UC-NRLF ^B E7T IbO ^ i LIBRARY OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA. Class Ce/\f ^^^Al Digitized by the Internet Arcinive in 2007 with funding from IVIicrosoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/attitudeofgreektOOhuddrich THE ATTITUDE GREEK TRAGEDIANS TOWARD ART ^Ofm. jg n^ — m THE ATTITUDE OF THE GREEK TRAGEDIANS TOWARD ART BY JOHN H. ^UDDILSTON B.A. (Harv.), Ph.D. (Munich) FORMERLY INSTRUCTOR IN GREEK IN THE NORTH WESTERN UNIVERSITY AND AUTHOR OF 'THE ESSENTIALS OF NEW TESTAMENT GREEK' HonDon MACMILLAN AND CO., Limited NEW YORK: THE MACMILLAN COMPANY 1898 !15L33 Hi ©xforb HORACE HART, PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY ^ ^^^^ TO PROFESSORS ADOLF FURTWANGLER AND WILHELM VON CHRIST 101973 E»— PREFACE Were Aischylos, Sophokles, and Euripides influenced by works of art, and, if so, to what extent ? This monograph represents an attempt to answer this question so far as it is possible from our present archaeological knowledge. Although the nature of Greek tragedy was such as to practically exclude excursions on, or allu- sions to, works of art merely for art's sake, there is still a considerable element of this sort which, when studied from the standpoint of the archaeologist, contributes much toward a better understanding of the dramatists. It is not going too far to say that we are able to assign to Euripides at least a wholly unique position among ancient poets. Perhaps no writer except Lucian can lay claim to the appreciative taste for art which the youngest of the three tra- gedians manifests. Regarding Aischylos and Sophokles, hkewise, certain hardly less interest- viii Preface ing facts may be observed. The two latter, however, have been included here not so much for what they have to give us in an archaeological way as to lend a sort of completeness to the discussion and to form a basis of comparison for Euripides by the study of whom I was drawn into the investigation. This work appeared originally as a Doctor's thesis under the title * Greek Art in Euripides, Aischylos, and Sophokles.' I send it out in its present form trusting that it may serve to throw some new light on a field as yet little noticed. The Author wishes to express his thanks to Professors Wilhelm von Christ and A. Furt- wangler for their valuable criticisms of the work while in manuscript form. Neither of these scholars is, however, responsible in any manner for errors which may be discovered in the inter- pretation either of the monuments or the poets. Munich, Nov. 1897. CONTENTS PAGES Introduction 1-5 AISCHYLOS- sculpture 5-12 Painting 12-19 Architecture and Miscellany . . 19-32 SOPHOKLES 32-38 Euripides- Architecture 39-58 Sculpture 58-72 Painting 72-79 Weaving and Embroidery . . . . 79-91 Achilles' Armor in the Elektra . . 91-100 Miscellany 101-106 Comparison between Aischylos and Euripides 106-112 Art Element for the Authorship of the Rhesos . I12-I17 THE COMMON ABBREVIATIONS USED IN THE NOTES Arch. Ztg.=Archdologische Zeitung (Berlin). A then. Mitth. = Miitheilungen des K. deutschen archdolo- gischen Instituts in A then. Baumeister, Denkmdler='Ba.\xmQ\stefs Denkmdler des Klassischen Altertums. B. C. H.= Bulletin de Correspondance Helle'nique (Athens). Compte Rendu = Compte Rendu de la Commission imperiale archeologique (St. Petersburg). C. I. A. = Corpus Inscriptionum Atticarum. Elite Ce'ram.= Elite des monuments ceramographiqueSj Lenormant et De Witte. Furtwangler, iI/«5/^r//V(7^5=Furtwangler, Masterpieces of Greek Sculpture. Gerhard, A userl. Vasen. = Gerhard, A userlesene griechische Vasenbilder. Jahrbuch=Jahrbuch des K. deutschen archdologischen Instituts (BerHn). J. H. S.= Journal of Hellenic Studies (London). Mon. d. Inst.=Monumenti inediti pubblicati dalV Instituto di corrispondenza archeologica (Rome). Nauck, Fragmenta = Nauck, Fragmenta tragicorum graecorum. 2^". Overbeck, Bildwerke = Overbeck, Die Bildwerke sum thebischen und troischen Heldenkreis. ^ V B R A R F ^ OF THE UNIVERSITY THE ATTITUDE OF THE GREEK TRAGEDIANS TOWARD ART The many-sidedness of Euripides is sure to strike the reader with unusual force if he comes to him just after the study of Aischylos and Sophokles. While the two older tragedians remained true to the tragic muse and to the worship of Dionysos, the youngest member of the great triumvirate took to philosophy, rhetoric, and politics. He was, in short, a man of the world, whose last thought probably was the god at whose festivals his tragedies were presented. The result of all this is that Euripides serves as a sort of mirror in which one may see the complexity of the elements in Athenian life, and, as he was from first to last a true patriot who was deeply interested in every step of Athens' B 2 The Attitude of the Greek successes and failures, his tendency to introduce every-day affairs in his work possesses a double charm for us. The issues which concerned the Athenians were the same which concerned him and inspired much that he wrote. He dealt with his present in a way that neither one of his great compeers had done. Judged from what had gone before, this was certainly a degradation of tragedy, a pulling down of the institution which had long been the church and public educator, and yet the future profited far more from these innovations than it would have done had Euripides followed strictly the orthodox form of tragic composition. Actual happenings being once given a place in the theatre, nothing could henceforth constrain the tragedian to hold only to the mythic cycles. The permanent drama which is based on human experiences and human interests must therefore be dated from Euripides. It is well known that his innovations have been censured or praised since his own contemporary, Aristophanes, turned the vials of his wrath upon him. There is, however, just in this attitude of Euripides toward that which was going on around him, one phase as yet insufficiently noticed. I mean his interest in art. One may Tragedians toward Art 3 search in vain through Euripidean Hterature for any thorough discussion of this point ^. The tradition that he began Hfe with the vocation of painter^ usually finds its way into the handbooks on Greek literature and other works dealing with the Greek drama. Even this slight hold which we have for an artist Euripides is accepted by some as rather fiction than history ^. At the most, one is not apt to associate this early bent for art with the later calling of tragedian. Scholars have seldom gone further with Euripides the artist than to call attention to the remarkable display of fine artistic taste in the opening scene of the lon^ and perhaps one or two other places. In the following pages the attempt has been made to present a picture of this side of the poet so far as it is possible from his extant woj-k. Even though Euripides was not a painter,'we are able to show that his point of view was that of one, and that nearly every- thing which has reached us from his plays is ^ G. Kinkel's Euripides und die hildende Kunst, Berlin, 1872, is the only work upon this subject which is worth mentioning. This, however, does little more than to stimulate one's curiosity without satisfying it. * Cf. S> TL? dydWeTai, i.e. 'decoration,' 'adornment,' *joy,' 'pleasure,' still obtains in Aischylos, while Ppira? stands regularly for the temple image or votive statue. We find ayaXyLia=' statue' in Aischylos but three times, twice as a plain variation on operas, which had otherwise been too monotonous^, and once as signifying the later ' statue ' meaning of the word ^. The old and sacred cultus-images are especially denoted by Ppiras even in Euripides as well. With the 1 ^r. Alk. vs. 348 ff. 2 ^gpf^ vg 258, 265. 3 Eumen. v. 55. Tragedians toward Art 7 latter, however, there appears not only this exclusively religious tone which clings to ^pira^ all the way through and to dyaXfia in Aischylos and Sophokles [Ppiras does not occur in the latter), but there begins to appear the general * image ' or ^ statue ' meaning of dyaXiia, not necessarily a cultus-image, but quite as well any work of statuary. It is, in other words, the Pausaniac sense of the term that makes its appearance ^ It is only in the Eumenides that Aischylos comes to a definite monument signified by /Splray^. The old image of Athena, fabled to have fallen from Heaven ^, and which stood for so much in the worship of the Athenians, furnishes the pivotal point about which the action of the latter part of the tragedy turns. ^ Overbeck, in Berichte der sdchsischen Akademie, 1864, p. 242 ff., has failed to recognize the non-religious significance of ayaX/jia in Euripides, and has simply thrown together in a confusing way all occurrences of the word in this poet as meaning Gotterbilder. What has the word in Hek. v. 560, Phoin. v. 220, and Androm. fr. 125, and Eurys. fr. 372 to do with Gotterbilder '\ When these occurrences and others similar are subtracted from the 19 which he cites, the result is that fipiras represents the Goiterbild more frequently, and modifies his conclusion that dya\/xa is thus more often used in post-epic writers. Cf. also Frankel, De verbis potioribus quibus opera statuana graeci notabant, Berlin, 1873, who likewise misunderstands aydKtm in Eur. Hek. v. 560, and speaks of a simulacrum deae, p. 17. ^ Eumen. vs. 80, 243. ^ Paus. i. 26. 6. 8 The Attitude of the Greek It is necessary to bear in mind that no gold- ivory statue of Athena was before the mind of the poet. No Pheidias had yet fixed the Athena type. As the latter creation remained for the Greeks and Romans the Athena /car '^ioyj\v^ so, for the Greeks prior to Pheidias' time, the statue was the sacred image in the 'Old Temple.' No qualifying term was necessary to assure its being understood. The temple, the sanctuary, the image were not to be mis- taken ^. The nature of this statue, and whether the figure sat or stood, it is not possible to determine. We come nearest to the character of it perhaps in the archaic terra cottas which have been found on the Acropolis. By far the most considerable number of these represent Athena, both in a sitting and standing posture 2. There can be Httle question but that these early terra cottas are reproductions of the larger cultus-images. In this case the frequently occurring Athena sitting on a broad-backed seat with extending arms may represent more * Cf. Dorpfeld in Athen. Mitth. 1887, p. 190 ff. ' Winter, Arch. Am. 1892, p. 142, where no. 6 shows the charging Athena, no. 16 the sitting type with the gorgon painted on the breast. Cf. also Roscher's Lexikon, p. 687, and Harrison, Monuments and Mythology of Ancient Athens, p. 495, where the well-known terra cotta from Stackelberg's Grdber der Hellenen, pi. 57, is reproduced. Tragedians toward Art 9 or less exactly the ancient xoanon. From the time of Peisistratos at least it is probable that the 'Old Temple' of Athena had its PoHas statue which was more a work of art than the rude xoanon. We are unable to form any notion of either of these, either or both of which Aischylos may have had in mind, except as the terra cottas may furnish the suggestion. These small monuments were certainly dedicated in the gods' sanctuaries and were looked upon as standing for the god-head. Have we not a right therefore to conclude that the traditional forms of the temple images were retained ? The wide influence which the larger monuments in marble exercised over the manufacture of terra cottas in the fourth century b.c. was hkely not without its parallel in the early time. Jahn ^ used vs. 80 and 258 of the Eumenides to prove that the Athena xoanon represented the goddess as standing, and therefore another type from the Palladium at Troy, which, as it appears from Homer ^, was a sitting image. It seems to me, however, that the view taken by Furtwangler in Roscher's Lexikon has more to recommend it. The view expressed there is that Aischylos * De Antiquissimis Minervae simulacris Atticis, p. lo. ' //. 6, vs. 92 and 303. TO The Attitude of the Greek is not adequate evidence for a standing image, and that the tradition of the sitting idol which is traceable from Homer to the time of the early terra cottas would lead us to think of the xoanon as also a sitting figure^. This most ancient type passed early out of recognition, however, and with vase painters Athena is invariably on her feet. Dorpfeld ^ argues that there was still in the sixth century b.c. a sitting and standing Athena image in vogue. One of these was in the Erechtheion, the other in the neighbouring 'Old Temple.' Supposing there were two images, it would seem that Aischylos had in mind only the old xoanon. He places it in the 5a)/xa ^ (v. 242). By this he could scarcely have meant the Erechtheus temple, which was in no sense an Athena temple till the new structure was built at the end of the fifth century b.c. He understands the ' Old Temple ' of Athena, the apyaios vem, whose discovery we owe to Dr. Dorpfeld. Here then was the old jSpera^. The relation of the latter to the Erechtheion in this early period does not appear to have ^ Professor Furtwangler now believes that the xoanon repre- sented a standing figure. 2 Athen. Mitth. 1887, p. 28, ' So in V. 855 by irpbs do/xois 'Epex^fojs the poet appears to dis- tinguish the house of Erechtheus from the Sojjxa of Pallas. Tragedians toward Art ir existed. When it was transferred to the latter temple I do not pretend to decide. It remains to refer to the ^pirif] of Zeus, Apollo, Hermes and Poseidon, which were about the KOLvo^coiita in the Supplices ^. The repeated use of o5e points to the presence of real statues ^, as does also the threat of the chorus that they will hang themselves as v^a TTLvaKLa on the images rather than be delivered to their pursuers ^. In the Septem *, again, the crazed Theban women fly for refuge to the market and fall around the images of their city's gods. These are Zeus, Athena, Poseidon, Ares, Aphrodite, Apollo, Artemis and Hera, to all of whom they cling and address their supphcations. It is to be observed that these were apyjila ^, no doubt the old stiff images that were placed about the orchestra. This was unquestionably a wonderful pageant. Such resource to art to make the grandeur more grand and the impressive more impressive is * vs. 211 fF. ^ vs. 463, 465. ' V. 465. It is not easy to see how Wilamov^ritz understands the sanctuary nicht durch Gotterbilder, abet durch Symhole der verschiedensten Goiter ausgezeichnet {Hermes, xxi, p. 609). What sense would there be in the chorus threatening to hang them- selves on the images if they were mere attributes and not solid monuments ? * vs. 116 ff. ; cf. also 95, 185, 212, 258, 265. ' v. 211. 12 The Attitude of the Greek true Aischylean manner. It all corresponds with the great stage machinery which he in- vented to bring his gods out of Heaven and his ghosts out of Hades. All of the passages, however, point to no definite work of art. It is but the religious fervour of the poet pushing him on to make his gods objective things which could be touched and handled. The vagueness of the notion is well seen in the Persai ^, where the ghost of Dareios introduces the whole galaxy of Greek divinities under Q^Siv pperrj. Aischylos exhibits an interest in paintings in various cases, and in two passages at least affords us the earliest literary testimony of two paintings which are known to have played a large role in ancient art. In the Eumenides, vs. 46 ff., the Pythian prophetess in delating to the chorus what she has beheld at the 6//0aX6y, says, 'a marvelous troop of women sleeps on the seats, and yet I do not mean women but Gorgons; nor shall I compare them indeed to the real Gorgon type : ' dhov HOT Tjhr] ^Lvicos Y^YP^f^f^^'"*^? bcLTTVov (j^epovaas' ' for I once saw these represented in a painting, carrying off the food of Phineus.' And she * V. 809. Tragedians toward Art 13 follows with the distinction that the figures sleeping are wingless. In other words, the females, who in the picture were robbing Phineus of his dinner, were winged. The poet was, as this tells us, a careful observer, and not unmindful of the stories told in Greek art^. Amongthe earhest representations of the Phineus episode was the scene on the Kypselos chest ^ and on the throne of Apollo at Amyklai ^. On each of these the Boreadai were pursuing the Harpies and thereby working the deliverance of Phineus *. Although the passage gives some evidence of having been altered, the allusion to the painting bespeaks both for Aischylos and his audience a very intimate acquaintance with the scene. It must have been a picture with which the average Athenian was well acquainted, else the failure of the writer to mention the females, i.e. the Harpies, had been a serious carelessness. The verses are indeed noteworthy as indicating what the poet of 458B.C. demanded * We know of a Phineus by Aischylos from which three frag- ments are preserved (cf. Nauck, p. 83). 2 Paus. 5. 17. II : ^tvcvs t6 6 ©p^f iOTi, kox ol naiSes ol Bopiov ras 'Aptrvias air' avTov SiiiKovaiv. ^ Paus. 3. 18. 15 ; KaAai's 8k fcal Zrjrijs ras 'Apirvias ^iveox dirc\avvovaiv. * For the story, cf. Apoll. Rhod. ii. vs. 178 ff. 14 The Attitude of the Greek of his audience. They are supposed to com- prehend the significance of ropyetoLcn tvttols, and this can refer to nothing other than art repre- sentations of the Gorgons, the accepted type of the creature in art and no longer the sub- jective Gorgon of a poet's fancy. Aischylos in short reflects here the absorbing interest in art which penetrated all classes of Athenians during the first part of the century. In order to get at a thorough understanding of this passage it is necessary to review the vase paintings which preserve the scene for us. The earliest monument is an Attic vase in Berlin ^ Although Phineus does not appear as far as the painting is preserved, there can be little doubt as to the meaning of the picture. The two winged Harpies, their name given, are running at high speed to the right. One has to think of course that the Boreadai were represented following, while from the comparison with the other paintings noticed below it is probable that Phineus himself was not wanting. The cup in the University Museum in Wurzburg^ shows * Berlin, no. 1682. Published in Arch. Ztg. 1882, pi. 9. CC also Roscher's Lexikon, ii. p. 1843. ^ Published in Mon. d. Inst. x. pi. 8; Wiener Vorlegebldtter, Sen c. pi. 8, 3* ; Baumeister's Denkmdler, fig. 1485. Cf. Flasch in Arch. Ztg. 1880, p. 138 ff. Tragedians toward Art 15 us the scene as it appeared on the Kypselos chest and the Amyklaian throne, with the exception that there are here three female figures standing at the foot and head of Phineus* couch. The sons of Boreas are in hot pursuit of the two Harpies, who do not appear to have suc- ceeded in getting any of the food which lay on the table before the king. The Harpies are here winged also as in Aischylos^ Another painting, on an Attic hydria of dr. 420 b.c, gives the actual robbery ^. The Harpies are hastening away with their hands full of the ^^Ittvov^ and, contrary to all other representations of them, they are given long garments and long, pon- derous wings. The Boreadai are here on the right of the table. Still another vase, which has the episode in more extended form, is in the Jatta-Ruvo collection ^ This is, so far as I know, the youngest representation of the scene, and is still scarcely later than the last decade ^ Curiously enough, the scholiast remarks on this passage that the Harpies were not given wings in paintings. * Stackelberg's Grdber der Hellenen, pi. 38, but incorrectly interpreted by S. A much better publication, together with the first correct reading, is found in Millingen, Ancient Unedited Monuments, pi. 15. The vase was formerly in a private collec- tion in England, and is no doubt still in this country some- where. ' No. 1095. Published in Mon. d. Inst. iii. pi. 49. i6 The Attitude of the Greek of the fifth century b.c.^ The affair transpires here on the sea-shore in the presence of the Argonautic train. The whole is worked out with much of the detail which characterizes the account in Apollonios. But to come to the last vase, and again an Attic work, we have on the British Museum amphora ^ a picture which coincides remarkably with the words of Ais- chylos. Phineus reclines utterly helpless at the table, while his dinner is plundered by the two insolent Harpies. They are in full run with all that they can hold in their hands. No accessory figures are given, and nothing points to the least relief for the unfortunate Phineus. The vase (according to the author of the catalogue) is ' the late stage of the strong style.* Judging from the publication, I would not hesitate to date the vase cir. 460 b.c. The painting is at any rate but a very few years earlier than the production of the Eumenides and is, moreover, so closely in harmony with the d^ov . . . cpepova-a? of Aischylos that one is inclined to connect the two in some way. It is not too much to conclude that the two were dependent upon one and the same original. ^ Cf. Furtwangler, Masterpieces, p. 109. 2 Cat. vol. iii. no. 302. Published in Arch. Ztg. (but poorly), 1880, pi. 12. 2. Cf. ibid. p. 138. Tragedians toward Art 17 The second passage which occurs in the first chorus of the Agamemnon is one of the finest in the whole extant work of Aischylos. The sacri- fice of Iphigeneia at Aulis is being depicted. The guards had hfted her from the ground and had placed a gag in her fair mouth that she might utter no word to curse the family. Her robes of rich hue swept to the ground while e/3aA\' (Kaa-Tov dvrrjpcdv hm Ofifxaros j8eA.et (^tAo^Krw, irpiTTova-d 6* (as €v ypacpalSj Trpoa-evviTreiv 0€\OV(T \ This remarkably affecting scene was actually inspired by works of art. The poet has breathed into his words the inspiration of this very scene as he knew it in paintings or in some parallel where the pathos and tenderness of the victim's eyes struck the beholder as a new and unique triumph in the artistic. Such a sight as one meets in the Penthesileia kylix^, where the plunging sword of Achilles is stayed by that pitiable and heart-rending appeal speaking from the Amazon's eyes, affords a slight notion of the paintings of this class which the poet knew. It ^ Agant. vs. 240 ff. "^ No. 370 in Munich coll., published by Overbeck, Bildwerke, pi. 17. 3; Gerhard, Trinkschalen u. Gefasse, pi. c. 4-6. i8 The Attitude of the Greek is further very probable that just this offering was a subject common with the artists of the time of Aischylos. One may recall the scene as it occurs on wall paintings^ and on the round altar in the Ufizzi in Florence^. While the part of Agamemnon in the sacrifice as described by the chorus is, as far as possible, different from that in the extant monuments, the fact remains that one must look back to the earlier Greek art to locate the first appearance of the scene. Michaelis well points out that the concep- tion of the middle group on the Ufizzi rehef speaks for an original out of the Pheidian time ^. In Aischylos, however, one meets the earliest authority for an art representation of Iphigeneia's death, and even though the monuments are more Euripidean in their feeling, the story was known in art as early at least as 458 b.c* There remain two passages still where painting serves the poet in a figure of speech. A person ^ Helbig, Campanische Wandtnalerei, nos. 1304, 1305 ; vid. s. Iphigeneia in Baumeister's Antike Denk. and Roscher's Lexikon. ^ Amelung, Fiihrer durch die Antiken in Florenzj no, 79 ; pub- lished in Baumeister, Denk. i. no. 806. ^ Rom. Mitth. 1893, p. 201 ff., where the relation of the com- position in this relief to that of the Orpheus relief in Naples is discussed. * We cannot make out the nature of the Iphigeneia in Aulis of Aischylos. Cf. Nauck's Fragmenta, p. 31. Tragedians toward Art 19 in adverse fortune may help himself from his sad situation by a simple stroke (i.e. suicide), just as one may rub out a painting with a moist sponge^. Again, Agamemnon made a very unpleasant sight in the eyes of Klytaimnestra when he was mustering an army to recover Helen. He was literally 'painted in a very distasteful manner 2.' This then ends what one may learn out of the great dramatist concerning his taste for painting, and it must be recognized as not insignificant when compared with the same element in other Greek poets. His was the period in which Polygnotos lived and worked, and the greatest of Greek dramatists would appear to have been a worthy admirer of the most illustrious of ancient painters. Aischylos was no builder, nor did he con- cern himself in referring to the work of the architect. Only once, indeed, did he feel the need of using even the indefinite word i/ecoy^, and that when he alludes to the devastation ^ Agam. V. 1328 f. 2 Agam. V. 801. Frag. no. 142 gives us the word eyKovpds from the Myrmidones, explained by Hesychius as meaning ypaipiKbs „iya( — XiyeL be Xafxiras bta xep&v wTiKicrpihr] \pva-ols 5e (puivei ypdfjLixaa-iv " irprja-cii ttoXlv ^." Out of the large number of shield devices appearing on vase paintings I do not know any which represents a human figure except the Panathenaic amphora of the fourth century b. c, where the ' Tyrant Murderers ' occur on Athena's shield*. This does not prove that the above was not a possible or probable sort of figure. The words appear, however, to have been chosen for the occasion. The allegorical figure ^ Munich, nos. 476, 545 ; Millin-Reinach, Peintures de vases, ii. pi. 14. ^ Stars on the bl. fig. vases occupy regularly a secondary position. They are small and ordinarily have fev^^ rays, and are in fact as purely decorative as the common zones and belts of red and black with which the shield is often painted. While it is seldom that nothing but the star is painted on the shield of the bl. fig. vase (cf. Mon. d. Inst. iii. pi. 24) the simple star becomes from the middle of the fifth century more and more common. The rays increase in number and are more pointed, till in many cases the real brilliant sparkle of the star may be imagined. Cf. Athena's shield, Compte Rendu 1865, pi. 6; also^oM. d. Inst. xi. pi. 48, and ibid. 1877, pi. 47. ^ Sept. vs. 432 ff". * Brit. Mus. Cat. ii b. 605 ; published in Mon. d. Inst. x. pi. 48 ''. Tragedians toward Art 25 really heightens the effect of the disaster which later overtook Kapaneus. The inscription in 'golden letters' may be thought of as painted on the shield. 3. With Eteokles, however, the notion is quite different. The emblem on his shield is described as follows — hm\p OTTXiTrjs KXifxaKos irpoa-aiJi^da-eis s ra ypd^fiara Aeyct " KaTd^M 5' avbpa Tovbe kol ttoXlv ^fet TtaTpiLdav b(opLdT(ov r k'nL(TTpods ^." The figure of Justice in female form, con- ducting the armed warrior back to his city and to his ancestral rights, was a most fitting symbol of Polyneikes' position. Such personifications as Justice, Fear, Sleep, Death are common even in Homer. The early art appears, however, to have held quite as far away from the embodi- ment of such notions as it did from that of the Moon and Stars. A noted and isolated instance of these elements personified is given on the second zone of the Kypselos chest 2. Night, in the form of a woman, held in her right hand 1 vs. 644 flf. » Paus. 5. 1 8. I and 2. 30 The Attitude of the Greek Death, and in her left hand Sleep, both in the form of boys. Immediately following was a well- formed woman who was choking with one hand and beating with the other an ugly female. Pausanias adds that this is the way Dike does to Adikia. This almost looks as though there had been an inscription for him to read, as he says there was in the case of the three preceding figures. This latter scene occurs exactly as described by Pausanias, on a vase of the severe red figured style, and may be considered one of the earliest extant monuments showing the personification of these abstract notions ^. This one painting alone shows that Aischylos and his audience really knew of Dike in art, and that the blazon on Polyneikes' shield is not to be considered a mere fiction of the poet^. ^ No. 319 in Masner's Samntlutig antiker Vasen tmK. K. Oester- reich. Museum. Published in Baumeister, Antike Denk. iii. p. 1300. In Pindar, Pyth. viii. 100 Dike is personified. 2 It must be noted with regard to Personification in Greek art, that the Drama evidently gave the great incentive to this con- ception in the fifth century. While throughout the epic and lyric poetry and the archaic art numerous instances of a person Odvaros, vrrvosj epis, v has no further force here than vaov would have. The instances where the plural is put where only the singular could possibly have been meant are enough in Euripides^ alone to render any conjecture based upon the literal sense of va5>v quite worthless. Here, however, where we are certain that a plurality of temples did exist, it may be quite possible that the literal meaning is the correct one. Unfortunately we are not informed as to the date of the Ion. The general consensus of opinion regarding its appearance is that it must be placed later than 421 b.c.^ This brings us exactly in the period when the Peace of Nikias rendered the Athenians free to build the new Erechtheion, and it is to this time that the com- mencement of this last monumental temple on the Acropolis is usually assigned. The official name of this new building was * the temple in which is the sacred imaged' in other words, practically a new Athena temple again. Although ^ Cf. especially Iph. T. v, 1215. * So Christ, Griech. Literaturgeschichte, p. 228. Haigh, Tragic Drama of the Greeks, sets it subsequent to the Sicilian expedition. Others come down as late as 412 B.C. 3 C. I.A.'i. 322. Tragedians toward Art 45 the roof was still wanting in 409-8 b.c.\ the composition of the Ion does not exclude the pos- sibility that Euripides had in mind the new and glorious shrine of the sacred image ^. Another instance of this concern in Athenian temples is met with in the Hippolytos. Aphrodite speaks the prologue and states that before Phaidra came to Troizene, the scene of the pla}'', she had built a temple to Aphrodite: — Trirpav Trap avrrjv UaWdbos Karo-^iov yrjs TTJabe I'aoK KuirpiSos iyKaOeicraTo kpGKT €pa)T €Kbr}[jiov' 'lTnToXvT(d 6* Itti rd XoLirbv wvopiaCcv Ibpva-Oai O^dv^. This means on the side of the Acropolis facing Troizene, i.e. on the south-west slope, where Pausanias^ actually saw statues of Aphrodite Pan- demos and a monument of Hippolytos. Out of this comes the fact that there was a sanctuary of the goddess here and a temple which the peri- egete forgot tomention,but of which Euripides has * Chandler inscription Brit. Mus. Vid. Newton's Inscriptions of the British Museum, i. xxxv. ■■' DOrpfeld denies that the temple was ever really called under the name given in the inscription, on the ground that the image always remained in the * Old Temple.' Cf. his summing up of all the important theories and the restatement of his own position in Athen. Mitth. 1897, p. 159 ff. ^ vs. 30 ff. * I 22. 2. 46 The Attitude of the Greek made use. The name of it again, k<^ 'iTnroXvTcpj has been actually discovered for us in an inscrip- tion^. Pausanias then has really left no more important contribution on the monuments of this place than Euripides has done in his casual reference. It matters little that the last two verses quoted above are spurious ^. While the vaoi/ KvTTpiSos (v. 29) is genuine the title under which it was known is of secondary importance. In Sparta our poet was acquainted with the temple of Athena Chalkioikos^, which, according to Pausanias, was situated on the Acropolis and dated from the time of Tyndareus. It was com- pleted many years later by the Lakedaimonians, who put in the bronze statue of the goddess. The latter was the work of Gitiades*. The temple of the Taurian Artemis is particu- larly well described. The cella where the image was kept had a marble floor^. The columns are spoken of as shapely ^ the coping is gilded ^ the style is a Doric peripteral ^. As Pylades suggests * Harrison, Mythology and Monuments 0/ Athens, p. 333. ^ Wilamowitz aptly remarks that Phaidra, who all the time conceals her love for Hippolytos, could not have given this name to the temple. Vid. Euripides Hippolytos, p. 188. 3 Hel. v. 1466 f. Cf. also vs. 228, 245 ; Troad. v. 11 13. * Paus. 3. 17. 2. ' Iph. T. V. 997. ® V. 128. ' V. 129. * V. 405. Tragedians toward Art 47 that one of them can enter through the triglyph to steal the imaged we learn of an early temple where there were not only no sculptured metopes, but not even a smooth slab to close up the open- ing between the triglyphs. He does not forget to mention the pilasters at the entrance^. The palace of Agamemnon exhibits the same feature of open metopes, for Euripides arranges the escape of the slave by this passaged It is a well-known fact that through these verses the earliest stage of the Doric entablature can be traced. When Agave will impale the head of Pentheus upon the triglyph *, the second stage, where timber was used for closing the metope, can be seen. The Apollo temple at Delphi is described in a splendid manner. Euripides takes occasion to repeatedly emphasize his interest in the rich architectural display at Delphi. The well-known passage in the Andromache^ where the mes- senger reports to Peleus and the chorus that on the arrival of Neoptolemos in Delphi they had spent three days in seeing the sights, rpets \k\v (^aei^raj i]\lov bLe^obovs 6ia bibovTcs o)ut/utar' e^eirLfiTTka^ev ^. ' V. 113. ' V. 1 159. 3 Oresi. vs. 1369 ff. * Bak. vs. 1212 ff. 5 vs. 1086 f. 48 The Attitude of the Greek speaks for the splendor of the place and for the works of art which Euripides himself had no doubt seen. It appears to me highly probable that in the oft-recurring allusions to details of Delphi's shrines the poet speaks from personal knowledge. The chorus of Athenian women as they went along the street towards the Apollo temple cast their eyes up to the pedimental sculpture just as one may suppose them to have done on approaching the entrance of the Par- thenon. They beheld the west gable first and passed on along the side to the east end where, before going near to the entrance, they halted again and took in the pediment groups above them. This is all apparent from the SiSvikdv re TTpoacoTroap KaXXicpapou 0q)9^, which can have refer- ence to nothing else than the two gables. The subject of the scenes is, much to our regret, left entirely for the reader to supply. Easy as it would have been for Euripides to drop a hint as to what was represented in the sculptural decora- tions of the great temple, he diverts the chorus at once to other parts of the building. In another place, however, we learn that in one gable were Apollo, Artemis, and the Muses, and in the other, ^ Ion, vs. 188 f. Kak\i^\((papov, em. Brodraeus, meets the demands of the meter and is an improvement over KaWi^apov. Tragedians toward Art 49 doubtless the west, was the setting sun, with Dionysios and his troop of Thyiades^ This is the only time in all of Pausanias' account of the sights at Delphi when he furnishes us the least information concerning the sculptural work on the temple. For all else one has to be content with the poetical version in the present chorus, which runs off directly into what has been called a ' neck-breaking archaeological exegesis'^. The chorus breaks up into semi-chori, and admires with mutual interest the sculptured metopes ^. Semi-chorus.— t8ov ravV aepr](rov' Aepvatov vbpav kvaip^i yjpvaiais ap-nais 6 Aios Trats* Semi-chorus. — opQ. koL tt^Xcs &\\os av- Tov iravbv TrvpC(f)\€KTov at" pet Tts * ^ Paus. lo. 19. 4. He mentions further the two sculptors, Praxias, a pupil of Kalamis, and Androsthenes, adding that they were both Athenians. Cf. Welcker, Alte Denkntdler, i. pp. 150-178, for a discussion of the sculptures on the Delphi Apollo temple. ^ Wilamowitz, Aristoteles und Athen, p. 35, note 12. ' That the metopes are really meant has been generally accepted since the time of K. O. Miiller and Welcker. That paintings or tapestry, inside decorations, are not to be thought of here seems clear from the fact that the chorus is still outside. They first inquire about entering in v. 220. Robert, lUupersis des Polygnot, 1893, p. 36, note 23, thinks the Herakles and Eellerophon groups were akroteria, while the others only were metopes. ♦ vs. 190 ff. £ 5© The Attitude of the Greek Herakles killing the Lernaian Hydra is among the earliest labours on the black figured vases. Only exceptionally does his reliable second, lolaos, fail him. The moment described here, where the monster is being actually decapitated, is traceable from the archaic Greek art down to Roman times. The same occurred on one of the twelve metopes of the Zeus temple at Olympiad and on a metope of the 'so-called Theseion ' in Athens. The golden sickle with which Herakles does his good work in the present instance must be thought of as in fact a metal instrument. The next metope described represented Bel- lerophon assailing the Chimaira: — Kat \kav Tov^ aOprjcrov 7TT€pOVVTOS €(l)€bpOV tTTTTOV* TCLV irvp TTviovcrav €vaCp€i Tpi(TUtpiaTOV akKCLV. Euripides would appear to have assigned a pro- minent place to this god of the Sikyonians. He devoted a whole tragedy to him^ and had him play again an important role in the Stheneboia. 1 Here, however, lolaos was wanting. " For the fragments of Bellerophon vid. Nauck, op, cit. 285- 312. Tragedians toward Art 51 The Chimaira alone is brought on to Achilles' armor in another place ^. The group appears repeatedly on vases, gems, and reliefs. It was worked in relief on the Amyklaian Throne ^ and on the base of the Asklepios colossus at Epi- dauros^. The Melan plaque* in the British Museum, which dates from the early part of the fifth century b. c, is the oldest extant monument representing the fight. The legend, which was peculiarly Lykian, could not be wanting in Asia Minor monuments, and was not, as the Gjol- baschi relief^ and another, of which there is a cast in the British Museum^, assure us. It should be noted in passing that the composition of such a group lent itself remarkably well to the limitations of a metope sculpture, and here, no less than in all the figures which the chorus describes, we are reminded strongly of the plausibility of bringing these scenes into the narrow field between the triglyphs. Next comes an extended scene. The chorus refers in a general way to a long stretch of the * Elekt. vs 473 fF. ^ Paus. 3. 18. 13. ^ Paus. 2. 27. 2. * Published in Baumeister's Denkmdler, i. p. 301. ^ Cf. Benndorf, Das Heroon von Gjolbaschi, pi. 22. * No. 760 Cat. of Greek Sculpture. Cf. Benndorf, op. cit. p. 61. E 2 52 The Attitude of the Greek metopes, where the Gigantomachia was acted in great fury : — (TKi^at kKoVOV €V T€L\€' (TL Xaivoiai TLydvToav to which the second group repHes At this point, then, it appears that each metope is taken in detail. The description can be broken up so that out of what appears hke a possible frieze there come three excellent groups such as would fit well into a quadrangular space. 1. Semi-chorus. — Xcvaoreis ovv err' 'EyKeAaSo) yopycoTTOv iraXkova-av ltvv ; )- ISt metope. 2. Semi-chorus. — 1. Semi-chorus. — tC yap ; Kepavvov afJL(l)L1TVpOV O^pLfJiOV €V AlOS kK7]^6\oL(n yjepv 8' 'AOi^ms riaXXdSos (T€\xubv ^piras TTpoa-TTTV^ov' etp$€i yap viv ciTTorjixevas hcLvois bp6.K0V(nv, &a-T€ fxr) yj/avetv aedcVy YopY(u<|>' vTTepTeCvova-d (rov ndpa kukKov. Euripides pictures the goddess extending her aigis in order to protect Orestes from the attack of the Furies. We have seen above * that there is reason for believing the a-e/jLPoi/ operas, i.e. the sacred xoanon, a sitting Athena. Here, on the contrary, there is no question but that a standing figure is meant. This shows us that while Euripides had to employ the language that ' Cf. Furtwangler, op. cit. p. ii. ^ vs. 1015, 1055, 1421, 1478. ^ vs. 1354 ff. * p. 7 ff. Tragedians toward Art 6i applied to the old image, he had in mind the other type of Athena and not unlikely the statue of the Parthenon. The goddess holds out her aigis regularly, as a shield, in the battle with the giants ^ On one vase from Lower Italy the scene which is described above really occurs, the difference being only that the scene is laid at Delphi, and not at Athens. Orestes is on the altar beside Apollo and the laurel tree, and the goddess stretches out her left arm with the aigis and shields the suppliant from the Furies, who appear ready for the attack ^. The image which furnished Euripides the kernel for the Iphigeneia in Tauris was evidently in existence at Brauron in the poet's time^ This appears to me to have been settled by Robert*. The exalted importance of this cult was brought about very largely no doubt through the working of the drama. Athena herself pro- phesies the outcome of the whole matter as ^ In marble the noted example is that published by Clarac III, no. 848. On vases cf. especially the beautiful Erginos-Aristo- phanes kylix, Berlin, no. 2531, published by Gerhard, Trink- schalen und Gefdsse, pi. 2, 3 ; Wiener Vorlegebldtter, sen i. pi. 5. ^ Published in Arch. Ztg. i860, pi. 137, 4, and in Overbeck, Bildwerke, 29, 8. ' Pausanias, i. 23. 7, and i. 33. i, with which cf. Robert, Archaeologische Mdrchen, p. 144 flf. * loc. at. 62 The Attitude of the Greek Orestes is about to get away with the idol and his sister. He is to take the two and proceed to Attica. At Halai, a sacred spot, he shall erect a temple and place in it the image. Iphi- geneia shall serve as priestess to the goddess where mount the sacred stairs at Brauron, and when she dies she is to be buried there, and * for a monument shall be brought the well-spun garments of the women who died in childbirth.' The image is called both ^^(ttov ayoKiia^ and aeyLvov ppiras^y but nothing further is learned from Euripides. When Pausanias visited the temple of Artemis Brauronia on the Acropolis he made mention of only one statue, and that, the work of Praxiteles ^. Through inscriptions *, however, another image is known to have been in the temple, and this was unquestionably a copy of the original image at Brauron. The inscriptions which cover the years 367/6 to 334/3 B-C- name distinctly two statues^. 1. TO cbos, TO €bos TO OLpyoiov or TO €bos TO XlOlvov. 2. rd ayakixa, to 6,ya\ixa to opBov or ayaAjua to k(rTr]K6s. * vs. Ill f. '^ V. 1291. ^ I. 23. 7. * C /. A. ii, 751-765. * Vid. Robert, op. cit. p. 155, and the same in Harrison, Mythology and Monuments of Athens ^ p. 400. Tragedians toward Art 63 It seems clear from this that No. i stands for the old image, a copy, as I think, of the Brauron one, and the same which Euripides has in mind, while No. 2 was the temple statue proper by Praxiteles. No. i is distinguished by implica- tion as a sitting statue. While, too, the material is marble, we cannot be sure that the Brauron image was of the same material. This, then, is as near as we may come to the character of the xoanon which plays the big role in the Iphigeneia in Tauris. We come now to what appears to be^ a very important fact. Euripides states through the mouth of Athena that Iphigeneia shall have laid upon her tomb at Brauron TreirXcav evirrjpov? v vs. 348 ff. F2 68 The Attitude of the Greek This image of his wife he shall call by name, and beheve, although it be not true, that he is holding the real Alkestis in his arms. Could the marble be more beautiful than the words which describe it all ? The undercurrent, which lends to the early part of the play the air of a fehcitous modern home, comes nowhere more plainly to the surface than here. A worthy parallel to this passage is preserved in the fragments of the Andromeda ^ Perseus has come in his journey to the rock where the daughter of Kepheus is chained — ea, TtV 6)(^9ov Tovb* 6p& TrepLppVTOv acjip^ da\6,(T(rr]s ; napOivov t eiK(a TLva ef avTopiop^odv Xatvoiv TVKLcriJidTaiv (ro€L p^ov rj ypa(\)r]v Oeos ^. Prosperity does not exist among mortals, for ' Fate eradicates this more easily than a painting.' This reminds one of Aischylos^. These last three examples appear to me to argue strongly * Hel. vs. 262 f. ^ fr. 6i8. ^ Cf. p. 19 above. 76 The Attitude of the Greek for the tradition of an artist Euripides. He refers in another place ^ to the battle of the gods and giants in paintings, and no doubt remembers as he does so that there was not a person who heard his words or read them who did not; see, almost daily, representations of the Kkbvov yiyavTcov. On vases the fight occurred ad satietatem^ while the peplos for the sacred image of Athena on the Acropolis was again called to mind. Its brilliant colors rendered it no less impressive than a veritable painting. Nowhere, however, does one approach a definite work so closely as in the Ion. The picture becomes quite clear. Ion. Ik yr\^ irarpos crov irpoyovos e^kacTTev iraTi^p; Kreousa. ^EpixOovLOs ye* to 5e yivos [x ovk ax^eAei. Ion. ri KaC (Tc/)* ^AOdva yrjOev e^aveiXeTO ; Kreousa. et? irapdivovs ye X^^P^^j ^^ TeKovad viv. Ion. hihaaai h\ wo-irep ei' "^fpo-^Xi »'OfJ>'i^€Tai ^ ; ' And did the progenitor of your father spring from Earth?' 'Yes, Erichthonios, but my race avails me nought.' 'And did not Athena receive him from the Earth?' * Phoin. V. 128. ^ Ion, vs. 267 ff. Tragedians toward Art 77 *Yes, to her virgin arms, but she was not his mother.' ^ And did she dispose of him as the paintings show itl' Ion has a definite notion of the manner of Erichthonios' birth, and he has learned it all from a painting or paintings. His memory serves him well, and he plies Kreousa with questions till he is satisfied whether his idea of the affair talHes with her account. Euripides goes over all this through Ion with a large interest in the story. It looks as though he were hinting at a recent and important painting by some master in Athens. The glorification of the capital and the local myths is so plainly the tendency of the whole tragedy, and the Attic legend is being given in it so thoroughly the stamp of history, that a new painting which represented the birth of the patron god was by no means to be omitted from the recital of the creed. As a matter of fact the legend seems to date from the first half of the fifth century b. c.^ * Mythologists may go back to a much earlier date for the inception of the myth, but the vase paintings seem to be valuable evidence for a fifth-century revival in its sacredness, if not for the fifth-century origin. The black figured vase painters can hardly have had this popular subject from which to draw. 78 The Attitude of the Greek One is led to this conclusion from the circum- stance that the story did not gain any place in art before this time. Popular as such a subject must have been with the Athenians from its first conception it would at once have been popular for the vase painters and artists in general. It is first in the later severe red figured vases that the story makes its appearance to any great extent. The oldest record we have of it is in the famous terra-cotta relief in the Berlin Antiquarium ^. Not much later than the terra cotta come three vase paintings I In all of these Ge, with body half out of the earth, reaches up the infant 'to the virgin arms' of Athena. In none of them is the later moment shown where the goddess delivers him to the daughters of Kekrops. Since the latter are often present the scene may be considered all one and the same. Euripides simply makes Ion enlarge the picture to cover more time. All the monuments * Published in Arch. Ztg. 1872, pi. 63, and by Harrison, op. at. p. xxviii. ^ (a) No. 345 in Munich. Published in Mon. d. Inst. i. pi. 10, and illite Ceram. i. pi. 84 =^ Muller-Wieseler, Denkmdler der alien Kunst, i. 211*. (6) Camuccini Coll. Published in Mon. d. Inst. iii. pi. 30, and Elite Ceram. i. pi. 85*= Wiener Vorlegebldtter, ser. 3, pi. 2. (c) Gerhard's Auserl. Vasen. ii. pi. J51 =Elite Ceram. i. pi. 85. Tragedians toward Art 79 show the same scene — the child is being handed over to Athena. On the Berhn kyhx^, which is by far the most beautiful of the vase pictures, Kekrops in long coils ^ is present as usual, and besides there are Hephaistos and the three daughters of Kekrops — Herse, Aglauros, and Pandrosos, together with Erechtheus and a certain Hellas. One really sees the drama per- formed before him. I always felt on frequent study of this beautiful picture that the vase painter was indebted to some large work of national repute. It is this, perhaps, that Eurip- ides recalls for his audience ^. 4. Weaving and Embroidery, This feature, so pronounced in the youngest of the three tragedians, does not make its appearance in the other two. The artistic in Euripides cannot be studied to better advantage than in the various works of the loom which he * No. 2537. Published in Mon. d. Inst. x. pi. 39 and by Harrison, op. cit. p. xxix. The main scene is also in Roscher's Lexikon, i. p. 1305. This vase, which must be dated dr. 440 b.c, is con- siderably nearer the date of the Ion than any of the other works referred to. 2 Cf. V. 1 164. ' Lucian, De domo 27, mentions a painting showing the birth, but adds that some older work was the suggestion for it. The itaXma ris 'ypa<^ suggests the possible influence of the fifth- century paintings. 8o The Attitude of the Greek brings into use. The pleasure he had in using his eyes and in picturing the designs in the woven garments distinguishes him easily from any other poet. Where the stuff of a garment attracts Euripides, and he sees in it all sorts of pictures and a splendor which dazzles us by its richness, Aischylos goes on in a plain matter-of-fact way, giving little attention to his i/0ao-/za ^, and Sophokles omits the whole affair. It would be interesting to know whether the latter would have had any designs worked into the web. One is left to conclude from his silence on this point that it was a bit of luxury in which Sophokles had no interest. The most extensive passage is in the loUy where the servant of Kreousa relates to the chorus of Attic maidens the celebration of Xouthos in honour of his recovered son 2. I give the whole description. 'And when Kreousa's husband Xouthos left the oracle, he went with his new son to the feast and to the sacrifices which he was going to make to the gods. He went to where the Bacchic flames burst forth, that he might sprinkle with the blood of slaughtered victims the double crags of the god's mountain in honour of his son. He said * Cf. p. 21 above. ^ vs. 1122-1165. Tragedians toward Art 8i to the boy, ' Remain here, and erect with the help of skilled hands a solid tent, and, if I stay rather long at the sacrifice, have the servants ready to wait upon our friends.' He took the cattle and was oif, while the youth had the wall-less circumference of the sacred shelter constructed with upright shafts, and had it well protected from the hot rays at noon and again from the sun when setting. He fixed the length of the equal sides at a plethron each, which gave for the interior a space of ten thousand square feet, enough, as those who know declare, to accommodate all the Delphians at the feast.' For that which follows I must give the Greek : — ka^(i>v b* v(f)6L(T\ia&' Upa 6r](Tavp(av irdpa KaTea-KCaCcy Oa^fxar ^vOpc^irois opav. irp&Tov fikv 6p6(f)(o TrT€pvya irepL^dWcL TreTrXcoi;, avdOrjjjia ACov iraibos, ots *HpaKkir]s ^ApiaCdvcov crKv\ivp.aT -qveyKev 6€aL' Ovpavos ddpoi^oav aarrp kv aiOepos KVK\(a' tTTTTOvs fJi^v i]Xavv ets TeXevraCav (pXoya "HXlos, €(I)€\k(i)v ka\n:pbv 'Ecnripov <^a(T\iaTa^ ev-qpirpLovs vavs avrCas 'EkX-qvta-Lv, Kol pLL^oO-qpas (l)coTas tTTTretas r' aypas eXd^oiV XeovTdiv t aypCoiv 6r]pdiJLaTa. Kar ela-obovs be KiKpoira Ovyaripcav Trika^ 7. Vasen. pi. 164. Cf also Winckelmannsprogramm, 1890, pi. 2. These are all without exception Orpheus scenes, and the Thracians who are hanging on his music have the native mantle. This led Furtwangler to conclude that this dress appears complete, cap and allj only in the representation of this scene. That the costume appears elsewhere is shown by the Onesimos kylix in the Castel- lani collection in Rome ; vid. Hartwig's Meisterschalen, pi. 54. There are here four full-dressed Thracians who are serving as mere decorative figures. ^ The Lykurgeia is to be placed in the years 465-458 s.c. I 2 ii6 The Attitude of the Greek the influence of Aischylos everything that harmonizes with the grammarian who calls the Rhesos an early work of Euripides. The mounted Thracian in the inside picture of the Onesimos kylix is a glorious example of the pomp which the author of the Rhesos assigns to the king. I cannot help feeling that the period which knew at Athens such a rider as this figure of the vase painter was the same as that in which the splendidly caparisoned Rhesos was introduced to the Athenian audience. The reference to the Athena Aigis, and the knowing manner in which it is done, is evidence also of the strongest nature for Euripides. This was, we might say, his own speciality. No other Greek poet was so deeply concerned in the goddess as she appeared in Art, and in her famous armor ^. This verse alone would ex- clude Sophokles as author, as well as any one who had been seriously under his influence. Of course, any or many of the tragedians whose works have not reached us may have written in the artistic vein of Euripides. We cannot there- fore claim this as conclusive evidence for Euripidean authorship. Still when viewed in the light of the foregoing pages this part of the ^ Cf. p. 59 f. above. Tragedians toward Art 117 play must be admitted to possess the true Euripidean ring. The description is artistic exactly in the manner of this poet, and any one who appreciates this side of him cannot close his eyes to the fact that, in this particular, the author of the Ion and that of the Rhesos manifest one and the same trait. In V. 225 the temple of Apollo is referred to by the regular Euripidean word vaov. The temple of Athena at Troy is (Tr]K6s^, as was that of Demeter and Kore at Eleusis-. The temple image dyaXfia^ is not omitted. And lastly, another cult which reminds one of Euripides is that of the Argive Hera. This great shrine inspired him more than once *. My task is ended. I am not concerned with parallels outside of this limit. The result is plain. Those who believe Euripides to be the author of the Rhesos have a very strong argument on their side in the artistic allusions in the play. Notwithstanding all that has been said to point out why Euripides could not have written the work, nothing can be brought forward to over- throw the fact that a poet of artistic tastes like Euripides was the author of the Rhesos. ^ V. 501. ''' Supp. V 30. ^ V. 50a. * Troad. v. 23 f. ; Iph. T. v. 221. ii8 GENERAL INDEX dyaX/xa, sense of, 6 f., 59, 75, 117. Achilles, armor of, 92 f. Aigis, 84, 114. Athena, image of in the Eumen., 9 f., ' Old Temple ' of, 8. 43. 45 note 2 : on a chariot, 71 f. Operas, sense of, 6 f., use of in Iph. T., 61 f. ypacprj, 22, 75. Daidalos, 64 f. Delphi, Apollo Temple at, 41, 47 f. Erechtheion, 34 f., and 44. Erichthonios, birth of, 76 f. InirakeKTpvdjv, 31 f. Iphigeneia, sacrifice of, 17 f. Kyklops, 58 f. Metopes, 46 f. Nike Temple, date of, 87, note 2. Panathenaic Peplos, 112. Pan's grotto, 42 f. Trapacrrds, 56. Parthenos, 59 f., 97 f. Personification, 29 f., 83 f., 95. Phineus, episode of, 12 ff., and 108. Prometheus in E. gable of Parthenon, 11 1. Propylaia, paintings in, 66. arjKos, 57, 117. Shields, devices of, 22 f., 92, 99, loi f. Sphinx, 27 f., 97 f. Stars on vases, 24. Thracians, costume of, 114 f. vcpacfia, 21, 80 f. 119 INDEX OF PASSAGES DISCUSSED AlSCHYLOS. Agam., vs. 416 f., p. 5 f. : v. 240, p. 17 f. Eumen., v. 80, p. 9 f. : vs. 46 f., p. 12 f. Septem, vs. 116 f., p. 11 f. : vs. 388 f, p. 22 : vs. 432, p. 24 f. : vs. 466 f., p. 25 f. : vs. 493 f., p. 26 f. : vs. 541 f.> P- 27 f. : vs. 644 f., p. 29 f. Supp. vs. 211 f., p. II. SOPHOKLES. Oed. Rex, v. 20, p. 34 f. Frag. no. 1025, p. 37. Euripides. Alk., vs. 348 f,, p. 67 f. Andromache, vs. iiii f., p. 56 f. Andromeda, frag. 125, p. 68 f. Elekt., vs. 1254 f., p. 60 f . : vs. 718 f., p. 90 f. : vs. 432 f., p. 91 f. Eurystheus, frag. 372, p. 64. Hek., vs. 466 f , p. 89 f. : vs. 558 f., p. 65 f. Hipp., vs. 30 f., p. 45 f. : V. 1005 f., p. 73. Hypsipyle, frag. 764, p. 57 f. Ion, vs. 184 f., pp. 41 and 48 f. : vs. 267 f., p. 76 f. : vs. 492 f., p. 42 f. : vs. IJ22-1166, p. 80 f. : vs. 1412 f., p. 88 f. Iph. A,, vs. 250 f., p. 70 f. Iph. T., vs 811 f, p. 90 f. Phoin., vs. 1107 f., p. 10 1 f. Rhesos, vs. 305 f., p. 114 f. Troades, vs. 686 f., p. 73. OXFORD : HORACE HART PRINTER TO THE UNIVERSITY LTI 14 DAY USE RETURN TO DESK FROM WHICH BORROWED LOAN DEPT. This book is due on the last date stamped below, or on the date to which renewed. Renewed books are subject to immediate recall. mtii ms. 2b'6»-6 * ^w DEP^ ^of^ jM\2< aiga^^ ^ ^ cu jtfgg ui 3^^ LD 21A-I0m-1,'68 (H74528l0)476B General Library University of California Berkeley r YB 17650 / 1 01 973 ■I '