THE LIBRARY 
 
 OF 
 
 THE UNIVERSITY 
 OF CALIFORNIA 
 
 LOS ANGELES
 
 FUGITIVE PIECES, 
 
 BY VARIOUS HANDS. 
 
 1867. 
 
 MORRISANIA, N. V.: 
 1867.
 
 FIFTEEN COPIES PRINTED, NUMBERED 
 AND SIGNED. 
 
 No. 
 
 BRADSTREET PRESS.
 
 
 TO 
 
 S. WHITNEY PHCENIX, ESQ., 
 
 OF NEW YORK CITY. 
 
 As a slight testimonial of personal esteem, this volume 
 is respectfully inscribed by 
 
 THE EDITOR. 
 MORRISANIA, N. Y., 1868. 
 
 447952
 
 PREFATORY NOTE. 
 
 THE following papers, originally published in THE 
 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE, under my editorial supervision, 
 are brought together in this volume for more convenient 
 use by students of American History. 
 
 HENRY B. DAWSON. 
 MORRISANIA, N. Y., 1868.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 I. MR. WHEELWRIGHT'S FAST-DAY SERMON, PREACHED 
 AT BOSTON, JANUARY 16, 1636-7. 
 
 II. SIR NATHANIEL RICH. By John Ward Dean, 
 Esq., of Boston. 
 
 III. JOURNAL OF LIEUTENANT THOMAS ANDERSON OF 
 THE DELAWARE REGIMENT, 17801782. 
 
 IV. THE FCF.DERALIST, No. Ixiii. The original draft, 
 by Mr. Jay. 
 
 V. SUGGESTIONS FOR A CONSTITUTION FOR THE STATE 
 OF NEW YORK. By Egbert Benson and Rufus King. 
 
 VI. THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. By Seu-ki- 
 Yu, Governor of Fuh-Kien. 
 
 VII. THE ORIGIN OF M'FINGAL. By Hon. J. 
 Hammond Trumbull, of Hartford, Connecticut. 
 
 VIII. A SCRAP FROM MASSACHUSETTS HISTORY. By 
 George Henry Moore, Esq., of Neiu York. 
 
 IX. GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. A fragment. By the late 
 John W. Francis, LL.D. 
 
 X. A HISTORY OF THE EXPEDITION AGAINST THE FIVE 
 NATIONS, COMMANDED BY GENERAL SULLIVAN, IN 1778. 
 By Nathan Da-vis, of Colonel Cil/ey's Regiment. 
 
 XI. THE SPEECH OF MR. JOHN CHECKLEY, UPON HIS 
 
 TRYAL, AT BOSTON, IN NEW ENGLAND, NOVEMBER, 1724. 
 
 With Introduction by Rev. E. H. Gillett, D.D.
 
 I. 
 
 A SERMON 
 
 PREACHED AT 
 
 BOSTON IN NEW ENGLAND, 
 
 VPON A FAST DAY THE XVJrn OF 
 JANUARY, 1636-7. 
 
 BY REV. JOHN WHEELEWRIGHT. 
 
 From Manuscripts in the Library of The Massachusetts 
 Historical Society.
 
 PREACHED AT 
 
 BOSTON IN NEW ENGLAND 
 
 VPON A FAST DAY 
 
 THE XVJTH OF JANUARY. 1636. 
 BT MR. JOHN WHEELEWRIGHT, 
 
 From Manuscripts in the possession of the Massachusetts Historical 
 
 Society, first published in THE HISTORICAL MAGAZINE, for 
 
 April, 1867. 
 
 MORRISANIA, N. Y.: 
 1867.
 
 BKADSTRXKT PRKI8.
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 The following very important Sermon, which, after 
 remaining unpublished for two hundred and thirty years, 
 was first introduced to the reading public outside of 
 Boston, in the HISTORICAL MAGAZINE for April, 1867, 
 has been printed in this form for the more convenient 
 use of a few scholars and students who are, also, friendt 
 
 of the Editor. 
 
 HXNRY B. DAWSON. 
 
 MORRISANIA, April ii, 1867.
 
 INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 
 
 There is no more interesting series of events in the history of 
 New England, than that which is known to us as " The Anti- 
 " nomian Controversy " of 1634-40. 
 
 The Puritan fathers of the Colony of Massachusetts Bay were 
 not wholly united in their admiration of Governor John Win- 
 throp, and those with whom, both in Church and State, he acted 
 in concert ; and this they did not fail to make manifest on more 
 than one occasion. Thus, in 1632, less than two years after the 
 transfer of the Corporation to America, Thomas Dudley, impa- 
 tient of undue control and disliking some of Governor Win- 
 throp's measures, openly resented them by attempting to with- 
 draw from the Government. Two years later, the Governor 
 was superseded by Mr. Dudley, and called to account "for 
 "such commodities as he hath received of the common stock" 
 to a Committee of the General Court, evidently in a hostile 
 spirit. Mr. Haynes succeeded Mr. Dudley, in 1635 ; and in 
 1636, Henry Vane, Esqr., was elected to that office, with Mr. 
 Winthrop as his Deputy. In 1637, desperate at this persistent 
 rejection of Mr. Winthrop and this continued rebuke of the 
 spirit which controlled him and his adherents, in violation also 
 of law and of the chartered rights of the majority of the Free- 
 men of the Corporation, the most unwarrantable measures were 
 taken to secure the restoration to authority of the ancient re- 
 gime ; and, amidst the most intense excitement, the effort was 
 successful. 
 
 It is evident that in these long-continued discontents and fre- 
 quent contests for authority, the struggle to retain or regain 
 the power which " the major will" was unwilling to repose in 
 ' Mr. Winthrop and his friends and supporters, the town of Bos- 
 ton was almost unanimously opposed to that party ; and that it 
 relied chiefly for its support on the country towns and on the 
 clergy ; although, in the country, also, were many who con- 
 demned the clergy as preachers of false doctrines, and the Gov- 
 ernor as a supporter of an erroneous polity. 
 
 While these discontents were gathering their strength, in 
 September, 1634, there arrived at Boston, one William Hutch- 
 inson and his wife and family ; and, a little more than a year 
 later, Rev. John Wheelwright, a relative of his, also settled In 
 the same place, whence, soon after, the latter removed to Mount 
 Wollaston, now Braintree. 
 
 The religious meetings for women, which were instituted in 
 Boston, by Mrs. Anne Hutchinson, and the excitement which 
 was produced thereby, are known to our readers ; and 
 they need not be told of either the general denuncia- 
 tion of the clergy, as preachers of false doctrines, in 
 which Mrs. Hutchinson and her friends indulged, nor of the
 
 hearty support which that remarkable woman enjoyed, not 
 only from the townsmen, in Boston, but from many of the lead- 
 ing inhabitants of the country towns. As a necessary conse- 
 quence of this religious warfare against the clergy, by those 
 who also mainly opposed, politically, the great civil supporter 
 of the clergy, Mr. Winthrop, it was not long before the theolog- 
 ical dispute became an important element in the political con- 
 tests of the day ; and the friends and adherents of Winthrop 
 were called upon to battle at the same time against the mere 
 opponents of the clergy, headed by Mrs. Hutchinson, and the 
 opponents of Mr. Winthrop, per se, headed, it is probable, by 
 Henry Vane, William Coddington, John Coggeshall, Captain 
 John Underbill, and Richard Dummer, both of which parties 
 they appear to have considered equally antagonistic to their 
 party and to their desire for office. 
 
 In the midst of this excitement, while Mr. Vane was Gover- 
 nor of the Colony, a fast was ordered on account of the pre- 
 vail ing dissensions and the existing troubles with the Indians; 
 and, among others, a sermon was preached by Mr. Wheelwright, 
 who was one of the principal theological opponents of the 
 clergy, and, indirectly, an opponent also of Mr. Winthrop and 
 his political adherents. 
 
 For preaching this Sermon,, Mr. Wheelwright was summoned 
 before the General Court, when a remonstrance was presented 
 from nearly all the members of the Church at Boston, claiming 
 as Freemen their right to be present in cases of judicature, and 
 denying the right of the Court to act in cases of conscience be- 
 fore the Church itself had acted on the subject. 
 
 Mr. Wheelwright duly appeared before the Court, produced 
 his Sermon, and justified it, boldly declaring that his applica- 
 tion of the principles maintained therein was " to all that walk 
 "in that way." The Court then called on the Elders of the 
 Churches to declare if, in their ministry, " they walked in such 
 "a way " as Mr. Wheelwright had described, which they ac- 
 knowledged ; whereupon the Court adjudged the preacher 
 " was guilty of contempt and sedition." 
 
 A portion of the Court, headed by Governor Vane, dissented 
 from this judgment and presented a Protest and a second Re- 
 monstrance from the Church at Boston, the latter justifying the 
 preacher ; denying the alleged sedition ; suggesting that the 
 opposition to the sermon might be only a method of the old ser- 
 pent, "the ancient enemy of Free Grace," to spread mischief; 
 and advising the Court to consider the danger of meddling with 
 the prophets of the Most High. This Remonstrance was very 
 decided in its tone and was signed by men of the first conse- 
 quence in the Colony ; and, very wisely, nothing further was 
 done at that time, in the premises. 
 
 At the meeting of the Court, in May, 1637, the most disrepu- 
 table means were employed by the friends of Mr. Winthrop to 
 regain the ascendency in the Government ; and their success 
 was followed by the banishment of Mr. Wheelwright and the 
 disfranchisement of his leading friends, and, subsequently by 
 the banishment of Mn. Hutchinson ; the disarming of the lead-
 
 vii. 
 
 ing anti-Winthrop inhabitants of Boston, Salem, Newbury, 
 Roxbury, Ipswich, and Charlestown ; and by other acts of Puri- 
 tanic persecution. 
 
 Every careful reader of the Sermon who is also an impartial 
 observer of men and manners will agree with us that Mr. 
 Wheelwright's remarks were not more applicable to the pre- 
 vailing vices of 1637 than they are to those of 1867 ; and it is 
 not impossible that in that fact we may find at once the motives 
 of the Fathers of Massachusetts in banishing its author from 
 that Colony, and those of their Suns in withholding, so tena- 
 ciously, and for so long a period, from the light of day the Ser- 
 mon itself. Be this as it may, the author was banished, in 
 1637, and his Sermon has been, during the succeeding two hun- 
 dred and thirty years, and until now, carefully withheld from 
 the scrutiny of all, the world over, except the favored few who 
 have lived or had ''hospitable friends" in Boston or its imme- 
 diate vicinity. 
 
 The Sermon thus preached by Mr. Wheelwright, the great 
 historical importance of which will be evident to our readers, 
 remained in manuscript, unpublished and sedulously guarded, 
 until last August, when we made a formal application, in 
 writing, to the Massachusetts Historical Society, in whose pos- 
 session it had been for many years, for a copy for publication. 
 
 As a member of that venerable Society and a student of the 
 history of the subject to which it related, we supposed that our 
 fellow-members, many of whom were also our personal friends, 
 would no longer interpose an objection to the publication of 
 this very important Sermon ; but the result indicated too clearly 
 that we were mistaken that which related to Massachusetts, 
 they maintained, ought only to be published originally, if pub- 
 lished at all, in Massachusetts and under their supervision. 
 
 The following, from the unpublished Proceedings of the 
 Massachusetts Historical Society, for August, 1866, is the 
 official record of the action of the Society on our application 
 for a copy, and of the subsequent process through which it was 
 intended we should obtain a copy only in the manner and at 
 the time which was most congenial to the feelings of those who 
 had so long withheld it from the public : 
 
 " An application from Mr. Henry B. Dawson, of Morrisania, 
 " N. Y., for leave to copy and print the Sermon of the Rev. 
 "John Wheelwright, among the Hutchinson manuscripts in 
 " the archives of the Society, was referred to the Standing 
 " Committee, with full power. 
 
 " [The ' Standing Committee,' on considering this appllca- 
 " tion, decided that it was the duty of this Society to print thii 
 " sermon, and all the other unpublished manuscripts in the 
 " Hutchinson collection, in a volume or volumes of their own, 
 " as soon as the funds of the Society should enable them to do so. 
 " With a view, however, to gratify the wish for this particular 
 " discourse, it was referred to the ' Publishing Committee,' and 
 " by their authority is here printed.]" 
 
 Having received no official reply to our application, and the 
 information which we had obtained, informally, indicating a
 
 viii. 
 
 determination in some quarters to prevent such a copy from 
 reaching us as would have answered our purpose, we made a 
 personal application to the Society, at its meeting in March, 
 1867 ; and, contrary to the Society's usual course, in such 
 cases, we beliere, the HISTORICAL MAGAZINE, to-day, is allowed 
 to anticipate the regular publication by the Society, in its own 
 Proceedings, of a paper in its own collections, which it had 
 officially designated as a part of its own forthcoming volume. 
 
 The following copy of the Fast-day sermon, preached by Mr. 
 Wheelwright, in January, 1636-7, has been printed from cor- 
 rected slips furnished to us, officially, for the purpose of this 
 publication, by the Publishing Committee' of the Massachusetts 
 Historical Society, under the authority of that body, and in ad- 
 vance of its own publication of the same in a future volume of 
 its Proceedings, which is now in press. 
 
 HENRY B. DAWSON. 
 MOREIBANIA, N. Y., April 11, 1867.
 
 SERMON. 
 
 MATH : the 9. 15. 
 
 And Jesus said vnto them, can the Children of the bride- 
 chamber mourne as long as the Bridegroome is w th them, but 
 the dayes will come, when the Bridegroome shall be taken from 
 them, & then they shall fast. 
 
 Our blessed Lord & Sauio r Jesus Christ, though 
 he was the most innocent that euer was, so that 
 they w cl1 hated him, hated him w th out a cause, 
 yet notw th standing the wicked world, they were 
 euer taking exceptions, both against his sayings 
 & doings. 
 
 In the beginning of this chapter, they brought 
 vnto him a man sicke of the palsey, lying vpon 
 a bedd. Jesus seeing their faith, said vnto him, 
 sonne be of good cheare, thy synnes be forgiuen 
 thee, the Scribes say w th in themselues that he 
 blasphemeth. Christ perceiuing their thoughts, 
 answered for himselfe, & telleth them, he cold as 
 easily forgiue synnes as restore this man to 
 health ; Christ goeth from thence, & goeth to the 
 receipt of custome & calleth Mathew the Publi- 
 can, & he receaueth him into his house & maketh 
 a feast. "Christ sitteth downe w th Publicans & 
 synners : the Pharisees take exceptions, & tell his 
 Disciples, that their Master eateth w th Publicans 
 & synners, & Christ hearing of it, answereth for 
 himselfe, & telleth them, they were fit subiecta 
 to worke vpon, he iustifieth the vngodly : those 
 "2
 
 that are iustified by Christ must not looke to be 
 saued by sacrifice, but by the mercy of Christ. 
 A little after, the Disciples of John were insti- 
 gated by the Scribes & Pharisees Mar : 2. 18, and 
 they put this question vnto him, Why they & the 
 Pharisees fast often? and the Disciples of Christ 
 fast not ? And Christ answered in my text. And 
 thus you see the coherence & dependence of these 
 words. 
 
 The text consisteth of two argum* 9 . whereby 
 Christ did prooue & shew, that it was not for his 
 Disciples to fast. The first is taken from the 
 remoouall of any iust cause of fasting w ch they 
 had for the p'sent. The second argum 4 . is taken 
 from a position or putting a iust cause of fast 
 they shold haue hereafter, and that was the re- 
 remooving Christ from them. 
 
 I will not stand to shew the difference of fasts, 
 w ch are either constrayned, civill, miraculous, 
 dayly, or religious, but the fast here spoken of 
 in my text, is of the last sort, and mourning is 
 added in my text, because fasting & mourning go 
 together, Joel : 2 ; and where it is here said, the 
 children of the bridechamber cannot fast, it is to 
 be vnderstood an impossibility of seasonablenes, 
 they cannot do it seasonably. 
 
 The text contayneth in it two poynts, but I 
 wrap all vp in one poynt of Doctrine, and that is 
 this. That the only cause of the fasting of true 
 beleeuers is the absence of Christ. 
 
 Either Christ he is p r sent w th his people, or 
 els absent from his people ; if he be p r sent w 01 
 his people, then they haue no cause to fast : 
 therefore it must be his absence that is the true 
 cause of fasting, when he is taken away, then 
 they must fast. If we take a view of all the 
 fasts, that haue beene kept, either in the old or 
 new Testament, we shall finde the fasts that haue
 
 beene kept by true beleeuers, haue had this for 
 the grounds of them, the absence of the Lord. 
 What was the reason why the people of Israeli 
 kept a fast, Judges the 20. & 1 Sam : 7, and Je- 
 hosephat & all Juda 2 Cron : 20, and the people 
 of Israeli, after they came out of captivity, Ne- 
 hemiah 9. And the church of Antioch, Acts 13, 
 and Paul & Earnabas, Acts 14 ; was it not be- 
 cause they wanted the Lord to protect, defend, 
 pardon, & assist ? Where there is mencon made 
 of fasting in the Scripture, you shall likewise 
 find mencon made of turning vnto the Lord, and 
 the Prophett Joel, when he speaketh of a fast, 
 he biddeth them turne to the Lord : whereby it 
 is evident, that the reason why God's people do 
 fast, is because there is a distance betweene them 
 & the Lord. 
 
 Reas : 1. The first reason is, when Jesus Christ 
 is aboundantly p r sent, he doth make a supply of 
 whatsoeuer the children of God can pcure in this 
 extraordinary way of fasting : Wee know that 
 vnder the captivity the people of God they fasted 
 exceedingly, they kept a fast in the fourth 
 moneth, 5. 7. 10, and now the Lord pmiseth a 
 restauration of Jerusalem, that is especially ac- 
 complished in the kingdome of Christ, when he 
 shall raigne ouer his, and he saith, in this day 
 he will turne the fast of the fourth moneth, 5. 7. 
 10, into ioyfull gladnes & chearefull feasts. 
 Zach : 8. There is a prophecy of a glorious 
 Church, w ch the Lord will haue vnder the new 
 testament, & especially when the Jewes come to 
 be converted vnto God, and there is a pmise that 
 the Lord will dwell w th them, & they shall be 
 his people, & he will be w th them, and the effect 
 of it is, all teares shall be wiped from their eyes ; 
 Reu : 21, 4, and the same is pphecied in Isay 65, 
 19. so farr as Christ is psent he taketh away all
 
 cause of mourning & weeping, and in his psence 
 is fulnes of ioy, and at his right hand there is 
 pleasures for evermore. Ps : 16, 11. 
 
 Keas : 2. The second reason is, because when 
 the Lord Jesus Christ cometh once to be absent, 
 then cometh in matter of mourning & fasting, 
 all misery followeth the absence of Christ ; as 
 you see darknes followeth the absence of the 
 sunne : the Lord leaueth Hezekiah, 2 Kings. 20. 
 12, 13, and then what followeth vpon it, he sin- 
 neth exceedingly in shewing the Ambassadors 
 the treasure in his house. The Lord departeth 
 from his Disciples, & his Disciples leaue him & 
 forsake him. John : 16. So when it pleaseth the 
 Lord to absent himselfe, then cometh in cause of 
 mourning, and this hath beene the reason that 
 the seruants of God haue wonderfully desired 
 the psence of the Lord. Moses desired Gods 
 psence, or els never to go vp, and so Dauid, Ps : 
 27, 9, because he knew very well, if God were 
 absent from him, then misery wold follow. 
 
 Vse 1. The first vse may senie to teach vs a 
 reason, why those that are the children of God, 
 vpon their first acquaintance they get w th the 
 Lord, they are not much addicted vnto fasting, 
 the Lord doth not cary them that way ; the time 
 when Christ was vpon the earth, he being psent 
 w" 1 his Disciples, he was euer & anon instructing 
 of them when they were in dobt of any thing, 
 he telleth them, and if they cold not answere 
 many dobts, then Christ came & answered for 
 them, and if at any tyme they were in any dan- 
 ger, then Christ comforteth them, and was euer 
 & anon w th them. And thus the Lord dealeth 
 w th his children, spiritually in regard of his 
 spirituall psence, when Christ first cometh to 
 breake into the soules of his, he is wonderfully 
 pleasant vuto them, and euer & anon instructing
 
 of them & comforting of them ; yea, the Lord 
 heareth them before they pray, or when they are 
 a speaking, & doth exceedingly solace them ; but 
 afterwards it may be the saynts of God may 
 come to be left & forsaken of the Lord, either 
 because the children of their mother is angry 
 vr & them, & make them keepe the vyneyard, 
 those vnder a covenant of works, maketh them 
 trauaile vnder the burthen of that Covenant, and 
 so maketh the Lord absent hirnselfe from them, 
 and then Christ cometh to depart from them, & 
 then they fast ; or els whilest they grow car nail, 
 & fall into a spirituall sleepe, Christ leaues them. 
 Cant : 5. 6. 
 
 2. Secondly, from hence we are taught how to 
 cary & behaue ourselues now vpon this day of 
 humiliaSon, there are diuers evills w ch wee may 
 happily desire shold be remoued, both from 
 forrayne nations & from this place where we 
 live, and divers good things we desire shold be 
 pcured both for them & ourselues. What is the 
 course we must take ? must we especially looke 
 after the remouing those euill things & pcuring 
 those good things ? this an hipocrite will do, see 
 the example of Ahab, 1 Kings 21 : 27, 28, 29, and 
 the Lord will grant the desire of hipocrites : in 
 this case see 78 Ps : 34, for there the hipocriti- 
 call people of the Jewes in their misery sought 
 the Lord, and the Lord being full of compassion, 
 he forgiueth their iniquities & destroyeth them 
 not, in the 38 verse of that psalme : must we 
 then do as they did ? by no meanes : What must 
 we do then ? We must looke first at the Lord 
 Jesus Christ, & most desire now that Jesus Christ 
 may be receaued in other nations & other places, 
 and may be more receaued amongst our selues, 
 we must turne vnto the Lord, & then he will 
 turne all into a right frame, when many enimyes
 
 6 
 
 came against Jehosophat, what doth he ? he 
 goeth & seeketh the Lord, & his eyes are towards 
 the Lord. 2 Cron : 20, 12, so the children of God 
 are a company, a generation that seeke the Lord 
 & his strength & face euermore, Ps : 105, 4. they 
 do not only seeke the gifts of his spiritt, but the 
 Lord himselfe, they doe not seeke after strength 
 to he receiued from the Lord only, but they 
 seeke after the strength that is in the Lord, they 
 do not seeke only to know the Lord by fruits & 
 effects, but looke vpon the Lord w th a direct eye 
 of faith they seeke his face, and this is the gen- 
 eration of seekers spoken of Ps : 24, 6, therefore 
 if we meane to pcure good things & remooue 
 evill things, this will be our course, seeing the 
 absence of the Lord is the cause of fasting, and 
 the end of our fasting must be our turning to the 
 Lord, & he will turne to vs, Joel 2. and thus the 
 Lord will turne all things for the good of his, 
 Rom : 8, 32, if we* get y e Lorde Jesus Ch, we 
 shal haue al things. 
 
 3. Thirdly, from hence we are tought a reason, 
 why, thos y' doe not knowe the Lorde Jesus Ch, 
 they are vsially giuen y e most vnto fasting, not 
 y I condemne fasting by any means ; but this is 
 it, many times thos that are the leaste aquainted 
 w th y e Lorde Jesus are giuen y e most of al to 
 fasting, y e Papists are giuen much to fasting, & 
 ponish themselues by whiping, & y e people in 
 captiuitie they were not aquainted w tb the Lorde, 
 & soe did notfaste to the Lorde. Zac : 7. 5. 6. & 
 appointed more fasts then the Lorde appointed, 
 the 4, 5, 10 month, & the Pharoses fasted twise a 
 weeke, Luk. 18. 12. they wanted y e Lorde Jesus 
 
 * The early transcript of the Sermon has been followed to this 
 place ; and here we begin with the " original manuscript," the 
 first eight pages of which are wanting. PUBLISHING COMMUTES 
 
 or THE MASSACHUSETTS HISTORICAL SOCIETY.
 
 Ch, & they must haue somethinge to reste vpon, 
 & must close w th some thinge, & because they 
 wante Ch they faste. This for y e first vse of in- 
 struction. 
 
 Vse : 2. The second vse of exhortation, & it 
 serueth to exhorte vs al, in the feare of God, to 
 haue a spetial caire, that we p te not w th y e Lorde 
 Jesus Ch : if we p te w th Ch we p te w th our Hues, 
 for Ch is our life, saith Paule, Col. 3. 4, the Lorde 
 Jesus Ch is not onely the author of our life, bnt 
 is the very seate of the life of God's childeren, & 
 al there life is deriued from Ch, for he is y roote 
 & he conuayeth life to y e branshes, & thos y* are 
 y e childeren of God, they Hue by y e faith of y 
 sonne of God, Gal, 2. 20. they haue faith to lay 
 houlde of the sonne of God, & y e sonne of God 
 conuayeth life to them ; therefore if wep te w th Ch, 
 we p te w th our lines, therefore it standeth vs all 
 in hande to haue a caire Ch be not taken fro vs, 
 if we belonge to the election of graise, Ch can 
 not be holy taken away from vs, yet may be 
 taken away in some degree, therefore let vs haue 
 a caire to keepe y e Lorde Jesus Ch. 
 
 Ob : It may be heare demanded, what course 
 shal we take to keepe the Lorde Jesus Ch. ? 
 
 A : The way we must take, if soe be we wil 
 not haue y e Lorde Jesus Ch taken from vs, is 
 this, we must all of vs ppaire for a spiritual com- 
 bat, we must put on y e whole armor of God, 
 Eph : 6, 11, & must haue our loines girte, & be 
 ready to fight ; behould the bed y* is Solamos, 
 there is threskore valient men abought it, valient 
 men of Israel, euery one hath his sworde in his 
 hande, & being experte in warre, & hath his 
 sworde girte on his thie, because of feare in y 
 night, if we wil not fighte for y Lorde Jesus Ch. 
 Ch may come to be surprised. Solamon lyeth in 
 his bed, & there is such men abought the bed of
 
 8 
 
 Sollamon, & they watch ouer Sollamon, & wil 
 not suffer Sollamo to be taken away ; & who is 
 this Sollamon, but y e Lorde Jesus Ch ; and what 
 is y e bed, but y e Church of true beleeuers, & who 
 are those valient men of Israel, but al the chil- 
 deren of God, they ought to shew themselues val- 
 lient, they should haue their swords readie, they 
 must fight, & fighte w th spiritual weapons, for the 
 weapens of our warfaire are not carnal but spir- 
 itual, &c. 2 Cor : 10, 4. therefore wheresoe euer 
 we Hue, if we would haue y e Lorde Jesus Ch to 
 be aboundantly p r sent w th vs, we must all of vs 
 ppaire for battel, & come out ag* y e enymies of y 9 
 Lorde, & if we doe not striue, those vnder a coue- 
 nant of workes wil p r uaile. We must haue a spe- 
 tial caire therefore to shewe our selues coragious. 
 al y e vallient men of Dauid, & all y e men of Is- 
 rael, Barak, & Debora & Jael, all must out & 
 fight for Ch ; curse ye Meroz, because they came 
 not ought to helpe y e Lorde ag' y e mighty, Judg : 
 5, 23 therefore if we wil keepe y e Lorde Jesus 
 Ch & his p r sence, & power amongst vs, we must 
 fight. 
 
 That thes things may be y e better cleared, we 
 must vnderstand & cal to our considerations, y* as 
 soone as euer Ch was borne into y e world, Herod 
 & al Jerusalem was troubled. Math : 2, & if y e 
 Lorde had not p r uented him, he sought to destroy 
 him, & when Ch Jesus came once to shew him 
 selfe, & to declaire him selfe, & exersise his pub- 
 lique minestery, y e world seteth them selues ag' 
 him to intrap him, & they labour to kille him, & 
 neuer lefte, til they crusified y e Lorde of glory, 
 for this was done by Herod & Pontius Pilat, Act. 
 4 ; & when they had crusified him, that would not 
 serue y e turne, but he being buried, they come 
 & make it suer, & sealeth y e stone, & seteth a 
 watch & warde, & would haue buried y 8 Lorde
 
 9 
 
 for euer, & would haue kepte him eternally in 
 the graue, but he raised him selfe by his power ; 
 and sins Ch reserection & assention al y e eny- 
 mies of y e Lorde Jesus Ch, they endeauour to doe 
 it spiritually, & as they buried y e Lorde Jesus 
 Ch, & laboured to keepe him there, soe spiritu- 
 ally they burie Ch, & they doe not onely labour 
 to do this, y 4 are pagonish, but y e antichtian. 
 Why doe y e heathen raige & the people imagine 
 a vaine thing, Psal. 2, 1, what people are they, 
 the people of God, y e people of y 8 Jues, this peo- 
 ple doe imagine to take away y e Lorde Jesus Ch, 
 & what hath beene y e practis of all Antechtian 
 spirits, but onely to take away y e Ch, y e Son of 
 y e liueing God, & to put in fals Ch, & to deceiue 
 the electe, if it were possible, Math. 24, 24 ; for 
 what is Antech., but one being ag* Ch., & for 
 Ch, his being for Ch, is being ag 1 Ch, he is ag' 
 Ch. becaus he would put one in y e roome of Ch, 
 therefore if we wil keepe the Lorde Jesus Ch 
 amongst vs, we must stande vpon our gairde, & 
 watch ouer y e Lorde Jesus Ch, as y e vallient men 
 of Israel watched ouer Solomon. 
 
 Ob. It may be heare demanded what course 
 must we take to p r uaile in this combat, for fight 
 we must ? 
 
 A. If we would p r uaile thorow y e strength of 
 y e Lorde for of our selues we can doe noe thinge, 
 then we must first contende for y e faith once de- 
 liuered to y e saints, y e Epistle of Jude. v. 3, y 4 is 
 y e Gospel, it was but once deliuered for y e sub- 
 stans, though many times in regairde of y e man- 
 or, we must therefore striue for y e faith of y e 
 Gospel, & striue togeather for y 8 Gospel, Phil. 
 1, 27, if y ' y e light once be taken away, & darke- 
 nes come vpon y e face of y e Church, then we 
 may be eaysyly deluded, and a false Ch. put in 
 y trew Ch roome. 
 
 3
 
 10 
 
 Ob. It may be demanded, what is y 8 gospel. 
 
 A. It is y* same glad tideings y' the Lorde 
 sente into y e world of a Saviour y' is borne vnto 
 vs, euen Jesus Ch y e Lorde, this same gospel is 
 y* heauenly doctrin yt was pfesied of before by 
 y e pfet conserning Jesus Ch the Lorde, to be 
 maide of y e seede of Dauid. Y 8 gospel is a 
 deuine heauenly supnateral doctrin, containeing 
 in it y e reuelation of Jesus Ch, to preach y 8 
 Gospel is to preach Ch, & y e Apostle sath, Gal. 
 6, 14. God forbid y* I should glory in any thinge 
 but in y e crosse of Ch : soe y e Gospel is such a 
 doctrin as doth houlde forth Jesus Ch, & noe 
 thinge but Ch, when such a doctrin is houlden 
 forth as doth reueale Jesus Ch to be our wisdum, 
 our righteousnes, our sanctification, our redemp- 
 tion. 1 Cor. 1, 30, when al is taken away from y 
 creatuer, & al giuen to Ch, soe y* neither before 
 our conuertion, nor after, we are able to put 
 forth one act of true, saueing spiritual wisdum, 
 but we must haue it put forth from y e Lorde 
 Jesus Ch, w th home we are maide one ; & such a 
 doctrine houlden forth as declaires that we are 
 not able to doe any worke of sanctification, 
 further then we are acted by y e Lorde, nor able 
 to pcuer our Justification, but it must be the 
 Lorde Jesus Ch y 1 must apply himselfe & his 
 righteousnes to vs, & we are not able to redeeme 
 our selues from y e least euel, but he is our re- 
 demption ; when Ch is thus houlden forth to be 
 al in al, al in y e roote, al in y e bransh, al in al, 
 this is y e Gospel, this is that fountaine open for 
 y e inhabitants of Juday & Jerusalem for sin & 
 for vncleanenes : Zack. 13, 1, & this is the well, 
 of w ch y e wells vnder y e ould testament were 
 sertaine tipes, this same wel must be kepte 
 open, if y e Philistins ffille it w th earth, w th y* 
 earth of there owne inuentions, those yt are y e
 
 11 
 
 seruants of Isaack, true beleuers, y e seruants of 
 the Lorde, must open y e wels againe; this is y s 
 light yt houldeth forth a greate light, yt is 
 Jesus Ch. for he is yt greate light yt lighteneth 
 euery one yt cometh into y e world, John, 1, 9, & 
 if we meane to keepe Ch, we must houlde forth 
 this light. 
 
 Ob : It may be heare demanded, is there noe 
 thinge to be h Gulden forth in pointe of Justifi- 
 cation, but onely y e righteousnes of y e Lorde Je- 
 sus Ch, may there not be a reuelation of some 
 worke of sanctification, & from y 1 , may not we 
 be carryed to Ch Jesus, & soe come to beleeue in 
 y e Lorde Jesus Ch, must Ch be al in this point 
 of Justification ? 
 
 A : Truly both in y e pointe of Justification, & 
 y e knowledge of this our Justification by faith, 
 there must be noe thinge in y e world reuealed 
 but Ch Jesus, none other doctrine vnder heauen 
 able to Justine any, but mearely y e reuelation of 
 y" Lorde Jesus Ch. I am not ashamed of the 
 Gospel, saith Paule, for it is y e power of God to 
 saluation, Horn. 1, 16, how ? for in it y e right- 
 eousnes of God is reuealed : soe it could not be a 
 doctrine w th power to conuirte a soule, if y e right- 
 eousnes of y e Lorde were not reuealed : therefore 
 when the Lorde is pleased to conuirte any soule 
 to him, he reuealetn not to him some worke, & 
 from yt worke, carryeth him to Ch, but there is 
 noe thinge reuealed but Ch when Ch is lifted vp, 
 he draweth all to him, that belongeth to ye elec- 
 tion of grace; if men think to be saued, because 
 they see some worke of sanctification in them, as. 
 hungering & thirsting & ye like, if they be saued, 
 they are saued w tb out the Gospel. No, noe, this 
 is a couenant of workes, for in the couenant of 
 grace noething is reuealed but Ch, for our right- 
 eousnes ; & soe for y e knowledge of our iustifi-
 
 12 
 
 cation by faith, noethinge is reuealed to a soule 
 but onely Ch, & his righteousnes freely giuen, 
 it was ye very grace of God yt appeared, y fc same 
 apperition whereby y e soule cometh to knowe y l 
 he is Justified, ye obiect of it is Ch freely giuen, 
 when y e loueing kindenes of Ch appeared, in y e 
 3 Titus 5, not by workes of righteousnes, &c., 
 they are laide aside, & y e Lorde reuealeth onely 
 to them ye righteousnes of himselfe giuen freely 
 to y e soule, if men haue reuealed to them some 
 worke of righteousnes in them selues, as loue to 
 ye bretheren & ye like, & heare vpon they come 
 to be assured they are in a good estaite : this is 
 not y e assurance of faith, for faith hath Ch re- 
 uealed for ye obiect, therefore if ye assurans of 
 ones iustification be by faith as a worke, it is not 
 gospel. 
 
 Ob : It may be further demanded, must not any 
 sanctification in y e gospel be pressed vpon those 
 that are y e childeren of God, but onely as it doth 
 come from Jesus Ch ye roote, & as he worketh it 
 in those y* are true beleuers. 
 
 A : Not in y e gospel. Sanctification must be 
 preached noe other way, al duties of sanctification 
 pressed vpon y e childeren of God, must be soe 
 vrged, as wth all it be declaired y* they growe 
 from the roote Jesus Ch., worke out yo r salua- 
 tion w th feare & trimbleing Phil. 2, 12 ; it is he 
 y* worketh in you both to wil & doe of his good 
 pleasure ; this is y e couenant of Grace, y e Lorde 
 Jesus Ch wil be our sanctification, & worke sancti- 
 fication in vs & for vs. A new harte wil I giue 
 yow, & a new spirit, & they shal walke in my 
 statuts & iudgements to doe them. Ezek. 36, 26, 
 27. I wil forgiue there sins, & wrighte my law 
 in there harts & inwarde p tes ; If works be soe 
 pressed as if a beleuer had power in him selfe to 
 worke, it killeth y e spirit of Gods childeren, put
 
 13 
 
 any worke of sanctification in a legal phraime & 
 it killeth him ; y e law killeth but it is y e spirit 
 y 4 quickens, y l is y e gospel in w ch the spirit of 
 God is conuayed, when God speaketh he speak- 
 eth y e wordes of eternal life, & Peter sath to 
 Ch, whether shal we goe, for w th y e is y 6 
 wordes of eternal life, therefore ought noe 
 workes of sanctification to be vrged vpon the ser- 
 uants of God, soe as if they had a power to doe it, 
 it wil kille y e soule of a man, & it oppresseth the 
 pore soules of y e saints of God ; Ch saith, Math : 
 11, 28, come vnto me al ye y' labour & are heauie 
 ladened, &c., as longe as we are absent from Ch, 
 we are heauie ladened, but when Ch pulleth vs 
 to him selfe, & takes our burthen vpon him, then 
 we finde ease. Learne of me, for I am meeke & 
 lowly, & yow shal finde rest to yo r soules. Ch 
 was soe meeke & lowly, as content to receiue al 
 fro the Father, & soe must we be meeke & lowly, 
 & contente to receiue al from Ch, if y e duties be 
 pressed any other way, they wil be burthens that 
 neither we nor our fathers wil be able to beare ; 
 therefore if we meane to keepe y e Lorde Jesus Ch, 
 we must keepe open this fountaine, & hould forth 
 this light, if there be a night of darkenes, y e feare 
 saith the Spirit of God, is in the night. 
 
 2. The second action y' we must pforme, & y e 
 seconde way we must take is, when enymies to y 
 truth oppose y e way of God, we must lay loade 
 vpon them, we must kille them w th the worde 
 of y e Lorde, Hos : 6, 5, y e Lorde hath giuen true 
 beleuers power ouer y" nations, & they shal 
 breake them apeces, as shiuered wth a rod of Iron ; 
 & what rodde of Iron is this, but y e worde of y 8 
 Lorde, & such honour haue al his saints, Psa. 
 149, 9. y 6 Lorde hath maide vs of thrashing in- 
 struments, wth teeth, & we must beate y e hils into 
 chafe, Isa. 41, 15, therefore in y e feare of God
 
 14 
 
 handle y sworde of y e spirit, y e worde of God, 
 for it is a too edged sworde, & Heb. 4, 12, this 
 worde of God cuteth men to y" very harte. 
 
 Ob : It may be obiected y 1 there wil be but 
 littel hope of victory for y e seruants of God, be- 
 cause y e childeren of God are but few, & those 
 y* are enymies to y e Lorde & his truth are many ? 
 
 A: Trew, I must confes & acknowlege y e 
 saints of God are few, they are but a littel fiocke, 
 & those y* are enymies to y e Lorde, not onely 
 Pagonish, but Antechristian, & those y* runne 
 vnder a couenant of workes are very strong : but 
 be not afraide y e battel is not y ors ,but Gods ; ye 
 know y e speech rendered by the pfet when soe 
 many came ag l Joshua; Josh. 23, 10, one of yow 
 shal chase athousand, &c. if we should goe in 
 our owne strength, we should be swallowed vp, 
 many a time may Israel say. if it had not beene 
 for the Lorde, we had beene swalowed vp, if it 
 weare not for y e Lorde of Hoasts, there were lit- 
 tel hope of p r uaileing by y e saints, but out of y e 
 mouthes of babes & sucklins, God ordaineth him 
 praise, to stil the enymies, y e Lorde wil magnyfy 
 his name in ye saints, & though Gods people be 
 but few, yet it is y e Lorde of hoasts, that God of 
 heauen & earth, y* layed'y 6 foundation vpon y e 
 seaes, & in comparison of home all y e nations are 
 as noe thinge, Jehouah is his name, that greate 
 God ; it is Micael that fighteth w th his angels ; 
 therefore though the people be few, yet it is al 
 one for God to saue whether w th many or those 
 w ch haue noe strength. 
 
 Ob : 2 It wil be obiected y' diners of those who 
 are opposite to y e waies of grace, & free covenant 
 of grace, they are wonderous holy people, there- 
 fore it should seeme to be a very vncharitable 
 thing in y e seruants of God to condemne such, as 
 if soe be they were enymies to the Lorde & his
 
 15 
 
 truth, whils they are soe exceeding holy & stricte 
 in there way. 
 
 A: Bretheren, those vnder a couenant of 
 workes, y e more holy they are, y e greater eny- 
 mies they are to Ch, Paule acknowledgeth as 
 much in y e 1 Gal : he sath he was zelus acording 
 to y e Law, & y e more he founde in a legal way, 
 y e more he p r secuted the waies of grace, 13 & 
 14 Act. where al deuout people were such as did 
 expel Paule out of Antioch, & out of all ye coasts. 
 It maketh noe matter how seemingly holy men 
 be, according to the law, if they doe not know 
 y e worke of grace & waies of God ; they are such 
 as truste to there righteousnes ; they shal dye, 
 sath y e Lorde, Ezek. 33, 13 : what a cursed right- 
 eousnes is that, y* thrusteth out y e righteousnes 
 of Ch, the Apostle speaketh they shal transforme 
 themselues into an Angel of light, 2 Cor. 11, 
 14, therefore it maketh noe matter, how holy men 
 be, yt haue noe acquaintance w* Ch. Seest 
 thou a man wise in his owne conceite, more hope 
 there is of a foole then of him. Pro. 26, 12. 
 We know (thorow y e mercy of God) as soone as 
 Ch cometh into y e soule, he maketh y e creatuer 
 noe thinge, therefore if men be soe holy, & soe 
 stricte, & zelus, & trust to themselues & there 
 righteousnes, & knoweth not y e waies of grace, 
 but opposeth free grace; such as those haue not 
 ye Lorde Jesus Ch, therefore set vpon such 
 w th ye sworde of the spirit, y e worde of God. 
 
 Ob : 3. Itwil be obiected, y* y e childeren of God 
 should be a meeke generation, it is an exhortation 
 y e Apostle giueeth, Jam. 3, 13. 
 
 A : ffor to fight corragiously, in y e cause of 
 God, & to be meeke, they are diuers, but not op- 
 posits, they may stande very wel togeather : yow 
 know when Steuen was in a meeke phrae, for 
 y e spirit of God was in him, and was in a calme
 
 16 
 
 quiet frame & disposetion : & yow see what a 
 vehement speech Steuen maide to y e enymies of 
 God, Act 7, 51, it cuteth them to y e very harte, 
 yet Steuen, a meeke man, he prayeth for his eny- 
 mies in a meeke phrame of spirit, & yet vehement 
 to those that oppose y e waies of God. Oh was 
 meeke, I am suer yow wil say, & he sath, learne 
 of me, for I am meeke and lowly, yet when he 
 cometh to those that did oppose y e waies of grace, 
 yow are the childeren of y e Deuel, Joh. 8, 44, & 
 in the 23 d Math: 23, woe be to yow, Scribs, 
 Pharises, hipocrits, a vehement speech he vseth, 
 yet Ch y e meekest y* euer was, therefore yow may 
 eaysyly beate downe thos houlds by y e sworde of 
 y e spirit, y e worde of God. 
 
 Ob : 4 It wil be obiected this wil cause a com- 
 bustean in Church & comanwealth. 
 
 A : I must confesse & acknowlege it wil doe 
 soe, but what then, did not Ch come to sende 
 fier vpon ye earth ? Luke 12, 49, & what is it, 
 yt it were already kindled, he desireth it were 
 kindled, & it is y e desier of y e spirit of y e saints 
 yt this fier were kindled; is not this that that is 
 pfesyed of, Isa. 9, 5. This battel betweene Mi- 
 cael & his Angels, y e battel betwene Gods peo- 
 ple & those that are not, thos battels of Chtians 
 must be burneing, and what is it, but y e burneing 
 of y e worde of God, accompanyed by y e Holy 
 Goast, this prophisied of in Mai. 4, 1, ye day 
 shal come yt shal burne like an ouen, & al 
 ye wiced shal be stuble, &c. this is y e terible day 
 of ye Lorde, when the gospel is thus helde forth, 
 this [is] a terible day to al those yt doe not obey 
 y e Gospel of Ch. Bretheren, we know that y 6 
 whore must be burnt, Reu : 18, it is not shaueing 
 of her heade, & paireing her nails, & changeing 
 her rayment, that wil serue y e turne, but this 
 whore must be burnt. Many speake of y e ex-
 
 17 
 
 ternal burneing of Rome, but I am suer there 
 must be a spiritual burneing, & y* burneing by 
 y e fier of y e Gospel. This way must Antech be 
 consumed. 2 Thes : 2. why should we not further 
 this fier, who knoweth how soone those Jues may 
 be conuirted, Keu : 18. 19. chap, after y e burneing 
 of y e whore follows Alleluia, a praiseing of y a 
 Lorde in Hebrue ; we knowe not how soone y 
 conuirtion of the Jues may come, & if they come, 
 they must come by y e downefal of Antech, & if 
 we take him away, we must burne him, therefore 
 neuer feare combustions & burneings. 
 
 Ob : Lastly it may be obiected ag 4 thos curn- 
 bats & fightings, if minesters & Chtians be soe 
 downeright, & soe striue & contende, & houlde 
 forth y e worde of God, w th such violens & power, 
 this wil be a meanes to discorage those y l are 
 weake Chtians, & doe them a greate deale of 
 hurte. 
 
 A : Let y e Gospel be neuer soe clearely helde 
 forth, it neuer hurteth y e childeren of God, noe 
 it doth them a greate deale of good, y* same very 
 fier of the worde, y* burneth vp al vnbeleefers, & 
 al vnder a couenant of workes, y* Gospel doth 
 exceedingly cleare Gods childeren. Mai : 4, 2. 
 then y e sonne of righteousnes shal come w th 
 healeing in his wings, &c. & in Math. 3, Ch 
 when he handeleth y e gospel, he layeth y e axe 
 to y e roote of y e tree, & what followeth heare- 
 vpon, he will purge his flore, layeth y e axe to 
 y e roote, & cuteth downe al hipocrits, & those 
 yt builde vpon any thinge besids Ch, & then 
 he wil purge his Church, & gather y e wheate 
 into y e garner, true beleuers wil come in; vn- 
 beleuers & hipocrits, chafie wil be al burnt vp : 
 soe y e same Gospel y* is a worde of terror to 
 wiced men, is a greate cumforte to all that be- 
 leeue in y e Lorde Jesus Ch. 
 4
 
 18 
 
 3. Thirdly, if we meane to keep y e Lorde Jesus 
 Ch, we must be wiling to suffer any thinge, yow 
 knowe in 12 Keu : 11, the saints of God ouer 
 came, & ouer came by y e bloode of y e Lambe, y' 
 is, by y e Lorde Jesus Ch, & worde of y e testi- 
 mony, y* is, the Gospel, & they loue not there 
 Hues to death, y* is, if we wil ouercome, we must 
 not loue our liues, but be wiling to be killed like 
 sheepe ; it is vnpossible to houlde forth y e truth 
 of God w>h external peace & quietnes, if we will 
 p r uaile, if we be cauled, we must be wiling to 
 lay downe our liues, & shal ouercome by soe doe- 
 ing ; Samson slew more at his death, then in his 
 life, & soe we may puaile more by our deathes, 
 then by our liues. 
 
 4. ffburthly, if we wil keepe Ch, we must con- 
 sider y* we can not doe any of this, by any 
 strength y* is in our selues, but we must consider 
 y* it is y e Lorde y* must helpe vs & acte in vs, & 
 worke in vs, & y e Lorde must doe all. When as 
 Zerobabel & Joshua & y e people came out of cap- 
 tiuity to builde y e temple, they al take there rest, 
 & leteth y e temple alone, til y e Lorde come & 
 stirre vp y e spirit of Zerobabel & Joshua & y e 
 people, & then they falle of building : soe 
 (bretheren) we may thinke to doe greate matters ; 
 and lye quiatly & calmely, & let y e enymies of 
 y Church doe what they wil, till y e Lorde stirre 
 ve vp; ye Judges stired not, till the spirit of 
 God came vpon them, & then they did wonderful 
 things, soe in some measure we must looke for 
 ye spirit of y e Lorde to come vpon vs, & then we 
 shal doe mighty things thorow y e Lorde, it is y e 
 Lorde himselfe y 4 must effecte & doe all : this for 
 the first exhortation, not to suffer the Lorde Jesus 
 Ch to be taken violently away from vs, wheresoe 
 euer we Hue, we shall finde some y * goe vnder a cou- 
 enantof workes,& those are enymies to Ch, & y e
 
 19 
 
 flesh will luste ag'y" spirit, &c. Gal : 5, 17, & soe we 
 shal finde it in our spirits, those y* are in y e flesh, 
 mind the things of y e flesh, Kom : 8, 5 ; there- 
 fore, wheresoe euer we are, we shal haue Ch 
 taken away from vs by violence, if y e Lorde be 
 not pleased to giue vs to use those meanes. 
 
 Vse 2. The second vse of exhortation, wey 4 are 
 vnder a couenant of grace, let vs all haue a caire 
 soe to carry our seines y* we may haue y e psens 
 of the Lorde, y l he may not depte from vs ; for if 
 y e Lorde depte, then we shal haue cause of morne- 
 ing indeede. Y* we may carry and behane our 
 selues, as yo Lorde Jesus Ch, who is amongst vs, 
 y* he may stil be more & more p r sent w th vs. 
 
 1. We must haue a spetial caire, in the first 
 place, y* as any of vs is interested w* the gospel, 
 soe to deale faithfully in the despenceing of it, 
 whether we be in place or not in place, whether 
 bretheren or sisters, being maide ptakers of the 
 grace of God, being maide stuards, we are to be 
 founde faithful, therefore let vs haue a caire to 
 deale faithfully, & hould forth ye truth, as it is 
 in the Lorde Jesus Ch, & then we shal finde 
 ye Lorde to be p r sent wth V s, Math : 28, 28. Be- 
 hould I am w th yow, if y teach y*, y* he hath 
 comanded, he wil be w te them, therefore in 
 y e feare of God haue a caire, y' we do renounce 
 y e hidden things of dishonesty, & we doe not vse 
 any deceate. Let vs not be as some y* doe cor- 
 rupte y e worde, but as in senserity, in y e sight 
 of God, as in Jesus Ch : soe let vs speake, let 
 vs all haue a caire to hould forth Ch, & not runne 
 into general yties. If Ch vanish away in a cloude, 
 y e saints of God stande gaiseing, & haue sad harts, 
 when we are to houlde forth any truth, let vs deale 
 faithfully in this kinde, & ye Lorde wil be 
 abundantly p r sent, we shal finde he shal be a 
 Saueour where soe euer he cometh either of life
 
 or death, & if we be faithful in a few things, he 
 wil make vs rulers ouer many, Math. 25 : there- 
 fore if we meaue to inioy y e p r sence of Ch, & stil 
 to haue more of y e Lorde Jesus Ch, & haue Ch 
 to come and say, good & faithful seruant, & be- 
 stowe more of his p r sens amongst vs, let vs be 
 faithful in despenceing any worde of truth. 
 
 2. Secondly, let vs haue a caire, al of vs, yt we 
 loue one an other ; this is my comandement y* ye 
 loue one an other, as I have louedyow,Uoh. 3,23 : 
 y e Lorde Ch delighteth in a loueing people, when 
 the saints of God loue one an other, and are wil- 
 ing to lay downe there Hues one for an other, 
 y e Lorde delighteth in it, Ch was loueing when 
 he was vpon the earth, if the desiples were in 
 danger at any time, he came & supported them, 
 & helped them, when they were poased by the 
 scribs & pharises sometims he came & answered 
 for them. Act 2, 15. sum mocked at them, then 
 Peter stepeth vp & sath, thos are not drunke as 
 ye suppose, he loued them and answered for 
 them. Moses seeing an Egiptian striueing w th 
 his brother, he came & killed him. Act. 7, 24, 
 25, 26 ; soe Ch puteth into his people a loueing 
 spirit, therefore let vs haue a caire y* we doe not 
 allienate our harts one from an other, because of 
 diuers kindes of expressions, but let vs keepe y 6 
 vnity of the spirit in the bonde of peace, let vs 
 haue a caire to loue one an other, & then y e Lorde 
 Jesus Ch wil be stil more & more p r sent. 
 
 3. Thirdly, let vs haue a caire that we doe 
 shew our semes holy in all maner of good con- 
 uirsation, 1 Pet. 1, 5, both in priuat & publique, 
 & in all our carriges & conuersations, let vs haue 
 a caire to indeuour to be holy as y Lorde is j let 
 vs not giue ocaytion to those y* are comeing on, 
 or manyfestly opposite to ye waies of grace, to 
 susspect y e way of grace, let vs cary our selues
 
 21 
 
 that they may be ashamed to blaime vs ; let vs 
 deale vprightly w th those with home we haue 
 ocaytion to deale, & haue a caire to guide our 
 famylis, & to pforme duties y* belonge to vs; & 
 let vs haue a caire y* we giue not ocaytion to 
 others to say we are libertines, or Antenomens, 
 but Chtians ; let vs expresse y e vertue of him y' 
 hath cauled vs, & then he wil manifest hisp'sence 
 amongst vs, John 14, if yow loue me I wil many- 
 fest my selfe to yow ; he wil crowne his owne 
 worke w th his p r sence, he wil come into his gar- 
 den, & eate of the pleasant fruts : therefore let vs 
 carry our selues, soe y l we may haue no cause of 
 mourning, for if ye Lorde be absente, there is 
 cause of morneing. 
 
 Vse. 3. The third vse for reproofe, & first it 
 serueth to condemne al such as in there fastings 
 & dayes of humiliation doe principlely & aboue 
 al seeke for blesseings to be poured, & euels to 
 be remooued, and this is y' that they are first 
 carryed vnto, this is not y e maine matter, y maine 
 matter is, the absens of y e Lorde ; therefore if 
 we wil doe as we ought to doe, and pforme this 
 duty aright way, we must first of all be carryed 
 vnto the Lorde Jes. Ch : they may pcure greate 
 blesseings frome y e Lorde, & yet ye Lorde neuer 
 accept of them, they may pray to y" Lorde, & 
 fast & humble themaelues, & y Lord may heare 
 them & pdon them, & turne away his wrath ; & 
 yet for all y 4 , neuer saue them, how did the 
 Lorde carry himselfe towards the people of y 
 Jues, yow know the Lorde gaue them his p r sence 
 in the wildernes, & gaue them an extraordinary 
 signe of his p r sence, they had a piller of fier by 
 night & cloude by day, & the Lorde did cause y a 
 angel of his p'sence to goe before them, & gaue 
 them his good spirit to instructe them, Isa. 63. 
 & yet for al y*, y body of them was hipocrits, &
 
 22 
 
 ye Lorde sware in his wrath, y' they should 
 neuer enter into his rest, what is ye matter, they 
 pcure vnto themselues things from God & y e 
 blesseing of God ; but they did not get y e Lorde 
 himselfe, they had ye Angel of Gods p r sence to 
 goe before them, they had not y_ e Lorde Jesus 
 Ch in them, they had y j spirit to instructe them, 
 but not y- spirit to dwel in them, they pcure to 
 themselues blesseings from y.- Lorde, but they 
 neuer get the Lorde of blesseings; therefore al 
 those y l doe turne vnto those blesseings in y e first 
 place, & doe not first of al turne vnto the Lorde, 
 wil neuer be maide ptakers of y j Lorde. 
 
 2. The second sorte to be condemned, are all such 
 as doe set themselues ag* y Lorde Je. Ch. such 
 are y e greatest enymies to y e staite y t can be, if 
 they can haue there wils, yow see what a lamen- 
 table estaite both church & coman welth wil be 
 in, then we haue neede of morneing, the Lorde 
 he cannot indure those y* are enymies to himselfe 
 & people, & vnto y good of his church, such shal 
 neuer be able to p r uaile ag 1 the Lorde. What 
 wil be the end & Issue, doe yow thinke, if peo- 
 ple doe set them selues ag 4 the waies of grace & 
 y e Lorde Jesus Ch? this wil be y e Issue of it, 
 those that oppose y waies of grace, & resist the 
 truth, they shall waxe worse & worse, 2 Tim. 3, 
 & they may happily pseede a great way, but 
 y time wil come that they shal goe noe further, 
 & by reason of y e agitations of things, it wil 
 come to passe, y* y e truth wil be cleared, & there 
 follye wil be manyfested to al men, soe sath 
 ye Apostle; it is a harde thinge to kicke ag' the 
 pricks. Act. 9, 5, who soe euer striueeth ag* y" 
 Lorde can not psper ; if men or women doe fame 
 vpon y e Lorde Jes. Ch they breake, but if y 
 Lorde Jes. Ch doe faule vpon them, he wil breake 
 them all to pouder, if any faule vpon Ch, & they
 
 23 
 
 will not let Ch alone ; but faule vpon them w ck 
 houlde him forth, & wil abuse them, & be buffet- 
 ing y e Lorde Je Ch, there is neuer a stroke they 
 giue, but maketh wounds in their consciences, 
 but if they wil be heaueing out Oh, they shal 
 finde it y e heauiest stone that euer was, it wil 
 faule & breake them all to pouder, if people set 
 themselues ag 4 y e Lorde, & ye waies of grace, 
 & his truth, this wil be y e issue of it on there 
 pte, either those yt set [them] selues ag* y e waies 
 of God, y a wil be put to silence by y e light y* 
 cumeth from Ch., y l they wil be soe conuinsed, 
 y* they shal not be able to speake any more in 
 there cause, as Ch put downe those that came 
 ag* him, y l they durst aske him noe more ques- 
 tions, & there cumeth such a power from y e worde 
 helde forth by y e saints of God, y* it wil strike a 
 feare into there harts y' oppose it. What ailest 
 thou, Jordan, y* y e fluds goe backe, tremble 
 thou earth at y e p r sens of y e Lorde, y ft that cum 
 to take Ch, they fel backe, there cumeth a deuine 
 
 EDwer from y e Lorde, & turneth them al backe, y e 
 orde wil strike w t!l trimbleing those y* cum 
 ag 1 Jerusalem, or if they be not put to silence, 
 it wil come to passe in time, they wil fanle 
 into wonderful stronge passions, & wil quaril 
 w f h y saints of God : it was y e caise of Zedekiah 
 & Micaiah, y e question was w ch of them had y a 
 spirit of God, he came & smott y e pfet vpon the 
 cheeke, but God's spirit is noe smiteing spirit. 
 Steuen conuinsed y e Jues, & did by y e power of 
 y e Holy Goast, euidence his cause to be y e cause 
 of God, and y" were not able to resist y e spirit by 
 w ch he spake, & they al came <% runne vpon him, 
 why doe yow resiste y e Holy Goaste ? what 
 maketh y" sin ag 1 j'~ Holy Goaste, but enlighten- 
 ing, & seting them selues ag 4 y e waies of truth, & 
 psecuting it in malis & wrath j it is a feareful
 
 24 
 
 thing to faille into y hands of y e liueing God. 
 Heb. 10, 31, for our God is a consumeing fier, 
 Heb. 12, 29, let euery one (in the feare of God) 
 haue a caire, how they set themselues ag* y 
 truth & waies of God, & y e waies of Jesus Ch, for 
 we must al appeare before y e Judgement seate of 
 Ch.2Cor. 5, 10. 
 
 Vse 4. The last vse shal be for consolation, 
 (howsoeuer this be a day of humiliation, yet 
 y* apprehention of Gods grace, and mercy, & good- 
 nes, it worketh y e kindlyest humiliation, sins are 
 to be considered & looked vpon, but sins ag' 
 y e God of grace may melte one : in y 1 day I will 
 power vpon them y e spirit of grace, & they shall 
 morne, &c. Zack: 12, 10. therefore y 8 last vse 
 shal be for consolation,) & it may serue to cum- 
 forte the childeren of God, wf> doe houlde forth 
 y e Lorde Jesus Ch, & doth desier y 1 y e Lorde Je 
 Ch might be receiued into churches, into phamy- 
 lies, into y e harts of y e people of God. (breth- 
 eren) those y 1 walke this way, are y e greatest 
 freinds vnto y e church & vnto coman welth ; 
 they intende, & labour, & indeauour to bringe hi 
 y e Lorde Je Ch, & if Ch be p r sent, there wil be 
 noe greate cause of fasting & morneing: there- 
 fore let me (in y e name of God) incorage al those 
 y 1 houlde forth the waies of grace & doe indeau- 
 our to make knowne y e Lorde Jesus Ch. Breth- 
 eren & Sisters endeuour to bringe Cli into 
 y e harts of people, & then yow shal make 
 y e Church happie, & yo'selues shal be happie ; 
 lifte vp yo r heads ye gaits, &c. Psal. 24, 7, 
 bringe the Lorde Je Ch not onely into thy howse, 
 but into thy chamber of him y* did beget yow, 
 endeauour it for this is God's way, & it is a way 
 to bringe peace & happynes, both to church & 
 coman welth. 
 
 Secondly, it may cumforte y e saints of God in
 
 25 
 
 this respect, y 1 seeing y' the Lorde Je Ch his 
 absence is y e cause of fasting & morneing, this is 
 a cumforte to ye childeren of God, y* cum what 
 wil come, they shal be in a happy estaite, they 
 shal be blessed, suppose those that are Gods 
 childeren should loose there howses, & lands, & 
 wiues, & freinds, & loose y e actings of y e gifte of 
 grace, & loose y ordenanses, yet they can neuer 
 loose ye Lorde Je Ch ; this [is] a greate cumforte 
 to Gods people : suppose the saints of God should 
 be banished, depriued of al the ordenanses of 
 God, y' were a harde caise (in sum respect) for 
 we had better pte w th al, then y e ordenanses; 
 but if y e ordenanses should be taken away, yet 
 Ch can not, for if John be banished into an 
 Hand, Reu. 1, 9, 10, & y e spirit cum vpon him on 
 y e Lord's day, there is amends for the ordenan- 
 ses, amends for banishment, if we loose ye or- 
 denanses for God, he wil be ordenanses to vs. 
 Therefore let y e saints of God be incoraged, 
 though they should loose al they haue, yet they 
 being maide one in Ch, & Ch dweling in there 
 harts by faith, they may be pswaded noethinge 
 can seperate them from Ch. Rom. 8, 38, 39: 
 therefore let y e saints of God reioyse y* they 
 haue ye Lorde Je Ch, & there names written in 
 y e booke of life, be glad & reioyce, for greate is 
 yo r rewarde in heauen.
 
 NOTES 
 
 By the Publishing Committee of the Massachusetts 
 Historical Society. 
 
 I. 
 
 The original manuscript of Wheelwright's Sermon, or what 
 has sometimes been supposed to be the original (though we 
 have not been able to compare it with any of Wheelwright's 
 known writing), is in the archives of this Society. From 
 some memoranda upon one of the blank leaves, It appears to 
 have once been in the possession of John Coggeshall, one of 
 Wheelwright's contemporaries and adherents. It originally 
 contained forty-two pages, the first eight of which are now 
 wanting. There is, however, a complete transcript of the Ser- 
 mon, in an ancient hand, among the Hutchinson manuscripts 
 in the library of the Society. 
 
 In the copy which has been made for the press, the original 
 has been followed ; and the part wanting in that has been sup- 
 plied from the ancient transcript referred to. This differs from 
 the original principally in its orthography. 
 
 The sermon was preached on a fast-day appointed by the 
 General Court of Massachusetts to be held on the 19th of Janu- 
 ary, 1636-7. Dr. Palfrey thinks it was delivered at Mount- 
 Wollaston Church, which was then a branch of the Boston First 
 Church ; but from the Brief e Apollogie in defence of the 
 Court (probably written by Winthrop), printed in the Short 
 Story, p. 52, it seems certain that it was preached in Bos- 
 ton. Dr. Lunt thinks it by no means improbable, that Wheel- 
 wright preached it to his own congregation at Mount- Wollaston 
 in the forenoon, and repeated the substance of it at the Boston 
 Church in the afternoon, after Cotton had concluded his dis- 
 course. For the preaching of this sermon, Wheelwright was 
 adjudged by the Court " guilty of sedition." Winthrop tells 
 the story thus : " Mr. Wheelwright, one of the members of 
 ' Boston, preaching at the last fast, inveighed against all that 
 1 walked in a covenant of works, as he described it to be, viz. 
 'such as maintain sanctification as an evidence of justification, 
 ' &c. and called them antichrists, and stirred up the people 
 'against them with much bitterness and vehemency. For 
 ' this he was cal led into the court, and his sermon being pro- 
 ' duced, he justified it, and confessed he did mean all that 
 1 walk in such a way. Whereupon the elders of the rest of the 
 ' churches were called, and asked whether they, in their min- 
 ' istry, did walk in such a way. They all acknowledged they
 
 " did. So, after much debate, the court adjudged him guilty 
 " of sedition, and also of contempt, for that the court had ap- 
 " pointed the fast as a means of reconciliation of the differences, 
 " &c. and he purposely set himself to kindle and increase them," 
 &c. Scarcely more than a brief allusion to the famous " Anti- 
 " nomian controversy in Massachusetts " can be made in this 
 note : and we would refer those interested in this subject to 
 Savage's edition of Winthrop's History of New England ; 
 Ellis's Life of Anne Hulchinson, in Sparks's American Biog- 
 raphy ; and Palfrey's History of New England. See also 
 Lunt's Two [Bi-centenaryl Discourses delivered September 
 29th, 1839, at Quincy.* 
 
 Mr. Savage, who read this Sermon, over forty years ago, 
 while editing Winthrop's History, unhesitatingly declares 
 (i. 215), that its character " was not such as can justify 
 "the court in their sentence for sedition and contempt," &c. 
 Dr. Palfrey, who gives a long extract from it on page 479 of 
 the first volume of his History, thinks that " the composition is 
 " of that character which is common with skilful agitators. 
 "Along with disclaimers of the purpose to excite to physical 
 "violence, it abounds in language suitable to bring about that 
 " result," &c. 
 
 A tract entitled, A Glass fnr the people of New England, 
 .... By S. G. [room], evidently a Quaker, published in 
 England in 1676, contains some extracts from this sermon ; 
 from which it is inferred that it continued to circulate in manu- 
 script for many years. Dr. Palfrey (History of New En- 
 gland, i. 480) discovered that one passage in the Glass, 
 there attributed to Wheelwright, is not contained in the Ser- 
 mon, but is the conclusion of Vane's Brief e Answer, to Win- 
 throp, in Ilutchinson's Collection of Original Papers, 82, 83. 
 
 II. 
 
 The fast was appointed by the General Court to be held on 
 " the 19th of the llth month, being the 5th day of the weeke, 
 "Thursday" (Mass. Col. Records, i., 187.) But the 19th of 
 January, 1636-7, came on Tuesday. Winthrop (History, I., 
 213) says the fast was kept on the 20th, which was Wednesday. 
 It was probably kept on Thursday, the 21st, that day of 
 the week being usually selected, at that period, for such occa- 
 sions. The date placed at the head of this transcript of the 
 discourse was probably not copied from the original, or was in- 
 correctly copied. 
 
 * We beg to add to these works one which the Committee 
 has not seen fit to notice. DAWSON'S Life and Times of Anne 
 Hutchinson, published in New York, in 1856. ED. HIST. MAG.
 
 II. 
 SIR NATHANIEL RICH 
 
 BY JOHN WARD DEAN, ESQJI., 
 OF BOSTON.
 
 SIR NATHANIEL RICH. 
 
 I have received from Joseph L. Chester, Esq., 
 of London, England, an abstract of the will of 
 Sir Nathaniel Rich, who was prominent in 
 American Colonial enterprises.* He was 
 knighted, at Hatton House, the eighth of Novem- 
 ber, 1617, and appears, from this will and its 
 probate, to have died in November, 1636. 
 
 There is little doubt that he was the Knight of 
 this name who was one of the Plymouth Com- 
 pany to whom the Patent, on the third of No- 
 vember, 1620, was granted ;f and I presume he 
 was the patriot member of King James I.'s third 
 Parliament, mentioned by Hume,$ for Mr. Ches- 
 ter writes me that he has found but one Sir Na- 
 thaniel Rich in the best and fullest lists of the 
 Knights of Elizabeth, James I. and Charles I. 
 Garrard, writing to the Earl of Strafford con- 
 cerning Sir Henry Vane's emigration to New 
 England, says : " I hear that Sir Nathaniel Rich 
 " and Mr. Pym have done him much hurt in 
 " their persuasions that way." In 1627, Sir 
 
 * Calendar of British State Papers, Colonial Series, vol. 
 i., under the years 1623 to 1636. 
 
 \ Hazard's State Papers, i., 106. 
 
 t History of England, chap, xlviii. 
 
 I) Stratford's Letters, 1., 463, quoted by Forster in the Lives 
 of Eminent British Statesmen, (since reprinted under the 
 title of Statesmen of the Commonwealth of England,) vol. 
 iv.
 
 Nathaniel Rich represented Harwich in the En- 
 glish Parliament*. 
 
 My interest in this person arose from the fact 
 that he held the gift of the living of Stondon 
 Massey, in Essex, where Rev. Nathaniel Ward 
 was Rector, and probably nominated him to the 
 Rectory, as he certainly did his successor, Rev. 
 Anthony Sawbridge. Perhaps it was through 
 his influence that Mr. Ward's son, John, (after- 
 wards minister of Haver hill, Mass.,) was presented 
 to the Rectory of Hadleigh, in the same County, 
 vacated by Rev. Mr. Sawbridge ; which living 
 was then in the gift of the Earl of Warwick, a 
 namesake and relative of Sir Nathaniel, and his 
 associate in Colonial affairs, whom he names in 
 his will. 
 
 As the will contains matters of interest to 
 American readers, I think the subscribers to the 
 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE will be gratified to see 
 Mr. Chester's abstract printed in full ; and I 
 send it to you for the purpose. Mr. Chester 
 thinks that Sir Nathaniel's nephew, whom he 
 made his heir, was Colonel Nathaniel Rich, the 
 well-known Parliamentary officer. 
 
 ABSTRACT OF THE WILL REFERRED TO ABOVE. 
 
 Sir Nathaniel Rich, Kt. ; will dated 2 Dec. 
 1635 ; appt. sole executor the Rt. Hon. the Lord 
 Mandevill, and desire to be buried in the parish 
 church of Stondon in Essex, a monument to be 
 erected not to exceed 50 or 100 marks in value; 
 my sisters and brothers in law and their chil- 
 dren and all my servants to have mourning. 
 
 I give my manor of Stondon and all my lands 
 in Essex to my nephew Nathaniel Riche, when 
 
 * Davids's Annals of Evangelical Nonconformity in Es- 
 sex, 141.
 
 3 
 
 21, in the meantime my Exors, to receive the 
 rents &c and allow him 80 per an. for his edu- 
 cation at the University of Cambridge, and then 
 at Lincoln's Inn, it being my desire that he 
 should study and profess the law. I give the 
 profit of seven of my shares in the Barmudas, 
 now called the Soiner Islands, to my sister 
 Grimsdiche and her husband for their lives, if 
 they will go and inhabit upon them, and 150 to 
 transport themselves and children. I give one 
 other share to my nephew Robt. Browne, now 
 residing in said Somer Islands, he having one 
 share left him by my sister Wroth, lately deed.; 
 another share to [blank], another son of my 
 sister Brown deed., who hath been hitherto edu- 
 cated by my noble friend the Countess of Leices- 
 ter, mother to Sir John Smith ; the residue of 
 my shares there I give for the maintenance of a 
 free school in those islands "my desire is that 
 some of the Indian children, to be brought 
 either from Virginia or New England or some 
 other Continent of America, such as my Exor. 
 ' shall think fittest, may be brought over there to 
 ' be instructed in the knowledge of true religion." 
 " I give to Nathaniel Browne now in New En- 
 ' gland with Mr. Hooker the 200 which by my 
 ' sister Morgan's will was bequeathed unto him, 
 and 50 more as my own gift, which 250 I 
 ' would have Mr. Hooker employ during the 
 ' minority of the said Nath 1 Browne for and to- 
 ' wards his education" ; to Samuel Browne, 
 another son of my said sister Browne 100 to be 
 employed for him during his minority; my 
 Rectory of Nevernein Pembrokeshire to be sold; 
 to Thos. Grimsdich, eldest son of my brother 
 Grimsdich, now in the isle of Providence, 40 
 per an., which my Lord of Warwick is to pay 
 during his life; to Thos. Allaby my servant
 
 100 ; to Jonas Anger 10 per an. for life out 
 of my manor of Stondon ; to John [blank] my 
 footman 10 in money and 40 s. per an. for life ; 
 to Mr. Jesopp I have given 50 ; to my noble 
 Lord of Warwick 500 as a testimony of my 
 humble affection &c.; to my Lord the Earl of 
 Holland & his Lady, each 100 ; to my Lady 
 Essex Cheeke 50 ; my diamond ring(my sister 
 Wrothe's legacy) I give to my brother Wrothe ; 
 another Emerald ring to my dear & most vertu- 
 ous friend Mrs. Mary Moore, widow ; to Lady 
 Mandevill, an annuity of 180 ; my library, 
 books & papers to Lord Mandevill ; I give the 
 Lady Warwick's picture to the Lord Rich her 
 son; to Mr. Wharton, minister at Felsted in Es- 
 sex 30 in testimony of my thankfulness for his 
 care in the education of my nephew Nathaniel 
 Riche ; " to my dear friend Mr. John Pym my 
 " best gelding and a ring of 20, which I desire 
 "him to wear for my sake;" to my cousin Mrs. 
 Martha Willford 20 for a ring. 
 
 This will reaffirmed and declared to be his last 
 will &c 28 Oct. 1636. 
 
 Codicil dated 10 Nov. 1636 ; to my servant 
 Wm. Jessopp all the adventures that 1 have in 
 the stock of the Company of Marchants of the 
 City of London trading into the East Indies, also 
 the tenantcy of the farm in Stondon called 
 Brook's tenement ; my apparel to be distributed 
 among said Mr. Thos. Gnmsditch, Thos. Allaby 
 & Wm. Jessopp. 
 
 Proved 1 December 1636 by Edward, Viscount 
 Mandevill, the Exor. named.
 
 III. 
 
 JOURNAL OF 
 
 LIEUT. THOMAS ANDERSON, 
 
 OF THE DELAWARE REGIMENT, 
 1780-1782. 
 
 From the Original Manuscript belonging to the Mary- 
 land Historical Society.
 
 ANDERSON PAPERS. 
 
 1780 Miles 
 
 May 6 th , March'd from Wilmington to 
 
 Newark, 11, 
 
 " 7 th March'd to the Head of Elk, 7 
 
 " 8 th Set Sail from the Head of Elk 
 in Company With 50 Sail of 
 Vessels being the Second Mary- 
 land Brigade destined for Pe- 
 tersburg in Virginia at Which 
 place the Sloop I was in ar- 
 riv'd On the 23 d Sailing in all 350 
 " 30 March'd off from Petersburg 
 and Encampt at Rockaway 
 Meeting House 5 
 
 " 31 March'd to Jones Bridge 17 
 
 June I 8t March'd to Commissary Lambs, 
 
 Brunswick, Co 
 
 " 2 d March'd to Shorts Ordinary 
 June 3 d March'd to Stoney Creek 18 
 
 " 4 th March'd to Taylors Ferry On 
 the Roanoke Crossed and En- 
 campt On the its Banks 8 
 " 6 March'd into Granvill County 
 
 N Carolina 18 
 
 7 March'd to Genl Parssons 10 
 
 485
 
 July 25 th , This day Genl Gates took Com- 
 mand 
 Aug 12 th March'd this day and lay all 
 
 night On our arms 6 
 
 " 13, March'd to Rudgeleys mill 16 
 
 " 15 March'd this night & met the 
 
 enemy 7 
 
 " 16 About One 0,clock in the morn- 
 ing met With the enemy at 
 Suttons farm and drove back 
 their advanced guard "We then 
 Halted and Formed the Line of 
 Battle and lay On Our arms Un- 
 till day light at Which time the 
 enemy advanced and Charg'd 
 Our left Wing Where the mili- 
 tia Was formed Who give Way 
 Which give the enemy an op- 
 portunity of turning Our left 
 flank & got in Our rear, The 
 action Soon became desperate 
 and bloody for some time but 
 We Were Obliged at last to 
 give Way With the loss of all 
 Our Artillery & Baggage The 
 loss of Our Regiment in the 
 action Was Lieut Col Vaughn, 
 Major Patten, Captains Sear- 
 mouth, & Rhodes, Lieuts Pur- 
 vis, Duff, Skillington & Roche, 
 With Seventy rank & file Our 
 marches On the retreat Such 
 that I Can give no particulars 
 untill We arrived at Salisbury 
 in North Carolina On the 
 twenty first but Computed 
 them at 123
 
 3 
 
 Aug 24, March ; d & Cross'd the Yadkin 
 
 river at the old trading Ford 7 
 
 March'd from thence to Guil- 
 ford Court House & lay a few 
 days 30 
 
 March'd from thence to Hills- 
 borough Where We Came up 
 With the remains of Our army 
 With Genl Gates 45 
 
 205 
 793 
 
 998 
 
 Oct 7 This day there Was three Com- 
 pys of light Infantry Chosen out 
 of army the first Commanded by 
 Capt Brewin of the Virginia 
 Line the Second by Capt Kirk- 
 wood of the Delaware in Which 
 I served as Lieut, the third by 
 Capt Brooks of the Maryland- 
 ers and the Whole by Col 
 Morgan 
 
 " 8 th Began Our march and arrivd 
 
 at Salisbury the 15 instant 95, 
 
 (Here I Omit 3 marches amount- 
 ing in miles to, 41 
 
 " 23 d March'd to Six mile Creek and 
 join'd the militia under the 
 Command of Genl Davidson 16 
 
 " 25, moved Our encampment in front 
 of the militia this place is 
 Within 15 miles of Charlotte 
 While We lay at this place Col 
 Morgan Reced his Commission 
 as Brigadier from Congress, 1 
 
 1153,
 
 Nov 4, This day Genl Morgans Light 
 Infantry With Col Washing- 
 ton's Cavalry March'd down 
 towards Rudgeleys Within 13 
 miles of Camden to reconiter 
 the Enemy and return'd to 
 Camp On the 9th Inst March'd 100 
 
 " 22 d This day the Maryland Division 
 arrived here, 
 
 27 The army under the Comd of 
 Genl Gates march'd to Char- 
 lotte to Huts, 
 
 " 28 Received Orders to hold our- 
 selves in readyness to March at 
 a Moments Warning accord- 
 ingly left Our tents Standing 
 With all our Sick behind and 
 March'd to 12 Mile Creek This 
 Creek is the line between North 
 & Sonth Carolina from thence 
 We March'd to the Hanging 
 Rock, Where the -Infantry re- 
 main'd Whilst Col Washington 
 With his Cavalry Went down to 
 Col Rudgely's and With the de- 
 ception of a Pine top took the 
 Garrison Consisting of One 
 Coin, One Major, three Captains, 
 four Lieuts, One hundred rank 
 and file, From thence Return'd 
 to Camp With the Prisoners and 1253 
 arrived On the 2 nd Decbr 100 
 
 Deo 6 th Genl Green took Command of 
 the Southern army in the room 
 of Genl Gates Who was recall'd. 
 
 " 17 march'd to Charlotte 15 
 
 21'* Was join'd With two Compys 
 from the Maryland line Com-
 
 manded by Capt8 Dobson, & 
 Anderson and March'd to Big- 
 gers Ferry On the Catawba 
 river 
 Dec 22 d Crossed the Kiver and march'd 
 
 1447 
 
 17 Before day Reced Information 
 that Col Tarlton Was Within 
 Five Miles of us With a Strong 
 Body of Horse and Infantry 
 Whereon We got up and put 
 Ourselves in Order of Battle 
 by day Light they Hove in 
 Sight Halted and FornVd the 
 Line in Full View as We had 
 no artillery to annoy them and 
 the Genl not thinking it prn- 
 dent to advance from the ground 
 We had form'd, We look'd at 
 each other for a Considerable 
 time, about Sunrise they began 
 the attack by the Discharge of 
 two pieces of Cannon and three 
 Huzzas advancing briskly On 
 ourriffelmen that Was posted 
 in front Who Fought Well Dis- 
 puting the ground that Was 
 between them and us, Flying 
 from One tree to another at last
 
 being forst to give ground they 
 fell back in Our rear the Enemy 
 Seeing us Standing in Such 
 good Order Halted for Some 
 time to dress their line Which 
 Outflanked ours Considerably 
 The then advanced On boldly 
 under a Very heavy fire untill 
 the got Within a few yards of 
 us but their line Was So much 
 longer than ours the turii'd our 
 Flanks Which Caused us to fall 
 back Some Disstance The Enemy 
 thinking that We Were broke 
 set up a great Shout Charged 
 us With their bayonets but in 
 no Order We let them Come 
 Within ten Or fifteen yards of 
 us then give them a full Volley 
 and at the Same time Charged 
 them home They not expecting 
 any Such thing put them in 
 Such Confusion that We Were 
 in amongst them With the 
 Bayonets Which Caused them 
 to give ground and at last to take 
 to the flight But We followed 
 them up so Close that they 
 never Could get in Order again 
 untill We Killed and took the 
 Whole of the Infantry Prison- 
 ers, At the Same time that 
 We Charged, Col Washington 
 Charged the horse Which Soon 
 give Way We followed them 
 ten miles but not being able to 
 Come up With them Returned 
 back to the field of Battle that
 
 night and lay amongst the Dead 
 & Wounded Very Well pleased 
 With Our days Work 
 March this day 20 
 
 1467 
 1781 
 
 Jany 18, March 7 d off With the prisoners 
 for the Catawba River arrived 
 at it On the 23 d Inst being, 100 
 
 Febry 1 st The Enemy under the Cornd of 
 Earl Cornwallis Crossed the 
 River below Where Genl Da- 
 vidson With Some of the South 
 Carolina Militia Was posted, 
 Killed the Genl and Some of 
 the men Which Caused us to 
 March for Salisbury for fear 
 that the Would get between us 
 and our army Which Was on 
 the Way for Guilford We ar- 
 riv'd at Co 1 Locks before day 
 every step being up to our 
 Knees in Mud it raining On us 
 all the Way 30 
 
 1597 
 
 I here Omit the Journal from 
 Febry 1 st to March 13 th Con- 
 taining Some interesting par- 
 ticulars & going over marches 
 to the amount of 441 miles 
 Which added to 1597 makes, 2038 
 
 Febry 14, March'd Within three miles of 
 
 Guilford Court House, 8 
 
 " 15, Commenced the action of Guil- 
 ford between the armys Com- 
 manded by Genls Green & Corn- 
 wallis in Which a number
 
 8 
 
 Were Killed on both Sides 
 Genl Green drew off his army 
 With the loss of all his artil- 
 lery Out of our two Companies 
 We had Lieut Huffman Killed 
 & Ensign Vaughn Wounded 
 March'd 16 
 
 Febry 16 March'd to M r James Landers 
 
 Farm 3 
 
 " 19 Marched to M r Simmons Farm, 6 
 Here I omit many pages and 
 distances to the number of 964 
 miles and begin at Ihe end of 
 miles of marching 3035 
 
 This brings the Journal to the 
 date of August 27 th 1781 
 
 Aug 27, March'd to Capt Howells On 
 
 the Congaree 18 
 
 " 28 This day March'd to Goodwins 
 Farm and joind Col Washing- 
 ton in the Evening We Were 
 informed that the Enemy had 
 left Col Thompsons and Were 
 on the way towards Charles- 
 town 5 
 " 31" March'd to Howells Ferry 
 Where our army had Cross'd, 
 This day the Genl received in- 
 formation that the Enemy had 
 march'd from the Center Swamp 
 On their route for Charlestown 
 Which Occasioned the Horse 
 With our Infantry to return to 
 our former Quarters 12 
 
 Sept, 4, Crossed the Congaree at Cnl- 
 
 SBppers Ferry and Encamped 
 n M r Johnsons Farm 15
 
 9 
 
 Sept, 5 March'd and Encampt With the 
 
 main army at Everett's Creek 14 
 " 6 th March'd to half way Swamp 6 
 " 7, March'd Within Seven Miles 
 of the Eutaw Springs Where 
 the British then lay Commanded 
 by Col Stewart 20 
 
 " 8 This morning Our army Was 
 in motion before day light 
 With a Determination of fight- 
 ing We march'd in the follow- 
 ing Order Viz The South and 
 North Carolina Militia in front 
 Commanded by Genls Marion & 
 Pickins having Col Lees horse 
 and Infantry On their Right 
 Flank and the State Horse and 
 mounted Infantry On their left, 
 The Second line Was Composed 
 of the North Carolina Regulars, 
 Virginia and Maryland Troops 
 having two three pounders be- 
 tween the North Carolinians & 
 Virginians and two Six pound- 
 ers between the Virginians and 
 Marylanders Col Washington's 
 Horse With our Infantry Were 
 the Corps de reserve, In this 
 order We march'd down to ac- 
 tion Coming Within three miles 
 of the enemy's encampment We 
 Overtook a rooting party of 60 
 men returning in With Potatos 
 most of Whom Were either 
 Killed Or taken We met With 
 no furthur opposition until 
 We Came Within One mile of 
 their encampment Where their
 
 10 
 
 front line Was formed We soon 
 brought on the action Genl We 
 drove their first and Second 
 lines took upwards of 500 pris- 
 oners besides 300 they left dead 
 On the field of action The enemy 
 took shelter in a large brick 
 House At this time Our men 
 Were so far spent for Want of 
 Water and Our Continental Of- 
 fiers Suffered So much in the 
 action rendered it advisable to 
 Genl Green to draw off his 
 troops With the loss of two 
 Six pounders, Major Edmunds 
 of the Virginians joined us in 
 the British Encampment With 
 a Small Number of Men Keep- 
 ing up a Smart fire for a Small 
 Space of time Finding Our 3125, 
 army had Withdrawn made it 
 necessary for us to Withdraw 
 likewise We brought of* One of 
 the Enemys three pounders 
 Which Was performed With 
 much difficulty thro a thick 
 Wood for near four miles With- 
 out the assistance of any but 
 one horse We got to our en- 
 campment that We left in the 
 morning about two 0,clock in 
 the afternoon, We Were Or- 
 dered back to take post about 
 One mile in front (march'd this 
 day 14 
 
 Sept, 10 th Received intelligence that the 
 
 * So spelt in the original.
 
 11 
 
 Enemy had left the Eutaw 
 Springs the night before and 
 Was on their Way towards 
 Monks Corner We march'd af- 
 ter them as far as Mr. Martin's 
 Within 17 miles of the Corner 
 halted, (march'd) 20 
 
 Sept, 12 Returned back as far as Whist- 
 ling George's, 6 
 " 13 March'd to Widow Floods On 
 
 the Santee river, 14 
 
 Sept, 14 March'd With the army to the 
 road leading to Lawrences 
 Ferry On the Santee river, Left 
 them & march'd to M r Cald- 
 wells farm at the Half-Way 
 Swamp 19 
 
 3198 
 
 [Here I omit many miles of 
 marching He & Capt Kirk- 
 wood appear to have Set out 
 On their return home Febry 
 11,1782,1 find the following 
 entries in the Journal & Cer- 
 tain marches on their return 
 Which I omit but give the last 
 of the entries WA] 
 
 1782 
 Febry 10, Our Company join'd us 
 
 " 11, Capt Kir kwood Set out With us 
 On his way Home to the State 
 Lay all night at Genl Parsons, 20 
 
 " 12 March'd to Capt Summervilles 25 
 
 4342 
 [With the Omisions these
 
 12 
 
 marches bring us to 4342 miles 
 WA] 
 
 March 27, March'd to Northumberland 
 Court House When there Was 
 a Genl Muster of the Militia 
 Went a,board of a boat bound 
 for the Head of Elk Comd by 
 Capt Brewer in the Cone river 
 Sailed down to the mouth of 
 the river and Went ashore at 
 M r Croleys 16 
 
 " 28 Made Sail after night With a 
 fair Wind got near Patuxent 
 and Was drove back by Con- 
 trary Winds into the Cone 
 again Went to M r Croleys 
 Sailed this night, 30 
 
 April l t March'd to Yaucomoco Went 
 aboard of M r Mithaneys Ferry 
 Boat Cross'd the Potomack to 
 Pine Point When We parted 
 for the night Capt Kirkwood 
 and Lieut Platt Went to Parson 
 Sebastains, Lieut Campbell & 
 myself to M r Crane's State of 
 Maryland, 22 
 
 " 2 d Cross'd the Patucksin at Jun- 
 ipers Ferry and lay all night 
 at M r Summer Villes, 25 
 
 3 d March'd to M r Smiths 23 
 
 " 4, Cross'd the South river at 
 Browns ferry, Came to Annap- 
 olis after night put up at M r 
 Middletons Tavern, 
 
 April 5 Cross'd the Severn river at the 
 Town and March'd to Balti- 
 more Staid at M r Poes Capt 
 Hamiltons quarters, 30
 
 13 
 
 April, 7, Went aboard of the Packet 
 bound for the Head of Elk Com- 
 manded by Capt Simpson be- 
 fore Night landed at French 
 town march'd to Newark Del 
 state 
 
 4513
 
 IV. 
 
 THE FCEDERALIST, 
 
 No. LXIII. 
 THE ORIGINAL DRAFT, BY MR. JAY. 
 
 From the original manuscript, found among " the family paper of 
 
 Chief-Justice Jay ;" furnished by his grandson, John Jay, 
 
 Esq., of the Jay Homestead, to the Editor of Thi 
 
 Fcedtraliit, Edit. Morrisania, 1864 ; and 
 
 subsequently presented to the New 
 
 York Historical Society.
 
 INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 
 
 This paper will interest our readers, because 
 
 FIRST: It will illustrate how little foundation, in fact, there 
 was for General Alexander Hamilton's pretensions, in his own 
 copy of the work and in the Benson Manuscript, that HE waa 
 the author of this paper. 
 
 SECOND : It will serve to illustrate how little reason, in fact, 
 Mr. John C. Hamilton's publisher had, when, in the Prospectus 
 of The Federalist, "edited by John C. Hamilton," he said, 
 " A preliminary Essay will leave little doubt as to the title of 
 " Hamilton to the Essays designated by HIMSELF as his own, 
 " by the hand of the Editor of this edition, under the imme- 
 " diate personal direction of his father." American Literary 
 Gazette and Publishers' Circular, December 15, 1863. 
 
 THIRD: It will serve to illustrate the entire correctness of 
 Henry B. Dawson, the Editor of The Federalist, when, in his 
 published Prospectus for the Morrisania edition of that work, 
 he said, " In the preparation of this edition of The Federalist 
 " the subscriber has been favored with copies of the family 
 " papers relative thereto of General Hamilton and Chief- 
 " Justice Jay ;" and the entire incorrectness of Mr. John Jay, 
 of the Jay Homestead, in his published letter to Mr. Henry B. 
 Dawson, dated February 14th, 1864, when he asked, while con- 
 troverting the above, " What family papers of Jay or of Ham- 
 " ilton, touching The Federalist, had you when you wrote the 
 " Prospectus, or have you now ? I GAVE YOU NONE SUCH, FOB 
 
 " THE REASON THAT I HAD NONE TO GIVE." 
 
 FOURTH : It will serve to illustrate the views of the elder 
 John Jay concerning some features of the Republic and some 
 of the provisions of its Constitution ; while it will serve, also, 
 to illustrate how far the present generation have wandered 
 from the paths of the Fathers, and how much confidence can 
 be safely reposed in its teachings. HENRY B. DAWSON.
 
 THE FCEDERALIST, 
 
 No. LXIII. 
 
 It is unhappily the law both with Respect to 
 Measures and to Persons that their opponents 
 seldom confine their Censures to such things only 
 as are worthy of Blame unless on this Principle 
 it is difficult to account for the Conduct of those 
 who condemn the proposed Constitution in the 
 aggregate, and treat with Severity some of the 
 most unexceptionable articles in it 
 
 The 2 Sec. gives Power to the President 
 " by and with y e Advice and consent of the Sen- 
 " ate to make Treaties provided two thirds of the 
 " Senators present concur 
 
 The power of making Treaties is unquestiona- 
 bly a very important one, especially as it relates 
 to War Peace & commerce, and should not be 
 delegated,* without such precautions [in the mode 
 of constituting themrf] as that the Nation may 
 have the highest Security w h the Nature of 
 the Case will admit of, that it will be 
 exercised by men the best qualified for the 
 
 * The word " delegated " is interlined over the words, ' vested 
 " in any man or Body of Men," erased. The importance of 
 this change in Mr. Jay'g mind, concerning the status of the 
 proposed " Congress of the United States," and concerning the 
 character of its authority, will not be lost sight of by the care- 
 ful reader. ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 h The words in Italics were subsequently erased. ED. HIBT. 
 MAO.
 
 6 
 
 purpose, and in the Manner most conducive 
 to the public good The framers of the con- 
 stitution appear to have been [particularly]* 
 attentive to both these Points. They have di- 
 rected the President to be chosen by select bodies 
 of Electors to be convened for that express pur- 
 pose, and have referred the appointment of Sen- 
 ators to the State Legislatures. 
 
 This mode has, in such Cases, vastly the ad- 
 vantage of Elections by the People in their col- 
 lective Capacity, where the activity of Party Zeal 
 taking advantage of the Supiness the Ignorance 
 the Hopes and the Fears of the unwary & inter- 
 ested! frequently places Men in Office by the 
 Votes of a small Proportion of the Electors, [and 
 Men too with whom the great body of Electors 
 have not always Reason to Tie satisfied ]$ 
 
 as the State Electors for President as well as 
 the State Legislatures, will in general be com- 
 posed of the most enlightened and respectable 
 Citizens, there is [the highest]^ Reason to pre- 
 sume that their appointments to these [^m&]|| 
 national offices will be [<&seree]l[ judicious, or in 
 other Words that the Federal** President & Sena- 
 
 * The subsequent erasure of the word "particularly" indi- 
 cates very clearly the limited respect which Mr. Jay had for 
 " the proposed Constitution ;" and it will be yet more apparent 
 when the four preceding words " appear to hare been " are 
 read in the same connection. ED. HIST. HAG. 
 
 t This sentence originally read " in their collective Capaci 
 " ty> where the Supiness of many and the activity of Party 
 " Zeal operating on the Ignorance the Hopes and the Fears of 
 "Men." ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 t The words in Italics were subsequently erased. ED. HIST. 
 MAO. 
 
 <) These words were subsequently erased. ED, HIST. MAO. 
 
 II Subsequently erased. ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 U Erased. ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 ** The word " Federal " interlined the importance of which, 
 as an after-thought of the writer, will not be lost sight of by 
 the careful students of his character and opinions. ED. HIST. 
 MAO.
 
 tors [so chosen]* will be men who had become 
 eminently distinguished by their Virtue and Tal- 
 ents nay so exceedingly cautious and attentive 
 were in Convention in providing for this object, 
 that by excluding Men und 35 from the first of- 
 fice, and under 30 from the second, they have 
 confined the Electors to Men of whom the People 
 have had Experience, and with Respect to whom 
 they will be in no Danger of being deceived by 
 those brilliant appearances of Genius and Pa- 
 triotism which like transient Meteors sometimes 
 mislead as well as dazzle 
 
 From the manner in which they are to be ap- 
 pointed it is reasonable to infer that the power 
 of making Treaties will be exercised by [the 
 most]\ able and honest Men [to be found in the 
 Country, U. S.]$ for if the observation be just 
 that wise Kings will always be served by able$ 
 Ministers, it is natural to presume that as an 
 assembly of select Electors possess in a higher 
 Degree than Kings the means of extensive and 
 accurate Information relative to Men [$ tfieirlll 
 Characters, so hi the same Degree will their 
 appointments be in general more discreet, and 
 judicious. 
 
 The Presid 4 & Sen ra ^[ so chosen will doubtless 
 be of the number of those in each State who best 
 
 * Subsequently erased. ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 t The words in Italics were subsequently erased. ED. HIST. 
 MAO. 
 
 $ It is evident from the style of the erasure that Mr. Jay first 
 erased the word " Country " and substituted for it the initials 
 of the United States ; and that he subsequently erased the 
 amendment, together with the fire preceding words, as indi- 
 cated by the Italics. ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 $ The word " able " written over " wise," erased. ED. HIST. 
 MAO. 
 
 II Erased. ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 TT The preceding words of this paragraph were interlined 
 over the words "Such men," erased. ED. HIST. MAO.
 
 8 
 
 understand its Interests, whether considered in 
 Relation to the other States or to foreign Na- 
 tions ;# and we must suppose that the members 
 from each State however well disposed to pro- 
 mote the general good of the whole, will yet be 
 still more Strongly disposed to promote that of 
 their immediate Constituents 
 
 altho the absolute Necessity of System in the 
 conduct of any Business is universally known & 
 acknowledged, yet the high Importance of it in 
 national affairs has not yet become sufficiently 
 impressed on the public mind. They who wish 
 to commit the power under Consideration to a 
 popular assembly composed of Members con- 
 stantly coming and going in quick Succession, 
 seem not to recollectf that such a Body must 
 necessarily be inadequate to the Attainm* of 
 those great objects which require to be steadily 
 contemplated in their various Relations and Cir- 
 cumstances, and which can only be approached 
 and atchieved by Measures which not only Tal- 
 ents but accurate Information & often much 
 lime are necessary to concert and to execute 
 
 It was wise therefore in the Convention to pro- 
 
 * In revising this paragraph for the Press, Mr. Jay seems to 
 have entirely changed his views and thus expressed them in 
 their revised form : " The inference which naturally results 
 ' from these considerations is this, the President and Senators 
 ' so chosen will always be of the number of those who best un- 
 'derstand our National Interests, whether considered in re- 
 ' lation to the several States or to foreign Nations, who are 
 ' best able to promote those interests, and whose reputation 
 ' for integrity inspires and merits confidence." Federalist, 
 No. LXIII. Ed. Morrisania, 1864, i., 447. 
 
 May we not hope to receive, from some one who knows all 
 about Mr. Jay, the information which will enable us to judge 
 whether or not this change was effected by his intercourse with 
 Messrs. Hamilton and Madison his associates in The Federal- 
 ist rather than from his owu, unassisted " sober second- 
 " thought." ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 t The words "to recollect" are written over "to be ap- 
 " prized," erased. ED. HIST. MAO.
 
 9 
 
 vide not only that this power sh d be exercised by 
 the ablest men, but also that they should con- 
 tinue in Place a sufficient Time to become well 
 acquainted with our national Concerns, and to 
 form and introduce a System for the Manage- 
 ment of them by this Provision they will be 
 in Capacity to make daily additions to their Stock 
 of political Information and be enabled by ex- 
 perience to render it more & more beneficial to 
 the Country nor did the Convention manifest 
 less prudence in so prescribing for the frequent 
 Election of Senators* in such a way as to obvi- 
 ate the Inconvenience of periodically committing 
 those great affairs to new Men unacquainted with 
 their exact Situation & circumstances, forf by 
 leaving a considerable Residue of the old ones in 
 place uniformity and order as well a constant 
 Succession of Information from the first to the 
 latter Members, will be preserved 
 
 It will not be denied that the affairs of Trade 
 and Navigation should be regulated by a System 
 
 * The words "in so prescribing for the frequent Election of 
 " Senators " are written over the following words, erased, " in 
 " directing the manner prescribed for periodical Recall of a 
 " certain Proportion of the Senators for thereby the Right & 
 " Expediency of frequent Elections are secured to the People. 
 
 The careful student will readily perceive from the above, the 
 drift of Mr. Jay's mind concerning the tenure of the Senatorial 
 office, under ' the proposed Constitution" Envoys, even or- 
 dinary agents, are sometimes " Recalled *' by their Principals, 
 Sovereign or Subject : who has ever heard of the " Recall " of 
 a Sovereign, such as the Senate has more recently assumed to 
 be, by a " People " who, in that case, could have been only his 
 Subjects ? He will perceive, also, that Mr. Jay saw no differ- 
 ence, in fact, between a direct Election by " the People," and 
 an Election by the Legislature, as its Agent and Representative. 
 He speaks, therefore, of " the frequent Election of Senators," as 
 by " the People," itself, notwithstanding " the People," in 
 proper person, has nothing whatever to do with such elections. 
 ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 t The word "for" is interlined over " but on ye contrary," 
 erased. ED. HIST. MAG.
 
 10 
 
 wisely formed and steadily pursued It is also 
 well known that whatever may be the System our 
 Treaties with foreign Nations as well as our 
 Laws on the Subject sh d be conformable to it 
 It is highly important therefore that this con- 
 formity sh d be preserved; and the Convention 
 by making the Concurrence* of the Senate ne- 
 cessary to both have taken effectual Care that 
 our Treaties & our Laws shall always harmonize 
 and unite in promoting the attainment of the same 
 national! objects 
 
 Let it also be remembered that in forming 
 Treaties of Peace and [Treaties]^ of Commerce & 
 particnlary the former, it often happens that 
 perfect Secrecy and immediate^ Dispatch are re- 
 quisite There are Cases when the most useful|| 
 Intelligence may be obtained provided the Par- 
 ties possessing & conveying it have no Reason to 
 apprehend a Discovery whether those Parties 
 be influenced by mercenary or by friendly Mo- 
 tives will make but little Difference, for in either 
 Case a Discovery might be equally fatal to them 
 It is not rash to presume that there are many of 
 both Descriptions who would rely on the Secrecy 
 of the President, but who would not confide in 
 that of the Senate, and still less in that of a large 
 popular Assembly The Convention have done 
 well therefore in so disposing of this power of 
 
 * The last eight words originally read as follows " pre- 
 " served Of this the Convention appears to have been ap- 
 " prized, for by making the Concurrence " etc. ED. HIST. 
 MAO. 
 
 t The word "national" written over " interesting," erased. 
 ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 t Erased. ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 4 "Immediate " is written over " great," erased. ED. HIST. 
 MAO. 
 
 II The words " the most useful " are interlined, evidently to 
 take the place of " of great Importance " which originally fol- 
 lowed " Intelligence," and were erased. ED. HIST. MAG.
 
 11 
 
 making Treaties, as that altho the president must 
 in forming them act by the Advice and Con- 
 sent of the Senate ;# yet he will be able to man- 
 age all affairs of secret Intelligence in the Way 
 which Prudence and Circumstances may suggest 
 The Propriety of these Remarks might be illus- 
 trated by Facts well known to many but which 
 it would not be advisable to render more public. 
 
 They who have turned their attention to the 
 Affairs of men well know that there are Tides 
 in them Tides exceedingly irregular in their 
 Duration,! Strength and Direction, and seldom 
 found to run twice exactly in the same manner 
 and measure. To Discern^ and profit by these 
 Tides in national affairs, is the Business of those 
 Politicians who preside over them$ in doing 
 this Days and even Hours are often precious, and 
 Despatch indispensable The intervening Death 
 of a Prince, the removal of a Minister, in short 
 the least change in the present posture of affairs 
 may give a favorable Tide an opposite Course.ll 
 
 as in the Field so in the Cabinet there are 
 moments to be seized as they pass ; neither our 
 Governors or our Generals should be restrained 
 from improving them^f we have in more In- 
 
 * In the sentence " altho the president must in forming 
 " them act by the the Advice," etc., the words in Italics are in- 
 terlined over "is restrained by," erased. ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 t Originally "is a Tide in them a Tide exceedingly irreg- 
 ular in its Duration," etc. ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 t " Discern" interlined over " observe,'' erased. ED. HIST. 
 MAO. 
 
 Q''Them" interlined over "nations," erased. ED. HIST. 
 MAO. 
 
 II The words " give a favorable Tide an opposite Course " are 
 interlined over " terminate this Tide forever." ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 IT This sentence originally read thus : "seized as they pass ; 
 " and in such Cases consequently the Power of improving 
 " such fortunate Seasons, should no General should not be 
 ' restrained from improving them." The words in Italics 
 were subsequently erased. ED. HIST. MAO.
 
 12 
 
 stances than one, suffered exceedingly from the De- 
 lays inseparable from our present Gov* and we 
 have much Reason to rejoice that the proposed 
 Constitution has so well provided ag' them for 
 many preparatory and collateral Measures rela- 
 tive to Negociations may be taken by the Presi- 
 dent and when such as require the Concurrence 
 of the Senate occur, he may at any time convene 
 them Thus does the constitution give to the 
 formation of Treaties all the disadvantages of 
 Secy and Despatch on the one Hand and of de- 
 liberate Council on the other 
 
 But to this Plan as to all others that have ever 
 appeared in the World, [without excepting even 
 those which descended from heaven]* objections 
 have been contrived and urged. 
 
 Some object because the Treaties so made are to 
 have the Force of Laws, and therefore that the 
 Makers of them will so far have legislative 
 power This objection is a mere play on the 
 word legislative Is not the Commission of the 
 King of Great Britain to a Judge or a general 
 as valid in Law and as obligatory on all whom 
 it may concern, as if the Judge or the General 
 had been commissioned by Act of Parliament? 
 If the People from whom only civil Power can 
 be derived think it expedient by their Constitu- 
 tion to give to a King the power of issuing such 
 Commissions, they must be as much bound by 
 such royal acts, as they are by those acts which 
 they authorize their Legislature to pass.f 
 
 [The People of america knowing that they would 
 have occasion to make Treaties or Bargains with 
 
 * The words in Italics were subsequently erased. ED. HIST. 
 MAO. 
 
 t In the published Essay the reference was changed from the 
 King of Great Britain to the Governor of New York. ED. 
 HIST. MAO.
 
 13 
 
 other Nations appoint certain men in their Name 
 to make those Bargains for them again the 
 People of america knowing that Laws regulating 
 their general affairs would be necessary, think 
 proper to appoint certain otJier Men to make such 
 Laws then surely in the one Case as in the other 
 the acts of these Men must have equall\* 
 
 Whatever name therefore be given to the obli- 
 gation of Treaties or whether the making 
 them be called the Exercise of legislative or any 
 other kind of authority certain it is that the 
 people have a Right to dispose of the power to 
 make them as they think expedient & when 
 made conformably to the power delegated must 
 be valid and inviolable 
 
 Others seem uneasy that Treaties are to be the 
 sup.f Laws of the Land. It is not easy even to 
 suspect Gentlemen of being serious when they 
 profess to believe and insist that Treaties like 
 acts of assembly should be repealable at our 
 will & pleasure a Treaty is only another 
 name for a Bargain or a Contract, and have 
 no Reason:): to expect or hope that any Na- 
 tion or any private Man of Common Sense 
 can be found, who would consent to make any 
 bargain with us which so far from being mutu- 
 ally binding, should by us be carved, and con- 
 strued, extended, contracted or annulled just as 
 [the Wisdom or Convenience of] our Legislature 
 or Legislatures might think most convenient 
 and advantageous. 
 
 * This entire paragraph was subsequently erased. ED. HIST. 
 MAG. 
 
 t Supreme. ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 t Originally, " and have we any Reason," etc. ED. HIST. 
 MAG. 
 
 <) The words in Italics were subsequently erased. ED. HIST. 
 MAO.
 
 14 
 
 They who make Laws may without doubt 
 repeal them and it is equally true that they who 
 make Treaties may alter or annul them but we 
 are not to forget that Treaties are made not by 
 one of the contracting Parties but by both, and 
 consequently that as the Consent of both was 
 essential to make them at first, so must it ever 
 afterwards be to alter or cancel them * The 
 proposed constitution therefore has not in the 
 least extended the obligation of Treaties they 
 are just as binding and just as far beyond the 
 lawful Reach of legislative acts now as they will 
 be at any future period or under future Gov'f 
 
 Altho now useful Jealousy may be a republics 
 Qualification (virtue it never was nor will be) yet 
 when like Bile in the natural too much in the 
 Body politic, the Eyes of become very liable to 
 be deceived by the delusive appearances which 
 that Malady gives to surrounding ObjectsJ 
 
 Will the President and Senate make Treaties 
 with an equal Eye to the Interests of all the 
 States will not the two thirds often be tempted 
 to oppress the remaining third [will not the 
 Influence of the eastern fy middle States generally 
 preponderate in that Body]$ are these Gent, made 
 
 * The latter part of this sentence was originally In these 
 words : " But we are not to forget that Treaties are made not 
 " by one of the contracting Parties but by both, and conse- 
 "quently the same Consent of both to make them at first, will 
 "forever afterwards be necessary to alter or cancel them." 
 ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 t The latter part of this sentence was originally in these 
 words: " They were just as binding and just as far beyond 
 " the Reach of legislative acts before the Convention convened 
 " now as they will be at any period or any Govt whatever." 
 ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 t This sentence was evidently constructed with great diffi- 
 culty ; but the erasures and interlineations are so many and so 
 disconnected that nothing can be done with them. ED. HIST. 
 MAG. 
 
 t> Subsequently erased. ED. HIST. HAG.
 
 15 
 
 sufficiently responsible for their Conduct ? if they 
 act corruptly can they be punished ? and if they 
 make disadvantageous Treaties can we get rid of 
 such Treaties [27iese and similar Questions are 
 may be answered with as much It is easy to ask 
 Questions, and objections put into the form of 
 Questions, is as easy a TFoz/]* 
 
 Such questions really betray an undue Degree 
 of Jealousy every objection to the foederal Con- 
 stitutionf w h they imply may at least with equal 
 force be applied to that of this State. 
 
 Will the Gov r & Legislature of New York 
 make Laws with an equal Eye to the Interests of 
 all the Counties will not the majority often 
 oppress the minority. are these Gentlemen 
 made sufficiently responsible for their Conduct 
 if they act corruptly can they be punished and 
 if the commissioners make disadvantageous 
 Treaties [with the Indians]^ or Bargains with 
 the Indians or others can we get rid of them 
 
 as all the States are represented equally in the 
 senate which is to vote per Capita, they will all 
 
 * Subsequently erased. ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 t The words " foederal Constitution " in this portion of the 
 original Manuscript is peculiarly interesting in view of the 
 persistent efforts which have been made by John C. Hamilton, 
 George T. Curtis, and John J;iy to impeach the integrity of 
 The Federalist, edited by Henry B. Dawson, on account of its 
 rendering of the word " Federalist " after the manner of the 
 authors of that work ; and it effectually disposes, if such addi- 
 tional testimony wai actually necessary, of their unsupported 
 denials that " PUBLIUS," the distinguished authors of that work, 
 thus spelled the word, and thus openly recognized the Union 
 as " a firm League of friendship," and its Constitution as sup- 
 plementary rather than subversive of the Articles of Confed- 
 eration and Perpetual Union. 
 
 John Jay the elder, it will be seen, considered the Constitu- 
 tion for the United States a " federal Constitution ": John 
 Jay the younger, and those who have acted with him, may 
 safely read his teachings, and having learned the truth on this 
 subject, follow his example, by telling it. ED. HIST. MAO. 
 
 t Erased. ED. HIST. MAG.
 
 16 
 
 have an equal Degree of Influence there, espe- 
 cially if they are careful to appoint \their best 
 men]* proper persons to that Body, ana insist on 
 their punctual attendance. In Proportion as the 
 united States assume a national Form and a 
 national Character, so will the good of the whole 
 become more and more an object of attention ; 
 and the Gov 1 must be a weake one indeed if it 
 should forget that the good of the whole [can 
 only consist of the combined]* cannot be promoted 
 without attending to the good of each of the 
 parts or Members which compose the whole. It 
 will not be in the power of the President and 
 Senate to form any Treaty by which they & their 
 Estates and Families will not be equally bound 
 and affected with Rest of the Community, and hav- 
 ing no private interest distinct from that of the 
 Nation they will be under no temptations to 
 neglect the latter 
 
 as to corruption the Case is not supposable a 
 man must either have been very unfortunate in 
 his Intercourse with the world, or possess a 
 Heart very susceptible of such Impressions : who 
 can think it probable that the President and 
 two-thirds of the Senate will ever be capable of 
 such unworthy Conduct The Idea is too gross 
 
 and too black to be entertained But even 
 
 in such a Case if it sh d ever happen the Treaty so 
 obtained from us would like all other fraudulent 
 Contracts be null and void by the Law of Na- 
 tions 
 
 With Respect to the Responsibility of the 
 President and Senate, it is difficult to conceive 
 how it could be increased Every Consideration 
 that can influence the human mind, such as 
 Honor, oaths, Reputation, the Love of Country, 
 
 * Erased. KB. HIST. MAO.
 
 17 
 
 and domestic affection & attachments [insure}* 
 afford Security for their Fidelity 
 
 as the Constitution has provided that they shall 
 be Men of Talents and Integrity we have good 
 Keason to be persuaded that the Treaties they 
 make will be as advantageous as all Circumstan- 
 ces considered could be expected [Besides such 
 Individuals among them as may now]* and so far 
 as the Fear of Punishment and Disgrace can 
 operate, that motive to good Behaviour is amply 
 supplied and afforded by the article on the Sub- 
 ject of Empeachments 
 
 [In short no Plan If Talent and Integrity, if 
 political Information respecting the State of things 
 at Home and abroad, if Secrecy fy Dispatch and 
 the benefit of joint Counsels be desirable]* 
 
 In short as this Plan appears at least in The- 
 ory to have greatly the advantage of any that 
 has yet appeared it certainly merits a fair Trial. 
 
 * Erased. ED. HIST. MAO.
 
 V. 
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR A 
 
 CONSTITUTION 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 STATE OF NEW YORK. 
 BY EGBERT BENSON AND Rurus KING. 
 
 From the original manuscript in the possession of M. M. 
 Jones, Esq., of Utica, N. Y.
 
 SUGGESTIONS FOR A 
 
 CONSTITUTION 
 
 FOR THE 
 
 STATE OF NEW YORK * 
 
 1. That the exception of Murder out of the 
 general Power to the Governor to grant pardons 
 to persons convicted of crimes shall cease 
 
 2. That the Article in the Constitution whereby 
 Ministers of the Gospel or priests of any denomi- 
 nation may not hold any civil or military office 
 shall cease 
 
 3. That the office of Lieutenant Governor shall 
 cease and the Senate shall choose their own 
 Speaker 
 
 4. That in case of vacancy of the Office of 
 Governor the Legislature shall forthwith convene 
 [in suc?i manner as shall be provided for by law] 
 and a quoram of both houses appearing, they 
 shall form themselves into a joint meeting and 
 having adjudged that a vacancy has happened 
 they shall proceed to elect by Plurality of Votes, 
 by Ballot, a Governor for the residue of the 
 
 * In the original, the body of the paper is in Mr. Benson's 
 hand-writing, while Mr. King's suggestions are interlined. In 
 this copy, the latter are in Italics and enclosed in brackets. 
 ED. HIST. MACK
 
 period for which the Governor last in office was 
 elected 
 
 5. That every Male Citizen of the United States 
 of full age resident within this State, and who 
 shall have had his home or place of abode in the 
 town, ward or other place where the election 
 shall be held for the space of one whole year 
 [Eleven Calendar months] immediately preced- 
 ing it shall be entitled to vote at every election 
 for public officers within this State 
 
 6. That the Governor shall be elected for four 
 years 
 
 7. That the provision in the Constitution for 
 dividing the Members of the Senate into Classes 
 shall cease, and the Seats of all the Members 
 shall become vacant on the same day in every 
 fourth year 
 
 8. That the Members of the Assembly shall be 
 elected for two years 
 
 9. That it shall always be in the discretion of 
 the two Houses, having met during the first of 
 the two years for which the Members of the 
 Assembly shall have been elected, whether they 
 shall by a special adjournment over, meet again 
 during the second year 
 
 10. That the Legislature shall cause the State 
 to be divided into districts equal in number with 
 the Members of Assembly to be denominated 
 Assembly Districts, and also into districts equal 
 in number with the Members of the Senate to be 
 denominated Senate Districts and the Several 
 Districts to contain an equal number of Electors, 
 as near as may be ; and a Member of Assembly 
 shall be elected in each Assembly District, 
 and a Member of the Senate in each Senate Dis- 
 trict. 
 
 11. That the Legislature shall at certain 
 periods of not less than ten, nor more than
 
 fifteen, years, cause a Census of the Electors to 
 be taken, and thereupon if appearing requisite to 
 a due Apportionment of the Representation in the 
 Legislature cause the State to be divided into 
 Districts anew 
 
 12. That the period for which a Chancellor, 
 or Judges of the Supreme Court or first Judge of 
 the County shall hold his office shall be extended 
 to seventy years of age 
 
 13. That the Legislature may in their discre- 
 tion from time to time divide the State into 
 Districts to be denominated Judicial Districts, 
 assigning a Court of Chancery and a Supreme 
 Court with a district Chancellor and district 
 Judges for each District 
 
 14. That on the first division the persons at 
 the time in office as Chancellor, or Judges of the 
 Supreme Court, shall severally, by force of their 
 Commissions, become Chancellor or Judges of 
 the Supreme Court respectively, in one or other, 
 of the Districts according to such distribution of 
 them as the Governor shall appoint 
 
 15. That the present Court for the Correction 
 of Errors shall on such division cease, and the 
 Chancellors and Judges of the Supreme Courts 
 of the Judicial Districts, and the Members of 
 the Senate of the Degree of Counsellor at Law 
 in a Supreme Court, shall become the Court for 
 the Correction of Errors 
 
 16. That the Chancellor, or Judges of the 
 Supreme Court from whose Decree or Judgment 
 the Appeal or Writ of Error shall be, shall not 
 be deemed precluded from having a voice for its 
 Affirmance or Reversal 
 
 17. That the Council of Appointment shall 
 cease, ahd all Officers, Civil and Military, other 
 than those directed to be otherwise appointed 
 shall be appointed by the Governor 
 
 2
 
 18. That, with the Exception of the First 
 Judges, the Legislature may in their discretion, 
 vest in the Court of Common Pleas, or Boards of 
 Supervisors, or other public bodies, in the several 
 Cities and Counties the appointment of Sheriffs, 
 Coroners, Clerks or other City or Countyo fficers 
 
 19. That the Court for the trial of Impeach- 
 ments shall cease 
 
 20. That in the Cases where the Office is held 
 during good behavior the Senate and Assembly 
 may by Concurrent Resolution, declare their 
 sense that it is not expedient a person in Office 
 should continue therein and thereupon the Com- 
 mission to such person shall cease, but such 
 Resolution shall always originate in the Assem- 
 bly, and a Majority of two thirds of the respec- 
 tive Houses, shall be required to pass it, and the 
 Motion for it in the Assembly shall always be 
 made without Assignment of Cause, and the 
 question on it afterwards in each House be 
 accordingly taken without debate 
 
 21. That the Council of Revision shall cease, 
 but no Bill shall pass the House in which it 
 shall originate, and no amendment thereto from 
 the House to which it may have been sent for 
 concurrence, shall be agreed to, unless by a 
 Majority of two thirds. 
 
 [ADDRESSED THE HON BL RUFUS KING, 
 
 Jamaica, Queens County 
 POST MARKED, CAZENOVIA, AUG. 17, 1821]
 
 VI. 
 
 THE 
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. 
 BY SEU-KI-YU, 
 
 GOVERNOR OF FUH-KIEN, CHINA. 
 
 Translated from the original Chinese, at the United 
 
 States Legation at Pekin, and communicated 
 
 to the HISTORICAL MAGAZINE, 
 
 for publication, 
 
 BY THE DEPARTMENT OF STATE 
 OF THE UNITED STATES.
 
 CORRESPONDENCE. 
 
 DEPARTMENT OF STATK, 
 WASHINGTON, 26th June, 1867. 
 HENRY B. DAWSON, Esq re , 
 Morrisania, 
 
 New York. 
 DEAR SIR: 
 
 In the absence of the Secretary of State I have to acknowl- 
 edge the receipt of your letter of the 22 nd instant, inquiring as 
 to the genuineness of a statement in regard to a translation of a 
 Historical sketch of the United States by Seu-Ki-Yu, a Chinese 
 writer, and in reply to inform you that such a translation was 
 communicated to this Department from the Legation of the 
 United States in China. I inclose a correct copy thereof and a 
 copy of a dispatch which was addressed to Mr Burlingaine on 
 the subject, to which is prefixed an explanatory statement. 
 Very truly yours, 
 
 F. W. SEWARD, 
 
 Assistant Secretary. 
 
 [INCLOSUKES.] 
 1. EXPLANATORY STATEMENT. 
 
 It appears that Seu-Ki-Yu was, from 1844 to 1850, Governor 
 of Fuh-Kien. During that time he wrote and published, in the 
 Chinese language, a work on Universal Geography, giving an 
 account of the establishment of America by Washington. For 
 this publication, so favorable to the Western Powers, some of 
 which were then in collision with China, and so favorable es- 
 pecially to the United States, Seu-Ki-Yu was dismissed from 
 office by the Emperor Hien-Fung, on his accession to the throne 
 of China in 1850. 
 
 His work and his sacrifices for the truth of history were made 
 known to the Government at Washington by the late Charge 
 of the United States at Pekin, Mr. Williams. Through the ef- 
 forts of the legation, the Imperial Government reversed its 
 sentence of proscription against Seu-Ki-Yu, and recalled him 
 into its employment as a member of the Foreign Office of the 
 Government. 
 
 J^The Secretary of State presented him with a portrait of Wash- 
 ington.
 
 2. LETTER FROM THE SECRETARY OF STATE TO MK. BTJELINGAME. 
 IT. 8. MINISTER TO CHINA. 
 
 DEPARTMENT or STATE, 
 WASHINGTON. January 21. 1867. 
 
 SIR: Mr. S.Welles Williams, in a dispatch, No. 16, and in 
 an unofficial letter of the 22d of February last, invited my at- 
 tention to the fact that his Excellency' Seu-Ki-Yu, a distin- 
 guished Chinese statesman, then recently appointed to the For- 
 eign Office, had in various ways manifested a liberal and 
 friendly appreciation of the importance of amicable relations 
 between the United States and other Western Powers and 
 China, and that he had written an eulogy upon the life and 
 character -of George Washington, which reflects great credit 
 upon the author. When these facts became known to me they 
 afforded me the liveliest satisfaction, and I thought it might be 
 agreeable to his Excellency to possess a faithful portrait of the 
 subject of his eulogy. I have accordingly caused an exact copy* 
 to be made by one of our most skillful artists of the original 
 likeness, painted by Gilbert Stuart from life. This copy, suita- 
 bly framed, will be forwarded to your address by the first con- 
 venient opportunity, for presentation by you in such a man- 
 ner as may seem most appropriate, to his Excellency, Seu-Ki- 
 Yu, as a mark of the high appreciation entertained of the wis- 
 dom and virtue which have justly entitled him to the exalted 
 station which he has attained. 
 
 I am, Sir, your obedient servant, 
 
 WM. H. SEWARD. 
 ANSON BURLINGAME, Esq r . 
 
 * The copy was made by Henry C. Pratt. Esq re , of Boston 
 Mass.
 
 UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.* 
 
 America is a vast country. Owing to its mer- 
 chant ships carrying a variegated flag, it is usu- 
 ally known at Canton as the Hwa-ki-kwoh, or 
 Flowery Flag Nation.f It is bounded on the 
 North by the English territory, and on the South 
 by Mexico and Texas ; its Eastern border lies 
 along the Great Western ocean, while its West- 
 ern is on the vast ocean, a distance of about Ten 
 thousand li,$ lying between them. From North 
 to South the distance is between Fivs thousand 
 and Six thousand li in the widest parts, and from 
 Three thousand to Four thousand li in the narrow- 
 est. The Apalachian range winds along its East- 
 ern coast, and the great Rocky Mountains enclose 
 its Western borders, between which lies a vast 
 level region many thousands of miles in extent. 
 
 The Mississippi is the chief of its rivers. Its 
 sources are very remote, and after running more 
 than a myriad li in serpentine course, it joins 
 
 * It is also called Collected Nations of America, United 
 League Nations, Confederated Countries of America, and United 
 all States, (i. ., these different Chinese names have been used.) 
 
 t This flag is an oblong banner, with red and white stripes 
 alternating ; in the right-hand corner is a small square of a black 
 color, wherein are drawn many white spots arranged in a form 
 resembling the Constellation of the Dipper. 
 
 | This is a vague expression for a vast distance ; three li are 
 usually reckoned to equal an English mile. Translator's 
 Note. 
 
 2
 
 the Missouri river, and the great united river 
 flows on South to the sea. The other celebrated 
 rivers are the Columbia, Mobile, Apalacbicola, 
 and Delaware. Great lakes lie on theNorthern 
 border towards the West. They are divided 
 from each other by Four streams, and are called 
 Iroquois, or St. Clair, Huron, Superior, and Mich- 
 igan. To the East lie Two others, Erie and Onta- 
 rio, which are joined to each other. These to- 
 other form the boundary between the United 
 tates and the British possessions. 
 
 It was the English people who first discovered 
 and took North America, and drove out the abo- 
 rigines. The fertile and eligible lands were set- 
 tled by emigrants moved over there from the 
 Three [British] islands, who thus occupied them. 
 These emigrants hastened over with a force like 
 that of the torrent running down the gully. 
 Poor people from France, Holland, Denmark and 
 Sweden, also sailed over to join them, and as they 
 all daily opened up new clearings, the country 
 continually grew rich in its cultivated lands. 
 High English officers held it for their Sovereign; 
 and as cities and towns sprung up all along the 
 coasts, their revenues were collected for his ben- 
 efit. Commerce constantly increased in extent 
 and amount, so that thus the inhabitants rapidly 
 became rich and powerful. 
 
 During the reign of Kemburg (A. D. 1736- 
 1796) the English and French were at war for 
 several years, during which the former exacted 
 the duties throughout all their possessions, in- 
 creasing the taxes more than previously. By 
 the old tariff, for instance, the duty on Tea was 
 levied when it was sold but the English now 
 required that another tax should be paid by the 
 buyer. 
 
 The people of America would -not stand this,
 
 3 
 
 and in the year 1776 their gentry and leading 
 men assembled together in order to consult 
 with the [English] Governor how to arrange 
 this matter; but he drove them from his pres- 
 ence, dispersed the assembly, and demanded 
 that the tax be collected all the more strictly. 
 The people thereupon rose in their wrath, threw 
 all the Tea in the ships into the sea, and then 
 consulted together how they could raise troops 
 to expel the British. 
 
 There was at this time a man named Wash- 
 ington, a native of another Colony, born in 1732, 
 who had lost his fatber at the age of Ten, but 
 had been admirably trained by his mother. 
 While a boy he showed a great spirit and apti- 
 tude for literary and martial pursuits ; and his 
 love for brave and adventurous deeds exceeded 
 those of ordinary men. He had held a military 
 commission under the English, and during the 
 war with France, when the French leagued with 
 the Indians, and made an irruption into the 
 Southern provinces, he led on a body of troops 
 and drove them back; but the English General 
 would not report this expeditious operation, so 
 that his worthy deeds were not recorded (for his 
 promotion). 
 
 The people of the land now wished to have 
 him to be their leader, but he went home on plea 
 of sickness and shut himself up. When they 
 had actually raised the standard of rebellion, 
 however, they compelled him to become their 
 General. 
 
 Though neither troops nor depots, neither 
 arms nor ammunition, stores nor forage, existed 
 at this time, Washington so inspirited everybody 
 by his own patriotism, and urged them on by his 
 own energy, that the proper Boards and Depart- 
 ments were soon arranged, and he was thereby
 
 enabled to [bring up Jiis forces} invest the cap- 
 ital. The British General had intrenched some 
 marines outside the city, when a storm suddenly 
 dispersed his ships. Washington improved the 
 conjuncture by vigorously attacking the city, and 
 succeeded in taking it. 
 
 The English then gathered a great army, and 
 renewed the engagement. Ho lost the battle 
 completely, and his men were so disheartened 
 and terrified that they began to disperse. But 
 his great heart maintained its composure, and 
 he so rallied and reassured his army that they 
 renewed the contest, and victory finally turned 
 in their favor. Thus the bloody strife went on 
 for Eight years. Sometimes victorious and some- 
 times vanquished, Washington's determination 
 and energy never quailed, while the English 
 General began to grow old. 
 
 The King of France also sent a General across 
 the sea to strengthen the tottering States. He 
 joined his forces with those of Washington, and 
 gave battle to the British army. The rulers of 
 Spain and Holland likewise hampered their 
 military operations, and advised them to con- 
 clude a peace. The English at last could no 
 longer act freely, and ended the strife in the 
 year 1783, by making a treaty with Washington. 
 According to the stipulations, the boundary line 
 was so drawn that they had the desolate and 
 cold region on the North, while the fertile and 
 genial Southern portions were confirmed to 
 him. 
 
 Washington, having thus established the 
 States, gave up his military command for the 
 purpose of returning to his farm, but the people 
 would not permit him thus to retire, and obliged 
 him to become their ruler. He, however, pro- 
 posed a plan to them as follows : " It is very self-
 
 " ish for him who gets the power in the State to 
 " hand it down to his posterity. In filling the 
 u post of the shepherd of the people, it will be 
 " most suitable to select a virtuous man." 
 
 Each of the old Colonies was thereupon formed 
 into a separate State, having its own Governor 
 to direct its affairs, with a Lieutenant Governor 
 to assist him,* each of whom held office for Four 
 years.f At the general meeting of the people of 
 his State, if they regarded him as worthy, he is 
 permitted to hold his post during another term 
 of Four years,! but if not, then the Lieutenant 
 Governor takes his place. If, however, the lat- 
 ter does not obtain the approbation of the people, 
 another man is chosen to the dignity when his 
 time has expired. When the head men of the 
 villages and towns are proposed for office, their 
 names and surnames are written on tickets and 
 thrown into a box. When everybody has done 
 so the box is opened, and it is then known who 
 is elected by his having the most votes, and he 
 takes the office. Whether he has been an official 
 or is a commoner, DO examination is required aa 
 to his qualifications ; and when an officer vacates 
 his place he becomes in all respects one of the 
 common people again. 
 
 From among all the Governors of the separate 
 States one Supreme Govwnor [or President] is 
 chosen, to whom belongs the right to make 
 Treaties and carry on War, and whose orders each 
 State is bound to obey. The manner of his elec- 
 tion is the same as that for a Governor of a State. 
 He holds his office Four years, or, if re-elected, 
 
 * Sometimes the Lieutenant Governor Is a single officer ; in 
 other cases several persons aid the Governor. 
 
 t They are also changed biennially and sometimes annually. 
 
 t When he has held the office for Eight years he cannot be 
 re-elected.
 
 for Eight. Since the days of Washington (who 
 died in 1799) the country has existed Sixty years ; 
 there have been Nine Presidents, and the present 
 incumbent [Tyler] was elected from Virginia. 
 
 When Washington made peace with the Brit- 
 ish he dismissed all the troops, and directed the 
 attention of the country entirely to agriculture 
 and commerce. He also issued a mandate say- 
 ing : " If hereafter a President should covetously 
 " plot how he can seize the forts or lands of 
 " another kingdom, or harass and extort the peo- 
 " pie's wealth, or raise troops to gratify his per- 
 " sonal quarrels, let all the people put him to 
 " death." He accordingly retained only Twenty 
 national war vessels, and limited the army to 
 Ten thousand men. 
 
 The area of the country is very great, and 
 every one exerts himself to increase its fertility 
 and riches. The several States have all one ob- 
 ject, and act together in entire harmony; the 
 other nations of the world have therefore main- 
 tained amicable relations with the United States, 
 and have never presumed to despise or encroach 
 on them. During the Sixty years that have 
 elapsed since peace with England there has been 
 no internal war, and their trade has increased so 
 that the number of American merchantmen re- 
 sorting to Canton yearly is second only to those 
 of Great Britain. 
 
 It appears from the above that Washington 
 was a very remarkable man. In devising plans 
 he was more daring than Chin Shiug or Hang 
 Kwang. In winning a country he was braver 
 than Tson Tsan or Sin Pi. Wielding his four- 
 foot falchion, he enlarged the frontier myriads 
 of miles, and yet he refused to usurp regal dig- 
 nity, or even to transmit it to posterity ; but, on 
 the contrary, first proposed the plan of elect-
 
 ing men to office. Where in the world can be 
 found a mode more equitable ? It is the same 
 idea in fact, that has been handed down to us 
 [the Chinese] from three reigns of San, Shun and 
 Yu. In ruling the State he honored and fostered 
 good usages, and did not exalt military merit, a 
 principle totally unlike what is found in other 
 kingdoms. I have seen his portrait. His mien 
 and countenance are grand and impressive in the 
 highest degree. Oh, who is there that does not 
 call him a hero ?# 
 
 * ChingShing and Hang Kwang were two patriotic generals, 
 who endeavored to overthrow the Tsin dynasty, (B. C. 208,) 
 and restore the feudal system, and establish their own prince 
 in his stead. Tsan Tsan and Sin Pi were rival chieftains, (A. 
 D. 220.) the first of whom destroyed the great Han dynasty, and 
 the second, after surviving all his own efforts to uphold it, 
 founded a small State himself in the west of China. The four- 
 foot falchion is an allusion to the celebrated sword of Sin Pan, 
 the founder of the Han dynasty, (B. C. 202,) with which ho 
 clove in twain a huge serpent that crossed his path. The Three 
 monarchs, Yan, Shun and Yu, were among the earliest Chinese 
 rulers, (B. C. 235T-2205,) and were chosen to fill the throne on 
 account of their virtues.
 
 THE ORIGIN 
 
 M'F I N G A L 
 
 BY HON. J. HAMMOND TRUMBULL. 
 PRESIDENT or THE CONNECTICUT HISTORICAL SOCIETY. 
 
 MORRISANIA, N. Y. 
 1868.
 
 INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 
 
 The following paper, originally published in THE 
 HISTORICAL MAGAZINE, for January, 1868, has been 
 reproduced in this form for the use of the Author and 
 his friends. H. B. D. 
 
 MORRISANIA, N. /
 
 JOHN TRUMBULL, the author of M'Fingal, 
 after his admission to the bar in Connecticut, 1 
 prosecuted the study of law at Boston, in the 
 office of John Adams, from November, 1773, 
 till September, 1774, During this period, as the 
 
 1. For the Life of Trnmbull, see the Memoir prefixed to 
 the Hartford Edition of his Poetical Works (1820, two vol- 
 umes, octavo), EVEEEST'S Poets of Connecticut, and DUYOK- 
 INCK'S Cyclopcedia of American Literature, i. 308-312. 
 
 The following Notes, preserved by President Stiles in his 
 Itinerary [MS.], make a considerable addition to what the 
 poet has elsewhere told us of himself and to the gleanings of 
 his biographers : 
 
 " Memoirs Juo. Trumbull Esq., Poet. (Ex ore John Trum- 
 " bull, May 14, 1783.) 
 
 " 1750, Apr. 24 N. S. born at Westbury " [now Watertown}. 
 " Ml 2. Began Primer and learned to read in half-year, 
 " without school. Mother taught him all the primer 
 " verses, and Watts' Children's Hymns, before [he could} 
 "read." 
 
 "^Et. 4. Read the Bible thro' before 4. About this time 
 " began to make Verses. First poetry [he read was} 
 " Watts' Lyrics, and could repeat the whole, and the 
 " only poetical book he read till set. 6. 
 
 " -<Et. 5. Attempted to write and print his own verses. 
 " Sample, large hugeous letters. This first attempt 
 " at writing, by himself, and before writing after copy. 
 " Scrawls. 
 
 " Mt. 6. In Spring began to learn Latin and learned half 
 " Lilly's Grammar before his father knew it: catched it, 
 "as his father was instructing Southmayd" [William; 
 grad. Yale, 1761; son of Capt. Daniel, of Waterbury.] 
 " Same Spring, was 6 yrs. old. Learned Quce genus by 
 " heart in a day. Tenacious memory: quick, too. 
 " Mt. 9. On a wager laid to commit to memory one ot 
 " Salmon's Pater Nosters in a quarter of an hour he ef- 
 " fected it, reciting by memory the P. N. in Hungarian 
 
 1
 
 G 
 
 Memoir prefixed to the revised edition of his 
 Works informs us, "lie frequently employed his 
 ' ' leisure hours hi writing essays on political sub- 
 jects in the public gazettes; which had, per- 
 "haps, a greater effect, from the novelty of the 
 " manner and the caution he used to prevent any 
 "discovery of the real author." Shortly after 
 his return to Connecticut, he became a contributor 
 to the Hartford Courant, -then published by 
 Ebenezer Watson, and afterwards by Hudson &r 
 
 "arid Malabar, iu Salmon; and retains it to this day. I 
 " heard him repeat the Hungarian. 
 
 " JEt. iy z . In Sept. 1T5T, entered Yale College having fitted 
 " for College in one year and half; having learned Cor- 
 " dery, Tully's XII Select Oration*, Virgil's Eclogues, and 
 " all the ^Eneid (not Georffics,) and 4 Gospels in Greek."* 
 
 " Mt. 8. Read Milton, and Thompson's Seasons Telemachus 
 "the Spectators. These, all the poetical and belles 
 [lettres] " books till set 13. 
 
 " ^Et. 13#. Sept. 1763. Entered College again and resided 
 " there. Before this, read Homer, and Horace, and Tully 
 " De Orator -e. Versified half the Psalms before set. 9, when 
 " he first saw Watts' Psalms, and laid aside (and burnt) his 
 "own. Before 4 set, upon first reading Watts' Lyrics, he 
 " cried because he despaired of ever being able to write 
 " Poems like Watts. 
 
 " JEt. 17. Grad. at Y. C. and resided as Dean's Scholar till 
 [he] "took [his'} 2d degree. Then lived one year at 
 " Wethersfield. 
 
 " jt. 21. Elected Tutor Y. C. and in office 2 years. 
 
 " 1773. Resigned Tutorship, having studied law one year. 
 
 " 1774. One year studied law under Dr. John Adams in Bos- 
 " ton ; and left, Sept. 1774. 
 
 "1775. Fall, wrote two first Cantos of M'Fingal ; printed, 
 "Jan. 1776. 
 
 "1782. Jan. to April, wrote the rest of M'Fingal ; printed, 
 "September." 
 
 " At the Commencement in this Town the 14th Instant, 
 " . . among those that appear'd to be examined for Ad- 
 " mission was the Son of the Rev'd Mr. Trumble, of 
 " Waterbury, who passed a good Examination, altho' 
 "but little more than seven Years of Age; but on Account 
 " of his Youth his Father does not intend he shall at 
 "present continue at College." Connecticut Gazette, No. 
 129, September 24, 1757.
 
 Goodwin. 2 Gage, whose early confidence in 
 his ability " to play the lion' 1 had much abated 
 since his arrival at Boston, in May, 1774, was 
 now apparently relying more upon the pen than 
 the sword, to awe America to submission. In 
 M l Fingal (Canto ii., p. 31) Trumbull retraces 
 
 The annals of the first great year : 
 ' While, wearying out the Tories' patience, 
 ' He spent his breath in proclamations ; 
 ' While all his mighty noise and vapour 
 ' Was used in wrangling upon paper ; 
 
 ' While strokes alternate stunn'd the nation, 
 ' Protest, address, and proclamation ; 
 ' And speech met speech, fib clash'd with fib, 
 ' And Gage still answer'd, squib for squib." 
 
 Into this word}' warfare, Trumbull entered with 
 spirit and success. Imitations in burlesque of 
 Gage's magnificent and turgid Proclamations, 
 
 " In true sublime of scarecrow style," 
 
 had occasionally appeared in the newspapers of 
 Boston and in Connecticut. At so fair a mark, 
 ridicule could hardly miss its aim ; and these 
 squibs were perhaps quite as popular and effective 
 as if their versification had been smoother or their 
 wit more refined. 
 
 The Proclamation of the twenty-fifth of July, 
 1 774, ' ' for the Encouragement of Piety and 
 " Virtue," &c., and that of the twenty -eighth of 
 
 2. In 1772, while a Tutor of Yale, he published the first Part 
 of The Proc/ress of Dullness, a poem " designed to expose 
 " the absurd methods of education which then prevailed ;" a 
 second Part, with another Edition of the first," was printed 
 in January, 1773 ; and the third Part appeared in July. In 
 May, 1772, he had published in the Courant, An Eleny on the 
 Death of Mr. Buckingham St. John, one of his earliest and 
 most intimate friends. Shortly before leaving Boston, 
 (August, 1774,) he wrote An Elegy on the Times, which was 
 printed in one of the Boston papers. All these publication s 
 were anonymous.
 
 8 
 
 September, proroguing the General Courtof Mas- 
 sachusetts, were thus re-produced, in doggerel, and 
 printed (one, or both, perhaps, being copied from 
 a Boston paper,) in the Courant, of the third of 
 October. In the Boston Gazette of the fourteenth 
 of November, a Proclamation prohibiting com- 
 pliance with the requisition of the Massachusetts 
 Provincial Congress, for the payment of taxes to a 
 Receiver of their own appointment, &c., ap- 
 peared in Hudibrastic verse : 
 
 ' Since an Assembly most unlawful, 
 
 ' At Cambridge met, in Congress awful, 
 
 ' October last, did then presume 
 
 ' The powers of government to assume ; 
 
 ' And slighting British administration, 
 
 'Dar'd rashly seek their own salvation," &c. 
 
 This was re-printed the following week in the 
 (four ant, and in several other newspapers. 
 
 Whether this and other similar compositions, 
 published in the Courant, in 1774, were from 
 TrumbulTs pen, is not certain. His characteristic 
 i" caution to prevent discovery" has rendered it 
 cmpossible to convict him of the authorship, ex- 
 c ept upon the internal evidence. In some publi- 
 ations of the following year, such evidence is 
 more direct ; and in one instance, at least, it is 
 positive and conclusive. 
 
 On the nineteenth of June, 1775, the Courant 
 published Gage's Proclamation of the twelfth, 
 extending free pardon to "the infatuated rnulti- 
 " tude," on their return to allegiance, but pro- 
 scribing Samuel Adams and John Hancock, with 
 "all their adherents, associates, and abettors," 
 and establishing Martial Law throughout Massa- 
 chusetts. The Proclamation re-appeared in the 
 same paper, on the seventeenth of July, in bur- 
 lesque verse, as
 
 'ToM GAGE'S PBOCTLAMATIOIC, 
 
 ' Or blustering Denunciation, 
 
 ' (Replete with Defamation,) 
 
 ' Threat'ning Devastation, 
 
 ' And speedy Jugulation, 
 
 ' Of the New English Nation . . 
 
 'Who shall his pious ways shun ?" 
 
 ending in due form, with 
 
 ' Thus graciously, the war I wage, " 
 
 ' As witnesseth my hand . . . TOM GAGE." 
 
 " By command of Mother Gary, 
 
 " THOMAS FLUOKEE, Secretary." 
 
 This burlesque may have been previously pub- 
 lished elsewhere. Its merit is too slight to im- 
 part any interest to the question of its origin. It 
 appears, however, to have attained a transient 
 popularity and was widely copied by the patri- 
 otic press. It may be found (reprinted from the 
 Pennsylvania Journal, of the twenty-eighth of 
 June,) in MOORE'S Diary of the Revolution, vol. 
 i., pp. 93-94. In the Courant of the seventh and 
 the fourteenth of August, another version of the 
 Proclamation made its appearance ; and this last 
 was unquestionably written by Trumbull. It is 
 somewhat remarkable that not only the evi- 
 dence of authorship, but the composition itself, 
 should have escaped the observation of so many 
 diligent gleaners of the newspaper literature of 
 the Revolution. It is more surprising that no 
 Editor of M'Fingal has detected in the burlesque 
 Proclamation the origin of the "modern epic," 
 to which more than fifty of the two hundred and 
 sixteen lines of this earlier composition were 
 transferred by its author. 
 
 In a letter to the Marquis de Chastellux, Trum- 
 bull states that "the poem of M'Fingal was 
 ' ' written merely with a political view, at the 
 1 ' instigation of some leading members of the 
 " first Congress, who urged [him] to compose a
 
 10 
 
 "satirical poem on the events of the Campaign 
 "in the year 1775." The Memoir prefixed to the 
 Edition of 1820, adds, that the friends at whose 
 solicitations the first Canto was written, " imme- 
 ' ' diately procured it to be published at Philadel- 
 " phia, where Congress was then assembled." It 
 made its appearance in an octavo pamphlet of 
 forty pages, printed by William and Thomas 
 Bradford, in January, 1776, but with the date 
 of 1775. At this time, the author "had also 
 " formed the plan of the [whole] work, sketched 
 " some of the scenes of the third Canto, and 
 "written the beginning of the fourth" the 
 first Canto, as originally published, was subse- 
 quently divided into two. The composition was 
 suspended until after the surrender of Cornwallis 
 had established the success of the Revolution, 
 when the poem was completed and published, in 
 Hartford, by Hudson & Goodwin, on the tenth of 
 September, 1782. Before the close of the year, 
 (December 28,) a second edition was issued by a 
 rival Hartford Publisher, Nathaniel Patten, 3 with- 
 out the author's consent. 
 
 3. NATHANIEL PATTEN for many years an enterprising, 
 not over-scrupnions, publisher at Hartford, was originally a 
 book-binder. He had removed from Boston to Norwich, in 
 the Spring of 1774, and after carrying on business at the 
 latter place for two years, came to Hartford in the summer 
 of 1776, opening a shop as binder, stationer, and book- 
 seller. After a few years he began to publish on his own 
 account. 
 
 It is worth noting, that Patten's piracy of M'Fingal led to 
 the enactment by the General Assembly of Connecticut, in 
 January, 1783, of a law of Copyright, securing to authors 
 the exclusive right of publishing and vending their works 
 for fourteen years. PATTEN'S edition ot M'Fingal was ad- 
 vertised in the Courant, on the seventh of January, 1783, 
 with the statement that " this ingenious work has lately 
 " been sold for the extravagant price of Half a Dollar, but 
 " will now be offered at one third less." In the same num- 
 ber of the Courant appeared an article of two columns, 
 probably from Trumbull's pen, on the importance of en-
 
 11 
 
 The Proclamation Versified was published, as 
 has been mentioned, in August, 1775. So large 
 a portion of it is re-produced in the first three 
 Cantos of M'Pingal, that the latter poem may be 
 said to have grown directly out of the former. 
 That it was the appearance of this burlesque 
 which induced the Author's friends to urge him 
 to the composition of a longer and regularly con- 
 structed poem, in the same measure and a similar 
 vein, is hardly doubtful. 
 
 Among the prominent members of the Congress 
 of 1775, to whom Trumbull was personally known, 
 and whose solicitation was likely to have weight 
 with him, besides the Delegation from his own 
 State, including Oliver Wolcott, Roger Sherman, 
 and Silas Deane, were John Adams, his in- 
 structor in law, and Thomas Gushing, in whose 
 family he had lived while in Boston. They were 
 not mistaken in their estimate of his genius and 
 of the service which, in that "period of terror 
 " and dismay," his wit, humor, and satiric power 
 might render to the friends of American liberty, 
 " to inspire confidence in our cause, to crush the 
 " efforts of the Tory party, and to prepare the 
 "public mind for the Declaration of Indepen- 
 " dence." With these objects in view, as his 
 Memoir informs us, he wrote the first part of 
 M l Pinged. Its success abundantly justified the 
 judgment of his friends. Its popularity was un- 
 
 conraging productions of genius by ensuring to Authors the 
 profits arising from the sale of their writings. The writer 
 alludes to the " great discouragement to a writer, on the 
 ''first publication of his work, to see some mean and un- 
 
 ' generous Printer seizing [it] out of his hands, re- 
 
 ' printing it in so mangled and inelegant a manner that the 
 ' author must be ashamed of the Edition, and defrauding 
 ' him of the profits of his labors." On the meeting of the 
 General Assembly, a few days afterwards, a petition was 
 preferred, and the enactment of " An Act for the Encourage- 
 " merit of Literature and Genius" was procured.
 
 12 
 
 exampled ; and that the favor with which it was 
 received, at home and abroad, was not attribu- 
 table merely to the interest of its subject or the 
 seasonableness of the publication is sufficiently 
 proved by the fact, that "more than thirty im- 
 " pressions" had been called for before 1820, and 
 that then, as now, it had not only its established 
 place in every good library, but had become the 
 prey of "newsmongers, hawkers, peddlers, and 
 "petty chapmen," who, as the Author complains, 
 repubtished it at pleasure, without his permission 
 or knowledge. 
 
 In the Notes appended to this re-print, those 
 portions of the burlesqued Proclamation which 
 were afterwards incorporated in M'Fingal are 
 indicated by references to the Author's Edition 
 of the complete poem, (Hartford, 1782), except 
 when another Edition is particularly mentioned. 
 The suppression, after the publication of the first 
 Canto, of the name of Daniel Leonard, as the 
 author of the letters of Massachusettensis, and 
 the substitution of William Smith for Isaac Low, 
 in the humorous description of proceedings in 
 New York, are perhaps worthy of special notice. 
 (See Notes 4 and 9.) 
 
 A copy of the genuine Proclamation, from a 
 broadside in the library of George Brinley, Esq. , 
 is prefixed to the imitation, that it may be seen 
 how closely and skilfully Trumbull followed his 
 copy.
 
 VIII. 
 
 A LEAF OF MASSACHUSETTS 
 HISTORY. 
 
 By GEORGE HENRY MOORE,
 
 A LEAF OF MASSACHUSETTS HISTORY. 
 
 " ETTJ &rjpav Kn\ Kvyrjyeaioi' Hi$ r )u>7Ta>i 
 PT.UTAEOH : Alexander. 
 "Cry Havock, and let slip the dogs of war." Su.vKrGrsASE. 
 
 IN 1656, John Eliot. thesApostle to the Indians, 
 appealed to the Commissioners of the United Colo- 
 nies for the appointment of some agents "in the 
 " Massachusetts to promote anclfonvard the worke 
 "among the Indians; both in respect of theire 
 ' ' gou r mcnt &Incurriging meet Instruments or their 
 " further healp and Instruction." The Commission- 
 ers, conceiving the said Indians to belong to the 
 jurisdiction of the Massachusetts, referred the 
 matter, with power, to the wisdom and care of 
 that government. 
 
 The next topic of consideration is so graphical- 
 ly stated in the Act by which it was disposed of, 
 as to need no further comment by way of intro- 
 duction. The reader may refer it to any branch 
 of the " Indian worke " of that generation which 
 he may "thiiike uieete." 
 
 d YX/"HERAS it was p r sented to the Co- 
 ** " missioners by M r hollihock of 
 " Sprinkfield that Mastiffe Doggs might 
 " bee of good vse against the Indians in 
 "case of any desturbance from them which 
 "they Reddily apprehending thought meet 
 " to comend the same to the seuerail 
 " Generall Courts to take care and make 
 " prouision thereof accordingly." Ply- 
 mouth Colony Records, x., 168 ; Hazard^ ii., 
 
 359-
 
 A marginal note in the Plymouth Colony Records 
 is "this to be propounded to our Court." 
 Doubtless the "severall Generall Courts" did act 
 with due promptness and discretion in the prem- 
 ises, but we find no traces in the published 
 records of any separate action at that time. It 
 had been the practice previously for the town au- 
 at any rate not restricted to the particular towns. 
 Whether the "Hunt Serjeant' 1 ' 1 was the highest in 
 command, when the "hunt was up," is a question 
 which we are unable to solve, and must refer to 
 those who have access to the original documents 
 in the Archives of the State. We have heard Mr. 
 Bancroft speak of having met with accounts of 
 parties going out against the Indians, "double- 
 " doyged." 
 
 We have met with a L,TW of the Province ' ' con- 
 " corning dogs," which is interesting .and perhaps 
 unique in the history of American Legislation 
 although it may have its parallel in later provis- 
 ions of Southern Codes for improvement of the 
 means of hunting for fugitive slaves. It was 
 passed at the October Session of the Great and Gen- 
 eral Court, 1706 ; and appears among the printed 
 Laws of that period. 
 
 The first Act of the Session was " An Act for 
 " Maintaining and Propagating of Religion." 
 It re-inforccd, by suitable enactments, the previous 
 laws for securing to all the towns in the Province, 
 an "able, learned and orthodox " ministry, witli 
 a view to rendering the said Laws more effectual, 
 thoritics to procure hounds for the use and at the 
 expense of the towns. The object was to improve 
 all means for the destruction of wolves; and no 
 dog could be kept without the approbation of 
 the Selectmen, who were also authorized to quart- 
 er the town dogs on any of the inhabitants they 
 should choose, excepting Magistrates, who could
 
 keep dogs of their oven or decline to board the 
 
 public dogs, at their pleasure. 
 From the character of the proposition of ' ' Mr. 
 
 "hollihock," it is apparent that the use of their 
 hounds against Indians, was a novelty in 1G56 
 at any rate was not a general custom, however 
 successful it might have been previously in private 
 practice. There is no room for doubt, however, 
 that the suggestion was " improved," or that these 
 four-footed auxiliaries played an important part 
 in the long Indian Wars which fill so much of the 
 Colonial and Provincial history of the Country. 
 
 The business was reduced to a system, and an 
 organization is indicated, in subsequent legisla- 
 tion, which employed officers whose jurisdiction 
 appears to have been general in the Frontiers, or 
 and "to prevent the gro-\yth of Atheism, Irrelig- 
 " ion and Prophaneness."' 
 
 On the next page barely separated from the 
 foregoing by a brief Act to revive a former Statute 
 to protect her Majesty's soldiers and seamen from 
 Arrest for debt, etc is the following : 
 
 An Act for the Eaising & Increase 
 of Dogs, for the better Security 
 of the Frontiers. 
 
 upon Try at lately made of 
 Range ing and Scouring the Woods on 
 the Frontiers, with Hounds and other Dogs 
 used to Hunting, It has proved of great 
 Service to discourage and keep off the In- 
 dians, 
 
 For Encouragement therefore to Raise
 
 and Train up a greater number of Dogs, 
 to be improved. 
 
 it 35uacteS fy>$)is lExcellennj 
 tije Cobernmir, (JTmmcil antr 1ep^ 
 resentatibes, tit (General (Bourt 
 Essemfcletr, an$ fcg tlje Eutijoritg 
 
 Of tljC Same, That such Person 
 and Persons living in any of the Frontiers 
 within this Province, who shall take, 
 keep and raise up any Whelp of the 
 breed of the Hounds, and have them 
 at all. times in readiness to attend the 
 Hunt Serjeant, or others improved in 
 that Service, when they shall Come 
 to such Town, and require the same, 
 shall be allowed and paid out of the 
 Publick Treasury the Sum of Five Shi/lings 
 Per Annum, in consideration of their care 
 and charge, for the raising and keeping of 
 every such Dog. A Certificate thereof 
 from year to year to be transmitted to the 
 Commissary General, under the hands of 
 the Commission Military Officers, and the 
 Town Clerk of such Town. 
 
 Provided, This Act shall continue in 
 force for the space of three years next 
 coming, if the War with the Indians last 
 long, and not afterwards. 
 
 October l*t 1807. E. Y. E.
 
 IX. 
 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 A FRAGMENT. 
 BY THE LATE 
 
 JOHN W. FRANCIS, LL.D.
 
 NOTE. 
 
 Tms article, mostly written daring the last sickness of its 
 distinguished author, was his last work on earth. It was 
 still unfinished when he was removed by death; and it did 
 not reach us until the places which had known him so long, 
 knew him no longer. 
 
 The circumstances under which it was written will 
 account for some errors which will readily be corrected by 
 the historical critic. It is only remarkable that the venera- 
 ble Author's memory was so little impaired by age and 
 sickness. We print it here, that others may share in our 
 satisfaction with this valued memento of our departed 
 friend 
 
 HENET B. DAWSON. 
 
 MOEEISANIA, N. Y., 1868.
 
 GOUVERNEUR MORRIS. 
 
 NEW YORK, Nov. 17, 1860. 
 
 HENRY B. DAWSON, ESQ., Author of The Sons 
 of Liberty of New York, &c. 
 
 DEAR SIR: 
 
 My conviction of your earnest desire, as a 
 searcher after truth, to record faithfully the events 
 of American history, is derived not only from 
 your published writings, but from the opinions 
 which you lately expressed touching the respon- 
 sibilities of the historian. I was gratified to learn 
 the high opinion you have formed of the talents 
 and services of the late Gouverneur Morris. That 
 renowned man was distinguished by remarkable 
 qualities, and must ever hold a prominent place 
 in our annals ; and among his contemporaries he 
 was looked upon with admiration and esteem. 
 He has long since passed away from the scenes of 
 active life in which he bore so conspicuous a part, 
 yet the few remaining survivors that witnessed his 
 career still retain the strongest impression of his 
 heroic character. Identified with several of the 
 most momentous events of our Colonial Histoiy, 
 associated with the Provincial Congress, the Gene- 
 ral Congress, in measures connected with the 
 Revolutionary Congress, with the finances of the
 
 e 
 
 country, abroad as Minister at the Court of France, 
 with his subsequent career in the Senate of the 
 United States, he cannot be contemplated without 
 reverence to his patriotism and an exalted esti- 
 mate of his public services. He had a most im- 
 pressive personal appearance: few men ever 
 equalled his commanding bearing: while his 
 superb physical organization enlisted attention, 
 his strong intellectual expression manifested the 
 man of thought and capacity. His talents were 
 acknowledged by all : with some his political 
 principles were deemed too aristocratic for a re- 
 public. But he was a Son of Liberty ; the genius 
 of American freedom was born with him and 
 nurtured by his studies and his labors. The 
 closest scrutiny into his principles develops the 
 philosophy of great deeds only for the benefit of 
 the social compact and to advance the interests of 
 society at large. Among the great features of his 
 character was his frank utterance of opinion, and 
 his readiness on all fitting occasions to dedicate his 
 powers to the furtherance of salutary objects. He 
 justly boasted of having drawn up the Constitution 
 of the United States ; but he was no less proud of 
 having been an effective agent with Clinton, 
 Fulton, and others hi the early development and 
 promotion of the Canal policy of the State of 
 New York. Our gratitude toward him is fur- 
 ther enhanced when we consider how strenuous 
 were his efforts to improve the physical condition 
 and local advantages enjoyed by nature for the 
 now metropolitan city of the Union. The portrait 
 of him painted by Ames is not to be looked upon 
 with indiffence, but it needs a grander and a 
 loftier port, and a more vivacious and penetrating 
 eye. 
 
 His mental attributes were of an elevated order 
 and of a wide range. He was classical, and, like
 
 all men of active pursuits whom I have known, 
 when enriched with scholarship, delighted in 
 Horace. The more immediate object of his life 
 after his retirement at Morrisania was the cultiva- 
 tion of husbandry ; arboriculture and the rearing 
 of flocks. He was eminently an enlightened prac- 
 tical farmer, seeking health and the gratification 
 of his love of nature amid rural scenery. His 
 great mental resource was history; the rise 
 and fall of nations, the biography of states- 
 men and philosophers, and the records of the 
 services of the explorers in science and the arts. 
 In many of his investigations he kept pace with 
 the progressive march of physical knowledge and 
 domestic economy, and had studied with atten- 
 tion the theories set forth in medical literature. 
 In the mechanical arts he displayed a research that 
 often excited the wonder of the professed artisan. 
 Though of lofty bearing his intercourse with in- 
 telligence even among the most humble excited the 
 admiration of every beholder: a disquisition on 
 tanning, an exposition of the philosophy of the 
 chronometer, on the shoeing of horses, or other 
 incidental circumstance might awaken new zeal in 
 the minds of those with whom he might be in 
 converse. He was ever for progress, and though 
 like Burke he was thus disciplined, and could 
 discuss with profitable issues the arts and 
 sciences, he had kindlier feelings towards his 
 friend Robert Fulton than the great Irish orator 
 evinced towards the greater engineer, James "Watt. 
 The prolific theme of his conversation, however, 
 was the story of the American Colonies, their 
 struggle for freedom, and the triumphs of their 
 revolt. He cherished an almost unbounded confi- 
 fidence in the mental capacity and energy of a na- 
 tion sprung from a cosmopolitan origin. "The 
 ' ' crossing of the race, " he was wont to say, " is the
 
 8 
 
 " salvation of the intellectual powers of a people." 
 Few more practical expositions than he delivered 
 could be given by any one on the art of cookery. 
 He was an adept in all its mysteries, and his 
 views of its importance to health and longevity 
 might arouse to new desires the faculties of the 
 most fastidious epicure. Had the organization of a 
 new College fallen to his lot he might have created 
 therein'more Professors of the art of Cookery than 
 of the dead languages. Fertile and discursive as 
 was his imagination, enriched too with the graces 
 of elegant letters, lost as at times, as he might 
 seem, in ingenious speculations or recondite enqui- 
 ries, the bent of his intellectual powers was mainly 
 directed to the useful and the practical, and a 
 listless hearer might not discover how felicitously 
 he blended the overflowings of fancy with in- 
 ductive reasoning and practical science. Nor 
 were these engaging powers of his mind the re- 
 sults of mere reading : he was a close observer, and 
 in France and in England had witnessed with his 
 own eyes the complex workings of the loom, and 
 the spindle, and the manufacturing establishments 
 of Britain. While Minister in France, when re- 
 leased from State affaire, he was a devoted stu- 
 dent of that vast body of physical science and 
 mechanical philosophy found in the pages of the 
 French Encyclopedia ; and the copy which he 
 then possessed, by his generosity, is now to be 
 seen in the library of the New York Historical 
 Society. 
 
 I will trespass a moment in giving you an an- 
 ecdote illustrative of his innate courage and his 
 generous nature. In 1780, then residing in Phil- 
 adelphia, while riding out, an accident occurred 
 to his carriage, which fractured the vehicle and 
 his left leg. He was conveyed home, and a con- 
 sultation with several of the most eminent of the
 
 9 
 
 faculty was forthwith held. The decision, at 
 that period of surgical science, was the amputa : 
 tion of the limb. He heard the report with great 
 calmness, and was soon ready to submit. In 
 casting his eyes about his chamber, he remarked, 
 ' Gentlemen, I see around me the eminent men of 
 ' your profession, all acknowledged competent to 
 ' the performance of the operation. You have al- 
 ' ready secured renown, the capital by which you 
 ' live. Now the removal of my leg cannot add to 
 ' your celebrity ; is there not one among you younger 
 ' in your calling who might perform the act, and 
 ' thus secure the eclat for his benefit ?" Young 
 Hutchenson was pointed out. " I will select him," 
 uttered Morris, " let him rise to fame by amputa- 
 " ting the leg of Gouvemeur Morris." The opera- 
 tion by Hutchenson giving entire satisfaction, sev- 
 eral remarked in approbation of the skill that had 
 been displayed and on the beauty of the stump. 
 ' ' You speak so eloquently, " added Morris, ' ' would 
 "it not be advantageous to remove the other limb? 
 "we might then have a brace." 
 
 His conversational talents were of the most 
 captivating and instructive quality. His vigorous 
 imagination impaited interest to the humblest 
 subject, while the force and beauty of his diction 
 led captive the listener. He had cultivated this 
 power by his close reading of the great writers of 
 classical English, Shakespeare and Addison, John- 
 son and Chatham. I had known the man from 
 March, 1804, when I was u l>oy, and he was first 
 pointed out to me by an eminent Editor, who, 
 while in my engagement with him, hurried me to 
 his office door with the exclamation, ' Boy, behold 
 " that man witht.he wooden leg, now opposite, and 
 ' ' near Wall-street; a great man," added he, ' ' Gouv- 
 " erneur Morris." Years after, it was my fortunoof- 
 ten to enjoy his society, in business or in the douies- 
 2
 
 10 
 
 tic circle. He never departed from his greatness in 
 my eyes : and I felt that reverence for him that that 
 noble band of patriots of whom he was one, ever 
 fostered. I believe my acquaintance with the 
 original Canal Board embraced the entire commis- 
 sion. With Morris, Eddy, and Livingston, I was 
 oftenest present. Repeated interviews of this 
 nature had rendered the atmosphere of repulsion 
 which sometimes surrounded Mr. Morris less diffi- 
 cult of approach. His narrative of the Canal of 
 Languedoc, his account of the waters of Marie, his 
 geology of Western New York, his trials and pri- 
 vations with his associates on his exploring tour 
 as Canal Commissioner, his interviews with Je- 
 mima Wilkinson, are among the topics that have 
 left the strongest impression on my memory. While 
 his taste was that of the scrupulous gastronome, 
 he was moderate in his drinks, and he gave me 
 the best idea I ever had of the temperance of 
 Thomas Jefferson. 
 
 When he spoke he expected the listening ear. 
 On a certain occasion he had entered on a dispu- 
 tatious subject, when perceiving the attention 
 of his hearers beginning to flag, he suddenly 
 ejaculated, "I shall address the teapot," and he 
 accordingly closed his argument with that silent 
 representative. It was an effective veto on all 
 interruption. 
 
 He was impatient at trifling, and was prompt at 
 reproof. I was seated near his little boy, at 
 the dining table, on the day I think when he had 
 delivered his discourse on the Restoration of the 
 Bourbons. In measured accents I asked the intelli- 
 gent little fellow if he had read the story of Jack 
 the Giant-killer. " Tell the Doctor, my son," in- 
 terposed Mr. Morris, "your studies are Gustavus 
 "Adolphus and Charles the Twelfth of Sweden." 
 I need not add, I was withered. Morris however
 
 11 
 
 was full of kindly feelings : he often manifested 
 this humane tendency by his inquiries concerning 
 matters promotive of national or personal affairs. 
 He was at times caustically severe on what in 
 more modern language are called Yankee Notions. 
 He had little chanty for the mere religious 
 formalist, and could endure but with impatience 
 the axioms of the puritanical proselyte. Yet he 
 possessed the religious element ; and the mellowed 
 reflections of my riper years have brought me to 
 the conclusion that he felt the force and necessity 
 of Christian obligation, and estimated the more 
 highly the individual influenced by it. His wide 
 knowledge of men and things had well taught 
 him the difference between profession and pos- 
 session. 
 
 While the most lowly incident might at- 
 tract his notice, he delighted in great occur- 
 rences and in classical imagery. Every one who 
 is familiar with his speeches, is apprized of his 
 impressive appeals to heaven and Almighty God 
 on occasions when his feelings were wrought to 
 their highest pitch. What a psychological service 
 had been performed were he and Edward Ever- 
 ett to have had the keen encounter, or to have 
 coalesced on some mighty topic ! 
 
 Gouverneur Morris is to be enumerated among 
 the "strong" men of the memorable era in which 
 he flourished. As an orator he unquestionably fills 
 a place in the rank which contains Hamilton and 
 Chancellor Livingston. Conscious knowledge 
 and his undaunted courage were the main support 
 of his oratorical power. He dealt with princi- 
 ples rather than with details : these he had forti- 
 fied himself with, ere he appeared at the foram or 
 in the hall ; and, unlike Burke, he never allowed 
 his audience to become weary or indifferent. 
 His memory was tenacious and ready on an erner-
 
 12 
 
 gency. He was voluble in utterance, and pos- 
 sc--*sjd the ore rotunda more happily than any 
 other speaker I have ever listened to : he was free 
 from eccentricities ; yet characterized by strong 
 peculiarities. His voice was clear, full, harmon- 
 ious ; his diction straightforward : he was free 
 of the raucous tone of Chalmers, and of Brough- 
 am, and our Emmet : he was rarely obscure he 
 could not be wearisome. If he sometimes faiLd 
 of the intensity of Webster he won admiration by 
 his felicitous diction. He could scarcely descend 
 to the playfulness of Clay. If he lacked at times 
 the outbursts of the classical Francis Stoner, he 
 escaped the difficulties which sometimes an- 
 noyed that masterly rhetorician. He was bold 
 in the avowal of his sentiments, though it might 
 prove disadvantageous to his popularity. The 
 quickened sensibilities of his,nature on questions 
 of the gravest interest may sometiaies have given 
 birth to expressions which niaturer reflection 
 would have suppressed. Thus, in his speech on 
 the Judiciary, delivered in February, 1801, in the 
 warmth of his oratory, amid the most substantial 
 reasonings, after reminding the House of the 
 dangers to which popular governments are exposed, 
 from the influence of designing demagogues upon 
 popular passion, "I take the liberty to add," says 
 he, " that we. the Senate of the United States, areas- 
 " sembled here to save the people from their 
 ' ' most dangerous enemy, to save them from them- 
 " selves, to guard them against the baneful effects 
 " of their own precipitation, their passion, their 
 "misguided zeal." Sound as the principle 
 may have been, and felt to be pregnant, truth by 
 Mori is as a deep and experienced Statesman, how 
 often in my earlier days have I heard those memo- 
 rable words, " The People, their own worst enemy," 
 echoed aloud in assemblies, and reiterated in the
 
 13 
 
 public streets to the detriment of this enlightened 
 patriot. But Morris through his whole life felt 
 superior to popular clamor. I have a firm recol- 
 lection of the eclat with which his memorable 
 speech on the Navigation of the Mississippi was 
 received in this city, in 1803. Its reading dis- 
 closes the richness of his language and-the capa- 
 bilities of his parliamentary powers. In this, his 
 last great public effort in the Senate of the United 
 States, imagination and reasoning seem to hold 
 dalliance, while the noblest patriotism pervades the 
 entire composition. 
 
 But let us come nearer home, to the period 
 when Mr. Morris had left public life at Washing- 
 ton, and become a fixed resident at Morrisania, 
 the place of his birth. At this beautiful retreat 
 he passed nearly the entire residue of his life, en- 
 gaged in agricultural affairs, in the study of his- 
 tory, and in works of practical science. Here 
 he maintained that elegant hospitality with his 
 distinguished political friends and men of renown 
 that made a visit at his mansion almost an era in 
 the fortunate individual's life, who had partaken 
 of his intellectual repast. Nor did the public 
 occurrences of the day transpire unheeded by him. 
 I have already adverted to his zeal and ability 
 with Clinton, in giving countenance and support 
 to the Canal policy of the State. He was often 
 summoned to give his ad vice on public affairs, and 
 was ever ready to assume responsibility on events of 
 moment. Little more than a year had elapsed 
 from his settlement at Morrisnnia ere he was called 
 to pronounce a funeral address on his beloved 
 Hamilton, whose unexpected death and its man- 
 ner had awakened the community to universal 
 lamentation. I had witnessed the solemn obse- 
 quies to the memory of Washington. I could 
 not now fail to be of the multitude who were to
 
 14 
 
 do homage to his compatriot in arms and in coun- 
 sel, the illustrious Hamilton. Never \vas grief 
 more strongly depicted on every countenance, 
 never had sonow sunk deeper in every heart than 
 on the occasion of his death. During that sad 
 and memorable day of a nation's loss. I found 
 myself amidst the groups of afflicted citizens 
 formed at almost every coiner of the streets : 
 some lost in the magnitude of the calamity ; 
 others loud in execrations of the perpetrator of the 
 fatal deed. Sile'nce reigned in every place of 
 business, and the heavens themselves seemed to 
 wear a gloomy aspect. In my journeyings to and 
 fro I obtained a place near the feet of Mr. Morris, 
 on the steps of the portico of old Trinity, while 
 the orator delivered his brief but effective dis- 
 course over the dead body of the great patriot. 
 It was the first time I heard the great speaker. 
 His sensibilities and his powers were manifested 
 around me ; his own countenance was suffused 
 with grief, while every eye of the crowded multi- 
 tude was bedewed with tears. I saw many unable 
 to preserve an erect posture, and several indivi- 
 duals, with whom I became better acquainted in 
 after life, as Colonel Troup, Colonel Fish, Judge 
 Pendleton, Coleman, the editorial eulogist of 
 Hamilton, and others, sobbing aloud in anguish. 
 His utterance at first seemed broken and suppress- 
 ed ; but his powers rose as he advanced in the 
 performance of his sacred duty ; his affectionate 
 principles kindled with increased strength, and as 
 if an angel spoke, the tokens of his love and de- 
 votion overwhelmed every heart. Even at this 
 remote day none can read that address, brief as 
 it is, without wonder at its copiousness. The 
 severest critic will find in it the embodiment of the 
 delicious consolations of the burial service, in lan- 
 guage perhaps little inferior in pregnant thought
 
 15 
 
 and elevation of diction. In addressing the vast 
 assemblage at his commencement, he had said, 
 ' Far from exciting your emotions, I must try to 
 ' repress my own, and yet, I fear, that instead of 
 ' the language of a public speaker, you will hear 
 ' only the lamentations of a wailing friend. But 
 ' I will struggle with my bursting heart to portray 
 4 that heroic spirit which has flown to the mansions 
 ' of bliss." He proved more than conqueror. 
 
 With my fondness to witness the performances 
 of extraordinary men, whether in the pulpit, at 
 the bar, on the stage, or in the oratorical hall, I 
 was fortunate to be of the listener to each dis- 
 course which Gouverueur Morris subsequently de- 
 livered. His addresses before our New York Histo- 
 rical Society have added to the renown imparted 
 to that institution by Clint >n and Verplanck, 
 Jarvis, Hosack, and Kent. His laudations exalt 
 the attributes of our Dutch ancestors ; his praise 
 of history, ancient and modern, holds out the 
 strongest persuasives to its study ; and the religious 
 element for the government of man is enforced 
 with the zeal of a sacred expositor. His address 
 on the restoration of the Bourbons in France, in 
 1814 is yet well remembered by the survivors of 
 that audience that were present on that special oc- 
 casion. Many of its passages are repeated at this 
 very day. He never appeared as a speaker to 
 greater advantage. He had been an eye-witness 
 to many of the early scenes of the French Revo- 
 lution ; in his sylvan retreat he had made a study 
 of Napoleon ; the Conqueror conquered was a 
 theme congenial with the best utterances of his 
 heart ; his aristocratic bearing, his sonorous 
 voice, his convictions and the fulness of his sub- 
 ject, produced an effect no less rare than prodigi- 
 ous. The tribute he paid to the patriotic 
 George Clinton, who holds so prominent a place
 
 16 
 
 in the War of the Revolution and in our State Go- 
 vernment as the dauntless soldier and wise states- 
 man, was only another demonstration of the ex- 
 alted estimate he possessed of that incorruptible 
 hero and virtuous character. The sympathies of 
 friendship were strong indeed between Morris and 
 Clinton, and brief as is the notice by Morris of the 
 extraordinary services of the old Governor, it will 
 be appreciated as a precious memoir of the re- 
 nowned man. 
 
 After what I have thus briefly said, do you 
 ask then what were the elements of this great 
 man's oratorical power ? Inward conviction and 
 a fearless and energetic utterance. There was a 
 purpose in his design, and as an earnest man his 
 words were the words of earnestness. His yearn- 
 ings sprung from the love of country. 
 
 There is a circumstance in the life of this great 
 man which deserves a passing notice, and con- 
 cerning which I will say a few words. With all 
 his affluence he seemed to have had little to do with 
 the fashion of the day. His intercourse with the 
 men of the age, the patriots of the Revolution and 
 the statesmen who had acted with him, was of 
 the most cordial nature, and I believe there was 
 hardly an exception to this warm attachment 
 which he cherished for his contemporaries, noi 
 was it once checkered by reverse. His corres- 
 pondence with Washington speaks for itself. His 
 love for Hamilton we have already noticed ; with 
 Jay and Rufus King the intercourse maintained 
 was that of warmly attached friends. He has 
 told us of his admiration of Robert Fulton, and 
 of his appreciation of De Witt Clinton. His full 
 knowledge and variety, with his undaunted con- 
 fidence, rendered him the autocrat of the social 
 board. The practical sciences had fallen within 
 the scope of his studies, and his auecdotical fund
 
 17 
 
 was ready at command. He won esteem for his 
 intellect ; he contributed knowledge without 
 parsimony. The happy line which Johnson ap- 
 plied to Goldsmith, might not inaptly be cited in 
 behalf of Morris's conversational talents : 
 
 "Nihiltetigit, quodnon ornavit" 
 
 You will pardon me if I add one other anec- 
 dote illustrative of that pungent manner which Mr. 
 Morris so dexterously employed on some occasions. 
 He never did anything by halves. A soiree of 
 the savants of the city had been convened, at the 
 house of Doctor Hosack, composed of divines, law- 
 yers, doctors, and others of renown. Mr. Morris 
 was of the number. The evening hour of ap- 
 pointment had passed over some forty or fifty 
 minutes, when the host hurried in, apologizing for 
 his absence, and giving as an apology that he had 
 been engaged with his friend, Doctor Williamson, 
 in forming a Philosophical Society. "Well, Doc- 
 ' tor," says Morris, " that's no difficult matter." 
 'But Mr. Morris," rejoined Hosack, " we have 
 ' formed a Philosophical Society, adopted a Con- 
 ' stitudon, By-laws, and selected our prominent 
 ' officers." "All that," observed Morris, " is no 
 'difficult matter ; but pray, Doctor, where are the 
 ' philosophers ?" Silence followed the interro- 
 gatory, succeeded by a hearty laugh. 
 
 Among your queries you ask for information 
 as to the observations which Mr. Morris made con- 
 cerning the consequences which sprung out of the 
 memorable trial of John Peter Zenger. 
 
 The account I communicated to the Historical 
 Society, at their fortieth Anniversary Meeting, in 
 1844, was literally correct. Years before, 1812, 
 Mr. Morris, as Vice President and in the absence 
 of De Witt Clinton, presided. I had drawn up 
 a Report, as Librarian of the Society ; which was 
 3
 
 18 
 
 submitted to Mr. Morris, who read it, and was 
 signally gratified when I informed him that the 
 library embraced a large collection of the news- 
 papers of the Colonial period, among others, Brad- 
 ford's and the Journal of Zenger. Morris di- 
 lated largely on the importance of preserving 
 newspapers. "They are, "said he, " the most faith- 
 ' f ul materials on which we can ever rely f or Ameri- 
 ' can history. The newspaper press is endeared to 
 ' the f eelings of Americans, by the strongest con- 
 1 sideration of patriotism. The free strictures 
 ' on the administration of Governor Cosby and his 
 ' Council, printed in the Weekly Journal of the 
 ' city of New York, by John Peter Zenger, roused 
 ' the energies of a whole people ; the trial of 
 ' Zenger in 1736, was the germ of American f ree- 
 ' dom ; the morning star of that liberty which 
 ' subsequently revolutionized America." The fact, 
 as I have stated, has been repeatedly made use 
 of by our historical writers ; and the acquittal of 
 Zenger is dwelt upon as a pregnant circum- 
 stance, in Butler's discourse. Our American 
 historian, Doctor Bancroft, seems to place the in- 
 cident in a qualified light ; but I have not with 
 my limited sources of knowledge been able to find 
 any contemporaneous event throughout the col- 
 onies. I feel entire confidence in the official doc- 
 uments published by Dunlap, and hi the animad- 
 versions of the late Chancellor Kent. 
 
 The little that I have been able to collect con- 
 cerning Zenger tends to prove the opinion that 
 he was an intelligent man, of an heroic spirit, and 
 something of a musical genius. The ladies will 
 not think the less of him when they know that he 
 imported the first harpsichord, now transformed 
 into the piano, in this city. 
 
 The physical temperament and mental energies 
 of Mr. Morris were preserved with uniform abili-
 
 19 
 
 ty to the very end of his life. The same muscu- 
 lar tone, the same exuberance of feeling, the 
 same prompt and active display of intellectual 
 resources were all in harmony, and never forsook 
 him or abated of their function. Up to near the 
 moment of his final departure, his enlarged views 
 and broad conception of tilings held their charac- 
 teristics. I am grieved to say that his great con- 
 fidence of the safety of his medical practice in 
 his own case was a leading cause of the infirmity 
 which took him from us in the fulness of his 
 powers. Pie had written some time previous an 
 interesting letter on the acid formations of gout, 
 addressed to his friend and physician, Doctor Ho- 
 sack : but he seems not to have been fully aware 
 that in some cases the gouty diathesis is sadly 
 detrimental to local disease. When informed of 
 his approaching end, he received the intelligence 
 with philosophical composure, sustained by reli- 
 gious belief. He had been explicit on that ab- 
 sorbing subject. He had declared a short while 
 before in an historical discourse, that he regarded 
 religious principles as necessary to national inde- 
 pendence and peace. "There must be some- 
 ' thing," says he, "more to hope than pleasure, 
 'wealth, and power. Something more to fear than 
 ' poverty and pain. Something after death more 
 'terrible than death. There must be religion. 
 ' When that ligament is torn, society is disjointed 
 ' and its membei s perish ." He passed his last night 
 with tolerable composure. On the morning of his 
 death he enquired of his devoted nephew what 
 kind of a day it was. "A beautiful day," was 
 the reply. "The air is soft, the sky cloudless, 
 "the water like crystal ; you hear every ripple, and 
 " even the plash of the steamboat wheels on the 
 "river: it is a beautiful day." The dying man 
 seemed to take in this description with that zest
 
 20 
 
 for nature which accorded with the poetic instinct 
 of his character. Like Webster, his mind reverted 
 to Gray's Elegy. He looked at the kind relative, 
 and repeated his words, " A beautiful day ; yes, 
 "but 
 
 " Who, to dumb forgetfnlness a prey 
 
 " This pleasing, anxious being e'er resigned, 
 " Left the warm precincts of the cheerfnl day, 
 " Nor cast one longing, lingering look behind ? " 
 
 He died in the same chamber in which he first 
 saw light, on the sixth of November, 1816, in the 
 eixty-f ourth year of his age.
 
 X. 
 
 A HISTORY OF THE 
 
 EXPEDITION 
 
 AGAINST THE 
 
 FIVE NATIONS, 
 
 COMMANDED BY GENERAL SULLIVAN, IN 1779. 
 BY NATHAN DAVIS, 
 
 Or COLONEL CILLEY'S REGIMENT. 
 
 With an Introductory Note, by PLINY H. WHITE, 
 President of the Vermont Historical Society.
 
 INTRODUCTORY NOTE. 
 
 IK July, 17T8, the Wyoming Valley was the theatre of one 
 of the most atrocious massacres of which American history 
 makes any record. Eleven hundred tories and Indians, un- 
 der the command of Colonel John Butler, entered the val- 
 ley, defeated with great slaughter a smaller force which 
 resisted their progress, and compelled the surrender of 
 Forty Fort, near Wilkesbarre, whither numerous families 
 had fled for safety. When these families, relying upon the 
 humane terms of the capitulation, had returned to their 
 homes, the Indians, uncontrolled and probably uncontroll- 
 able, by their white commanders, traversed the valley, 
 bnrning dwellings, murdering in cold blood many of the 
 inhabitants, and driving into the mountains a multitude of 
 women and children, who escaped the tomahawk and scalp- 
 ing: knife only to perish by hunger and f atiague. 
 
 These atrocities, with others of the same Kind which fol- 
 lowed them, roused the indignation of the American people, 
 and in the snmmer of 17T9, General John Sullivan was sent 
 with a strong force into the heart of the country of the Six 
 Nations to punish them, and in the course of about three 
 weeks, he destroyed forty Indian villages and a vast amount 
 of food. 
 
 Nathan Davis, the author of the " history " herewith 
 communicated, was a soldier in that Expedition, and wrote, 
 or more probably dictated this paper, many years after- 
 ward, with intent to publish it, but it has remained in 
 manuscript till now. 
 
 He was born in Mansfield, Connecticut, on the seventh 
 of May, 1762. His father's name is not known. His mother's 
 maiden name was Pbebe Doane. In the seventeenth year 
 of his age, he enlisted in the Revolutionary Army, and 
 served three years. When the war was ended, he took up 
 his residence m Hanover, New Hampshire, and there mar- 
 
 4
 
 ried, on the third of June, 1T83, Tryhena Eaton, a native of 
 South Hadley, Massachusetts ; born on the twenty-sixth of 
 August, 1762. In March, 1786, he became a resident of 
 Randolph. Vermont, where he had previously acquired a 
 tract of land. The town was then an almost unbroken 
 wilderness. His house was a log-cabin, without floor, and 
 with no roof except one of boughs. For several years he 
 and his family endured all the hardships and privations 
 which are incident to pioneer life. 
 
 At a later date he became a resident of East Bethel, Ver- 
 mont, where he built the first grist-mill; where he also 
 kept the first public-house, from 1812 to 1816. In the spring of 
 1817, he removed to Royalton, where he carried on a farm and 
 kept a public-house. There he died, on the seventh of Feb- 
 ruary, 1831. His wife, by whom h'e had twelve children, 
 survived him fourteen years. 
 
 He was a cheerful, humorous, hospitable, and benevolent 
 man, a church-member, a Free-mason, and a Democrat. Dur- 
 ing the latter part of his life, he enjoyed a pension for his 
 Revolutionary services. 
 
 PLINY H. WHITE.
 
 HISTORY. 
 
 It is well known to the public that the Six Na- 
 tions, with the exception of the Oneiclas, had been 
 induced by the English to take up arms against 
 America, and were continually burning, killing, 
 and scalping our frontier inhabitants. It was 
 thought best by our Government to check, if possi- 
 ble, their murderous depredations.* In the year 
 1779, General Sullivan was directed, with four 
 Brigades of Infantry, commanded by General 
 Hand of Pennsylvania, General Poor of New Ham- 
 pshire. General Maxwell of New Jersey, and Gen- 
 eral Clinton of New York, together with a Regiment 
 of Artillery, commanded by Colonel Procter, to 
 march into their territory, up the Susquehannah, 
 and attack them. 
 
 On the sixth of April, we were ordered to march 
 from our winter- quarters, at Reading, Connecti- 
 cut, to Easton, Pennsylvania. Here we made a 
 halt for a few days, waiting the arrival of Colo- 
 nel Procter, with his Regiment. We then took 
 up our line of march for Wyoming, (now called 
 Wilkesbarre,) on the Susquehannah ; and in a 
 few days, found ourselves on the margin of the 
 
 Journal of Congress, Thursday, February 25, 1779; 
 General Washington to Congress, March 3, 1779. H. B. D.
 
 c 
 
 Great Swamp, (so called,) said to be thirty miles 
 across, where we were compelled to halt. 
 
 Here it became necessary to construct a kind 
 of bridge for several miles together, by laying 
 timber crosswise, and the swamp being so miry 
 that it was utterly impossible to employ horses, 
 we were compelled to move all the timber by 
 hand. We had to build two bridges of consider- 
 able magnitude, over the large streams, which 
 run through this dismal pait of creation. It soon 
 became necessary to send a number of men to 
 Wyoming, to go down the Susquehannah to pro- 
 cure boats and to bring flour and other necessaries 
 for the use of the troops. This necessarily lessen- 
 ed the number of our men, and hindered the pro- 
 gress of our work, as General Clinton's army had 
 not yet joined us. Notwithstanding the disad- 
 vantage under which we labored, we persevered in 
 our undertakings, and finally, in a number of 
 weeks, completed it. 
 
 This done, we moved on to Wyoming, where 
 we made another long halt, in order to collect the 
 necessary supplies of provisions and baggage hor- 
 ses for the use of the army.* 
 
 It was now the month of June, and the season 
 afforded us an excellent opportunity to observe 
 the country and the surrounding scenery. The 
 land, on the river, is excedingly fertile, and well 
 adopted to cultivation. At this time Nature was 
 decked in all her loveliness, and a striking con- 
 trast was exhibited to our view, between the 
 works of man and his Creator. "All save the 
 "spirit of man, was divine." This part of the 
 country had lately been all destroyed, burnt, and 
 
 * This delay was occasioned by the loss of the greater 
 part of the stores, which had been spoiled, and in order to 
 obtain additional supplies of ammunition. GORDON, iii, 
 803; MABBHALL'B Washington, iv, 154. H. B. D.
 
 pillaged by the Indians : its inhabitants murdered 
 and scalped. Here and there lay a human skele- 
 ton bleaching in the woods or in the open field, 
 with the marks of the tomahawk upon it. 
 
 We remained in this place, till some time in the 
 month of July,* when we again marched up the 
 river to Tioga Point, carrying all our baggage, 
 ammunition, provision and field pieces in boats. 
 
 Here we erected two block houses, and sur- 
 rounded them with pickets. Here too, General 
 Sullivan expected the reinforcement of General 
 Clinton's Brigade from Cherry Valley. We were 
 now within about ten or twelve miles of Chemung, 
 where was encamped, the Indian and Tory army, 
 under the command of Butler and Brant, wait- 
 ing to give us a pretty warm reception. 
 
 While here, we had several light skirmishes 
 with the Indians. At one time, about noon, the 
 commissioned and non-commissioned officers and 
 musicians being called out on fatigue to relieve 
 the soldiers, and having gone to their tents for 
 dinner, the soldiers while viewing the block-house, 
 then just begun, were fired upon by a few Indians, 
 secreted in a copse not far distant, and one man 
 killed and another wounded. At another time, 
 having nearly completed our works, and while 
 waiting for the reinforcement above mentioned, 
 General Sullivan ordered a large body of troops 
 to march, at sunset, for Chemung, to surprise the 
 enemy. They accordingly marched all night, 
 and arrived at Chemung about break of day ; 
 but to their astonishment, found no enemy 
 there. They remained under arms till sunrise, 
 when they went into the fields, to pick green corn ; 
 
 1 The last day cf July. Major DANIEL LIVEEMORE'S Jour- 
 nal, Joly 31st; Lieutenant WILLIAM BAKTON'S Journal, July 
 31st ; Dr. EBENEZEB ELMEB'S Journal, July 31st, MINEB'S 
 Wyoming, 267. H. B. D.
 
 the Indians then fired upon them from an ambush, 
 killed some, and wounded two or. three more. 
 After destroying the town, and pillaging the corn 
 field, they returned to camp.* 
 
 As General Clinton's troops had not yet joined 
 us, the Commander directed a party to go through 
 the woods, piloted by some friendly Indians, and 
 meet them. After marching some distance, the 
 Commander of the party thought best to send three 
 chosen veterans to proceed by themselves : hoping 
 that it might expedite the junction of the two 
 armies. The three men, chosen for this purpose, 
 were Sergeant Joseph Henderson, Sergeant 
 Thomas Scott, and a Peter Stevens, all of whom 
 belonged to the first New Hampshire Regiment 
 commanded by Colonel Joseph Cilley of Notting- 
 ham. 
 
 These fearless heroes, with only three days' al- 
 lowance of provision, shouldered their muskets 
 and set forward. Not meeting General Clinton, 
 as they expected, they concluded that they had 
 missed their point, and had passed him. They 
 then attempted to return, but in doing this, lost 
 themselves in the wilderness ; and after wander- 
 ing about for twelve days, they, at last, came 
 across General Clinton's track, and found their 
 way back to our garrison, worn down with fatigue 
 and almost famished with hunger. They suffer- 
 ed extremely from the cold damps by nights, not 
 daring to indulge themselves with a fire, lest they 
 
 * The last-mentioned affair occurred on the twelfth of 
 August, the day after the army reached Tioga Point. 
 
 It appears from the Journals of Major Livermore, L:eu- 
 tenant Barton, and Doctor Elmer, as well as from the pub- 
 lished correspondence of that period, that this movement 
 was commanded by General Hand ; that seventeen wigwams 
 and several fields of corn were destroyed ; and that seven 
 of our men were killed, and Major Franklin of Wyoming, 
 seriously wounded. H. B. D.
 
 should be discovered by the Indians, who were, 
 without doubt, prowling through every part of 
 the wilderness. There these worthy sons of New 
 Hampshire were supposed to be lost, and probab- 
 ly massacred by the savages. Their reappearance 
 was a matter of joyful surprise. Before their 
 arrival, however, the main army had taken up 
 their march for the Genesee river. Henderson 
 and Stevens were so worn down by fatigue and 
 hunger, that it took a long while to restore them 
 to their former health, but Scott, a true son of 
 Hiberuia, although a native of this country, after a 
 few days' rest, declared that he was again fit for 
 any enterprise, and went to the commander of 
 the garrison, requesting permission to proceed 
 after the army. The commander, after much im- 
 portunity, gave him liberty to go, though with 
 little expectation that he would escape being mas- 
 sacred by the Indians. With as much provision 
 as he could conveniently carry, he started alone 
 on our track, and overtook us not far from Cayuga 
 lake. It was in the morning, as we were about 
 to march, when Scott niude his appearance like 
 one risen from the dead. Officers and soldiers 
 immediately gathered around and embraced him ; 
 the air rung with repeated shouts of "Scott's 
 "alive!" " Scott" s alive !" "He's come!" "HJs 
 "comer" 1 
 
 Our order of march through the inhospitable 
 wilderness, was in the following manner : We 
 formed a hollow square ; General Hand in front, 
 General Poor on the right, General Maxwell on 
 the left, and General Clinton in the rear. Within 
 the hollow square was placed Colonel Procter's 
 Regiment of Artillery, together with our luggage 
 horses, carrying our flour, tents, etc., and our 
 beef cattle. We were ordered to march in pla- 
 toons, eight deep, which made it more fatiguing
 
 10 
 
 than it otherwise would have been ; each one 
 being strictly ordered to keep his place. In this 
 situation, we could form a front of three Bri- 
 gades, should we happen to be attacked on either 
 side, with one Brigade in the rear, as a reserve. 
 It was the latter part of August when we started 
 from our garrison, in high spirits and good 
 health.* We pursued our way to Chemung, and 
 finding no enemy there, f we turned to the right, 
 in order to strike near the Oneida lake. 
 
 We came to a place called Newton, where we 
 discovered that the enemy was waiting to give 
 us an unwelcome salute. 
 
 This discovery was made on Sunday morning, 
 the twenty-ninth August, by our sagacious rifle- 
 men, who were satisfied, from appearances, that 
 there were Indians hard by. A Council of the 
 Field-officers was immediately held, and arrange- 
 ments made for a general attack. 
 
 Whilst this was doing, our riflemen discovered 
 at a little distance in front, a sure indication of 
 an ambush4 In the direction of our march, was 
 a very deep defile, occasioned by a brook of water 
 running through a pine plain ; the banks of the 
 brook were very steep and high, and the growth 
 of timber small and very thick. On the opposite 
 bank, it was observed to be thicker and in greater 
 
 * The expedition moved from Tioga on the twenty-sixth 
 of August, leaving behind it a great part of the baggage and 
 two hundred and fifty men, with two six-pounders, under 
 Colonel Shreve. Major LIVEEMOBE'B and Lieutenant BAE- 
 TON'B Journals; MINER'S Wyoming, 270. H. B. D. 
 
 t Although no enemy was found at Chemung, large 
 fields of growing corn, beans, potatoes, and pumpkins were 
 found and destroyed. H. B. D. 
 
 t See, also. Major LIVKEMOBB'S and Lieutenant BABTON'S 
 Journals; General SULLIVAN'S Despatch, August 30, 1779 ; 
 M AESII ALL'S Washington, iv. 157 ; MINEB'S Wyoming, 271. 
 H.B. D. 
 
 Since called Baldwin's Creek. Life of Major Van Cam- 
 pen, 146. H. B. D.
 
 11 
 
 regularity than it would have been had dame Na- 
 ture horself placed it there. The conclusion was 
 that Indians lay concealed behind it, as finally 
 proved to be the case. They had made a kind of 
 breast work of small pine timber, and had that 
 morning, cut small saplings, and stuck them in 
 the ground, in front of it.* 
 
 General Poor was ordered to take possession of 
 a certain hill, which lay at some distance, partly 
 to the right ; f whilst General Maxwell was direct- 
 ed to oblique to the left, in order to turn the ene- 
 my's right rlank.l 
 
 We had not proceeded half a mile, when Gen- 
 eral Sullivan gave orders to Colonel Procter to 
 open his six or eight brass field pieces, from six to 
 three pounders, and also a small howitzer which 
 hove a small bomb, upon the enemy's breastwork. 
 The object of this order was to draw the atten- 
 tion of the Indians off from General Poor. The 
 order was obeyed with promptness, but produced 
 a somewhat different effect from the one antici- 
 pated. They immediately ran from their slender 
 works as fast as their legs could carry them, and 
 advanced directly to the hill, where they secreted 
 themselves behind the trees, waiting our approach. 
 When our front had advanced within a short dis- 
 
 Major LivERMcraE'o and Lieutenant BAETON-'S Journals. 
 Letter from Tioga, August 31, in The Pennsylvania Packet 
 of September 7, 1779^ General SULLIVAN'S Despatch, Au- 
 gust 30, 1779; Civil War in America, m, 64; MARSH ALL'S 
 Washington, iv, 156; MINEE'B Wyoming, 270. H B D. 
 
 t This movement was an important one. The command 
 of General Poor included the New Hampshire and Massa- 
 chusetts Regiments, and was supported by the entire Bri- 
 gade of Geneial Clinton, ^nd was designed to flank the 
 enemy's line and gain his renr. II. B. D. 
 
 t We think this" is a mistake, since General Sullivan's De- 
 spatch of the thirtieth of August, 1779, clearly indicates that 
 both Hand and Maxwell merely covered the Artillery with- 
 out advancing against the enemy's line. H. B. D.
 
 12 
 
 tance of them, they commenced a fire from be- 
 hind every tree, and at the same time gave the 
 war whoop. Not all the infernals of the prince 
 of darkness, could they have been let loose from 
 the bottomless pit, would have borne any compa- 
 rison to these demons of the forest.* 
 
 "We were expressly ordered not to fire, until we 
 had obtained permission from our officers, but to 
 form a line of battle as soon as possible, and 
 march forward. This we did in good order, and 
 at the same time the Indians kept up an incessant 
 fire upon us, from behind the trees ; firing and 
 retreating back to another tree, loading and firing 
 again, still keeping up the war whoop. They 
 continued this mode of warfare till we had driven 
 them half way up the hill, when we were ordered 
 to charge bayonets and rush on. No sooner said 
 than done. We then, in our turn, gave our war 
 whoop, in the American style, which completely 
 silenced the unearthly voice of their stentorian 
 throats. We drove them, at once, to the opposite 
 side of the hill, when we were ordered to halt, as 
 the Indians were out of sight and hearing. How 
 many we killed I never could exactly ascertain, 
 but some were killed, and one scalped to my 
 knowledge, f and much blood was seen on their 
 
 We are clearly of the opinion that the Author has over- 
 rated the effects of this Artillery fire; and that the Indians 
 abandoned their works,not because of Colonel Procter's oper- 
 ations, but to oppose the progress to their rear of General 
 Poor. Such an experienced commander as Joseph Brant 
 was, must have seen the vital importance of keeping an 
 enemy from his rear; besides, we nave the testimony, on 
 the same subject, of Majors Livermore and Van Campen and 
 Lieutenant Barton, as well as that of Brant's biographer, 
 Colonel Stone. H. B. D. 
 
 t That the practice of scalping was not confined to the 
 Indians Is also proven by Lieutenant BABTON'B Journnl, 
 August 29 and September 13 ; by the Journal of an officer, 
 September 13 ; and in STONE'S Life of Brant, ii, 21. H. B. D.
 
 13 
 
 track. We also took two prisoners, one negro 
 and a white man, said to be a Tory. The white 
 man was found painted black, lying on his face, 
 and pretending to be dead. As no blood was 
 seen near him, after a proper discipline he was 
 soon brought to his feelings. He was then strip- 
 ped, and washed, and found to be white. A rope 
 was then tied around his neck, and he was led in 
 front of the troops, whilst every one gave him his 
 sentence, " You shall be hung to-morrow." This, 
 however, was not put into execution. 
 
 We remained on the battle-ground till sunset, 
 when we retreated to the plain, and encamped. 
 We had twenty-two killed and a number wounded, 
 some mortally.* The next day, we buried our 
 dead by the side of fallen trees, near our encamp- 
 ment, not raising their graves any higher than the 
 surface of the earth. We then burnt brush over 
 their graves, so that the Indians might not distin- 
 guish them from the places where we had built 
 our customary fires. Here we lay by for two 
 days, in which time we sent back our wounded 
 and invalids to the garrison. \ 
 
 On the first of September, orders were read to 
 each Regiment, accompanied with the thanks of 
 the commander, for their good conduct and 
 
 * The loss of our army in this action is very uncertain. 
 This " History " says twenty-two were killed arid a number 
 wounded. Major Van Campen (Page 70,) says our loss was 
 seventy. Major Livermore, (Journal, August 29.) that 
 " but four or live " were killed and three officers and about 
 "thirty others" were wounded ; Lieutenant Barton (Journal, 
 August 29,) that " two or three of ours were killed, and 
 " thirty-four or five wounded " ; Gordon (History, iii, 309.) 
 that it was seven killed, and fourteen wounded ; Marshall, 
 (Life of Washington, iv, 158,) that it was " about thirty 
 " men " ; and General Sullivan, in his Despatch of the 
 thirtieth of August, 1779, that it was three killed and thirty- 
 nine wounded. H. B. D. 
 
 t See, also, Major LIVEEMOEE'S Journal, August 30 ; and 
 STONE'B Brant, ii, 22. H. B. D.
 
 14 
 
 bravery, and congratulating them on the victory 
 they had just obtained. This was accompanied 
 with the request that the troops might pursue the 
 remainder of the expedition on half allowance. 
 The Commander informed us that we had not 
 more than half provision enough to complete the 
 expedition ; that we should go through a num- 
 ber of Indian towns, where we should always find 
 a large supply of corn, beans, and squash, which 
 would enable us to supply, in some measure, the 
 deficiency. In addition to this, we were pro- 
 mised an ample remuneration by Congress. This 
 was enough ; every one was willing to give his 
 consent to the proposal ; every eye brightened and 
 sparkled with vengeance. The question was then 
 put to the soldiers in the following manner : 
 Every soldier who was willing to go forward in 
 the defence of his country, agreeable to the re- 
 quest of the commander, was requested to mani- 
 fest it at a given signal. No sooner said than 
 done. At the given word " Recover arms" 
 every musket, with only one exception, among 
 three thousand, obeyed the order. We then gave 
 three cheers for General Sullivan, and prepared to 
 march the next day. 
 
 The next morning, we struck our tents and 
 paraded, in order to march.* Every Colonel 
 
 * We are inclined to think the author has fallen into an 
 error in this statement. 
 
 The army evidently rested only one full day, since it 
 moved to Newtown, (Elmira,) and destroyed that village, 
 in which were " some good buildings of English coiistruc- 
 " tion," on the thirty-tirst of August: (Major LIVEBMOHE'B 
 and Lieutenant BARTON'S Journals:) and on the first of 
 September, was at " French Catharine's," now H ivannah, 
 at the head of Seneca L-ike. (Ibid.; STORE'S Srait,\l, 24.) 
 It could not, therefore, have been on " the next morning," 
 after '.' the tirst of September." when the tents were struck 
 and the army paraded for the purpose of advancing from 
 the battle-ground, which was a mile to the Eastward oi where 
 Elmira now is. H. B. 1).
 
 15 
 
 again made proclamation to his Regiment, that 
 every soldier, who thought he was unable to en- 
 dure the expedition, might march four paces in 
 front, and go back to the garrison. But a very 
 few ventured to make themselves conspicuous as 
 volunteers to return, and thus become the butt of 
 ridicule to those who remained in the ranks. 
 
 Here permit me to mention the worthy conduct 
 of Colonel Cilley, to whose Regiment the writer 
 of this narrative belonged. He walked to the 
 right of his Regiment, and as he passed on to the 
 left, he very pleasantly spoke to several of his 
 soldiers, and told them that whilst he applauded 
 their courage and patriotism, he thought they 
 were unable to endure the hardships they neces- 
 sarily must, on so short an allowance. On pass- 
 ing near to the left wing, he said to quite a young 
 lad, only in his fifteenth year, by the name of 
 Richard Drout, "Richard, you must go back; 
 "you cannot endure the march." The brave lit- 
 tle fellow replied, "Colonel, I don't want to go 
 " back ; I can stand it, I know I can." On the 
 Colonel's telling him that he was too young to en- 
 dure the march, and that he had better go back, 
 Richard began to weep most bitterly, and exclaim- 
 ed, " Colonel, I am not tired a bit, and have not 
 ' ' been ; and I know I can endure it as well as 
 " any of them ; besides, they will call me a cow- 
 " ard, and I am not one." The Colonel assured 
 him he should not be called a coward, and that 
 he would severely flog any one who should ven- 
 ture to apply such an epithet to him. Richard, 
 however, continued weeping most bitterly, and 
 exclaimed, " I enlisted to serve my country. Do 
 "let me go on." The Colonel, with a full heart, 
 at length makes him this reply: " Go, my lad, 
 " and God go with you." He went, and endured 
 the march as well as any one among us. The
 
 16 
 
 writer of this narrative had the satisfaction of 
 seeing this same Richard Drout, and entertaining 
 him, at his own house in Royalton, in 1818, as he 
 and two of his sons were going to join our North- 
 ern army. 
 
 The horns* soon sounded ; the signal to march. 
 We laid our course for the small lakes. We pre- 
 sently came to a great swamp, where our march 
 was much impeded by the mire. Here too we 
 lost a number of our baggage horses. 
 
 Here was a small Indian village, deserted by all 
 its inhabitants, except by one very aged female, 
 who was entirely helpless. Our Indians attempt- 
 ed to talk with her, but she made signs that she 
 could not understand them. 
 
 At length, an old Indian, who had spoken to 
 her in several different dialects, drew his knife, 
 and told her he would take her scalp, unless she 
 consented to talk. This threat produced the de- 
 sired effect. She told them that the old Chiefs 
 were for peace, but the young warriors would not 
 listen to their counsels ; and that all of them had 
 gone to the big lakes. We remained here two 
 nights and one day, in order to get our cattle and 
 baggage horses through the swamp. At our de- 
 parture, the General ordered a few pounds of beef 
 boiled and left with this old mother of the red 
 men. 
 
 Butler's army, at this time, kept only ahead of 
 us sufficiently to be out of our reach, as we fre- 
 quently came across their fires, where they had left 
 boiling their kettles of succatash. Whenever we 
 came near an Indian village, large parties were 
 always sent to burn then- huts and to destroy 
 
 Horns were used instead of drams ; as the latter conld 
 not be need among the woods and underbrush. THE AU- 
 THOR.
 
 17 
 
 their corn. Our main army kept on the most di- 
 rect route to a place called Big Tree, on the Gen- 
 esee River. We encamped near the Geneva 
 lake, in a very large apple orchard, to which 
 place we gave the name of Appleton.* Here we 
 caught several Indian horses, by driving them 
 into the lake, when some of our most expert 
 swimmers would catch them, and turn them to 
 the shore. Here we found a white boy, of four 
 years of age. 
 
 After we had destroyed their orchard, we 
 marched on to Canandaigua lake. This lake we 
 were obliged to ford at a small distance from its 
 out-let ; the water for a great distance being 
 nearly to our shoulders. We carried our cartridge 
 boxes on the top of our knapsacks to keep them 
 out of the water. As there was only one place 
 that was fordable, the principal part of the after- 
 noon was spent in getting across. Both sides of 
 the outlet were covered with an impenetrable 
 thicket of underbrush, grapes, and thorn bushes, 
 which made it impossible for our cattle and 
 horses to pass through them. The First New 
 Hampshire Regiment, being in the front of the 
 right wing, was ordered to halt, and to sec that 
 our guns were well loaded and fresh primed, and 
 also to keep our places in good order till all the 
 rest of the troops, cattle, baggage horses, etc., 
 had passed the ford way. This order occasioned 
 considerable complaint, and not a few heavy 
 curses on the one who gave it. Our Major, who 
 happened to hear the murmuring of the soldiers, 
 very pleasantly addressed them, assured them that 
 they ought not to complain of their Commander's 
 
 * See, also, Major LIVEEMOUE'S and Lieutenant BARTON'S 
 Journals, September 1 and 2 : and STONE'S Brant, ii, 24. H. 
 13. D.
 
 18 
 
 not giving them their priority in the line of 
 march, "for," says he, "as sure as we pass 
 " those bushes yonder," (pointing to the outlet of 
 the lake.) " we shall be attacked by the In- 
 " dians, and your General places the utmost con- 
 " fidence on your bravery and skill." This decla- 
 ration at once silenced all complaint, and 
 "Hurra for General Sullivan !" resounded through 
 the air. When they had all got across, we were 
 ordered to march with a full expectation of a 
 salute from the red men of the forest, accom- 
 panied with their war whoop and the contents of 
 their rifles. In this, however, we were disap- 
 pointed. 
 
 It was near sunset before we had all crossed 
 the lake. General Sullivan then ordered General 
 Hand to go with four Regiments of Infantry and 
 take the town, about half a mile ahead. General 
 Hand hesitated ; stating that he would obey, but 
 it appeared to him to be an useless waste of lives, 
 as it would be dark before they could reach the 
 town, and the advantage would all be on the side 
 of the enemy. Colonel Cilley, who was then 
 on his horse, straightened himself in his stirrups, 
 and exclaimed, " General Sullivan, give me leave 
 " and I will take the town, with my Regiment 
 " alone." The General gave him permission, and 
 \ve were on the march in a moment. Before we 
 reached the town, it became so dark that we were 
 obliged to take hold of our file-leader's frocks, and 
 in this manner* grope our passage in an Indian 
 foot-path. We found no worse enemy to encoun- 
 ter than the darkness, and a thousand musketoes to 
 each man. The town was entirely deserted by its 
 inhabitants. It was a place of considerable mag- 
 nitude. The huts or wigwams were constructed 
 of bark, and very narrow in proportion to their 
 length, some being thirty or forty feet long, and
 
 19 
 
 not more than ten feet wide, generally with a 
 bark floor, except in the centre, where was a place 
 for the fire. Under one of these bark floors, one 
 of our men found fourteen dollars, in silver. In 
 this place, we found some considerable plunder, 
 such as scalping knives, tomahawks, muskets, 
 etc.* 
 
 We encamped in the town during the night. 
 The next morning, Lieutenant Boyd requested 
 permission to go out, with a small party of fifteen,! 
 and one friendly Indian as a guide. They had 
 not proceeded more than half a mile, before they 
 were completely ambushed and surrounded. The 
 Indian, who was with Boyd, called out to him, 
 " Fiffht or die. No quarter now." The gallant 
 party, defended themselves to the last extremity, 
 but the Indians rushed in on every side, toma- 
 hawk in hand, and scalped all those who were not 
 killed by their first tire. The Lieutenant and 
 Sergeant): were bound. Among the party, was a 
 stout, athletic, young man of about nineteen j ears, 
 by the name of McMurphy. Whilst an Indian 
 was about to tie his hands behind him, he turned, 
 took the Indian by the hair of his head, and threw 
 him, with great force, on the ground, and im- 
 mediately sprang from them, and ran, with the 
 greatest speed, whilst the balls and hatchets were 
 continually whistling by him. He finally arrived 
 safe in camp. 
 
 Hearing the firing, we had sent out a party to 
 
 * Although no date is given, it is probable that the au- 
 thor refers, in this place, to Kanaghsa, which was destroyed 
 on Monday, the thirteenth of September. (Major LIVEK- 
 MOHE'B and Lieutenant BARTON'S Journals, September 13; 
 STONE'S Brant, ii, 29.) H. B. D. 
 
 t We think this is an error. There is abundant testimony, 
 as below, that this party was composed of twenty-seven 
 men. H. B. D. 
 
 t Sergeant Parker. H. B. IX 
 

 
 20 
 
 assist them. When this party had arrived at the 
 place of their engagement, there was nothing 
 there to be seen, but the mangled bodies of twelve 
 of Boyd's party.* Boyd, nor the Sergeant, could 
 not be found, f 
 
 The next day, we pursued our route for the town 
 of Big Tree. We arrived at this place on a Satur- 
 day, about sun- set. t Here we found the mangled 
 bodies of Lieutenant Boyd and the Sergeant. We 
 saw the place where they had been tied to a tree, 
 and the bloody sticks with which they had been 
 
 * TWENTY-TWO were killed and left on the field. It is not 
 improbable that the error has arisen in copying the " His- 
 tory." a modern production, from the original memorandum. 
 H.B. D. 
 
 t This very brief statement of the capture of Lieutenant 
 Boyd and his party, fails to convey to the reader a just idea 
 of that sad event. 
 
 Boyd was sent forward, with a party of twenty-six men, 
 to reconnoitre Little Beardstown, and had accomplished his 
 purpose and was on his return to the main body when he 
 fell into an ambush, as described in the text. He and the 
 Sergeant were alone spared by Joseph Brant, who com- 
 manded the enemy, while three escaped and twenty-two 
 were killed. 
 
 Boyd was spared by Brant because of his Masonic ties, 
 sent forward to Little Beardstown, and well treated ; but 
 Butler, the Loyalist chief, during Brant's absence, subse- 
 quently butchered both him and Parker, because they would 
 not divulge the information they possessed concerning the 
 American army. It was the savage white Loyalist, not the 
 half-civilized Indian warrior, who was the butcher in this 
 instance. 
 
 The remains of Boyd and Parker were removed to Mount 
 Hope Cemetery, Rochester, in August, 1842 ; and in a little 
 volume describing the ceremonies on that occasion, and in 
 the Journals of Major Livermore, Lieutenant Barton, and 
 " an officer" the latter cited by Judge Campbell, the Life 
 of Major Van Campen; the Life of Mary Jemison, the 
 White Woman ; and STONE'S Life of Joseph Brant, the 
 reader will find other and more important particulars. H. 
 B. D. 
 
 t Major Van Campen says that Little Beardstown, where 
 Boyd's and Parker's remains were found, was occupied by 
 the American troops on Tuesday, the fourteenth of Sep- 
 tember. H. B. D.
 
 21 
 
 whipped. Their backs had been cut to the bone 
 with their knives. They had been scalped, their 
 tongues cut out and their eyes dug out, by these 
 inhuman demons of cruelty. The Lieutenant's 
 breast had been cut open, his heart taken out and 
 placed in his right hand. Their bodies were 
 committed to the grave, with martial honors. 
 
 Big Tree appeared to be the capital of the five 
 tribes. Here was their large Grand Council 
 House, built of peeled logs, two stories high, and 
 the gable ends painted red with vermillion. The 
 town contained one hundred and twenty-two 
 houses and wigwams, and a larger supply of pro- 
 visions was found in this place than in any other 
 three towns through which we passed.* 
 
 It may now, perhaps, be proper to notice our 
 manner of livelihood. Whilst marching in the 
 wilderness, as before observed, we had only half 
 our allowance of provisions, which was one half 
 pound of flour, and one half pound fresh beef, 
 or rather an apology for beef, as our cattle had 
 become intolerably poor, in consequence of con- 
 stant driving. When we came to an Indian town, 
 we had neither meal nor flour, but only a trifle of 
 salt. When we first came to the Indian towns, 
 their corn was suitable to boil or roast ; of course 
 we had plenty of succatash. When the corn be- 
 came too mature for this, we converted some old 
 tin kettles, found in the Indian settlements, into 
 large graters, and obliged every fourth man, not 
 on guard, to sit up all night, and grate corn, 
 which would make meal, something like hom- 
 iny. This meal was mixed with boiled squash 
 or pumpkin, when hot, and kneaded into cakes, 
 
 * It is said that upwards of seven hundred acres of grow- 
 ing corn, besides vast quantities of other property, including 
 more than a hundred and twenty houses, were destroyed at 
 this place. H. B. D.
 
 and baked by the fire. This bread, coarse as it 
 was, relished well among soldiers fatigued with 
 their daily marches through the wilderness, and 
 I very much doubt, whether one of them would 
 have allowed George III. one morsel of it, to have 
 saved him from the lock-jaw. 
 
 On Monday morning, we were all engaged in 
 picking corn, and carrying it, in our blankets, into 
 the Indian houses. We completed our task, about 
 noon, when we struck our tents and marched a short 
 distance to a rising piece of ground, in the rear of 
 the town, where we made a halt. We then fired 
 a small field piece, as a signal for a party who 
 was sent for the purpose of setting fire to every 
 house and cabin in the town, filled with ears of 
 corn in the husk, at one and the same instant. 
 The sight of so many buildings on fire, the massy 
 clouds of black smoke, and the curling pillars of 
 flame bursting through them, formed an awful 
 and sublime spectacle. 
 
 Neither did it altogether escape our reflection 
 what must be the inevitable consequence resulting 
 from the destruction of all the sustenance of a 
 multitude of natives. But when ve reflected on 
 the inhuman barbarities they had inflicted on our 
 own people, the scalps that we had seen hanging 
 around their wigwams, from the aged parent of 
 grey hairs, down to the resistless infant at the 
 breast, we could not but feel justified in the act, 
 whilst we lamented the dreadful necessity that 
 impelled us to it. We now retraced our steps 
 back to the garrison on the Tioga Point, with as 
 much dispatch as p'ossible. 
 
 As before observed, we arrived at Big Tree on 
 Saturday night. On Sunday, a white woman "vas 
 discovered coming towards our tents, leading by 
 the hand a little boy, about four yea s old. Com- 
 ing to our sentries, she enquired of them if they
 
 23 
 
 knew where the Rebel army was. The term 
 " Rebel " was particularly offensive to the guard ; 
 but nevertheless, as she was a white woman, they 
 asked her to explain, at the same time telling her 
 that they were a part of General Sullivan's army, 
 and that if she would escape with her life, she 
 must not call them by the name of " rebel." She 
 informed them that she had been a prisoner with 
 the Indians about two years ; that at the time she 
 and her little son were taken prisoners, her hus- 
 band was killed by the savages ; and at the time 
 we entered the town, the day before, the Indians 
 were in such haste to get out of it, that she could 
 not follow them, and finally lost herself in the 
 woods ; that when she saw our tents she did not 
 know but it might be Butler's camp, and if it 
 proved to be, she would tell them she had been 
 lost in the woods ; for if they discovered that 
 she had made an attempt to escape, they would 
 probably take her life. She was then shown 
 to the General's Quarters, and well provided 
 for. 
 
 During our march to the garrison, she and her 
 child were provided with a horse. On the third 
 day of our march, her child was taken extremely 
 sick. To leave them behind was certain death, 
 either by starvation, or by the merciless cruelty of 
 the Indians, who would naturally hang at a 
 small distance in our rear. The want of provi- 
 sions began to be extremely felt, and our Com- 
 mander felt it to be his duty to push on, with all 
 possible speed, to our garrison. The sickness of 
 the child, however, still continued, and in a short 
 time it expired in its mother's arms. Here was 
 presented a scene that would melt the hardest 
 heart. The poor little sufferer was wrapped in 
 an old blanket, and placed in a hole, dug with a 
 sharpened stick, in the ground ; then covered over,
 
 24 
 
 and a few pieces of old rotten timber thrown 
 upon it, to prevent the wild beasts from devour- 
 ing its body. 
 
 Our soldiers had faced the cannon's month ; 
 they had in that expedition seen their comrades 
 shot down by their side, and in an instant, seen 
 them gasping in the agonies of death; they had 
 seen the mangled bodies of the brave Boyd and 
 his gallant party ; but the present scene called 
 louder for their tears of sympathy, than aught 
 they had witnessed before. A disconsolate 
 widow, whose husband had fallen by savage bru- 
 tality before her eyes, who for two long years 
 had endured the hardships and privations of cap- 
 tivity, among a race of beings whose tender mer- 
 cies are cruel, in company with her little son, now 
 mourning over the rudely constructed grave of all 
 she held dear on earth, was a scene before which 
 the hardiest veteran forgot the soldier and as- 
 sumed the man. No female friend stood near, to 
 offer one word of consolation. 
 
 Pause for a moment, and reflect on her situa- 
 tion Behold her and her husband, among the 
 hardy adventurers of our frontier inhabitants, 
 when after successfully encountering almost in- 
 numerable difficulties, they were about to realize 
 the benefits of their activity and labor, about to 
 raise the cup of plenty to their lips ; when all in 
 a moment is dashed away. Behold her husband, 
 murdered and scalpeft before her eyes ; her habi- 
 tation wrapped in flames ; she and her child 
 bound, expecting every moment to share the same 
 fate her husband had before. Hear the heart- 
 rending screams of her little son ; hear too the 
 war whoop of those merciless fiends of cruelty, 
 brandishing the scalping knife and tomahawk 
 over her head. Think of the two long years of 
 captivity she had suffered, and finally of her es-
 
 25 
 
 cape therefrom. Think of the time when Hope 
 first began to brighten in her eye, and when she 
 fondly cherished the pleasing expectation of once 
 more seeing her surviving friends, with the only 
 son of her murdered husband ; ajid then form, if 
 you can, an adequate conception of the nature 
 and extent of a mother's grief, under such dis- 
 tressing circumstances. 
 
 We pursued our line of march much in the 
 same order that we did in going out ; sometimes 
 encamping on the same ground. When we came 
 to the place where we left the old mother of the 
 red men, we found her there, but she had paid the 
 debt of nature. The General ordered her to be 
 buried. On returning through the swamp, our 
 baggage horses had become so poor and weak, 
 that we lost in this place more than a hundred, 
 and it has been called, I suppose, The valley of 
 Horse heath, to this day.* 
 
 When we left Tioga Point, we left the princi- 
 pal part of our clothing, by general order. We 
 were not allowed any clothing besides that which 
 we wore, with the exception of one spare shirt. 
 Our clothing consisted of a short rifle frock, vest, 
 tow trousers, shoes, stockings, and blanket. 
 Marching nearly the whole time in the woods, 
 among the thick underbrush, it may well be sup- 
 posed that we had but little left of our clothing, 
 on our return to the garrison. Our feet were many 
 of them bare and bleeding. I shall ever remem- 
 ber my own situation at this period. Destitute of 
 shoes, and almost destitute of pantaloons, we en- 
 camped one night on an open ground, covered 
 
 * The town of Horseheads, Chemnng Connty, Xew York 
 is the best record of this event which now exists. The vil 
 lage of Horseheads is no longer known by its historical 
 name, but glories in the meaningless soubriquet of "Fair- 
 "port." H. B.C.
 
 26 
 
 with wild grass. In the morning, the ground 
 was covered with frost. Going some forty or fifty 
 rods for water to boil my half pound of beef, 
 Lieutenant Thomas Blake, of our Company, ob- 
 served my situation, went to his portmanteau, 
 took out a pair of shoes and a pair of pantaloons, 
 and kindly presented them to me. 
 
 When we came Avithin a few miles of the fort, 
 an express was sent to the garrison for provision. 
 We halted till the provision came, and with it a 
 few kegs of whiskey. We remained here a clay 
 or two, to recruit our almost famished bodies, 
 when we again struck our tents an<! paraded, 
 ready to march, at the given signal. Immediate- 
 ly, we received orders to stack our arms, and 
 every man to powder his head as white as the 
 snow on the Alpine mountains. This order could 
 not be complied with, as there was not an ounce of 
 flour among the whole of us. The Commander, 
 being informed of it, he sent, post haste, to the 
 garrison for a horse load of flour. In the mean- 
 time, every man was ordered to shave his face, and 
 to place an evergreen bough or bush on his hat. 
 The flour having arrived, and being distributed, 
 we immediately fell to whitening each other's 
 sconces. No one could be exempt from this duty. 
 Not a negro or mulatto could escape the honor of 
 a white top to his neck ; and of all the spectacles 
 ever exhibited to the eyes of men, the sight of 
 nearly three thousand men, in rags and tatters, 
 nearly naked, with the remaining parts of their, 
 garments hanging in streamers behind them, 
 must have afforded merriment even to the most 
 grave and sanctimonious. When our officers 
 came on to the ground, and beheld our truly ludi- 
 crous appearance, they could not suppress the loud 
 laugh ; and even our Chaplain forgot his gravity. 
 
 The signal being given, we were under way in
 
 27 
 
 a moment, and arrived at the garrison about four 
 o'clock in the afternoon. We were received with 
 a salute from the fort, and with three cheers from 
 the garrison. Here we once more drew our full 
 allowance of provision. The season was far ad- 
 vanced, and no time was to be lost in descending 
 the river down to Wyoming. All our munitions 
 of war were placed on board the boats, together 
 with the greater part of the army. We soon 
 reached Wyoming,* disembarked, and marched 
 on to Easton. f Here we received the Report of 
 the Committee, appointed by the General to esti- 
 mate the quantity of corn we destroyed, belong-, 
 ing to the Indians. It was computed at one hun- 
 dred and sixty-five thousand bushels. 
 
 Whilst here, we were ordered to attend Divine 
 service, under arms, in a large meadow, to re- 
 turn thanks for the signal success of the Expedi- 
 tion, and the unparalleled health of the troops. 
 A discourse was delivered by the Rev. Ira Evans, 
 of New Hampshire. 
 
 We then proceeded in easy marches to our 
 Winter quarters, in full expectation of receiving 
 a full remuneration from Government, not only 
 for our services, but also for our back rations. In 
 this, however, we have always been disappointed. 
 
 The country is now surrounded on all sides 
 with peace and plenty. No hostile foe invades 
 our shores ; no merciless savage thrusts himself 
 into our quiet and peaceful dwellings, to rob us 
 of our security and to butcher our defenceless 
 families. The poor soldier, who spilled his blood 
 in the service of his country, with Washington, 
 Gates, or Sullivan, will soon follow his co-patriots 
 to the grave, unrequited, and forgotten by that 
 
 On the thirtieth of September. H. B. D. 
 t Where they arrived on the fifteenth of October. H. 
 B. D.
 
 country he once ' ' so faithfully loved and pro- 
 "tected." In our turn, we have become the op- 
 pressors of the weak ; and the defenceless Creek 
 and Cherokee feel the full force of our insatiable 
 avarice. 
 
 May God save our country from ruin ; and may 
 we, in the language of Mr. Clay, " Never despair 
 "of the American Republic."
 
 XI. 
 TH E SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 MR. JOHN CHECKLEY, 
 
 UPON HIS TRIAL AT BOSTON. 
 
 IN 1724. 
 
 With an Introduction by REV. E. H. GILLETT, D.D 
 of Harlem, N. Y.
 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 THIS Is a careful reprint of the very rare tract published 
 by J. Applebee, in London, in 1738, and contains the verdict 
 of the jury, Mr. Checkley's Plea in Arrest of Judgment, and 
 the Sentence pronounced by the Court, 
 
 We are indebted to Mr. A. Lloyd, the antiquarian book- 
 seller, 115 Nassau-street, New York, for the privilege of 
 republishing it, and to our untiring friend, Rev. E. H. Gil- 
 lett, D.D., of Harlem, N. Y., for the very carefully-prepared 
 Introductory Note from his own pen, which precedes it. 
 
 A few copies, exclusively for private circulation, have 
 been printed in this form. 
 
 HENEV B. DAWSON. 
 
 MOBRISAWIA, N. Y.
 
 INTRODUCTORY REMARKS. 
 
 FEW pieces in ecclesiastical or theological controversy ever 
 published in this country, are. in themselves and their re- 
 sults, so memorable, historically, as that which appeared in 
 Boston in 1723, under the title of A Short and Easie Method 
 with the Deists, &c. It was the reprint, with slight altera- 
 tions, of the noted work by Charles Leslie, but at the close 
 of this, which extended only to forty-one octavo pages, 
 was introduced A Discourse concerning Episcopacy, which 
 extended from the forty-first to the ore hundred and twen- 
 ty-seventh page, the whole closing with The Epistle of Ig- 
 natius to the Trallia~!S. 
 
 The work wns published at London, by J. Applebee; but 
 was " sold by John Checkley, at the sign of the Crown and 
 " Blue Gate, over-against the West-End of the Town-House 
 " in Boston." John Checkley therefore might be considered 
 the Boston Publisher ; and the Discourse Concfrning Epis- 
 copacy was drawn up by him, who was compelled doubtless 
 to send to England to procure its printing. 
 
 Checkley was born in Boston, in 1680, but his parents were 
 from England ; and throughout his life he was most untir- 
 ingly devoted to the interests of the English Church. His 
 feelings, or perhaps we might say prejudices, were very 
 strong, and he was as violent an Anti-Calvinist and Non- 
 juror, as he was Episcopalian. His education was well 
 cared for. He was placed at an early age under the care of 
 Ezekiel Cheever, and subsequently went to England, and 
 finished his studies at the University of Oxford, although he 
 seems never to have received a degree. 
 
 Abounding in wit and humor, he must have been a genial 
 companion. After his return to this country, he fell in with 
 one who was several years his junior, but m many respects 
 was fully his equal ; while on the leading theological ques- 
 tions of the day, the two young men held positions perfectly 
 antagonistic.
 
 Thomas Walter, the son of Nehemlah Walter, the Minis- 
 ter of Roxbury, was graduated at Harvard College, in 1713 ; 
 and it was during his college course that John Cneckley be- 
 came his intimate associate. Fond of company, the learning 
 and wit of Checkley attracted him ; and he yielded to it, to 
 the grief of his father, and in spite of the admonitions of 
 his uncle, Cotton Mather, who warned him to beware of the 
 man. 
 
 The intercourse between the two young men led to theo- 
 logical discussion, and at length to public disputation. 
 Walter could appreciate learning and genius : but indolent as 
 he might have been in study, he was strongly attached to 
 the doctrines and order of the New England Churches. 
 Checkley published in 1715. two years after Walter left col- 
 lege, and while he was probably studying theology with his 
 father at Roxbnry, Choice Dialogues about Predestination, 
 in which he indulged his sarcasm at the expense of the Cal- 
 vinistic doctrines of the New England churches. These dia- 
 logues Walter answered ; and, in 1720, the " Answer by a 
 " Stripling " was republished. 
 
 Walter's reply may have been the occasion of enkindling 
 Checkley's zeal for more extended controversy. But just at 
 this time, from a variety of causes which it is not necessary 
 to detail, a very extended movement in behalf of Episcopa- 
 cy took place both in Connecticut and Massachusetts. 
 Hitherto the progress of the Episcopal Church in New Eng- 
 land had been very unpromising. The violent wresting of 
 one of the Congregational Churches of Boston from the 
 hands of the congregation for the use of Episcopalians, 
 which occurred just before the Revolution of 1688, had not 
 been forgotten ; and Episcopacy found but little sympathy 
 or encouragement in Massachusetts. In 1716, Benjamin 
 Colman, wn ting from Boston, says, " We have but one single 
 ' Congregation among us of the worship of the Church of 
 " England, who are treated by us with all that Christian re- 
 " spect and brotherly esteem and regard they can reasonably 
 " expect and desire." (COLMAH'S Life, 84.) Three or four 
 years before, he had written to Doctor Kennett, Dean of Pe- 
 terborough, explaining the local zeal for Episcopacy which 
 prevailed in some of the towns : "There happen," he says, 
 " a discontented person or two in the place ; or some differ- 
 "ence about placing a new house for Public Worship, or 
 "about paying their little rate to the Ministry, or the like ; 
 " Immediately they are advised, or of their own mind thej 
 "propose to themselves, T 
 "'Bishop of London, or to tl 
 " ' pagating the Gospel, for a 
 " 'land.' " He then cites instances to illustrate the truth of 
 his statements as Braintree, the application in behalf of 
 which, Rev. Mr. Miles of Boston refused to countenance 
 Newbury, where a number, dissatisfied about the location of 
 the meeting-house, had gone off " only iu a Pett, and to 
 "save their rate" and Jamaica, on Long Island, where 
 "Mr. Hubbard and the people there, were unrighteously
 
 "dispossessed of the Church and Ministry House and 
 " Lands." 
 
 But in Connecticut, the prospects of the Episcopal Church 
 suddenly brightened. The reaction against the disorders of 
 the ecclesiastical condition of the Churches while left to 
 themselves and ex-parte Councils, had been signalized by 
 the adoption of the Saybrook Platform, in 1708, and was evi- 
 dently favorable to Episcopal enterprise. The donation of 
 Bishop Berkeley to Yale College, and the perusal on the part 
 of the students of the works of Episcopal divines procured 
 by him for the library, were not without effect. The result 
 was that eventually a very serious defection ; helped forward 
 by influences from New York Colony, with its Koyal Gover- 
 nor, became imminent. In 1722, on the day following the 
 Commencement, a paper was presented to the Clergy and 
 others assembled in the College Library, signed by several 
 prominent Clergymen in Connecticut, expressing doubts in 
 regard to the validity of Presbyterian Ordination. A discus- 
 sion ensued some weeks after, as the result of which some 
 of the signers declared their scruples removed, while others 
 did not hesitate to avow their full Episcopal Convictions. 
 
 The apprehensions excited by their defection from the 
 
 faith and order of the New England Churches, extended 
 
 not only to Massachusetts, but to Scotland. Wodrow wrote 
 
 to Cotton Mather, on the eighteenth of March, 1T23, 
 
 '' We were very much alarmed and grieved when, by the Lon- 
 
 ' don prints, we found eight or ten of the Ministers of New 
 
 ' England (as they were pleased to magnify the numbers) 
 
 ' were conformed to the Church of England. It pleases 
 
 'me to hear that only the treacherous rector is gone to 
 
 England. Those offences and defections must be ; and I 
 
 ' persuade myself Holy Providence has great end to accom- 
 
 ' plish by them. You'll please to continue your accounts of 
 
 ' these apostates." 
 
 The expectations of many were disappointed in the 
 meagre results that followed the movement. " Most of 
 "thefew apostates," says Mather, " have reconciled them- 
 selves to their offended Churches." But for a time the ap- 
 prehensions felt by the friends of New England Church- 
 order were extreme. In 1723, Timothy Cutler, the former 
 Rector of Yale College, returned from England, where he 
 had been invested with holy orders not alone as Wodrow 
 supposed and became the first Rector of the North, or 
 Christ, Church in Boston. The corner stone of the house 
 was laid by Rev. Mr. Myles on the fifteenth of April, and 
 the edifice was opened for public worship on the twenty- 
 ninth of December, 1723. 
 
 Two years had wrought a great change in the relative as- 
 pects of Congregationalism and Episcopacy in New Eng- 
 land. The friends of the former were full of fears, while 
 the latter were jubilant in their anticipations. 
 
 Perhaps there was neither in New England nor out of it, 
 
 a more sagacious observer of the signs of the times than 
 
 John Checkley. Probably at the very time when arrauge- 
 
 2
 
 meats were making for laying the corner stone of the new 
 Episcopal Church in Boston, his orders were being executed 
 in England for a new edition of a work, entitled A Modest 
 Proof of the Order and Government settled by Christ and 
 his Apostles in the Church. He determined to circulate the 
 edition in the interest of Episcopacy in this country. 
 
 By some, the Modest Proof has been ascribed to Check- 
 ley himself. (See ALLEN'S B'iographical Dictionary. Ar- 
 ticle J. CHEOKLEY.) It is possible indeed that it was really 
 his production, but it is pretty evident that he or his friends 
 ascribed it to a Scotchman, P. Barclay, who in 1713, publish- 
 ed in London, his Persuasion to the People of Scotland in 
 order to remove their prejudice to the Book of Common 
 Prayer, with answer to the dialogues between a Curate and 
 a Countryman.* Professor Wigglesworth, who wrote in 
 reply to the Modest Proof, his Sober Remarks on a work 
 lately Reprinted at Boston, entitled " A Modest Proof, 
 " etc.," felt naturally some curiosity to know its origin. His 
 Scotch correspondent, Wodrow, was unable to inform him. 
 He could only say, "Mr. P. Barclay's Persuasion, as far 
 4 as I know, was not published in Scotland. We have many 
 ' of those people that publish their virulent pamphlets in 
 'England and Ireland. Had it been going in Scotland 
 'these twenty-five years, I imagine it would not altogether 
 'have escaped me, 1 ' (WODEOW Correspondence, iii, 183.) 
 
 Whether by Barclay, or by Checkley who published it, the 
 Modest Proof, Ac., provoked immediate controversy. Pro- 
 fessor Wigglesworth was perhaps first in the field, but if so, 
 Checkley's former associate and antagonist, Thomas Walter, 
 was not far behind. In September (1723) he preached at the 
 Lecture in Boston, on " The Scriptures the only Rule of 
 "Faith and Practice"; and we shall not probably go far 
 astray in identifying him with the Son of Martin Mar Pre- 
 late, who was one of those who came forward to meet and 
 refute the Modest Proof. 
 
 Still other answers were forthcoming. " The great Jona- 
 " than Dickinson," of Elizabethtown, New Jersey, appeared 
 with A Defence of Presbyterian Ordination ; In Answer 
 to a pamphlet entitled, " A Modest Proof, etc. ; " while to 
 Thomas Foxcroft has been ascribed, The Ruling and Or- 
 daining Presbytery of Congregational Bishops or Presby- 
 ters j Being some Remarks on Mr. P. Barclay's Per- 
 suasion, lately distributed in New England, By an Impar- 
 tial Hand. 
 
 Both of these, as well as Thomas Walter's Essay upon 
 that Paradox Infallibility may sometimes mistake, were 
 not published till 1724, and evidently drew some of their in- 
 spiration from the provocation ottered in Checkley's next 
 
 * A Mr. Barclay had been laboring as an Episcopal Minis- 
 ter at Braintree in the early part of the century, and soon 
 left. Regretful mention is made of his departure. Could 
 this have been the P. Barclay, author of the book ?
 
 XI 
 
 publication, issued in the same year [1723] with the Modest 
 Proof, and only a few months, or possibly weeks after it. 
 His repnblication of Leslie alone, although Leslie was a con- 
 firmed Non Juror, and really obnoxious on a civil account 
 would have probably produced no effect and hardly have 
 commanded jittention; but his Discourse concerning Episco- 
 pacy was a ".Tract for the Times," and wa speculiarly adapt- 
 ed to affect scrupulous consciences a& well as exasperate all 
 whom it classified as Dissenters. 
 
 He begins with the assumption, based upon Leslie's trea- 
 tise, that it was " absolutely necessary, that a lineal and un- 
 " interrupted succession of the Ministers of Jesus Christ 
 " should be preserved." Without this. Christianity would 
 be stripped of an important part of its evidences. The late 
 Mr. Pemberton, in his Sermon at the Ordination of Joseph 
 Sewall, (published after his death,) is cited to sustain his 
 positions. Christ received his Commission from the Fa- 
 ther ; the Apostles theirs from Christ, and the " succession 
 " from the Apostles is preserved and derived only in the 
 "Bishops. 7 ' 
 
 The Presbyterian Argument for the parity of the Ministry 
 Is next taken up and historically examined. The Episcopal 
 Succession in England is vindicated. The Cambridge Plat- 
 form is cited to show that the New England Churches " al- 
 " low Laymen to ordain ; " so that their Ordination must be 
 invalid, and " our Korahites of several sizes " are bidden to 
 " take a view of the Heinousness of their Schism ; and not 
 " think their crime to be nothing because they have been 
 " taught with their mother's milk,"to have the utmost Ab- 
 " horrence to the very name of Bishop : tho' they could not 
 " tell why." 
 
 Church government is next argued from its necessity. 
 The faultiness of rulers does not necessarily vacate their 
 authority ; and some of the foreign churches claimed that 
 when they withdrew from Rome her ordination was still 
 valid. The "Dissenters" also are reminded that they are 
 few in number. The great mass of the Christian world is 
 Episcopal. A citation of authorities in behalf of Episcopa- 
 cy, for the period of four hundred and fifty years after 
 Christ, is also presented, embracing the language of the 
 Fathers and the decrees of Councils. Calvin, Beza, and 
 " the rest of the learned Reformers of their part," are as- 
 serted to have given their testimony for Episcopacy " as 
 " much as any." Indeed, " our modern Presbyterians," it is 
 said, " have departed from Calvin, as well as from Luther, 
 " in their abhorrence of Episcopacy ; from all the Christian 
 " world in all ages. Calvin would have anathematized all of 
 "them, had he lived incur days." "Our Dissenters of all 
 "denominations, imitate the hardness of the Jews, who 
 " built the Sepulchres of those prophets, whom their fathers 
 "slew ; while at the same time, they adhered to and outdid 
 "the wickedness of their Fathers, in persecuting the Suc- 
 "cessors of those prophets." 
 
 Checkley next argues in behalf of Episcopacy on the
 
 xu 
 
 ground that no date of its original can be fixed short of the 
 times of the Apostles. The change to Episcopacy would, he 
 claims, have been noticed and recorded. Hence, the ordina- 
 tions of Dissenters " in opposition to Episcopacy, are not 
 "only invaliJ, but Sacrilege, and Rebellion against Christ 
 "who did institute this Society and gave them their Char- 
 " ter, and if their Ordinations are null, then their Baptisms 
 ' are so too, and all their Ordinances. They are out of the 
 ' Visible Church, and have no Bight to any of the Prc- 
 ' mises in the Gospel, which are all made to the Church, 
 ' and to none other." 
 
 " Our misled Dissenters" are then told " that when they re- 
 ceive (what they calli the Sacrammts of Baptism and 
 'the LyrtV* Supper in their Congregations, they receive no 
 1 Sacraments, nor are the^r children baptized any more than 
 ' if a niiuwif e bad done it." 
 
 The argument against Episcopacy, drawn from the inter- 
 changeable use of the terms Bishop and Presbyter, is next 
 considered. Checkley attempts to illustrate it by the use of 
 the Roman word Imptrator, sometimes rendered General 
 and sometimes Emperor. He endeavors also to meet the 
 objection that Episcopacy was gradually introduced. He 
 then proceeds to apply h's conclusions with a force and 
 vehemence already foreshadowed in some of his preceding 
 pages. He insists that "never was a cause so exposed, and 
 "stripped so naked.'' as the cause of the Dissenters. He 
 assumes that their Ordinations are usurpations, and their 
 Sacraments impositions. By setting Episcopacy aside they 
 revolt and rebel against Divine authority. He appeals to 
 their fears, their scruples, their affections for their children, 
 their regard for their own souls. 
 
 "What Compassion," he asks, [page 110,] "can they have 
 " for their Under infants, to carry them to disputed baptism, 
 " when they may have that which is clear, and undisputed 
 " offered to them ? will they present the provocation of 
 " their offerings, and pawn their souls upon the greatest un- 
 " certainty f Will they dare to say, that it is an uncertain- 
 " ty at. best, when they will not because they cannot answer 
 " for themselves ? Is not this to be self-condemned ? To 
 "put the stumbling block of their iniquity before their 
 " faces, and then come to enquire of the Lord ? 
 
 " This I should think were enong'h to rouse the conscience 
 " of any dissenter that is not hardened to a stone. I'm 
 " sure if I was a dissenter, it would prick me to the heart. 
 "And till I could give an answer to what has been said in 
 " these papers, I would never go to a meeting, lest I perish- 
 " ed in their sin : I would not receive their sacraments, 
 " lest I offered their provocations : and should think myself 
 ' guil'y of the blood of my child, if 1 brought it to their 
 ' baptism : at least my own blood would lie upon my 
 ' HEAD, if I did it with a doubting mind, while I could 
 ' have that baptism which was undisputed to make my 
 ' child a member of the church. And how can he who has 
 ' thrust himself out of the Church, admit another to be a
 
 xiii 
 
 "member of it? Can I make another free of any carpora- 
 " tion who am not free myself ? No. If I am baptized by 
 " a schismatic, I am baptized into this schism, and made a 
 " member of it, and not of the church against which he is 
 " in rebellion and open defiance to it. The children of 
 "Korah, Dathan and Abiram, were swallowed np with 
 "them. If we will hazard ourselves, let us have some com- 
 "patxion for onr innocent children ! 
 
 " The charge upon them is very, very heavy ; I must con- 
 " fess it is exceeding heavy, but it is as true, as it is great. I 
 " know it will raise the indie/nation of many of them, and 
 " I sbull hear it from all hands. What ! say they, would he 
 "un-church us, and annul our sacraments? would he 
 " make the ordinary ministrations of our ministers as lit- 
 "tle valid, and more guilty, than if performed by &mid- 
 " wife in case of necessity ? Where, where is the modera- 
 "tion of this man ? Where is his charity ? He makes all 
 "our meetings to be assemblies of Korah, in rebellion 
 " against God ! We are not able to bear it we will not 
 "bear it It is not fit that such a man should live upon the 
 " earth. All this I expect to hear. And now I desire them 
 " to bear my defence. I hope they are not all provoked be- 
 " yond the bounds of reason." 
 
 His anticipations indeed proved only too true, as he found 
 to his cost. But he proceeds again in the following strain. 
 [Page 120.] " Now I beseech the Dissenters, as they would 
 " avoid the fierce anger of God, to look upon their own sin, 
 "in the example given of it in Korah, and which St. Jude 
 " says is an example to those who separate themselves in the 
 " Christian church. 
 
 " Now let the Dissenters see if there be one circumstance 
 "of difference betwixt their case and that of Korah ? And 
 "their pretences are the very same; even at this day, they 
 " have not departed from the very words of Korah, for do 
 " they not say to their bishops, Ye take too much upon ye ? 
 " And do they not give the same reason, the holiness of the 
 "people, who are GOD'S heritage, and that the bishops do lift 
 " up themselves and lord it over the heritage of Christ ? 
 " Are not these then their verv words ? And the same pre- 
 ' tences and the words of Korah against Aaron ? and 
 'have they not made it apparent, that their design was the 
 ' same with that of Korah, to seize upon the priesthood for 
 ' themselves ? And have they not lorded it over the people 
 ' with tenfold, the rigor that ever was shewed by the bish- 
 " ops ? The little finger of Presbytert/ was thicker than the 
 " loins of Episcopacy ! [as I can fully, and will, make ap- 
 " pear if it be deny 'a.]" 
 
 \_Page 124.] " And who can appoint an ambassador but the 
 " King who sends him ? Who else can give him his autfio- 
 ' rity ? How otherwise is the King obliged to ratify what 
 ' is signed by his ambassadors in his name pursuant to his 
 ' instructions ? As it is treason for any subject to presume 
 ' to send an ambassador in the name of his King, it is real- 
 ' ly taking upon himself to be King. So it is the greatest
 
 " blasphemy for any man or me n to take upon them to ap- 
 " point priests for GOD, that is, in plain consequence, usurp- 
 ' ing the prerogative of God, and, as much as in our power, 
 ' to dethrone him and set up ourselves in his place. 
 
 "The Apostles call themselves ambassadors of Christ. 
 ' Aud now I speak not, (God forbid I should) of any of those 
 ' learned and truly pious gentlemen who are teachers either 
 ' here .or in other parts of the world ; but it is well 
 ' known and confessed by all who know anything of the 
 ' matter, that the Christian priesthood was never so shame- 
 ' fully debased, as it has been this hundred years last past, 
 ' since Christianity has been in the world. I say, the Apos- 
 ' ties called themselves ambassadors of Christ, And now, 
 ' every Tag, Raff, and Long-tail call themselves his ambassa- 
 ' dors too, by a call from the people ! Good God, how has 
 ' the priesthood been vilified of late ! Was it a glory to 
 ' Chri.it to be made a priest 7 and now from this vile prosti- 
 ' tution of it, it is come to be thought (among some men) 
 ' the meanest of employments and hardly befitting a gentle- 
 1 man ! " 
 
 It was in this style that John Checkley saw fit to express 
 himself at the very moment when the community was most 
 intensely excited by fears and apprehensions of the spread 
 of Episcopacy. His offence was really the insult which he 
 offered to the religious convictions and long-established and 
 warmly-cherished belief of his fellow-citizens. But it was 
 not politic to persecute him for his High-Church views alone, 
 or his attack upon the " Established order " in the country. 
 He denied, indeed, that they were established, and arrogantly 
 termed them Dissenters ; and this position he adhered to, 
 also, in his de!ence. But in the view of public opinion, this 
 could only have aggravated the offence. 
 
 Doctor Colman probably reflected the common sentiment 
 of the country on this subject when he said (Life of Colman, 
 138) in his letter to Bishop Kennett: " By our present Char- 
 ' ter, granted by King William and Queen Mary, our 
 ' Churches are here the Legal Establishment, and our Minis- 
 ' ters, both in respect of their Induction and Maintenance, 
 ' are the King's Ministers, as much as even the Church of 
 ' England Ministers are in any of the other Provinces. . . 
 ' But when I say that our Churches and Ministers here are 
 ' established by the King's Laws, I would pray your Lord- 
 ' ship not to understand 'me, in opposition to the Church of 
 ' England, for so they are not: but if any town will choose 
 ' a gentleman of the Church of England for their Pastor 
 ' or Rector, they are at their liberty, and he is their Min- 
 ' ister by the laws of our Province, as much as any Con- 
 ' gregational Minister among us is so. So far is our Estab- 
 ' Tishment from excluding others from the common Rights 
 1 of Men and Christians, and I hope ever will remain so." 
 
 Checkley, of course, took a very different view of the case, 
 and one which, must have tempted many to wish that the 
 question might be brought to a legal arbitrament. Moreo-
 
 XV 
 
 ver, the people of Massachusetts had never before had such 
 a specimen of ecclesiastical defiance thrown at them. " Dis- 
 tent" was bearded in its own chosen domain ; and the 
 children of the Puritans were confronted with a H gh Church- 
 ism, worthy the palmiest days of Archbishop Laud. 
 
 But how could the offender be reached ? It was impolitic 
 to commence any action against him, simply for his religious 
 or ecclesiastical views, even if that were possible. The 
 Ministers who were ready to fall upon the Modest Proof, etc., 
 as soon as it appeared, would not deign to notice the Dis- 
 course Concerning Episcopacy. 
 
 It is true that the Congregational Clergy paid no attention 
 generally in a controversial way to the Discourse on Episco- 
 pacy, appended to Leslie's Short Method. They must have 
 known that its virulent style would render it comparatively 
 harmless, and that the N on juror principles which it set 
 forth, ni-d especially its views on the subject of Baptism, 
 were offensive to many Episcopalians. Indeed, the next year 
 after the book was published, the Bishop of London wrote 
 over to Miles, one of the Episcopal Clergymen in Boston, a 
 letter which indicated his sympathies strongly enough to sat- 
 isfy a man like Doctor Colman.* The Congregational Min- 
 isters may very reasonably have preferred, on other grounds 
 than relieving themselves from controversy, to take no notice 
 of Checkley's publication. 
 
 But among them there was one exception. Thomas Wal- 
 ter, Checkley's old friend and companion, as well as antago- 
 nist in controversy, now came into the field em /ittered 
 somewhat perhaps with his Essay on that Paradox, Infalli- 
 bility may sometimes Mistake, or a Etplij to a Discourse con- 
 cerning Episcopacy, said in a late Pamphlet to be beyond the 
 Possibility of Reply. To which is prefixed Some JKemarks 
 tipon said Pamphlet, Entitled A Discourse shewing who is a 
 True Pastor of the Church of Christ, as also Remarks vpon 
 St. Ignatius' Epistle to the Trallians. By a Son of Martin 
 Mar Prelate. 
 
 In this duodecimo of one hundred and twenty pages, 
 (1724) Walter goes far toward paying back Checkley in his 
 own coin. He says, for instance, " The Discourse of Episco- 
 "pacy,to which 'I am about to make a reply, is Lesly's, 
 
 * Wells says, in page 19 of his Heal Advantages, that the 
 Bishop of London, on the third of September, 1724, about a 
 year after Checkley's book was published and sold in Boston, 
 wrote to the Itev. Mr. Miles concerning the dispute on the 
 validity of Baptism by persons not episcopally ordained: 
 " Considering the views with which this doctrine has been 
 " lately advanced here by the Non-jurors, if any Missionary 
 " shall renew this controversy, and advance the same, I shall 
 " esteem him an enemy to the Church of England and the 
 " Protestant Succession, and shall deal with him accord- 
 " iugly."
 
 " which he wrote in answer to the Quakers." " This Sneak- 
 " ing Plagiary, by foisting in a few of his crude notions, and 
 " impudent railleries against our Clergy and Country, sup- 
 " poses to secure to himself the. honor (tho 1 1 profess but a 
 "very small one) of being the author of the whole book." 
 (Page 26.) 
 
 The most plausible ground of Proceeding was to arraign 
 Checkley for his 1ST on Jurism, or at least to place this in the 
 foreground, and make it a cover for the real offence. He 
 would thus be deprived of sympathy from the friends of the 
 English Government, or at least of the Royal family, and 
 could entertain no hope of relief by appeal to the King or 
 Parliament. 
 
 In Checkley's Speech which follows, the facts of the trial 
 are brought to view. He was first arraigned before an infe- 
 rior Court, but was allowed to bring his case to the higher 
 Court and have a Jury trial. His own defence is able "and 
 ingenious, while it reveals a man who would not shrink 
 from maintaining the most obnoxious positions. He was 
 fined fifty pounds to the King, and required to enter into re- 
 cognizance in the sum of one hundred pounds, with two 
 sureties in the sum of fifty pounds each, for his good beha- 
 vior for six months, and also pay costs of prosecution. 
 
 Three years after the close of his trial, he visited England 
 (1727) with a view of obtaining Holy orders in the English 
 Church. He was then forty-seven years old. But a letter, 
 signed by two Congregational Ministers, John Barnard and 
 Edward Holyoke, of Marblehead, was sent to Doctor Gibson, 
 Bishop of London, stating that Checkley " was a bitter ene- 
 " my to other denominations, a Non Juror, and that he had 
 " not a liberal education." The Bishop read the letter to 
 Governor Shute, then in England, who confirmed its state- 
 ments, and in consequence, Checkley was refused ordination, 
 and returned to this country still a layman. 
 
 On a second application, in 1739, Checkley was more suc- 
 cessful. At the ripe age of fifty-nine years he was ordained 
 by the Bishop of Exeter. He returned to this country, and 
 was sent as a Missionary to Providence, Rhode Island. There 
 he ministered, officiating at intervals, at Warwick and Attle- 
 borough, for fourteen years. He died on the fifteenth of 
 February, 1753. 
 
 It may not be amiss to notice here the later results of 
 Checkley's publication. 
 
 Nothing ever was published in New England probably, on 
 the Episcopal side of the question, so exasperating as this 
 volume. The circulation of it was revived ("secretly" says 
 Wells) in Connecticut, in the heat of the controversy be- 
 tween Hobart and Wells on one side, and Wetmore, Beach, 
 and Johnson on the other. But it proved somewhat unfor- 
 tunate, by provoking Wells of Stamford, to publish (anony- 
 mously) a pamphlet, which for popular effect was doubtless 
 more than an offset to any Discourse on Episcopacy, and 
 which none would have relished better than "A SON OF 
 " MABTIN MAB PBELATE." 

 
 Most of Wells's controversial writings are very decorous 
 and unexceptionable. They have indeed been warmly com- 
 mended by persons who did not sympathize with his side of 
 the controversy. He did not hesitate to affix his name to 
 them, nor did he forfeit respect by doiusr so. But he seems to 
 have been provoked to retaliation by the circulation, at this 
 stage of the controversy, of Checkley's book. He most effec- 
 tively replied to it, by taking only the slightest notice of it ; 
 but presenting another phase of the matter in which he con- 
 tends more as a humorist than as a logician, and in which, of 
 course, he is never thrown off his guard by losing his temper. 
 
 The pamphlet of Noah Wells on the Real Advantages of 
 joining the Episcopal Church (8vo. pp. 47, 1762,) was pub- 
 lished anonymously, but for literary ability was worthy the 
 reputation of the ablest \yriters of the day. It is composed 
 in an ironical vein not unlike that of Swift's argument against 
 abolishing Christianity, and administers, under the guise of 
 a friendly anxiety for another, the sharpest rebukes of the 
 Episcopal polity and practice in this country. 
 
 The Episcopal Church he represents as overshadowed by 
 no repulsive, melancholy doctrines, or such teachings as are 
 to be found in the writings of Doddridge, Stoddard, Willard, 
 or Colman. The New York College which it had established, 
 promised to be " a relief to polite young gentlemen who are 
 " sick of the severities they are obliged to suffer at other Col- 
 " leges." They will be able to get Degrees without over- 
 much application to their studies. 
 
 Moreover, if a man becomes a minister in Sew England, 
 he must not only have professed " this mystical jargon of 
 " Calvinism " himself, but he must diligently explain and 
 warmly recommend " these ridiculous whims " to his people. 
 Otherwise, he could not receive a license. To this it is 
 essential that he should give " as our famous Mr. Rhind es> 
 " presses it," " a long senseless story of the manner of God's 
 "dealing with the souls of the elect, etc." 
 
 Another advantage afforded is, that none need scruple sub- 
 scription to Articles which have no determinate sense. He 
 need not feel himself in the least hampered thereby. The 
 gentle discipline of the Church is also a recommendation. 
 It insists on no Puritanic Sunday. In its history is embodied 
 the account of the Book of Sports enjoined to be read in the 
 Churches by James I. and endorsed by his successor, Charles 
 I. The Episcopal Church is not over scrupulous on such 
 matters. It is engaged to its policy by its inveterate preju- 
 dice against Dissenters who murdered the " Royal Martyr." 
 Hence among its adherents no grave melancholy airs are put 
 on. " An inviolable regard to the 'Royal Martyr' teaches 
 " us how to keep Sunday." 
 
 The disturbances occasioned by the Missionaries of the 
 Episcopal Church in provoking controversies and divisions 
 are exposed by transparent plausibilities. The Church itself 
 is commended by the fact that having a King at its head, 
 makes it more polite and fashionable. A great many Deists 
 
 3 

 
 are allured to It by this means, and make very good church- 
 men. 
 
 4n another respect there is a great advantage in joining 
 "the Church." The prayers are ready printed. Its members 
 do not sit drowsily idle. They have a part to act. The his- 
 torical character of the prayer, moreover, as that on occasion 
 of the Gunpowder-plot, makes us who join in them better 
 acquainted with history, and " more learned than the Dis- 
 " senters." The fact also, that the prayer-book contains no 
 forms for secret prayer is a great relief by which " our peo- 
 " pie " are delivered from an irksome task. Bowing, more- 
 over, is a considerable part of our religion, and of consequence 
 renders us more expert at this senteel part of behaviour. 
 
 Those who officiate have no need to rack their invention 
 in prayer. This is an excellent advantage for young gentle- 
 men who "desire to be preachers, and are conscious to 
 " themselves that they don't pray very often, and are but 
 "little gifted that way." The prayers are so repeated that 
 the time of service is well filled up, and the Sermon need not 
 be more than fifteen minutes long, no small advantage to 
 young clergymen who are not very well acquainted with the 
 Scriptures, and are less studied in Divinity. 
 
 " The Church " too has " wonderful decent ceremonies." 
 They tend to allure Papists far more than the bald worship of 
 Presbyterians. Baptism by Sponsors provides that the rite 
 may be performed in a polite genteel manner. Godfathers 
 and Godmothers may oe selected' from the most respectable 
 families, and thus gain greater respect for the ceremony. 
 The sign of the cross also " waves devotion " over the whole 
 ordinance. The kneeling, too, is a very reverent posture. 
 The robes of the clergyman have the advantage of comeli- 
 ness. " Can a man put on a black gown and not be sincerely 
 " devout, or a white surplice and his hands not be clean and 
 " his heart pure ? " 
 
 Christmas also fills our hearts so full of joy and gratitude 
 to Christ, whose birth we then celebrate, that " we drink 
 " most cheerfully in remembrance of him, and spare neither 
 " punch nor good Madeira." 
 
 The Music of the Church is greatly improved by organs 
 which " charm the ear, ravish the heart, and carry the souls 
 " of churchmen ia raptures to heaven." 
 
 Nor does " the Church " impose any rigorous discipline, 
 which is a thing exceedingly distasteful to fashionable gen- 
 tlemen. The introduction of lay Chancellors to discharge 
 offices for the Church conduces to light censures, while offi- 
 cers can become religious, as they ought to be, by the easy 
 method of partaking of the Sacraments. A man who pro- 
 poses to enter the Ministry may likewise secure a good tem- 
 poral support by turning Missionary for " the Church." The 
 Honorable Society who sustain him are honorable paymas- 
 ters.* The poor Dissenting Ministers, if they get their full 
 
 * There was more truth than irony in this statement. John
 
 salary, must take it in paper, while he is paid in silver and 
 gold, and is as much better off than they as gold is better 
 than paper. Besides all this, he may get all he can out of his 
 hearers, in addition to what the Society gives. 
 
 His task moreover is comparatively light. '' A Missionary 
 " who has bought a good stock of penny sermons, may fol- 
 " low his diversions or practise physic, all the week, and yet 
 " preach a tolerable sermon on Sunday. He is accountable 
 " to the Society only for his conduct." (Page 40.) 
 
 Nor is this all. He has the chance to rise to preferment. 
 The high dignities of the Church are open to him. " The 
 " great Cardinal Wolsey was a butcher's son." Here, then, 
 are preferments and benefices to fire the ambition of young 
 clergymen of learning and parts. 
 
 The writer confesses that he has dwelt on these temporal 
 advantages mainly, but it has been because the hinge of the 
 whole controversy turns on them. In fact there are good 
 grounds to believe that there are ten times as many converts 
 made by them, as by all other arguments put together. Still 
 he will make a few remarks on the advantages which the 
 church offers for the world to come. 
 
 Churchmen as a class, he holds, are less affected than others 
 with fears about future punishment. Presbyterians allow 
 that all who are regenerated shall be saved, but the Church 
 of England regenerates all her members by baptism, " wa- 
 " ving over them the sign of the cross, by which they become 
 " faithful disciples of the crucified Jesus." 
 
 There are troubles among the Dissenters also, from which 
 Churchmen have no apprehension. In New Hampshire, the 
 former have remodeled the Assembly's Catechism. At Bos- 
 ton a celebrated D.I).* at the head of a large party, boldly 
 and openly ridicules the doctrines of the Catechism. In 
 Courecticut, an Ordination Council proves that t ere is no 
 ecclesiastical Constitution of the Colony. 
 
 " The Church of England," he says, with special reference 
 to Hart and Todd, who defended the proceedings at Duna's 
 Ordination, at Walliugford, " will no doubt return her hearty 
 " thanks to those sayacious gentlemen who have taken so 
 
 Brainerd's salary as a Missionary to the Indians,- where he 
 was constantly called upon to relieve the needy, was only 
 forty pounds; yet he remarks, in a letter published in Eng- 
 land, in 1753, " Sundry of our Missionaries from the Society 
 " for Propagating the Gospel in Foreign Parts have sixty, 
 " and some seventy,besides something very considerable from 
 " their people ; I believe near half as much more." Braiuerd 
 questions whether such expenditure was wise or in accord- 
 ance with the intent of the founders and donors of the So- 
 ciety, supplying a plentiful and populous country like New 
 England, and sinking " thousands of pounds annually only 
 " to gratify a few sticklers for a party." Life of John Drav- 
 nerd, 2C-!. 
 ' Rev. Dr. Mayhew is meant.
 
 " much pains to discover, and point out to the world, the 
 " weakness and inconsistency of this (Saybrook) Platform." 
 He closes by intimating that if this letter should be servicea- 
 ble and the one addressed should conform and take orders, 
 he could give him further directions for the successful man- 
 agement of his mission, which would furnish materials for 
 another long letter. 
 
 The Real Advantages, &c., evidently hit the mark at which 
 its Author aimed. John Beach of Newtown, the former an- 
 tagonist of the two Dickinsons, felt called upon to reply to it 
 in A Friendly Expostulation with all persons concerned in 
 publishing a late Pamphlet entitled The Real Advantages, 
 &c. This was an octavo of forty-five pages, published at 
 New York in 1763. It is quite a tame production by the side 
 of Wells's pamphlet. The Author complains and laments, 
 and seems disposed to assume the tone and bearing of one 
 who is injured and wronged without having offered provoca- 
 tion. 
 
 The controversy seems to have closed with a publication 
 from the pen of the Congregational Minister of Newtown, 
 who was of course Beach's neighbor, as well as his successor 
 there. Beach it seems had published subsequently to his 
 Friendly Expostulation, &c., another pamphlet entitled A 
 Familiar Conference, &c.,and upon its appearance was issued 
 Remarks upon a late Pamphlet entitled A Familiar Confer- 
 ence, Published by the Rev. John Beach. In several Letters 
 to a Friend. By David Judson, Minister of the Gospel in 
 Newtown. New Haven : 1765. Octavo, pp. 22. 
 
 In the preface to this, Judson speaks of the preceding 
 Pamphlet by Beach, in which he complains of his course. 
 But the main controversy now has degenerated into a dis- 
 cussion of Arminian questions, and faith and works. In- 
 deed the interest of it was soon to be effectually superseded 
 by the publications of the two respective champions of 
 Presbyterian and Episcopal ordination, Dr. Charles Chauncy, 
 of Boston, and Dr. Thomas Bradbury Chandler, of Eliza- 
 bethtown, New Jersey. Their writings commanded indeed 
 the attention of the whole country; and Checkley and his 
 opponents were heard of no more. 
 
 HABUUI, N. Y. E. H. GIU.BTT.
 
 THE 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 Mr. JOHN CHECKLEY, 
 
 UPON HIS 
 
 T R YA L, 
 
 At Bofton in NEW-ENGLAND, 
 
 For PUBLISHING 
 
 The Short and Eafy METHOD with the Deifts: 
 To which was added, A Difcourfe concern- 
 ing EPISCOPACY; In Defence of Cbrifti- 
 anity, and the CHURCH <?/" ENGLAND, 
 againft the JBcistS and 
 
 To which is ADDED, 
 
 The Jury's Verdift; His Plea in Arrest of 
 
 Judgment; and the Sentence of Court. 
 
 The SECOND EDITION. 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed byj. A?pi.EBEE,in Salt-Court, Fleet Street^ 
 
 M.DCC. XXXVIII.
 
 THE 
 
 SPEECH 
 
 OF 
 
 Mr. JOHN CHECKLET, 
 
 Upon his Tryal at Bofton in 
 New England, ffr. 
 
 May it please your Honours, a?id you, 
 Gentlemen of the Jury ; 
 
 My Counsel having made so very good a De- 
 fence on my Behalf, the saying any thing for 
 myself may seem needless and unnecessary. 
 
 And indeed it would be so, if the charge against 
 me was not out of the common Road, and very 
 extraordinary. 
 
 But (may it please your Honours) I am repre- 
 sented as a Person Guilty on many Accounts : 1st, 
 For wickedly and maliciously imagining and con- 
 triving, l>y the Subtilty of Arguments, to draw 
 into Dispute his present Majesty's Title to the
 
 Crown, &c. 2dly, Of scandalizing the Ministers 
 of the Gospel by Law established in this Pro- 
 vince. 3dly, I am charged with falsifying the 
 holy Scriptures. ^thly, With representing the 
 Church of Rome as the present Mother Church ; 
 and lastly, with raising Divisions, Jealousies, 
 and Animosities among his Majesty's loving Sub- 
 jects of this Province. 
 
 These are Crimes of a very heinous Nature ; 
 and had they been as fully proved as they have 
 been strongly suggested in the Indictment, I must 
 acknowledge I should deserve a very severe Pun- 
 ishment. 
 
 Since then the charge against me is so very ex- 
 traordinary ; since these Proceedings, and the Me- 
 thods of my Prosecution seem to be something 
 NEW in this Country ; and since I am so fully con- 
 scious of the Innocencyof my Intentions, and that 
 I had no Malice in my Heart : I believe your 
 Honours will readily allow, that to be silent, at 
 this Juncture, would look like an Argument of 
 Guilt, and be truly Criminal. 
 
 With your Honours Permission, then, I shall go 
 on, and will endeavour to take up no more Time, 
 than to advert to such Things, not so fully in- 
 sisted on by my Counsel, as will further shew the 
 Innocency of my Intentions, and that I had no 
 Malice in my Heart, nor designed any thing against 
 the Government. 
 
 May it please your Honours, 
 
 and you, Gentlemen of the Jury ; 
 The first Passage pretended to be against the 
 Government is this, P. 63. "As the Necessity 
 ' ' of Government, and the general Commands in 
 " Scripture of Obedience to Government, do re- 
 " quire our Submission to the Government in be- 
 ' ' ing, where there is no Competition concerning
 
 " the Titles ; that is, where no one claims a better 
 "Right than the Possessor:" thereby (saith the 
 Indictment) subtilly, by Arguments, to traduce 
 and draw into Dispute the undoubted Right and 
 Title of our said Lord the King, &c. 
 
 But this was not designed, nor can it possibly 
 be wrested, to hurt the Title of his present Ma- 
 jesty ; unless any Person will make it appear, 
 that another hath a better title to the Crown than 
 his present Majesty ; which I am sure is not aver- 
 red here, nor any thing like it. For the whole 
 Sentence is no more than an hypothetic Proposi- 
 tion concerning Government in general (without 
 any averment of any particular Government) ; 
 and founded upon this Maxim of the Law, that 
 "bare Possession is a good Title, till a letter can le 
 produced. 
 
 But, (may it please your Honours) to shew 
 you farther, that I had no evil Design against the 
 (jovernmcnt, I beg Leave to remark, and to shew 
 wherein I industriously alter'd the Phrase, to pre- 
 vent any such Misapplication of it. 
 
 In the Book from whence this Passage is tran- 
 scrib'd, the Words run thus ; P. 36. " As the 
 ' Necessity of Government, and the general Com- 
 ' mands in Scripture of obedience to Govern- 
 ' ment, do require our Submission to the Gov- 
 ' eminent in being, where there is no Competition 
 ' concerning the Titles, or any that claims a better 
 ' Right than the Possessor." 
 
 Here I beg your Honours, and you Gentlemen 
 of the Jury, to observe, that these expressions, 
 where there is no Competition concerning the Titles, 
 or any that claims in letter Right than the Posses- 
 sor : I say, these expressions in this Book, are not 
 explanatory one of the other, but are disjunct ; 
 and by the Assistance of a few, useful Innu- 
 endo's, this expression, where there is no Compe- 
 
 4
 
 tion concerning the Titles, might have been so 
 dress'd up, as to have looked like something against 
 the present Government. For every body knows, 
 that there is a Competition concerning the Title 
 to the Crown of England. 
 
 But to prevent all Possibility of mistake con- 
 cerning this Expression, and that it might not be 
 pressed and forced to fight against the Govern- 
 ment whether it would or not ; in this very Book 
 it is explained in such a manner as (seems to me) 
 to make it almost impossible for any one but an 
 Enemy to the present Government, so much as to 
 think that these Words were designed against 
 it. 
 
 For in this Boole, these Words, where there is 
 no Competition concerning the Titles, are imme- 
 diately explained in this Manner : THAT is, where 
 no one claims a better Right than the Possessor. 
 
 And by the Words, claims a better Right, 
 must mean, justly claims a tetter Right. 
 
 And indeed it is impossible to force it to have 
 any other Meaning, if the preceeding and sub- 
 sequent Matter, and the Design and Scope of the 
 Argument be considered. 
 
 For it is an Argument with the Dissenters from 
 the Church of England, in this Manner, viz. 
 Episcopacy was instituted by Christ, for the 
 standing and perpetual Government of his 
 Church. 
 
 That Form of Government still exists in the 
 Church of England. 
 
 Therefore, supposing that the present Bishops 
 did not derive there power by an uninterrupted 
 Succession from the Apostles, but were appointed 
 by the King, or by some others not having Epis- 
 copal Power ; yet since they govern according to 
 that Form which Christ appointed, tho' they did 
 not come regularly by it, they ought to be obeyed,
 
 until some other person shall come and make it 
 appear that they have a tetter Right to govern the 
 Church, than those in actual possession. 
 
 And the Reason for such Obedience is given, 
 viz. That if it were not so, a Door would be 
 opened to let in Anarchy and endless Confusion, 
 if every bold Pretender to a Right should be 
 hearkened to, and his BARE Pretensions, should 
 be sufficient to alienate the Obedience of the Peo- 
 ple, from those in actual Possession. 
 
 This (may it please your Honours) is the Argu- 
 ment. Now nothing is more plain, than that 
 every different Sect among the Dissenters, ex- 
 pressly affirm their own particular form of (what 
 they call) Church Government to be of Christ's 
 Institution, and claim a better Right to the Gov- 
 ernment of the Church than the Bishops, whom 
 they call Usurpers ; (particular Instances of 
 which I am ready to produce ; but shall wave it, 
 believing it would be no pleasure to your Hon- 
 ours at this time, to hear with what scurrility 
 some imprudent men have treated that venerable 
 Order :) I say each differing Sect among the Dis- 
 senters claim a better Right than the Bishops ; yet 
 the Bishops and they only ought to be obeyed : 
 
 Why ? Because none of these Dissenters have 
 ever yet made it appear, that their claim is JUST. 
 
 May it please your Honours : This is the whole 
 Design and Drift of the Argument; and I have 
 been thus long upon it, to make it appear to your 
 Honours, and to you Gentlemen of the Jury, 
 that is impossible to cloath these Words, claims 
 a better RIGHT ; with any other meaning than 
 JUSTLY claims a better right ; for otherwise, the 
 Argument would have no design, but would be 
 glaring Nonsense, and Contradiction to the im- 
 mediately proceeding and consequent Matter, and 
 to the Scope and design of the whole Book.
 
 8 
 
 I hope your Honours, and you, Gentlemen of 
 the Jury, will not take more notice of an Innu- 
 endo an Inference, or Insinuation, than of an ex- 
 press Declaration. And if there are any Words 
 which seem to bear a doubtful Meaning, I hope 
 your Honours will in all such cases incline to the 
 most favorable Side. 
 
 May it please your Honours, it is a known Kulc 
 in the Roman Law, In ambiguis orationibus max- 
 ime sententia spectanda est ejus qui eas protulis- 
 set. Wherever Words are capable of a double 
 Construction, there the Intention of the Speaker 
 is chiefly to be looked after and attended too. 
 
 I have solemnly declared, that I industriously 
 altered the phrase, and with this very intention, 
 vis. to prevent any Misapplication of it, as if it 
 was design' d against the Government. 
 
 Every Man hath a right to explain his own In- 
 tentions ; and obscure expressions must not (I 
 hope) have Meanings put upon them, contrary to 
 express Declarations. 
 
 This is a Rule in all common and civil Cases be- 
 tween Man and Man ; but in criminal Cases, there 
 that Law exacts a stricter and a nicer Proof. 
 Wherever the Life or Liberty of a Citizen is con- 
 cern' d, there the Proofs ought to be Luce meridi- 
 ana clariora, as evident as the Sun at Noonday. 
 
 But (may it please your Honours) what proofs 
 have been produced, and in what Form have they 
 appear' d ? Verily, in no very comely Form ! 
 For they are nothing but bare and naked Inu- 
 endo's and Insinuations. 
 
 May it please your Honours, I mention these 
 Maxims of the Roman Law, only as they are 
 agreeable to the common Sense and Understand- 
 ing of Mankind, as Rules of Reason and Equity :* 
 and which (I would pers wade myself ) your Hon- 
 ours will always make the Rule of your Actions.
 
 9 
 
 Since therefore, I affirm, that there is no per- 
 son, who JUSTLY claims a better Right to the 
 Crown of England than his present Majesty, I 
 hope your Honours will be of my opinion, that 
 he who shall start at this Passage, and say, that 
 it is against the present Government, looks like 
 an Enemy to it ; for, without an Innuendo, it 
 plainly intimates, that he thinks some other per- 
 son besides his present Majesty, JUSTLY claims a 
 tetter Title : which is by no means asserted in 
 this Passage, nor in any part of the Book ; but 
 the direct contrary. 
 
 Wherefore I have an humble confidence, that 
 your Honours, and you Gentlemen of the Jury, 
 will not think this passage sufficient to make the 
 Boole a Libel, nor me guilty. 
 
 The next (pretended) scandalous Clause is this, 
 pay. 107. "Let then the Commonwealth-men and 
 ' the orators for the Power of the People, (if they 
 ' will argue fairly and upon the square with us) 
 'set down the time when Monarchy did b3gin 
 ' in the World, and see if this Clew will not lead 
 'them up to the Division of the Nations after 
 ' the Flood, which I am sure no man (who has 
 ' seen that Account which Holy Scripture gives 
 us of it) will venture to say, was done by the 
 ' People. 
 
 Thereby (saith the Indictment) meaning and 
 insinuating, that the Title of our said Lord the 
 King to the Crown was not good. Now to evince 
 beyond all Contradiction, that these Expressions 
 likewise, bear not the least Resemblance of any 
 Reflection, upon His Majesty's Title to the Crown, 
 I most humbly entreat your Honours to hear me 
 patiently, while I represent the true design of 
 this Argument, and the impious Schemes against 
 which it militates. 
 
 First then: The Deists, (those Men who
 
 10 
 
 would turn the World, and even God and Nature, 
 upside down !) these men foolishly dream of an 
 independent State of Nature ; that is to say, they 
 affirm, that once upon a time (though they never 
 yet could tell when) all Mankind were upon a 
 Level, and that there was no such thing as Govern- 
 ment in the world, and that Tom, Diet, and Har- 
 ry, ay, every individual Man, Woman, and 
 Child had a right to the whole World ; therefore, 
 since God had not instituted any Government, 
 they, the People, all of 'em met together, and (to 
 prevent the dire Confusion that might happen 
 upon the bloody Scramble that was like to ensue) 
 they erected Government. 
 
 This (may it please your Honours) is the Scheme 
 of the Deists : And I am sure I need not tell you, 
 that it is a direct Contradiction to the Holy 
 Scriptures ; and these Deists not believing one 
 Word in those sacred pages, no wonder they 
 talk so wildly. 
 
 It was the want of Revelation that made the 
 ancient Sages grope so in the dark, and have such 
 strange Notions concerning the Or iff in of the 
 World, of Mankind, and of Government. 
 
 The Wisdom (even) of Aristotle could never 
 give a Solution to this single Question, Which was 
 first, the Hen or the Egg ? If he said The Egg 
 Then how came this Egg here, unless some Hen 
 
 laid it ? If he said, the Hen was first. 
 
 Then from whence came this Hen but from some 
 Egg which must be before it ? 
 
 This was an inextricable difficulty with Aris- 
 totle. But a slender acquaintance with the first 
 Chapter of Genesis would have informed him, 
 that as God" made the first Hen, from which all of 
 the same species have been derived ; so he like- 
 wise created the World and Mankind, and actual- 
 ly instituted a particular Form of Government,
 
 11 
 
 giving to one Man the Dominion over the World, 
 aud over all that he had created in it. 
 
 The God of Order did not create a number of 
 People all at once, without order and Govern- 
 ment, and then leave them to scramble for Pro- 
 perty and Dominion, as some Deistical Republi- 
 cans would have us believe contrary to the express 
 Words of Scripture. 
 
 And to show that I do not abuse them, tho' 
 I could bring a Multitude of Quotations from their 
 own writings ; (but that I may not take up too 
 much of your Honours time) I shall only produce 
 three lines from their Veteran Mercenary, their 
 oracle, Daniel de Foe, who certainly knew his 
 own Scheme, 
 
 To be as free as Nature first made Man, 
 E'er the base Laws of Servitude began, 
 When wild in Woods the noble Savage ran. 
 
 This is their wild Notion of an independent 
 State of Nature. 
 
 But the Vanity and Falsehood of this brutal 
 Scheme is detected, as with a Sunbeam, from the 
 Holy Scriptures, from the first of Genesis, and 
 from the Book of Job, where we are told (accord- 
 ing to one Translation) Tliat vain Man is puffd 
 up with Pride, and thinkshimself free-born like a 
 Wild Ass's Colt. 
 
 These Men would have all Mankind such Sava- 
 ges. And they are fitly called Beasts, who range 
 themselves in the natural State of Beasts, all inde- 
 pendent, and no Government among them. 
 
 It is this impious and Brutal Notion which the 
 Argument in this Book militates against and des- 
 troys. 
 
 Secondly, The Word PEOPLE is an indefinite 
 Term, and the Republicans could never yet agree 
 concerning its true meaning.
 
 12 
 
 That great Man Mr. Locke expressly says, that 
 the free Vote of every individual is absolutely 
 necessary to the erecting of Government, and, at 
 the same time, says that it is impossible to "be had. 
 And nothing is more certain than this, that no 
 Country or Nation can be produced, where every 
 one of the People hath a free Vote in the choice of 
 their Rulers. And it is likewise certain, that at 
 the very time -when the Democracy was most in 
 Vogue, in ancient Greece and Home, all the com- 
 mon People had not a Vote at the Election of 
 their Magistrates. 
 
 The Athenian Rabble did not chuse the Demar- 
 
 chi, (Here the Chief Judge interrupted and 
 
 said, the Court can't spend their Time in hearing 
 you talk about the Greeks and Romans. It is 
 nothing to your Case.) 
 
 May it please your Honour. By the Statutes 
 of Magna Charta chap. 29. 5 Edw. III. chap. 
 9. and 23 Edw. HI. chap. 5. No man ought to 
 be condemned without Answer. Coke's 4 Instit. 
 38. And my Lord CoTce says in the same place, 
 That the more high and absolute the Jurisdiction 
 of the Court is, the more just and honourable it 
 ought to be in the proceeding, and to give Ex- 
 ample of Justice to inferior Courts. 
 
 I was not suffered to defend myself in the 
 inferior Court ; I beseech your Honours to let me 
 make my Defence. 
 
 (The Chief-justice said, well go on). 
 
 I say thenthat the Athenian Rabble didnot chuse 
 the Demarchi ; 
 
 The Ephori of Sparta were not chosen by the 
 Spartan Mob ; 
 
 Nor did all the Roman Plebeians chuse the 
 Roman Tribunes. 
 
 This wild and impracticable (pretended) Power
 
 of the People, was never reduced to Practice by 
 any Nation, or among any People, And it is only 
 against this rude, confused notion, that the Argu- 
 ment in this book is levell'd. 
 
 Thus much for this licentious, unlimited," pre- 
 tended Power of the People ! 
 
 And as for the pretended Independent State of 
 Nature, I'm sure that could have no Existence at 
 the Time mentioned in the 10th of Genesis; 
 when Nimrod (in prophane History called Belus) 
 was King in Babylon and Asher built Nineveh 
 the seat of the Assyrian Monarchs ; both which 
 are mentioned in that Chapter. 
 
 And from Nimrod we have the names of all the 
 Monarchs, and their Succession, to the end of the 
 Astyrian Monarchy. 
 
 And after that of the Medes and Persians, the 
 Greeks and Romans ; and from the Division of 
 the Roman Empire, we have the Succession to 
 the present Empire of Germany in the West, and 
 the Sultan of Constantinople in the East. 
 
 And in all this Tract of Time, not the least 
 crevice to let in this wild independent State. 
 
 These are publick Matters of Fact in which 
 Mankind cannot be deceived. Therefore the Ar- 
 gument in this Book stands good and firm, and 
 may still, with good Reason, demand of the Re- 
 publicans, at what JEra of time they will bring 
 in their Original State of Nature ! 
 
 And I have the same humble assurance that I 
 had before, that your Honours, and you Gentle- 
 men of the Jury, will not think this demand, nor 
 the Argument against the Power of the People, 
 as I have explained it, any Reflection upon His 
 present Majesty's Title, nor sufficient to make me 
 guilty, nor this Boole a Libel. 
 
 The next and last Passage pretended to be 
 against the government is this, p. 108. "Was 
 5
 
 14 
 
 ' ' there ever a Time in the World when all Mankind 
 ' ' (all but the Usurpers ! ) were all asleep ? 
 
 This Clause likewise hath nothing in it against 
 the Government any more than the foregoing. 
 And to demonstrate that it has not, I must hum- 
 bly beg leave to represent, to your Honours and 
 to the Gentlemen of the Jury, its true and genuine 
 meaning. In the Process of which Representa- 
 tion, I shall be obliged, by the Nature of my 
 Defence, to mention the Asembly of Divines at 
 Westminister, and other Great Men among the 
 Dissenters ; but I shall do it with all due deference 
 to their Characters ; therefore I beseech your 
 Honours to hear me patiently. 
 
 This Question, What think ye, my Friends ? 
 Was there ever a time in the World when all 
 Mankind (all but the Usurpers) were all asleep, 
 is only an ironical Expostulation, with those who 
 affirm the Government of the Church by Bishops 
 to be an Usurpation, and who (with Deists) deny 
 the uninterrupted Succession of the Gospel Minis- 
 try. 
 
 The Book argues the Impossibility of such an 
 Order of Men creeping into the Church all at once, 
 and all the World over, without any Body's 
 Notice or Knowledge ! And the Book is further 
 proving positively, that in fact, these Bishops have 
 always been in the Church since its first Institu- 
 tion, and proves it by this Medium, vie. The 
 Testimony of an uninterrupted Succession of 
 Gospel Ministers. 
 
 And since it is part of the Charge against me, 
 that I have ranked such with Deists who deny 
 the Succession of the Priesthood ; I shall, in the 
 Prosecution of this part of my Defence, (to save 
 time) answer both in one. 
 
 And in order to it I will (with your Honours 
 leave) entreat the Assistance of those Presbyterian
 
 15 
 
 Ministers, the Compilers of the Divine Right of 
 Church Government, approved by the Westmin- 
 ster Assembly, who, when it was objected against 
 them by the Independents, after the first Edition 
 of their Book, that by their Principles, an unin- 
 terrupted Succession of ordained Persons was 
 necessary ; which Succession they could not pre- 
 tend to, unless they would justify the Anti Chris- 
 tian Ordinations of the Church of Rome, &c., 
 they added an Appendix to their Second Edition, 
 wherein they considered the Objection, and re- 
 turned an Answer to it under these two Heads, 
 1st, That the Reformation was begun before the 
 Council of Trent ; and till the Council of Trent 
 the Church of Rome was not so corrupted, as that 
 her Ordinations were null. The Church of Rome 
 could as validly ordain as baptize, and who did 
 ever question the validity of her Baptisms ? 
 
 2dly, The English Clergy had not their Ordi- 
 nations from Rome ; Christianity was verj^ early 
 (Anno 63 or 64) in Great Britain, and Church 
 Officers were then ordained, and a Succession of 
 valid Ordinations was always uninterruptedly con- 
 tinued. 
 
 I must now (with your Honours Permission) 
 seek for some Aid from The Divine Right of the 
 Gospel Ministry, written, at least authorized, by 
 the Provincial Assembly of London, published in 
 the year 1654, which says, that Church Power 
 is first seated in Christ the Head, and from him 
 committed to the Apostles, and from them to 
 Church Officers ; and they alone who have re- 
 ceived it from the Apostles can derive and 
 transmit it to other Ministers. All Ordination by 
 the People is NULL and VOID, as being not only 
 not grounded on Scripture, but against Scrip- 
 ture. 
 
 And to intrude into the Ministerial Office with-
 
 16 
 
 out Ordination, is as the Sin of Korah and his 
 Cjmpany. 
 
 The same Provincial Assembly have much more 
 to this purpose, in their other Treatise, called, 
 The Divine Right of the Ministry of England, 
 from whence (that I may not tire your Honours) 
 I shall quote but a few things. 
 
 Chap. 3. pag. 44. They say they think it no 
 disparagement to their Ministry to say, they re- 
 ceived it from Christ and his Apostles, and from 
 the Primitive Churches, through the impure and 
 corrupt Channel of the Church of Rome, ' ' And, 
 'p. 43. the receiving our Ordination from 
 ' Christ and his Apostles, and the Primitive 
 ' Churches, and so all along thro' the apostate 
 ' Church of Rome, is so far from nullifying our 
 ' Ministry, or disparaging of it, that it is a great 
 ' strengthening of it, when it shall appear to all 
 ' the World, that our Ministry is derived to us 
 ' from Christ and his Apostles, by Succession of 
 ' a Ministry continued in the Church for 1600 
 ' years, and that we have a LINEAL SUCCESSION 
 l from the Apostles." 
 
 Thus far the Westminister Assembly. And 
 were it not intruding too far upon your Honours 
 Patience, I would keep company with my Indict- 
 ment (North about) to that part of Great Britain 
 called Scotland, and shew, that (even) the Gene- 
 ral Assembly of Scotch Presbyterians, held the 
 absolute Necessity of an uninterrupted Succession 
 from the Apostles; which I could abundantly 
 prove ; but shall wave it, and close this part of 
 my Defence, with the Words of that Great and 
 Learned Man, the late Mr. Pemberton in his Dis- 
 course of Ordination, p. 2. "It is not to be dis- 
 puted that Christ has appointed a standing 
 ' ' Gospel Ministry in his Church, to continue to 
 ' ' the Consummation of all things.
 
 17 
 
 "It was not a temporary Constitution, but a 
 4 standing Ordinance, that there should be in all 
 ' Ages of the Church an Order of Men to repre- 
 4 ssnt his Person, publish his Laws, exhibit the 
 ' Promises, and administer Seals and Censures. 
 
 41 This seems evident to a Demonstration, from 
 ' the Promise of Christ's Presence to be with his 
 'Ministers to the end of the World. Matth. 
 ' xxviii. 20. 
 
 Thus far Mr. Pemberton. And I firmly believe 
 that your Honours, and most of the Presbyterian 
 and Congregational Ministers in this Country are 
 of the same Opinion with this Great Man. There- 
 fore I shall say no more upon this Head. 
 
 Believing that what I have offered, will fully 
 convince your Honours, and you Gentlemen of 
 the Jury, what is the true Meaning and Design of 
 this Clause, Was there ever a time in the World 
 when all Mankind (all hut the Usurpers /) were 
 all asleep ; and that it was not spoken concerning 
 Civil Government at all, and therefore impossible 
 to be any Reflection upon his present Majesty's 
 Title to the Crown of England ; and at the same 
 time demonstrate, that the ranking of such Men 
 who deny the uninterrupted Succession of the 
 Priesthood ^tnder the Gospel, with Deists, not- 
 withstanding it is part of the Charge against me, 
 that yet it is no Crime ; even your Honours, the 
 late Mr. Pemberton, the General Assembly of 
 Scotland, and the Assembly of Divines at West- 
 minister, being my Judges. 
 
 With your Honours permission, I shall now 
 descend to another Part of the Charge against 
 me, and of another Nature ; viz. Of scandalizing 
 the Ministers of the Gospel by Law established in 
 this Province. 
 
 And I doubt not but that I shall fully clear 
 myself from this part of the Charge likewise.
 
 18 
 
 Wherefore in order to my Vindication, I shall 
 endeavour succinctly to prove these three Proposi- 
 tions. 
 
 1st. That no Acts of Assembly in this Province, 
 either ~by Eight, could, or in fact, have estab- 
 lished any way of Worship and Ministry whether 
 Presbyterian or Congregational; so as to make 
 THAT the Establishment, and the Episcopal 
 Churches to be Dissenters. 
 
 2dly, That by a just and true Construction of 
 the Laws of this very Province, the Church of 
 England is established here. 
 
 %dly, That by the Laws of England, the Church 
 of England, as established in England, and NO 
 OTHER, is positively established in all his Majesty's 
 Plantations. 
 
 I shall now endeavor to prove the'first Part of 
 the first proposition, viz. That no acts of this 
 Province, by Bight, could establish any way. of 
 Worship and Ministry, so as to make THAT the 
 Establishment, and the Episcopal Churches to be 
 Dissenters. 
 
 May it please your Honours. As the Books 
 say, a Law made against the Law of God is void ; 
 so the Charter to this Province from whence we 
 derive our power to make Acts and Laws, reserves 
 and expressly provides, that no Act shall be 
 made repugnant to the Laics of England, which 
 therefore, if made, would be ipso facto VOID. 
 
 If therefore I can prove, that the Church of 
 England is by the Laws of England established 
 in the Plantations, AND NO OTHER ; then the 
 establishing any OTHER, and making the Church 
 of England to be Dissenters, is plainly repug- 
 nant to the Laws of England, and consequently 
 inconsistent with and against our Charter, and 
 therefore VOID. 
 
 As to the Second Part of the first Proposi-
 
 19 
 
 tion. viz. That no Laws of this Province, in 
 fact, have established any way of Worship and 
 Ministry, so as to make THAT the Establishment, 
 and the Episcopal Churches to be Dissenters. 
 
 May it please your Honours, and you Gentle- 
 men of the Jury : Had these Acts (for Instance) 
 confirmed the Plat-form, and the Ministry pur- 
 suant to that, then in Fact they had (or at least 
 had attempted to have) established another Way 
 and Ministry. 
 
 But these Laws make use only of general Terms, 
 hi relation to any way of Worship and Ministry, 
 without ever mentioning either the Presbyterian 
 or Cmgregational by Name ; therefore I humbly 
 conceive that neither of these can be the Establish- 
 ment, to the Exclusion of the Episcopal Churches, 
 and so as to make them the Dissenters. 
 
 I shall now endeavour to make good my 
 Second Proposition, which is this, That by a just 
 and true Construction of the Laws of this very 
 Province, the Church of England is established 
 here. 
 
 And in order to it, I must ask leave of your 
 Honours to premise a few things : 
 
 1st. That where the Acts of Assembly make 
 use of any Words, and do not explain what they 
 mean by them, I humbly conceive, that such 
 Words shall be construed according to the Laws 
 of England. 
 
 As for Instance, the word Libel and Defama- 
 tion in the Act about Criminals. The word Fee 
 Simple in the Act for Distribution of Inheri- 
 tances-, &c. 
 
 2dly, Where two Expositions may be of an Act, 
 and the one is agreeable to the Laws of England, 
 and the other contrariant or repugnant to them, 
 I most humbly believe, that your Honours will 
 take it in the first sense, and not in the latter.
 
 20 
 
 Now without reciting all the Laws relating to 
 Public Worship and Ministry, which would take 
 up too much time, though I have them all ready, 
 if your Honours shall think it necessary, I believe 
 it will be sufficient to remark, that the acts of 
 Assembly make use ONLY of indefinite Expressions 
 and general Terms. 
 
 For Example, in the 4iA and 5th of William 
 and Mary, the Act makes mention of a gathered 
 Church, and provides, that the Minister shall be 
 chosen according to the Direction given in the 
 Word of God ; and the Laws likewise ordain that 
 each Town shall have an Orthodox Minister, or 
 Ministers. 
 
 But these Acts no where explain what those 
 Directions in the Word of God are, nor what is 
 meant by an Orthodox Minister. 
 
 So that, I humbly conceive, Recourse must be 
 had to the Laws of England, as is usual in like 
 cases, to know the true and undisguised meaning 
 of these general Terms and indefinite Expres- 
 sions. 
 
 And I am sure I need not inform your Honours 
 what the Laws of England mean by the Words 
 Church and Orthodox Minister. 
 
 But that the Gentlemen of the Jury (who can't 
 be supposed to be so well acquainted with the 
 Laws of England) may know what they mean, I 
 most humbly entreat your Honours patience, while 
 I recite Part of the 12th of Eliz. Chapter 12. 
 which was designed to settle Orthodoxy, and de- 
 clares who shall be deemed Orthodox Ministers. 
 The Act runs thus, 
 
 " That the Churches of the Queen's Majesty's 
 " Dominions may be served with Pastors of sound 
 ' ' Religion : Be it enacted by the Authority of 
 ' ' the present Parliament, That every Person un- 
 " der the Degree of a Bishop, which doth or shall
 
 "pretend to be a Priest, or Minister of God's 
 " Holy Word and Sacraments, by reason of any 
 ' ' other Form of Institution, Consecration or Or- 
 " dering, than the Form set forth by Parliament, 
 ' in the Time of the late King of most worthy 
 ' Memory, King Edward VI. or now used in the 
 'Reign of our most gracious Sovereign Lady, 
 'shall in the Presence of the Bishop, &c., de- 
 ' clare his assent, and subscribe to all the Articles 
 ' ' of Religion, comprized in a Book Imprinted, 
 ' ' Entituled, Articles, whereupon it was agreed, &c . 
 These (May it please your Honours) are the Ar- 
 ticles of the Church of England ; And ' ' (says 
 "my Lord Chief Justice Coke) the subscription 
 " hereby required is to three Articles. 
 
 " The 1st is, That the King's Majesty, under 
 " God, is the only supream Governor of the 
 " Realm, and all other his Highness's Dominions 
 " and Countries. 
 
 " 2dly. That the Book of the Common-Prayer, 
 ' ' and of Ordering of Bishops, Priests and Dea- 
 " cons, containeth nothing in it contrary to the 
 "Word of God, &c. 
 
 "3(% That he alloweth of the said XXXIX 
 " Articles of Religion, and acknowledged them 
 "to be agreeable to the Word of God. 
 
 After reciting these three Articles, my Lord Coke 
 goes on, And I heard Wray, Chief Justice 
 "on the King's Bench Pasch. 23d of Eliz. re- 
 ' ' port ; That where one Smith subscribed to the 
 "said XXXIX Articles of Religion, with this 
 " Addition, (So far forth as the same were agree- 
 ' ' able to the Word of God) that it was resolved 
 " by him, and all the Judges of England, that 
 " the Subscription was not according to the Sta- 
 " tute of the 13th of Eliz. because the Statute re- 
 " quires an absolute Subscription, and this Sub- 
 "scription made it conditional; and that this 
 6
 
 22 
 
 ' Act was made for avoiding Diversity of Opini- 
 ' ons, &c., and by this Addition the Party might, 
 ' by his own private Opinion, take some of them 
 ' to be against the Word of God ; and by this 
 ' means Diversity of Opinions should not be 
 ' avoided, which was the Scope of the Statute ; 
 ' and the very Act itself, made touching Sub- 
 ' scriptions, hereby of none effect. Coke 4. Inst. 
 '324. 
 
 Now (may it please your Honours) if a Person 
 (though episcopally ordained) who refuses to 
 give his Assent and Consent to these three Articles 
 absolutely, and without any Condition or Reser- 
 vation, shall not, by all the Judges of England, 
 be deemed Orthodox, or of Sound Religion ; 
 (which is one and the same thing) much less (in 
 my humble opinion) shall a Dissenting Teacher, 
 who absolutely condemns Subscription, and im- 
 agines that those who impose it, have not right 
 Opinions of Religion, or are not of Sound Reli- 
 gion, or Orthodox : I say, such a person (certain- 
 ly) by the Laws of England, will not be allowed 
 to be of Sound Religion or Orthodox ! 
 
 Who likewise, in the Eye of the Law of Eng- 
 land, is mere laicus, not in Holy Orders, but a 
 mere Lay-Man. 
 
 Since then the Laws of England allow no 
 Minister to be Orthodox, but he who is Episco- 
 pally Oi'dained, and who subscribes the abovesaid 
 three Articles, which is a Minister of the Church 
 of England. 
 
 And inasmuch as by the Acts of Assembly of 
 this Province, an Orthodox Ministry is established 
 in every Town ; 
 
 Therefore, by a just and true Construction of 
 the Laws of this very Province (unless they are 
 repugnant to the Laws of England) the Ministers 
 of the Church of England are established HERE.
 
 I beg leave to remark under this head, that 
 our present Govcrnour Col. Shute, in* his Order 
 to the Magistrates of Bristol, &c., -wherein he pro- 
 hibits their taxing the Churchmen towards the 
 maintenance of any other Ministers of any other 
 profession than Episcopal, calls the Church of 
 England the established Church here. 
 
 And the late Governour, Col. Dudley, (by wise 
 Men deservedly acknowledged the wisest Man 
 that ever was in this Country,) in a like Order, in 
 Favor of the Church at Newbury, declares the 
 Church of England to be the established Church ; 
 and speaking of their Proceedings for settling a 
 Church there, says, that they are according to 
 Law, and that they ought to be suffered to go 
 peaceably on for their good Establishment. 
 May it please your Honours ; 
 
 The Opinion of this great and wise Man, was 
 founded upon his exact knowledge of the Laws 
 of England ; some of which (by your Honours 
 permission) I shall now produce, in order to make 
 good my third Proposition ; viz. 
 
 That by the Laws of England, the Church of 
 England, as established in England, and NO 
 OTHER is positively established in all His Majesty's 
 Plantations. 
 
 May it please your Honours, and you 
 Gentlemen of the Jury ; 
 
 The Common Law, and especially Magna Char- 
 ta, is allowed to be the Law of the Plantations, and 
 every Englishman's Birth-Right. And by that, 
 the Holy Church, i. e. the Church of England, 
 is for ever inviolably confirmed. 
 
 The Church reformed, and confirmed, and es- 
 tablished by the 2d, 3d, 5th, 6th, of Edw. VI. 
 mentions England, Wales, Calais, and the Mar-
 
 24 
 
 ches thereof, and other the King's Dominions, 
 and says", the Inhabitants of this Realm, and 
 other his Majesty's Dominions. 
 
 This was repeal'd by the 1st of Mary ; but the 
 1st of Elizabeth took off that Repeal ; and men- 
 tions again the Realm of England, Wales, or 
 Marches of the same, and (or) other the Queen's 
 Dominions ; and in the conclusion expressly 
 inhibits any other to be established within the 
 Realm, or any other the Queen's Dominions or 
 Countries. 
 
 The 13th of Eliz. which declares who are Or- 
 thodox Ministers, entitled an Act for the Minis- 
 ters of the Church to be of sound Religion, and 
 provides, That the Churches of the Queen's Ma- 
 jesty's Dominions may be served with sound Min- 
 isters, &c. qualified as in the Act. 
 
 Now, (may it please your Honours) I humbly 
 conceive that by King's Dominions must be meant 
 not only the THEN Dominions, but what shall be 
 the King's Dominions at all times, while that 
 Law remains in force. 
 
 As (for Instance) Acts of Trade that extend 
 to the Plantations, bind new or acquired places, 
 added to the King's Dominions, after such Acts 
 were made. 
 
 And the 1 2th of Charles II. which was made 
 after the settlement of these Colonies, confirms 
 those former Acts, that mention the King's or 
 Queen's Dominions or Countries. 
 
 But above all, the 5th of Q. Anne, entituled, An 
 Act for securing the Church of England, as by 
 Law established, reinforces and confirms the 13th 
 of Eliz. and the 12th of Charles II. and pro- 
 vides, That the King shall swear to maintain the 
 said Settlement, (i. e. by the said Acts, which 
 acts comprehend .the King's Dominions or Coun- 
 tries) of the Church of England, and the Gov-
 
 eminent thereof, as by Law established within the 
 Kingdoms of England and Ireland, Dominion 
 of Wales, and Town of Berwick upon Tweed, 
 and the Territories thereunto belonging. 
 
 And immediately declares, that this Act shall 
 be held a fundamental and essential Part of any 
 Union between the two Kingdoms. 
 May it please your Honours ; 
 
 By all the foregoing Acts, and by this Act in par- 
 ticular, it appears, that the Church of England 
 as established in England and no OTHER, is es- 
 tablish'd in all his Majesty's Plantations. 
 
 And by the same Act it appears, that to es- 
 tablish any OTHER would be a Breach of the 
 Union between the two Kingdoms. 
 
 Therefore I humbly hope, that neither your 
 Honours, nor you Gentlemen of the Jury, will 
 look upon this Book, as written to the Scandal of 
 the Ministers of the Gospel, established by Law, 
 
 in this Province ; for it is a defence of THEM 
 
 and their SACRED CHARACTER. 
 May it please your Honours ; 
 
 I have a great deal more to say in my Defence ; 
 but perceiving that so much Time is already 
 lapsed, I shall omit it, only begging leave to say 
 some few Things to the Jury. 
 
 Gentlemen, I would have you seriously consider 
 what you are about. 
 
 Remember that the Book indicted is, The Short 
 and Easy Method with the DEISTS, an NO other ; 
 a Book wrote in Defence of Christianity, in De- 
 fence of our Holy Faith, against the blaspheming 
 Deists. 
 
 And tho' there are some Passages in the Indict- 
 ment, which are spoken of the Congregational and 
 Presbyterian Ministers in this Country ; yet I 
 would have you consider, that these Passages are 
 not in the Boole indicted, but in another.
 
 26 
 
 But granting that they were there, I beseech 
 you, gentlemen, to reflect with yourselves, whether 
 those Gentle methods of reasoning and perswad- 
 ing and those tender and compassionate Expostu- 
 lations with those Gentlemen, to make them seri- 
 ously consider with themselves, of the Validity 
 of that Commission by which they act : I say, 
 reflect (Gentlemen) whether this looks like Malice, 
 and whether it should bring upon me such a 
 severe Prosecution, and is sufficient to demonstrate 
 me a Criminal. 
 
 I would have you consider that I have suffered 
 very much already on account of my Religion. 
 May it please your Honours ; 
 
 I shall now conclude, only beg leave to render 
 Thanks for the Liberty granted to me (which was 
 deny'd me at the Sessions) of making so particu- 
 lar a Defence ; and if in the Prosecution of it I 
 have said any thing ungrateful to your Honours. 
 I am sure you will forgive me when you consider, 
 that the nature of the Charge against me obliged 
 me to such a manner of Defence. 
 
 Wherefore, without any further Apology, I shall 
 submit it to your Honours, and to you Gentlemen 
 of the Jury, with all that Humility that becomes 
 a Christian. Hoping, nay, being well assured, 
 that you will not find me guilty, nor this Book a 
 Libel. 
 
 The Jury's Verdict. 
 
 John Checlcley ) 
 
 adsect' 
 Dom. Reg. ) 
 
 The Jury find specially ; viz. If the Book en- 
 tituled, A Short and Easy Method with the DEISTS, 
 containing in it a Discourse concerning Episco- 
 pacy, (published and many of them sold by the 
 said Checkley) be a false and scandalous Libel;
 
 t hen we find the said Checkley guilty of all and 
 every part of the Indictment (excepting that sup- 
 posed to traduce and draw into dispute the un- 
 doubted Right and Title of our Sovereign Lord 
 King George to the Kingdoms of Great-Britain 
 and Ireland, and the Territories thereto belonging) 
 But if the said Boole, containing a Discourse 
 concerning Episcopacy as aforesaid, ~be not a false 
 and scandalous Libel; Then we find him not guilty. 
 Att. Samuel Tyley, Clerc. 
 
 The Plea in Arrest of Judgment. 
 
 May it please your Honours, 
 
 Notwithstanding that I have been heard so fully 
 by my Counsel, in Arrest of Judgment ; I must 
 yet beg leave of your Honours, to say something 
 further myself on the same Plea, Why Judgment 
 ought to be Arrested. 
 
 May it please your Honours; 
 
 Upon my Trial at the Sessions, it was often de- 
 clar'd from the Bench, that they would not have me 
 suppose, that I was to be tried for writing any 
 Thing in the Defence of the Church of England 
 and of Episcopacy, against the Presbyterian or 
 Congregational Ministers in this Country : NO, 
 by no means! for the ministers were able to 
 defend themselves. 
 
 And to demonstrate to your Honours, that their 
 Worships designed to amend the Indictment in 
 that Particular, they ordered the Attorney-General 
 to insist upon those three clauses only (pretended 
 to be) against the Government. 
 
 The Jury found me guilty of imagining and 
 contriving, by the Subtility of Arguments, to 
 traduce the Title of his present Majesty. 
 
 (For it cannot be supposed, that they found me 
 guilty of any thing else, since that and that
 
 28 
 
 only, by order of the Worshipful Bench, was all 
 the Charge against me.) 
 
 And an heavy Judgment was thereupon given. 
 From which Judgment I appealed to this Hon- 
 ourable Court ; and after a full and fair Hearing, 
 have been acquitted absolutely by a Verdict of 
 Twelve Men, from being guilty of traducing and 
 drawing into dispute the undoubted Right and 
 Title of our Sovereign Lord King George, to the 
 Kingdoms of Great-Britain and Ireland, and the 
 Territories thereto belong. 
 
 This was the Charge against me, and of this 
 and this only, was I found guilty in the Lower 
 Court. 
 
 But the Verdict of the Jury in this Honourable 
 Court, is an absolute Reversion of the Jury's Ver- 
 dict before the Sessions. 
 
 Wherefore I humbly hope, that this alone (if 
 there were nothing else) will be thought sufficient 
 why Judgment should not be given against me. 
 
 For, with all due Submission, I cannot yet 
 believe, that your Honours, in your superour Wis- 
 dom, will ever give the least Occasion for the 
 World to say, that the very formal Reason of my 
 Condemnation was my publishing a Book en- 
 tituled "A Short and Easy Method witli the 
 " Deists, wherein the Certainty of the Christian 
 "Religion is demonstrated by inf alii able proof 
 " from four Rules, which are incompatible to any 
 "Imposture that ever yet has been, or can possi- 
 "bly be. 
 
 To which was added another in Defence of the 
 sacred and venerable Order of Bishops, and in 
 Defence of the Church of England, in whose 
 salutary Communion (by the Grace of God) / 
 purpose to live and die. 
 
 Nor can I possibly imagine, that this Honoura- 
 ble Court will give the least Umbrage to People
 
 for their supposing that your Honours think the 
 Justices at the Sessions, did not put my Trial 
 upon a right Footing ; or that their Worships 
 spoke unadvisedly, when they said, The Ministers 
 can defend themselves. 
 
 There are likewise other Things, which, in my 
 humble Opinion, are worthy of the Notice of this 
 Honourable Court, before Judgment is given 
 against me. 
 
 The Jury have brought in a special Verdict, 
 and have not declared the Book a Libel, that 
 being left with your Honours, whether you will 
 adjudge it so or not. 
 
 And that the Book may not be condemned as 
 a Libel, I humbly beg leave to remark these few 
 Things for your Honours consideration. 
 
 It is a ruled case in my Lord Golems 4 Instit. 
 235. &. That if one shall say of a Merchant, That 
 he is a Bankrupt, or would be a Bankrupt within 
 two Days ; the Words contain Matter of a Libel, 
 
 and are actionable. But I humbly conceive, 
 
 that if the Merchant, of whom the Words were 
 spoken, was actually declared a Bankrupt by the 
 Laws of the Land, at the Time when the Words 
 were spoken ; the Words would not contain in 
 them the Matter oj a Libel respecting that Man, 
 and consequently not actionable. 
 
 The Use I would make of it is this. 
 
 The Book, now under the Consideration of the 
 Honourable Bench, contains in it Arguments for 
 Episcopacy, all of them laid down, from the 
 Beginning to the End, in a Hypothetic Man- 
 ner, thus, If Jesus Christ instituted Bishops, 
 and gave to them alone the Power of sending 
 others, then those who pretend to have Christ's 
 Commission and have not received it, either im- 
 mediately from Christ, or immediately from these 
 7
 
 30 
 
 Bishops, cannot be the Ministers of Christ accord- 
 ing to Christ's Institution. 
 
 And further, that if any Person shall causelessly 
 separate from any sound Part of the Catholick 
 Church, he is a Schismatic and Excommunicate, 
 by voluntarily cutting himself off from the body 
 of Christ. 
 
 Now if any one shall make the Assumption and 
 say, these are the Presbyterian and the Congre- 
 gational Ministers &c. and their respective Con- 
 gregations under them, 
 
 Tet, (may it please your Honours) granting it to 
 be so ; I humbly conceive, that the saying, con- 
 cerning the Dissenting Ministers and their Congre- 
 gations that they are no Ministers, and that they are 
 Schismatics and Excommunicates (supposing that 
 these Speeches were absolute and not conditional); 
 yet, I say, I humbly hope, that this would not 
 be actionable, nor respecting the Dissenters, Mat- 
 ter of a Libel. Why? 
 
 Because, the Dissenters of all Denominations, 
 are declared to be Schismatics and Excommunica- 
 tes by the Laws of the Land. 
 
 And in order to make this appear I beg Leave to 
 recite the 4, 5, 6, 7, 9, 10, 11, and 12th Canons 
 of the Church of England published by his 
 Majesty's Authority under the Great Seal of 
 England, and now reprinted this very Year by 
 the King's Printer, by Order of his Grace the 
 Archbishop of Canterbury. * * * 
 
 [After reading the Canons. 
 
 May it please your Honours : 
 
 There are no expressions in the Book at Bar, 
 tantamount to these Censures of the Dissenters, in 
 the Canons just now recited. 
 
 And I shall humbly leave it with your Honours, 
 if it may not be worth your Consideration,
 
 31 
 
 whether the condemning this Bock, will not be a 
 Declaration, that the Church passed these Censures 
 against the Dissenters clave errante f 
 
 But be that as it will, the Dissenters are 
 affirmed to be no Ministers, to be Schismatics, and 
 excommunicate by the Canons of the Church of 
 England, which are part of the Laws of the 
 Land ; and therefore, to say the same things of 
 them, I humbly hope, shall not be deemed a 
 Libel. 
 
 The Sentence of Court. 
 Suffolk, ss. At a Court of ASSISE, &c. 
 
 Nov. 27, 1724. 
 Checkley } 
 adsect' > 
 
 Dom. Reg. ) The Court having maturely ad- 
 vised on this special Verdict, are of 
 opinion that the Said JOHN CHECKLEY is guilty of 
 publishing and Selling of a false and scandalous 
 Libel. IVs therefore considered by the Court, That 
 the said JOHN CHECKLEY shall pay afine of Fifty 
 Pounds to the King, and enter into Recognizance 
 in the Sum of One Hundred Pounds with two 
 Sureties in the Sum of Fifty Pounds each, for 
 his good Behaviour for six Months, and also 
 pay Costs of Prosecution, standing committed 
 until this Sentence be performed. 
 
 Att'. Samuel Tyley, Clerc. 
 FIN18.
 
 A 
 SPECIMEN 
 
 Of a TRUE a*. 
 
 Diffenting CATECHISM, 
 
 Upon Right TRUE-BLUE 
 
 Diffenting PRINCIPLES 
 WITH 
 
 *LEARNED NOTES, 
 
 By Way of EXPLICATION. 
 
 S>ueftion. Why don't the Diffenters in their 
 Publick Worfhip make ufe of the Creeds ? 
 
 Anfwer. Why ? Becaufe they are not 
 
 fet down Word for Word'vn. the Bible. 
 
 S>ueftion. Well, But why don't the 
 
 Diffenters in their Publick Worfhip make ufe of 
 the Lord's- Prayer ? 
 
 Anfwer. Oh ! Because that is fet 
 
 down Word for Word in the Bible. 
 
 * They're fo perverfe and oppofite 
 As if they worfliip'd God for Spite.

 
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