 table on p. 20, which gives Nicolaus' "original account" of Lydian 
 history. 
 
 16 Schubert says (Gesch. d. Kon. v. Lyd. 5) "Die Konige Meles und 
 Moxos hatte Xanthus sicher friiher angesetzt als den Kambles, da sie 
 in dem Excerpte de Virtutibus an einer fruheren stelle erscheinen." 
 And we have seen in the foregoing pages that the order of the 
 excerpts faithfully represents the order in Nicolaus (Xanthus). 
 
 17 Our traditional accounts of the Herakleid dynasty include only the 
 last four or five kings (mentioned by Nicolaus, fr. 49. See summary 
 PP- 33 #) Beyond these is only the legendary Agron (fifth in line 
 from Herakles) whom Herodotus (I. 7) calls founder of this dynasty. 
 Schubert (l.c) places Kambles not only before the last few Hera- 
 cleidae but also before the entire dynasty, among the "Atyadae" 
 who according to Herodotus preceded the Heracleidae. His reason 
 for doing so is doubtless based on a passage in Miiller (FHG. Ill, 372, 
 note 28.4) which is in substance as follows: Kambles (Nicolaus fr. 28; 
 see summary p. 35, note 3) thought he had been bewitched when he 
 
24 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 the mention of the last few Heracleidae. If this were true, 
 then Nicolaus cannot have regarded Meles II as identical with 
 Meles III, whom he in fr. 49 places among the last few 
 Heracleidae. 
 
 But, in the first place, there is some reason to believe (as 
 will be shown later, pp. 40 ff.) that Kambles is to be identified 
 with one of the Mermnadae. In this case it is obvious that 
 Meles II might come before Kambles and still be identical 
 with Meles III. 
 
 Secondly : whether Kambles was a Mermnad or not, in any 
 case the story 18 about him, a man so gluttonous that he ate 
 his own wife, is altogether anecdotal in character, and of a 
 kind likely to be introduced into a narrative as an illustration 
 of some topic under discussion. Since this is so, then the posi- 
 tion of Kambles in a chronological list of the kings (even 
 if Kambles were a very early king) does not determine the 
 place which the Kambles story occupied in Nicolaus' narrative. 
 Further, we have also another example of a statement about 
 a Lydian king introduced as an illustration out of its chrono- 
 logical order, in the account of another king given by Xanthus 
 and so doubtless by Nicolaus. Athenaeus (XII. n. 515. d) 
 quoting from Xanthus 19 book II, tells us that the Lydians 
 were so given to luxury that they even practised the castration 
 of women, and that Adramytes, king of the Lydians, originated 
 the custom. Hesychius Milesius 20 and Suidas, 21 however, both 
 giving Xanthus book II as their authority, say that Gyges 
 was the originator of this practice, his purpose being to keep 
 the women fresh and young. The original statement in Xan- 
 thus was doubtless in connection 22 with Gyges, to the effect 
 that Gyges like Adramytes, or that Adramytes like Gyges 
 practised the custom. 
 
 found he had eaten his wife; and certain Lydians suspected lardanos, 
 because of his enmity to Kambles. And Herodotus (I. 7) says that 
 Herakles by a slave girl of lardanos became the progenitor of the 
 Herakleid dynasty. 
 
 18 See summary, p. 35, note 3. 
 
 "Xanthus fr. 19, FHG. I, 39. 
 
 "Hesych. Miles. De Viris Illustribus, (ed. J. Flach; Teub.) p. 40, no. 
 XLIX, v. EAitfoj. 
 
 21 Suidas, s.v. S^foj. 
 
 *" For, so far as we know, Gyges was a much more famous king than 
 Adramytes, of whom we know almost nothing beyond this fragmentary 
 
MELES 25 
 
 But, it will here be urged, it does not apparently alter the 
 situation even if it be granted that the stiory about Kambles was 
 only an illustration and therefore that its place in Nicolaus' 
 narrative was not determined by Kambles' position in the line 
 of kings. Just where is the place of this story in Nicolaus' 
 work? It is clear that fr. 24 (Meles II) and fr. 28 (Kambles) 
 are closely connected, as regards their position in Nico- 
 laus' narrative ; and if the place of either of them be fixed, it 
 will to a large extent determine that of the other. But there 
 seems to be no suitable connection into which the Kambles 
 episode would fit, in the course of the passage in Nicolaus 
 from which fr. 49 was excerpted. And if the story belongs 
 before fr. 49 in Nicolaus' original narrative, then it is still 
 true, since the mention of Meles II preceded that of Kam- 
 bles, that Meles II cannot be identical with Meles III. How- 
 ever, no reason can be given for placing fr. 28 preferably 
 before fr. 49, and it is a priori equally possible to place it 
 after fr. 49 instead of before it. Therefore the reason just 
 given against the identification of Meles II and III is not 
 conclusive. Furthermore, the next few pages will show that 
 fr. 24 may very reasonably be placed in the course of the 
 passage in Nicolaus of which fr. 49 is an abridgment: if so, 
 then fr. 28 must have come later still. 
 
 2. There seems to be no other reason to distinguish Meles II 
 from Meles III ; and since the reasons already stated are by no 
 means conclusive, it is proper to assume that the Meles of f r. 24 
 and the Meles of fr. 49 are the same. 
 
 Not only is there this presumption that there was only one 
 person named Meles, in the absence of any valid proof to 
 the contrary, but any other view involves the historian in 
 a most serious difficulty. It may be seen in the outlines given 
 above (pp. 14, 15) that Exc. de Virt. et Vitiis 14 and 16 (con- 
 cerning Meles II and Moxos, and Kambles) and Exc. de Ins. 
 14 and 15 (dealing with the last few Heracleidae, including 
 Meles III, and Gyges) were taken from the same general 
 
 mention. (It will be shown later, pp. 42 ff., that Adramytes was 
 possibly one of Gyges' successors.) Perhaps Athenaeus, finding the 
 name Adramytes unfamiliar, assumed that he was an earlier king and 
 therefore assigned to him the first practice of this custom. Xanthus' 
 meaning was more probably that given by the other two writers cited. 
 
26 
 
 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 passage concerning Lydian history, contained in Nicolaus' 
 book IV. Thus: 
 
 EXC. DE VlRT. 
 
 Exc. DE INS. 
 14 and 15 (= Nic. fr. 49) The 
 kings from "Ardys" I to 
 Gyges inclusive, including 
 Meles III. 
 
 14 ( Nic. fr. 24) Meles 
 
 II, Moxos 
 16 (= Nic. fr. 28) Kambles 
 
 (Kamblitas) 
 
 It is to be noticed that the two fragments dealing with a 
 King Meles are quoted by different excerptors. In one it 
 is said that Meles was deposed from his tyranny, that in his 
 time Lydia was visited by a great drought, and that ot avOpviroi 
 f7rl ijavTtia.v KaT<evyov. In the other we are told that when 
 Meles was king Lydia suffered a great famine, and ot dV0pa>7rot 
 7Tt /AavTetas erpdVovTo, and that Meles went into exile at Baby- 
 lon for three years but afterwards resumed his kingdom. The 
 full text of the passages in question is as follows: 
 
 Fr. 24 (Exc. de Virt. 14) : 
 
 OTt Moos 6 AvSos, TroAAa Kal 
 KaAa epyao-d/Aevos, Kal TOV M^Arjv 
 TT;S TvpavvtSos Ka0eAu>v, Tots AvSots 
 TrapCKcAevo-aTO TT)V SeKoYvyv aTroSot)- 
 vat, Ka^a ^v^aTo, TOIS 0eots. Ot 8c 
 CTret^ovTO, Kat aTraptfl/xovvTCS Ta 
 
 KTrJlACLTO. (flpOVV TV)V ScKClTryV OLTTOV- 
 TO)V. Kttt KCLTtOvOV. 'K TOVTOV 
 
 Stav, Kat ot avOpwiroi (TTL 
 
 Aeyerai 7re7rot^(r^at OVTOS 6 dvr/p, 
 Kat ^v avrot) KXeos /xeytcrrov ev Av- 
 Sots 7rt TC dvS/oeta Kal SiKatotrvvy. 
 Tavra 8e Trpa^a? av^tf CTTI TI)V Kpa- 
 (3ov CTTaXr/, Kat iroXw ^povov avrrjv 
 TToXtopKiycras clAc Kat firopOrjcrt, TOV? 
 8 dv^/od)7rovs ets T^V TrAiyo-tbv Xt/u,- 
 VT;V dyaywv ota dfleovs 
 
 Fr. 49 (Exc. de Ins. 14) : 
 
 'ETTI M^Aecu 8e ^acrtAevovros AvSaiv 
 (r<f>68pa \LfJir]V. AvSta- Kat ot dv- 
 
 6p(D7TOl 7Tt /XaVTtaS (rpOLT 
 
 Tots 8' o-?7/Aaive TO 8at/xovtov 
 TrpaTTeaBaL TOV Aao~KvAov <J>6vov 
 -rrapa TO>V /Sao-iAtwi/. Tavra aKOV- 
 o-a? Tra/oa TCOV ^p^a/xoAoywv, Kat 
 ort Set <evyovra CTTI y' CTT; Ka0r)pa- 
 crOaL TOV <f>6vov, <f>vyV ^eAovo"t<os 
 ^ETre/xi^c 8 Kat cts 
 Trapa TOV Aao'KvAov Traloa, 
 Kat avrov ovo/xa, ovrtva 
 tv yacrrpt e^ovcra l<^vye, 
 ets ^SdpScts d^tKvetcr^at Kal 
 StKas Sc^ca^at TOV iraTpwov <f>6vov 
 Trap 1 avTiov OVTCOS yotp 
 
 Ot )U,dvTt5. *O 8e OVK 
 
 Aeywv /AT) ewpaKevat TOV TraTepa* 
 Kveto-^at yap Tt OTC avrjprjTO- OVK- 
 
 OVV 7TpOO-TfJKLV aVTO) TaVTa 
 
 7rpayyw,oveiv. 
 
 KdSvos, ye'vos ovTt TO dveKa^ev aTro 
 oo"Tts <^>vyovTa ?rcTpo- 
 Kat KaTtdvTa CK Ba^SvAwvo? 
 e^aTO /ACTO, Tpta ITT;, Kat TT)V /?aori- 
 ActW ot aTTtS^Ke 7rto"T<I)s. 
 

 MELES 27 
 
 The resemblance pointed out between these two fragments 
 is certainly striking. It is true that in the first case the 
 famine appears to have occurred after Meles was driven out. 
 But it is obvious that in fr. 24 the excerptor has, with 
 carelessness or haste, inserted out of its proper place the 
 sentence about the drought. It has no point in its present 
 position, and disturbs the narrative. Moreover, it can hardly 
 belong immediately after the statement that Moxos instituted 
 the custom of offering tithes to the gods. It is more probable 
 that the custom was supposed to have been instituted either in 
 thanksgiving for the ending of the drought, or to prevent 
 its recurrence. 
 
 It is also true that in the first case Meles is represented as 
 driven out from his kingdom, while in the second he is said 
 to have gone into voluntary and temporary exile. But, as 
 already noted once before, 23 these two statements may well 
 have been given in combination by Xanthus (Nicolaus), 
 and were doubtless derived from different versions of the 
 same story. In all other respects the accounts of Meles in the 
 two fragments are so similar that they can hardly be thought 
 to have been told of different 24 persons of the same name in 
 the same general passage of Nicolaus. It follows, therefore, 
 that so far as the fragments show, Nicolaus knew but one 
 Meles, and gave an account of his career in a single passage 
 
 23 See above, p. 23. 
 
 24 Yet it is just this unsatisfactory position that the historian is 
 forced to accept if it be still held that fr. 24 (Meles II) and fr. 28 
 (Kambles) came before fr. 49 in Nicolaus' narrative. In that case the 
 resemblances noted between the two fragments about Meles could 
 be explained only inadequately and unsatisfactorily by saying that 
 different kings in a dynasty often bore the same name; and that, as 
 to the famine, the recurrence of the event would be sufficient reason 
 for the recurrence of the appeal to the oracle, and this for the 
 recurrence of the statement in the traditional accounts. In view 
 of the fact that, between the two stories about Meles, such similari- 
 ties exist, notwithstanding that the two fragments come to us through 
 different excerptors each writing from a different point of view, the 
 natural and reasonable conclusion is that given in the discussion 
 above. And it is easy to see why the Excerptor de Virtutibus should 
 dwell upon Moxos and his exploits with but scant mention of Meles, 
 while, vice versa, the Excerptor de Insidiis should omit Moxos and 
 give at some length that part of Nicolaus' account which showed 
 Meles' connection with the wrongs done to the house of Daskylos. 
 
28 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 from which somewhat different details were selected by the 
 two excerptors. 
 
 3. The position of fr. 28 (Kambles) in Nicolaus' narrative 
 may now easily be determined. Fr. 24, as we have just seen, 
 must have belonged to precisely the same passage in Nicolaus 
 from which that part of fr. 49 dealing with Meles was drawn. 
 Fr. 28, concerning Kambles, appeared later 25 in Nicolaus' 
 work than fr. 24. But since f r. 28 was still 26 from book IV of 
 Nicolaus, and since fr. 49 ends with Gyges while the first 
 fragment from book VII which relates to Lydian history treats 
 of Gyges again and his passion 27 for a male favorite, it is 
 evident that fr. 28 also must have belonged to the same general 
 passage in Nicolaus as fr. 49, but occurred later than fr. 24 
 and probably later than fr. 49 itself, but before the end of 
 the account of Gyges. Probably, then, the story of Kambles' 
 gluttony was used as an illustration of a similar vice practised 
 by Gyges. Doubtless the same is true (as already mentioned) 
 of the story concerning the castration of women by the kings 
 Adramytes 29 and Gyges. 
 
 4. There remains to be considered how much of historical 
 fact may be contained in Nicolaus' account of Meles. It has 
 already been suggested that there were two versions concern- 
 ing Meles' fall which were combined by Xanthus (Nicolaus), 
 namely : 
 
 25 Because, in the Exc. de Virt. (see outline, p. 14), fr. 28 (= Exc. 
 de Virt. 16) follows fr. 24 ( = Exc. de Virt. 14) ; and the order of the 
 Excerpta faithfully represents the order in Nicolaus. 
 
 28 As we can see from the outlines of the Excerpta (I.e.) ; for fr. 28 
 belongs to the earlier section of Lydian history contained in Nicolaus' 
 Universal History, whereas the consecutive treatment of the Merm- 
 nadae beginning with Gyges belongs to Book VII. 
 
 27 See summary of traditional accounts, p. 35. 
 
 29 And if, as already suggested (see p. 24, also p. 25, note 22) 
 Adramytes and Kambles were both among the Mermnadae, then their 
 slightly anticipated mention seems still more appropriate in the passage 
 here at the end of fr. 49. See below, pp. 40-43. 
 
 
 
MELES 29 
 
 A: fr. 24. B: fr. 49. 
 
 Meles was a tyrant and was a. Meles was a king, 
 driven out by Moxos. b. He killed Daskylos I. 
 
 (This is not directly stated in 
 any extant narrative, but it 
 seems to be implied 30 by the 
 statement that he made expia- 
 tion for the death of Dasky- 
 los I.) 
 
 c. He went voluntarily to 
 Babylon, an exile for three 
 years, in obedience to an 
 oracle which prescribed this 
 form of expiation. 
 
 The second version, B, may be considered first. 
 
 a. It is not probable that Meles was a legitimate king, for 
 (i). there is no place for him in the royal line. Neither a 
 father nor a son is mentioned in connection with him. 
 (ii). The son of "Ardys" I, the preceding king, is Adyattes II ; 
 and no mention is made of any relationship between this 
 Adyattes and Meles. 
 
 b. That Meles killed Daskylos I is contradicted by the 
 statement made in the same narrative (fr. 49) that Adyattes, 
 son of King "Ardys" I, killed him. 
 
 c. That Meles went voluntarily into exile is essentially 
 improbable and legendary. No despot ever went into volun- 
 tary exile merely on account of an oracle, given because a sub- 
 ject had been put to death by another person. Nor would 
 a tyrant be called to account in any such way even if he him- 
 self had killed the subject, and even if the victim was a 
 powerful noble. The reckoning, if it came at all, would come 
 in the form of a revolution. 
 
 Version B, therefore, appears to be unhistorical, 31 with 
 
 ^Radet, La Lydie, 78. 
 
 81 Schubert's comment on the story of Meles' voluntary exile seems 
 well grounded. His last clause, however, is rendered untenable by 
 the considerations given above under a and b. He says (Gesch. d. 
 Kon. v. Lyd. 23) "Als unbedingt wahr festhalten mochte ich nur die 
 Angabe, dass Meles einmal aus seinem Reiche hat fliehen miissen, und 
 nach dreijahriger Abwesenheit die Regierung aus der Hand des 
 
3O THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 the exception that Meles may, after having been expelled 
 from his tyranny by Moxos, have returned from Babylon to 
 seize the power a second time, like Peisistratus, only to be 
 deposed permanently a little later. It is quite possible, more- 
 over, to account for the origin of this version. The reference 
 to Meles as a king may be merely a loose statement that he 
 ruled for a time as a "tyrant" or usurper. That he killed 
 Daskylos I may have been a deliberate falsehood circulated 
 later to shield the real author of the assassination. That 
 Meles' absence in Babylon was voluntary may have been 
 suggested in support of this falsehood, in order that this 
 absence might seem a confession of guilt, though in fact the 
 man had been driven out by his political opponents. 
 
 Version A then remains. 32 It is perfectly reasonable and 
 credible, and it is not contradicted by any other statement. 
 It may therefore be accepted, tentatively at least, as fact. 
 
 III. Meles of the Lion (Meles I) has already been men- 
 tioned (p. 21 ), and may now be considered more fully. 
 
 i. This Meles is not necessarily to be regarded as the founder 
 of Sardes ; although some historians have so represented him. 
 For example, Schubert 33 says: "Als Griinder der Haupt- 
 stadt Sardes hat Herodot I. 84 einen Konig Meles genannt." 
 But Herodotus does not say this. His words are : aTroro/xos re 
 yap cart ravrrj 17 d/c/ooVoAis /cat a/xa^os- rf) ovSe M 17X77? 6 Trporepov fiacri- 
 2$apSiW fj^ovvYf ov 7Tpir)veLK. TOV Xeovra TOV ol rj TraXXaKr) ITCKC, 
 8iKacravT<ov a>s Treptevci^^evros TOV Ae'ovros TO TCI^CS TOVT<H 
 
 dvaXwToi. The expression 6 -rrporepov /Sao-iAevs does not 
 mean the "first king of Sardes", but rather "the man who was 
 formerly king". And Herodotus does not even say that 
 
 Sadyattes wieder zuruckempfing. Die Motivirung der Flucht ist natiir- 
 lich fabelhaft, aber trotzdem schimmert in derselben wohl noch 
 durch, dass Rache der Mermnaden fiir den Tod des Daskylos dabei die 
 eigentliche Veranlassung war." 
 
 ** Since Meles was a tyrant and usurper, he might perhaps (for this 
 reason among others) be identified with Spermos. See summary of 
 traditional accounts, p. 33. However, it is quite possible that, in a 
 long reign like that of "Ardys" I, there were two usurpers, one of 
 whom (Spermos) was beheaded or otherwise done to death, and the 
 other driven out by Moxos. 
 
 13 Gesch. d. Kon. v. Lyd,, 3. Schubert here bases his statement on 
 that of Duncker. See p. 31, note 35. 
 
MELES 31 
 
 Meles fortified the acropolis much less that he was its founder. 
 His meaning may be simply this: that Meles carried the lion 
 round walls built by his predecessors. There is nothing in the 
 passage from Herodotus which could constitute a reason against 
 the view that this Meles was a comparatively late king of 
 Lydia. 
 
 2. This Meles of the Lion has been identified with Meles III 
 by Miiller. 34 Duncker 33 and Schubert, 36 however, identify 
 Meles I with Meles II. Both of these identifications are 
 reasonable enough. But the preceding pages have shown that 
 Meles II and Meles III are to be identified. It appears, there- 
 fore, that Meles I, II, and III were all the same person. 
 
 3. The story about Meles and the Lion is not inconsistent 
 with the account of Meles given by Nicolaus in fragments 24 
 and 49. But it is plainly anecdotal in character. However, 
 it doubtless had some foundation in legend or perhaps in fact. 
 That is, the story may have been only a folk-tale which was 
 fastened upon Meles; or, there may have been a religious 
 ceremony performed at stated intervals at Sardes, having its 
 origin in some primitive ceremony, a procession for the conse- 
 cration and protection 37 of the city, something perhaps like 
 the Lupercalia at Rome. With this ceremony Meles may have 
 been associated, in popular belief, as its founder. 38 
 
 IV. The entire preceding discussion concerning Meles may 
 be summarized as follows: There was only one historical 
 
 **FHG. Ill, 371, footnote on fr. 24. So also Turner, Notes on He- 
 rodotus (1882), 40. 
 ** Gesch. d. Alt. (5' Aufl. 1878) vol. I, 479, note i. 
 
 86 Gesch. d. Kon. v. Lyd., 4 : "Duncker hat diesen Meles (II) mit dem 
 soeben erwahnten Grunder von Sardes identificirt, wird sich dabei aber 
 auch gewiss klar gemacht haben dass dieses bei dem wiederholten 
 Auftreten des Namens Meles in der lydischen Geschichte keineswegs 
 sicher ist." But since Schubert (I.e.) discusses Meles II only in con- 
 nection with Meles I (among the "Atyadae"; see above, p. 22), he 
 doubtless accepts, though less confidently, Duncker's identification. 
 
 87 Schubert, Gesch. d. Kftn. v. Lyd., 4. 
 
 88 Or perhaps, on one of the occasions of the ceremony mentioned, 
 Meles may have failed to carry out the directions of the oracle at 
 Telmessos regarding some point in the ritual to be observed. It is 
 quite possible that the oracle mentioned in the fragments from Nico- 
 laus about Meles was this same oracle at Telmessos. See Radet, La 
 Lydie, 138, and note 3. 
 
32 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 Meles, and the facts about him appear to be these : He was a 
 usurper, probably toward the end of the reign of "Ardys" I, 
 and was driven out by Moxos, supposedly to Babylon. He 
 appears to have returned again to power, only to be expelled 
 permanently. And a report was circulated that he was re- 
 sponsible for the assassination of Daskylos I. 
 
 With this as our starting point, we are now in a position 
 to take up a more comprehensive treatment of our ancient 
 sources. 
 
CHAPTER III 
 THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES OF LYDIA 
 
 I. Summary of the traditional accounts given by Nicolaus, 
 Herodotus, and the chronographers. 
 
 i. Nicolaus (Miiller, FHG. Ill, 371 if.)- 
 
 Frag. 49 : ADYATTES, king of the Lydians, left his kingdom 
 to his twin sons, KADYS and ARDYS. 
 
 DAMONNO, wife of Kadys, together with her paramour 
 SPERMOS, cousin of Kadys, tried to poison Kadys. The effort 
 failed, but later Kadys died. Damonno and Spermos now drove 
 out Ardys, and seized the kingdom. 
 
 Ardys escaped to Kyme. Spermos sent a robber, Kerses, to 
 kill Ardys, and promised him his daughter in marriage, as a 
 reward. By arrangement with Ardys, Kerses returned and 
 beheaded Spermos. His death caused no sorrow or disturb- 
 ance, for he was a wicked man ; and among other misfortunes 
 there was a severe drought 1 while he was king. He reigned 
 for two years, but his name is not written down ev rots paat- 
 
 Ardys was now recalled from Kyme, by messengers from 
 the Lydians, among the messengers being some of the "Hera- 
 cleidae". He reigned best of all the Lydian kings, 
 after ALKIMIOS, and he was beloved and just. He numbered 
 the army of the Lydians: this consisted mostly of cavalry, 
 of which there were 30,000. In his old age, DASKYLOS, son of 
 GYGES of the Mermnad family, became his favorite and gradu- 
 ally obtained complete control of the government. The prince 
 ADYATTES, son of Ardys, secretly killed Daskylos, fearing that 
 on the death of the king the powerful favorite might seize 
 the throne. King Ardys was filled with grief, cursed the 
 murderers, and gave any one who found them permission to 
 kill them. He died after a reign of 70 years. 
 
 When MELES was king of the Lydians, there was a great 
 famine in the land, and the people betook 2 themselves to divina- 
 
 may perhaps mean "the land was in squalid, miserable 
 condition". 
 
 a Nicolaus f r. 24, concerning Meles the usurper driven out by Moxos, 
 should be placed here. Reasons for doing so have been given in the 
 
 33 
 
34 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 tion. The god instructed them to exact penalty for the death 
 of Daskylos from the king's house. So Meles withdrew to 
 Babylon in voluntary exile for three years, to expiate the mur- 
 der. Meanwhile he invited to Sardes young DASKYLOS, son of 
 the murdered Daskylos, whose mother had fled with him to 
 Phrygia. The youth, however, declined to come. Meles, on 
 his retirement, entrusted his kingdom to SADYATTES, son of 
 KADYS, whose remote ancestor was TYLON. This regent faith- 
 fully restored the kingdom on Meles' return from Babylon 
 after three years. 
 
 In the reign of MYRSOS, Daskylos, the son of Daskylos who 
 was murdered by Sadyattes, in fear lest he should draw upon 
 himself the plots of the Heracleidae, fled from Phrygia to the 
 Syrians of Pontus, beyond Sinope. There he married a native 
 woman and by her had a son, GYGES. 
 
 SADYATTES, the last king of the Lydians, was overthrown 
 as follows. There was at Sardes a certain ARDYS, son of 
 Gyges, and uncle of the Daskylos who went to Pontus. Now, 
 Ardys had no children, so he asked the king's permission to 
 bring Daskylos back from Pontus and adopt him. It was 
 reasonable, he said, to be reconciled with the DASKYLIOI, since 
 the king's ancestors ( TrpoTraropes ) had already recalled them 
 to Lydia from exile. Ardys' request was granted. But 
 Daskylos liked his new home, and refused to come, so he sent 
 instead his son Gyges, a youth of eighteen. 
 
 Gyges, a fine young man, attracted the king's notice and 
 was made one of the royal spear-bearers. The king, after a 
 time, suspected the honor of the young man, and purposely 
 assigned him dangerous tasks in order to get rid of him with- 
 out openly putting him to death. Gyges accomplished all these 
 tasks by his strength. The king now loved him, and honored 
 him above all others ; but this royal favor attracted the jealousy 
 of many, especially of Lixos, of the Tylonian family. 
 
 Gyges, sent by the king to bring home Toudo (a Mysian 
 princess whom King Sadyattes was to marry), fell in love 
 with her, lost control of himself, and tried unsuccessfully 
 to win her favors. Later, to escape the royal vengeance, he 
 together with some of his friends broke into the royal bed- 
 preceding chapter, and the full text of the fragment is given on p. 26. 
 For MOPSOS, ASKALOS, and AKIAMOS, see below, notes 29 and 32. 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 35 
 
 chamber and killed the king, who had reigned three years. Then 
 Gyges took possession of the woman and of the kingdom. 
 Some of his enemies he killed, others he won over by gifts. 
 Toward Lixos, however, he showed great animosity; but he 
 was finally reconciled to him after the latter's bold reply to 
 him at a banquet. 3 
 
 Fr. 62. In Nicolaus' account of the Mermnadae, Gyges of 
 course conies first. Fr. 62 tells us of his passion for his hand- 
 some favorite Magnes, who was a poet and a musician. Be- 
 cause of insults offered to this person by the people of Mag- 
 nesia, Gyges invaded their territory and captured their city. 
 
 Fr. 63. Next comes SADYATTES,* king of the Lydians, son of 
 ALYATTES. He was brave in war, but in other matters lacked 
 self-control. He violated his own sister and then married her. 
 She had been married to MILETOS, descendant of MELAS, son- 
 in-law of Gyges. Sadyattes also married two other women, 
 sisters of each other, and by them had two natural sons, 
 Attales by one, and ADRAMYS by the other. By his own sister 
 he had a legitimate son, ALYATTES. 
 
 Fr. 64. This Alyattes, son of Sadyattes, was violent and 
 uncontrolled in youth, but just and temperate in later life. 
 
 Fr. 65. CROESUS, son of Alyattes, in his youth was dissolute 
 and lacked force, but was one of the generals in his father's 
 army, and was placed in command of the town Adramyttium. 
 To raise funds for his quota of troops, he tried to borrow 
 from Sadyattes? a wealthy Lydian merchant, but was refused. 
 
 *Here should be placed the fragments concerning KAMBLES (see 
 above, p. 28). Xanthus (fr. 12) says that Kambles, king of the Lydi- 
 ans, was such a glutton that one night he tore in pieces and devoured 
 his own wife. Early next morning he found his wife's hand in his 
 mouth. The matter was noised abroad, and so he slew himself. 
 Nicolaus (fr. 28) gives almost the same story, with a few additional 
 details, calling the king KAMBLITAS, and adding that lardanos was 
 suspected by the Lydians of having bewitched the king. 
 
 Here also should be placed (see above, pp. 24, 28) Xanthus fr. 19, 
 dealing with the castration of women, a luxurious vice practised by 
 Gyges and ADRAMYTES, kings of Lydia. 
 
 * Suidas (s.v. 'AXuifTTTjs) gives in briefer form the same information 
 found in Nicolaus fr. 63; but both Suidas and Xenophilus (FHG. IV, 
 530) call this king Alyattes, not Sadyattes. 
 
 Suidas (s.v. Kpooros ) gives exactly the same fragment, but calls the 
 miserly merchant Alyattes, not Sadyattes. 
 
 \lyattes, not sady 
 
36 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 Fr. 68 describes Croesus on the funeral pyre (fragments 66 
 and 67 are an excursus on Cyrus of Persia). 
 
 2. Herodotus' account of early Lydian kings : 
 
 I. 7-13: Those who ruled over this country (Lydia) before 
 Agron were descendants of Lydus, son of Atys, from whom 
 this whole people, formerly called Maionian, received the 
 name Lydian. 
 
 The Heracleidae were descended from HERAKLES and a 
 female slave of lardanos, in regular order, thus: ALKAIOS, 
 BELOS, NINOS, AGRON the first of the Heracleidae who became 
 king of Sardes. The Heracleidae reigned for 22 generations, 
 a period of 505 years, the son succeeding the father, down 
 to the time of KANDAULES (called by the Greeks "MYRSILOS") 
 son of MYRSOS. Kandaules was the last of this dynasty, and 
 was overthrown and killed by Gyges, son of Daskylos, of the 
 family of the Mermnadae. 
 
 Herodotus' account of the Mermnadae is as follows : 
 
 GYGES (I. 14). Warred against Miletos and Smyrna and 
 captured Colophon. Sent gold and silver offerings to Delphi : 
 the oracle had confirmed him in the royal power when appeal 
 was made to it by the Lydians. The Delphians called these 
 offerings TvydBas after the dedicator. Reign, 38 years. 
 
 ARDYS (I. 15, 16). Son and successor of Gyges. Warred 
 against Miletos and captured Priene. Kimmerians invaded 
 Asia Minor and captured Sardes excepting the acropolis. 
 Reign, 49 years. 
 
 SADYATTES (I. 16, 18). Son and successor of Ardys. 
 Warred with Miletos. Reign, 12 years. 
 
 ALYATTES (I. 16, 18, 25, 73, 74). Son and successor of 
 Sadyattes. Warred with Kyaxares and the Medes, for 5 
 years ; eclipse of sun ; made peace and formed matrimonial 
 alliance with Kyaxares. Drove Kimmerians out of Asia ; took 
 Smyrna; was defeated at Clazomenae; warred with Miletos; 
 made friendly alliance with Miletos. Reign, 57 years. 
 
 CROESUS (I. 26-56, 69-81, 83-92, 153-156; III. 14, 34). Son 
 and successor of Alyattes. Warred against Ephesus. Ionian 
 and Aeolian cities made tributary. Planned to attack islands, 
 formed alliance with them instead. Empire extended over 
 almost all of western Asia Minor. Solon at the court of 
 Croesus. Adrastos the Phrygian accidently killed Atys, son 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 37 
 
 of Croesus; slew himself in remorse, over the tomb of Atys. 
 Magnificent gifts sent to Delphic oracle. Alliance with Sparta. 
 Warred with Cyrus; crossed Halys and ravaged territory 
 round Pteria, until checked by Cyrus. Besieged in Sardes and 
 captured by Cyrus. Croesus on the funeral pyre. Taken 
 away to Persia by Cyrus. Accompanied Kambyses to Egypt. 
 
 3. The chronographers' lists of the Lydian kings. 
 These lists are all of one type. 6 Those of Eusebius 7 and 
 Julius Africanus 8 are here taken as the norm. 
 
 ]i^y<ift~es ~sr*>r"i>s 
 
 ARDYS, son of Alyattes 9 36 years 
 
 2. ALYATTES 14 " 
 
 3. MELES 12 " 
 
 4. KANDAULES 17 " 
 
 5- GYGES 36 " 
 
 6. ARDYS 38 " 
 
 7. SADYATTES 15 " 
 
 8. ALYATTES 49 " 
 
 9. CROESUS 15 " 
 
 232 
 
 " Schubert, Gesch. d. Kon. v. Lyd., 16, 17. 
 
 T Schoene-Petermann's edition of Eusebius Chron., vol. II, pp. 76-94, 
 96; (= Syncellus 455. 6-15, ed. Dindorf, in Corp. scr. hist. Byz., Bonn.). 
 
 * Schoene-Petermann, op. cit., vol. I, Appendix VI, p. 220, section 44. b. 
 
 ' Here the father of the first king in this list is called Alyattes, 
 while Nicolaus fr. 49 calls him Adyattes. In the different chrono- 
 graphers' lists may be found many variations in the spelling (v. 1.) of 
 the names of the individual kings given in the list above. 
 
CONSPECTUS 
 
 fr 
 
 ail! 
 
 -I 
 
 H 
 
 LOS, 
 king 
 
 of the lion 
 rod. I. 84) 
 
 = ol 
 
 l^" 5 
 
 Jli 
 
 tit* 
 
 f2 
 I 
 
 il 
 
 
 of king 
 killed him 
 
 y 
 
 pi 
 J-- 
 
 11 
 
 I* 
 
 11 
 i 
 
 z 
 
 11 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 3Q 
 
 II. Discussion of certain details in the traditional accounts. 
 
 i. When the accounts of our various ancient authors are 
 synthesized as is done in the foregoing genealogical conspec- 
 tus, it becomes apparent that there is much confusion in regard 
 to the names Sadyattes, Adyattes, and Alyattes. For example, 
 Adyattes I (Nicolaus) is Alyattes for the chronographers. 
 The third Mermnad king is Sadyattes for Nicolaus, Herodotus, 
 and the chronographers, but Alyattes for Suidas and Xeno- 
 philus. Adyattes II (Nicolaus) is Alyattes for the chrono- 
 graphers. The miserly merchant is Sadyattes for Nicolaus 
 (fr. 65), but Alyattes for Suidas. 
 
 It seems evident that the three names in question are varying 
 forms of the same name. 10 But the fact that we find this 
 name (in some one of its forms) used so many times in each 
 of the two dynasties, is also significant. Further, in the tradi- 
 tional accounts there are some apparent contradictions which 
 involve this name: 
 
 a. The son of "Ardys" I is called Adyattes by Nicolaus, 
 and Alyattes by the chronographers. But it will be shown 
 below (p. 44) that Myrsos was in all probability this son 
 of "Ardys" I. 
 
 b. The king after Myrsos, i.e., the last king of the Hera- 
 cleidae, killed by Gyges II, is said by Nicolaus to have been 
 Sadyattes; but Herodotus and the chronographers call him 
 Kandaules, and Herodotus adds still another name by which 
 he was known among the Greeks, Myrsilos. 
 
 c. The son of Gyges II appears to be Alyattes for Nicolaus ; 
 while Herodotus and the chronographers call him Ardys. 11 
 
 " Radet, La Lydie, 77, 78. 
 
 11 Schubert (Gesch. d. Kon. v. Lyd., 40) finds no explanation at all 
 for the seeming contradiction in the name of this king as given in the 
 different ancient authorities. 
 
 Radet (I.e.) says that the Assurbanipal inscription also calls this 
 king "Ardys". The name in the Assurbanipal inscription, however, is 
 restored in a lacuna. See Gelzer, Rhein. Mus. xxx (1875), 234 an d note. 
 Text of the inscription in Cuneiform Inscriptions of Western Asia, 
 vol. Ill, pi. 19, col. iii, line 36, showing lacuna. Another inscription of 
 Assurbanipal, almost word for word the same, but without lacuna (op. 
 cit., vol. V, pi. 2, col. ii, line 120) reads plainly: "After him his son 
 sat upon his throne"; whereas the former reads "... him (-shu in 
 Assyrian) his son ... his throne". Radet appears to have accepted 
 the sign -shu, meaning "him", as the last syllable of the name "Ardys", 
 
4O THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 Either we have here inexplicable contradictions, or, in view 
 of its frequent use in the two dynasties, we should conclude 
 either that Adyattes (or Sadyattes, or Alyattes) was a name 
 common in the family of these kings and often borne in 
 addition to some other proper name, or else that this name 
 was merely a title 12 and was borne by every king of Lydia. 
 These explanations are supported by the fact that each of the 
 three kings mentioned under a, b, and c above has this same 
 additional name or title, while the proper or individual names 
 respectively were Myrsos, Kandaules, 13 and Ardys. For 
 Adyattes I we have, so far, only the 'title' and not a proper 
 name. The same may be true of the third and fourth Mermna- 
 dae; but, as will be shown in the next two sections, indi- 
 vidual names may be found for these two rulers as well as 
 their 'titles'. 
 
 2. Kambles ( ?) = Sadyattes, the 3rd Mermnad king. 
 
 In Nicolaus fr. 28 we are told of a king Kamblitas who 
 pushed luxury and gluttony to such an extreme that he ate 
 his own wife in his sleep. The same story is given in Xan- 
 thus fr. 12, only the king is called Kambles. Aelian (Varia 
 Hist. I. 27) in giving instances of gluttony mentions Kambes 
 the Lydian. Eustathius 14 tells the same story of wife-eating, 
 and clearly uses Xanthus as his source; but he calls the 
 king Kambysis. These four names, then, Kamblitas, Kambles, 
 Kambes, and Kambysis, were evidently used for the same 
 person. 
 
 Now, Kambyses, son of Cyrus of Persia (Herod. III. 1-30 
 ff.), was said to be a passionate, dissolute, intemperate man. 
 Many stories of self-indulgence and cruelty are attached to 
 him, some of which he may not have deserved. Among other 
 
 which he would probably have read "Aidushu" or "Ardishu", a form 
 involving a restoration for which the lacuna seems too small. Winckler, 
 History of Babylonia and Assyria (1907), 276, says: "His (Gyges') 
 son is unnamed by Assurbanipal, but is called Ardys by Herodotus." 
 See also E. Schrader, Keilinschr. Bibl. (1890) II, 176. 
 
 ia This explanation has already been suggested by Radet (I.e.). 
 
 18 Schubert's explanation (Gesch. d. Kon. v. Lyd. 31) that Kandaules 
 was the brother and successor of Sadyattes seems inadequate. 
 
 "Com. ad Odyss. IX. vers. 310 (p. 1630 Rom.). Eustathius, seeing in 
 his source what may have been to him the unfamiliar name Kambes or 
 Kambles, perhaps decided that it should be Kambyses, which he knew 
 well since it was the name of the notorious son of Cyrus. 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 4! 
 
 things, he is said (Herod. III. 31, 32) to have insisted upon 
 marrying his own sister, and after her another sister ; and the 
 younger woman died as the result of his cruelty and abuse. 
 
 In Nicolaus fr. 63 it is said that Sadyattes, the third Merm- 
 nad king, was passionate and intemperate, and that he de- 
 bauched and married one of his sisters, and also married two 
 other women, sisters. 
 
 The similarity between these stories about wife-abuse may 
 of course be due to the possible fact that both the two kings 
 actually practised such things, and hence a similar story arose 
 about each. But about no other two kings in antiquity do we 
 have just this story told in terms so similar. It is therefore 
 reasonable to conclude that it is perhaps the same story told 
 of two different persons, or rather transferred from one to 
 the other. Probably the story was told originally about the 
 Lydian, and was then applied to the Persian. Such a trans- 
 ference would be most likely to occur if the two kings had 
 the same or a similar name, Kambes or Kambyses. Quite 
 possibly, therefore, Sadyattes the third Mermnad king (Nico- 
 laus fr. 63) had also the individual name Kambes or Kambles, 
 the same name as that of the gluttonous Lydian king men- 
 tioned in Nicolaus fr. 28. 
 
 We have seen in Chapter II (p. 28) that fr. 28 comes close 
 to and probably after fr. 49, at the end of Nicolaus* treatment 
 of Lydian history in book IV. Fr. 63, concerning Sadyattes 
 the third Mermnad, does not come until Nicolaus' book VII 
 (see outline, p. 14), where he returns to Lydian history. But 
 Nicolaus' authority, Xanthus, wrote not a Universal History 
 but Lydiaca, 16 which would of course be in continuous form. 
 In this work, therefore, Kambles the glutton and Sadyattes 
 were doubtless mentioned within, comparatively speaking, a 
 few pages of each other, and perhaps in the same passage. It 
 thus seems quite possible that the two were the same person. 
 
 There is perhaps an objection to the identification proposed 
 above, in the mention of lardanos by Nicolaus (fr. 28: see p. 
 24, note 17; see also summary, p. 35, note 3). If Xanthus 
 identified this lardanos (who was suspected by some of the 
 Lydians as having bewitched Kambles into eating his own 
 wife) with the lardanos mentioned by Herodotus (I. 7) as 
 
 M Suidas, s.v. Sdi/0os. 
 
42 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 master of the slave girl by whom Herakles became progenitor 
 of the Herakleid dynasty, then Xanthus must have regarded 
 Kambles as a very early king indeed. But there is no evi- 
 dence, beyond the name, for the identification of these two 
 persons. It is quite possible that tradition knew a later 
 lardanos, who lived in the time of the third Mermnad king. 
 
 3. Adramytes=Adramys:=Hrmon( ?)== Alyattes, father of 
 Croesus. 
 
 It has been shown above (p. 24) that a king Adramytes is 
 mentioned in Xanthus fr. 19 as having followed a vicious 
 practice known among the Lydian kings, i.e., the castration of 
 women. It has also been shown (p. 28) that this story, like 
 the Kambles episode, probably entered as an illustration into 
 the general discussion of the luxuries and vices of Gyges, just 
 after Nicolaus fr. 49. 
 
 According to Nicolaus fr. 63 (see summary, p. 35), one of 
 the natural sons of Sadyattes the third Mermnad is called 
 Adramys, and this name is evidently only a variant form of 
 Adramytes. Compare Kambles and Kamblitas. Steph. Byz. 
 moreover (s. v. 'ASpa/Avrreiov) writes as follows : (17 TrdAi?) 
 
 a7ro 'ASpa/xvrov KTio-rov, TratSos ju,v 'AAuarov, Kpotorov Se 
 
 cv TroAiTCtais KCU aXXoi. rives 8e O.TTO "Epjuwvos TOV AvSwv 
 TOV yap "Ep/Awra AvSot^ASpa/xw Ka\ov<ri O/ovytcrri. From 
 
 this passage it appears that there was a Lydian king Adramys, 
 called by some Herman, and that he was associated with the 
 city Adramyttium, as was also a person of the royal line 
 called Adramytes, son of (King) Alyattes. But it has been 
 shown above (p. 39) that Alyattes and Sadyattes are doubtless 
 forms of the same name. It seems reasonable, therefore, to 
 believe that Adramytes son of Alyattes was the same person as 
 Adramys son of Sadyattes, the third Mermnad, and that hie 
 became king and was known by the Greeks as Herman. He 
 would thus be the fourth Mermnad king, known usually as 
 Alyattes (father of Croesus). Further, in Nicolaus fr. 65 
 we see that Alyattes places his son Croesus in command of 
 the city Adramyttium. It may well be that Alyattes, during 
 his wars, founded or rebuilt 16 or colonized this city which had 
 
 "The Scholiast on Homer II. VI. 397 (scholia Townl., ed. Maass, 
 vol. I = vol. V. of Dindorf series [1888, Oxon.], p. 224) tells us that a 
 Pelasgian Adramys of the time of Herakles founded the city. 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 43 
 
 such a strategic position, and named it after his own name 
 "Adramys". Nothing would then be more natural than that 
 he should place his son in charge of it. 
 
 To the identification suggested above there are the following 
 objections possible: 
 
 a. Xicolaus (fr. 63) says that Adramys was only a "natural" 
 son of Sadyattes the third Mermnad, and expressly distin- 
 guishes him from Alyattes (father of Croesus) the "legitimate" 
 son of this Sadyattes. But Nicolaus' distinction between Adra- 
 mys and Alyattes may easily be due to Xanthus' having seen 
 both names Adramys and Alyattes used separately of this 
 person in earlier sources, or Adramys called Alyattes after 
 his accession to the throne. 
 
 b. In the passage quoted from Steph. Byz. we find that 
 Adramytes is designated as the "brother of Croesus". This 
 would place him in the fifth instead of the fourth generation of 
 Mermnad kings. But the words "brother of Croesus" are 
 apparently only an afterthought inserted by a mistake, by 
 Steph. Byz. himself, or by the compiler of Aristotle's Lydian 
 TroAn-eta, or by his genealogical source. This mistake was 
 due doubtless to a belief that the name Alyattes for the father 
 of Adramytes could not possibly be the same as the name 
 of Sadyattes (the third Mermnad), and hence must refer to 
 Alyattes, father of Croesus. Compare Rawlinson, Hist, of 
 Herodotus (1880), vol. I, 363, note 9. 
 
 There seems to be, therefore, in our traditional sources, no 
 valid or conclusive reason against the identification of Adra- 
 mytes (Adramys, Hermon) with Alyattes, father of Croe- 
 sus; and so, for the reasons given at the beginning of this 
 section, it seems proper to regard them as the same person. 
 It is possible, then, that in his discussion immediately following 
 the passage from which fr. 49 was taken, Nicolaus (Xanthus) 
 started to describe the vices of Gyges, and from this proceeded 
 to give at once a more or less detailed account of the chief 
 vices of the whole dynasty. 
 
 4. The murderer of Daskylos I. 
 
 a. When the murder is first mentioned by Nicolaus, 17 the 
 murderer is said to be Adyattes II, son of "Ardys" I, the 
 twin-king. 
 
 " See summary, p. 33. 
 
44 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 b. But soon afterward Nicolaus says that Daskylos I was 
 killed by Sadyattes. 18 
 
 c. Further, Nicolaus says that Meles 18 expiated the murder 
 by voluntary exile. Radet therefore believes, as already 
 noted, 19 that he must have been the guilty person, for surely he 
 would not take the trouble to wash away the guilt of another 
 person's crime. 
 
 We thus have three different persons, apparently, charged 
 with the murder of Daskylos I. But since Sadyattes and 
 Adyattes are only different forms 20 of the same name, there is 
 no real contradiction between a and b above. As for the 
 contradiction between a and c, Radet's belief that Meles killed 
 Daskylos I is only an inference from the statement that Meles 
 went into voluntary and temporary exile to expiate this crime. 
 This statement appears to be unhistorical, for reasons given 
 above. 21 And if Meles did not atone for the crime, there re- 
 mains no reason to believe that he committed it, and no reason 
 to identify him, as Radet does, 22 with Adyattes II. 
 
 Daskylos I, then, was killed by Adyattes II, son of "Ardys" I. 
 A motive for the crime is given by Nicolaus (see summary, 
 p. 33) : the crown prince feared that this powerful favorite 
 would seize the throne upon the old king's death. But did this 
 Adyattes II actually succeed his father? Apparently we have 
 no record that he did. However, if Meles was (pp. 29-32) a 
 usurper and not of the royal house, the first legitimate king 
 mentioned after "Ardys" I is Myrsos, 23 and the next is Myrsos' 
 son Kandaules (Sadyattes). 24 Presumably, then, Myrsos was 
 the son of "Ardys" I. From this it is reasonable to conclude 
 that Myrsos was the same person as Adyattes II, and that 
 Myrsos was his individual name, while the other was his title. 
 
 It follows, then, that Myrsos killed Daskylos I. Now, the 
 
 18 See summary, p. 34. 
 
 19 See above, p. 29, note 30. 
 
 20 See above, p. 39. 
 
 21 See p. 29. 
 
 21 La Lydie, 78. 
 
 23 See the conspectus, p. 38. 
 
 M Nicolaus does not say that Sadyattes was son of Myrsos; but 
 Herodotus does say that Kandaules was the son of Myrsos. And rea- 
 sons have been given above (pp. 39, 40), indicating that Kandaules was 
 the same person as Sadyattes. 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 45 
 
 only thing we are told 25 about Myrsos is that in his reign 
 Daskylos II became alarmed, and fled from Phrygia (where 
 his mother had taken refuge after the death of Daskylos I) 
 into Pontus beyond Sinope. Assuming that it was Myrsos who 
 killed Daskylos I, the flight of Daskylos II from Phrygia is 
 fully explained. It would be perfectly natural for him to flee 
 still farther away when the murderer of his father came to the 
 throne. 
 
 5. The TrpoTTctTo/aes of Kandaules (Sadyattes). 
 
 Ardys (not the king, but the aged and childless Mermnad), 
 in asking permission of Sadyattes (Kandaules) to bring back 
 and adopt his nephew Daskylos II, said it was right for the 
 king to welcome a reconciliation with the Daskylioi, 26 since the 
 king's TrpoTraropes had already recalled them to Lydia from 
 exile. But who were these TjyxwraTo/oes ? We have an account 
 of only one person who gave such an invitation, namely 
 Meles. Radet 27 concludes, therefore, that Meles was the grand- 
 father, the TTpoTraroop, of the last Herakleid. But Meles, an 
 expelled usurper, cannot be regarded as the grandfather of 
 Kandaules, a king of the regular line ; although it may be that 
 he did try 28 to win the favor of Daskylos II. 
 
 The latest person who could properly be called a TrpoTrarw/o 
 of Kandaules was "Ardys" I, who (as we have seen in the 
 preceding section) was apparently his grandfather. And it is 
 certainly natural that "Ardys" I should have recalled, or tried 
 to recall, Daskylos II, since it is stated that he grieved over 
 
 25 See summary, p. 34. 
 
 26 FHG. Ill, 383, line 23. See summary above, p. 34. Why is the 
 plural used here? According to the account, only one person, Daskylos 
 II, had been called back, (i) The plural cannot refer to father and 
 son, Daskylos I and II, for Daskylos I had already been murdered 
 before the time of this recall. Besides, the form is Aao-KiAfois , not 
 AaaKvXois. (2) It doubtless refers to the family and household of 
 Daskylos I, which would include his son Daskylos II and the immediate 
 relatives. (3) Further, "Daskylos" may well have been an ancestral 
 name in the Mermnad family, going back for many generations earlier 
 than our records. The plural "Daskylioi" would thus be the name, or 
 one of the names, for the whole line or family. (4) From them, it 
 was probably extended so as to include the entire party or followers 
 of this family. 
 
 27 La Lydie, 79. 
 
 28 See below, p. 53. 
 
46 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 the death of Daskylos I and cursed the murderers. Perhaps 
 the plural TrpoTraropcs is used because the speaker was referring 
 not so much to a single king as to the royal house. Or it may 
 be that, in addition to the invitation which we may think was 
 extended by "Ardys" I to young Daskylos II, some of the 
 ancestors of "Ardys" I had recalled from exile earlier members 
 of this powerful family, the Daskylioi or Mermnadae, and that 
 this was the reason why a Daskylos was at the court in the 
 time of "Ardys" I. Perhaps the Mermnadae had once, at a 
 much earlier period, been kings in Sardes or in Lydia, but had 
 been driven out and subdued, and finally had become so 
 amenable that their presence at the court was no longer felt 
 to be dangerous but a source of advantage to the king. 
 6. Moxos (Mopsos) and Askalos. 
 
 a. Nicolaus (fr. 24) gives us some information concerning 
 a certain Moxos (see the full text of the fragment, given above, 
 p. 26). It is significant that he is not called a king. He was 
 a brave and famous Lydian, renowned for his military exploits. 
 The fragment states that he drove out the tyrant Meles. He 
 captured and destroyed the town of Krabos, and threw the 
 inhabitants into the lake near by, oTa dfo'ovs. 
 
 b. Xanthus, 29 from whom it is generally believed 30 that 
 Nicolaus drew much of his material concerning Lydia, tells 
 us that Mopsos the Lydian captured Atergatis and her son 
 Ichthys, and threw them into the lake near Askalon on ac- 
 count of their v/fy>is ; and that the fishes ate them. It is 
 
 29 Xanthus fr. 11 (FHG. I. 38) is preserved by Athenaeus (VIII. 37; 
 p. 346, d), who gets his information from Mnaseas, whom he quotes as 
 follows : "Mnaseas, in the second book of his History of Asia, speaks 
 thus : 'But I think that Atergatis was a very harsh queen ( pacrtXurcra, 
 xaXeTnJ) and that she ruled her people with great severity, so that she 
 even forbade them by law to eat fish, and ordered them to bring 
 this food to her, because she was fond of it. And on account of this, 
 a custom still prevails when they pray to the Goddess, to offer her 
 golden or silver fish ; and for the priests every day to place on the 
 table before the Goddess real fish, carefully cooked, both boiled and 
 roasted, which the priests of the Goddess eat themselves.' And a 
 little farther on he says again : 'But Atergatis, as Xanthus the 
 Lydian says, was captured by Mopsos the Lydian, and was thrown by 
 him, together with her son Ichthys, into the lake near Askalon. 8iA T^V 
 And the fishes ate them.' " 
 
 "Christ, Gr. Lit.-gesch. (1908), p. 429. 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 47 
 
 strange to find prisoners of war, in two instances, thrown into 
 the water in this way; and it looks as if these two accounts 
 were but different versions of the same story, to be combined 
 as relating to the same person. The names Moxos and 
 Mopsos are regarded by Miiller and Schubert 31 as different 
 forms of the same name, and this opinion seems to me correct. 
 c. Now in Xanthus 32 fr. 23 it is stated that Akiamos, king of 
 Lydia, had a general named Askalos, who was sent on a mili- 
 tary expedition, during which he fell in love with a maiden and 
 founded the town of Askalon. It looks as if this were the same 
 story again; 33 and if so, the town "Askalon" was doubtless 
 founded on the site of the conquered Krabos. This would ex- 
 plain why the town is called Krabos by Nicolaus in fr. 24; 
 while fr. n of Xanthus, without mentioning the name of the 
 conquered town, describes the lake into which the prisoners 
 were thrown as being near Askalon. A more serious inconsis- 
 tency between the two versions just mentioned is that in the 
 one case, a, the people of the town are fed to the fishes, while 
 in the other, b f this fate befalls two persons who bear the 
 
 "Miiller, FHG. Ill, 371, note on fr. 24; Schubert, Gesch. d, Kon. 
 v. Lyd., 4. See also Hachtmann, De ratione inter Xanthi Lydiaca et 
 Herodoti Lydiae historiam (Halle, 1869), 14, and Seidenstuecker, De 
 Xantho Lydo rerum scriptore quaestiones selectae (Kiel, 1895), 23, 24. 
 
 88 Xanthus f r. 23 = Nicolaus f r. 26 : "Tantalos and Askalos were 
 sons of Hymenaios. Askalos was appointed general by Akiamos, king 
 of the Lydians, and went on a military expedition into Syria. There 
 he fell in love with a maiden, and founded a town which he named 
 after himself." Miiller (FHG. Ill, 372, note on fr. 26) makes this 
 comment: "Tantalus non est ille Niobes pater; nam hunc Xanthus 
 (fr. 13) Assaonem appellavit." He might have added that the Tanta- 
 lus of early legend, called by most ancient writers the father of Niobe, 
 was said to have been the son of Zeus (Diod. IV. 74; Hygin. Fab. 
 124) or of Tmolus (Nicolaus fr. 17, FHG. Ill, 367). 
 
 33 That there appears to be some kind of connection between this 
 fragment concerning Akiamos, Askalos, and Askalon, and the fragment 
 about Mopsos and Askalon, was suggested by Sevin, on p. 240 of his 
 Recherche* sur les rois de Lydie, a series of articles written during the 
 years 1719-1724, and published in Hist, de 1'Acad. des Inscr. et Belles 
 Lettres, vol. V (1729), Memoires, pp. 231-272 (Miiller's wrong reference 
 in FHG. Ill, 371, note 24, should be corrected so as to read Mem. de 
 I'Acad. V, p. 253, instead of X, p. 250). Miiller (op. cit., 372, note 26) 
 accepts Sevin's suggestion; and it has been made also by Rawlinson, 
 Hist, of Herodotus (1880), vol. I, 348, note 3, who perhaps based his 
 view, like Miiller, on that of Sevin. 
 
48 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 names of the goddess Atergatis 34 (to whom fishes were sacred) 
 and of her son Ichthys. Moreover in the quotation from 
 Mnaseas, who gives us this version, b (see note 29), it may 
 be seen that Atergatis the "queen" appears to be identi- 
 cal with the goddess ; perhaps the word /Sao-iAio-o-a was used in 
 this connection with something of the meaning of "Ba'alat" 
 (for which see Eduard Meyer, G. d. A., I 2 , pp. 377, 378). But 
 how could Atergatis be fed to her own fishes? The most 
 natural explanation of the two versions, a and b, is that the 
 people of the conquered town were worshippers of this god- 
 dess, and that some of them were thrown into the lake because 
 the conquering general worshipped some other deity and pu- 
 nished them as d0eW (a) because they were without his gods. 
 Similarly, then, the v/fyu? (b) of Atergatis was doubtless the 
 very existence of her worship in that town, which the con- 
 queror may have thought belonged by rights to his own deity. 
 Apparently, then, he identified the conquered goddess with 
 her people, and actually fed her and her subjects in grim irony 
 to her own fishes, that is, threw her statue along with her 
 unlucky worshippers into the lake. 
 
 But if these three accounts discussed above (Nicolaus fr. 24 
 concerning Moxos, Xanthus fr. n concerning Mopsos, and 
 Xanthus fr. 23 concerning Askalos and King Akiamos) are 
 in origin three versions of the same story, it follows that 
 Askalos was the same person as Moxos (Mopsos). 
 
 7. "Ardys" and Akiamos. 
 
 In the time of King "Ardys" I there was a usurper named 
 Meles, and this Meles was driven out by Moxos. Now if 
 Moxos = Askalos, then Askalos was the leader who in the 
 time of "Ardys" I drove out the tyrant. But Askalos was a 
 general under King Akiamos. Perhaps, then, Akiamos is the 
 same person as "Ardys" I. Further, there is reason to believe 
 that the name "Ardys" did not properly belong to this king 
 at all, and was inserted by a mistake into the line of the 
 
 "Lucian (De Dea Syria, 1.451; 14460; 45-483 ; 47484) describes the 
 cult of a goddess often called by the Greeks Derketo (Atergatis), at 
 Hierapolis (Bambyke) near Carchemish. The shrine was near a lake, 
 in which were fishes sacred to the goddess. Similar cults existed else- 
 where, e.g. at Askalon in Philistia (Diod. II. 4. 2. See Eduard Meyer 
 in Roscher Lex. d. Myth., s.v. Astarte, col. 653 ; Cumont in Pauly-Wiss., 
 s.v. Dea Syria, col. 2237 ff.). 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 49 
 
 "Heracleidae". This view is supported by the following 
 considerations : 
 
 a. Ardys is a name which seems to belong to the family of 
 Gyges. We find it twice among the Mermnadae, Ardys son of 
 Gyges I, and Ardys son of Gyges II ; and quite possibly it was 
 an ancestral name in the family. But except for the "Ardys" 
 son of Adyattes I, the name does not appear at all in the family 
 of the Heracleidae. Further, if the name really did belong to 
 this member of the Herakleid family, it seems very strange that 
 Gyges II should have given to his son 36 and successor the name 
 borne by the father of the man who murdered Daskylos I. 
 
 b. The presence of the name "Ardys" in this isolated in- 
 stance, in the family of Adyattes I, may easily be explained 
 as follows : 
 
 (i). by the presence of an Ardys in the same generation in 
 the other great family, the Mermnadae. (See the conspectus 
 above, p. 38.)' 
 
 (ii). by the fact that "Ardys" I had a long life. Nicolaus 
 says he reigned 70 years. 37 And the Mermnad Ardys in this 
 generation also had a long life, for he lived to adopt Gyges II, 
 his grandnephew, as his son. 
 
 (iii). by the fact that a later Ardys, in the dynasty of the 
 Mermnadae, was known as the father of a Sadyattes (or 
 Alyattes). And "Ardys" I had a son Adyattes II. 
 
 8. Askalos and Daskylos I. 
 
 According to Nicolaus (fr. 49; see summary, p. 33) Das- 
 kylos I was a favorite of King "Ardys" I, son of Ady- 
 attes I, and had great influence in his time. King Akiamos 
 also had a trusted subject, a general named Askalos, who 
 founded Askalon. Reasons were given above (p. 48) for 
 believing that this Askalos was the same person as Moxos 
 (Mopsos), who conquered Krabos and fed the inhabitants 
 to the fishes of Atergatis. And if it is true, as suggested in 
 the preceding section, that Akiamos was the son of Adyattes I, 
 the name "Ardys" being given to him in some accounts only by 
 mistake, then it looks as if Daskylos the powerful favorite 
 might be the trusted general called Askalos in some accounts, 
 and so the same as Moxos (Mopsos). This view receives 
 
 88 Herod. I. 16. See summary p. 36. 
 8T See summary, p. 33. 
 
5O THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 some support from the statement of Nicolaus (I.e.) that "Ar- 
 dys" I had a good army. It sounds improbable, perhaps, that 
 one person should figure in these accounts, meagre as they 
 are anyway, under four names. But just as Moxos and 
 Mopsos are really forms of the same name, so Daskylos and 
 Askalos may be the same name in origin; for apparently 
 "Askalos" is a corruption of "Daskylos", not so much through 
 any phonetic change 38 or confusion of script, as through the 
 influence of the well known name Askalon. If so, then this 
 person had but two names, one that from which the forms 
 Moxos and Mopsos were derived, the other the original form 
 of the names Daskylos and Askalos. He may have had a 
 double name from the beginning, or one of his two names may 
 have been a title or an epithet. 
 
 It is told by both Xanthus and Nicolaus that this Lydian 
 general founded a city called "Askalon". Now, it is a far cry 
 from Lydia to Askalon in Philistia. But no other Askalon is 
 known. On the other hand, there were several towns named 
 Daskylion 39 in western Asia Minor; and one 40 of these, it 
 seems, was in Lydia on the shore of the Gygaean lake. More- 
 over, not far from this town was the cult of Artemis Koloene. 41 
 This goddess of the lake was, quite possibly, sometimes called 
 Atergatis; 42 and the fishes in the lake seem to have been 
 sacred to her. 43 Does it not look as if the lake near Krabos 44 
 
 38 It is possible that this also had some influence. See below, note 40. 
 "Ruge, in Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Daskyleion. 
 
 *The village Iskele (see map of Olfers and Spiegelthal, in Abh. d. k. 
 Akad. d. Wiss. zu Berlin, 1858, plate facing p. 556) suggesting an ancient 
 name Daskylion, like the ancient city Aa<rK&\iov on the Propontis, in 
 the region of which are the modern Eskil-kjoi, Eskil-liman (doubt- 
 less from * 'AoTcuX/ o or *'A<ric&\ov Xi/i^p ), and Iskele or Iskelessi 
 (Kiepert, Specialkarte v. West. Kl.-As. No. 2; Texier, Asie Mineure 
 II, 161). [Of course, it might be possible to derive a name like Iskele 
 from the modern Greek <ncdXct, Italian scala, meaning stairway, landing- 
 place, sea-port. Cf. Texier, 1. c.] 
 41 Strabo XIII. 626. 
 
 a Two sepulchral inscriptions were found by Buresch (Aus Lydien, 
 117, 118) some distance to the northwest of the lake. One contains the 
 expression ef rts 8t TrapandpT-r) T<? rd(f>({) /xeri rbv Qdvarbv /iou, TT^V 'Avaeiriv rty 
 &irb iepov OSaros KXO\W/J.^VIJV . The other is similar : KCXO\(I}^VOV et rbv 
 
 Qebv [ K\al ' ArapKva.T{tv\. 
 
 ^Varro R.R. III. 17.4; Pliny N. H. II. 209; Forbiger, Handb. d. Alt. 
 Geog. II, 177 note 75; E. Miiller in his article Gygcs und der Gygdische 
 see, Philologus VII (1852), 243 and notes; C. Miiller, FHG. Ill, 372, 
 note on fr. 27. 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 5! 
 
 or Askalon, 45 in which the inhabitants of the conquered town 
 were fed by the general "Askalos" to the fishes sacred to the 
 goddess Atergatis, 46 was this same Gygaean lake, and that the 
 town was really named Daskylion not Askalon, though before 
 it was conquered it may have been called Krabos? The true 
 story seems to have been that Krabos was destroyed and that a 
 new town was founded, perhaps on the old site, and named 
 from the conqueror. But if the town name was "Daskylion", 
 then the conqueror must have been "Daskylos". How then 
 does the name of the town appear in the tradition as "Askalon" 
 and the conqueror as "Askalos"? Doubtless Askalon was a 
 famous name even to the historians of Xanthus' time and per- 
 haps earlier. Daskylion may have been little known. What 
 more natural than that some one assumed that the town, con- 
 quered, re- founded, and re-named by the great Lydian general 
 of the olden time, was the famous town of which all knew 
 vaguely, namely the great Askalon in Philistia, and changed the 
 name from Daskylion, which was right, to Askalon, which was 
 wrong, and so projected the story of the feeding of the prison- 
 ers to the fishes and all the other details upon the wrong city. 
 This mistake would be still more natural because the story 
 involved the goddess Atergatis, an important seat of whose 
 worship was at Askalon in Syria. 47 And if some one in his 
 account changed the town's name from Daskylion to Askalon, 
 of course he had to change the conqueror's name from Dasky- 
 los to Askalos, else there would have been no point in at least 
 a part of his story. If so, the general was named "Daskylos" 
 and Moxos (Mopsos) ; and "Askalos" was not his name at all 
 but only a mistake in the "tradition". 48 Moreover, if the con- 
 
 44 See above, p. 26, Xicolaus fr. 24. 
 "Xanthus fr. n; see above, p. 46, note 29. 
 48 See above, p. 48. 
 
 47 Diodorus II. 4. See Benzinger in Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Askalon. 
 
 48 We have seen above (compare page 47, note 32) that the names 
 Askalos and Tantalos are associated by Xanthus, as belonging to 
 brothers. It is suggestive to note that among the Greek genealogists the 
 names Daskylos and Tantalos are associated. Nymphis and Hero- 
 dorus (ap. Schol. Apoll. Rhod. II. 724, 752) mention a certain Daskylos, 
 son of Tantalos. Lykos, the son of this Daskylos, was said to have 
 entertained Herakles during the latter's expedition to get the girdle 
 of Hippolyte. 
 
52 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 quered town was falsely identified with the real Askalon, it 
 is easy to understand why some one added to the account the 
 additional item that the expedition on which the general was 
 sent was into "Syria". 49 
 
 The identification of Daskylos I with the "Askalos" of the 
 traditional accounts of the capture of Krabos, etc., that is, 
 with Moxos (Mopsos), makes more comprehensible the feud 
 between Adyattes II and this person. In speaking of Dasky- 
 los I, Nicolaus 50 uses the following words : "A/oSv'i Sc yry/oao-Kovn 
 
 r)Sr) 7r/3O<r<iA.<TTa,TO? rjv AacrKvAos Fvyca), yei/os Mep/xvaS^s. OVTOS 
 aTTacrav a)s eiTretv rrjv AvSaV a/o^V Sia X a / 9 et^c. On the face of it, 
 
 such a passage might indicate nothing more than the influence 
 exerted upon the affairs of Lydia by a royal favorite who 
 possessed no more, real power than, for example, Antinous. 
 But if this Daskylos, a member of the powerful family of the 
 Mermnadae, was not only a favorite of the king, but in himself 
 a strong man; if he was the leader of at least one successful 
 military expedition, had reduced Krabos and founded a city 
 which he called by his own name; if he had driven out the 
 usurper Meles and restored the old king to the throne, it is 
 easy to understand that the crown prince, afterwards Adyattes 
 II, regarded him as a dangerous rival and desired to be rid of 
 him by foul means if not by fair. Such a rivalry, apparently 
 to some extent inherited by the descendants of the principals, 
 is plainly alluded to in the statements made 51 to his followers 
 by Gyges II, grandson of Daskylos I, when he was preparing 
 for his revolution against Sadyattes (Kandaules), son 52 of 
 this Adyattes II (Myrsos) and last king of the Heracleidae. 
 
 9. In the light of the preceding discussion, and of that given 
 in Chapter II, we may now summarize briefly what appears 
 to have been the historical course of events regarding the politi- 
 cal disturbances in the reign of King Akiamos ("Ardys" I). 
 Toward the end of this king's reign, when he had become 
 aged and infirm, three political parties began to struggle for 
 ascendancy: (a). The party of the ruling house, headed by the 
 
 49 See p. 47, note 32 ; Xanthus f r. 23. 
 
 84 Fr. 49; FHG. Ill, 382, line 10. 
 
 "Nicolaus fr. 49; FHG. Ill, 385, line 5. Gyges, in soliciting his 
 friends' aid, reminds them of the murder of Daskylos I and of the 
 curses pronounced by the aged "Ardys" I upon his murderers. 
 
 c2 See above, p. 44 and note 24. 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 53 
 
 crown prince Adyattes II. (b). The party of the Mermnadae, 
 led by Moxos = Daskylos I. (c). The party of Meles. This third 
 party at first triumphed and Meles usurped the royal power, 
 but was afterward driven out by Moxos = Daskylos I. This 
 general then became a hero and the powerful favorite of the 
 king. The crown prince in jealousy killed him; and the strong 
 party of 'Moxos = Daskylos I, deprived of its leader, lost its 
 hold. Meles at once took advantage of his opportunity, re- 
 turned from Babylon and seized the throne again. Since the 
 family of the Daskylioi were now alienated from the ruling 
 house, Meles might naturally make overtures to them and try 
 to secure their support for himself. Their refusal is easy to 
 understand, and it doubtless constituted the negative reason, 
 while active opposition on the part of the crown prince was 
 the positive cause, of Meles' second and permanent expulsion. 
 
 10. "Sadyattes" the "regent", son of Kadys. 
 
 This person has a place in the narrative only if Meles went 
 into voluntary exile ; for if Meles went into exile without losing 
 the kingship, some one must have held the throne 53 for him 
 during his absence. But if the story of Meles' voluntary 
 exile is rejected as unhistorical, 54 the whole story about a 
 regent should be rejected too. Of course, Sadyattes the son 
 of Kadys, though not a regent, may have been a real person, as 
 well as Sadyattes the merchant from whom Croesus tried to 
 borrow, 55 unless these names were employed by tradition- 
 mongers merely to give definiteness to stories previously name- 
 less. 
 
 11. Tylon. 
 
 In Nicolaus no information is given concerning Tylon be- 
 yond the mere mention that he was a remote 56 ancestor of 
 Kadys, and of Lixos. But some exceedingly interesting ma- 
 terial about him is to be found collected by Radet, 57 and better 
 
 e. FHG. Ill, 383, line 5. 
 
 54 See above pp. 29 ff. 
 
 M Nicolaus fr. 65; see summary, p. 35. Apparently, then, the name 
 Sadyattes was not used exclusively by the kings of Lydia. 
 
 56 Nicolaus fr. 49; FHG. Ill, 383, line 4: M^XTJS 5 Qevywv rrjv d/>xV 
 jrl<TTev(re "2a.8vd.TTr) rep KdSuos, ytvos 6vTi r6 av^Kadev airo TiSXajpos. Also p. 
 384, line 12 : KO.I AIOJ roO TvXomou ytvovs. 
 
 "La Lydie, 83, 84, and notes. 
 
54 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 still by Head. 58 Briefly it is as follows : "Pliny (N.H. XXV. 14), 
 on the authority of Xanthus, relates that, after having been 
 killed by the bite of a serpent, Tylon 59 was restored to life by 
 the virtue of an herb called Balis. In the story of the resusci- 
 tation of Tylos 60 as told by Nonnus (Dionysiaca XXV. 451-551), 
 the healing plant is called Aios avOos, and is given him by his 
 sister Morie. According to Nonnus, the serpent, after having 
 bitten Tylos, was slain by a giant warrior named Damasen, a 
 son of Ge. Nonnus next tells how a female serpent, the wife 
 of the slaughtered monster, coming to the rescue of her mate, 
 brought him in her mouth a spray of the magic plant and half 
 restored to life her dead companion. Meanwhile the girl 
 Morie, the sister of the dead Tylos, witnessing this marvel, 
 did likewise, and thus restored Tylos to life." There are also 
 three coins 61 of Sardes to be noticed: (i) Time of Severus 
 Alexander. Two male figures face to face, each holding on 
 one arm a bent and knotted club. One presents to the other a 
 branch of some plant. On the ground between them is a dead 
 serpent. In the field are the names of the two heroes, "Mas- 
 nes" and "Tylos". These names are equally near both figures, 
 but presumably it is Masnes who presents the herb to Tylos. 
 (2) Time of Gordian III. Male figure wielding club against 
 large serpent coiled and erect before him, holding in its mouth 
 a branch of some plant. Across the field "Masanes". (3) A 
 coin of Otacilia (Mion. IV, p. 138, No. 789). Male figure in 
 a car drawn by two winged serpents. His name, "Tylos", is 
 written across the field. Beneath the car lies another figure, 
 accompanied by the name "Ge". And Tylos was "son of the 
 earth" according to Dionys. Halic. I. 27. 
 
 Evidently then Tylon or Tylos was a god or hero who, at 
 least in the Roman period, was regarded as a national figure in 
 Lydian history. At one time, presumably in his youth, he was 
 killed (though soon restored to life) by a serpent. Now, a 
 Greek hero, the most famous of them all, was all but destroyed 
 in infancy by serpents, namely Herakles; and the coin of 
 Severus Alexander, representing Tylon with a knotted club, 
 suggests that Tylon and Herakles were identified. But if 
 
 68 Cat. Coins Brit. Mus., Lydia, pp. cxi ff. 
 M Pliny uses this form of the name. 
 89 Nonnus uses this form. 
 "Head, I.e. 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 55 
 
 Tylon or Tylos, the reputed ancestor of a Kadys, and of a 
 "Sadyattes" (i.e. the supposititious regent for Meles), and of 
 Lixos, was identified 62 with Herakles the reputed ancestor 
 of the royal family of the "Heracleidae", then this Kadys may 
 well have been in fact the Herakleid twin-king Kadys; and it 
 follows that Lixos, a member of the same family, was a prince 
 of the blood. 63 It looks therefore as if "Heracleidae" was but 
 the Greek name for the royal family who, in the native tra- 
 dition, traced their origin to the mythical Tylon. 
 
 This identification of the ancestor of the royal line with 
 the Greek Herakles was of the utmost importance to the 
 Greek chronologists, for it enabled them (by filling up the 
 gaps in the family genealogy, and assigning to each genera- 
 tion an arbitrary number of years, according to the methods of 
 the Greek chronologists) to assign definite dates to the events 
 of Lydian history. Moreover, the fact that in all our accounts, 
 including that of Xanthus (Nicolaus), the royal family before 
 Gyges appears always under the name "Heracleidae", whereas 
 the "Tylonii" appear as a separate family, although there is 
 nothing in the tradition itself which prevents their complete 
 identification, shows how strong the Greek influence was with 
 all, even Xanthus himself, who gave form and permanence to 
 this tradition. The name "Heracleidae" is Greek, and so can- 
 not have been the original and historical name of a Lydian 
 family. 
 
 Radet (La Lydie, 84), because of the Thracian district 
 
 Masnes also appears to be a Lydian deity or hero; and it would 
 seem that he, since he killed the serpent, should correspond to the 
 Greek Herakles. Perhaps he was so identified; but no great Lydian 
 family is known to have traced its descent from Masnes, as one evi- 
 dently did from Tylon. Masnes, therefore, did not suit the needs of 
 the Greek chronologists (see just below). 
 
 63 It is possible that Lixos was a grandson of Kadys, since he comes 
 in the second generation after Kadys (i.e., in that of Kandaules 
 and Gyges II. See genealogical conspectus on p. 58; also p. 38). 
 The quarrel between Lixos and Gyges II occupies an important 
 place in Nicolaus' account (fr. 49) of the founder of the Mermnad 
 dynasty. Regarding Lixos as a prince of the blood, it is easy to 
 understand his enmity toward Gyges, a member of the great rival 
 family of the Mermnadae. And when Kandaules (Sadyattes) was 
 killed, Lixos may well have thought that he had a claim to the 
 throne. 
 
56 THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 "Tylis" mentioned by Steph. Byz. (s.v.), regards Tylon as in 
 all probability imported by the Indogermanic migrations into 
 Asia Minor (ca. 1200 B.C. 64 and earlier), that is, among 
 others, by the "Maionians". 65 This is quite possible. And, 
 as Head says (op. cit., p. cxiii), "the Tylos myth, as symboliz- 
 ing the return of spring after winter, by resurrection after 
 death, no doubt formed part of the sacred mysteries of the 
 cult of Demeter and Kore celebrated at Sardes." But this same 
 symbolism belongs to the primitive Anatolian 66 deity Attes, 
 worshipped in Sardes and throughout a large part of Asia 
 Minor, with ritual observances commemorating his death and 
 resurrection. 67 Perhaps, then, the Indogermanic Tylon simply 
 took the older, native deity's place with the new dynasty, 
 probably assimilating part of his attributes, and becoming to 
 some extent, though never entirely, identified with him. If 
 this is right, then there seems to be a germ of truth in 
 Herodotus' tradition about the "Herakleid" dynasty, and "the 
 rulers descended from Atys" who preceded the "Heracleidae". 
 And there is even some excuse for the Greek logographers 
 who seem to refer both Mermnadae and Heracleidae to 
 Herakles as an ancestor. That the Heracleidae were so traced 
 is obvious. But Apollodorus (Bibl. II. 7.8) mentions, as a son of 
 Herakles and Omphale, 'Aye'Aaos, oOev KCU TO KpotVov yeVos. Per- 
 haps the Mermnadae (who were, as far back as our records 
 go 68 and therefore probably much earlier still, the powerful 
 rivals of the Heracleidae) were of the old Anatolian stock. 69 
 If so, it would be natural for them, like the earlier Anatolian 
 rulers of Lydia, to trace their descent from Attes. 70 And 
 if a Lydian god could be identified by some of the 
 Greeks with Herakles, while others called him Tylon, and still 
 
 "Eduard Meyer, G. d. A., I a , p. 613. 
 
 68 See Kretschmer, EM. in die Gesch. der Gr. Sprache, 385. See 
 also summary p. 36 above. 
 
 ^Farnell, Greece and Babylon (1911), 254, 255. 
 
 ^Cumont, in Pauly-Wissowa, s.v. Attis, col. 2249. 
 
 68 See summary, p. 33 ; see also p. 46, and note 17 on p. 23. 
 
 *It is my opinion that they were not only of Anatolian stock, but 
 also perhaps akin to the Hittites; and I hope at some time in the 
 future to publish my reasons for this view. 
 
 70 Herodotus (I. 34) gives the name Atys to a son of Croesus. See 
 summary, p. 36. 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 57 
 
 others spoke of Attes, it is easy to see one source of confu- 
 sion in the compilations of genealogists. 
 
 III. Reverting once more to the summaries of our traditional 
 accounts and the conspectus of them given at the beginning 
 of this chapter, and applying the results of the discussion con- 
 tained in the foregoing pages, a new "genealogical" list of 
 Lydian kings may now be constructed. (For the following 
 list, compare the accompanying diagram.) 
 
 i. TYLON, the mythological eponymous ancestor is naturally 
 to be placed at the top of the diagram. Somewhere between him 
 and the list of kings may perhaps be placed ALKIMOS, said 71 
 to have been an early king of Lydia, the most prosperous and 
 best beloved of all. The only other royal name mentioned in 
 the accounts of Herodotus, Nicolaus (Xanthus), and the 
 chronographers, preceding the nine kings given in the list be- 
 low, is AGRON, said by Herodotus to have been the first Hera- 
 kleid king of Lydia. All these three names of course belong to 
 the mythological literature. 
 
 The first name in the new list of kings is ADY ATTES I (see 
 Nicolaus fr. 49). KADYS and AKIAMOS ("Ardys" I) are his 
 two sons; and DASKYLOS I (ASKALOS) = Moxos (Mopsos) 
 may be placed in the corresponding generation of the Mermna- 
 dae, as a son of Gyges I. SPERMOS was a cousin of Kadys 
 and "Ardys" I, so he was probably the son of a brother of 
 Adyattes I. MYRSOS is here taken to be the son of Akiamos 
 ("Ardys" I), and identical with ADYATTES II, the murderer of 
 Daskylos I. Lastly, KANDAULES (SADYATTES) is here con- 
 sidered to be the son of Myrsos; while "Sadyattes", the 
 supposititious regent, and Lixos, are respectively son and 
 grandson of Kadys. 
 
 The Mermnad line presents no difficult'! es. The aged, 
 childless ARDYS I, uncle of Daskylos II, is a son of GYGES I. 
 Then in order come DASKYLOS I and II, GYGES II, ARDYS II 
 (ALYATTES), [Kambles 72 ] (SADYATTES), [Adramytes 73 ] (ALY- 
 
 n Nicolaus fr. 49, FHG. Ill, 382; Xanthus fr. 10. 
 "See above, pp. 40 ff. 
 TO See above, pp. 42 ff. 
 
1 
 
 ? 
 
 n 
 
 I I 1 
 
 1 I 
 
 I 
 -I 
 
 + . 
 
 I 
 1 
 
 1 I 
 
 I 
 
 I ii ! 
 
 <' si 
 
 ii 
 
 I 11 I 
 I 1 1 
 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 59 
 
 ATTES), and CROESUS. The sister of Sadyattes, married by 
 him, was previously wife of MILETOS. This man was "a 
 descendant of MELAS, son-in-law of Gyges". This passage 74 
 doubtless refers to Gyges I; for if Gyges II had been meant, 
 Miletos would have been called the son, not the descendant 
 ( dTToyovos), of Melas. Melas is then to be placed in the 
 same generation with MELES; and though the names MeVas 75 
 and Mij\r}s are somewhat different, it is possible that the two 
 persons may be the same. If so, it was very natural for the 
 usurping tyrant to try to strengthen his position, perhaps be- 
 fore his tyranny or in preparation for it, by a marriage al- 
 liance with the powerful family of the Mermnadae. 
 
 In this "genealogy" or list there are thus two ruling dynas- 
 ties, with four kings in the first (not including usurpers), 
 and five in the second. 76 
 
 74 Nicolaus fr. 63. See summary, p. 35. 
 
 "The name MAas (gen. MAa* - os : Nic. fr. 63, FHG. Ill, 396) 
 appears to be Greek, but it may have been a native name so written 
 by the Greeks in order to give it a Greek meaning, perhaps another 
 instance of the liberties freely taken by the Greeks with native non- 
 Greek names (cf. Fick, Hattiden und Danubier in Griechenland [1909], 
 i). The name MAas (MAa? - os) is applied to various rivers in Asia 
 Minor: a river between Pamphylia and Cilicia (Strabo XIV. 667; Pau- 
 san. VIII. 28.3), a river in Cappadocia (Strabo XII. 538), and a river 
 in Pontus (Pliny N.H. VI. n). The same root may perhaps be found 
 in M^XTJJ (MATjr-os) the name of a river in Ionia, near Smyrna (Strabo 
 XII. 554; XIV. 646). And though Choiroboskos (Schol. ad Theodos. 
 Canon., in Grammatici Graeci part IV, vol. I, p. 160 [ed. A. Killer, 
 1894, Teub.]) distinguishes the river MAijs from the river MI^XTJS (MiJ- 
 XT/T - os ) , near Colophon, which was so near Smyrna, yet he implies 
 that other grammarians considered the streams identical, and admits 
 that they regarded one name as a variant form of the other. 
 
 7 * There are no records anywhere of more than five kings in this 
 dynasty. We may date the end of the reign of Gyges II about 652 
 B.C., and the fall of Sardes and of Croesus, at the hands of Cyrus, in 
 546 B.C. (Lehmann-Haupt in Pauly-Wiss. s.v. Gyges [1912], col. 
 1961, 1964). For such a period of about 106 years, two kings are out of 
 the question ; three are possible, but improbable, for the reigns are too 
 long. It is reasonable, therefore, to suppose that four is the correct 
 number of Gyges' successors. 
 
 
6O THE KINGS OF LYDIA 
 
 2. One objection to this new list of kings remains to be con- 
 sidered. In the chronographers' lists 77 Meles is placed after 
 Alyattes (Adyattes II) = Myrsos, 78 and just before Kandaules. 
 In the reconstructed list Meles, if mentioned at all, ought to 
 come just after or in the time of Akiamos (Ardys" I), whose 
 throne he usurped. But if it be true that Meles was a usurper, 
 that he was a contemporary of Alyattes (Adyattes II) = Myr- 
 sos, 78 and that he seized the kingdom twice before he was 
 finally expelled, 79 a confusion in the accounts preserved by the 
 chronographers is easy to understand. 
 
 3. This new list of nine Lydian kings attempts only to give 
 the names of the kings and their correct order of succession. 
 It is offered tentatively, as something more satisfactory than 
 other lists thus far proposed. It may well be that it gives 
 us historical truth, and that parts of it were ultimately de- 
 rived from some kind of early written records, even if these 
 were no more than inscriptions on royal tombs. 
 
 We can also see that the secret of the confusion in our 
 traditional accounts, in their present untrustworthy form, 
 is this : Xanthus or some preceding writer doubtless had be- 
 fore him at least two different earlier sources or groups of 
 sources. One of these was substantially correct and cor- 
 responded, as we may believe, to our new "genealogy", but was 
 confused, and used the proper names and the common name 
 or title (Sadyattes, Adyattes, Alyattes) indiscriminately for 
 certain kings. The other source, or group of sources, wrongly 
 used the name "Ardys" instead of Akiamos, and regarded 
 Moxos, Askalos, and Daskylos, as different persons. 
 
 It is also clear that the key to the solution here offered 
 is contained in the identification of Meles II (Nico- 
 laus fr. 24) and Meles III (Nicolaus fr. 49), which was made 
 possible by a re-examination of the order and the assignment 
 into 'books' of the fragments from Nicolaus contained in 
 
 77 See summary, and conspectus, pp. 37, 38. 
 
 78 See above, pp. 39, 44. 
 
 79 See pp. 29, 30. 
 
THE HERAKLEID AND MERMNAD DYNASTIES 6l 
 
 the two series of Excerpta, the De Virtutibus and the De 
 Insidiis. For, if this identification is correct, the two frag- 
 ments concerning Meles may be, and properly should be, 
 combined. It is thus made possible to deal with only one 
 account of this person, a usurper in the time of "Ardys" I and 
 mentioned by Nicolaus in the course of the passage from which 
 fr. 49 was taken. The way is then clear for considering 
 the relations between the persons mentioned at the end of 
 the preceding paragraph, and for discussing the other matters 
 which have been taken up in this chapter. 
 
 

LTBRARY USE 
 
 boo, ,. due before c.os.n 9 time on the .... d.>e ...n.ped be.ow 
 
 HUP A 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA, BERKELEY 
 FORM NO. DD6A, 20m, 12/80 BERKELEY, CA 947: 
 
-\ 
 
 OLSU-.J 
 
 UNIVERSITY OF^ CALIFORNIA LIBRARY