«oujf »um vi» CO %bainmii^ ^immYQt § ctOFCAUfORfc. ^jOFCAllFORto. .5»E»IIVtl%. fuz\% ivpA lirfl i lünl ilfffi iS)I i fyKNm& wmmfr of Christian Doctrines. VOL. II. EDINBURGH: T. & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET. 1 8 84. PRINTED BY MORRISON AND G1BB, FOR T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH. LONDON, DUBLIN, NEW YORK, ITAMILTON, ADAMS, AND CO. GEORGE HE11BERT. SC RIBNER AND WELFORD. A HISTORY OF CHRISTIAN DOCTRINES. BY THE LATE DR. K. R. HAGENBACH, PROFESSOR OF THEOLOGY AT BASEL. TRANSLATED FROM THE FIFTH AND LAST GERMAN EDITION, WITH ADDITIONS FROM OTHER SOURCES. Wiitf) an Entrofcuctt'on bg E. H. PLUMPTRE, D.D., PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN KING'S COLLEGE, LONDON; EXAMINING CHAPLAIN TO THE ARCHBISHOP OF CANTERBURY. VOL. IL EDINBURGH: & T. CLARK, 38 GEORGE STREET. 1884. MADE IN GREAT BRrrM^ CONTENTS. SECOND PERIOD. FROM THE DEATH OF ORIGEN TO JOHN DAMASCENE, FROM THE YEAR 254-730. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. B. SPECIAL HISTORY OF DOCTRINES DURING THE SECOND PERIOD (continued). SECOND CLASS. CHURCH DOCTRINES EITHER NOT CONNECTED, OR BUT REMOTELY, WITH THE HERESIES OF THE AGE. (DIDACTIC PAKT.) § PAGE 115. Introduction, ....... 1 1. Apologetic and Normal Doctrines (Prolegomena). 116. The Idea of Religion and Revelation, . . .2 117. Writings in Defence of Christianity, .... 4 118. Miracles and Prophecy, ...... 5 119. Sources of Religious Knowledge — Bible and Tradition, . . 8 120. The Canon, ...... .10 121. Inspiration and Interpretation, . . . . .14 122. Tradition and the Continuance of Inspiration, . . .20 2. The Doctrine concerning God. 123. The Being of God, ....... 22 124. The Nature oi God, ....... 26 VÜ1 CONTENTS. 125. The Unity of God, ....... 30 126. The Attributes of God, ...... 31 127. Creation, ........ 34 128. The Relation of the Doctrine of Creation to the Doctrine of the Trinity, ........ 36 129. Object of Creation — Providence — Preservation and Government of the World, 37 130. Theodicy, ........ 40 131. Angelology and Angelolatry, ..... 41 132. The same subject continued, ..... 46 133. Devil and Demons, ....... 47 3. Soteriology. 134. Redemption through Christ — The Death of Jesus, . 52 4. The Church and the Sacraments. 135. The Church, ........ 62 136. The Sacraments, ....... 67 137. Baptism, ........ 69 138. The Lord's Supper, ....... 77 5. The Doctrine of the Last Things. 139. Millenarianism — The Kingdom of Christ, . . . .87 140. The Resurrection of the Body, . . . . .89 141. General Judgment — Conflagration of the World — Purgatory, . 94 142. The State of the Blessed and the Damned, .... 98 THIRD PERIOD. FROM JOHN DAMASCENE TO THE PERIOD OF THE REFORMATION, A.D. 730-1517. THE AGE OF SYSTEMATIC THEOLOGY. (scholasticism in the widest sense OF THE WOI1D.) A. GENERAL HISTORY OF DOCTRINES DURING THE THIRD PERIOD. 143. Character of this Period, ...... 106 144. The Relation of the Systematic Tendency to the Apologetic, . 1Ö8 CONTENTS. IX 145. The Polemics of this Period — Controversies with Heretics, . 146. The Greek Church, ...... 147. The Western Church, ..... 148. The Carolingian Period (with the Phenomena immediately precediii and following), ...... 149. Scholasticism in general, ..... 150. The Principal Scholastic Systems, — (a) First Period of Scholasticism — to the time of Peter Lombard, 151. {b) Second Period — to the end of Thirteenth Century, 152. (c) Third Period — the Fall of Scholasticism in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, ..... 153. Mysticism, ....... 154. Scientific Opposition to Scholasticism, 155. Practical Opposition — Forerunners of the Reformation, 156. The Connection of the History of Doctrines with the History of the Church and the "World in the present Period, PAGE 111 113 114 118 121 126 131 134 141 144 147 B. SI'ECIAL HISTORY OF DOCTKINES DURING THE THIRD PERIOD. FIRST DIVISION. APOLOGETICO-DOGMATIC PROLEGOMENA. TRUTH OF CHRISTIANITY — RELATION OF REASON TO REVELATION — SOURCES OF REVELATION — SCRIPTURE AND TRADITION. 157. Truth and Divinity of Christianity, . 158. Reason and Revelation — Faith and Knowledge, 159. Sources of Knowledge — Bible and Tradition, 160. The Canon of the Bible and Biblical Criticism, 161. Inspiration, ..... 162. Interpretation of Scripture — The Reading of the Bible, 151 153 161 165 166 170 SECOND DIVISION. (INCLUDING COSMOLOGY, ANGELOLOGY, DEMONOLOGY, ETC.) 163. The Existence of God, ...... 175 164. The Comprehensibility of God, . . . . .183 165. The Nature of God in general, . . . . .188 166. The Attributes of God,— (a) God in relation to Time, Space, and Number (the Omnipresence, Eternity, and Unity of God), ..... 192 167. (b) God in relation to Things — Omnipresence and Omniscience, . 197 168. (c) Moral Attributes, ...... 203 CONTENTS. PAGE 169. Doctrine of the Trinity— Doctrine of the Procession of the Holy Ghost, 204 170. The Doctrine of the Trinity , ..... 209 171. The Doctrine of Creation, Providence, and the Government of the World— Theodicy, . . . . .226 172. The Angels and the Devil, 233 THIRD DIVISION. ANTHROPOLOGY. 173. General Definitions, ....... 239 174. The Immortality of the Soul, . . . . .242 175. Man in the State of Innocence before the Fall, . . . 245 176. The Fall of Man, and Sin in general, . . . .251 177. Consequences of the First Sin — Original Sin — Freedom of the Will, 256 178. Exceptions from Original Sin — The Immaculate Conception of Mary, . . . . . . . - . 260 FOURTH DIVISION. CHRISTOLOGY AND SOTERIOLOGY. 179. Christology in the Greek Church — The Adoptianist Controversy in the West — Nihilianism, . . ... 267 180. Redemption and Atonement, ..... 275 181. Further Development of the Doctrine, .... 2S2 182. Connection of Soteriology with Christology, . . . 290 FIFTH DIVISION. THE O R D O SALÜTIS. 183. Predestination (the Gottschalk Controversy), . . . 293 184. Further Development of the Doctrine of Predestination, . . 299 185. Appropriation of Grace, ...... 302 186. Faith and Works — The Meritoriousness of the latter, . . 308 SIXTH DIVISION. THE DOCTRINE OF THE CHURCH AND THE SACRAMENTS. ] 37. The i Ihun li, . . . . . . . . 312 ["he Worship of Saints, ...... 317 J he Sacraments, ....... 319 CONTENTS. XI 190. 191, 192. 193. 194. 195. 196. 197. 198. 199. 200. 201. The same subject continued, .... Baptism, ....... Confirmation, ...... The Lord's Supper, ...... (1) The Controversy on the Eucharist previous to the Else of Scho lasticism. Paschasius Radbertus and Ralramnus. Berengarius, (2) Scholastic Development of the Doctrine. 'Jransubstantiation, The Sacrifice of the Mass, .... The Withholding of the Cup from the Laity— Concomitance, Dissenting Opinions, ... . The Greek Church, ...... The Sacrament of Penance, ..... Extreme Unction, ...... The Sacrament of Orders, ..... The Sacrament of Matrimony, .... TACE 325 330 334 337 337 345 355 358 362 365 368 371 374 SEVENTH DIVISION. ESCHATOLOGY. 202. Millenarianism (Chiliasm) — The approaching End of the World — ■ Antichrist, . ...... 203. Influence of Mediaeval Tendencies and of Christian Art upon Eschatology, 204. The Resurrection of the Body, 205. The Last Judgment, . 206. Purgatory, . 207. The Sleep of the Soul, 208. The Localities of the Future World — (Heaven, Hell, aud Intel- mediate State), ...... 209. Future State of the Blessed and the Damned, 210. Eternity of the Punishments of Hell — Restitution of all Things, 378 381 3S2 385 3S8 392 393 396 401 FOURTH PERIOD. FROM THE REFORMATION TO THE RISE OF THE PHILOSOPHY OF LEIBNITZ AND WOLF IN GERMANY (l517 TO ABOUT 1720). THE AGE OF POLEMICO-ECCLESIASTICAL SYMBOLISM. (tue conflict of confessions of faith.) A. GENERAL HISTORY OF DOCTRINES DURING THE FOURTH PERIOD. 211. Introduction, ........ 406 212. The Principles of Protestantism, ..... 407 213. Relation of the History of Doctrines of the present Period to that of the former Period (Symbolism), . . . . .410 Xll CONTENTS. 1. The Lutheran Church. § 214. Luther and Melanchthon, . . . . 215. The Symbolical Books of the Lutheran Church, 216. The Systematic Theology of the Lutheran Church, . 217. Lutheran Mysticism, Theosophy, and Asceticism, . 218. Reforming Tendencies — John "Valentin Andrea, Calixt, Spener Thomasius, ...... PACE 411 415 421 426 429 2. The Reformed Church. 219. Zwingli and Calvin, ...... 220. The Symbolical Books of the Reformed Church, 221. (a) Symbolical Writings prior to the Time of Calvin, 222. (b) Symbolical Writings under the Influence of Calvin, 223. The Systematic Theology of the Reformed Church, . 224. Mysticism in the Reformed Church, .... 225. Influence of the Cartesian Philosophy — More Liberal Tendencies, 225«. [The French School of Saumur], . 225b. [Theology in England and Scotland], 431 436 437 439 445 452 453 455 456 B. SPECIAL HISTORY OF DOCTRINES DURING THE SECOND PERIOD. SECOND CLASS. CHURCH DOCTEINES EITHER NOT CONNECTED, OR BUT REMOTELY, WITH THE HERESIES OF THE AGE. (DIDACTIC PART.) § 115. Introduction. The doctrinal views on fundamental points, which had been matured by controversy, exerted more or less influence upon the development of other dogmas. Thus, the further theo- logical definitions respecting the nature and attributes of God, creation, etc., depended upon the views held on the Trinity ; those which relate to the atonement of Christ, and the sig- nificance of the Lord's Supper, were closely connected with the opinions held concerning the person of Christ; those respecting the Church, baptism, and the sacraments as means of grace, with the view taken of anthropology ; and, lastly, eschatology was influenced by all the other doctrines together. Even the more general definitions concerning the nature of Christianity, the canon and its relation to tradition, etc., are in some way or other connected with one or another of the fundamental dogmas. Nevertheless, we are justified in treating of these doctrines separately, inasmuch as, in some respects at least, they were Hagenb. Hist. Doer. n. A 2 SECOND PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 11C. not affected by the contests, and present themselves rather as a development of earlier opinions. 1. APOLOGETIC AND NORMAL DOCTRINES (PROLEGOMENA). § 116- The Idea of Religion and Revelation. Though the theologians of the present period had not the conception of a merely abstract religion, without a positive historical basis and form, yet we meet in the writings of Lactantius with a more precise definition of the word religion, which was borrowed from the Latin. He applies the term in question not only to the external forms of worship (as Tertullian had done before him), but — though with an in- correct etymology — to the union and fellowship of men with God, which he also regards as something purely human (1). Faith in revelation was required as a necessary condition (2). (1) Lactaiit. Inst. iv. 28 : Hac enim conditione gignimur, ut generanti nos Deo justa et debita obsequi prsebeamus, hunc solum noverimus, hunc sequamur. Hoc vincido pietatis obstricti Deo et religati sumus, unde ipsa religio nomen accepit, non, ut Cicero intcrpretatus est, a relegendo. Comp. iii. 10 : Summum igitur bonum hominis in sola religione est ; nam caetera, etiam quae putantur esse homini propria, in cceteris quoque animalibus reperiuntur. 1 1 : Constat igitur totius huinani generis consensu, religionem suscipi oportere. He compared it with sapientia (iv. 4), from which it is not to be separated. By sapientia he understands the knowledge, by religio the worship, of God. God is the source of both. The one without the other leads to such errors as paganism re- pp cuts, on the one hand, in the unbelieving philosophers (the apostate and disinherited sons) ; and, on the other, in the superstitious multitudes (the runaway slaves). — Augustine lul lows the terminology of Tertidlian ; he contrasts religio with fides or pietas ; De Pecc. Mer. et Rem. ii. 2, see Baumgarten- § HG. J TUE IDEA OF RELIGION AND REVELATION. 3 Crusius, ii. s. 751, and comp. Nitzsch, über den Religions- begriff der Alten, Theologische Studien und Kritiken, i. 3, 4. Concerning the nature of religion, and the questions whether it principally consists in knouiedge, or in the form of worship, or whether it consists in inner, living fellowship with God, see the controversy between Eunomius and his opponents in § 125, and Neander, Kg. ii. 2, s. 857. [Comp. M. Müller, Hibbert Lectures, Lond. 1879.] (2) On the necessity of faith in revelation in general, see Bufini Expos. Fidei (in Fell's edition of Cypr.), p. 18: Ut ergo intelligentise tibi aditus patescat, recte primo omnium te credere profiteris ; quia nee navem quis ingreditur et liquido ac profundo vitam committit elemento, nisi se prius credat posse salvari, nee agricola semina sulcis obruit et fruges spargit in terram, nisi credideret ventures imbres, affuturum quoque solis teporem, quibus terra confota segetem multi- plicata fruge producat ac ventis spirantibus nutriat. Nihil denique est, quod in vita geri possit, si non credulitas ante praecesserit. Quid ergo mirum si accedentes ad Deum credere nos primo omnium profitemur, cum sine hoc nee ipsa exigi possit vita communis ? Hoc autem idcirco in principiis prsemisirnus, quia pagani nobis objicere solent, quod religio nostra, quia quasi rationibus deficit, in sola credendi per- suasione consistat. Comp. Augustine, De Utilitate Credendi, c. 13 : Eecte igitur catholics disciplinse majestate institutum est, ut accedentibus ad religionem fides persuadeatur ante omnia. Re, too, shows that without faith there can be no friendship even among men (c. 10), no filial love and piety (c. 12). Augustine knows of no other religion than positive Christianity, and insists that reason should submit to it ; for faith precedes the knowledge of reason, I.e. c. 14: Deinde fateor, me jam Christo credidisse et in animum induxisse, id esse verum, quod ille dixerit, etiamsi nulla ratione fulciatur. Pieason would never have saved man from darkness and misery, nisi summus Dens populari qiiadam dementia divini intellectus auctoritatem usque ad ipsum corpus humanuni declinaret atque submitteret, cujus non solum prceaeptis, sed etiam f actis excitatse animee redire in semetipsas et respicere patriam etiam sine disputationum concertatione potuissent. . . . Mihi autem certum est, nusquam prorsus a Christi 4 SECOND PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 117. auctoritate discedere, nou enim reperio valentiorem (Contra Academ. 1. iii. c. 19, 20). Comp. De Vera Eel. c. 5 ; I)e Moribus Eccles. Cath. c. 7 : Qu are deinceps nemo ex me qurerat sententiam meam, sed potius audiamus oracula, nos- trasque ratiunculas divinis submittamus affatibus. Comp. Bindemanns Augustinus, ii. s. 113 ff. § 117. Writings in Defence of Christianity. Baur, Dogmengescliichte (Vorlesungen), i. 2, s. CG ff. In proportion as the polemical tendency of the present period prevailed over the apologetic, the proofs of the truth and divinity of Christianity lost originality, and most writers were satisfied with the mere repetition of former statements (1). The attacks of Porphyry, Julian the Apostate, and others, however, called forth new efforts in defence of Christiantiy (2) ; the accusations of the heathen, when Christianity was ■established as the religion of the world upon the ruins of the Western Empire, induced Augustine to compose his apologetical treatise, " De Civitate Dei." (1) Among the apologists previous to the apostasy of Julian, Arndbms (Adversus Gentes) deserves to be noticed. His argument a tuto, ii. 4, is as follows: . . . nonne purior ratio est, ex duobus incertis et in ambigua exspectatione pendentibus id potius credere, quod aliquas spes f erat, quam omnino quod nullas ? In illo enim periculi nihil est, si quod dicitur iiuiuinere cassum fiat et vacuum : in hoc damnum est maximum, i.e. salutis amissio, si cum tempus advenerit aperiatur non fuisse mendacium . . . Eusebius of Caesarea likewise defended Christianity in his Pricpar. and Demonstr. Evang. (§ 82, note 1) ; Athanasius in his Xoyos Kara "EWtjvoov, etc. ; Julius Eormicus Maternus, De Errore Pro- fanarum Religionum (between 340 and 350), and others. (2) Eusebius, I.e., Theodoret, Augustine, and others com- bated Porphyry; Eusebius also opposed Hierocles in a separate § 118.] MIRACLES AND PROPHECY. 5 treatise. Cyril of Alexandria wrote ten books against the Emperor Julian, who charged Christianity with contradictions. — The dialogue entitled Philopatris, formerly ascribed to Lucian, may have been composed under the same emperor, see Neander, Kg. ii. 1, s. 191. On the apologetic writings of this period, see Gieseler, Dg. 274 ff. [The Spanish pres- byter, Irosius, Historiie adv. Paganos. The last important work in the Greek Church against the heathen was Thcodoret, ' EWrjvitcwv OepcnrevTi/cr) Tradri/xdrcov, about 440. Against the Jews, Eusehius, Demonstr. Evang. ; Chrysostom, Adv. Jud. Orat. viii. ; Augustine, Tract, adv. Judaeos.] [Baur, Dg. 156, says that Athanasius, Eusebius of Caesarea, and Augustine elevated apologetics, by representing Christianity as the perfect religion in comparison with all others — viewing it in the light of the philosophy of religion and of the general religious history of mankind. Augustines work, De Civitate Dei, is the grandest attempt to consider Christianity as real- izing the idea of a divine plan and order for the world — as containing the immanent idea of the world and its history ; even the greatness of the Iioman Empire is fully seen only in its relation to Christianity.] § 118. Miracles and Prophecy. F. Nitzsch, Augustin's Lehre vom Wunder, Berlin 1865. [Isaac Taylor, Ancient Christianity, 4th ed. 1844, ii. 233-336, The Nicene Miracles. Newman's Preface to Fleury, in Collected Writings.] Since the Christians were constantly accustomed to appeal to miracles and prophecies in support of the truth of their religion, it became important to define more precisely the idea of a miracle. Augustine did this by defining miracles as events which deviate not so much from the order of nature in general, as from that particular order of nature which is known to us (1). With regard to prophecies, many passages of the Old Testament were still applied to the Messiah which had no reference to Him, and the truly Messianic passages were taken in a narrower sense than historical interpretation 6 SECOND PERIOD. — THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 118. required (2). The apologists also appealed to Christ's pro- phecy respecting the destruction of Jerusalem, which had long since received its accomplishment, to the fate of the Jewish nation (3), and the similar judgment with which God had visited the old Eoman world, and compared those events with the triumphant spread of the gospel (4). And, lastly, even Augustine takes notice of the Sibylline oracles, mentioned by Lactantius (5). (1) Augustine, De Utilitate Cred. c. 16: Miraculum voco, quidquid arduum ant insolitum supra spem vel facultatem mirantis apparet. De Civ. Dei, lib. xxi. c. 8 : Omnia portenta contra naturam dicimus esse, sed non sunt. Quomodo est enim contra naturam quod Dei fit voluntate, quuni voluntas tanti utique conditoris conditae rei cujusque natura sit ? Por- tentum ergo fit non contra naturam, sed contra quam est nota natura . . . quamvis et ipsa qure in rerum natura omnibus nota sunt, non minus mira sint, essentque stupenda consider- antibus cunctis, si solerent homines mirari nisi rara. — On the significance and application of these expressions, see Baur, I.e. ii. 1, s. 83 f., and particularly Nitzsclb, I.e. s. 10: " What Augustine calls the knoivn rule of nature (nota natura), is the same that we mean by the laws of nature. That which he sets in opposition to this, nature in and by itself, is the totality of that which the divine government of the world brings with itself, in which the laws of nature form merely a part, and which, on the other side, contains in itself the necessity for miracles." From the miracle of creation Augustine argues in favour of all other miracles, De Civ. Dei, x. 12: Quid- quid mirabile fit in hoc mundo, profecto minus est, quam totus hie mundus, i.e. ccelum et terra et omnia quse in eis sunt, qure certe Deus fecit. And even when miracles are wrought by men, man himself remains the greatest miracle. Nam et omni miraculo, quod fit per hominem, majus mira- culum est homo. — That Augustine, however, did not base religion upon the evidence of miracles, and thought less of these than of the intelligent contemplation of the works of God, is shown by the expression used in Ep. 120 (ad Consentium), c. 5 : Multi sunt, qui plus tenentur admiratione § 118.] MIRACLES AND PROPHECY. 7 reruro quam cognitione causarum, and the striking comparison between those who are astonished at the performances of a rope-dancer, and those who are charmed with the harmony of music. Apart from the view taken of miracles in general, it now became a matter of importance (since the canon of the New Testament was closed) to make a distinction between the miracles related in Scripture, as historically authenticated facts, and those miracles which were generally believed still to occur in the Church. Respecting faith in miracles in general, Augustine employed a free criticism ; De Civit. Dei, xxi. c. 6, 7 (in reference to wonderful natural pheno- mena, but his language is also applicable to other miraculous stories of the age) : Nee ergo volo temere credi cuncta, quae posui, exceptis his, quae ipse sum expertus. Cetera vero sic habeo, ut neque ut affirmanda, neque neganda decreverim. Comp. De Util. Cred. I.e. ; De Vera Eel. 25 (Eetract. i. c. 13). With regard to the miracles related in Scripture, it was of im- portance to distinguish the miracles performed by Jesus from those wrought by Apollonius of Tyana, and similar wonder- workers, to which Hierocles and others appealed. Augustine therefore directed attention to the benevolent design of Christ's miracles, by which they are distinguished from those which are performed merely from ostentation {e.g. the attempt to fly in the presence of an assembled multitude), De Util. Cred. I.e. Cf. Nitzsch, I.e. App. Cyril Alex. Contra Jul. i. 1 : 'Eya> 8e, ore fiev rdov ' EWijvcov airiiWay/neOa ifJbßpovTrjcrias: Kai 770X1»? aTrorei^i^ei X0709 twv eicelvcov Tepdpeias ra y_pi(TTiavü)V, al rrpbs rrjv T//9 ä\r)6eia<; änrayyeklav. Cyrillus Hierosol. Cat. 4 et 5. Chrys. Contra Anomseos, xi. (Opp. i. p. 542). Augustine, Doct. Christ, i. 37 : Titubabit fides, si scripturarum sacrarum vacillet auctoritas. Ibid. ii. 9 ; De Baptismo contra Dona- tistas, ii. 3, and many other passages, especially Ep. 19 ad Hieron. (comp. § 122, 2). (4) Aug. Ep. 137 (Opp. ii. p. 310): [Scriptura Sacra] omnibus [est] accessibilis, quamvis paucissimis penetrabilis. Ea, quae aperte continet, quasi amicus familiaris sine fuco ad cor loquitur indoctorum atque doctorum. — De Doct. Christ, ii. 63 : Quantum autem minor est auri, argenti, vestisque copia, quam de iEgypto secum ille populus abstulit in com- paratione divitiarum, quas postea Hierosolymas consecutus est, 10 SECOND PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 120. quse maxime in Salomone ostenduntur, tanta fit cuncta scientia, quae quidem est utilis, collecta de libris gentium, si divinarum scripturarura scientia} comparetur. Nam. quicquid homo extra didieerit, si noxium est, ibi damnatur, si utile est, ibi invenitur, Et cum ibi quisque invenerit omnia, qua3 utiliter alibi didicit, multo abundantius ibi inveniet ea, quse nusquam omnino alibi, sed in illarum tantummodo Scripturarum mirabili altitudine et mirabili liumilitate discuntur. Comp. Thcodoret, Protheoria in Psalm. (Opp. t. i. p. 602) ; Basilii M. Horn, in Ps. i. (Opp. i. p. 90) ; Buclelbach, I.e. s. 38 ; and Ncander, Gewichtvolle Aussprüche alter Kirchenlehrer über den allgemeinen und rechten Gebrauch der heil. Schrift, in his Kleine Gelegenheits- schriften (Berlin 1839), s. 155 ff. Chrysostom, too, is far from making salvation dependent on the letter of Scripture. In his opinion, it would be much better if we needed no Scripture at all, provided the grace of God were as distinctly written upon our hearts as the letters of ink are upon the book. (Introduct. to the Homilies on Matth. Opp. t. vii. p. 1.) In the same manner Augustine says, De Doctr. Christ, i. 39 : Homo itaque fide, spe, et caritate subnixus, eaque inconcusse retinens, non indiget Scripturis nisi ad alios instruendos. Ita- que multi per hsec tria etiam in solitudine sine codicibus vivunt. Unde in illis arbiträre jam impletum esse quod dictum est (1 Cor. xiii. 8) : Sive prophetise evacuabuntur, sive linguse cessabunt, sive scientia evacuabitur, etc. § 120. The Canon. *L\lckc, über den neutestamcntliehen Kanon des Eusebius von Cäsarea, Berlin 1816. L. T. Spittler, Kritische Untersuchung des COsten Laodieäischen Kanons, Bremen 1777. — On the other side : Bickel in the Theologische Studien und Kritiken, 1S30, Heft 3, s. 591 ff. [Stuart, Critical History and Defence of the Old Test. Canon, p. 438 ff., 447 ff. Westcott, Hist. Canon N. Test., Lond. 1855, etc. G. Wordsworth, Inspiration and Canon. Credner, Gesch. d. N. Test. Kanons, ed. Volkmar, Berlin 1860. Ewald, Gesch. d. Volke3 Israel, Bd. vii. 1859. H. J. Holtzmann, Kanon und Tradition, Tubing. 1859. Hilgcnfeld, Historisch-Krit. Einleitung in das N. T., Leipz. 1875. Martin, Origin and Hist, of N. T., London 1877. Supernatural Religion, London 1874, etc. lAghtfoot on S. R. in Con- ti smporary Review, 1875, ff.] § 120.] THE CANON. 11 The more firmly the doctrine of the Church was estab- lished, the nearer the canon of the Sacred Scriptures, the principal parts of which had been determined in the time oi Eusebius (1), was brought to its completion. The Synods of Laodicea (2), of Hippo, and (the third) of Carthage (3), contributed to this result. The theologians of the Eastern Church distinctly separated the later productions of the Graeco - Judaic literature {i.e. the apocryphal books, Libri Ecclesiastici) from the canon of the Old Testament Hebrew national literature (4). But although Rufinus (5) and Jerome endeavoured to maintain the same distinction in the Latin Church, it became the general custom to follow the Africans and Augustine in doing away with the distinction between the canonical and apocryphal books of the Old Testament, and in considering both as one (6). — The canon of the Manichseans differed considerably from that of the Catholic Church (7). (1) LJuscbius, Hist. Eccl. iii. 25, adopts three classes, viz. opLokoyov/jLeva, avrtXeyo/xeva, voda (whether and in how far the last two classes differed, see Lücke, I.e. ; also Hilgenfelcl, I.e. ; Baur, ii. 1, s. 86). — To the first class belong the four Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, the Epistles of Paul (including the Epistle to the Hebrews), the first Epistle of John, and the first Epistle of Peter; to the Antilegomena belong the Epistles of James, Jude, the second of Peter, and lastly, the second and third Epistles of John. With regard to the Book of Pievelation, opinions differ. The following are reckoned among the v66a : Acta Pauli, the Shepherd of Hennas, the Apocalypse of Peter, the Epistle of Barnabas, and the Apostolical Constitutions. The ciToira real hvaaeßrj ranked below the voQa. On the canon of Athanasius (according to the Epistola festalis), see Voigt, I.e. s. 6ff. (2) The Synod of Laodicea was held about the middle of the fourth century (between the years 360 and 364). In the 59 th canon it was enacted, that no uncanonical books should be used in the churches, and in the 60 th a list was given of the canonical books (Mansi, ii. 574). The doubts of Spittler, Eichel has endeavoured to refute in his dissertation (referred 12 SECOND PEItlOD. — THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 120. to above) in the Theol. Stud, und Kritiken for 1830. In this list all the Hebrew writings of the Old Testament are received, and the apocryphal books excluded (with the exception of the Book of Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah). The catalogue of New Testament writings is the same as ours, except the Book of Eevelation, which, however, was considered genuine in Egypt (by Athanasius and Cyril). But mention is made of seven Catholic Epistles, and the Epistle to the Hebrews is ascribed to Paul (especially on the authority of Jerome). — For further particulars, see the Introductions to the New Testament, and Gieseler, Dogmengesch. s. 287. (3) A.D. 393 and A.D. 397. These synods number the Apocrypha of the Old Testament among the canonical books. Comp, the 36 th canon Cone. Hippon. in Mansi, iii. 921, and ConciL Carth. 11, c. 47, Mansi, iii. 891. Innocent I. (a.D. 405) and Gelasius I. (a.D. 494?) confirmed their decisions. (4) On the view of Athanasius, who clearly distinguishes the Kavovi^öfxeva and the avaytvcoaKo/xeva (only Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah fall, according to him, into the former class), cf. Voigt, I.e. The heretical writings he consistently designates as airoicpvcpa. (5) Rufimis, Expos. Symb. (I.e.) p. 26 : Sciendum tarnen est, quod et alii libri sunt, qui non catholici, sed ecclesiastici a majoribus appellati sunt, ut est Sapientia Salomonis et alia Sapientia, qure dicitur filii Syrach, qui liber apud Latinos hoc ipso generali vocabulo Ecclesiasticus appellatur . . . Ejusdem ordinis est libellus Tobire et Judith et Maccabseorum libri. He places the Shepherd of Hermas on the same footing with the Apocrypha of the Old Testament, and maintains that they might be read, but not quoted as authorities, " ad auctoritatem ex his fidei confirmandam." Comp. Hier, in Prologo Galeato, quoted by Be Wette, Einleitung, i. s. 45. Gieseler, Dogmen- gesch. 284 ff., is very instructive upon the Apocrypha, and the way it was treated in this period. [Origcn, in his Hexapla, had carried out the distinction between the old Hebrew books and those extant only in Greek ; and all the Greek Fathers of this period followed his example. Athanasius distinguishes the Kavovi^ofMeva, the dvayivcoa-Ko/xeva (not canonical, but use- ful), and the a-rrotepvepa (fictitious works by heretics). In the Old Testament he received only twenty-two Hebrew works ; § 120.] THE CANON. 13 what is now called the Apocrypha he reckoned in the second class, and in the third class he put the so-called pseucl- epigrapha. The Greek Church to the present day follows this order. The fact that they (and Origen) put Baruch and the Epistle of Jeremiah in the canon, was a consequence of these works being appended to the genuine writings of Jeremiah in the MSS. of the Septuagint. — In the Latin Church, Hilary, Rufinus, and Jerome also followed Origen. Jerome enumerates the twenty-two books of the Old Testament, and adds : quid- quid extra hos est, est inter apocrypha ponendum. But the Latin Church generally followed Ambrose, Augustine, and the above-named councils. — As to the New Testament, it was generally received, in the course of the fourth and fifth cen- turies, in the form in which we now have it. As the Church became more united, those who had doubted as to some of the books, accepted the general tradition. In the fourth century all of the seven general Epistles were received as a part of the canon. Jerome, in his Epist. ad Dardanum, says the only differences were that the Latin Churches did not receive the Epistle to the Hebrews, nor the Greek Church the Apocalypse, though he himself held both to be genuine. In Africa the Hebrews was in the canon of Augustine and of the Councils of Hippo and Carthage. Innocent I., in his Epist. ad Exsuperium, A.D. 405, puts the Hebrews in the canon. In the East the Apocalypse was received by Athanasius and Cyril of Alex., and also by Ephraem the Syrian and EpzpJianius ; but Cyril of Jerusalem, Gregory of Nazianzus, Chrysostom, and Thcodoret, did not recognize it. Since the sixth century, however, it has been in the Greek canon. Athanasius applies the same distinctions to the books of the New Testament, etc., as (above) to the Old ; he receives as canonical those which we now have ; as uvaryivwc icbixeva, the so-called Doctrine of the Apostles and the Shepherd of Hermas ; as airbicpvfya, the works falsely ascribed to apostles. So Rufinus makes three classes, reckoning the Shepherd of Hermas and the Judgment of Peter among the Libri Ecclesiastici.] (6) Aug. De Doct. Chr. ii. 8, and other passages quoted by De Wette, I.e. Comp. Münschcr, Handb. iii. s. 64 ff. Gregory the Great, Mor. lib. xix. c. 21 : Non inordinate agimus, si ex libris, licet non canonicis, seel tarnen ad aedificationem ecclesiee 14 SECOND PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 121, editis testimonium proferamus. He makes only a relative distinction between the Old and New Testament, lib. i. Horn. 6, in Ezecli. : Divina eloquia, etsi temporibus distincta, sunt tarnen sensibus unita. Comp. Lau, s. 331. (7) Milnscher, I.e. s. 91 ff. Trechscl, über den Kanon, die Kritik und Exegese der Manichäer, Bern, 1832. The authen- ticity of the Old Testament, and the connection between the Old and the New Testaments, were defended in opposition to the Manicheeans, especially by Augustine, De Mor. Eccles. Cath. i. c. 27, De Utilitate Credendi, and elsewhere. § 121. Inspiration and Interpretation. On the literature, comp. § 32. The idea of inspiration, in this as in the previous period, was understood by some in a dynamic and spiritual sense, by others in a mechanical and external sense. Not only were the contents of Holy Writ considered as divinely inspired (1), but it was also esteemed an offence to suppose the possibility of chronological errors and historical contradictions in the compositions of the sacred writers (2). And yet, in other instances, their different peculiarities as men were not over- looked, but made use of, to explain the diversities of their mode of thought and style (3). — The Origenistic allegorical system of interpretation gave way in the East to the sober grammatical method of the Antiochene school (4). In the West, on the contrary, some intimations of Augustine led to the adoption of a fourfold sense of Scripture, which was afterwards confirmed by the scholastic divines of the next period (5). (1) This may be seen from certain general phrases which, having originated in the preceding period, had now come into general use, such as 6eia sentem, sine habitu omnia continentem, sine loco ubique totum, sine tempore sempiternum, sine ulla sua mutatione mutabilia facientem nihilque patientem. Comp. vii. 5. He prefers the use of the word essentia to substantia, comp. De Civ. Dei, xii. 2, though he himself (Ep. 177, 4) speaks of God as sulstan- tialiter ubique diffusus} Comp. (Pseudo-)Bocthius, De Trin. c. 4 : Nam quum dicimus : Dens, substantias quidem signi- fy care videmur, sed earn, qua3 sit ultra substantiam. Augustine's writings, however, contain many profound thoughts relative to the knowledge of God. But everything he says shows how much he felt the insufficiency of language to express the nature of God; De Doctr. Christ, i. c. 6 : Imo vero me nihil aliud quani dicere voluisse sentio. Si autem dixi, non est quod dicere volui. Hoc uncle scio, nisi quia Deus ineffabilis est : quod autem a me dictum est, si ineffabile esset, dictum non esset. Ac per hoc ne ineffabilis quidem dicendus est Deus, quia et hoc cum dicitur, aliquid dicitur. Et fit nescio quae pugna verborum, quoniam si illud est ineffabile, quod dici non potest, non est ineffabile quod vel ineffabile dici potest. Qua? pugna verborum silentio cavenda potius quam voce pacanda est. Et tarnen Deus, cum de illo nihil digne 1 The (Pseudo-)D!on>/siiifi the Areopagite (Dc Divinis Noniinibus) goes still further, having no hesitation in saying that God, because elevated above all being, is to ph i\. [Comp. Uai"; Dogmengesch, IUI.] § 124.] THE NATURE OF GOD. 29 dici possit, admisit humanse vocis obsequium et verbis nostris in laude sua gaudere nos voluit. Nam inde est quod et dicitur Deus. On tins account he, as well as Tcrtullian (§ 38, note 3), assigns to anthropomorphism its proper position, De Vera Eel. 50 : Habet enim omnis lingua sua quaedam propria genera locutionum, quae cum in aliam linguam transferuntur, videntur absurda ; and the subsequent part of the passage ; De Genesi, c. 1 7 : Omnes, qui spiritaliter intelligunt scripturas, non membra corporea per ista nomina, sed spiritales potentias accipere didicerunt, sicut galeas et scutum et gladium et alia multa. — But he prefers this anthropomorphism, which forms an idea of God from corporeal and spiritual analogies, though it may be erroneous, to the purely imaginary speculations of a self-satisfied idealism, De Trin. lib. i. ab init. It is not we that know God, but God who makes Himself known to us, De Vera Eel. c. 48 : Omnia, quae de hac luce mentis a me dicta sunt, nulla quam eadem luce manifesta sunt. Per hanc enim intelligo vera esse quae dicta sunt, et haec me intelligere per hanc rursus intelligo. — The same spirit is expressed in the beautiful passage from the (spurious) Soliloq. Animas, c. 31 : Qualiter cognovi te ? Cognovi te in te ; cognovi te non sicut tibi es, sed certe sicut mihi es, et non sine te, sed in te, quia tu es lux, quae illuminasti me. Sicut enim tibi es, soli tibi cognitus es ; sicut mihi es, secundum gratiam tuam et mihi cognitus es. ... Cognovi enim te, quoniam Deus meus es tu (comp. Cyril of Jerusalem below, § 127, note 1). — According to Gregory the Great, Mor. xx. c. 32, our knowledge of God does not correspond to His nature. But it is not on that account false ; we see Him reflected. Thus none can look stedfastly at the sun when it rises ; but from the mountains it shines upon, we perceive that it is rising, comp. Lau, s. 348. (5) Orat. xxviii. 7-10, p. 500 ss., in Ullmann, s. 530. The negative knowledge of God is of no more use than to be told that twice five are neither 2, nor 3, nor 4, nor 5, nor 20, nor 40, without being told that it is 10. — Gregory thinks that the words 6 wv and #eo? are, comparatively speaking, the best expressions to denote the divine being ; but gives the prefer- ence to the name 6 wv, partly because God applied it to Him- self (Ex. iii. 14), partly because it is more significant. For 30 SECOND PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 125. the term #eoo8pdv OeK^pua, 6e\r]p,a evhoicias), all are to be saved ; according to the latter, sinners must be punished. Comp, the section on predestination. [August. De Civ. Dei, v. c. 9 ; De Lib. Arbitr. iii. c. 4. Boethius, De Cons. Phil, v.] §127. Creation. After the idea of generation from the essence of the Father was applied to the Son of God alone, and employed to denote the difference between Him and the other persons of the God- head on the one hand, and between Him and all created beings on the other, the idea of creation was limited by a more precise definition. The views of Origen were combated by Methodius (1), and rejected by the chief supporters of orthodoxy, viz. Athanasius and Augustine (2). The figurative interpretation of the history of creation fell into disrepute along with the allegorical sytem of interpretation. It became the more necessary to abide by the historical view of the Mosaic account, inasmuch as it forms the basis of the history of the fall, and its objective historical reality was the founda- tion of the Augustinian theology. But Augustine endeavoured, even here, to spiritualize the literal as much as possible, and to blend it with the allegorical (3). The dualistic theory of emanation held by the Manichseans and Priscillianists w r as still in conflict with the doctrine of a creation out of nothing (4). § 127.] CREATION. 35 (1) In his work irepl yevr/Twv. Extracts from it are given by Photius, Bibl. Cod. 235, p. 301. [Transl. in Ante-Nicene Library.] (2) Äthan. Contra Arian. Orat. ii. (Opp. t. i. p. 336). Cf. Voigt, s. 101 ff. Augustine endeavoured to remove the idea of time from the idea of God, and to save the doctrine that the creation had a beginning in time, by representing God as the Creator of time. Conf. xi. 1 s., c. 1 3 : . . . Quae tem- pora fuissent, qu?e abs te condita non essent ? Aut quomodo prseterirent, si nunquam fuissent? Cum ergo sis operator omnium temporum, si fuit aliquod tempus, antequam feceras caelum et terrain, cur dicitur, quod ab opere. cessabas ? Id ipsum enim tempus tu feceras, nee praeterire potuerunt tempora, antequam faceres tempora. Si autem ante ccelum et terrain nullum erat tempus, cur quseritur, quid tunc faciebas ? Non enim erat tunc, ubi non erat tempus. Nee tu tempore tempora prazcedis ; alioquin non omnia tempora prrecederes. Sed pros- cedis omnia piperita celsitudine semper prmsentis ceternitatis, et superas omnia futura, quia ilia futura sunt, et cum venerint, preeterita erunt ; tu autem idem ipse es, et anni tui non de- ficiunt. 1 — Cf. De Civ. Dei, vii. 30, xi. 4-6 (non est mundus factus in tempore, sed cum tempore), xii. 15-17. (3) Thus he said, in reference to the six days : Qui dies cujusmodi sint, aut perdifficile nobis, aut etiam impossibile est cogitare, quanto magis dicere, De Civ. Dei, xi. 6. Concern- ing the seventh day (ibid. 8), his views are very nearly those of Origen : Cum vero in die septimo requievit Deus ab omni- bus operibus suis et sanctificavit eum, nequaquam est accipien- dum pueriliter, tamquam Deus laboraverit operando, qui dixit et facta sunt, verbo intelligibili et sempiterno, non sonabili et temporali. Sed requies Dei requiem significat eorum, qui requiescunt in Deo, sicut lsetitia domus lsetitiam significat eorum, qui lsetantur in domo, etiamsi non eos domus ipsa, sed alia res aliqua lsetos facit, etc. On the system of chronology, 1 " A confounding of the antagonism of the ideal and the real with that of the universal and particular, is the reason why in the above we neither have creation in time clearly enounced, nor yet the difference from (contrast with) the emanation theory distinctly brought out. . . . To make Augustine consistent, toe must dis- tinguish the eternal being of ideas in the divine intelligence, from that act of God by which they become productive. The former is then their ideal, the latter titelt real side," etc. Schleiermacher, Gesch. der Phil. i. s. 167. 3G SECOND PERIOD. — THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 128. conip. xii. 10. On the whole, see Bindemanns Augustin, ii. 425 ff. (4) Baur, Manichreisches Religionssystem, s. 42 ff. : " The Manichcean system acknowledges no creation, properly speaking, out only a mixture, by means of which the two opposite' principles so pervade each other, that their product is the existing system of the world, vjhich partakes of the nature of both." Comp, the statements of the Manichsean Felix, which are there given. On the Priscillianists, see Orosii Commonitor. ad August. Neander, Kg. ii. 3, s. 1488 ff. Baumgarten-Crusius, Compend. i. s. 111. [Gieseler, i. § 86. J. M. Mandcmach, Gesch. des Priscillianismus, Trier. 1851.] Lihbkcrt, I.e. § 128. The Relation of the Doctrine of Creation to the Doctrine of the Trinity. After the distinguishing characteristics of each of the per- sons of the Trinity had been more precisely defined (§ 95), the question arose among theologians, to which of the persons the work of creation was to be assigned ? While, in the so-called Apostles' Creed, God the Father was simply and solely declared to be Creator of the world, in the Nicene Creed the Son was said to have part in the creation, and the Council of Constan- tinople asserted the same with regard to the Holy Ghost (1). Gregory of Nazianzus maintained, in accordance with Athana- sius (2) and other theologians of this period, that the work of creation had been brought about by the Son, and completed by the Holy Ghost (3). Following Augustine, the western divines regarded creation as an act of the Triune God (4). (1) Symb. Ap. : Credo in Deurn Patrem omnipotentem, creatorem cceli et terra?. Comp, what Rufinus says on this passage ; he shows that all tilings are created through the Son. The Nicene Creed calls the Father iravroKparopa irdvTwv oparwv re teal dopurwv ttoivt/jv, but says in reference to the Sou : Be ov tu irdvra iyeveTo, to. re ev tco ovpavu> real rä eV § 129.] OBJECT OF CREATION PROVIDENCE. 37 T/7 777. The symbol of Constantinople calls the Holy Spirit TO ^(OOTTOLOVV. (2) According to Athanas. it is the Logos (e/c 7rr)ov. He calls the Son also re^vtrrj^ X0709. Comp. Ullmann, s. 490. (4) Thus Fidgcntius of Euspe, De Trin. c. 8, and others. § 129. Object of Creation — Providence — Preservation and Government of the World. That creation was not for the sake of God (1), but of man, was asserted doctrinally, and rhetorically set forth (2). In opposition to a mechanical view of the universe, the profound Augustine directed attention to the connection subsisting between creation and preservation (3). Special care was bestowed during the present period upon the doctrine of pro- vidence, on which Chrysostom and Theodoret in the East, and Salvian in the West, composed separate treatises (4). They took special pains to show, in accordance with the spirit of Christianity, that the providence of God extends to particu- lars (5). Jerome, however, did not agree with them, and, thinking it derogatory to the Divine Being to exercise such special care respecting the lower creation, maintained that God concerns Himself only about the species, but not about the individual (6). He thus prepared the way for the distinction made by the African bishop Junilius (who lived about the middle of the sixth century) between gubernatio generalis and gubernatio specialis (7), which, though justifiable from the theological standpoint, yet, when mechanically understood, was prejudicial to the idea of God as a living God. 38 SECOND PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 129. (1) Thus Augustine maintained, De Vera Eel. 15, that the angels in serving God do not profit Hirn, but them- selves. Deus enim bono alterius non indiget, quoniam a se ipso est. (2) demesnes, De Nat. Horn. i. p. 30 s. (ed. Oxon. 1671) : ' Airehev^ev ovv o Aoyos rrjv tosv (fcvrwv yevecrtv p,rj Bo eavrijv, aX)C et? Tpo(f)7]v Kal crvaraaiv twv dv6p(07rcov Kal tcov aXkwv %ooo)v ryeyevrjuevrjv' and in reference to the animal she says, p. 34 : KOivfj he nrdina irpo<; Qepaireiav avQpöiTTwv avvreXelv 7re(puK6, Kal to, fjLi) rals aXXacs xpelais yj)i')9 Kaja\ei^ravia teal tcl TrXeicna rwv crvvaye\a£op,evcop inro tmtlv rjyep,6cri reiaKTai, 049 dtcoXovdel ireiQöjxeva. Nemesius, how- ever, makes a distinction between creation and providence, and gives a definition of the latter, c. 42, p. 308 : Ov yäp ravrö icrrt, irpovoia teal /CT/crt?" KTtcrew; p,ev yap to tca\(o<; Troifjcrat tcl yevopeva' irpovolas he to /caAco? eiripekrjOrivat twv yevo- pevwv; and c. 43, p. 315 : Ilpovoia toivvv icnlv etc Oeov et«? Ta ovTa yivopuevr) eTupeXeta' opt^ovTai 8e /cal ovtcds avTr\v' irpovoia ecrTL ßovXrjaLs Qeov, 8l i)v iruvTa tcl ovTa tijv Trpöa<£>9 elcri Kal reXeiov (Jxotos a7ravyda/u,ara. According to Orat. xxviii. 31, p. 521 ss., the angels are servants of the divine will, powerful partly by original and partly by derived strength, moving from place to place, every- where present, and ready to assist all, not only by reason of their zeal to serve, but also on account of the lightness of their bodies ; different parts of the world are assigned to different angels, or placed under their dominion (Orat. xlii. 9, p. 755, and 27, p. 768), as He knows who has ordained and arranged all things. They have all one object in view (Orat. vi. 12, p. 187), and all act according to the one will of the Creator of the universe. They praise the divine greatness, and ever behold the eternal glory ; not that God may thus be glorified, but that unceasing blessings may flow even upon those beings who stand nearest to God. Comp. Ulimann, s. 494, 495. Augustine calls the angels sancti angeli, De Civ. Dei, xi. 9. In another passage, in a more rhetorical strain (Sermo 46), they are called domestici Dei, cceli cives, principes Paradisi, sciential magistri, doctores sapientise, illuminatores animarum, custodes earum corporum, zelatores et defensores bonorum. God perforins His miracles by angels, De Civ. Dei, xxii. 9. Fulgentius of Ruspe, De Trin. c. 8 (on the authority of great and learned men), distinguishes in the angels defi- nitely body and spirit ; they know God by the latter, and appear to men by means of the former. According to Gregory the Great, the angels are limited (circumscripta spirits, without bodies, while God alone is incircumscriptus ; Dial. lib. iv. c. 29 ; Moral, ii. c. 3. He also terms them rationalia animalia, see Lau, I.e. s. 357 ff. On the views of Äthan., see Voigt, s. 109. (3) Ambrose, De Viduis, cap. ix. § 55 : Videtis enim quod magno peccato obnoxia minus idonea sit quae pro se precetur, certe qure pro se impetret. Adhibeat igitur ad medicum alios precatores. JEgri enim, nisi ad eos aliorum precibus medicus fuerit invitatus, pro se rogare non possunt. Infirma est caro, mens segra est, et peccatorum vinculis impedita, ad medici illius sedem debite non potest explicare vestigium. Obsccrandi sunt angeli "pro nobis, qui nobis ad presidium dati sunt : martyres obsecrandi, quorum videmur nobis quodam corporis pignore patrocinium vindicare. Possunt pro peccatis rogare nostris, 44 SECOND PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 131. qui proprio sanguine, etiam si quae habuerunt peccata, laverunt. . . . Non erubescamus eos interccssores nostrce infirmitatis ad- hibere, quia et ipsi infirmitates corporis, etiam cum vincerent, cognoverunt. Though he thus mentions angels and martyrs as mediating persons, yet soon after he counsels -men to the direct invocation of the divine Physician Himself. (4) Thcodoret, ad Col. ii. 18 and iii. 17 (quoted by Munseher, von Colin, i. 86).— Cone. Laod. (a.D. 320-372?) in Can. 35 (Mansi, ii. p. 570; see Fuchs, ii. s. 3 3 ff. , Bruns, Bibl. Eccles. i. p. 77. Gieseler, Kg. i. s. 517 ff., new ed. s. 594): "On ou Sec xpiaTiavovs iy/caTaXeiTretv ttjv itackrjeriav rov Oeou zeal dinevai Kal ayyeXovs ovo/id^eiv real awa^eis Troielv direp uTrwyopevTai (on which follows an anathema). It is worthy of notice that Dionysius translates angidos instead of angelos. (5) Thcodoret, I.e. Euscbins (Praep. Evang. vii. 15) already makes a distinction between rifiav and aeßeiv. Only the first is to be rendered to the angels. Aug. De Vera Eel. c. 55 : Neque enim et nos videndo angelos beati sumus, sed videndo veritatcm, qua etiam ipsos diligimus angelos et his congratulamur. . . . Quare honoramus eos caritate, non Servitute. Nee eis templa construimus ; nolunt enim, se sic honorari a nobis, quia nos ipsos, cum boni sumus, templa summi Dei esse noverunt. liecte itaque scribitur (Eev. xxii.) hominem ab angelo prohibitum, ne se adoraret, sed unum Deum, sub quo ei esset et ille conservus. Comp. Contra Faust, xx. 21, Conf. x. 42, and other passages quoted by Kcil, I.e. p. 552. Yet in his sermons he insists upon the duty of loving the angels and of honouring them. He also believes in tutelary angels. Gregory M. in Cant. Cant. c. 8 (Opp. t. ii. p. 454). (6) Constantine the Great had built a church at Constan- tinople (Mi^aijXiov) to St. Michael, 1 Sozom. Hist. Eccl. ii. 3 ; and Thcodoret (I.e.) says in reference to the Phrygians and Pisidians: Me-^pi Se tov vvv evfcrijpia rov dyi'ou Mi-^aifK Trap i/celvots Kai Tot? 6p,öpoi<; eicewayv eariv Ihelv. The Emperor Justinian, and Avitus, Bishop of Vienne (t 523), also formally dedicated to angels churches built in honour of them. (7) Greg. Naz. xxxviii. 9, p. GO 8. All the angels together 1 It was so called, not because it was consecrated to the archangel Michael, Im! because it was believed that he appeared there (Sozomen, ii. 3); comp. Co stier, Du^ineiigesch. s. 3Ü2. § 131.] ANGELOLOGY AND ANGELOLATkY. 45 form, in his opinion, the /cocr^o? votjtos, as distinct from the /cöa/xos alcrörjTos, i/kt/cbs Kai opco/xevo?. Comp. Ulhnann, s. 497. Augustine expresses himself differently, De Civ. Dei, xi. 9. In his opinion they are the light which was created in the beginning before all other creatures; at the same time, he so explains the dies unus (instead of primus, *inx Di" 1 ), that this one day of light included the other days of creation, and then continues : Cum enim dixit Deus : fiat lux, et facta est lux, si recte in hac luce creatio intelligitur angelorum, pro- fecto facti sunt participes lucis Eeternoe, quod [qua?] est ipsa incommutabilis sapientia Dei, per quam facta sunt omnia, quern dicimus unigenitum Dei filiuin, ut ea luce illuminati, qua creati, fierent lux, et vocarentur dies participatione in- commutabilis lucis et diei, quod est verbum Dei, per quod et ipsi et omnia facta sunt. Lumen quippe verum, quod illuminat omnem hominem in hunc mundum venientem, hoc illuminat et omnem angelum mundum, ut sit lux non in se ipso, sed in Deo : a quo si avertitur angelus, fit immundus. (8) Some of the earlier theologians, e.g. Basil the Great and Gregory of Nazianzus, held that there were different orders of angels on the basis of different names given to them in Scripture. Basil, De Spir. S. c. 16. Gregory, Orat. xxviii. 31, p. 521, mentions dyye\ovs rivets /cat dp^ayyeXovs, Opovovs, KvpiorrjTas, dp-^a^, i^oucnas, \aLi7rpOT7]raye\oi > (9)äoßovvrat tov crvvrplyp-ovra Ta9 Ke(f>aXd<; tov hpaicovros. Cassian, Coll. viii. 19, dis- tinguishes the true power of faith which defeats the demons, from the magical power, which even the ungodly may exert over evil spirits, when these obey them as servants (familiäres). The poem of Severits Sanctus Endelcchius, De Mortibus Bourn, contains a lively description of the magical efficacy of the sign of the cross against demoniacal influences, even in the animal kingdom. (Edition of Piper, Gott. 1835 ; a number of other passages on the point in question are quoted from the works of the Fathers in the introduction to this edition, p. 105 ss.) Signum, quod perhibent esse crucis Dei, JIagnis qui colitur solus in urbibus, Christus, perpetui gloria nurainis, Cujus filius unicus : Hoc signum mediis frontibus additum Cunctarum pecudum certa salus fuit. Sic vero Deus hoc nomine prsepotens Salvator vocitatus est. Fugit continuo sseva lues greges, Morbis nil licuit. Si tarnen hunc Deum Exorare velis, credere sufficit : Votum sola fides juvat. 3. SOTERIOLOGY. § 134. Redemption through Christ. The Death of Jesus. Döderlein, De Redemtione a Potestate Diaboli, insigni Christi Benefieio (Diss. Jnaugur. 1774, 1775), in his Opuscula Academica, Jena 1789. Baur, Christliche Lehre von der Versöhnung, s. 67-118. [Thomasius, Christi Person und Werk, iii. 1, s. 157 ff., 3859, cf. § 68.] § 124.] REDEMPTION THROUGH CHRIST. 58 The doctrine ot the devil occupied during this period a prominent place in Sotcriology, inasmuch as Gregory of Nyssa and other theologians still maintained the notion previously held, that God defrauded the devil by a dishonest exchange (1). Though the idea in this form was opposed by Gregory of ISTazianzus (2), yet it prevailed for some time under different modifications (3). Meanwhile the idea of a penalty endured on the part of God gained the preponderance, after its advocacy by Athanasius (4). To this was soon added the further notion, that by the giving up of the infinitely precious life of Jesus, more than the debt was paid ; though this is found rather in rhetorical amplifications of the theme than in strict dogmatic definitions (5). Generally speaking, the doctrine was not presented in a final and conclusive form. Along, however, with the objective mode of regarding the death of Christ, we also find the subjective ; including in the latter not only the ethical (in which the death of Christ is viewed as a pattern for our imitation) (6), but also the typical and symbolical (mystical), reposing upon the idea of an intimate connection of the whole human race with Christ as its head (7). It was, moreover, generally held that the redemptive principle was found not only in the death of the Redeemer, but in His whole divine and human manifesta- tion and life (8). Free scope was still left to investigation respecting the particular mode of redemption (9). (1) Gregor. JSTyss. Orat. Cat. c. 22-26. The train of his argument is as follows : Men have become slaves of the devil by sin. Jesus offered Himself to the devil as the ransom which should release all others. The crafty devil assented, because he cared more for the one Jesus, so much superior to them, than for all the rest. But, notwithstanding his craft, he was deceived, since he could not retain Jesus in his power. It was, as it were, a deception on the part of God * (airdrt] Tis eWi rpoTvov two), that Jesus veiled His divine nature, 1 The close affinity between this supposition and Docetism, which ever and anon endeavoured to crop out, is very plaiu. See Baur, I.e. s. 82, 83. 54 SECOND PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 134. which the devil would have feared, by means of His humanity, and thus deceived the devil by the appearance of flesh. But Gregory allows such a deception according to the jus talionis : the devil had first deceived men, for the purpose of- seducing them ; but the design of God in deceiving the devil was a good one, viz. to redeem mankind. {Gregory s argument looks very much like the well - known maxim, that " the end sanctifies the means." — This dramatic representation of the subject includes, however, that other more profound idea, carried out with much ingenuity in many of the wondrous legends of the Middle Ages, that the devil, in spite of all bis cunning, is at last outwitted by the wisdom of God, and appears in comparison as a stupid devil.) Comp. Ambrose in Ev. Luc. (Opp. iii. Col. x. 1) : Oportuit hanc fraudem Diaboli fieri, ut susciperet corpus Dominus Jesus, et corpus hoc corruptibile, corpus infirmum, ut crucifigeretur ex infirmitate. Rufinus, Expos, p. 21 ; Nam sacramentum illud susceptas carnis hanc habet causam, ut divina filii Dei virtus velut hamus quidam habitu humanse carnis obtectus . . . principem mundi invitare possit ad agonem : cui ipse carnem suam velut escam tradidit, ut hämo eum divinitatis intrinsecus teneret insertum et effusione immaculati sanguinis, qui pec- cati maculam nescit, omnium pieccata deleret, eorum duntaxat, qui cruore ejus postes fidei suae significassent. Sicuti ergo liamum esca conseptum si piscis rapiat, non solum escam cum hämo non removet, sed ipse de profundo esca aliis futurus educitur : ita et is, qui habebat mortis imperium, rapuit quidem in mortem corpus Jesu, non sentiens in eo hamum divinitatis inclusum ; sed ubi devoravit, hsesit ipse continuo, et disruptis inferni claustris, velut de profundo extractus traditur, ut esca ceteris fiat (in allusion to certain passages in Scripture, especially to Job : Adduces draconem in hämo et pones capistrum circa nares ejus), Leo M. Sermo xxii. 3, and other passages (see Perthcl, u. s., s. 1 71 ff.). Greg. M. in Ev. L. i. Horn. 16, 2, and 25, 8, quoted by Miinscher,von Colin, i. s. 429 (comp. Lau, I.e. s. 446 ff.) ; and Lsielor. Hispal. Sent. lib. iii. dist. 19 (illusus est Diabolus morte Domini quasi avis), quoted by Bator, s. 79. \Baur, Dogmengesch. 189 ff. The three chief elements of the doctrine were : 1. The idea of justice — the right of the § 134.] REDEMPTION THROUGH CHRIST. 55 devil, etc., and the satisfaction of it. 2. The deception prac- tised upon the devil, further carried out by Gregory of Nyssa, in the idea that the Saviour, in His incarnation, deceived the devil by His very flesh. 3. The necessity of this mode of redemption is not absolute, but relative ; divine omnipotence might have chosen another, but this was> the most fitting. Thomasius, Christi Person u. Werk, iii., gives the result of the discussion in this period thus : The two theories of deliverance from the devil and atonement by sacrifice, gradually pass over into each other — and this by means of the intermediate idea of death. In proportion, however, as the death is referred to the divine causality, and viewed in the light of Gen. ii. 1 7 and Gal. iik 10, Christ's- death, too, is viewed as punish- ment for human sin, as the bearing of the curse, and is consequently referred to the divine justice. A theory of satisfaction begins to> be developed. The thought of a recon- ciliation of justice with mercy, though frequently adduced to explain the redemption from the ■ devil, is only seldom, and in the way of allusion, applied to the atonement. But it is already evident to- what the main drift- of the doctrine is tending.] (2) Orat. xlv. p. 862^ s. : " We were under the dominion of the wicked one, inasmuch as we were sold unto sin, and exchanged pleasure for vileness. If it now be true that a ransom is always paid to him who is in the possession of the thing for which it is due, I would ask, To whom was it paid in this case ? and for what reason ? Perhaps to the evil one (Satan) himself ? But it would be a burning shams' to think so (^ yap rjv 6 #eo?, el, elirovros auTov aTroOvt'jCTKeiv r)p,ä$, [xi] uiredvrjaKev o äv0po7ro fiev ri OepaTrev- aai tw fcadapaiqj to Be irepdSecv ddepdirevrov. And in the same way Augustine, De Vera Eel. c. 20, represents Christ as the second Adam, and contrasts Him as the homo justitise with the homo peccati ; as sin and ruin are the effects of our con- nection with Adam, so redemption is the effect of a living union with Christ. Comp. De Libero Arbitrio, iii. 1 ; De Consensu Evang. i. c. 35, where he places the real essence of redemption in the manifestation of the God-man. In like manner, the redemption- work is summarily stated by Gregory the Great, Mor. xxi. 6 : Ad hoc Dominus apparuit in carne, ut humanam vitam admonendo excitaret, exemplo praebendo accenderet, moriendo redimeret, resurgendo repararet ; comp. Lau, s. 435. Hence Baur says, s. 109, 110: "That the reconciliation oj man to God, as affected by the incarnation of God in Christ, and the consciousness of the union of the divine with the human resulting from it, constitutes the higher general principle, including 60 BECOXD PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 13.'. all particulars, which was adopted by the theologians of that age. . . . Thus was formed a theory of the, atonement, which ice may term the mystical, inasmuch as it is founded on a general comprehensive view of the subject, rather than on dicdectic definitions" [Baur, Dogmengesch. s. 190. The chief contrast to this mystic view was found in the Arians and Apolli- narians ; the former putting the reconciliation in the bare proclamation of the forgiveness of sins (no real media- tion between God and man), and the latter in likeness to Christ. — Both the mystic and moral views are united in Theodore of Mopsuestia ; redemption is the completion of human nature — what in Adam is found only ideally (in idea), is in Christ perfectly realized. It consists not so much in removing sin and guilt, as in a participation in that which Christ, through His resurrection, has become for us, in the possession of immortality and an absolutely unchangeable divine life, through union with Christ. Comp. Fritzsche, Theod. Ep. Mops. p. 55 ss.] (9) Thus Gregory of Kazianzus, Orat. xxxiii. p. 536, numbered speculations on the death of Christ among those things on which it is useful to have correct ideas, but not dangerous to be mistaken, and placed them on the same level with questions concerning the creation of the world, the nature of matter and of the soul, the resurrection, general judgment, etc. Comp. Baur, s. 109. — Eusebius of Caesarea (Demonstr. Evang. iv. 12) merely enumerates various reasons for the death of Christ, without bringing them into connection. Christ died — 1. In order to prove that He is the Lord over both the quick and the dead ; 2. To redeem from sin ; 3. To atone for sin ; 4. To destroy the power of Satan ; 5. To give His disciples a visible evidence of a future life (by His resurrec- tion) ; and 6. To abrogate the sacrifices of the Old Testament dispensation. The more anxious theologians were to adduce the reasons which led Christ to suffer, the more natural was it to ask, whether God could have accomplished the work of redemption in any other way. Augustine rejects such idle questions in the manner of Irenmus, De Agone Christi, c. 10 : Sunt autem stulti, qui dicunt : Non poterat aliter sapient ia Dei homines liberare, nisi susciperet hominem, et nasceretur ex femina, et a peccatoribus omnia ilia pateretur. Quibus dicimus : poterat omnino sed si aliter faceret, similiter ventrce stultitke displiceret. [Any. de Trin. xiii. 10. Greg. Naz. Orat. ix. § 134.] REDEMPTION THROUGH CHRIST. Gl p. 157. Greg. Nyss. Orat. Cat. c. Basil the Great (Horn, in Ps. xlviii. § 3) maintained that the death of the God-man was necessary in order to the salvation of mankind.] On the other hand, Gregory the Great concedes that the death of Christ was not absolutely necessary, since we could have been delivered from suffering in other ways ; yet God chose this way, in order at the same time to set before our eyes the highest example of love and self-sacrifice ; Moral, xx. c. 36; Lau, s. 445. [But compare Moralia, xxii. 40.] Further particulars maybe found in Münscher, Handbuch, iv. s. 293 ff. ; Baur, s. 85. Rufinus gives a mystical interpretation of the various separate elements of the passion of Christ, Expos. Symb. ap. p. 22 ss. Concerning the extent of the atonement, it may be observed that Dldymus of Alexandria (on 1 Pet. in Gallandii Bibl. PP. t. iv. p. 325 : Pacificavit enim Jesus per sanguinem crucis suse quae in ccelis et qua? in terra sunt, omne bellum destruens et tumultum) and Gregory of ISTyssa in some degree (Orat. Catech. c. 25, where he speaks of natu, xrlin;) revived the idea of Origen, that the effects of the death of Jesus were not limited to this world, but extended over the whole universe ; Gregory also asserted that the work of redemption would not have been necessary if all men had been as holy as Moses, Paul, Ezekiel, Elijah, and Isaiah (Contra Apollin. iii. p. 263). [Cyril of Jerusalem, De Recta Fide : the injustice of the sinner was not so great as the justice of Him who gave His life for us. Chrysost. Ep. ad Rom. Horn. x. : Christ paid far more for us than we were indebted, as much more as the sea is more than a drop.] The opposite view was taken by Augustine, who, in accordance with his theory, thought that all men stood in need of redemption, but limited the extent of the atonement ; comp, the former sections on the doctrine of original sin, and on predes- tination ; and Contra Julian, vi. c. 24. Leo the Great, on the contrary, enlarged the extent of the atonement, Ep. 134, c. 14 : Effusio sanguinis Christi pro injustis tarn fuit dives ad pretium, ut, si universitas captivorum in redemptorem suum crederet, nullum diaboli vincula retinerent. — Accord- ing to Gregory the Great, redemption extends even to heavenly beings ; Moral, xxxi. c. 49. Lau, s. 431. A dramatic representation of the Descensus ad Inferos (first found in the eccle- siastical confessions, in the third Sirmian Formula, 359), in imitation of the Evang. Nicodemi, is given in the discourse : De Adventu et Annunciatione Joannis (Baptistse) apud inferos, commonly ascribed to Eusebius of Emisa ; comp, also Epiphanias in Sepulcr. Christi (Opp. ii. p. 270) ; Augusti's edition of Euseb. of Emisa, p. 1 ss. On the question whether the system of Apollinaris caused the introduction of the said doctrine into the Apostles' Creed, as well as concerning the relation in which they stood to each other, see Neander, Kg. ii. s. 923, and particularly Dg. s. 338. [This assertion involves an anachronism. " It is certainly difficult to perceive how Apolli- naris could give his assent to it ; yet we are not justified in asserting that he did not acknowledge it, although Athanasius does not specially refer to it."] It is a striking remark of Leo the Great (Serm. lxxi. in Pertliel, p. 153 note), that for the sake of the disciples the duration of the inter- mediate state was contracted as much as possible, so that His death rather resembled sleep (sopor) than death. The statements respecting the subjective appropriation of the merits of Christ on the part of the individual Christian were made to conform to the above views, and to the anthropological definitions (§ 107-114). Comp. Münscher, 62 SECOND PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 135. Handbuch, iv. s. 295, 319. This much is certain, that the benefits of the atonement are chiefly referred to the consequences of original sin, and that, consequently, they accrued in the fullest measure to the baptized. How far, now, sins committed after baptism are atoned for by the death of Jesus, or whether this satisfaction must be found somewhere else — on this there is no satisfactory answer. Comp. Lau, Greg. d. Grosse, s. 430-, 45S. Lastly, with respect to the whole work of Christ, we find already the threefold office of Prophet, High Priest, and King, if not doctrinally worked out, yet indicated, and brought forward in connection with the name of the Anointed, in Euseb. Hist. Eccles. i. 3 (Heinichen, p. 30). 4. THE CHURCH AND THE SACRAMENTS. § 135. The Church. Two causes contributed to confirm the idea of the Church : 1. The external history of the Church itself, its victory over paganism, and its rising power under the protection of the State. 2. The victory of Augustinianism over the doctrines of the Pelagians (1), Manichmans (2), and Donatists (3), which in different ways threatened to destroy ecclesiastical unity. The last - mentioned puritanic and separatistic system, like that of Novatian in the preceding period, maintained that the Church was composed only of saints. In opposition to them, following Optatus of Mileve (4), Augustine asserted the system of Catholicism, that the Church consists of the sum total of all who are baptized, and that the (ideal) sanctity of the Church was not impaired by the impure elements externally connected with it (5). The bishops of Eome then impressed upon this Catholicism the stamp of the papal hierarchy, by already claiming for themselves the primacy of Peter (6). But how- ever different the opinions of the men of those times were respecting the seat and nature of the true Church, the proposi- tion laid down by former theologians, that there is no salvation out of the Church, was firmly adhered to, and carried out in all its consequences (7). § 135.] THE CHU1ECH. Go (1) The Pelagians were in so far unclmrclily as, in their abstract mode of looking at things, they considered only the individual Christian as such, and overlooked the mysterious connection between the individual and. the totality. Their strict ethical ideas led necessarily to Puritanism ; hence the Synod of Diospolis (a.D. 415) blamed. Pelagius for having said : Ecclesiam hie esse sine macula et ruga ; Augustine, de Gestis Pelagii, c. 12. Before this time some Christians in Sicily, who, generally speaking, agreed with the Pelagians, had asserted : Ecclesiam hanc esse, quse nunc frequentatur populis et sine peccato esse posse ; August. Ep. elvi. (2) The Manichoeans, by separating the Electi from the rest (Auditores), gave countenance to the principle of an ecclesiola in ecclesia ; and, besides, the great body of the Manicha3an Church itself formed, as the one elect world of light, a dualistic contrast with the vast material (hylozoist) mass of darkness. " The Manichcemi Church is in relation to the world what the limited circle of the Electi is in relation to the larger assembly of the Auditores ; that which is yet variously divided and separated in the latter, has its central point of union in the former." Baur, Manich. Eeligionssystem, s. 282. (3) On the external history of the Donatists, comp, the works on ecclesiastical history, and especially F. Ribbeck, Donatus und Augustinus, oder der erste entscheidende Kampf zwischen Separatismus und d. Kirche, Elberfeld 1858. [A. Eoux, De August. Adversario Don. 1838. M. Deutsch, Drei Actenstücke zur Geschichte des Donatismus, Berlin 1875. Comp, also artic. in Herzog, Wetzer, and Smith.] Sources : Optatus Milevitanus (about the year 368), De Schismate Donatistarum, together with the Monumenta Yett. ad Donatist. Hist, pertinentia, ed. L. E. Du Pin, Par. 1700 ss. (Opp. Aug. t. ix.) Valcsius, De Schism. Donat, in the Appendix to Eusebius. Norisius (edited by Ballerini brothers), Ven. 1729, 4 vols. fol. Walch, Ketzergeschichte, vol. iv. Concerning the derivation of the name (whether from Donatus a casis nigris, or from Donat M. V), see Meander, Kg. ii. 1, s. 407. The question at issue, viz. whether Crecilian could be invested with the episcopal office, having been ordained by a Traditor, and G4 SECOND PEKIOB. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 135. the election of another bishop in the person of Majori nus, led to further doctrinal discussions on the purity of the Church. In the opinion of the Donatists, the Church ought to be pure (sine macula et ruga). It must therefore exclude, without exception, unworthy members (1 Cor. v., and especially pas- sages from the Old Testament). When the opponents of the Donatists appealed to the parable of the tares and the wheat (Matt, xiii.), the latter applied it (according to our Lord's own interpretation) to the world, and not to the Church. Augustine, however, asserted, mundum ipsum appellatum esse pro ecclesias nomine. (4) Concerning the opinions of Optatus (which are stated in the second book of his treatise : De Schismate Donatistarum) se3 Rothe, Anfänge der christlichen Kirche, s. 677 ff. He developed the views of Cyprian. The Church is one. It has five ornamenta or dotes : 1. Cathedra (the unity of episcopacy in the Cathedra Petri) ; 2. Angelus (the bishop himself) ; 3. Spiritus Sanctus ; 4. Fons (baptism) ; '5. Sigillum, i.e. Sym- bolum catholicum (according to Sol. Song iv. 12). These dotes are distinguished from the sancta membra ac viscera of the Church, which appear to him of greater importance than the dotes themselves. They consist in the sacramenta et nomina Trinitatis. (5) Augustine composed a separate treatise, entitled De Unitate Ecclesia3, on this subject. — Comp, contra Ep. Par- meniani, and De Baptismo. He, no less than the Donatists, proceeded on the principle of the purity of the Church, and advocated a rigorous exercise of ecclesiastical discipline ; but this should not lead to the depopulation of the Church. Some elements enter into the composition of the house of God which do not form the structure of the house itself ; some members of the body may be diseased without its being thought neces- sary to cut them off at once, though the disease itself belongs no more to the body than the chaff which is mixed up with wheat forms a part of it. Augustine makes a distinction between the corpus Domini verum and the corpus Domini permixtum sen simulatum (de Doctr. Christ, iii. 32), which stands in connection with his negative view concerning the nature of evil. Multi sunt in sacramentorum communione cum ecclesia et tarnen jam non sunt in ecclesia (De Unit. § 135.] THE CHURCH. 65 Eccles. 74). 1 Comp. Schmidt, Augustins Lehre von der Kirche (Jahrbuch für deutsche Theol. 1861). The grammarian Tichonius adopted an intermediate view, viz. that there is a corpus Domini bipartitum, one part of which consists of real, the other of seeming Christians ; see Neander, I.e. ii. s. 445. The necessity of being externally connected with the Church is set forth by Augustine in the same manner as by Tertullian and Cyprian; De Unit. Eccles. c. 49 : Habere caput Christum nemo poterit, nisi qui in ejus corpore fuerit, quod est ecclesia. Ep. xli. § 5 : Quisquis ab hac catholica ecclesia fuerit separatus, quantumlibet lauda- biliter se vivere existimet, hoc solo scelere, quod a Christi imitate disjunctus est, non habebit vitam sed Dei ira manebit super eum. So, too, Gregory the Great ; see Lau, s. 470. [" Any other than the empirically existing Church Augustine could not conceive, despite the concessions he was obliged to make. Jovinian, on the other hand, lived in the abstract idea of the internal supersensible Church, to which we belong only through the baptism of the Spirit ; " Baur, Dogmen- gesch. s. 196. Neander says that the distinction between the visible and the invisible Church might have led to an agreement between Augustine and the Donatists. Augustine endeavoured to establish the distinction, but he was afraid to follow out the idea to the full extent, and his notions became obscure. He spoke of those (De Bapt. iv. 1-4) who are in the house of God per communionem sacramentorum, and those who are outside of the house — per perversitatem morum. And De Unit. Eccles. 74 : Multi sunt in sacramentorum com- munione cum ecclesia, et tarnen jam non sunt in ecclesia. Further, " those who appear to be in the Church, and contra- dict Christ, and therefore do not belong to that Church which is called the body of Christ." — In Jovinian (Cf. Hieron. contra Jovinian. B. Lindner, De Joviniano et Vigilantio, etc.) a Pro- testant element is discernible. " In this spirit he carried on a warfare against hypocrisy, the quantitative scale of morals, the eonsilia evangelica ; he laid the utmost stress on the prin- 1 In both the miraculous draughts of fishes, the one before, and the other after the resurrection of Christ (Luke v. and John xxi.), Auyustine finds types of the Church here and hereafter; Serruo 248-252 (Opera, torn. v.). Comp. Bindemann, ii. 187 ft". Hagenb. Hist. Doct. ii. E 66 SECOND PERIOD. — THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 135. ciple of a living faith, and the unity of the principle of Christian life." ..." The Church, he says, is founded on Faith, Hope, and Love ; ... in this Church there is nothing impure \> every one is taught of God ; no one can break, into it by violence, or steal into it by artifice." " As Jovinian taught the Pauline doctrine of faith, so he did the Pauline idea of the invisible Church ; while Augustine obstructed the development of his similar fundamental idea by a mixture with the catholic idea of the Church."] (6) Leo M. Sermo I. in Natale Apostolorum Petri et Pauli : Ut inenarrabilis gratiae per totum mundum diffunderetur effectus, Eomanum regnum divina Providentia prreparavit, etc. Comp. Sermo II. (al. iv. 3) : Transivit quidem in Apostolus alios vis illius potestatis, sed non frustra uni commendatur, quod omnibus intimetur. Petro enim singulariter hoc creditur, quia cunctis ecclesise rectoribus proponitur. Manet ergo Petri Privilegium, ubicunque ex ipsius fertur aequitate judicium ; nee nimia est vel severitas vel remissio, ubi nihil erit legatum, nihil solutum, nisi quod Petrus aut ligaverit, aut solvent. Comp. Perthcl, I.e. s. 237, Anm. 4, and the passages quoted by him. (7) Comp. § 71. Lactantius makes the same assertion, though he is not in all respects churchly ; Instit. Div. iii. 30 ; iv. 1 4, ab init. : Haec est domus fidelis, hoc immortale templum, in quo si quis non sacrificaverit, immortalitatis prae- mium non habebit. Of Jerome, the faithful son of the Church, nothing else could be expected than subjection to it. Special proof of this is hardly needed ; his whole theology bears witness to this sentiment. But see Zöcläcr, s. 437 ff. Rufinus, on the other hand, whom Jerome regards as a heretic, does not yet demand fides in Ecclesiam, and thus most clearly distin- guishes faith in the Church from faith in God and Christ, Expos. Fid. 26, 27. Gregory the Great regards the Church as the robe of Christ, as individual souls are also the robe of the Church, Moral, xx. c. 9. It is the civitas Domini, qure regna- tura in coelo adhuc laborat in terra, Ezech. lib. ii. Horn. 1 ; comp. Lau, s. 468 ff. Heretics were said to be beyond the pale of the Church, but not beyond that of Christianity ; they were accused of defective faith (kakopistia), and not of all want of faith (apistia). Augustine calls them quoquomodo § 13C] THE SACRAMENTS. 67 Christiani, De Civ. Dei, xviii. c. 51. Comp. Marheinekc in Daub's Studien, I.e. s. 186. — Jerome, with greater warmth, designates the congregations of heretics as synagogues of Satan (Ep. 123); their communion is to be avoided, like that of vipers and scorpions (Ep. 130). He testifies of himself (Prolog. Dial. adv. Pelagium) : Hseretieis nunquam peperci, et omni studio egi, ut hostes ecclesise mei quoque hostes lierent ; hence his motto in reference to the persecution of heretics : Non est crudelitas pro Deo pietas. 1 § 136, The Sacraments. G. L. Hahn, Die Lehre von den Sacramenten in ihrer geschichtlichen Entwick- hing innerhalb der abendländischen Kirche bis zürn Concil von Trident, Berlin 1864. The idea of the Holy Sacraments was more precisely defined and distinguished in this period ; they are the organs by which the Church works upon the individual Christian, and transmits the fulness of divine life, which dwells within it, to its members. Augustine saw in them the mysterious union of the (transcendent) Word with the external (visible) element (1), but expressed no definite opinion respecting the number of sacraments (2). Pseudo-Dionysius (in the fifth cen- tury) already spoke of six ecclesiastical mysteries (3) ; but even during the present period the chief importance was attached to Baptism and the Lord's Supper (4). (1) Augustine, Serm. 272 (Opp. t. v. 770) : Dicuntur Sacra- menta, quia in eis aliud videtur, aliud intelligitur. Quod videtur, speciem habet corporalem : quod intelligitur fructum habet spiritalem. This gave rise to the definition of the Augustinian school (in Ev. Joh. Tract. 31, c. 15, and De Cataclysmo) : Acccdit verbum ad elementum et fit sacramentum. Grace works through the sacraments, but is not necessarily 1 Zöckler, however (in opposition to Gieseler), attempts to show that by such expressions Jerome intended spiritual weapons, not bloody persecutions (s. 433). 68 SECOND PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 136. confined to them (cf. in Levit. lib. iii. qiuestio 84). [Quo- modo et Moses sanctificat et Dominus ? Non enim Moses pro Domino, sed Moses visibilibus sacramentis per ministerium snum ; Dominus autem invisibili gratia per spiritual sanctum, ubi est totus fructus etiam visibilium sacramentorum. — De Catechiz. Eudibns, 50: Sacramenta signacula quidem rerum divinarum esse visibilia, sed res ipsas invisibiles in eis hono- rari. — Ncancler says, that according to Augustine, " there was only one Justificatio, which was foreshadowed in the Old Testament. Sensible signs are necessary in a religious com- munity ; but yet these can have no effect on the spirit : they cannot impart holiness and justification, but merely serve as the signs and vehicles of divine grace, which is the only source of justification." Baur, Dg. s. 193, says of Augustine, that he put the essence of the sacrament in the distinction of a two- fold element, a sensible and a supersensible, related as are the sign and the thing signified ; and that which mediates between them is the word. The rationalizing tendency of the Arians showed its antagonism to the prevailing views in the position of Eunomius, that the real essential mj^stery of piety is not found in mystie symbols, but in precise doctrines ; in Grey. Nyss. c. Eunomium, 11 vols. ed. Paris 1638, t ii. p. 704.] (2) Augustine reckoned not only matrimony (" sacramentum nuptiarum," De Nupt. et Concupiscentia, i. 11) and holy orders (" sacramentum dandi baptismum," De Baptism, ad Donatist. i. 2, and Contra Ep. Pannen, ii. 30), but also occa- sionally other sacred ceremonies, among the sacraments (at least in a wider sense), so far as he understood by sacramen- tum, omne mysticum sacrumque signum. Thus he applies (De Peccat. Orig. c. 40) the term sacrament to exorcism, the casting out, and the renunciation of the devil at baptism ; and even to the rites of the Old Testament : circumcisio carnis, sabbatum temporale, neomenias, sacrificia atque omnes hujus- modi innumera? observationes ; Expos. Epist. ad Galat. c. iii. 19 (Opp. iii. pt. ii. p. 692). Comp. Wiggcrs, Augustin und Pel. vol. i. s. 9, Anm. That he so constantly adopted the number four, may perhaps be explained from the general preference which he gave to Aristotelianism (c. Ep. Parm. ii. c. 13). Ncander, Kg. ii. 3, s. 1382 f. Leo the Great also employed the term sacramentum in reference to the mo.st § 137.] BAPTISM. 69 heterogeneous things, comp. Perthel, s. 219, Anni. ; and Gregory the Great used it sometimes in a more comprehensive, some- times in a more limited sense, comp. Lau, s. 48 0. 1 (3) De Hier. Eccles. c. 2-7. 1. Baptism (/i. cpcoTiafiaTo?) ; 2. The Lord's Supper (/x. awä^ews, etr ovv Koivwvias) ; 3. Unction (confirmation ? /j,. TeXerrj? fivpov) ; 4. Holy Orders (fi. tcov iepariKwv rekeuaaecov) ; 5. Monachism (fi. [loya^itcr)? TeA.e«wo-ecn<;, KaTaic\vTcap,(ov bv ayicorepov KaXelrai Be cocnrep Xpiarbs, 6 tovtov BoTi)p, ttoXXois koI SiCMpöpois oyöpaaiv, ovtco Be aal to Bcoprgia k.t.X. He also repeated the appellations formerly used, such as XovTpov, acppwyls, etc. " The following is the principal thought on which this abundance of names is founded: all the blessings of Chris- tianity appear, as it were, concentrated in one 'point in baptism, and are dispensed all together in one moment ; but all these names can only in so far be applied to baptism, as the person to be baptized possesses the right disposition, luithout which none can enter into the kingdom of heaven, founded by Christ!' Vllmann, s. 461, where the other passages hearing on this subject are given. In order to prove the necessity of baptism, Gregory further speaks of a threefold birth of man (Or. 40, 2, ab init.), viz. natural birth (tt)v etc o-co^cltcov), that through baptism, and that through the resurrection. The first of these is of the night, is slavish, and connected with lusts (vvKTepivrj re Icti ical BovXrj ical ipL7rad)j<;, cra)fj,aTO irpayfiari aw/xa rj/xäs avrou KaraaKevd^ei, Horn. 83 in, Matt. (Opp. t. vii. 859) ; comp. Horn. 24 in Ep. ad Cor. (Opp. t. ix. p. 257), and other passages quoted by Marheinekc, I.e. p. 44. Chrysostom probably did not have the notion of a descent of the body of Christ from heaven into the bread (Rilckert, s. 424). On the other hand, he, like all other Church teachers (e.g. Cyril of Jerusalem, Cat. xxiii. § 1 5), supposed that the substance of the bread was not, like other food, again rejected from the body, but consumed, as is the wax in the burning of the light — out&>? kcu a)8e vofii^e crvva- vaXiatcecrOat, ra p,vari]pia rfj rod aoo/xaroucreet>?. Mevei yap iirl T^9 irporepas ovalas, koX tov 1 Comp. Suiccr, Thes. t. i. p. 383 s. , and Ullmann, I.e., who oppose the inter- pretation oi' Elias Cretensis and of John Damascene. According to the one, ävTirvrx meant the same as l-rorvra. ; according to the other, Gregory only meant that the bread and wine were avrirwrx be/ore the consecration. 2 In Chrysostom, Opera, iii. 742. On the history of this fragment, see Fuckert, s. 4-29. 84 SECOND PERIOD. — THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 1CS. c-^/,fiaro<; zeal rov eiSov adhered to the letter of Scripture, and v. opposed to all all irpretation, and had the presbyter for their leader after the death of Nepos (1). Mille- narianism was from that time supported l>y but a few of the «astern theologians (2). In the "West the chiliastic expecta- tions were advocated by Lactantius (3), but combated by ustine, who had himself once entertained similar views (4). Besides, il was very natural that Christianity should confidently fch, after it had become the religion of the State, and been permanently established. Thus the period of Christ's second coming, and of the destruc- tion of the world, was inevitably deferred from time to time, and it was only extraordinary that caused men for a on to look forward to these things as nigh at hand. — The notion of M that < • ahj kingdom itself will at some future period come to an end (founded on 1 Cor. xv. 25), forms a remarkable parallel to Millenarianism (5). (1) On the treatise of Nepos (A.D. 255), entitled eXeyxos twv u\\7]yopiaTcoi>, and that of Dioaysiu*, irepl iirayyektoiv, well as on the entire controversy, comp. Euseb. vii. 24. ladius, De Dogm. Eccles. c. 55. Mosheim, Comment. p. 720-728. Neander, Kg. I 3, s. 1094. Coracion retracted his former views in consequence of a disputation brought a by Dionysius. 88 SECOND PERIOD. — THE IGE Ol POLEHJ [| l ;9. (2) Methodius, who was in part an opponent <>f propounded millenarian notions in his treatise, The I the Ten Virgins (a dialogue <>n chastity), which was emu- posed in imitation of Plato's Symposium; < »rat. ix. § ."> (in Combefinil Auctuar. Novisa BibL Pp. Grase. Pars i. j>. 1 Neander, Kg. i. 3, s. 12.13. According to Epipk. liar. 72, p. 1031 (comp. Hier, in .Irs. lil>. xviiL), Apollinaris, too, held millenarian notions, and wrote a treatise in two bo against the work sf Dionysius, which met with great bug at the time: Quem non solum (says Jerome, La) sue homines, Bed noetrorum in hac parte duntaxat plurima Bequitur multitudo. Although Jerome rejected millenarianism in its full development, he neverth pected a time when, ai the overthrow- of the Roman Empire, the bondage ol [srael should cease, and the promise Rom. xi.) of the admission of the Jews to the privileges ef Balvation would be fulfilled (Ep. 12'J ad Dardan. c. 7. With this he connected I coming of Antichrist. Comp. ZdcJder, & 443 t Concerning the millenarian views of Bar Sudaili, abbol i, in Mesopotamia, towards the close of the fifth century, comp. Neander, I.e. ii. 3, s. 13.81. (3) Inst. vii. 14-26, c. 14: Shut Deus sex dies in tantis rebus fahricandis laboravit, ita et religio ejus et Veritas in his sex millions annorum laboret nei , malitia praevali ac dominante. Et rursus, qnoniam perfectis operibus requievit die septimo eumque benedixit, necesse est, ut in line sexti millesimi anni malitia omnia aboleatur e terra et regnet per annos mille :justitia, sitque tranquillitas et reqnies a laboribus, quos mundus jam diu perfert. In the subsequent part of the chapter he gives a full description of the state of the political, the physical, and the religious world antecedent to the millen- nial kingdom, and appeals both to the Sibylline oracles and to the Hystaspes. Comp. Corrodi, ii. s. 410, 423, 441, 455. (4) Sermo 159 (Opp. t. v. p. 10G0), which may be com- pared with De Civ. Dei, xx. 7 . . . Quse opinio esset utcunque tolerabilis, si aliquse delicire spiritales in illo sabbato adfutura^ Sanctis per Domini preesentiam crederentur. Nam ctiam nos hoc opinati fuimus aliqiiando. Sed cum eos, qui tunc resur- rexerint, dicant immoderatissimis carnalibus epulis vacaturos, in quibus cibus sit tantus ac potus, ut non solum nullam § no.] THE RESURRECTION OF THE BODY. 89 modestiam teneani, sed modum quoque ipsins incredulitatia excedant : nullo modo ista possunt nisi a carnalibus credi. Hi autem, qui spiritales sunt, istoe ieta credentes x l ^ laaT(l< appellant gi ibulo, quos verbum e verbo exprimentes, dos possumus Milliarios nuncupare. The first resurrection (Bev. xx. ~>) is explained by Augustine us the deliverance of the soul from tin- dominion of sin in this life ; as, in general, an orthodoxy which maintains the authority of the Apocalypse, and yet will not allow Millenarianism, can only escape from difficulties by an arbiträr) Is, like that of Augu I on this ] (5) Comp, the works on Marctüu», quoted § 92, note 6; -iL' h:, and the p cited by him. Cyru of Jeru- •n, Cat. w. 27 l •! Mill , combating this opinion, appi to the words of the angel (Luke i. 33) and of the prophets D n. vii. 13, l rence to 1 Cur. xv. 25, he that the term a%pK includes the terminus ad quem.— 2 questions whethi us adopted the views of Maredlus. [Comp. Willi Ol de d. Marcellus von Ancyra, Münster 1 8* § 140. /;- dy. The idea of a twofold resurrection, taken from the Bo« relation, -till held by 'us (1), afterwards shared the fate of Millenarianism (2). Though Methodius combated ten's idealistic doctrine of the resurrection [3 , yet several of the i ms adopted it (4), till the zealous anti-Origenist party succeeded in the ensuing controvei in establishing their doctrine, that the body raised from the tomb is in every respect identical with that which formed in this life the organ of the soul. Jerome even went so far as to make this assertion in reference to the very hair and teeth (5). Aug views on this point were, during the earlier part of his life, more in accordance with the Platonic and landrian mode of thinking; but afterwards he gave the 90 SECOND PEBIOD. — Tili: Ä.GB Ol FOLKM1 pivference to more sensuous notions, though he was at much pains to dear the doctrine in question as far i !•■ from all toss and carnal additions (6). Later definitions have reference rather to unessential point« [7). (1) Inst. vii. 20: N' i tamen nniversi tunc '/... at the commencement of th«' millennial reign) a Deo judicabuntur, sed ii tantnm qui sunt in I > * - i religions versati. Comp, c 26: Eodem tempore <■■■ at the end of tin- world after the millennial reign Bet se< onda ilia »-t publica omnium resurrectio, in qua excitabuntur injusti ad cruciatus Bempiternoa (2) AwguslvMy De Civ. Dei, \\. 7: I><- his duabus resur- rectionibus Joannes . . . eo modo locutua i rum prima a quibusdam nostris non intellecta, insuper etiam in quasdam ridiculaa fabulas verteretur. Comp. . Ancor. § '.'7, [». '.•'.). Gennad. lil>. i. c. I (3) Ilepl avaa-räert«^ X0709. /' ' BibL Cod. 234. A' 1. s. 297. Comp. Epipk Basr. 6 I. 1_ (4) Gregory of Nazianzus, G ' and partly 1 j;,fsll tii.' Great, adopted the ■ of Origen. Thus Gregory of Nazianzus (Orat ii. 17, p. 20, and in other places) rested belief in immortality principally on this, that man, considered as a spiritual being, is of divine origin, and con- sequently has an immortal nature. The body which peri is transient, but the soul is the breath of the Almighty, and the deliverance from the fetters of the body is the most essential point of future happiness; see Ullmann, s. 501, 502. Similar statements are made by Gregory of Xyssa, De Anima et Resurrectione (Opp. t. iii. p. 181 [247]), see Bwpp, s. 187 ff . ; Münscher, Handbuch, iv. s. 439; Baur, Dg. i. 2, s. 434. Both Gregory of Nazianzus and Gregory of Nyssa compared (in the manner of Origen) the body of man to the coats of shins with which our first parents were clothed after the fall. On the more indefinite views of Basil (Horn. viii. in Hexaemeron, p. 78, and in Famem, p. 72), see Klose, s. 77. Titus of Bostra (fragm. in Joh. Damasceni Parallela Sacra, Opp. t. ii. p. 763) propounded a more refined doctrine of the resurrection. Chrysostom, though asserting the identity of the body, Horn. x. in 2 Ep. ad Cor. (Opp. t. ix. p. 603), kept to the Pauline doctrine, and maintained in § UO.] THE RESURRECTION OF THE BODY. 91 icular the difference between the present and the future body: Zi> Ot ; p.ot oKoirei, 7tök Sid tiov ovofjMTcov heiicvvcn (6 *AtT.) T1)V V7T€pO^))U TIOV fltWoVTWV 77/30? TCI TTCLpOVTCl' eiVcof yap tirr/etov (2 Cor. v. 1 dvTtdrjKe ti)v ovpaviav, k.tX. , a Christian philosopher of Cyrene, frankly acknow- ■d that he could not adopt the popular notions on this point (which some interpreted aa a complete denial of the tion). Comp. Evagrius, Hist. Heel. i. 15, and Ep. L05 ad Euoptium fratrem, in the note of us on that | [' !omp. . s . ' Ipera ( Imnia, ed. I h il l 50 . and his Homilies traduites pour la ; p it B. K , Berlin I 350.] (5) E T of Alexandria, and Jerome, may be i rosidered as the representatives of this zealous party. The last two had themselves formerly entertained more liberal views, nor did Theopbilus even afterward hesitate to ordain Synesius as bishop of Ptolemais; see . Handbuch, iv. s. 442. 1 But they opposed, with vehemence, • i and Rußnus. ■!■ r by no meai ed (Apol contra Ruf lib. iv. Op. t. ii. ]». 145 with the language of Rufinus, even when he as erted - : he Expos. Symbol, app.), and Btill less with the caution of John,, who distinguished (rightly from tl. point of vie* en flesh and body. He thei the following definite assertions Iv. Errores Joann. Euer, ad Pammach. Opp. t. ii. p. 118 ss.), which he founds Qy on Job xix. 26: Caro est proprie, qua nervisque constringitur. . . . Certe ubi pelli ;' ! 'i ossa • "is et venae, ibi carnis Btructura, ibi sexus proprietas. . . . Videbo autem in quae me nun'' cruciat, quae nunc prse dolore distillat. [dcirco Deum in came conspiciam, quia omnes infirmitates meas sanavit — And so he goes on to say in reference to the resurrection-bodies : Habent dentes, ventrem, tritalia et tarnen nee cibis nee uxoribus indigent. From the stridor dentium of the condemned he infers that we shall have teeth ; the passage : Capilli capitis vestri numerati sunt, proves, in his opinion, that not even our hair will be wanting. 1 Be accented the bishopric only on the condition that lie might retain his tree opiiii ( J2 SECOND PERIOD.— TH1 AGE Of POLEMl [§ no. But his principal argument is founded on the identity <>! the body of believers with that of cin-ist. In reference t<> 1 C xv. 50, he lavs greal stress upon the ose of the term pottiden regnum Dei, which he distinguishes from the resorrectio. Comp. Prudentiiu (Apotheoa L068 bs.): tToeco iniiiiM in Ohriato oorpoi rarargere. Quid ma i> pennjabesl Venum, quibos ill«- xt\ I • i de marl -1 credimus, hi Et tutus wni.nn, aeo ••iiiin minor tat alius quam Niiin- nun restitaar. Voltna, \ lor idem, Qui modo vivit, erit Nee nu veldaU* rd u 1'nin'Litnm n-VKin ' fossa sfj.ul.-ri. (§) Augustine propounded the more liberal view, De Fide et Symb. o. L0 : Tempore immutationia angeliosa mm jam caro erit et sanguis, sed tantum corpus — in coelestibus nulla .an», sed corpora Bimplicia el lucida, qua appellal Ap. spiritalia, Donnulli autem vocant eetheria; the opposite vi. -v. • forth in his Retractationes, p. 17. The whole doctrine is fully developed in Enchirid. ad Laur. 84 92, and De Civ. Dei, xxii. c. 11-21: Erit ergo spiritui subdita caro Bpiritalis, Bed tarnen caro, non spiritus, sicut carni Bubditus fuit Bpiritus i carnalis, sed tarnen spiritus, non caro. In reference to the general aspect of the doctrine, he Bays, Ad Laut. c. 8•• Civ. Dei, lib. i. e, 1-. He gives particulai ting children, De Civ. Dei, lib. L c 14; the different 17; concerning children born prematurely and lusua uatursB, ib. c. 13, and Ad Laur. 85,87. Moi 3i quia in eo corporis modo, in quo defunctus est, ; viru l ji unumquemqu adit, nor i am illo i contradictione pugnandum; !»•• Civ. Dei, 1. i. <•. IG. On the similar vit.-w i ry th< G I 510 IT. (7) The opinion of Origen having been condemned by the isions of Byn< 399 ami 516) on tin- narrow basis of this orthodoxy, there could be but -buhl modifications. To ■ ' ontroversy which arose between patriarch of Constantinople, who maintained that body was impalpabilis, and Gregory the Great, bishop <>t' Rome, wh eg. Jf. Moral, in Jobum, lil». xiv. c 29. Münscher, Handbuch, iv. s. 440) ; and the con- troversy which took place between the monophysitic Philo- ponites and the Cononites respecting the question, whether the resurrection was to be considered as a new creation of matter, or as a mere transformation of the form? Comp. Timoth. De Recept Haeret. in Cotelerii Monum. Eccl. Gnecae, \. in. p. 41:3 ss. Walck, Historie der Ketzereien, Tli. viii. 3. 7''>2 ff. Münscher, Handbuch, iv. s. 450, 451. Gicselcr, Dogmenge8ch. s. 427. [The theory of Philoponus rested on his Aristotelian that matter and form are inseparable, 94 SECOND PEP.IOD.— THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 141. and that with the death of the body both matter and form are destroyed ; consequently there must be a new creation. — One view condemned as Origenistic was, that the bodies will In- raised in the spherical form, that being the most perfect; another, that the bodies will at some future time be annihilated.] § 141. General Judgment. — Conflagration of the World. — Purgatory. H&pfner, De Origine Dogmatis de Purgatorio, Hal. 1792. /. F. Cottv, II N- toria Succincta Dogmatis de Pcenarmn Infemalium Duratione, Tubing. 1774. [Passaylia, De iEternitate Pcenaruin, Ratisb. 1854.] The views concerning the general judgment were still substantially founded on the representations of Scripture, but more fully described and pictorially represented, in the fore- ground and background, by the imagination of the age (1). The Fathers of the preceding age believed in a general con- flagration which was to accompany the general judgment, as well as to destroy the world, and ascribed to it a purifying power (2). The shape given to this by Augustine was, that this purifying fire (ignis purgatorius) has its seat in Hades, i.e. the place in which the souls of the departed were supposed to remain until the general resurrection (3). This idea, as well as further additions on the part of other theologians, especially Cmsarius of Aries (4) and Gregory the Great (5), prepared the way for the more definite doctrine of purgatory (6). This doctrine, being brought afterwards into connection with the doctrine of the mass, was made subservient to the purposes of the hierarchy, and contributed to obscure the evangelical doctrine of salvation. (1) The end of the world will be preceded by signs in the sun, the moon, and the stars ; the sun will be changed into blood, the moon will not give her light, etc. Comp. Basil the Great, Horn. 6 in Hexaem. p. 54 (al. 63). Lactantius, vii. 19 ss., c. 25 (he refers to the Sibylline oracles). Short descriptions of the general judgment are given by Gregory of § Ul.] GENERAL JUDGMENT. 95 Nazianz. Orat. xvi. 9, p. 305 ss., and xix. 15, p. 373. — According to Basil, Moral. Regula, 68, 2, the coming of our Lord will be sudden, the stars will fall from heaven, etc. ; but we ought not to think of this manifestation as tottikt} ?/ uapKLKt], but iv ho^rj rod irarpo^ Kara irdarj^ t/}? oUovfievrjs ädp6o)<;, see Klose, s. 74. Comp. Horn, in l's. xxxiii. p. 184 (al. 193, 194), Ep. 4G. — According to Cyril of Jerusalem, the second coming of our Lord will be announced by the appear- ance of a cross, Cat. 15. 22; comp, the whole description, 19-33. — Augustine endeavoured dogmatically to define the facts which are represented in figurative language, 1 instead of giving rhetorical descriptions, as the Greek theologians loved to do ; he therefore sought to bring the doctrine of retribution into agreement with his doctrine of predestination; see De Civ. Dei, xx. 1 : Quod ergo in confessione ac prolessione tenet omnis ecclesia Dei veri, Christum de ccelo esse ventururn ad vivos ac mortuos judicandos, hunc divini judicii ultimum diem dicimus, i.e. novissimum tempus. Nam per quot dies hoc judi- cium tendatur, incertum est : sed scripturarum more sanctarum diem poni solere pro tempore, nemo, qui illas litteras quamlibet negligenter legerit, nescit. Ideo autem cum diem judicii dicimus, addimus ultimum vel novissimum, quia et nunc judicat et ab humani gereris initio judicavit, dimittens de paradiso, et a ligno vitse separans primos homines peccati magni perpetratores ; imo etiam quando angelis peccantibus non pepercit, quorum princeps homines a se ipso subversus invidendo subvertit, procul dubio judicavit. Nee sine illius alto justoque judicio et in hoc acrio ccelo et in terris, et dsemonnm et hominum miserrima vita est erroribus serumnis- que plenissima. Verum etsi nemo peccasset, non sine bono rectoque judicio universam rationalem creaturam perseveran- tissime sibi Domino suo haerentem in eeterna beatitudine retineret. Judicat etiam non solum universaliter de genere dsemonum atque hominum, ut miseri sint propter primorum meritum peccatorum; sed etiam de singulorum operibus propriis, quae gerunt arbitrio voluntatis, etc. — As to the process of the general judgment itself, see ibid. c. 14. 1 He points out (De Gestis Pel. c. 4, § 11) the variety of figurative expres- sions used in Scripture in reference to this subject, which can hardly be combined in one representation. 90 SECOND PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 141. (2) Comp. § 77, note 6. This idea of a purifying fire is very distinctly set forth by Gregory of Nazianzus in Orat. xxxix. 19, p. 690 (Ullmann, s. 504). Less definitely in Orat. xl. 36, p. 739 (Ullmann, s. 505).' — Eoman Catholic commentators have inferred too much in support of their theory from the general expression irvpl KaOaLpofievq, which Gregory of Nyssa makes use of — De iis qui prämature abri- piuntur (Opp. iii. p. 322) ; see Schröckh, Kirchengeschichte, xiv. s. 135. Basil the Great supposes (Horn. 3 in Hexaemeron, p. 27 (32)) that the fire which is to destroy the world has existed from the time of the creation, but that its effects are neutralized by a sufficient quantity of water, until the consumption of the latter; see Klose, s. 773. (3) Augustine agrees with other theologians in his general views respecting the conflagration of the world, De Civ. Dei, xx. 1 8 ; in the same place he endeavours to give a satisfactory reply to the question, Where the righteous will be during the general conflagration ? Possumus respondere, futuros eos esse in superioribus partibus, quo ita non adscendet flamma illius incendii, quemadmodum nee unda diluvii. Talia quippe illis inerunt corpora, ut illic sint, ubi esse voluerint. Sed nee ignem conflagrationis illius pertimescent immortales atque incorruptibiles facti : sicut virorum trium corruptibiMa corpora atque mortalia in camino ardenti vivere illaesa potuerunt. Like the earlier theologians, Augustine brings the idea of a purification wrought by fire into connection with 1 Cor. iii. 11-15 ; see Enchirid. ad Laur. § 68. In the next section he continues as follows (in reference to the disposition to cling too much to earthly goods) : Tale aliquid etiam post hanc ■vitam fieri incredibile non est, et utrum ita sit, quseri potest. Et aut inveniri aut latere nounullos fideles fer ignem pur- galorium, quanto magis minusve bona pereuntia dilexerunt, tanto tardius citiusve salvari : non tarnen tales, de quibus dictum est, quod regnum Dei non possidebunt, nisi conveni- enter pcenitentibus eadem crimina remittantur. Comp. De Civ. Dei, lib. i. c. 24, 26; Qutest. ad Dulc. § 13. At the ►Synod of Diospolis it was objected to Pelagius, that he taught that at the last judgment the ungodly and sinners would not be spared, but burn in everlasting fire ; to which he replied, that this was according to the gospel, and that whoever taught § 141.] GENERAL JUDGMENT. 97 otherwise was an Origenist. But Augustine conjectures that Pelagius thereby meant to deny the purifying fire; comp. Wiggers, i. 195; Neander, Kg. ii. 3, s. 1199, 1225, 1404. [As quoted by Neander, the objection reads : " In die judicii iniquis et peccatoribus non esse parcendum, sed eetemis eos ignibus esse exurendos ; " and Neander adds that it is probable that Pelagius was combating those who held out the promise of final salvation to a dead church-faith, not connected with a change of heart, etc., — and that this interpretation "is confirmed by Augustine's remark on this passage in his De Gestis Pelagii."] Whether Prudeniius taught it, see Schröckh, Kirchengesch. vii. s. 126. He speaks of different degrees of hell. (4) Sermo viii. 4 in August. Opp. t. v. Append, (the passage is quoted by Münscher, von Colin, i. s. 62). He makes a dis- tinction between capitalia crimina and minuta peccata. None but the latter can be expiated either in this life by painful sufferings, alms, or placability manifested towards enemies, or in the life to come by the purifying fire (longo tempore cruciandi). (5) Gregory the Great may rightly be called (with Schröckh) the " inventor of the doctrine of purgatory" if on such a subject we may speak of invention. On the one hand (Dial. iv. 39), the doctrine of purgatory, which with Augustine has still the character of a private opinion, he lays down as an article of faith, saying : De quibusdam levibus culpis esse ante judicium purgatorius ignis credendus est, and rests his opinion on Matt, xii. 31. (He thinks that some sins are not pardoned till after death, but to that class belong only what are called minor sins, such as talkativeness, levity, and dissipated life. 1 ) On the other hand, he was the first writer who clearly propounded the idea of a deliverance from purgatory by intercessory prayer, by masses for the dead (sacra oblatio hostiaa salutaris), etc., and adduced instances in support of his view, to which he himself attached credit. Comp. Dial. iv. 2 5 and 5 7, Moral, ix. c. 34 ; Schröckh, Kirchengesch. xvii. s. 255 ff. ; Neander, Kg. iii. s. 271 ; Lau, s. 485 ff., 508 ff. If we compare Gregory's doctrine with the former (more idealistic) notions concerning 1 According to Gregory, the passage on which earlier teachers relied, 1 Cor. iii. 13, may be referred to tribulations in hac vita ; but he himself prefers the usual interpretation, and understands by the wood, hay, and stubble, mentioned in iii. 12, unimportant and slight sins! Hagenb. Hist. Doer. n. G 98 SECOND PERIOD. — THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 142. the efficacy of the purifying fire, we may adopt the language of Schmidt (Kirchengesch. iii. s. 280) : " The belief in an un- interrupted endeavour after a higher degree of perfection, which death itself cannot interrupt, degenerated into a belief in PURGATORY." (6) Abuses were already found as to prayers for the dead ; and Aerius, a presbyter at Sebaste (about A.D. 360), wished to have them abolished, but they still continued. At first they prayed for martyrs and saints {Epiphanius, 75, § 7). Augus- tine, on the other hand, thought : Injuria est pro martyre orare, cujus nos debemus orationibus commendari (Sermo xvii.). It became a more general ecclesiastical observance to introduce into the intercession of the saints a petition for the shortening of the pangs of purgatory. § 142. The State of the Blessed and the Damned. Gregory of Nazianzus and some other theologians supposed that the souls of the righteous, prior to the resurrection of the body, are at once admitted into the presence of God (pass- ing over the doctrine of Hades) ; while the majority of the ecclesiastical writers of this period (1) believed that men do not receive their full reward till after the resurrection of the body (2) and the last judgment. According to Gregory of Nazianzus, Gregory of Nyssa, and other theologians who adopted the views of Origen, the blessedness of heaven consists in more fully developed knowledge, in intercourse with all the saints and righteous, and partly in the deliverance from the fetters of the body ; Augustine added that the soul then ob- tained its true liberty. But all writers admitted the difficulty of forming just views on this subject (3). The sufferings of the damned were represented as the opposite of the pleasures of the blessed, and in the descriptions of the punishments of hell greater prominence was given to gross sensuous repre- sentations. Many were disposed to regard the fire in question § 142.] STATE OF THE BLESSED AND THE DAMNED. 99 as a material fire ; though Lactantius depicted it in more refined images, while others painted it in terrible descrip- tions (4). There were still some theologians who favoured the idea of degrees both of bliss and torment (5). As regarded the duration of the punishments of hell, the opinion was more general that they are eternal (6) ; but yet Arndbius maintained that they would at last cease, but with the annihilation of the individual (7) ; and even the humane view of Origen, in a few of its representatives, still dared to express a glimmer of hope in favour of the damned (8). Jerome at least admitted that those among the damned who have been orthodox enjoy a kind of privilege (9). And lastly, it is a remarkable fact, which, however, admits of explanation, that Augustine enter- tained milder views on this point than the legal Pelagitis (10), who, as well as the practical Chrysostom (11), maintained the eternal duration of the punishments of hell, in accordance with his strict doctrine of moral retribution. The doctrine of the restitution of all things shared the fate of Origenism (12), and made its appearance in after ages only in connection with other heretical notions, and especially with the otherwise anti- Origenistic Millenarianism. (I s ) Orat. x. p. 173, 174. Comp. Gennacl. De Dogm. Eccles. c. 46. Gregory the Great, Moral, lib. iv. c. 37. Eusebius, too, relates (De Vita Constant, iii. 40) that Helena, the mother of the emperor, went immediately to God, and was transformed into an angelic substance (avearoixeiovTo). (2) Thus Ambrose, De Bono Mortis, c. 10 ; De Cain et Abel, lib. ii. c. 2 : Solvitur corpore anima et post finem vitte hujus, adhuc tarnen futuri judicii ambiguo suspenditur. Ita finis nullus, ubi finis putatur. Hilary, Tract, in Ps. cxx. p. 383. Augustine, Enchirid. ad Laur. § 109 : Tempus, quod inter hominis mortem et ultimam resurrectionem interpositum est, animas abditis receptaculis coutinet ; sicut unaquseque digna est vel requie vel Eerumna, pro eo, quod sortita est in carne cum viveret ; comp. Sermo 48. Even some of the Greek theologians taught that no man receives his full reward before the general judgment. Chrys. in Ep. ad Hebr. Horn, xxviii. 100 SECOND PERIOD.— THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 112. (Opp. t. xii. p. 924) et in 1 Ep. ad Corinth. Horn, xxxix. (Opp. xi. p. 436). He there defends the belief in the Christian doctrine of the resurrection as distinct from a mere hope in the continued existence of the soul after death. Cyril Alex. Contra Anthropom. c, 5, 7 ss. (3) According to Grcyor. Nyss. Orat. Catech. c. 40, the "blessedness of heaven .eamiot be described by words. Gregor. JYazianz. Orat. xvi. 9, p. 306, supposes it to consist in the perfect knowledge of God, and especially of the Trinity (Bewpia T/naSo?) — in full accordance with the intellectual and con- templative tendency predominant in the Eastern Church at that time. Gregory, however, does not restrict the enjoy- ment of eternal happiness to the intuitive vision and know- ledge of God ; but, inasmuch as this knowledge itself is brought about by a closer union with God, the blessedness of the redeemed in heaven will also consist in this inward union with God, in perfect peace both internal and external, in the intercourse with blessed spirits, and in the elevated knowledge of all that is good and beautiful, Orat. viii. 23, p. 232. Pihetorical descriptions are found in Orat. vii. 17, p. 209, vii. 21, p. 213. Ullmann, s. 502. Basil the Great depicts this blessedness for the most part in a negative way : Homil. in Ps. cxiv. p. 204 (quoted by Klose, s. 76). Augustine also begins De Civ. Dei, xxii. 29, 30, with the confession: Et ilia quidem actio, vel potius quies atque otium, quale futurum sit, si verum veliin dicere, nescio ; non enim hoc unquam per sensus corporis vidi. Si autem mente, i.e. intelligentia vidisse me dicam, quantum est aut quid est nostra intelligentia ad illam excellentiam ? — According to Augustine, the happiness of the blessed consists in the enjoyment of heavenly peace which passes knowledge, and the vision of God, which cannot be compared with bodily vision. But while Gregory of Nazianzus assigned the first place to theological knowledge (insight into the Trinity), Augustine founded his theory of the blessed life upon anthropology. The blessed obtain true liberty, by which he understood that they can no longer sin : nam primum liberum arbitrium, quod homini datum est, quando primum creatus est rectus, potuit non peccare, sed potuit et peccare ; hoc autem novissimum eo potentius erit, quo peccare non poterit. Verum hoc quoque Dei munere, non sme possi- § 112.] STATE OF THE BLESSED AND THE DAMNED. 101 bilitate naturae. Aliud est enim, esse Deum, aliud participem Dei. Deus natura peccare non potest ; particeps vero Dei ab illo accipit, ut peccare non possit. . . . And as with freedom, so with immortality : Sicut enim prima immortalitas fuit, quam peccando Adam perdidit, posse non mori, novissima erit, non posse mori. Augustine, moreover, thought that the blessed retain the full recollection of the past, even of the sufferings which befell them while on earth, but so that they do not feel what was painful in these. They also know the torments of the damned without being disturbed in their own happiness (similar views were expressed by Chnjsostom, Horn. x. in 2 Ep. ad Corinth., Opp. t. xi. p. GO 5). God is the end and object of all desire, and thus the essential substance of the blessed- ness : Ipse erit finis desideriorum »ostrorum, qui sine fine videbitur, sine fastidio amabitur, sine fatigatione laudabitur. — Cassiodorus, De Anima, c. 12 (Opp. t. ii. p. 604, 605), gives a summary of what earlier theologians had taught concerning the eternal happiness of the blessed. (4) Zactantius, vii. 21: . . . Quia peccata in corporibus con- traxerunt (damnati), rursus carne induentur, ut in corporibus piaculum solvant ; et tarnen non erit caro ilia, quam Deus homini superjecerit, huic terrenae similis, sed insolubilis ac permanens in aeternum, ut sufficere possit cruciatibus et igni sempiterno, cujus natura diversa est ab hoc nostro, quo ad vitse necessaria utimur, qui, nisi alicujus materiae fomite alatur, extinguitur. At ille divinus per se ipsum semper vivit ac viget sine ullis alimentis, nee admixtum habet fumum, sed est purus ac liquidus et in aquae modum fiuidus. Non enim vi aliqua sursum versus urgetur, sicut noster, quern labes terreni corporis, quo tenetur, et fumus intermixtus exsilire cogit et ad coelestem naturam cum trepidatione mobili subvol- are. Idem igitur divinus ignis una eademque vi atque potentia et cremabit impios et recreabit, et quantum e corporibus absumet, tantum reponet, ac sibi ipse aeternum pabulum sub- ministrabit. Quod poetae in vulturem Tityi transtulerunt, ita sine ullo revirescentium corporum detrimento aduret tantum ac sensu doloris afficiet. — Gregory of Nazianzus supposed the punishment of the damned to consist essentially in their separation from God, and the consciousness of their own vileness (Orat. xvi. 9, p. 306): Tols Se /xerd rcov aWwi/ 102 SECOND PERIOD. THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 142. ßucravos, fjbäWov Be irpo rcov aWoov to aireppl^Oat 8eov, koi y iv too avveihoTL alayyvt) jrepa? ovk e^ovaa. Basil the Great, on the contrary, gives a more vivid description of that punishment, Homil. in Ps. xxiii. (Opp. t. i. p. 151), and else- where. Comp. Klose, s. 75, 76. Münsclier, Handbuch, iv. s. 458. Chrysostom exhausts his eloquence in depicting the torments of the damned in repulsive pictures ; in Theod. Lapsum, i. c. 6 (Opp. t. iv. p. 560, 561). Nevertheless in other places, e.g. in his Ep. ad Bom. Horn. xxxi. (Opp. x. p. 396), he justly observes, that it is of more importance to know how to escape hell, than to know where it is, and what is its nature. Gregor. Nyss. (Orat. Cat. 40) endeavours to turn the thoughts away from all that is sensuous (the fire of hell is not to be looked upon as a material fire, nor is the worm which never dies an iirlyeiov Ogplov). Augustine, too, sees that first of all separation from God is to be regarded as the death and punishment of the damned (De Morib. Eccles. Cath. c. 11) ; but he leaves it to his readers to choose between the more sensuous or the more spiritual mode of interpretation ; it is at all events better to think of both at once ; De Civit. Dei, xxi. 9, 10 ; comp. Greg. M. Moral, xv. c. 17. (5) Gregor. Nazianz. rests his idea of different degrees of blessedness on John xiv. 2, comp. Orat. xxvii. 8, p. 493, xiv. 5, p. 260, xix. 7, p. 367, xxxii. 33, p. 601. Ullmann, s. 503. Basil the Great sets forth similar views in Eunom. lib. 3, p. 273. Klose, s. 77. Augustine, too, supposed the exist- ence of such degrees, De Civ. Dei, xxii. 30, 2. He admits that it is impossible to say in what they consist, quod tarnen futuri sint, non est ambigendum. But in the absence of any feeling of envy whatever, no one's happiness will be the less because he does not enjoy so high a position as others. Sic itaque habebit donum alius alio minus, ut hoc quoque donum habeat, ne velit amplius. — Jerome even charged Jovinian with heresy, because he denied the degrees in question ; Adv. Jo v. lib. ii. (Op. t. ii. p. 58 s.). — According to Augustine, there are also degrees of condemnation, De Civ. Dei, xxi. 1 5 : Nequa- quam tamen negandum est, etiam ipsum asternum ignem pro diversitate meritorum quamvis malorum aliis leviorem, aliis futurum esse graviorem, sive ipsius vis atque ardor pro poena digna cujusque varietur (he thus admitted a relative cessation § 142.] STATE OF THE BLESSED AND THE DAMNED. 103 of damnation) sive ipse sequaliter ardeat, sed non aequali molestia sentiatur. Comp. Enchir. ad Laur. § 113. Greg. M. Moral, ix. c. 39, lib. xvi. c. 28. The opinions of the Fathers were most wavering respecting children that die without being baptized. (Comp. § 137, note 5.) (6) This opinion was principally founded on the use of the word aicovios in Matt. xxv. 41, 46 : it must have the same meaning in reference to both life and punishment. Thus Augustine says, De Civ. Dei, xxi. 23 : Si utrumque seternum, profecto aut utrumque cum fine diuturnum, aut utrumque sine fine perpetuum debet intelligi. Paria enim relata sunt, hinc supplicium seternum, inde vita seterna. Dicere autem in hoc uno eodemque sensu, vita seterna sine fine erit, supplicium seternum finem habebit, multum absurdum est. Unde, quia vita seterna Sanctorum sine fine erit, supplicium quoque seternum quibus erit, finem procul dubio non habebit. Comp. Enchirid. § 112. It is superfluous to quote passages from other Fathers, as they almost all agree. (7) Arnobius, Adv. Gentes, ii. 36 and 61 : Res vestra in ancipiti sita est, salus dico animarum vestrarum, et nisi vos adplicatis dei principis notioni, a corporalibus vinculis ex- solutos expectat mors saeva, non repentinam adferens extinc- tionem, sed per tractum temporis cruciabilis pcense acerbitate consumens. (8) Some faint traces of a belief in the final remission of punishments in the world to come, are to be found in those writings of Didymus of Alexandria (one of the representatives of this tendency), which are yet extant, especially in his treatise De Trinitate, edited by Mingarelli, A.D. 1769 ; comp. Neander, Kg. ii. 3, s. 1407. Gregory of Nyssa speaks more distinctly on this point, Orat. Cat. c. 8 and 35, in X070? irepl V ru X , ') l? Kai uvavrdaem, and in his treatise De Infantibus, qui mature abripiuntur (Opp. t. iii. p. 226-229 and 322 ss.), pointing out the corrective design of the punishments inflicted upon the wicked : comp. Neander, I.e. ; Milnscher, Handbuch, iv. s. 465. (Germanus, patriarch of Constantinople in the ninth century, endeavoured to suppress these passages ; see Milnscher, I.e.) Bupp, p. 261. Greg. Nazianz. Orat. xl. p. 665 (Ullmann, 505), gives but faint hints of a hope of the final remission of the punishments of hell (as (piXav9pco7r6repou 104: SECOND PERIOD. — THE AGE OF POLEMICS. [§ 142. teal tov Ko\d%ovTO$ eVa^ift)9). He makes an occasional allu- sion to the notion of Origen concerning an airo/caTc'iarao-is, e.g. Orat. xxx. 6, p. 544. — Diodorus of Tarsus and Theodore of Mopsuestia inclined to this milder tendency. (The passages may be found in Assemani Bibl. Orient, t. iii. pt. i. p. 223, 224. Phot. Bibl. Cod. lxxxi. p. 200. Mar. Ma-cator, Opp. p. 346, ed. Balluzii.) Comp. Neander, I.e. p. 1409. Augus- tine (Eiichirid. § 112) and Jerome, ad Avit. (Opp. t. ii. p. 103) and ad Pammach. (p. 112), refer to these milder views which to some extent prevailed in the West. (9) Jerome (Comment, in Jes. c. lxvi. at the close) : Et sicut diaboli et omnium negatorum et impiorum, qui dixerunt in corde suo : Non est Deus, credimus eeterna tormenta, sic peccatorum et impiorum et tarnen [!] Christianorum, quorum opera in igne probanda sunt atque purganda, moderatum arbitramur et mixtam dementias sententiam. " This impious opinion, according to which cdl who toere not Christians were condemned to everlasting torments, hut sloth/id and immoral Christians were hilled to sleep in the hope of salvation, could not fail to gain friends" Münscher, Handbuch, iv. s. 473. (10) Augustine, indeed, maintained with all strictness the eternity of punishments as seen above ; but when Pelanius asserted at the Synod of Diospolis : In die judieii iniquis et peccatoribus non esse parcendum, sed eeternis eos ignibus esse exurendos ; et si quis aliter credit, Origenista est (comp. § 141, note 3), he urged milder views in opposition to him (De Gestis Pelagii, c. 3, § 9-11), in accordance with the highest principle: Judicium sine misericordia net illi, qui non fecit misericordiam. With his supposition, as already intimated, of a gradual diminution of punishment, and of degrees in the same, the gradual vanishing of it was put at a minimum. (Comp, also what is said, note 5.) (11) It might have been expected that the milder dis- position of Chrysostom would induce him to adopt opinions more in accordance with those of his master Diodorus of Tarsus (Horn. 39 in Ep. 1 ad Cor. Opp. x. p. 372): he alludes, indeed, to the view of those who endeavour to prove that 1 Cor. xv. 28 implies an ävaipeais rry* KaKia^, without refuting it. But his position in the Church, and the general corruption of morals, compelled him to adopt more rigid § 142.] STATE OF THE BLESSED AND THE DAMNED. 105 views ; comp, in Theodor. Lapsum, I.e. in Epist. 1 ad Thessal. Horn. 8 : Mrj ttj pLeWrjaei 7rapa/j.v6a)fie6a eavrovcov BtüX., ed. // I mülUr, Ivil. L688. — Euihynu Zig , Panoplia, P. ii. tit 23. J. < \' milorum, Diss. III. Vit 1712, -it««. *JEngelhardt, «Kirchenh. Abhandlungen, Mil. 1832, NTr. - ; in the West, the Cathari Leonists) ManicJueaiu Paterini, Publi- cani, Bugri, boni homines), the followers of Peter of B and Henry of Lausanne Tetrobrusiani, Benriciani) ; and in later times, the Waldensu and A / . tho Beghards, Beguines, FraticcUi, Sp riiuales, etc. Compare the works on ecclesiastical history, especially Fii&lin, Kirchen- und Ketzerhistorie der mittlern Zeiten, Frankfurt and Leipzig 1 7 7 ü ff., 3 vols. (The History of Doctrines can consider tl sects only in general.) Mosheim, De Beghardis et Beguina- bus, Lips. 1790. *Ch. Schmidt, Hist« «ire et Doctrine de la Secte des Cathares ou Albigeois, Geneve 1849. [Id. in Niedners Zeitschrift, 1852 : Actenstücke zur Gesch. //■■•' Gesch. d. Secten, Bd. ii. 1847. Ä. W.D\ Die Walden- ser, Göttingen 1851. Herzog, De Origine . . . Waldensium, 1848 (comp. Dicckhoff in Eeuters Eepertorium, 1850). Bt Gesch. d. "Waldenser, Ulm 1850. MaitlaruTs Essays on Wahl. and Albigenses, 1852. Herzog, Die romanischen "Waldenser, 1853; Diechhoff in reply, 1858.] (2) Comp, the sections on Trinity, Christology, Predestina- tion, and the Lord's Supper, in the Special History of Doctrines. (3) See the works on ecclesiastical history, and Flathe, Geschichte der "Vorläufer der Eeformation, Leipz. 1835, 2 vols, (comp. § 155). § 146.] THE GREEK CHURCH. 11 L § 146. 77/-' Greek Church. inn, Ni oknu ron Methone, Enthymina I mi- . oder die dogmatische Entwicklung da hen Kirche im 12ten Jshrhnndi - a and Kritiken, 188 I, II Genntidiaa and Pletl liamne and Piston ismua in der griechischen Kirche, aehsl einer Abhandlang über die Bestreitung dee Islam im Mittel- L 1844 [/. /'. Fa d. Mores im Mittelalter, Stntl ■ Hist, of 1 ind Greek Empires, 6 vols. ./. '.'./' I liplo- iit.tt i I lii A' vi ä tum. i. 1 Greek Chorch, aew ed. I - The appearance of Augustine in the preceding period formed the turning-point in the doctrinal relations of the Greek and Western Church« I: Greek from that time bad to surrender its doctrinal precedence. In the present period it receded from the of a living development after it had erected its monument in John of Damascus. The learned Photius who died about bows in his polemic against the Latin Church, and in bis theological writ ily, a d Lusiveness which is not erted by any contradictions 1,. The theologians who followed John 1 »an. nits (2), 'as, Bishop of tfethone I ties (4j, and Theophylact (5), the shadows of earlier greatness, are parallel with the scholastic divines of the West. — The principal doc- trinal v.. mong the Chaldean Christians, separated from the orthodox Church (the followers of X were E Jesu (6) ; among the Jacobites (Monoph] Jacob, Bishop of Tagritum (7), and Abulfaradsh (8). By the contests between the Eastern and Western Churches, which again broke out in the eleventh century, as well as by the attempts reunion, especially in the fifteenth century, Greek theology was compelled to make new doctrinal efforts, but contributed nothing which untitled it to a place beside the Western Church (9). 112 THIRD PERIOD. — THE kGE OF BCH0LASTICI8M. [§ I«. (1) In his great Bibliotheca (MvpiößißXo?) there is much doctrinal material. On bis controversy with the Latin Church, see § 169. Comp, on him, Gass in Herzog's Realenc. xi. s. G28 ff., and the writings theTe quoted (2) He is also called Zigadenus, and died about the yeaT 1118, a monk at Constantinople. At the request of the Emperor Alexis Comnenus, he wrote Ins principal work: TlavoirXla Soyparifcr] t>}9 opdoSö^ov Trlcnews ijtol ottXoOijki] Soyfxarcov, see Schröckh, Kirchg. xxix. s. 332 If. . 373, and Ullmann, I.e. s. 19 ff. The original work was only once printed, at Tergovisto chief town of Wallachia), in the 3 1711. Comp. Fabric, Bibl Greeca, vol vii p. 461. There is a Latin translation of it by Pet. Franc. Zino (Venet 1556, fol.), which was reprinted in BibL PP. Maxima, Lugd. t, xix. p. 1 ss. — He also composed exegetical treatises. (3) Methone was a town in Messenia Concerning the life of Nicolas little is known. Some maintain that lie lived in the eleventh century, others assert with more probability that he lived in the twelfth ; com]). UUmann, I.e. s. 57. Hi- principal work is the refutation of ProcVus, a Platonic philo- sopher, entitled: 'Avairrv^K rfjq 0eoXoyiKtj<; a-roi^eiwaeco^ TLpoKkov nXarcoi'tKov ; it was edited by Director VoTnd, Frank f. on the Main 1825. To this is to be added: Nicol. Meth. Anecdoti, P. i. et ii. 1825, 1 826. " The work of Nicolas of Methone is undoubtedly one of tin best writings of that time," Ullmann, I.e. With regard to the History of Doctrines, his dis- cussions on the atonement are of greatest importance (§ 179). (4) His family name was Acominatus. He was called Choniates, after his native town Chonte (formerly Colosse), in Phrygia: he died after the year 1206. — Of his ©r/cravpo? 6p9oho%ias, in twenty-seven books, only the first five (probably the most important) are known in the Latin translation of Morelli (Par. 1569), reprinted in Bibl. PP. Max. t, xxv. p. 04 ss. This work was intended to complete the Panoplia of Euthymius. Comp. SchröcL'h, xxix. s. 338 ff. Ullma s. 30 ff. (5) Archbishop of the Bulgarians in Achrida ; he died in 1107. He is chiefly known as an exegetical writer, and by his polemics against the Latin Church : De iis, in quibns Latini acensantur. § 1 17.] THE WESTERN CIIURCII. 113 (G) He was Bishop of Nisibis, and died A.D. 1318. On Lis treatise: Margarita sive de vera fide, comp. Assouan. Bibl. Orient, t iii. P. i. (An account of it is given by Pfeiffer, Bd. ii. s. 407.) (7) He died a.D. 1231. On his work : Liber Thesaurorum, see Asscman. I.e. t. ii. p. 237. {Pfeiffer, Bd. i. s. 250.) (8) He occupied the metropolitan see of Edessa, was also called Barhebraeus, and died a.i>. 1286, On his work: Candelabrum Sanctorum de fundamentds, see Asseman. I.e. p. 284. (9) Corn. Will, Acta et scripta, qua de controversiis eccle- sire graca; et latins seculo nndecimo composite extant, Marb. 1861. On the Mystics of the Greek Church, see § 153. § 147. The W( rU r,i Chvreh. i: tuet, Einleitung in die Allgemeine Geschichte der Welt bis auf Kaiser Karl den Grc*-< tzt und mit einem Anhange historisch-kritischei Ab- bandlongen vermehrt von J. A I ,7 Bde., Lpz. 1757-17SG. [His- tdre Universelle : numerous editions.] During the two former periods the Western Church was principally represented by the ecclesiastical writers of Gaul and Italy, and pre-eminently by the theologians of the North African school. When the renown of the latter writers, as well as the glory of the Romano- Byzantine empire, had passed away, a new Christian and theological culture developed itself among the Germanic nations. We have here to distinguish three leading periods — I. The Carolingian, including the periods before and after Charles the Great, until the com- mencement of the scholastic period (eighth to eleventh cen- tury). II. The age of scholasticism proper (from the eleventh century to the middle of the fifteenth). III. The period of transition to the Reformation (the fifteenth century, and especially the second half of it). Hage.nb. Hist. Duct. ii. H 114 third PERIOD. — Tin: A';; [| i It is of course impossible to draw sharp lines of separation. Thus scholasticism is prefigured in the j <♦ *i i- ►. I mention« I the first by Jul in Scottu l na ; the second period mei so gradually into the third, that for Bome time both I dencies (the scholastic, which was fasl disappearing; and that which manifested itself in the writings of Reforrj om- panied each other. Many writers, «.£. Ritter, make scholas- ticism begin as early as the ninth century ; tart the tenth century breaks the thread in such s way, that what p is rather a prelude than the first act of B drama: "" before ite time, which, for thai < fruit ; two cextoru t ■ Hasse (in the work cited in the following , s. 21, comp. s. 3 § U& The ' / ' ' I ' ' ' . *j8taudenmdier, Johann Scotns ' ' aar Zeit, 1 TM. Frankfurt am Main 1834. A la .M.mru*, Hains 1841. Ritter, I Philosophie, Bd. vü. //>/-.<.■, Anselni Ton Caurtefbnry, IM. ü. & 18-21. [Jtettberg, Kirchengesch. 1' lands, Bd. i. Die Franken l J ls. Krafft, Gesch. d. German. Volker. A. F. Ozannm, Li Cirilisation Chretieime chea lea Francs, Paria F. Monnier, Histoire des i tovingiena, I Th. OhristUeb, Lehen and Lehre des Joh. äcotas Erigena: mit Vorwort von Prof. Dr. LauLrtr, Gotha I860.] The collection of Sentences composed by Isidore of Seville, and others of similar import (1), famished the rough mate- rial, while the schools and scholastic institutions founded by Charles the Great contributed to call forth spiritual activity. The Venerable Bede (2) and Alcuin (3) were distinguished for the clearness of their views, among the number of those who exerted more or less influence upon the age of the Carolin- gians. By the former the study of dialectics was introdi. into the Anglo-Saxon, and by the latter into the Prankish monastic and cathedral schools. Claudius, Bishop of Turin (4\ and Agdbard, Archbishop of Lyons (5), also exerted a greater I ;- THE c.U;OLI.\\;ian PERIOD. 115 infln arousing the minds of the people, and promoting practica] reforms, than by investigations of a strictly doc- trinal character. It was only the ecclesiastical controversies of the age which called forth in a few a more distinct dis- play of theological ingenuity (6). John ■ " igena, how- Bor in the theologioa] sky. Possessed of a high degree of intellectual originality, lie endeavoured, in the spirit of Origen, to lay a philosopbica] foundation for theology, but his speculative tendency led this bold investi- !■, who : 1 apon the path of speculation, at the . (7). (1) Coin]»., in the ptevi § 82, noto 30, and / Iter, vii. a 171 if. In addition to Isidore, the com- pilers of the Beventh century are: Tqjo of 3 9a, who lived about the year 650, and Ude/otu of Toledo, a.d. '. Comp. .1/ ' ,, ii. s. 5. (2) 11- »ras born about the 72, and died a.d. 735 in England. He is celebrated as a historian, and by his efforts for the promotion el education among the dei amentaries, sermons, und epistles contain much that is of importance in the Ii Doctrines. Comp. Schröckh, Kg. xx. B. 126 fit Allgemeine Encykl viii. s. 308-312. fi . , i ßi ilencykL Bd i. a 759 ff I! is works were pub- lished 1 L544; L554; Ba& L563 ; Colon, 1012, 1088, 8 vols, fol [W . J, A. ■ ith his Life, 12 Lund. 1843 Ba Historie I -tica, et Opera Hist. Minora, ed v : another edition by Hu&sey ; trans, by 1845 (previous translation by S n, 1565, 1723). — On J: Anthi Wiggen in Zeitschrift 1. d. hist TheoL 1857.] (3) He is also known by the names of Flaecus Albinv.s and Al&chvrinu8 ; he was lorn in England, in the county of York, became tutor to Charles the Great, and died a.d. 804. His work: De Fide Banctae et individual Trinitatis, in three books, contains a whole system of theology. Comp. Bossuct, l by Cramer, Bd. v. AUh. 2,s. 552—559. With reference the part which he took in the Adoptianist controversy, etc., I Hist :y oi Doctrinea Comp. Alcuins Leben 116 TIIIKD rEIUOD. THE AM! OJ SCB M. [§ 1I8. von F. Lorenz, Halle 1820 [also translated, London], Schröckh, Kg. rix. b. 77 ff.,419 if, sx.a 1 L3 IV.. _' 1 7 n',y- 585 ff. Neander, Kg. iii. s. 154, ami elsewhere. His works were published by / /' M8, Etatisb. 1777, L! vols, (in 4) fol. [F. Mounter, Alcuin, and his Religious and Literary Influence among the Franks, Paris L853.] (4) Hi- was a native of Spain (perhaps a disciple <»f Felix of Urgella), adopted the doctrinal tenets of Augustine, was a teacher during the reign of Louis the Pious, and died a.m. 840. His commentaries contain much doctrinal matter. Comp. SchröcJek, I.e. xxiii. s. 281. Neander, !.«•. iv. s. .".!'.". ff. *C%. Schmidt, Claudius von Turin, in Dlgens Bist-TheoL Zeitschrift, 1843, 2. (5) He was bo in a.i». 778, ami died A.D. 840. He op] like Claudius, many of the superstitions of the age. On his polemical writings against the Jevi ee § 1 11 ; <>n his refuta- tion of Felix of Urgella, comp, the Bpecial History of Doc- trines. Comp, also Schröckh, I.e. xxiii. s. 12 40. Neander, 1 <•. iv. s. 322-324. Comp. Sundeshagen, Commentatio de Ago- bardi Vita et Scriptis, Pars I. (Jiessaj 1831, ami In- article in Herzog's Realencykl. His works were published Paris 1G05, 4to ; more complete by Balluse, Paris 1660 (Max. BibL Patrum, t. xiv., and Gallandii BibL Patr. xiii.). (6) This was the case with Rabanus (Hrabanus) Magnentnu Maurus, Paschas ins Radbertus, Ratramnus, Servatus I/upus, Hincmar of Rheims, Floriis Magisti r, Fredegis of Tours, and others in the controversies concerning Predestination, the Lord's Supper, etc. See special History of Doctrines ; and on their writings, the works on ecclesiastical history, and Münscher, von Colin, ii. s. 6, 7. Pitter, Gesch. d. Phil. vii. s. 189 if. On the position of Fredegis, see Hasse, s. 2 0. (7) Also called Scotigena. He lived at the court of Charles the Bald, and died after the year 877. Comp. Hjort, Scotus Erigena oder von dein Ursprung einer christlich. Philosoph., Kopenh. 1823. Schröckh, I.e. xxi. s. 208 ff., xxiii. 481-484. Neander, iv. s. 388 ff. Staudenmaier, I.e., and his essay : Lehre des Joh. Scot. Erig. über das menschl. Erkennen, mit Rück- sicht auf einschlägige Theorien früherer und späterer Zeit, in the Freiburger Zeitsehr. für Theol. iii. 2. * From midi er, Die Lehre des Job. Scot. Erigena vom Wesen des Bösen, in Tiib. § 148.] THE CAROLIXGIAN PERIOD. 117 Zeitschr. für Theol. 1830, Heft i. s. 49 ffi, iii. s. 74 ff. De Joanne Sc. Erig. Comment, (anonymous), Bonn 1845. \_M. Saint-Bend Taillandier, Scot. Erigene et la Phil. Scholastique, I'aris 1843. F. Mbnnier, De Gottschalci et J. Scot. Erig. Controversia, Paria L853. B. HaureUm, Un Ouvrage inconnu /. S. E. in Revue de l'Instruction publique, 1859; comp. Haureau in his Hi>t. of Scholastic Philoa F. .\. Stauden- maier, J. Scot. Erig. und die Wissenschaft Beiner Zeit, ThL i. Freib. 1854.] Christlieb, Leben und Lehre des Joh. •. Erig. mit Vorr. von Landerer, Gotha 1860. \J, Huber, Joh. Scotus ! München 1861. Bus principal writings : Dialogue de Divisions Natura, libb. v. (ed. *Th. Gale, Oxon. L861. Repi by Migne) \ De Praedes- tinatione I>'i. — Of his edition of pseudo-Dionysius : Opera S. Dionysii latine versa, only the Bierarchia Coslestis is extant in the first volume of the works of Hugo of St. Victor. "In i of the divine omnipresence and uni- ition, and his view q) hy and religion, only different manifestations of the same spirit, he stood alone, and so li'ujli above the times in which h lived, tint ],,■ was not lemnedbyth Church until the thirteenth century" (Hase). I mp. Bitter, vii. s. 206-296 [and ChristL Thil. i. 409-467], who says : " He star rma among the many riddles which these times present. Among the t men of these i ries he is as pre-eminent for //>• of his thoughts, G ' the princes." l Ha ■ aptly of the ena, that, "if not a revival of Gnosticism, it is at l< i\ I h genism upon a higher stage" (ubi supra, s. 21). On his relation to the schoolmen, from whom is distinguished by his speculation rising above the eccle- . al tradition, Bee Landerer in Herzog, xiii. s. 050. 1 Between the dawning of Scholasticism in the ninth century, and its proper i.il growth from the eleventh to the fifteenth, intervenes the tenth century, i for its ba Baronius), in which the only man of importance in i doctrine is Qerbert (Pop Sylvester IL). Comp, on him, Hock, Gerbert oder Papst, Sylvester II., and sein Jahrhundert, Wien 18:57. Ritter, Gesch. d. Phil. vii. s. 300 tr. [and Christliche Philosophie. Also, Büdinger, Gerberts Wissenschaft! und Polit Stellung, Abth. I. 1851]. 118 THIHD PEBIOD. — TH1 SCHOLASTIC! § 1 Scholastic inn in I * Bull i Historia Uni I Einleitung in * 1 1 • - d< ursamski it \<> Baum« garten's Bvang. Glaubenslehre, Bd. i. s. 16 ff), aophise, torn. ill. Ten tma s, Geschichte der Philosophie, Bd. tüL u ix. '//■;•', i. : hte der Philo ophie, Bd. iii. Thl. ü. I h. d. I'liil. Bd. vii u. viii. Gramer, Lc. Bd. v. Engelhardt von der Versöhnung, s. 142 ff. i griff der Christ. Phil in Zellers .lain _ [ü. i>. //.,,< Philosophy considered in its relation t,> Christian Theology, in delii Bampton ' London 18 7 '/'-. & Raum Philosophie and die Philosophen des 12 u. 18 Jahrb. (Hi t, Taschenbuch, 1840). */'. /,' aterbury, -J ThL Lps. 1862. [/'. D. Maurice, II I oi sied. Philos., Lond. 1867.] The works ol I / ami S ; II' A "• ' '. I der 8cholast Philosophie, 1 Thl. Prag 1868. K •' ' r, Ri dismus u. Nominslismos in ihrem Ein ftniM auf die dogmat Systeme des Mil iderer, 8el Theologie, in Henog, xiü. -. 654 AV'. hm, D r Entwioklun| Scholastik (Hilgenfi I . The exceedingly bold attempt of Scotus Erigena to eff union, between philosophy and theology remained for some time isolated, but reappeared, though in a less free spirit, in what is properly called Scholasticism (1). The scholastic divines had not, like the theologians of the earlier Alexandrian school, to trace out the philosophical ideas that lay at the basis of a new and vigorous form of religion (Christianity), for whose systematic development little had been done ; nor yet, like them, to accommodate Christianity to a culture (the ancient, classical) which was already rooted in society. On the contrary, it was their task to lay the foundation of a system of modern Christian philosophy on a system of doctrines which had been handed down from antiquity in a partially corrupt form (2). But in the absence of an independent philosophical system, they again had recourse to ancient philo- sophy, and formed an alliance with Aristotelianism, quite as unnatural as that which former theologians had formed with Platonism. Their philosophical inquiries had more regard to 5 119. J BOLABTICISM IN GENERAL. 110 the form (3) than to the matter, and were of a dialectic rather than of a speculative kind. Hence they were not so much exposed to the danger of letting loose their imagination, and entering Qpon vague and indefinite discussions (like the -tics) (4), as to the adoption of narrow views, and to the wasting fcheir energies upon particulars und minutiae Thus a refined and subtle philosophy of the understanding gradually broucht about the downfall of scholasticism. On the other hand, the endeavour of theologians to atrive at sharp theo- al definitions, their scientific statement of the doctrine, and the noble confidence which they displayed in the reason- ableness of Christianity (notwithstanding existing prejudices), bt Bide and the merit of scholasticism (5). 11 events, it Lb certain that this grand attempt led to the very op] that which was intended, that the freedom of thought was followed by the bondage of the Liter, the confi- dence of faith ended in shameful scepticism (6). (1) On the appellation " -Seism," etc., see Du Fresn», p. 739, <'■■ ', Dg. a. 446. The derivation <>f the term in question, however, i> net etymological, but historical Com]!. Schl 6 if. On tli.- misleading and confus- character of the name, see Euter, vii. a 111 11. Yet it would also be impracticable to give it up. (2) In the previous period Cassiodortu bad uüvon a summary of the diabetics of Aristotle, and 1 had translated a part of bis Organon. But it was not until the present period that theologians became more generally acquainted with Aris- totelianism, see § 151. riatonism, on the other hand, forms it were the dawn and sunset of the philosophy of the Middle Ages ; the one is represented by Scotus Erigena, the other by Marsilius Ficinus and others; even during the first period of Scholasticism several of its adherents were under the influence of Platonism; it was not until the thirteenth century that it was gradually supplanted by Aristotelianism. " It is only" (says Bitter, vii. s. 70, comp, also s. 80, 90 ff.) " a fable of old igno- rance, when it is said that the Middle Ages were exclusively devoted tu the Aristotelian ph 120 TIIIUD PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 141. (3) '' Scholasticism is the prog school, or, as Hegel ■ the Fathers developed the Church, the min-/ m ped required a developed : in after ages ti- no more pah 'It'- prin rch had to produce the ,,, rund that which tained in Us simplest a rm in t dogma ; they had doctrines andformu ' of the Church, and procure its general ■ on the contrary, pr< this, The mater the content* wen . . . . d : ■ to effect ■' n that whi consciousness {as it i itself, to n ttore t) i ; two in • Vei söhniiD .117.1 ( lomp. Baumgai I Lebrb. L 8. H j- 1, t reach. der Pbilos. Bd. iii. b. I (4) " Those who compare ( ' Hans with those of ti- ! that tie- systems of the latter have n t the logical sophical reason, but only that of imagination*" St Erigena, s. 370. (5) As early as the time of Semler complaints were made of the unjust treatment which the scholastic divines had to suffer; Sender himself says (in the historical introduction to Baumgartens Glaubenslehre, Bd. i.) : " The poor scholastic i } been too much despised, and that frequently by people who would, not have been worthy to be their transcribers." And e Luther, although he contributed much to the downfall of Scholasticism, wrote to Staupitz : Ego scholasticos cum judicio, non clausis oculis lego. . . . Non rejicio omnia cor urn, sed nee omnia probo ; see Be Wette, Briefe, u.s.w. i. s. 102. Comp, also Hohler s Schriften und Aufsätze, Bd. i. s. 129 ff. Ulimann (Joh. Wessel. 1 Ausgabe, s. 12) calls the scholastic theology, " in its commencement, a true scientific advance upon the past; in its entire course, a great dialectic preparatory school of Western Christianity; in its completion, like the Gothic cathedrals, a grand and artistically finished production of the human mind." (6) See Baur, Lehrbuch der Dogmengesch. s. 11, 15-1 ff. § 100.] FIIiST PERIOD OF SCHOLASTICISM. 121 § 150. Tltr Principal Scholastic Systems. (' 2 ■/Scholasticism — tot; Lombard. The seh pint was first awakened in the monastic schools founded by Char] Greal and his successors. It was principally cultivated in the monastery of Bee in Nor- mandy, where / her (1). Bus disciple, A i etting out from faith, and indeed from the | creed of the ' Ihtu t to rise to philosophical knowledge, as is m inifest do less in his theory of satisfaction, than in his proof of the - ; (2). Hia views on • points, as well as on the reality of universal ideas, were . ■;. A' dlinvs (3) and I'^i'i- Ab lard [4), the latter of whom !• th i^in opposition to the theory of Anselm) on of knowledge, while the former defended nomi- nalism in opposition to realism. // L wrdino (first Bishop of Le Muh. and afterwards Archbishop of Tours) (5) adhered, like Anselm, with whom he was contemporary, to the positiv«.- creed of rch. Gilbert of Poitiers, on the con- trary, was (like Rosoellinus and Abelard) charged with hetero- doxy (ü). — A peculiar tendency which connected mysticism with scholasticism, manifested itself in the writings of William of C vux (7), the tutor of Abelard, as well as in those of R St. V tor (8) and Richard of St Victor (9). — After / i / 'i/ii, and other theologians besides those already named, had endeavoured to defend the doctrine of the Church philosophically (10), Peter Lombard (who lived in the twelfth century) collected the existing materials in his " Sentences," and by his peculiar mode of treatment laid the foundation of that stiff and heavy method which after him was for a long time predominant (11). (1, He died a.D. 10S9. He came into notice principally 122 TIIIKl» PERIOD. — THE AG] by his controversy with 2 will be more fully shown in the Special Hi f Doctrii ll works ¥ published by cFAchery, Pai ' 18, fol Comp. <;• sammelte Schriften und Aufsätze, Regensbu — On the foundation of the monastery of Bee, comp. Mbhler, I.e. [A. Charma, Notice sur Lanfranc, Paris I l. .'.' Latio ( 'hiisthnit v, vol ii.] (2) He was born at Aostain Piedmont, about the pear 1034, occupied the see of Canterbury from the year 1093 whei he is called Cantuariensis), and died a.D. 1100. "/A, nohonfl language to the \ spirit which had been at the Church since the time of leid to an ion in Berengarius and Lanfranc; and put ii the way of I ■•') element of historical p B I.e. s. 32. of his philosophical writings, tin- most important is tin- work entitled: Monologium ft Proslogium (it contains a proof of the of G i. and the doctrine of tin- Trinity) : extracts from it a:- | v. 2, 341—372. Anion-- his more thi ologic '1 works are: 1 '•• Casu Diaboli, but especially the treatise: Cur Dens Homo? libb. ii. (which contains a theory of the incarnation and of redemption). In addition to these works lie wrote : De Concept u Virginali et Originali Peccato; de Libero Arbitrio; de Concordia Phb- scientiae et Prsedestinationis nee non Gratire Dei cum Libero Arbitrio, etc. — Editions of his works: *Gabr. Gcrbcron, Par. 1675, fol.; 1721, 2 vols. fol. (Ten. 1744) ; and Zcemmcr, BeroL 1858. A manual edition of the treatise: Cur Deus Homo? was published by Hey der, Eil. 1834. Opuscula philosophica- theologica selecta ed. C. Haas, Tub. 1863 ss. Comp, on him- self, *iMöMer, Gesammelte Schriften und Aufsätze, Eegensb. 1839, i. s. 32 ff. ; and on his doctrines, Möhler, I.e. s. 129 ff. — /. G. F. Billroth, De Anselmi Cantuariensis Proslogio et Monologio, Lips. 1832 ; Franch, Anselm von Canterbury, Tüb. 1842, and F. R. Hasse, Anselm von Canterbury, Thi. i. Lpz. 1843; Tbl ii. (Anselm's teaching) 1852. Ritter, Gesch. d. Phil, vii, s. 315-354. Rdmusat, Anselm de Cantorbery, Paris 1854. Kling in Herzog's Realen cykL [A translation of the 1st Part of Hasse's Anselm, abridged by Turner, Loud. 1850. M. A. Charma, St. Anselm, Paris 1853. His Meditations and § 166.] FIBST PERIOD OB SCHOLASTICISM. 123 Prayers to the Holy Trinity, Lond. 1856. Cur Deus Homo, transl. Oxford Comp. Stadien und Krit, 1853 (Kling): Revue dea deux Mondes, [Sauset) 1853. Dean B. W. Church, Life of s. Anselm, Lond. and < !aml (3) He is also called ; he was born in Lower Brittany, and was canon at Oompiegne in the eleventh century. He is commonly regarded as the founder of the nominalists; e D hist.eccles.de Vita et Baeresi Boa ellini, ErL L756, 4to. On the contrast between nomi- nalism and realism, more fully I in works on the history of philosophy, see Ba n-Crusius, De veto Scho- im Realium el Nominalium Discrimine et Sententia theologica, Jen. L821, 41 lhardt, Dg s, 16, 17. Baur, Lehrbuch, a L65. This conflict was not without some im- portance for theology, as will 1»' more particularly seen in considering the Trinity. The part which theologians took in the work of reformation (e.g. in the times of Huso di pen led, generally Bpeaking, more or less on the views which they adopted with regard to these systems. [_ ( - um P- L l r> /• in // . LencykI] (4) The original form of his name was Aoaielavrd. \\^ was horn A.i'. 1 » ' 7 •. » . ; l t Palais near Nantes, ami died 1142. On the history of his eventful life, • Ba '• . Dictionnaire ; . I -••/•, ami others; Neander, Der heilige Bernhard, s. Ill' if. Editions of his works: Opp. Abaelardi <'t Qeloisse, ed. Andr. ' (Duchesne), Par. 1616, 4to, containing: De Fide S. Trinitatis s. Introductio ad Theologiam in :; libros «li\ i.-a. — 1 1 is Libri V. Theologian Christiame were first edited by Edm, Martine Thesaur. Anecd. t, v.). On his Dialogus, see § 144, note 1. The unpublished works of lard are edited by Cousin in the Collection de Documents in.'dits but l'llistoire de France, publies par ordre du Eoi et par les soins du mini-tie de l'instruction publique. Deuxieme MTie: Ouvrages in&lita d'Abeillard, pour servir a l'histoire de la philosophie scolastique en France, Paris 1836, 4to. [Vol. ii. 1859. Comp. Guldhorn in Gersdorfs Pepert. Jan. 1860. I tor Cousin, über die erste Periode der Scholastik ; dem wesentlichen historischen Inhalte nach mitgetheilt von /. G. v. Engelhardt. Zeitschrift für die historische Theologie, J.dirg. 1846, i. s. 56-133.] Comp, also: A. E. Lewald 124 THIRD PERIOD. — THE A.GE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ IM. Commentatio de Operibus Petri Abadardi, qiue e codicibua manuscriptis Victor Cousin edidit (Heidelb. 1839, 4to). The Sic et Non, edited by Th. Senke and G. 8. Lindenkohl, Marb. 1851. The judgment of Cousin respecting Abe lard is as follows: " As St. Bernard represents the conservative spirit and Christian orthodoxy in Ms faults and the narrowness of views, as well as by his admirable good sense, hi* depth without subtlety, and his pathetic eloquence, so Abilard and his school represent in some sense the liberal and innovating spirit of the time, ivith its frequently deceitful promises, and the unavoidable mixture of good and evil, of reason and extravagance" — Comp. also Frerichs, Comment. theoL critica de Petri Absei, Doctrina dogmatica et morali, Jen. 1827, 4to; Franck, ein Beitrag zur Würdigung Abälards, in the Tübinger Zeitschrift, 1840, 4 s. 4. Rtmusat, Abelard, Paris L845, 2 vols. Bettberg in Herzog's RealencykL Böhringer, Die Kirche Christi u. ihre Zeugen, ii. 2. According to L\wr (Trinitätslehre, II. s. 457), Abelard is more of a dialectic than of a speculative thinker. On the relation in which he stands to Rationalism, comp, the same work, s. 500, 501. Bitter, Gesch. der l'hil. vii. s. 401 ff. He considers him (s. 161) "less freethinking than imprudent." [J. H. Goldhorn, De Summis Princip. TheoL Abielard. Lips. 1836. Lindenkohl, De Pet. Abtei, libro Sic et Non, Marl». 1851 ; also his and Henke's edition of the work, 1851. C. A. Wakens, Petr. Abadard, 1855.] (5) He was born either A.D. 1055 or 1057, and died A.D. 1134. Though a disciple of Berengarius, he did not adopt all his views. He was Bishop of Le Mans from the year 1097, and raised to the archbishopric of Tours, A.D. 1125. For some time he was thought to be the author of the Tractatus Theol., which modern researches have assigned to Hugo of St. Victor (see note 8). Comp. Liebner in the Theolog. Studien und Kritiken, 1831, Heft ii. s. 254 ff.— His opinions on the Lord's Supper are also of importance, as will be seen in the Special History of Doctrines. (6) He was also called Porretanus or Porseta (de la Porre*e), and died A.D. 1154. On his life and works, comp. Otto Fresing, De Gestis Friderici, lib. i. c. 46, 50-57. Cramer, vi. s. 530-552. His principal opponent was St. Bernard of Clairvaux, who had also combated Eoscellinus and Abelard. § 150.] FIRST TEItlOD OF SCHOLASTICISM. 125 See Neander, Der heilige Bernhard, s. 217 ff. Bitter, vii. s. 437 ff. [J. G. Morison, Life of S. Bernard, Lond. 1863, 1868.] (7) Guildmus de Campcllis; he died A.D. 1121. He was the founder of the school of St. Victor, in one of the suburbs of Paris (a.D. 1109), from which, generally speaking, the mystical scholastics came. Inspecting him and his dialectics, see Schlosser, Abhandlung über den Gang der Studien in Frankreich, vorzüglich von der Schule zu St. Victor, in his Yincenz von Beauvais, Frkf. a. Main 1819, Bd. ii. s. 35, and Abelard's works by Cousin; comp, also Engdhardt in the work mentioned, note 9, s. 308 IF. (8) According to Pagi, he died A.D. 1140; according to others, A.D. 1141. lie was ('mint of I'.lankenburg, canon of St. Victor (alter Augustinus, lingua Augustini, Didascalus), and a friend of St. Bernard. Comp. *A. Liebner, Hugo von St. Victor und die theologischen Richtungen seiner Zeit, Leipz. 1832. — Opera ex rec. Canonicorum Begula-rium S. Victoris 1'aris, Rotomagi 1610, 3 vols. fol. His most important work is : De Sacramentis Christianas Fidei, libri duo, t. iii. p. 487-712. Extracts from it are given in Cramer, vi. s. 7 'J 1-848. Comp. Bitter, vii. s. 507 ff. (9) Magnus Contemplator ! He was a native of Scotland, and died a.D. 1173. Comp. Lielmer, Progr. de Bichardo a S. Vict,, Gott. 1837, 1839. Comp. *Engelhardt, Eichard von S. Victor und Johannes Ruysbroek, zur Geschichte der myst. Theol., Erl 1838. Opera: Studio Canonicorum S. Victoris, Botomagi 1650, foL (10) He was cardinal, and died between the years 1144 and 1150. He wrote: Sentential, libb. viii., published by Mathoud, Bar. 1655, fol. Comp. Cramer, I.e. vi. s. 442-529. Bitter, vii. 547 ff. (11) Magister Sententiarum. He was born at Xovara, raised to the episcopal see of Baris in the year 1159, and died a.D. 1164. His work: Sententiarum libri iv., Venet. 1477, edited by J. Aleaume, Louvain 1546. "It was not so much on account of the ingenuity and depth displayed in the work, as in consequence of the position which its author occupied in tJie Church, of his success in harmonizing antagonisms, and of its general perspicuity, that it hecame the manual of the twelfth 1 26 THIBD PBBIOD. — THB A.GI OF BCD If. century, and the model of th>- subseguet ' " /.' A »pecimen of bis method i.s given by Sender in his {ntroduction to Baumgarte it's <\\\i\\\n\\Ar\\\Q l Bd. ii.s. si ft Comp. Heinrieh, Geschichte der dogmatischen Lehrarten, b. 145 K The I book treats: l 1 *- mysterio rrinitatis, b. de Deo nnp et trino; the second: De rerum corporalinm et Bpiritualinm ereatione et formatione aliisqne pluribns eo pertinentibns ; the third: De incarnations verbi aliisque ad hoc Bpectantibns ; ami the fourth: T)u Bacramentia el ramentalibus. Comp, Engelhai I lg. s. 22. — " T/u period endless comn of the Master, commences with Peti r Lombard. Ti I is, at t) in which thcr>- was no end of questioning and answering, of laying down tl I antithi ter- arguments, of dividing and splitting wp iter of the doctrines ad inßnitwn.'' Baur, I.e. s. 214. " It was owing to him that the tcholasti ne assumed thai toady, well-regulated form of development hi which could be carried out to its legitim ■ disturbed by ojpp Baur, Lehrbach der Dg. s. L59 Comp. Bitter, vii. s. 474-501. [Baur, Dg. 2te Aufl.) s. 224, says of this first period of scholasticism, that it began with the attempt to rationalize dogma, or to make it dialei bically intelligible; and that this was unquestionably first seen in Anselra of Canterbury, by .starting the question of the relation of faith and knowledge, which indicates the special object of scholasticism.] Landcrcr in Herzog's RealencykL viii. s. 406 ff. § 151. (b) Second Period — to the end of the Thirteenth Century. The dogmatic works of Iiobert of Melun (1) (Folioth) and Alanus of Ryssel (2) (ab Insulis) appeared about the same time, while Peter of Poitiers (3), a disciple of Peter Lombard, followed in the steps of his master. But this scholasticism, too, met with opposition, especially on the part of Walter of St. Victor (4) and John of Salisbury (5). Nevertheless, scholasticism gained ground, partly in consequence of being favoured by circum- § l'.l.] SECOND PERIOD OF SCHOLASTICISM. 127 stances. In the first place, the orders of the mendicant friars acquired a greater influence upon the philosophical and theo- logical studies pursued in the universities. And, secondly, by means of that more extensive intercourse with the East which followed the Crusades, the Western theologians, from the thirteenth century onwards, became acquainted with a more complete edition of the works of Aristotle, which had been translated and commented upon by the Arabs, and exerted from that time a still more decided influence upon their systems (6). The works called ' Summas," the first of which was composed by A 7), now took the place of the " Sentences." Albertus Magnus wrote the first complete commentary on the works of Aristotle (8). But when scholasticism had reached its height, towards the close of the thirteenth century, a division broke out between the different schools, which continued to I as h>ng as the system itself. The leader of the one of these schools was the Dominican Thomas of Aauinwm (9) ; the Leader of the other was his opponent, the Franciscan John Duns Scot us (10). The scholastic disputes were connected with the jealousies of the monastic orders (11). Bui even in the present period the mystical tendency was sometimes united with the scholastic, as in the case of the Franciscan John of Fidama (12) (Bonaventura). (1) He was I'.i.-hopof Hereford from the year 11 64, and died a.d. 1195 [1 1G7 ?]. He composed a Summa Theologize hitherto unpublished); comp. JBulceus, I.e. t. ii. p. 264, 585 ss., 772 s. Cramer, I.e. vi. s. 553—586. [See Art. in Biog. Universelle.] (2) He was called Doctor universalis, and died A.D. 1203. He belonged to the speculative school of Anselm. Writings : Summa quadripartita de fide catholica (a controversial writing, in opposition to the Albigenses, "Waldenses, Jews, and Mahome- tans). — Libri V. de Arte s. Articulis catholicae Fidei, edited by /'• :, Thesaur. Anecd. Xoviss. t. i. P. ii. p. 475-504 (an abridg- ment of it is given in Cramer, v. 2, s. 445-459), and Eegulre theologica?. — Comp. ScJUeit rmacJu r, Kg. s. 527 ff. [Comp. C Historia Literaria, ii. 229.] Hitter, vii. s. 593 If. 128 THIRD PERIOD. TMK AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. (3) He died A.D. 1205. His Libri V. Sententiarum edited by Mathoud, Pi L, together with f of PuUeyn (see § 1 50, note L0). < Jomj I (4) He flourished about the year 1180, and Libri IV. contra man:: damnataa etiam in Conciliis 1 quae Sophists Abselardus, Lombardus, Petrus 1 Gilbertua Porretanus, quatuor Labyrinth] Gallis, uno spiritu totelico »tH.it i , libria Bententiarum suaram acuunt, limant, roborant Extract« from this work hitherto unpublish given by I ii. p. '• (5) Sarisberiensis j he was Bishop of Chartres from the 1 l 76,and died &.B. 1 I B2. Aboul to Thomas I I v nrialiuo \ bigiis philoaophornm, libri viii. This work was followed by Metalogici libri iv. (published Lugd. Bat 1639; Amst, 1664). — Epistola occii (written from 1 l ."."-1180, ed Paptrita Ma Par. 1611, 4to). Comp. Bibl Pal M Lugd. r. xxiii. Schleiemaehtr, to. 527. Hermann //■ ler, Joh, von Salisbury, zur Geschichte der christlichen Wissenschaft im L2 Jahrhundert,. Bed I ;_'. Euter, vii. s. 605 (6) Among the Arabic commentators on Aristotle,^ who died L 036, and ' who died 1217, d par- ticular notice. [Comp. Bitter, Ueber unsere Kennt arabischen Philosoph] : Gotting. 1844. 1 Awrroes et rAverroisme, Paris 1852, etc. On Avicebron, De Materia Universali (probably Jewish, not Arabic), see TheoL Jahrb. (Tübingen) 1856 and 1857, and Sal. Muni-, Metangee Thilos, juive et arabe, Paris 1857.] Notwithstanding« siastical prohibitions, the study of Aristotle gradually gained ground. On the historical development of these studies, see Amad. Jourdain, Pecherches critiques sur Tage et l'origine des traductions latines d'Aristotle, et sur les conimentaires grecs ou arabes, employes par les docteurs scolastiques (Par. 1819), and the works on the History of Philosophy : T viii. s. 353. Ritter, I.e. (7) Alexander Alcsius ; he was called Doctor irrefragabilis, and died aj) 1246. He was the first theologian who made a thorough use of the Aristotelian philosophy. His work entitled: Summa Universal Theologiae (divided into Q' § 151.] SECOND PERIOD OF SCHOLASTICISM. 129 Membra, and Articuli . was edited after his death by bout the year 1252, by order of Pope Ennocent iv. Other editions are those of Venet. 1576, and of Colon. 1622,4 vols. fol. Extracts from it are given by 1 1 ■ - L20 li'. vii. s. 161 BE // nrich, a 208 if. Comp. Schleiermacher, a 531 f. (8) Called Simia Aristotelis; the most learned of the a oative of Suabia, tanght at Paris and Coin, was iop of Regensbc bisbon), and died at Cöb 1280. Opera : ed Petri J Ord. Pi Lugd. 1651, 2] vols foL Among his numerous works we mention his < '« mmentaries "ii : Lombard, as well as his Summa Theol (ex edit. Basil 1508, 2 vola fol /■ iter, via s. 181- 25l C J ) '• : Doctoi jelicus; 1. in a.D. 1224, in the kingdom of Naples. II disciple of Albert, but the dency predominated in him more than in his teacher. II Pari Rome, Bologna, and Pisa, and died A.i- L274, OD his way to the Council of Lyons. ||. aonized by Pope John xxn. a.D. 1323. His principal are: Commentarii in Libros iv. Sententiar. Petri Lom- tifi •/. N Pai 1659 l vola foL). — Summa ins Theologize in ributa. woi iven by S i . 1 1 ■. - 58 if. ( ■. ii. a 1 6 1 if. 219 tt Schröckh, xxix. a 73 L96. Opera Omnia, B q e 1 572, 1 7 vola I I Antverp 1575 Vem :. I : 20 vola fol For further particulars, Bei Colin, ü b, L9. Comp. C. F A". / Descriptio Summse Theologies The Aquinal Bonn. 1846, 4to. H. Hortet, v^n Aquino und seine Zeit, nach Touron, Dtdecluze, und den Quellen, Augsb. 1846. Bitter, viii. s. 257-354. La Philosophie de S. Thomas d'Aquin, Paris 1858. " Th 'li the finest 'ation unites the gift of dear exposition to a degra seldom found anion// the tly his Summa attained the highest Dg. s.460. [Hampden, Life of Aquinas, 1S4G. \falt, La Theol. de St. Thos. 1 vol I'aris 1856. K. Werner, Der heilige St. Thos. von Aquin, Bd. iii. Regensb. 1859. //. K. Plassmann, Die Schule und Lehre des heiL Thos. von Aquin, Bd. v. 1858, 1859. New edition of his works by Migne, with a full Index, 1860; i : I [fi I I I 1. II. I 130 THIRD PEBIOD. — THE A.GI 01 [§ : also by Vives, Paria Biüuari edited the Sumn Paris 1 839 : La® rg D '■ 1854. Goudin, Philosophia juxta D. Thomce d Paria 1850. Aquina Cal Lurea, in connection with the Oxford Library of the Fathers, tran&la »la] (10) Duns & urnamed D toi Bubtilis, was boi DunstoD in Northumberland, taught theo! the year 1 30 I . al Pai is from the 3 e u I 30 t. and died Cölu a.I'. L308. He introduced a number of barbai technical terms, such us quidditates, he im- scriptibili with these began 1 of scholasticism into hair-splitting Bubtletiea His works wei I by Luc Wad I ' • foL II: ' work is : Quodl mmentaria in lil iv sententiarum ; also Qu quodlibeticae. Comp v I.e. b H -1 •_'•'. ff. Sch/rockh, xxix. a 237 ff. Baumg I , De Theologia Scoti, Jena 18* alls him " H'- ■ ' ■ /. 1274 as i ardinal, and was canonized A.D. 1482 by Pope Six! : Rom» 1 588 I 59i vola fol Mogunt 1609 [in 8vo,by V , Paris]. — His^wwt- 1 tarius in libros iv. Sententdarum ; viloquium; Centiloquium He is also said to be the author of the work entitled : i lompendium Theologies Veritatis de natura 1 lei He wi 1 mj bI : Speculum Animse; Itinerarium Mentis inDeum; de Reductdone Allium ad Theologiam. Comp. Semler, !.>•. & 52—58. Heinrich, 214 ff Ga i in //■ M. W, A. Hollenberg, Studii inaventura, Berlin 1 862. • Unique in his way in the history of scholasticism mwndus Indlus, born at M . • L236 died L315. Opera: Mogunt 1772, in 1" volsi His chief work is his "Ars Generalis," which, leaving the beaten path of the school, attempted I i key to the foundations of knowledge. With this i- ted his work written in Rome, Necessaria demonstratio articulorum fidei Comp. Helfferich on RLullus, Berlin L858, and Kling in Herzog, viii. s. 558 ff. Comp. RHU I ;1. l'iiil. _'. " It was a leading object with him," sa; " to prevent the spread of the principles of A in theology . \\. 560 £ § 1* (c) Third Period — tJu Fall oj Scholasticism in the Fourteenth F •/' C< at a vies. During the last period of scholasticism, now approaching its fall, we meet with but few independent thinkers, among whom the most distinguished were Durandus of St. Pourcain (1), 132 THIRD PERIOD. — tii: / mund of Sabunde (2), and W I •' oal- istic sceptic. Cfal iel B iple of the last mentioned, but less original, was the last >n the schoolmen, although the degenerate tendency still lingered to evoke I'm;- a complete revolution in tl (1) Dwrandus >>■ I ■ in the « ►mi- ni- .-in monk, he ventured to oppose Thymus, on which account he was Looked upon as an apostate by the genuine Thomi see ' Bd. vii. s. 803 ff. Bawr, Dg. 163, 230, 240 (2d ed . Ritter, viii. 547 ' Dg. 4G2 : " //■ ' ' fficult \ (2) He was a fo icher at Toulouse about th ' L36, and composed a i natural theology under the title: Liber Creaturarum, sen Theo! Naturalis, Argent. 1496, fol.; I 1G35. It v ; bushed in a somewhat altered form by Amos C title: Oculus Kitlei, Amst. lu'Gl. Solisbaci, 1852. Comp. M I L ii. c 12. F. Holbcrg, De theologia naturali Kaimundi de Sabunde, II I. 1843. Matzke, Die natürliche Theologie des Raymundus von Sabunde, BresL 1846. Bitter, viii. s. G58-678. (3) Occam died A.D. 1347. He was called Venerabilis inceptor, Doctor singularis. Though a Franciscan monk, he differed from Duns Scotus, as the Dominican Durandus did from Thomas ; in both these cases, therefore, the strict con- nection between the spirit of the order and the spirit of the school is destroyed. Occam took an independent political position, even in opposition to the Pope (John xxil), by defending the doctrine of the poverty of Christ ; on this point, see the works on ecclesiastical history. As a scholastic divine, he brought nominalism again into repute. Of his works the following are doctrinal : Compendium Errorum Joh. XXII. (in Goldasti Monarchia, Han. 1612, p. 957). — Quaestiones super iv. libb. Sententiarum. — Quodlibeta vii. Tract, de Sacramento § 152.] FALL OF SCHOLASTICISM. 133 Altaris. — Centüoquium Theologicum (the last of which, in particular, contains a great many subtleties). See Cramer, vii. 8. S12 ff. On his ironical scepticism, which he knew how to conceal under the mask of the most rigid orthodoxy, see Rettberg in the Studien und Kritiken, 1839, 1. His works mal witli absurd questions (such as those mentioned in be 5). Comp. Bettberg, s. 80. Ritter, viii. s. 574— G04. Baur, Trinitätslehre, ii. s. 8G7 ff. Bat with philosophical scepticism, he and the later nominalists show only a still more rigid Bupernaturalism in tip- theological sphere. (4) He was born at Spires, was professor "1 philosophy and theology in the University of Tübingen, and died A.D. 1495. — Hewrote: Collectorium s. Epitome ex Guilelmo Occam in iv. libros Magistri Sententiarum ed. W'/nl. Steinbock, Tub. L502, 2 vols. foL Wemsdorf, Diss. TheoL do Gabr. Biel berrimo Papista Antipapista, Wittenb. 1749. [Schröckh, Kirchengesch. xxx. 4l'5, xxxiii 534.] Biel was followed by Antoninus Florentinus and Paul Cortesius ; see Miinschcr, von Colin, s. 30. Cajetan, Eck, and others, who lived in the time i : Lather, were also thorough scholastics (5) Thus it was asked: Num possibilis propositio: rater Dens odit iilinm ? Nam Deus potuerit Buppositare mulierem, num diabolum, num asinum, num cucurbitam, num silicem ? Tarn quemadmodum Cucurbita fuerit concionatura, editura miracula, figenda cruci l Et quid consecrasset Petrus, si con- secrasset eo tempore, quo corpus Christi pendebat in cruce ? . . . "Sunt innumerabiles Ae7rTo\ecr^i'at his quoque multo sub- tiliores, de instantibus, de notionibus, de relationibus, de formalitatibas, de quidditatibus, de ecceitatibus, quas nemo possit ocalis assequi, nisi tarn Lynceus, ut ea quoque per altissimas tenebras videat, quae nusquam sunt." Erasmi Stultitise Laus, Bas. 1G7G, p. 141 ss., and in Annotation, in 1 Tim. i. G, etc. Com}). Ad Müller, Erasmus, s. 155, and Gieseler, Kg. ii. 4, s. 324. Respecting the decline of scholas- ticism, Luther wrote to John Lange at Erfurt: Aristoteles descendit paulatim, inclinatus ad ruinam propre futuram sempiternam. Mire fastidiuntur lectiones sententiarise, nee est ut quis sibi auditores sperare possit, nisi theologiam hanc, i.e. Bibliam aut S. Augustinum aliumve ecclesiastic» auctori- tatis doctorem velit profiteri. The letter in question is 13-1 TI 1 1 1: 1 - PERIOD. — THE aGE OP -M. [§ 148. reprinted in De Wette*» Collection, L Nr. 34, a 57 I mp. the sixtieth letter to Stan] ' 12. [Bawr, in hia 1 1 Bq., tra scholasticism back to Duns Scotus, The more sharply Dm» Scotus distinguished between understanding and will, the more did he Beparate the two, and Bever the practical from the theoretical. All that remained was to thought from being, and the dissolution was complete. was accomplished by the nominalism of Occam, according to which tl tive reality corresponding to genera] ideas. 1 I tl"' two Durandus, who also viewed theology as a pi 1 made its object to be, <;,h1, but the life of faith. Faith was at Last left to i merely upon authority. — The antagonism of realism and nominalism runs through the whole of the schol theology : it is its moving principle, and the b! gea of it- development are also identical with the different period scholasticism. — termined the j scholasticism: but Platonism, through the influence of the writings of Dionysiufl the Areopagite, went along with it, ami in the works of the f. Aquin tributed its substantial elements to scientific theol § 153. M *H. Schmid, Dor Mystici node, Jena 1S24. * Charles Schmidt, t lea mystiques du quatorzieme siecle, Strasb. 1836, 4to. Helfferich, Die Geschichte der christlichen Mystik in ihrer Entwicklung and in ihren Denkmalen, 2 vols. Hamb. 1843. Franz Pfeiffer, Deutsche Mystiker des 14 Jahrhunderts, 1st vol. Leipz. 1845. Willi. Waehemagel, üeber die Gottesfreundi vaterländischen Geschichte, Bd. ii. Basel 1843, s. 111 ff. 0. U. Hahn, Geschichte der Ketzer im Mittelalter, im 11, 12 und 13 Jahr. 3 vols. Stuttg. 1850. L. Noaek, Die christliche Mystik, nach ihrem geschicht- lichen Entwicklungsgange, Theil i. Die christL Mystik des Mittelalt. Ulimann, Reformatoren vor d. Reformation, 2 vols. 1866 [transl. in Clark's Foreign Library, Edinburgh. Ullmann in Studien u. Kritiken, 1852, R. A. Vaughan's Hours with the Mystics, 2d ed. 2 vols. Lond. 1860. H. L. J. Heppe, Geschichte der quietistischen Mystik in der EathoL Kirche, Berlin 1875.] § 1Ü3.] MYSTICISM, 135 The influence of scholasticism was beneficially counter- balanced by mysticism, which, in effusions oi the heart, rich indeed, although at times indistinct, restored to theology those vital streams of which it had been deprived by the excess of dialectics (1). Theologians, whose tendency was of a positive kind, such as Bernard of Clairvaux, had before this insisted upon the importance of religious feeling being connected with the faith of the Church, and of a devout disposition as distinguished from mere speculative tendencies (2). Some of the scholastic divines themselves had endeavoured to reconcile the claims of pious emotion with the demands made by the atific development of the age, on which account they are amonly called either mystical scholastics or dialectic mystics (3). But about the time of the decline of scho- ticism, mysticism made its appearance in a much more rous and independent form, though under very different aspects. As had been the case with the scholastics, so some of the mystics adhered more closely to the doctrine of the Church, while others, departing from it, adopted heretical opinions (4). As to the scientific method, one class of mystics manifested a more philosophical culture and prepara- tion than was shown by the other. The doctrines of Master Eckart (5) had much in common with the fanatical panthe- istic sects, and were consequently condemned by the papal see. Among those who followed more closely (though with various modifications) the doctrine of the Church were John Tauler (6), Henry Suso (7), John Ruysbroek (8), the (anony- mous) author of tin- " Büchlein von der deutschen Theologie" {i.e. the little book of German Theology) (9), Thomas ä K< inpis (10), and John Charlier Gerson (11); the last also endeavoured to construct a scientific system of mysticism, and to give to it a psychological basis. In the Greek Church, too, mysticism had its representatives (Nicolas Cabasilas) (12). (1) " Mysticism forms in itself a contrast to scholasticism, nuchas the prevailing tendency of the latter is a 13G THIRD PERIOD. — Uli If. dialectical proa is of the B ! i nt, r into a um m with preserving th. very hearth of religion in th human heart, •> could /' ' Lehrb. der Dg. 8. 167 lly well- founded differen I I speculative I d. p. II work "ii the Trinity, ii. B80 ff. (2) He waa rarnamed I mellifluus, and 1 1 53. II were i I : t » - . 1 by '.' r Li L690 L719, 2 vo] . foL; Vea L726, : 1. Ii epifltle8, •■: :;■•:. ..:•.:: , ad Eugenium III. Papam; Libri v. de Gratia et Lib itrio, etc. < '" : p. X I ».!• Iiei] i Bei ahard und Bein / alter, Berlin L813. /.' Der heilige Bernhard Clairvaux und • 1 i « - II //. Schmid, I.e. a. 187 ff /' Lehre, ii. 2, a 20 Böhringer, ii. 1 . ./ Ed of b Mandernach, Trior L861 if . Practical activity v. played by B an, who lived between tl 12-47 ami 1272 j he bordered upon mysticism. See his sermons, t.. 1 it . •> I 1-v Kling, BerL L824, and the (iruiim in the Wiener - : bier, Jahrg. L825 Bd. xx: s. 194 if. [BernanFi Y> pub. by Paris.] (3) To these bei illy William of Cha and the theologians of the school of St Victor, as well twra. Comp. § 150 and 151. There is also a mystical background in the writings of Anselm of Canterbury, Albertus Magnus, and Thomas Aquinas. And here, too, it cannot but be noticed that the older mysticism shows an internal affinity foT realism, while the latter made an alliance with nominalism. (4) "The ideas of the O vystics rest on th\ foundation of the creed, and all the spiritual > - by them is most intimately connected with the doctrine of the Trinity, the incarnation of Christ, the operation of th -■ promised by Christ, and the mystery of tin' LoroVs Supper. I the abstract theory of the heretical mystics usually seeks to § 153.] MY TICISM. 137 fathom the depths of the soul, whi ' :il, j, lothing eise but Ood Himself ; tliey teach that Deification is of man Jwmself, and regard thejh i at symbols of those inward processes on which the attain- ment of tii' 1 end of our lif depends. It is of special im- portance, IN AN EXPOSITION OF Tili: BI8TOEY OF THI8 PERIOD, DISTINCTLY TO SEPARATE THESE TWO KINDE OHÜRCHLY AND ÖNCHURCHLY, OB ORTHODOX AND HETERODOX MYSTICS," lhardt, Richard von St Victor, s. 2. Comp. s. 97 i (5) Amalrit ■ and D I f D ■ Uo had previously Loped the i tic system of John Scotus Erigena to a kind of fanaticism, and given to it that dan ical directioD which is exhibited by Borne of the Middle A ' mp. Krönlein, Amalrich von Bena und David von Dinanto Studien und Kritiken, :. 2 1 ). //. & : Lea 387 ff. Engelhardt, Kirchen- hichtliche Abhandlungen, Erlang. 1 32,8.251. Mbsheim, De !'•• vhard p. 211, 255.— Among the mystics of the fourteenth century, Mast • /.' vrt Ai< hard), a native of - :ony, and provincial of the order of Dominicans in ''"In, has the Bame tendency, but in a more systematic form " //■ • of the i I and ardent love, are and H 1: were condemned, A.D. L329, in a bull of P John xxn. Comp. I 1 p. 51 57, and Studien und Kritiken, 1839, 3. .'.' . I.e. p. 280. Apophthegms of German mystics in Wa ! nch, i. Sp. 889-892. '"'//. Mas M I. . it: Eine theologische Studie, Hamb. :_'. Uümann, Lc (6) He was called Doctor sublimis et illuminatus ; he was a Dominican, and lived at Coin and Strassburg, and died a.D. 1361. lie was a preacher of a high order of intelligence. A Latin edition of his works by Laur. Surius, CoL 1Ö48. He wrote among others: Nachfolge des armen Lei ChristL — Medulla Animae (a collection of various tracts) is a later compilation; Sermons (3 Bde. Leipz. 1826). Comp. doctrine of Amalrich is to be distinguished from that of his di- lat of David of Dinanto, whose connection with Scotus E- u> denied by the author of the above t 138 THIRD PERIOD. — Till: AGE OP BCH 'LASTICISM. [§ l . Wackernagels Altdeutsches Lesebuch, Sp 857 ff [Ch. Schmidt, Johannes Tauler von Stiassburg. Beitrag zur Geschichte der Mystik und des religiösen Lebens im II- Jahrhundert, Hamb. 1841.] ting him to Spalatin (14th Dec. L516 : Si te delectal pnram t solidam, antiquae simillünam theologiam legere, in germanica lingua effusam, Bermones Johannis Tauleri, pnedicatorise professionis, tibi comparare potes . . . Neque enim ego vel in Latina vel in nostra lingua theologiam vidi salubriorem el cnm Evangelio consonantiorem. The letter is given by De Wette, Bd. i. Nr. 25, a 46. D Wette, on the contrary, - i iristliche Sittenlehre, ii. 2, s. 220 tt): " His mysticism is very profound and ß rvt nt, an* ' y speculative; no intrinsic value; inasmuch as if is almost ent\ negativi . i renunciation of all thai kly and fin the divine, is, as ii m < mpty brought into any to the life and Böhringer, Eürche Christi, ii. :'>. [Life and Sermons (25) of John Tauler, by - s '. Winhoorth, London 1 (7) Henry Suso (Germ, der v sometimes called Amandus vom Berg) was born at Constance, and died A.D. 1365. His works were translated into Latin by Law. Sunn*, Col. 1532. QuStif et Echard, Scriptores Ord. Praxi., Tar. 1710, t. l p. 654 I mp. Heinrich Suso's LeW-n und Schritten, hi'rau>'_ r i"_ r, 'K'ii v«>n }!■'■■ 1> npenbroch, mit Ein- leit. von G rres. L829, 1837, 1 1340. Geistliche Blüthen von Suso, Bonn 1834. Wachernagel, Deutsches Lesebuch, Sp. 871 ff. Ch. Schmidt in Stud. u. Kritik. 1843, 1. Suso is more poetical than profound and speculative, his writings are full of allegories and imagery, frequently fantastic, but often full of religious ardour. A romantic, chivalrous, child- like soul ! He is not to he confounded with the author of the work "On the Nine Rocks" (Rulman Mersurin); comp. Ch. Schmidt in Illgens Zeitschrift, 1839, 2. An important contribution to the history of mysticism is the treatise of W. Wachernagel, Ueber die Gottesfreunde in Basel, 1843. Böhringer, I.e. F. JBricker, Sur la Vie et les Ecrits de H. Suso, Strasb. 1 We quote from the edition of 1S37 § 153.] MYSTICISM. 139 (8) He was prior of the regular canons of Grünthal in Brabant, and died a.d. 1381. He was surnamed Doctor ecstaticus. His works (originally written in the Flemish Language) were translated into Latin by Laur. Surius, Col L552, 1609, 1G92; and into German by Gottfr. Arnold, Offenbach 1701, 4to. New edition by Arnswaldt, with Preface by Ullmann, Hamb. l*4s. Comp. *JEngelhardt in the work mentioned § 150, note '.». — Euysl ods, as it were, on the boundaries between the orthodox and the heterodox mystics; J. Ch Gerson, who wrote against him, numbered him among tin- latter; but coin]». Engelhardt, I.e. s. 275: " Th limb of demarcation between heterodox and orthodox mysticism, which m find distinctly drawn in the writings of I: . . and might so easily be pa, wl over, that nothing bid a firm adherence to that form of belief which luas generally adopted and sanctioned by the usage of the Fathers, as well as by the authority of the Church, seemed a sufficient pro- against such errors:' — Coin]». De Wette, Christli Sittenlehre, s. 247 : "In the writings of RuysbroeJe (as well as in those of Tauler) the idea of the absolute, und of the renunciation of all thai ü finite, of absorption into the one "mi undivided, is sä forth as that to which all is to be referred. Ruysbroek recognized, even more than Tauler, the indwelling of the Divim in man, an admission of much importance. . . . In a moral << • ''- °f more mlt " n those of Tauler: th former developes more distinctly the nature of a virtuous life, ""I warns against spirited., sloth. . .; but he has fallen more frequently than Tauler into the error of mystical sensuousness and < dravag i tc. Comp., however, Ullmann, i. s. 36 IV. (9) The full title of this work is: Deutsehe Theologie, oder edles Büchlein vom recht» n Ferstande, was Adam und Christus sei, und wie Adam in uns sterben und Christus in uns leben soll. It was first published, A.D. 1516, by Luther (with a recommendatory Preface); afterwards (also in commendation) by Joh Arnd, 1631 ; by Grell, 1817 ; by Detzer, Erl. 1827 ; by \ Troxlcr, St. Gallen 1837, and by Pfeiffer: Tlmlogm deutsch, die leret gar manchen lieblichen vnterscheit gotlicher heit und seit (sagt) gar hohe und gar schone ding von einem volhommen leben (neue, nach der einzigen bisjetzt bekannten THIKD PERIOD. T1I. : [J . Handscrift be«< Luther's opinion of this work in I' Welti L 102: u \ (hough simpk and vrith- nmenl in i wisdom, ü vwek folly, n/_; I to the L / from which 1 whi ; :rorn Luthers nlehre, | 2 i calls the work " a «ow; «2?>i> i of ■ Da3 Beformatorische und Speculate des Verl der deut- 5 9 ff. ['. • fl LoncL] His true name wa.-. he was sub-prior of the Augnstinian r.. .nt near Zwoll, and died a.D. 1471. ' H \ . _ .- _ >,\\:.:: '.: -■■.-■-■r.'L ;..-..-. \:<:::-.: '- .'..'./ ./:. .\.\ ... ■ IfortultW Kosarum, Vallis Liliorum, De tribtu tudine, De Silentio ; some, however, have ascribed to other author raon or to John libri iv. :"_:..■ 1607. . r.ipensis, De Imitat 'im autograpbo Thorn*, nunc primur.. ' Berolini 18 74.] Comr authorship 1 K ! - '-• Kg, i Sta Jean r / - - ■ ''- Drmatoren, .. " I I :': ■/ . .' [In favour r .... ......... - SCO 141 G. I). Gregory, Memoire revu par Lanjuin;. 1_" 6.] surnanied Doctor c was chancellor of t. r of Paris nd died L42 In him 'ike nu to a ton- mud uj d truly l 2 3. He ne; De Id jne Cordis, etc W 1706, foL ; . _ L72 rsonio Mystico, ErL 1 B _ 2 K. B. . ..eologie des Joh. from the fourth volume of : *A I Theologie, in Stud, und _ i 277 fl . -üsurJ- n, chaueelier de 1'unr I gjlise de Paris Stras J. JB. Schab, Joha:. L858. — On the different definitions of the :re of mysticism (Co: - _ - in Hun' L9. On his opposition t fc — : son finds "in the sensuous imagination a powerful jbi I (oicdly and very : ' - - 1 . — On his phil - see J L a. 626— son, Huss. etc., Paris _ L 2) W V . '. - ' Leben in Christo, Greifswald 1S49. Comp. Dk . . ner und He- ... 1 "'_ \- . . - jL Bd. T . . A b logie, in Stud, u. Krit L84 - 724. §154. Scientific Oppot to Schol - eschrabiir.- Wiederhers a A. H. L. n ■ sch.: 1797. 1801 . .:_".-." 1J 1 ;_' ill 1 l:l » PERIOD.— TBI [§ Even aa early as the thirteenth centurj had combated the one-sided Bpeculative tendi i in, and endeavoured to improve the method of studying theology (1). But the second half of the fifteenth century v. hed for the restoration of J Btudies, by which the hm mind was delivered from that one-sided the« ela- tion which led astray both the ind the mysl divines, and I and directed to a more harmoni development of all the powers of the bouI, to a more simple and natural consideration of things, and above all, to a d judicious treatment of all Bpiritual aubjecte 2). L Valla (3), John Reuchlin (4), and D E may, generally Bpeaking, I ered aa the 1 to some H brew philoli /' ej (6) ami Jofa P '•' 7) were 1 he ; i im i] 1 dvi of the Btudy of the Platonic philosophy, and thus, on the one hand, limited the e authority of Aristotle and the dominion of scholasticism, and, on the othi mysticism might be mon onciled and united with alation. (1) Roger Bacon, snrnamed DoctOT mirabilis, was a Y\ can, and pn of theology in the University of Oxford from the year L240. II ld. 1267): Opus Maju Utilitate Scientiarum ad dementem iv., ed. by Jebb, Lond. 17:'-."-. Very characteristic extracts from it are given by . ii. 2, a, 382, Amu. w. . ii Baconis opera qua'dam hactenus inedita, vol i. (containing opus tritium, opus minus, Compendium Philosophise), Lond. 1859. Comp. Emile flurries, Roger Bacon, sa vie, ses ouvrages, ses doctrines, d'apres des textes inedits, Paris 1861. Also: ','■ Monatsblätter, xxvii. 2, s. 63 : Bacon's opposition to scholas- ticism is "fundamental : he denies the old system in its premisses and in its conclusions, with its method and its results, and sub- stitutes for the old principle a new one of his own, on which he founds the structure of a new and quite original doctr, (2) " If we ask what forms the most obvious contrast with tin scholastic philosophy and theology, as iccll as u'ith the tendency 5 154.] SCIENTIFIC OPPOSITION TO SCHOLASTICISM. 143 of scholasticism itself, we may say that it is sound common sense, erience (both outward and inward), knowledge of nature, humanity" Hegel, Gesch. der Phil. iii. s. 200. (3) Valla died A.D. 1457. His works were published at Hasel 1540, 1543. Elegantiarum Lai Lang, libri vi: Dialect, libri iii.: Annot in Nov. Test. (ed. Erasmus, Tur. 1505; ed. Bevius, Am.st. 1631): De ementita OoBstantini Donatione. (4) John Reuchlin, otherwise called Capnio, Lived from 1455 to L522. Comp. *Mayerhoff, Reuchlin und seine Zeit, Berl 1830. Meiners, Lc. i. b. 44 EC Be especially furthered the study of the Bebrew Language as well as that of the Cabbala, and gained a glorious victory over the Viri Obscuri of his ;i_ r ''. [D. /'. 8 in Ulrich von Butten, 1858, Bd. i. s. 188-230. Reuchlin's philosophical works are: De Yerbo Mirifico, L495; De Arte Cabbalist. 1517. The Epistote Obscuiorum Virorum, 1515; on the authorship, see Sir William Hamilton's Discussions (from Edinburgh Review), p. 202 (5) D( '■ rius Erasmus (Gerhard) of Rotterdam was Lorn a.d. 1486, and died 153G. * Adolf Muller, Leben des Erasmus von Rotterdam, Bamb. L828. Opera: Baa L5 L0, 8 vols., an-- [mmortalil AninKi-; bis works were published at Paria 1641, foL He died a.i>. 1499. Comp. S I d. Platon, Akad. en Florenz, Gott 1812. R 291. (7) Giovanni /' i was bora a p. 1 163 died 1 494. He endeavoured to harmonize Plato with Aristotle. His ■ iv publish« 1 1601, foL ; he rag others: In Hexaemeron, libb. vii — Quaästiones 900 — De Christi 1 Vanitate Mundi — In Platonia Convivium, Libri iii. — Epistol», '>"- menceraent 1 Comp. Sigwart, Ulrich Zwingli, der Oharas seiner Theologie, mit besonderer 1." . ksicht auf Pi Mirandula, Si " : . p 1 1 Bq. § 1 55. Pro. lion — F Flathe, Geschichte der Vorläufer der Reformal c. ÜZknann, Reformatoren vor der Reformation, vornehmlich b lind und den Niederlanden, 2 vol-. Hamburg 1841, [translated in Clark's For. Theo! Lib., Edin. 2 vols.]. The spirit of the Reformation manifested itself more and move, not only in .science, but also directly in the sphere of the practical Christian life. John WyTdiffe (1), John Hus (2), and Jerome of Prague, as well as their followers, starting from a purer biblical doctrine, adopted in part the doctrines of the mystics, in part the scholastic forms of thought, although their tendency was on the whole more practical. Some of their followers fell into the errors of former fanatical sects (3). The tendency of Jerome Savonarola (4) is quite peculiar; his theology has much of the mystical, with an apocalyptic colouring. John Wessel of Groningen, on the contrary, united 1 In the Greek Church, Ganistius Pletho (in the fifteenth century) followed Tlato, while Gennadius appears as a representative of Aristotelianism ; comp. Gass, Gennadius uml Plato, BresL 1S44. § 155.] rOUERUXNERS OF THE REFOBMATION. 1-15 in himself the nobler spirit of mysticism and the true spirit of scientific inquiry, striving to throw off the fetters of scholasticism ; he thus became, in a stricter sense, a fore- runner of Luther (5). (1) He was professor of theology at the University of Oxford, and combated from the year 1360 the urder of the mendicant friars. Gregory xi. condemned nineteen of his theses (a.D. 1377). His controversy respecting the doctrine of transubstantiatiun will come under consideration in the Special History of Doctrines.— His principal doctrinal work is: I »ialogorum libri v. (Trialogus , Bas. 1525, ed. L. Th. Wirth, I Vaucof. et Lips. 1753, 4to. Comp. /,'. Vaughan, Life and Opinions of J. de Wycliflfe, Lond. 1829, 1831, 2 vols., new ed. 1853. Webb le Bos, Life of Wiclif, Lond. 1832. Oscar Jäger, John WyklifFe und seine Bedeutung für die Reformation, Halle 1854. *Böhringer, Bärchengesch. in Biographien, ii. 4. 1. Lechler, Wiclif als Vorläufer der Let'., Lpz. 1858. [G. V. Lechler t Johann von Wiclif u. die Vorgeschichte der Refor- mation, Leipz. 1873, 2 vols. In Eng. slightly abridged, and with add. notes by Dr. P. Lorimcr, Lond. 1878, 2 vols. Lechler has also edited: Trialogus (1869); Tractatus de officio Pastorali (1863). Tracts and Treatises of W. with transl. from his Latin works by J:. Vwughan, for the Wycliflfe Society, 1848. E. 11'. L nuald, Die theol. Doctrin Wycliff 's in Zeitschrift f. d. hist. Theol. 1846-47. Fasciculi Zizani- orum Mag. John Wyclif (ascribed to Thos. Nelter), ed. W. W. Shirley, Oxford. De Heaven Gronemann, Diatribe in J. W. Yitam, Traj. ad Lhen. 1859. Wycliffe's Bible, Oxf. Univ. Tress, 4 vols. 4to, 1850.] CT. Landerer in Herzog, xiii. s. 694. (2) John Hus of Hussinccz was, from the year 1402, pastor at Prague, and suffered martyrdom A.n. 1415 at Con- stance. His opposition to the Church was more of a practical than of a dogmatic nature. The views of Hus on the Lord's Supper differed less from the doctrine of the Church than those of his colleagues Jerome of Prague and JacoMlus of Misa, as will be shown in the Special History of Doctrines. Comp. Neander, Kleine Gelegenheitsschriften, 3d ed. s. 217 ff. t Reiß rt, Hus und Hieronymus, Studie, Prag 1853. [Böhringer, Kirche Christi, ii. 4. 2. F. Palacky, Gesch. d. LY.hmen, Bd. 3. Hagenb. Hist. Doct. ii. X 1 HI THIRD PERIOD. — Til! /.. /A ' .-. Hieron. von Pi j T lb. I », Joh JIus auf d. I loncil zu ' lostnitz, Leips. / I »•■ Hussi Vita, Ani-i. 1837. B ' i '■ ' . I ' is;,:;.] :'. ( )n the history of the Hu < lalixtines . Bee the works on int, Histoire de la < ruei re II '. L 1731, 2 i — John I I their most emii — Martin Lokwitu Loquis), of Moravia, belonged to the fanatical party among the H 687. On their relation to the Waldenses: [A. C ii. Mähren in I.' f., Pra l 58.] V Z his- men der Waiden Ider al i I ta umente ih gen Lehi I (4) He was a monk of the order of the 1»"; born 1452 al 1 ■ : . ira, Lived from tl 14 in Flon and Buffered martyrdom A.D. 1498.- I the 3 oui •■ in hit defi uce [hia I which is reprinted in ( ' ' t i. p 1 •• ' , ;i monk of hie own order, wi Ufa — I [e I lompendio
  • f scholasl >n the one hand. and that of the papacy and the hierarchy on the other (2). Mouastkism and celibacy not only tended to foster the spirit of subtle speculation among the schoolmen, but also awakened the deeper longings of the mystics (3). The splendour and magnificence of the Eoman Catholic worship reacted upon the doctrines of the Church (especially on the doctrines of the sacraments and the saints) in proportion as the former itself owed its existence to the latter (4). The dogmatic spirit of the present period was also symbolically expressed in the art cf the Middle Ages (5). The advantages which the West derived from the Crusades, the origin of which may be partly ascribed to the religious euthusiasm of the times, were mani- 143 THIRD i EBXOD. — TH] ' [I IML fold and of various description (6). — 1 and plagues of the fourteenth century, also, to imp re ss e d the mil of the people, aa to be ;t - and mystical phenomena of those time Flagellants) (7).- After the eiclusivi I tin lan- guage in all ecclesiastical m I led t<> the i rching and critic J ex tmination le, and adoption of a barbarous terminology, thi d of t< literature, since the taking I I tantinople ld exerted a beneficial influence both upon the study of the original languages of the Scriptures and the t: oftheological subjects (8). And, in the last place, although the terrible institution of the [nquisition had for a tun in intimidating the minds of the people, and in prevent the free ■ I the invei printing tut the ye it ill" 10), thi A \ D. 1490), and the lution which t * »< »k place in the history of nations, prepared she way for a new period, wl rendered a new development of religious lii aa a consequence of the manifold ch i thought and life. (1) Compare the general introduction above. (2) It was not without significance thai scholasticism com- menced with the age of Gregory vn. In the dispute respecting episcopal investiture, Anselm supported the pretensions of the papal hierarchy, while somewhat later Arnold of Brescia, a disciple of Abelard, carried the more liberal doctrinal prim of his master into practical ecclesiastical questions. In a similar manner Bernard of Clairvaux united dogmatic ortho- doxy with a rigid adherence to the papal institutions of the Church. — Scholasticism reached its highest point of develop- ment about the same time that the papacy of the Middle Ages reached its culminating point under Pope Innocent in.. a parallel may be clearly drawn between the disruption of the schools (Thomists and Scotists) and the papal schism which occurred soon afterwards. — As the see of Rome had formerly found a support in the realistic tendency of An § 156.] Tili: CHÜBCH AND THE WOULD. 140 so it now met with open opposition on the part of the nominalist Occam. — The history of mysticism may lie likewise so traced out, as to show that in one aspect it favoured the pretensions of the Roman see, und opposed them in another. The papacy itself had its roots (according to its real idea in a mystical view of the world, but by its opposition to that idea, i.e. by its externality and worldliness, it called forth opposition <>n the part of the advocates of that mystical (spiritual) view of the world and its destiny. Comp. H ■ ] \ i ; '. (3) Certain errors of the schi ' • 11 as the mystics, can scarcely be comprehended except from the standpoint of a monastic cell The earlier scholastic divines were Benedic- tines or regular canons; in later times the mendicant friars occupied the theological chairs (notwithstanding the long ütion made by the University of Paris), and conferred ea ami preferments. We must also take into considera- tion tin- jealousy already alluded to between the different orders, which was in intimate connection with the di\ among the scholastics. [Comp. Count de Sfontalembert, Les Moines d'Occident from St Benedict to St Bernard , 7 vols. (incomplete), Paris 1860-69; English transL 1861-69.] (4) Compare the doctrine respecting the saints and the Lord- Supper in the Special History of Doctrines. (5) Is it altogether acrid. -mid that the cities oi Stn - burg and Coin, distinguished for their cathedrals, were the favoured of the mystical theologians? See I & imidt, Es 45 and 52. There is also an evident connection between the mystical tendency and romantic [ try (comp. Liebner, Hugo von St. Victor, s. 24G), as well as, on the one hand, between the old German school of painting and mysticism; and, on the other, between the more cheerful Italian art and the classical tendency mentioned § 154. (6) See Heeren, Entwicklang der Folgen der Kreuzzüge für Europa (Historische Schriften, Göttingen 1808, Bd. ii.). (7) Comp. Hecker, Der schwarze Tod im 14 Jahrhundert, Berlin 1832. Förstemann, Die christlichen Geisslergesell- schaften, Halle 1828. (8) Compare § 154. (9) See Llorente, Geschichte der Inquisition, Leipzig 1823. 150 THIRD PHIOD. TBI 101 01 [§ l«5. lech /• in // . ;' !'• ' ' in hia Life of < Sardintl Xima (10) " R* ' i n, i,l dear devebprm I ticular, by the im ■ ni kniiirl.,1 urn, ii ml loha ' ' / '"' t the reach of all 'mann, ! Säcnlarl der ] ►, a 20. B.— SPECIAL HISTORY OF DOCTRINES DURING THE THIRD PERIOD. FIRST DIVISION. APOLOGETICO-DOGMATIC PROLEGOMENA. i CHRISTIANITY — RELATION :<> REVELATION — BOÜB - BEVELAT] RIPTÜRE AND TRADITION. § 157. Truth and Divinity The point of vi mied by Christian apologists of this period, in opposition to those who were not Christians, was considerably different from that taken during the first period. < >n the one hand, the Judaism of the Middle Ages was not the same with that which Justin Martyr combated in his Dialogue with Tryphon (1) ; on tb l Istianity of the apolo- • he Midi differed in many i from that of tin- earlier Fathers. Oth« r weapons were also required in the controversy with Islam Mahometanism) than those which ha«l been used against the ancient polytheism (2). But the scepticism and freethinking, which mach; their appearance, espe- cially towards the close of the present period, within the Church itself, both in a more open and in a more concealed manner, rendered a philosophical defence of the Christian religion still more necessary than did those historical religions which ted alongside of Christianity (3). Generally speaking, the- apologists adopted the earlier methods of argumentation. The lot 1 52 THIRD PEBIOD. I'll: I arguments derived from d prophecii as tradition had sanctioned theo though attained to the idea that the religion of Christ would recomni itself by its internal ex© Ueno i, even without mini (1) Compare, manner in whi< \\ A I the Je^ - of that time in his ' De Insol . i urn, < Ipp. t. i. p. 59 66 in S I •-' . (2) Compare the writin tioned §144, whii li were directed against Mahometans, and G \* heathen (Gentiles . /.••. the heathen philosophers in pai were combated b) /' . ? in his S tna Cal i contra Gentiles, Lugd L587, foL, which is not confounded with hi Summa I from it '/, \.\i.\. s. :'. 1 L ff. .'.' '//, ii. s. um n: ' (3) J ontra impios rations defendenda est, non tiani Dominis honore gau i pp. Lib. ii -11. On I later a] .1 writic . i 154, 1.35. (4) Anselm endeavoured t<> define tin- ]<]■ a of le by tlic difference of a threefold i \i/. tin- mil (mirabilis), the natural naturalis), and that d< il on the will dt' the creature [voluntarius . The miraculous cannol subjected to the conditions ami laws of tin- other two, but rules free; yet it does not do violence to the two <>:'. (neque illis facit injuriam), since it is nl-.. dependent on the highest will, the will of God. The possibility of □ too, is grounded on the fact that creation itself is a miracle, i.e. a product of the divine will. See his De Concept. Virg. et ( frig. Peccat c 11. Efasse, Anselm, ii. a. 457. — A. definition of miracle is given by Tho nas Aquinas, I'. 1. quaest 1 1'», ;ut. 4 : Dicendum, quod miraculum proprie dicitur, cum aliquid lit praeter ordinem natura?; sed non sufficit ad notionem miraculi, si aliquid Bat prater ordinem naturae alicujus particular;-. 411; i sic, cum aliquis projicit lapidem sursum, miraculum cum hoc sit praeter ordinem naturae lapidis. Ex hoc ergo aliquid dicitur esse miraculum, quod fit ]>/■>> creatcc ; hoc autem non potest facere nisi Deus, quia quidq § 158.1 EEASON AND REVELATION. 153 facit angelus vel qiuecunque alia creatura propria virtute, hoc fit secundum ordinem natura?, et sic non est miraculum. Unde relinquitur, quod solus Deus miraculum facere possit. From this objective idea of the miracle Thomas distinguishes the subjective one: Sud quia non omnia virtus natura' creates est DOta nobis, ideo cum aliquid tit prater ordinem naturae creatce nobis notaa pervirtutem creatam nobis ignotam, est miraculum quoad nos. From the same point of view he draws a distinction between miraculum and minim. Comp. B wr, Trinitatslehre, ii. s. 749 f. [Ba , Dg. -43, says: Aquinas made a step in advance in the doctrinal definition of the miraculous, by rring thi m to the doctrine oi providence, «a- the government of the world.] \Brischar, Der Wunderbegriff des heiligen Thomas von Aquino, in the Tubing. Quartalschrift, 1845, 3. — R I d. Phil viii. s. 266, and the passage there cited from Aquinas, Contra Gent. III. 98. Even as Late as this period Ficinus and others appealed to the Sibylline okk Les in the matter oi prophecy. See Schröckh, xxxiv. s. 352. (5) Among their number we may mention, e.g., JEneas Sylvius, see Platina in Vita Pii II. (towards the end). Comp. also Dante, Div. Commed. (Pared. 24. 106-10 § 138. j" ' n and Revelation — Faith and Knowledge. Though all Christians were convinced of the truth and divinity of their religion (even where they knew it only through the troubled medium of the doctrine of the Church), yet the problem was raised by the more thoughtful as to the relation between the universally human and the specifically Christian, between revelation and natural reason, between the Christian religion and philosophy. John Scoff* Erigena was the first who manifested a leaning towards Christian rational- ism, and sought a union between that and supernaturalism, by considering the true religion and true philosophy as one and the same thing, and by looking for the inmost and deepest source of religious knowledge in man himself, i.e. in his rational 1 54 TniBD P1HI0D.- nn: 1G1 01 consciousness; although he did posil without 1 finds a harmony between philosophy and Christianity in this fact, that the universal truth with which • then were a< qa and enlarged by the higher authority <>f divii Although A rted that it is fii to receive by faith, with the Bubji I heart, the truths of revelation sanctioned by the Church, m mighl mine the of whit is believed ; but in tliis he \ I on the Bupj tion thai n aeon and revelation cannoi contradict each othei 77 ' lt.. prove that tl I the one hand, oded bj but, "ii the other, tran •.;.-:.' pointed out the ition in arti- culated proposil »ugh ia a manner different from that of ;ist- of an immi b ath in the mind < the Ü Im. I was, however, this diffei mong them, that some (viz those who adhered to i tical orthodoxy maintained that the internal revelation in accordance with the doctrine of the Church (6), while others (the fanatical mysl held that the new revelations of the Spirit were not unfre- quently in direct opposition to the doctrines historically handed down, and even to the teaching of Scripture itself 7 . (1) De divins Prsed. ap. Mauguin, t. i. c. 1, § 1, quoted by Ft mmiiller, I.e. s. 50): Quid est de philosophia tractare, nisi vera' religionis, qua summa et principalis omnium rerum c i et lmmiliter colitur et rationabiliter investigatur, regulas exponere ? Conficitur inde veram esse philosophiain veram religionem, conversimque veram religionem esse veram philo- sophiam. (Comp. Augustine, De Vera Rel c. 5.) He held that self-consciousness is the last source of religious know- ledge, Div. Nat. v. 31, p. 268: Nulla quippe alia via § 15,8.] REASON AND REVELATION. 1 " 5 ad principalis exempli purissimam contemplatinnom praeter proximae sibi bus imaginis certissimam notitiam. But he does not on that account den}' the necessity of an external (positive) revelation. On the contrary, he says, ii. 31, p. 85 : Nisi ipsa lux initium nobis revelaverit, nostras ratiocinationis stadium ad earn revelandam nihil proficiet (comp. § 159 ss.). Thus Scotus Erigena " may in a certain se?ise be culled the author of ration ; but rationalism is very different from that perverse (and vulgar?) form of rai m which '< at tJu pn ■■ a' day ; in fact, the rationalism of the Christum philosopher (at least in one aspect) u I contradiction of this modern rationalism? Standi . Freiburg. Zeitschrift, I.e. s. 241. [Comp. Baur, Trinitatsl. ii. 274.] Euter, vii. a. 214. (2) De Theol. Chris, ii. p. 1-11 <• him to Ih> in contradii tion only with faith, but al rationem, quam rationem ratione conari I quid magifl Bdem, qi He quicquid non I »ii the ad .i Paulo, • si'- ease Al m aliud nomen e I in quo • i am fieri ; comp. N ler, Bern! rd, 147 ff D. J. TT. G I mods principiia tl. logiae Lips. (3) PTC 1. C, 1 : . . . I ' ll'llKltrllllS it.- ■a tuam, quam credit et amal ' nim !>•• I: Vi rbi, c, 2: Nuüus quippe Christianus debet disputare, quod catholica E I ore confitetur, quomodo non sit : Bed Bemper eandem Bdem indubitanter tenendo, amando et secundum illam vivendo humiliter, quantum potest qua i rationem, quomodo sit. Si potest intel si non potest, non immittat cornua ad ventilandum, sed sub- mittat caput ad venerandum. Citius enim in se potest con- fidens humana Bapientia impingendo cornua sibi evellere, quam innitendo petram banc evellere . . . Palam namque est, quia illi non habent fidei firmitatem, qui, quoniam quod creel intelligere non possunt, disputant contra ejusdem fidei a Ban patribus confirmatam veritatem, velut si vespertdliones et noc- ture, nonnisi in nocte ccelum videntes, de meridianis solis radiis disceptent contra aquilas, solern ipsum irreverberato ; . intuentes. Priua ergo fide mundandum est cor . . . priu ■ ea qua? carnis sunt postponentes secundum spiritual vivamus, § 168.] REASON AND CEVELATION. 157 quam profunda fidei dijudicando discutiamus . . . Quanto opulentius nutrimur in Sacra Scripture, ex his, quae peT obedi- entiam pascunt, tanto subtiliua provehimur ad ea, qua' per Lntellectum satiant . . . Namquiiumeredidgrit t iionea^>erietur, et qui experttia nun fuerit, rum intelliget. Nam quantum rei auditum superat experientia, tantum vincit audientis cogni- tionem experientia scientia . . . Nemo ergo Be temere mi in condensa difficillimarum qusestionum, uisi prius in soliditate fidei conquisita morum et sapiential gravitate, ne per multi- plicia Bophismatum diyerticula in tanta Levitate discurrens, aliqua tenaci illaqueetur falsitate. Comp. De Sacram. Altana ii. 2 ; Christianas fidei Veritas quasi hoc speciali jure praeminet, ut non ipsa per lntellectum, sed per earn intellectus quserendus sit ... ' i nihil ■ alt, nisi rations vel intellectu prsecedente, hie rem confundit, el Bcire omnia volens, nihil • ■us, fidem, quas in ipso est, videtur annullare. Epp. Lib. ii. 41 : Christianus per fidem debet ad lntellectum proficere, non per lntellectum ad fidem accedere, aut si Lntelligere non vali recedere. Sed cum ad intellectum valet pertin- gere, delectatur : cum vero nequit, quod capere non jx>'- veneratur. Nevertbeless, he asserts that the acquisition of knowledge ia a duty imperative upon him who has the power of knowing. In Cur Dens Homo, i. c. 2, he represents Boso Bpeaking aa follows, without contradicting him: Sicut rectus ordo exigit, ut profunda Christianas fid mu8, priua- quam ea prsesumamua ratione discutere, ita negligentia mihi 'ur, si, j \ le, non studemus quod credimus Comp. ihid. c. 10, 25. Nor does Boso declare himself satisfied (respecting the doctrine of satis- faction) until he has recognized the reasons adduced as rationabilia (ii. 19 and 21). "The scholastic divines did not think it cm i int notion, that the whole contents of the Old and New Testament should be proved to be in accordance with reason by the way oj speculation; but it was always presuppo ed, that what is matter of faith rests on its own grounds, and needs no proof: thus whatever is added by reason, hourver valuable in other respects, is nothing but an opus sujicrcroyationis," Baur, V rsöhnungsL s. 185, Anm. " The fides prazcedens intellectu m, which scholasticism assumes as its basis, is not only the faith as it in contained in the Scripture as a d vtrine, and faith as a li- l."8 THIBD P1BI0D.— TH1 AOI Of BCD U [§ principle in (he religious experience of ind i ' l ..till more distinctly, tl I faith, tht with all particular definition» at samt; I (in Herzog), Thus distinguished from the mod theory of Jacobi and > disputatio comprehendit, sed sanctitas. The same view is also espoused by Hugo of St. Victor and Richard of tit. Victor. Comp. Hugo, De Sacramentis Fidei, 1'. iii. 1. i. e. 30 (De cognitione divinitatis), quoted by Liebner, s. 173 ff., 186: Alia enim sunt ex ratione, alia secundum rationem, alia supra rationem, et prater haec quae sunt contra rationem. Ex ratione sunt necessaria, secundum rationem sunt probabilia, supra rationem mirabilia, contra rationem ineredibilia. Et duo quidem extrema omnino fidem non capiunt. Qiue enim sunt ex ratione, omnino nota sunt et crcdi non possunt, quoniam ntur. Quae vero contra rationem sunt, nulla similiter ratione credi possunt, quoniam non suscipiunt ullam rationem, nee acquiescit his ratio aliqua. Ergo quse secundum rationem sunt et quaj sunt supra rationem, tantummodo suscipiunt fidem. Et in primo quidem genere fides ratione adjuvatur et ratio fide perficitur, quoniam secundum rationem sunt, quse creduntur. Quorum veritatem si ratio non comprehendit, fidei tarnen illorum non contradicit. In iis, qua? supra rationem sunt, non 1G0 TÜIBD PEBIOD. — TIi: I M. adjuvatur fides rations alia, quoniara Don capit ea rati-», i fides credit, et tarnen eel aliquid, quo ratio admonetiu \ Rdem, quam non oomprehenditi Qaie « 1 i * - 1 . i sunt • i>n- dam rationem, probabilia fuerunt rationi i qnievit eis. Qua. 1 vcro supra rationem faerant, ex di prodita sunt, et non operate est in tarnen, ne ad ills contendere! — I »ry of /' Victor is somewhat more complicated According to him, there arc six kinds of contemplation. We know 1 imagination (the sensible impressions made by < _' by on perception of law and order in creation) ; according to imagination symbolical knowledge of nature a mirror of tin- spiritual ; (4) in reason and according f (the internal referred t" the internal, without ■ sensible im — intellectual intuition ■ ; and n<>t aga sealed knowledge within the sphere of i rational knowledge carried to a higher power by revelation); (6) " ; and (apparently] agpatnsf reason particularly the nr I the Trinity. Comp Engelhardt, Lc - 60 IE J ; iry, in strict contrast, taught thai the endeavours of man after knowledge must be aided by God Himself, Policrat lib. vii. c 14 (BibL Max. t. xxiii p. 352 : Quisqo ei i viam philo- Bophandi ingreditur, ad ostium gri tiae ejus humiliter pulset, in cujus manu liber omnium sciendoram est, quern Bolus a] agnus, qui occisus est, ut ad viam Bapientiaa et verse felicitatis servum reduceret aberrantem. Frustra quis sibi de capacitate ingenii, de memorise tenacitate, de assiduitate studii, de lingua? volubilitate blanditur . . . Est autem humilitati conjui simplicitas, qua discentium intelligentia plurimum adjuvatur. — The preacher Berthold also warned against the pride of speculation (in Kling, Grimm's Iiec. p. 206) : Swer faste in die sinnen sihet, in den brehenden glaft, der wird von ougei boese, daz er es niemer mer gesiht. Zeglicher v. st6t ez umbe den glouben ; wer ze faste in den heiligen cristen- glouben sihet, also daz in vil gwundert und \ darinne rumpelt mit gedenken. — Savonarola appeals to the internal \< mony, Triumph. Crucis procem. (quoted by Buddbach, s. 376) : Licet fides ex causis principiisque naturalibus demonstrari non possit, ex manifestis tarnen effectibus validissimas rationes adducemus, quas nemo sanre mentis inficiari poteret. — So, too, § IPS».] SOUBCES OF KNOWLEDGE. 161 7'inis of Mirandola strikingly says : Philosophia veritatem quserit, theologia invenit, religio possidet (Ep. ad Manut. Opera ed. Basel, p. 243). (7) Comp. § 101, note 5. § 159. Sources of Kruwoledgi — BiJbk and Tradition. [ W. •/. Tront l The Bible and its Int. rpretera, Lond. 1S05, 1S69. B. F. Westcoti, The ( Sanon, rar, ed. u.s.] Although the Bible was still theoretically reverenced as the highest rule of Christian truth (1), yet it was gradually over- ßhadowed by tradition, which was deemed of equal importance with Scripture 2 . [ts doctrines were more and more corrupted urn! supplanted by arbitrary human traditions. Besides the tradition of the Church, the hook of nature was also placed ide the written word of ( rod (3). Some of the mystical sects looked upon other writings besides the Bible as coming from heaven (4), and even went bo far as to put the imaginations of the natural man on an equality with the word of God (5). On the other hand, the principle- of the authority of Scripture, in opposition to a corrupt tradition, made im reased progress in the age immediately preceding the Reformation (6). (1) Jul/. J'" nt. I >e fide orth. i. 1 : TLavra rolvvv -rd irapa- BeBop,eia i)puv Sid re v6p.ov tcai irpo^>r\T(hv Kai clttocttÖXcov kcu €vayye\iaTO)V Be^öp-eda /cal yivaxTKOfiev ical aeßo/iev, ovBev Trepairepoi tovtcdv iiri^r]TouvT€<; . . . Tama rjfielcai ev avroU p.€iva)p,ei>, /jlij p,eraipovT€<; bpta alcovia, firjBe v7repßaivovT6j. De Div. Nat. i.e. GO, p. 37: Sanctre siquidem Scripturse in omnilms sequenda est auctoritas, quum in ea veluti qui- busdam suis secretis sedibus Veritas; (he makes, however, the following limitation): non tarnen ita credendum est, ut ipsa semper propriis verborum sen nominum signis fruatur, divinam nobis naturam insinuans ; sed quibusdam similitudiui- IIai.i m; Hist. Doct. ii. L TfllKD PKHIOD. — Tffl bus variisque translatoruin verbonun sen nominum i utitur, infirmitati n< ona adhno radea infantilesque implici doctrina , .,n Scripture conto auctoritaa te terreal ab i ;il»ilis suasio edocet Vera euim aui I • obsistit, nequ I ex mi" fönte, divina vidi I dubium dqd ( lomp I l it— - ; ;//•//, od tli-' contrary, used much more unqualified Langnage, Policrat 1 Serviendum Bcripturis, non dominandum ; nisi fort am dignum credat, ul i rninaxi N in, ],. 1 4 of / dition uncondil ional authority only i" the Scriptures of the ' »M ;m) ovv €K&eyüfj.6ioi, tVi avaTokäs rrpocKwoi . \ao$ oi igtiv t) TrapdhoaiS avTi) T&V AvOCToKutV' TToW :y t )i(f)(0|>}>. i. ]>. 318): Ov fiövov ypdfifiaai rifv LK/<\i)criaaTtK>ji> Oeafiodeaiav TrapiZxoKav oi rrarepesi), dWa tcai dypdtpots ; rial irapahoaeai . . . TluOev to Tpiu this work, comp. Engelhardt, Kirchenhist Abhandl., Erl. ii \i. 1. Extracts from the Evang. /Etern. are given by />'./■ ! . Col] - 1 diciorum de Nbvis Error, Paris 17 t. I. p. L63 (;">) Some went » fai tions ; thus David oj Vina to maintained that n the principle of Hus respecting the Scriptures, sec Neand aus dem Leben des heil. Juh. Hus, in his Kb im- G heitsschriften, s. 217 ff. Tims he demanded that the council should convict him of error from the Scripture.* On tin- whole biblical tendency of the period preceding the Reforma- 1 It is worthy of observation, in this dualism of Scripture and tradition, that one element (Scripture) is much more firmly established, while that of tradition is more variable, and sometimes has something else as a substitute ; as, in the above case, nature; or, as with John Scotus Erigena, reason; or with the mystics, the internal revelation. 8 Accordingly Helfert (from the Roman Catholic point of vi p'inciple held by Hus as to Scripture, the Alpha and Omega of his error I § 160.] TUE CANON OF THE BIBLE. 165 tion, see Ullmanris Keformatoren vor d. Reform, ii. s. 430 ff. On Wessd's views of the authority of Scripture, ibid § 100. Tlu Canon of the L'iblc and Biblical Criti The Canon had Itch closed in the preceding period ; a that in the Latin Church the so-called apocryphal books i I the Old Testament were regularly reckoned as a part of it (1). The Paulicians in the 1 Gnostics) the Old Testament and the writings of Peter (2). But as late as the age of the Carolingians doubts were entertained, even within the pale of the Catholic Church itself, respecting the enuineness of particular books of the Old Testament (3). (1) Comp, the ('anon of Isidore of Seville, De Eccles. Off. i. c. 12, and the decisions of synods on this point. See also ./ %n Damasc. iv. 17. (Müiwc7ier,von Colin, ii.B. 106.) [John l>' s v. Victor, John of Salisbury, Hugo oj o, and others, appealed to Jerome, but the 1 oon of Augustine was more generally adopted. See MunscTier, I.e. s. 107, and Liebner, lingo von St. Victor, s. 129. The Greek Church allowed that the apocryphal books were useful and edifying, but definitely distinguished these from the canonical: John Damasc. De fide orthod. iv. c. 18. (2) According to Petrus Siculus, quoted by Wetstein, Nov. Test. ii. p. 681. Dt Wette, Einleitung ins Neue Test. s. 281. (3) " Hie monks of the monastery of Si. Gallen ventured to point out what they thought unworthy of God in the Canon of the Sacred Scriptures. Of the Books of Chronicles and Esther, their opinion, teas: in eis littera non pro auctoritate, tantum pro memoria tenetur. So also of the Book of Judith, and of the Maccabees" Joh. von Malier, Gesch. der Schweiz. Eidgen. Bd. TMBD PERIOD. -THE 1 i. c. 12, ' ■ monem in /' i I ■ of pracl ical con> enience, I irlike for § 161. / ' ing Ln8pirati >n continued to prevail in th<- Church 1 the • ' of Lyons, that thi penmen had not always adheri 1 to the ruli tiled forth lively opposition on A of 1 >urs, oat which, however, A nded himself with Bound mother wit (2). Euthymius tion on the ' ' Ihurch, though lie did discrepancies of the evan- gelists 3). The scholastic divines en inspiration by d while the ; i on- founded mon Bib] piration with that of divine illumination i ' to the whole, il undoubtedly true that tl. I period, with its imaginative tendencies, continued t<> believe in the power of divine inspiration even outside the »'anon of the Bib] . and wae from restricting for all times the fulness «>f the manifestations of the Divine Spirit within the limits of a Bingle book, how- ever strictly its divine origin might be maintained (6). (1) Joh Damas. De fide orfh. iv. c. 17 Opp. i. p. 2 Aia T7V€v/j.aT0<; toi'vvv aytov 6 re vo/xos koli 01 7rpo PERIOD. — THE am: 01 [§ ML (4) "However much the schol » tht development of 'i fundamental sphere of revelation, and how Ocularly as regards pret miracles, yet tht vr definiti inspiration an th ry scanty. «pxh TrpÜTr] which needed no f\ whole Christian Church moved ini I 1 • Lehre von der [Inspiration der heiligen Schrift comp. § 3 a. is t'. We find, however, moi • definitions in the writings of the principal scholastic divines, Thomas A and especially Th ns & tus} The former I I the buI in question in his Summa Theolog. Pars i. qu 1 LO; tli«- latter in his Prol Sententt qa 2, quoted by M 103-10 (5) On this point, too, there were different shades of opinion. The more cautious mystics, such as the disciples of the Bchool of St. Victor, adhen 3 and Lbed inspiration to them in a i Hugo von St Victor, & 1 I ing the idea of inspiration itself, but the inspiration of the Scrip- ture is everywhere presupp II ipposed that in some instances the e icred penmen had drawn from their own resources, <,f Meier, Perrens, and Villar%\ ; the views of Savonarola himself on this subject are given, ibid. s. 303 (they are taken from the Com- pendium Etevelationum). — The fanatic mystics, on the con- trary, maintained, in opposition tu Scripture, that those filled with the Holy Spirit are above the law (see Mosheim, De Beguinis, p. 216); or openly taught: multa in Evangelic esse poetica quse non sunt vera, sicut est illud : Venite, bene- dicti, etc. Item, quod magis homines debent endure humanis conceptions, qui procedunt ex corde, quam doctrinse evangelicae. Item, aliquos ex eis posse meliores libros reparare omnibus lihris catholicse fidei, eta quoted by Mosheim, I.e. p. 258). — Comp. § 159. (6) Thomas Aquinas Bays, P. i. qu. 12, art. 13 (the pas- sage refers, properly speaking, to the visions recorded in Scrip- ture, but admits of a general application): Lumen naturale intellectus confortatur per infusionem luminis gratuiti et interdum etiam phantasmata in imaginatione hominis for- mantur divinitus, magis exprimentia res divinas, quam ea, quae naturaliter a sensibilibus accipimus. "Such an extraordinary and direct inspiration was formerly ascribed to Thomas, Scotus, and "///< /• theologians, wJu n the accounts of freqyu nt "j>//carances and visits on the part of God, as well as of other blessed and holy igs, were generally oelin r, Introduction to Baum- garten, ii. s. 63. — It was held by the mystics, that higher divine inspiration was still vouchsafed to the pious. Gerson, Consid. X. : Intelligentia simplex est vis animse cognitiva, suscipiens immediate a Deo naturalem quandam lucem, in qua et per quam principia prima cognoscuntur esse vera et certis- 1 7" THIRD PERIOD, — IHJ [5 I aims terminia appr ■' [noted by 2 : ' Victor, b. 3 I". \ re further del the tical doctrine of revelation u held 03 II 1 ind R Jfc Victor), The reader may compare with this opinion vi,.. ligten, L a. 124), wh 1 1 ide a distinction between a "• The the former; but it from God. In irdance with earlier ootiona, inspit to worldly Bubje Thua it is said, in the I of St Elizabeth, of the Bingen on the Wartburg: "They con- tended each other with and wove into tl songs pretty mj rhich they borrowed from II without being very Learned . See E I ' •■ rtburgkri N amb. 13, 4to, Anh. § I I mp. also B Q VYural Troj . in 11 I r06« § 1 I A .sound interpretation, n I is, waa scarcely known, in consequence of th< philologi and it was not until the close of this period that light began to dawn. Scripture was interpret either in close accordance with the dicta of ecclesiasl tradition, or in an arbitrary and allegorical manner, so 1 subserve a Bubtle scholasticism or a refined mysticism (1). is Erigena taught an infinite sense of Scripture 2) ; otl with Origen, a threefold, or, with Augustine, a fourfold aerj while some even went BO far as to speak of a Bevenfold 1 t eightfold sense (3). Practical and wholesome rules of interpre- tation, however, were not altogether overL . The rulers of the Church endeavoured (from fear of heresy) to restrict the perusal of the Bible on the part of the people 5 while private individuals were anxious to recommend it 6 . Sound scriptural views and biblical interpretation are found § 162.] READING OF THE BIBLE. 171 in the writings of John Wessel, " the characteristic feature of whose theology is a biblical tendency " (7). (1) See /. r, Hugo von St. Victor, s. 132 f. : " They [the commentators of the present period] either remained mti with collecting the interpretation* of the Father» according to tin- favourite notion of a threefold sen» of Scripture, or they pur- sued em independ ' ->'0 as to dispense with all estimations of a philosophical and antiquarian character, further developing tl f a threefold sense, and indulging freely in tl to which <> right or wrong apprx of the La ' ed Scriptures mdd , nh /• met clusively adopted up to Ü itury. But it being found to insi that century a new spiritual began to mat th mysticism and scholasticism '/risking, the * resorted to. This later hind of my ... cipally developed, though not first introdua I, and brought into general use by Rupert of D ". he died A.D. 1135). A wide .1,1 was thus op nedfor my tical and subi tigations. E "://>- each in their own brought the w ' I and speculai pture, and carried tl to such ,i,i . - nph /■"■ aning of izes (I.e.) the i of the schoolmen as " ru t so '•' as an i (2) I».- Div. Nat. iii. 24, p. 132 (134): Infinitus conditor rae Scripturse in mentibus prophetarum, Spiritus San infinitos in ea constituit intellectus, ideoque nullius exposit qsus sensum alterins aufert, dummodo sanae fidei catholicaeque professioni conveniat, quod «piisque dicat, sive aliunde acci- piens, sive a se ipso illuminatus, tarnen a Deo inveniens. mp. iii. 20, iv. 5, p. 164. He compares the sacred Scrip- tures to a peacock's feather, the smallest particle of which flitters in the most various colours. Comp. Bitter,yii. s. 213. How anxious he was to penetrate the hidden meaning of Scrip- ture, may be seen from the following passage, v. 37, p. 3d 7 : L>oiiiine Jesu, nullum aliud prsemium, nullam aliam beati- 1 7 li THIRD PEKIOD. — :HE AGE 01 BCHOLASTICl I § 10_*. tudinem, nullum aliud gaudium :i te poetulo, nisi at ad purum absque ull<> errore fallacia theories verba tua, qua per tuum Sanctum Spiritum inspirata .sunt, intelligam. (3) Thus Paschanua Radbert taught a threefold sen Scripture, viz. : 1. A literal historical Bense; 2. A Bpiril and mystical (that which refers to the Church ; and, •"•. A moral relative to the soul of every Individual Christia Rabanus Maurtu spoke "t a fourfold Bense: 1. Bistory; 2. Allegory; 3. Tropology; 1. Ana ogy. //" V ■ Liebru r, I.e. a. 1 33 It', and - s ' ivonar '<, s. 343) did tin- -aim-. Angelom, a monk of Luxeuil, held t<> evenfold I. 'I'll'- historical; 2. The allegoi Tin' intermedial i 1 1 ■ 1 1 lies between tin- two preceding ones (1 ; 4 The tropical tint referring t" the Trinity ; 5. The parabolical ; » ; . Th.it Bense which 1 1 to the double manifestation of < Ihrisl ; and, 7. The moral i • e /' ., Thesaum i, torn, i., and Schmid, Mysticismua des Mittelall 76. Concerning the eightfold Bense, see Marrieroü Odonis Chu censis Moralia in [obum (BibL Max. Patr. t. wii. p. 315): 1. Sensus literalis vel historicus; 2. Allegoricus vel parabolii 3. Tropologicus vel etymologi icus vel analogi- cus ; 5. Typicus vel exemplaris; 6. Anaphoricus vel propor- tionalis; 7. Mysticus vel apocalypticus ; 8. Boarcademii vel primordialis (quo ipsa principia rerum comparantur cum beatitudine eeterna et tota dispensatione Balutis, veluti loquendo i\r regno I >ei, quod omnia sint ad 1 >eum ipsum, unde manarunt, reditura). The threefold sense of Scripture was itself mysti- cally interpreted, e.g. by St. Bernard (Serrao 92, De diversis). The bridegroom conducts the bride : 1. Into the garden : the historical sense; 2. Into the different cellars for spies, fruit, and wine: the moral sense; 3. Into the cubiculum: the mystical sense. And Hildebert of Le Mans compared the fourfold sense of Scripture to the four legs of the table of the Lord (Sermo ii. in Fest. Assumtionis Maria?). See L Geschichte der Homiletik, i. s. 275. (4) Thus Hugo of St. Victor cautioned against indulging in allegorical interpretation, and asserted the equally great im- portance of literal interpretation; Prcenott. c. 5, quoted by Liebncr, s. 142: "Cum igitur mystica intelligentia nonnisi ex his, qua? primo loco litera proponit, colligatur: minor qua § 162.] HEADING OF THE BIBLE. 173 fronte quidam allegoriarum se doctores jactitent, qui ipsam adhuc primam literae significationem ignorant. Nos, inquiunt, scriptural n legimus sed non legiinus literam. Non curamus de litera,sed allegoriam docemus. Quomodo ergo scripturam legitis, et literam non legitis ? Si culm litem toll it ur, scriptum quid est?" — "Noli itaque de intelligentia scripturarum gloriari, quaradiu literam ignoras." — "Noli igitur in verbo Dei despicere humilitatem, quia per humilitatem illuminaris ad divinitatem. Quasi lutum tibi videtur totuni hoc; et ideo fortasse pedibus couculcas. Sed audi : luto isto coeci oculi a\ Liebner, s. 1G3. Thomas Aquinas laid down the following principle (Summa, P. i. qu. 102, art. 1): . . . In omnibus, quae S. Scriptura tradit, pro fundamento tenenda Veritas historica, et desupm- spirituales expositiones fabricandae. — According to Savonarola, the lirst condition of a productive system of interpretation is to have the same spirit in which the sacred books are written, i.e. the spirit of faith, etc. Sue Rudelbach, s. 330 ft. (5) This restriction was first imposed in the Greek Church, in the ninth century, in the conflict with the Paulicians; comp. Petri Sicidi (a.D. 870), Historia Manichaeorum, and Gieseler, I »j 9. 184. To this came afterwards in the West the pro- hibitions of Pnpe Innocent m. (a.D. 1199), of the Concil. Tolosanum (a.D. 1229), Canon the 1-lth: Prohibemus etiam ne libros Veteris Test, aut Xovi laici permittantur habere: nisi forte Psalterium, vel Breviarium pro divinis officiis, aut horas B. Maria? aliquis ex devotione habere velit. Sed ne praemissos libros habeant in vulgari translatos, auctissime inhibemus. Cone. I use (a.D. 1234), Can. 2: Item statuimus ne aliquis libros Veteris vel Xovi Test, in Romania habeat Et si aliquis habeat, infra octo dies post publicationem hujusmodi constitutions a tempore sentential tradat eos loci fqiiscopo comburendos: quod nisi fecerit, sive clericus fuerit, sive laicus, tanquam suspectus de hseresi, quousque se pur- gaverit, habeatur. Then came the prohibitions of the Councils of B^ziers, 1223 and 1246 (against the Waldenses), and that of Oxford (1408, against Wykliffe's version of the Bible). Comp. Gottfr. Hegelmawr, Geschichte des Bibelverbots, Ulm ITS 3. See also the works of Ussher, Wharton, Hegelmaier, 17-1 THIRD PERIOD. — THE ACE Ol and I ■ , which are referred to b) '.' I , ii. . l (G) Thus John D 17, mends the ] of the sacred Scriptures, though in a rati Ful mam He calls it top kuWivtoi' vapaoeurov, rbi top, rbv dopaiaTdTui', Tui' irain Btrongly n commended the reading of the Bible in I ted l>v .1/ ' Li 1'iin- cipium in 1. » I i * I the I der Homiletik, i. a 290. 1' tl Biblia Pauperum of B ibid Lc, On tl by the perusal of the Scriptures upon the Waiden the in the thirteenth century, in Bib! Pati 1. . Kleine Gel ••n- heiteschriften, - 1 62 . and on tl. 1 ornon Li d of biblical knowli among the | ' 2, note.— I ;t member of " ti at Deventer, comp — 1 ;i tueati onia ■ iniia Litterarum in Lingua vu] / J laventria [llustrata, p. 41. Exti its from Neandi r, Lc. (7) Ullmann, Jonas ... SECOND DIVISION. THEOLOGY. (INCLUDING COSMOLOGY, ANGELOLOGY, DEMONOLOGY, ETC.) i lien zur Christlichen Lehre von (Jolt (J.ihrbb. für . lieoL x. 2, s. 277 ff.). § 103. God. •stein, Natürliche Theologie der Scholastiker, Leipz. 1808. Billroth, D< [mi Cant. Proelogio et Bionologio, Lips. ISivj. Fricke, Argumenta pro Dei l tentU exponuntur et judicantur, Lips. 1846. */'. Fischer, Der ontologisclie Beweis für das Dasein Gottes und seine Geschichte, Basel 1862, -lt.». The proofs of the existence of God have their proper founda- tion in the scholastic philosophy. That which whs formerly but th»' semblance of an argument, now appeared in the form of a valid demonstration. Thus the cosmological proof of Diodorus of Tarsus was fully developed by John Damas- 1,. Ans ." oj I '/■// (2) followed the footsteps of Augustine and Boethius see § 123), and endeavoured from the actual idea of God to prove II. bence. This was the so-called mitoloyical proof, which, however, did not at once obtain the assent of Anselm's contemporaries. Gaunilo, a monk, from a more empirical point of view, raised objections of an ingenious character to the proof of Anselm, which were as ingeniously refuted l»y the latter (3). The fate which this mode of proof encountered was various (4). While Hugo of St. Victor attempted a new proof of the existence of God, viz. from contingency (5), the theologians of the thirteenth century 175 1 , 6 THIttD PERIOD. — THE aGE OF 8CHOLA8TICI [§ 1C3. in general, and Thomas Aguinas and D in particular, returned to the argument of Anselm, though they modified it in their own way (6 . Raimund of Sabundi propounded what is called thu moral proof, according to which the exisl an eternal author of reward and punishment is inferred from the moral freedom and accountability of rational creatures (7). The historical proof is found in Savonarola (8 and others, who endeavoured to demonstrate the existence of . John Da from the principle: II jvShtk rov elvot Qebv (pvcn*™* f}fiu> t-, recnrafjTai, — l»ut this consciousness of God was impaired by sin. God restored il by Bis revelation, which was accompanied by miracles. The feeble attempts at proof now take the p] of miracles. He enumerates the following proofs: 1. I proof ex rerum mutabilitate (the cosmologies] ; 2. The proof ex earum conversatione et gubernatione ; and. .".. Ex rerum ordinato situ (the last two may be comprehended under the designation, physico-theological proof). As for the first, he argues as follows: JJdvra rd ovra rj Kriard eariv, fj aKTicna' el [ikv ovv KTiaTa, TTc'ivTU)^ real t peirrd' oiv yap TO CU'Cll TpoTT?] Kai 6 rov 7rco5 etvat X070? evavTios, yyovv al ISiÖTTjTe?. TY9 ovv ov avv0)']aerai, irdvra ra Spra, öaa inrb rrjv yuerepav aiadijatv, dWd p.i)i> Kai dyyeXovs Tpkireo-Qai Kai dXXoiovaOac Kai TroXvTpöirws KwelcrOai ; . . . Tpeind Toivvv ovra, Trdvrtos Kai Krurra' Kriard 8e orra, 7rai>TG>5 vnrö th'o«? e8r)p.iovpyy]0r)crav Sei Be tov hrip.iovpyov uKTiajov eivai. El yap /ca/cetpo? eKTiathj wävTOS inrö tuoi § ms.] THE EXISTENCE OF GOD. 177 ijcrurOn, «as av eXOvftev eh tl atCTiffrov. "Aktkttcx; ovv 6 OJ] fitovpy bs, iruvT(ö<; kol arpeirTos Igtl. Tovro Be tl av aWo etrj r) 0eo?. Comp, the method adopted by Diodorus of Tarsus, § 123, note 3. In the physico-theological proof (2 and 3) he followed the earlier theologians, especially Athanasius and Gregory of Nazianzus. (2) The name ontological was given only in later times (by Kant ?): see Fischt r in the work above referred to, s. 12. We can here give only the heads of the argument, the thread of reasoning must be seen from the connection. Monol. i. : Cum tain innumerabilia bona eint, quorum tarn multam diversi- tatem et sensibus corporeis experimur et ratione mentis dis- cernimus, estne credendum esse unum aliquid, per quod unum sunt bona, quaecunque bona sunt, aut sunt bona alia per aliud ? . . . III. : Denique non solum omnia bona per idem aliquid sunt bona et omnia magna per idem aliquid sunt magna, Bed quicquid est, per unum aliquid videtur esse. . . . Quoniam ergo cuncta qua3 sunt, sunt per ipsum unum : procul dubio et ipsum unum est per se ipsum. Quaecunque igitur alia sunt, sunt per aliud, et ipsum solum per se ipsum. Ac quicquid est per aliud, minus est quam illud, per quod cuncta Mint alia et quod sohnn est per se: quare illud, quod est per se, raaxime omnium est. Est igitur unum aliquid, quod solum maxime et summe omnium est; quod autem maxiine omnium et per quod est quicquid est bonum vel magnum, et omnino quicquid est aliquid est, id necesse est esse summe bonum et summe magnum et summum omnium quse sunt. Quare est aliquid, quod sive essentia, sive substantia, sive natura dicatur, optimum et maximum est et summum omnium quae sunt. Comp. Augustine and Boethius in § 123, note 4. The mode of argument which is found, Proslog. c. ii., is more original (he there proceeds from the reality of the idea) : The fool may say in his heart, There is no God (Ps. xiv. 1), but he thereby shows himself a fool, because he asserts something which is contradictory in itself. He has the idea of God in him, but denies its reality. But if God is given in idea, He must also exist in reality. Otherwise the real God, whose existence is conceivable, would be superior to the one who exists only in imagination, and consequently would be superior to the highest conceivable object, which is absurd ; hence it Hagenb. Hist. Doct. ii. ^ 178 THIBD PERIOD.— THI IGE OF SCII [§ | follows, that that beyond which nothii : really exists (thus idea and reality coin« I ivin- . i t lii- ergo insipidus, esse vel in intellectu aliquid, quo nihil majua cogitari p( ' ' ; ,- 'Jmt also objectively. In va r r °of, commonly called the ■'I, 1 1. ad this idea of the 'perfect set forth by Anselm ; it is inherent in tl<- of every unprejudiced man, and reappears in against know- ledge and will, as well as in the principle of d 7/.") Hu the question whether tin- proof of Anselm can be properly called a proof , see Mohler, I.e. s. 154. On the whole contro- rsy, comp. W. C. L. Zügler, ', zur Geschichte Claubens an Gott, Gott 1792. Ba ,r, Trinitätsl. ii. 372 If. I.e. Hasi . Anselm, i 2 I If. (4) The theory of Anselm it history. It t not only applied in further developed 1 . up to the pu'esent day, it has been either opposed or def nded, according to the respective character of m ry philosophical school," Mohler, s. 150. (5) " Hugo did not perceive the depth of Anselm' s idea, being deceived by the superficial, dialectic reasoning of Gaunilo" Li'bner, Hugo Von St. Victor, s. 369. The argument from contingency, which Peter of Poitiers also afterwards adopted, is L. r iven in Hugo's treatises, De Sacramentis, c. 7-9, De tribus Dieb. c. 17, quoted by Liebner, s. 369 f. It is as follows: Reason which, as the creature and image of God, is able to know Him, is essentially distinguished from the body in which it dwells, and from all that is sensuous, being that which is invisible and spiritual. But it is aware that it has 180 Till KI> P£R1 I». — TIIK A.OI 01 not always been either actn therefore there was ;i time when it G. (7) Abdlard had previously directed attention to this proof, Theol. christ. lib. v. [Martine, p. 1349), but not bo much as a strictly cogent proof magia honestis, quam uecessariis rationi- bus nitimur) ; rather in a practical May, as the voice of con- uce. Quam honestum vero sit ac salubre, omnia ad unum optimum tarn rectorem quam conditorem spectare et cuncta potius ratione quam casu fieri sen regi, nullus est, cui propria; ratio non suggerat conscientiae, Quae enim sollicitudo bonorum nobis operum messet, si, quern uec amore nee timore verere- mur, Deum penitus ignora/emusl Quae Bpes ant malitiam refrasnaret potentum, aut ad bona eos alliceret opera, si omnium justissimus ac potentissimus frustra crederetur ? Ponamus itaque, ut, dum bonis prodesse ac placere quaerimus, obstinatos cogere non possimus, cum ora eorum non necessariis obstruanius argumentis. Ponamus, inquam, hoc si volunt; sed opponamus, quod nolunt, summam eorum impudentiam arguentes, si hoc calumniantur, quod refellere nullo modo possunt, et quod plurima tarn honestate quam utilitate com- mendatur. Inquiramus eos, qua ratione malint eligere, Deum non esse, quam esse, et cum ad neutrum cogi necessario possint, et alteruin multis commendetur rationibus, alterum nullis, iniquissimam eorum confundamus impudentiam, qui id, quod optimum esse non dubitent, omnibusque est tarn rationi- bus, quam auctoritatibus consentaneum, sequi respuant et contrarium complectantur. — The argument as used by Baimund has more of the logical form of proof; see Theol. Natur. Tit. 83 (quoted by Mansche?, von Colin, s. 38. Tenne- 182 TIUBD PERIOD.— THE A.GE 01 [J 1C3. mann, Gesch. d. Thil. viii. b. 964 IV. Since man is an accountable being, but can neither reward nor punish him it follows that there musl l"' a being superior to him, who rewards and punishes; for if there were no such being, the life of man would 1"' fruitless, a game of chance. As, m< over, the irrational creation is subject to man, and eiists for his sake, it would follow, it' there were no corresponding higher being above man, thai creation itself was without an object. But now we perceive [here comes in the physico-theologicaJ as an auxiliary proof) order and harmony in the whole triii, il creation which is subject to man; 1 how can suppose that the order in the natural world is not i in the mural world i As the eye corresponds to things visible, the car to things audible, the understanding to things compre- hensible, so the • bions of man must have their corre- sponding judgment and retribution, and consequently a judge and retributive governor. But this judge must necessarily p osse ss a perfect knowledge of human actions, ami their moral character; that i- t<> say, he must be omniscient ; il also evident that he must !»■ just, in the higl •• <>f the word; and, lastly, he must 1»- ]"• ''d of unlimited power to execute his judgment, — in other word-, he must be almighty. But such a being cannot hut be the most peri of all beings, i.e. God. (The similarity between this proof ami that of Kant lias often been pointed <>ut.) (8) Comp. Triumph. Crucis, lib. i. c. 6, p. 38 ss., quoted in Meiers Savonarola, s. 245. (9) Sentent. i. dist. 2, qu. 2, art. 1 (quoted by Kiln von Colin, s. 37. Tiedemann, Geist der speculativen Philo- sophie, Bd. iv. s. 632). An objection was especially made to the proof derived from the necessarium ex se, inasmuch as Scotus made a distinction between the ideas of possibility and necessity. (10) Centiloqu. Theol. Concl. 1 (Ticdrmmin, I.e. v. s. 2"" He opposed the principal argument of Aristotle derived from the nrpcorov klvovv. 1 Raimund directs attention to the gradation of beings. Some of them only exist (inorganic beings) ; others exist ami Uve (plants); others exist, live, and/«/ (animals); and, lastly, others exist, feel, and think (man). In man, all the earlier stages are repeated. Comp. Jfatzke, I.e. s. 49. § IC4.] THE COMPEEHEXSIBILITY OF GOD. 183 (11) IVesscl reasoned as follows: The general and most direct means by which man attains to God, is the original laovy- l dge of God, inherent in every rational spirit. As no place is so dark as not to receive some degree of light from a sunbeam, so no rational soul is without some sort of indwelling notion (notitia) of God . . . (Ts. xix. 6). This knowledge, however, is not the same in all men, but developes itself differently in different persons according to their other capacities, and their whole moral and intellectual condition ; just as the universal light of the sun i.s differently received by different objects according to their susceptibility, position, and distance. Wessel designates this simple and universal knowledge of God as the name of God, which dwell-, as it wen-, in every spirit, is expressed in every soul, and may, therefore, in every soul be brought to consciousness ; De Unit. lib. v. Ullmann, s. 200. (12) Tav.la-, Tied. Bd. i. s. 58 (on the second Advent) : I possess a power in my soul which is altogether susceptible of God ; I am as sure as I live that nothing is so near to me as God. God is nearer to me than I am to myself, etc. Comp, the following section, note 3. § 104. TJie Compreh risibility l of God. In proportion as men think they can prove the existence of God, will they be more or less assured that they can know His nature. Hence the scholastic divines made the nature of God the special object of their speculation. Nevertheless, they expressly asserted that God cannot be comprehended, and admitted for the most part only a conditional knowledge on the part of man (1). The views of Occam on this subject bordered on scepticism (2). The mystics, on the contrary, endeavoured, in opposition as well to dogmatism as scepticism, to live a hidden life in God, and thus to obtain an immediate vision of God Himself in His light, and of all things in Him (3). 1 [This hardly represents the German Erkennbarkeit. The nearest word would perhaps be cognizabilily, if it were allowable.] 184 THIRD PEIUOD. — THE AGE OP SCHOLASTIC! [§ : (1) John Du . De fide orthod. i. 4, had taught, n f t . • r the example of some of the earlier Fathers, that n ofäht yap t&* iirrmp icrlv)^ which is equivalent to the modern speculative Deity = Nullity. He is inrep yvaiaiv ttiu'tox; Kai inrkp ova-lav, and it i.s only by way of aegation (Si iKfraiptaew; thai we acquire the knowledge of Sis attributes (comp. Clemen Iria, in the first period, § 37, note). — Toh/n Scotus i . in bolder style, surpassing the limits of what is allow tble to man, maintained, De Divis. Nat ii. 28, p. 78, that God d know Bimself. Dens itaque nescit se, quid est, quia non quid; incomprehensibilis quippe in aliquo tnni intellectui The whole of theology, according t«> him, is divided into affirmative and negative the cataphatv and the apophatie). But affirmation and negation are abolished in the absolute idea of God, and what contradictor] so to Bim. Comp. Baur, Trinität ii. a 276. [Theolo u7T0(f:aTiK>) divinam essentiam sen Bubstantiam esse aliquid eorum, qu« sunt, i.e. quss dici aut intelligi possunt, altera vero, Ka-ra^ai 1*17, omnia quos sunt de ea prasdici I ideo affirmativa dicitor, non ut confirmet aliquid rum quae sunt, Bed omnia, quae ab ea sunt, di •• preedicari suadeat Rationabiliter enim ] asale pol signitieari (l)e I >iv. Nat i. 13).] — The more on the contrary, returned to the right path, by i ig in his Monologue that God alone knows Bis own nature, and that no human wisdom can so much as presume to measure or to comprehend the divine wisdom. For it is certain that what we ascribe to God only relatively, does not express His nature (si quid de summa natura dicitur relative, non est ejus significativum substantia?). Comp. Monolog, c. 15-17; Hasse, ii. s. 129 ff. Milnschcr, von Colin, s. 44, and Mulder, I.e. s. 154 f. Similar language occurs in Alanus ab Insults, De Art Cathol. Fidei, 16, 17 (quoted by Pez, L p. 482). — Alba Magnus distinguishes between attingere Deum intellectu, and comprehendere. Creatures can only attain to the former. Comp. Summa Theol. i. tr. iv. qu. 18, membr. 3, p. 67 (in Bitter, viii. s. 197). Besting on this basis, Thomas Aquinas (Summa, P. I. qu. 12, art. 12) proved that man has no cognitio quidditativa of God (i.e. no knowledge of God in § 16-1.] THE COMPEEIIENSIBILITY OF GOD. 185 Himself), but only kncnvs habitudo ipsius ad crcaluras ; while Scotv.s (Sent. i. dist. 3, qu. 1, art. 1 ss.) taught the opposite doctrine, partly with reference to the opinions of Heinrich von Gent (about 1280), a teacher of the Sorbonne. — The final result of the controversy carried on between the Thomists and Scotists on the question De cognitione Dei quidditativa, was that man has a cognitio quidditatis Dei, but not a cognitio quidditativa, i.e. that he may know the nature of God (in contrast with a mere accidental and superficial notion), but that he cannot know God thoroughly, i.e. in such a manner that no part of His nature is concealed from man. 1 Comp. the passages quoted by Mibnscher t von Colin, s. 44 ff., and Eberhardstein, Natürliche Theologie der Scholastiker, s. 52— 06. Baur, Trin. ii. s. 616 ff. — Darandua of St. Pourgain (in Magistri Sentent i. dist 3, qu. 1) speaks of a threefold way which leads to the knowledge of God: 1. Via eminentice, which ascends from the excellences of the creatures to the highest excellence, i.e. to the perfection of God. 2. Via causalitatü, which ascends from the phenomena of creation to the first cause. 3. Via n motionis, which begins with chaugeal de and dependent existence, and ends with necessary and al lute existence (esse de se). — Alexander of Hales used similar and still simpler expressions (Summa, P. I. qu. 2, membr. 1, art 2) : Dicendum, quod est cognitio de Deo per mod um positionis et per modum prwalionis. Per modum privationis cognoscimus de Deo, quid non est, per modum positionis, quid est. Divina substantia in sua immensitate non est cognosci- bilis ab anima ratiunali cognitione positiva, sed est cognoscibilis cognitione privativa. Comp. Münscher, von Colin, I.e. We must say, apprehendi quidem posse Deum, comprehendi nequa- quam. See Schrockh, xxix. s. 15. — On the endeavours of later Greek theologians, e.g. Nicolas of Afethone (especially after the example of Dionysius the Areopagite), to represent the insufficiency of our knowledge and terminology respecting divine things, see Ullmann, I.e. p. 72-74 : The Divine is in 1 Cajetanus, Summse P. I. qu. 12, De Arte et Essentia, c. 6, qu. 4 : Aliud est cognoscere qnidditatem, s. cogn?',', quidditatis: aliud est cognitio quidditativa, 8. cognoscere quidditative. Cognoscit nempe leonis quidditatem, quicunque novit aliquid ejus pnedicatum essentiale. Cognoscit autem quidditative nonnisi ille, qui omnia pra^dicata quidditativa usque ad ultimam differentiam novit. (In Münsclier, von Colin, I.e.) 18G xniBD period. — tiii: am. 01 • ' ii"i.\ n< i no wise to he co-ordinated and compared with all thai od the whole, it would be better to express in an i ted and exceptional manner {virepo\iic&s kuI Kare^alperov) all bl i- predicated of the Divine, etc (2) Occam (as well as Alexander of Hales] starts fron the position that there is a positive and negative knowledge of God, and in accordance with this shap , which, however, are different only in form. Quodlibel TheoL i. ijii. i : t .ij. 1 • aliquid nobiliua et aliquid melius omni alio a Be: and, Dens est quo nihil est melius, prius vel perfectius. The former may be d ed ae an argument for the unity, but not for the existence of God, inasmu« b as the latter idea cannot 1«- proved by demonstration The second may be appealed to in support of tin: doctrine of the existence, but not of the unity of God, sine- it may be supposed that such itive perfections belong to individual . From this point of view he refutes the argumi d by the earlier tally Dm atiloq. concl. 2. Miimscher, von Colin, s. 51 He combats th<: argumei derived from this " i • ; '" nor doet be give his a to the argument derived from "the uniformity of the world." Thus he at the following conclusion : Conclusio, quod non sunt plures Dei, non tanquam demonstrate, sed tanquam probabilior suo opposite tenenda est : eo quod omne ntiae aequaliter apparent, et faciliter possunt salvari tenendo tmitatem prims causae. Comp. Sent. i. dist. .';, qu. 2: Nee divina •ntia, nec divina quidditas, nee aliquid intrinsecum I nee aliquid, quod liter Dens, potest hie cognosci a no ita quod nihil aliud a Deo conenrrat in ratione objecti . . . Deus non p I nosci a nobis intuitive et puri i naturalibus. Baur, Trin. ii. s. 8 75. Q n said (Contra vanam Cnriositatem, I secunda, t. i. p. 100, quoted by Ch. Schmidt, p. 73) : 1 saluberrima et omni-; metaphysica tradit nobis, quod D simplicissimus in supremo simplidl ra quam imaginari sufBcimus. Hoc dato, quid op am uniti mam essentiam per formas metaph) ! quidditates vel rationes ideales vel alias mille imaginandi via mere, dividere, constituere, praescindere ex parte rei, at dicuni non ex intelleetus negotiatione circa earn ? J I fce, quot § 164] TUE C0MPREHE2TSIBILITY OF GOD. 1ST tibi prioritates, quot instantia, quot signa, quot modeitates, quot rationes aliqui ultra Scotum condistinguunt ! Jam mille codices talibus impleti sunt, adeo ut longa aetas hominnm eos yix sufficiat legere, ne dicam intelligere. — Gerson's theory of the knowledge of God (viz. the knowledge of God through love) was appropriately designated, both by himself and by other theologians, as Tino 1 tiva (Tract, iii. super Mag- nificat, t. iv. p. 262). — Suso expressed himself as follows in his treatise: Eine Ausrichtung, wo und wie Gott ist (in vbrock, Leben u. Schriften von Heinrich von S. s. '21 '2. c. lv.) : " The masters assert that the idea of space cannot be applied to God, but that He is all in all. But now open the inner ears of your soul, and open them wide. The same masters maintain, in the science called Logica, that we may obtain the knowledge of a thing by means of its name. Thus a certain teacher asserts that the name Being is the first name of God. Turn now thine eye t" Being in all its simplicity, excluding all notion of this or that particular being. Consider Being in itself; lock at Being only as such, and as it is unmixed with non-existence ; l for all that has no existence is contrary to that which has existence ; th< - the same with Being as such, for it is contrary to all that has no existence. Anything which either has already existed, or has yet to exist, does not now exist in essential presence. But now mixed existence or non-existence cannot be known but by some mark of that Being which is in all. For if we wish to comprehend anything, reason meets first with existence, vi;:, that existence [Being] which has made all things. This is not the divided existence of this or that creature ; for all divided existence is mixed up with something else, with the | bility of receiving something. Hence it follows that the nameless Divine Being must be in itself the Being which is all in all. and must preserve all compound beings by its omni- presence." Ibidem, s. 214 : " Xow open your inner eyes, and look, if possible, a: Being in its simplicity and purity, and you see at once that it owes its existence to none, has neither a ' before ' nor an ' after,' and is susceptible of no change either from within or from without, because it is a simple 1 You will then be convinced that this ng is the most real, 1 [Being with not-being : Wesen with Nichtweseiu] 188 THIRD PEBIOD. — THE &GI 01 I % uin,! and mod p r/ferf of all beings, in which there ifl aeither defect nor change, I single unity in perfect simplicity. And this truth is so manifest t<> the enlightened reason <>f man, that it cannot i of any other; for the one | roi is and canses the other, sine this a simple Being, it m rilj be th if all ben owing its being to none, and existing from eternit] is the firsl of all bei] aal and simple, it mnst be omni- present. I' cessary quality ol highesl perfection and simplicity thai nothing can either be added to or taken from it. If yon understand what I have said of the simple God) you will know something of the incomprehensible light of tin- In. Men truth of God. This pure, simple Being is I principle of all actual i \\ from its peculiar omni- ence it follows that it includes all that ha into bence in time as the beginning and the end of all thii It is at the same U things and out of all thii Therefore a certain i Compare with these expressions the 1 i of Tauler § 1 note 12 . of Bi d by EngdharcU, s. 173 (Gotl in Himself}, and of the author of the "I • Theologie," cap. 1, where the practical point of view is most prominently brought forward, viz. the necessity of leading a divine life in older tu know God. § 1G5. The Nature of God in Gener 7 . {Pantheism and Theism.) The ingenious system of John Scotus Erigena, which s< for purely scientific purposes, to make a dialectic mediation between the antagonism of God and the world (nature) (1), was so misunderstood and misused by some of his imitators, particularly Amcdrich of Bcna and David of Dinanto, as to gn e rise to a gross deification of the flesh (2). 1 The mystics 1 [Combated by Albertus Magnus and Thomas Aquinas, and condemned by a Council at Paris (1209), and the fourth Lateran Council (1215).] § 1G5.] THE NATURE OF GOD IN GENEKAI* 185 also exposed themselves to the charge of pantheism, more or less justified, by asserting that nothing except God has a real existence (3). But the more cautious among them retained, in accordance with the other teachers of the Church, the theistic principle of a difference between God and the creature, though they could not always scientifically prove that to which they practically adhered (4). (1) In his work, De Divi Nafcurarum, EHgena divides all nature (which comprehends all being in itself) into four modes of existence : 1. Natura creans, sed non creata = God ; 2. Natura creans et creata = the Son of God ; 3. Natura creata et non creans = the world ; and 4. Natura non creata et non creans = God as the end and object ot all things. Inasmuch as Erjgena regards God as the principle and cause of all things, he arrives at the conviction that the divine essence, the goodness, the power, and the wisdom, could not be created by another being, because there is no higher being from which it could derive its existence. But since he regards, on the other hand, the Divine Being as the last object at which all things aim, and which is the end of their course, he hence concludes that this nature is neither created nor creating ; for as everything which has gone out from it returns to it, and as all existence rests in it, we cannot say that it creates. What could God be supposed to create, since He must be in all things, and can at the same time represent Himself in no other being but in Himself? Therefore he says, i. 74, p. 42 : Cum audimus, Deum omnia facere, nihil aliud debemus intelligere, quam Deum in omnibus esse, hoc est essentiam omnium subsistere. Ipse enim solus per se vere est, et omne quod vere in his quae sunt dicitur esse, ipse solus est. The following statements are very beautiful, but easily misunderstood, i 76, p. 43 : Omne quodcunque in creaturis vere bonum vereque pulcrum et amabile intelligitur, ipse est. Sicut enim nullum bonum essentiale est, ita nullum pulcrum seu amabile essentiale prseter ipsum solum. Comp. Tenne- rnann, Thl. viii. 1, s. 80 ff. Schmid, Ueber den Mysticismus des Mittelalters, s. 123 ss. Frommiillcr in the Tub. Zeitschr. 1830, 1, s. 58 ff. Staudenmaier, Freib. Zeitschr. 1840, 100 THIRD PERIOD.-— THJ iii. 2, b. -~'l ff. — Tli theistic modes of statemei i with the panthi tendency of Scotus I r in It: d. 1'luL vii. s. 242 2 (2) Comp. § 1 •">:'>, nol • 5. From the proposition, that he who is in Una i- also in G I, they inferred that " tl qo -in : therefore Bt< aling, robbii ., would not he -infill, if done in love I Chronik, edited by Qrautoff in If \ Im iz in., Bd. ii. 238 ff. < teesarius of II h a.i». 1 22 ilia, lil>. v. <•. 22 : si aliquis est in Spiritn ajebant, fornicationem, ant aliqua alia pollutione polluatur: qod i pe catum, quia ill'- Spiritus, qui i omnino ;- ;i carne, nun potest peccare quamdiu ille Spiritus, qui est Dens, est i \ ill« 1 operatur omnia in omnibu E Kirchenhistorische Abhandlu $ L84 [The doctrine of D I men andoubtedly the that of Avicebron, in the newly discovered work, De M (Jniversali, or Föns Vit», which S made known in th.' Theol. Jahrbtichei I . L856. The fundamental idea is that of matter in its unity with form, and the unil both with God.] (3) Master Eckart a] ; antheism nearer than any other mystic, Be said: ••<;<>, i i> aothing, and God is something. That which is something is also nothing; what God is, He is altogether." Sermon "ii th.' Feast of the Con- version of St. Paul, fol. 2435, quoted by in th-' Studien und Kritiken, L839, 3, b. 692.) — "He (God) has the nature of all creatures in Him; He is an essence, that has all essences in Him." — u All that is in the Godhead is one, and we cannot speak of it. It is God that acts, but not the ' I; it has not wherewith to work; in it, then, there is no work. There is the same difference between God and the Godhead as there is between working and not workü (Sermon on the martyrdom of the Baptist, fol 302a, quoted by Silt imilt, I.e. s. 093.) — In Eckart's opinion, God bec"i God through the work of creation. "Before the creati existed God was not God, He was what He was ; nor was < ;...! in Himself God, after creatures had been brought into es § 165.] THE NATURE OF GOD IN GENERAL. 101 ence, but He was only God in them." (Second Sermon on All Saints' Day, fol. 307«, Schmidt, I.e. 8. 694.) — " Panth is a great and noble phenomenon, deceiving us by a peculiar charm, in the case of those who burn with love, and are, <>s it ivcre, intoxicated with a sense of God and the contemplation of divine things. But where it is only the con- elusions and philosophical definitions, or the proud but confi dream of an indefinite religious need, it loses its grand • and its mysterious poetry; and its faults, which we once felt disposed to overlook, i nth all their contradictions" Schmidt, I.e. (4) Suso showed in a highly characteristic way that a pan- theistic disposition was nothing bnt a transitory excitement of feeling, which must first of all subside (in Diepenbrock,B. 189): " I call thai >ur mind flourishing, in which the inner man is cleansed from sinful carnality, and delivered from remaining imperfections ; in which he cheerfully rises above time and place, sine»- he was formerly bound, and could not make free use of his natural nobility. "When he then opens the eyes of his mind, when he tastes other and bi ' pleasures, which consist in t! tion of the truth, in tin- enjoyment of divine happiness, in insight into -nt now iternity, and the like, and when the created mind begins to comprehend a part of the eternal, uncreated mind both in itself and in all things, then he is wonderfully moved. Examining himself and reflecting on what he once was and what be now is, he finds that I i poor, ungodly, and wretched man, that he was Mind, and lived far horn God; but now it ns to him that he is lull of God, that there is nothing which is not Grod", further, that God and all things are one and the same. He then goes so hastily to work, that he becomes excited in It is mind like wine in a state of fermentation, that has not come to itself," etc. ... " Such men are like bees which make honey: when they are full grown, and come for the first time out of their hives, they fly about in an irregular manner, not knowing whither to go ; some take the wrong direction, and lose themselves, but others come back to the right place. Thus it is with the men before spoken of, when they see God ill in oil, without their reason being regulated," etc. — Gerson acutely defended the distinction between God and the creature THIRD PEB101). — Till: m;E OK r highly • I although -it with him Comp. // Bd. i. b. 6 I thai he ion] from knowing God as til but ( lod i one I will kn I know Him * tber this nor i it He is The .11 other thin ' // lil 1 _'. p. 76 nd supposil ion that be t the other li of UUmann, a. 2 Anm. § 1 I ' I /'. The writings of • ' L), and b the Greek « hui contain lees am] classifications of the attributes than the work men, which an on just this point Though apon the importance of I ' position laid down by Augustine, that the attributes of God not only form one whole, but are also identical with the dr. ace itself, and cannot therefore be r< •_ 9 something foreign and manifold, which is merely attached to God (3), yet the speculative and systematizing tendency of the scholastics frequently Led them to lose sight of this simple truth. Among the metaphysical attributes of God, Anselm laid most stress upon the eternity and omni} . the former showed that there could not be in God either an Aliquando or an Alicubi in the proper sense of the terms (4). With reference to the omni) of God, some, e.g. Hugo S 1U6.] TIIK ATTiaCUTKS OF GOD. 193 and ' of St. Victor, defended the substantial omniprt- I the metaphysical attributes of God, in opposition to the merely dynamic view; while others endeavoured to unite the two (5). A difference was also made between the ity of God and a mere sem^ . the latter of which may be ascribed even to creatures >.-/. angels and the souls of men) (G). And lastly, it wa I i that the unity of I which many of the schoolmen numbered among Eis attribul was uot to l"- regarded a> a mere mathematical quantity. theologians of tb . Church signified this by extend- ing the idea of a numerical unity to that of a unity which is e all other thing - 7 . (1) Jo) D I' Olth. i. 4: "ÄTretpov ovv to delov Kdi atcaraXryirTov' kcli tovto povov avrov KaraX^irrov, q direipia Kai dKaraXi/ijfia öaa Be Xeyop,ev ewl Oeou Kara- , , ov T)]v (pvcriv, a,Wa tu rrep\ rrp> 4>v°~iv BjjXol. Kuv dyatfuv, kuv BiKaiov, kuv aod>>>, «W' vrrtp to (pto-i' Kai v drri &eov Xeyopbivtov, ov tl Kar oiviav ecni crrjpaivetv oi'eadai, «W' ?/ tl ovk eo~Tt >vv, ?) cr^eaiv Tivd Trpü? n tojv dvTiOLaareXXop.ev(ov, r) tl tü)v T7apeirop.evoiv rjj (pvaei t) tvepyeiav. Comp. cap. 19, and what was said § 164, note 1. (2) Comp. Uli mann, Nicolaus von Methone, etc., s. 69 ff., and § 164, note 1. (3) Monol. c. 14-28. Hasse, ii. s. 127 ff. God is not only righteous, but He is righteousness itself, etc., cap. 16 : id ergo, si ilia summa natura tot bona est, eritne com- • a tot pluribus bonis, an potius non sunt plura bona, sed Hagenb. Bist. Doct. ii. N 10-4 tiiikii PERIOD. — im: A.GI "i [S I . unuiii bonum tam pluribus oominibus ituin I . . . Cum igitui ilia natura nullo mod D omni modo tot ilia bona sit [sint], D( '. at ilia omnia non plura, Bed unum sint [dem igiti Quodlibet nnnm Ulorum quod omnia sunt [aive] Bimul nngnla, at cum dicitur vel justitia vel essentia, idem Bignificet quod alia, vel omnia Bimul, vel Bingula. Cap. 18: "N reliqua non Bunt partes tui, sed omnia sunt unura, et annm- quodque horum est totum qui Liqua om ////■; lopted similar vii 371. Comp, also Abilard, TheoL Christ iii. ]>. L264: Non itaque aapientia in Deo vel Bubstantialis . 1350 [Martine)'. Qnaerendum itaqne primo videtur, quomodo vere dicatur omnipotens, si mm possit omnia efficere; aut quomodo omnia possit, bi quaedam nos possumus, qute ipse non possit. Possumus autem quaedam, ut ambulare, loqui, sentire, qua' a natura divinitatis penitus aliena sunt, cum necessaria istorum instrumenta nullatenus habere incorporea queat substantia. Quibus quidem objectds id praedicendum arbitror, quod juxta ipsos quoque philosophos et communis sermonis usum numquam potentia cujusque rei accipitur, nisi in hi<, ,|i l; i. ad commodum vel dignitatem ipsius rei pertinent. Nemo eniin hoc potentiae hominis deputat, quod ille superari facile potest, immo impotentiae et debilitati ejus, quod minime suo resistere potest Lncommodo, et quicquid advitium hominis vergit, magisque personam improbat quam commendat, im- potentiae potius quam potential adscribendum est. . . . Xemo itaque Deum impotentem in aliquo dicere praesumat, si non possit peccare sicut nos possumus, quia nee in nobis ipsis hoc potential tribuendum est, sed infirmitati. . . . P. 1351 : . . . Sicut etiam quaedam, quae in aliis rebus potentiae deputanda sunt, in aliis vero minime. . . . Inde potentem hominem com- paratione aliorum hominum diceremus, sed non ita leonem vel elephantem. Sic in homine, quoad ambulare valet, potentiae est adscribendum, quoniam ejus necessitudini congruit, nee in aliquo ejus minuit dignitatem. In Deo vero, qui sola voluntate omnia complet, hoc omnino superfluum esset, quod in nobis necessarium est, atque ideo non potentiae, sed vitio penitus tribuendum esset in eo, praesertim cum hoc in multis excel- lentiaj ipsius derogaret, ut ambulare videlicet posset. . . . Non 200 im i;u PERIOD. — Tin [8 167. absurde tarnen et de bis omnil d •. qu 1 1 j, itentem pra dii abimua, et omni i | tribuemus, in quo rivimus, movemnr, et sum:. 1 qui omnia operatur in omnil it enim oobi lum qua vult, qua i instrumi 1 quoqa I itur, qtue qo8 facere I I dives aliqnis tu: opificea quos adl tur, qui per 8e sive ; im omnia, qua vult et quo- modo vult, operatur, et ut tta Bant, ipse i tiam im mi potest ambulare, tarnen pot< b re, ut ambuletur. . . . Post? itaqui D I iL a. 487 ii'. (4) I: ! — ' ■ 1 ' ipsum destruere uon H ■ 1 uon po -••. I' mnia pol I potentda est. Et est, eterno prsesentia, non Bolum ea ratione, qua habet rationes reram apud Be präsentes, at quidam dicant, Bed quia «'jus intuitua fertur ab aeterno Bupei omnia, prout in bus prsesentialit Unde manifestum est, quod contingentia et infallibilites a Deo cognoscuntur, in quantum Bubduntur divino conspectui secun- dum Buam prsesentialitatem, et tarnen sunt Future contingentia suis causis compareta . . . Ea, qua temporeliter in actum reducuntur, a nobis successive cognoscuntur in tempore, Bed ;i Deo in seternitate, quae est Bupra tempua . . . Sicut Qle, qui vadit per viam, noo videt illos, qui post eum veniunt, Bed ille, qui alt aliqua altitudine totam vitam intuetur, Bimul videt omnes tran leuntee per viam. . . . Bed ea, qua sunt scita a I oportet < ecundum modum, quo Bubsunt divinse atiaa, non autem absolute Becundnm quod in propriia causis considerantur. Comp. Baur, Trin. ii. a 638 11'. — On the relation between knowledge and foreknowledge, - J Salisbury, Polieret ii. 21. BibL Max. xxiii p. 268. An instance of subtle reasoning is given by L er, Lc Anm. (6) Abilard, TlieoL Christ v. p. L354:... Facit itaque omnia qua? potest Deus, et tantum bene quantum potest . . . V .)ou- flhnjv, Km TOV rrarpos irpoepyopt v tjv ; but adds Tfi) \oy

    . cene(l), challenged the speculative powers and the ingenuity of the scholastics, as well as the imagination of the mysti to fathom the unsearchable depth of that mystery. But all dialectic attempts were accompanied by the old danger of falling into heresy on the one side or the other. This was especially the case with the first bold and youthful attempts of Western speculation. John Scotus Erigena declared that the terms Father and Son are mere names, to which there is oo corresponding objective distinction of essence ; n the Godhead, which strongly savours of pantheism (2). The nominalism of lioscrl/i/iirs exposed him to the charge of . m(3), while that of ÄbÜevrd exposed him to the accusation of Sabellian- ism (4). The distinction which Gilbert oj /' tiers di between the quo est and the quod ■■ to his teaching the semblance of tetratheism (5). A 6) and Peter Lom- bardei) adopted in the main the views held by Augustine ; the terminology, however, used by the latter gave rise to misunderstandings. The treatment of the subject by the scholastics of the second period was more strictly systematic and speculative (8). But this very tendency, which more and more lost sight of the practical aspect of the doctrine, led to those subtle distinctions and absurd questions which have for a long time seriously injured the reputation of scholasticism, but which were, in fact, the excesses of an otherwise powerful tendency (9). Among the Greeks, Nicctas Choniates contented himself with representing the mystery in question in figurative language (10), while Nicolas of Mal tone manifested a stronger leaning to the dialectic tendency of the Western theolo- gians (11)- The mystics followed for the most part Dionysius the Areopagitc, and wrestled with language in the endeavour either to represent the incomprehensible in itself (12), or to bringe it more within the reach of the understanding (in doing o ovo which they did not always avoid the appearance of pan- theism) (13). — The disciples of the school of St. Victor held, as it were, the medium between sterile dialectics and fantastic mysticism (14). Savonarola (15) and Wessel (1 6), instead of § 170.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY. 211 indulging in philosophical reasonings from the nature of God, returned to natural and human analogies fitted to men's religious needs, and which might serve to illustrate the mystery, but were not meant to explain it. (1) John Damascene brings forward nothing new. He repeats the earlier propositions, making use of the traditional terms vov<; and X0709, and the comparison with the human word and spirit, in the sense of the earlier theologians. God cannot be d'X.0709, but the Logos must have a irvev/uia. He lays great stress upon the unity in the Trinity, so that the Son and the Spirit, though persons, have yet their unity in the Father ; what they are, they are through Him. He has therefore been charged with a wavering between Unitarianism and Tritheism, and, at any rate, the dialectic contradictions, from which the logic of the old church could not free itself, is strikingly manifest in his statements. Comp. Battr, Trin. ii. s. 176 ff. Meier, s. 199 ff. (2) De Div. Xat. i. 18 : Num quid veris ratiocinationibus obsistit, si dicamus, Patrem et Filium ipsius habitudinis, qua; dicitur ad aliquid, nomina esse et plus quam habitudinis ? !Non enim credenduni est, eandem esse habitudinem in ex- cellentissimis divinse essentia substantiis, et in his, quce post earn ab ea condita sunt. Quemadmodum superat omnera essentiam, sapientiam, virtutem, ita etiam habitudinem omnem ineffabiliter supergreditur. According to i. 14, Scotus (appeal- ing to earlier theologians and Inquisitores veritatis) calls the Father the essentia, the Son the sapientia, and the Holy Spirit the vita Dei. On the question respecting the relation between the four categories of natura creans, etc. (see § 165), and the three persons of the Trinity, comp. Baur, Trin. ii. s. 278 ff. Meier, s. 230 ff. Ritter, vii. s. 250. (3) In accordance with his nominalistic notions, Boscclli/ws regarded the appellation God, which is common to the three persons, as a mere name, i.e. as the abstract idea of a species, under which the Father, Son, and Spirit are compre- hended (as three individuals, as it were). This was at least the meaning which his opponents attached to his language ; see Ep. Joannis Mona cid ad Anselmum (given by Baluzc, Miscell. 1. iv. p. 478) : Haue de tribus Deitatis personis 212 THIRD PERIOD.— THI A.G1 01 qufiestionem Etocelinus movet: Si I on« rant una tantum res, et non sunt tres res pei ee angeli ant animse, ita tarnen ut volnntate et potentia omnino tint: Pater et Spir. S. cum Filio incarnatua est — Thia view « condemned by the Synod of 9 - (a.D. L093 , and com- bated by Anselm in hia treatise: De Fide Trinitatis et de rnatione Verbi contra Blasphenrias Rucelini — But Anselm doubted the accuracy of the statements made by his oppom c. 3 : Sed forsitan ipse non .licit : " Sicul sunt tree animas trea angeli;" he thought it more probable that Roacellinua had i '1 himself in general terms: Tree t tres, sine additamento alicujus Bimilitudinis, and that the al illustration was added by his opponent Nevertheless he was alao disposed to attach credit to the statements of his oppon- ents! comp. c. -.' Comp. Baur, Trin. ii I if. M ,, 2 13 it: Ha , us. 287 ff (4) <>n the history ol A ■ mdemnation at the Synod of Soissons (Concilium Suessionense), u>. 1121, and al Sens, 1 im, comp, the works on ecclesiastica] history, and A/cander, Der beilige Bernhard, a 1-1 ff His teaching is contained principally in his [ntroductio ad Theologiam, and in his Theo- logia Christiana Be proceeds from the absolute perfection of God. If God is the absolutely perfect, ll- must also be the absolutely powerful, wise, and good. Power, wisdom, and love arc therefore, in his view, the three persons of the Trinity, and the difference is merely nominal. Theol Christiana, I. 1, p. 1156 ss. : Summi boni perfectionem, quod Deus est, ipsa Dei sapientia incarnata Christus Dominus describendo tribus iiniiiinibus diligenter distinxit, cum unicam et singularem individuam penitus ac simplicem substantiam divinam, Patrem et Filium et Spirit. S. tribus de causis appellavit : Patrem quidem secundum illam unicam majestatis suae potentiam, quae est omnipotentia, quia scilicet efticere potest, quidquid vult, cum nihil ei resistere queat ; Filium autem eandem Divinam substantiam dixit secundum propria sapiential discretionem, 1 At a later period Jerome of Prague was charged with tetratiiei&m, and ■ "• ■ h with more than that. He is said to have taught: In Deo sive in divina essentia non solum est Triuitas personarum, sed etiam quaternitas rerum et quintt r etc. Istaä re6 in divinis sunt sic distinct«, quod una non est alia, et tarnen cmselibet earum est Deus. Istarum rerum una est aliis perfectior. See Herrmann von der Hardt, Acta et Decreta, t. iv. p. viii. ss. p. (JiO. §170.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY. 213 quae videlicet cuncta dijudicare ac discernere potest, et nihil earn latere possit, quo decipiatur ; Spiritum S. etiam vocavit ipsam, secundum illain benignitatis suae gratiam, qua omnia, quae summa coudidit sapientia, summa ordinat bonitate et ad optimum quaeque finem accommodat, malo quoque bene semper utens et mirabiliter quantumlibet perverse facta optime dis- ponens, quasi qui utraque manu pro dextra utatur et nesciat nisi dextram. . . . Tale est ergo tres personas, hoc est Patrem et Filium et Spirit. S. in divinitate confiteri, ac si commemo- raremus divinum potentiam generantem, divinam Bapientiam genitam, divinam beniguitatem procedentem. I't his videlicet tribua commemoratia Bummi boni perfectio prsedicetur, cum videlicet ipse Dens et summt- potens, i.e. oinnipotens, et summe sapiens et summe benignus ostenditur. Comp. Introd. ad Theo! I. 10, p. 991, and the other passages quoted by Miinscher, von Colin, -. 53 f. — The relation in which the Father stands to the Son and Spirit, Abölard compares to that in which matter stands to form (materia and materiatum). As a wax figure is composed of wax, but, being a distinctly-shaped figure, differs from the unshapen mass; so the Son, as materia materiata, differs from the Father. The latter, however, re- mains the materia ipsa; nor can it be said with the same propriety that the wax owes its origin to the figure, as it can he said that the figure owes its origin to the wax. He also compares the Trinity to a brass seal, and draws a distinction between the substance of which the seal (as) is composed, the figure carved in the brass (sigillabile) and the seal itself (sigillans), inasmuch as it shows what it is in the act of sealing. — The comparison which Abelard drew (Introd. ii. 12) between the three persons of the Trinity and the three persons in grammar (prima quae loquitur, secunda ad quam loquitur, tertia de qua loquuntur), was particularly offensive, and might easily be represented as countenancing Tritheism. Comp. Baur, I.e. ii. § 503 ff. Jf ier, § 251 ff. (5) The heretical opinions of Gilbert were also connected with the logical controversy between Nominalism and Realism ; he started with Eealism, but at last arrived at the same results to which Eoscellinus had been led by Nominalism. According to the statements made by him in Paris 1147 and in lUieims 1148, in the presence of Eugenius III., he asserted: 214 THIRD PERIOD. — THE A invert the order, and why u Ansel M 1 c. 40) inquired into the reason for calling God .' to the act nf generation, and not mother. He mon- strated very seriously that the Sun was the fittest of I persons of the Trinity to become man I i 1 1 Hoi Si quselibet alia persona incarnetur, erunt duo filii in Trinit filius sediert Dei, qui et ante Lncarnationem filius est, et ille qui per incarnationem filius erit virginis : et erit in personis, quss semper sequales esse debent, insequalil mdum dignitatem nativitatum. . . . Item, fuerit incarnatus, erunt duo Denotes in Trinitate, quia Pater erit oepos parentum hominem assumtum, et Verbum, cum nihil habeat de homine, nepos tarnen erit virginis, quia til I lius, qiue omnia inconvenientia sunt, nee in incarnatione Verbi contingunt et aliud, cur magis conveniat incarnari filio, quam aliis personis, quia convenientius sonat filium supplicare Patri, quam aliam personam alii. 1 Item, homo, pi oraturus, et diabolus, quem erat expugnaturus, ambo fal similitudinem Dei per propriam voluntatem p] rant Unde quasi specialius adversus personam Filii peccaverunt, qui vera Patris similitudo creditur, etc. (Comp, below, § 179.) (10) One of the illustrations of Xicctas is e.g. taken from a balance (Thesaur. c. 30). The Son represents the central point of union between the Father and the Holy Spirit, and preserves the most perfect equality between the two; but the whole denotes the pure equilibrium of honour, power, and nature, the internal divine equality and harmony, u much as no one person elevates himself above the other. The double-winged Seraphim also are in his view a figure of the Trinity. But while in the former case the Sun is made the central point of union, in the latter the Father forms the 1 Why convenientius, excepting that iu the background the Father always has the priority I § no.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY. 219 centre, and the extremities represent the Son and the Holy Spirit. Comp. Ulimann, I.e. s. 41 f. (11) " Many of the earlier theologians asserted t7ic incompre- hensibility of God, and at the same time propounded the most profound mysteries of the doctrine of the Trinity with a certainty which would allow of no doubt ; and Nicolas shows the same Inconsistency. In the same sentence he represents the nature of God as beyond knowledge and expression, beyond the apprehension and investigation even of the highest order of spirits, and gives the most precise and apodictical definitions concerning tin- rela- tion between the divm and the divine pt rsons" (e.g. Refut p. 23 s.); Ullmann, b. 78. N moved the apparent contradiction of a Trinity in unity by avoiding all analogies with created things. II«' would not have the terms unity and trinity understood in the sense in which they arc used hy mathematicians, viz. as num rminations. But in his opinion the unity of God is only a unity of i nee, and the trinity a trinity of persons. He thought that there was nothing contradictory in the union of such a unity with such a trinity ; see Ullmann,*. 7'.' f. [He also appealed to Gregory of Na- ?ianzus, Orat. xxix. 2 : MovcU air apx^s eh hvdha Kivrjdeiaa, fiixpt rpidBot eo-TT?.) " We adore," said Ni< olas Refut. p. 67), "as the creative principle of all existence, that God win» is one as respects His essential nature, bui consists of three persons, the Father, the Son, and the Spirit. With regard to these three, we praise the FatheT as that which causes (o>5 airiov), hut as to the Son and the Holy Spirit, we confess that they proceed« d from the Father as that which is caused (&)? alriard) ; not created or brought forth in the common sense of the word, but in a supernatural, superessential manner. Being of the same essence, they are united with the Father (the one l.y generation, the other by procession) and with each other without being confounded; they are distinct without separation." Eegarding the term ai-viov, he would have it understood that it does not denote a creative or formative, but a hypostatic causality, which might he called yevvrjTiKov (i.e. generating) in relation to the Son, and irpoaKTiKov elrovv TrpoßXrjTiKÖv (i.e. the source of procession) in reference to the Spirit Thus he also said (p. 45): 6 irarrjp ev irvevp.a, TrpoßüWei. See Ullmann, I.e. s. 82. TH1BD i [j 170. (12) TavX r Pr ligten, ii. p. 1 72 - most excellent and holy triunity, aot find any suit . words in which we might Bpeak of it, and yet we n this Buperessential, incomprehensible Trinity in words. Ii therefore attempl of it.it is as impossible to d properly as to i sach the sky with one's head For nil thai say or thins s thousand tim< to it than the point of a needle is to heaven and earth, y hundred thousand times l< ad all Dumber and proportion. . . . We might t ilk to a wonderful extent, and yi nil neither i nor understand how the Bup J unity can co-exisl with the distinction of the persona It i to meditat these things than to speak of them; for it is not plea ly much about this matter or to 1 <>!' it, especially when words must 1"' introdm other matters , and I ther unequal to {'• >r the \\ hole ibject is at an inl Prom us, ami wholly foreign t<> us, and it is hidden from us, t'": surpasses tin- understanding of angels. We to great prelates and learned men; they must have something to say in order to d< fend the faith, hut v. simply .<•.'■ (13) In opposition t<> Peter Lombard, Joachim, A Floris, laid down a theory which was condemned by the fourth 1 »ran Council (a.D. 1215 , although lie attributed it to inspiration. Be n yarded the psaltery of ten strings as the most significant image of the Trinity. Its three corners represent the Trinity, the whole the unity. This unity compares with the unity of believers in the church. Con- cerning the further development of this notion, ranning out into a crude substantialism, see Engt lhardt, Kirchenhistorische Abhandlungen, a 265 ff. Baur, Irin. ii. s. i>öö ; .1/ s. 272. — The views of Master Eckart on the doctrine of the Trinity are given by v in the Studien und Kritiken, I.e. s. 694. In his Sermon on the Trinity, fol. 2(35 a, it is said : " What is the speaking of God ? The Father beholding Him- self with a simple knowledge, and looking into the simple purity of His nature, sees all creatures there pictured, and speaks Mithin Himself; the Word is a clear knowledge, and that is the Son ; therefore the phrase, God speaks, is equi- S 170.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRIKHT. 221 valent to God Icgds." For other passages, comp. Schmidt, I.e. s. 696. — H. Suso taught as follows (c. 55, see Dieperibrock, s. 215): " In proportion as any being is .simple in itself, it is manifold in its powers and capacities. That which has nothing gives nothing; that which has much can give much. God is in Himself tin- fulness of all that is perfect, the inflowing and overflowing Good; hut, beci goodness is unlimited and higher than all, He will not keep it to Himself, but He delights in sharing it in Himself and out of Himself. On this account, the first and hig of the outpouring of the highest Good must have : to itself, and that cannot be, except in a presence, inward, substantial, personal, natural, necessary without being compulsory, infinite, and perfect. All other manifestations which are in time or in the . are only the reflex of the eternal outpouring of the unfathomable divine goodness. Therefore the masters say, that in the emanation of the creature from the first original there is a m of the end into the beginning: for as the flow- ing out of the person from God is a complete image of the in of the creature, so it is also a type of the re-inflowing of the creature into God. Now observe the difference ot the emanation of God. ... A human father gives to his son in his birth a part of bis own nature, hut not at once, and not the whole of that which he is; for he him a compound good. But as it is evident that fche divine emanation is so much more intimate and noble according to the greatness of the good which II Himself is, and as God infinitely surpasses all other goods, it necessarily follows that His emanation is equal to His nature, and that such a pouring out of Him cannot take place without imparting His nature in personal property. If you can now contemplate with a purified eye, ami behold the purest goodness of the highest good, which is in its very nature a present and operative beginning, and loves itself naturally and willingly, then you will see the exceeding supernatural going forth of the "Word from the Father, by whose generation and speaking all things are spoken into being and formed, and you will see in the highest good, and in the highest manifestation of it, the necessary origin of the Holy Trinity : Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. And as this highest flowing forth proceeds from the supreme and essential Good- T11IBD PERIOD. — TH1 ::o. , there must be in the Bai 1 Trinity the and most intimate Bazneo dity and Belfh 1 of being which tl in triumphant process, In the andivided i the undi- vided omnipoten m in the Deity.' however, acknowledged that noi plain in w In.w the Trinity of the Divine P in the unify of being. Ibid. & 217.) Comp. - s ' in Stud and Kritik. 1840, B. 43. — Similar but D entertained by /•' opinions the Trinity are given in Engel) Moi h, s. 174 177 According to Ruysbroek, then in God. "He flows out from nature through wisdom and 1 He draws to Bimself by unity and substantiality. The eternal truth is begotten from the I her, the eternal 1 from the Father and tanating attributes ol G i. The I the divine nature draws the three persons within by the bonds of love, and the divine lorn comprehends tin- unity in a • with a certain joyful embrace in essential the centripetal atti ibutes of < rod." (14) JI- I found in tion of the Trinity. !!<• perceived a still purer impression of it in the ratio ■' creation, viz. in the '.which is only assisted by the external world, or the world of bodies; in the one case we have a true type, in the other only a sign. How the Trinity manifests itself in the external wisdom, and goodness), he showed in his treati e, De tri Diebus, t. i. foL 24 33. Comp. De Sacram. P. III. lib. i. c. 28 ; /. bner, a, 375. In his dialectic development, II followed hi> predecessors, Augustine and Anselm, but employed that fuller and more poetical style which is peculiar to the mystics, especially in his treatise, De tribus Diebus. On the whole, Hugo differed from Anselm "i ■ distance, and thus sio7vs, in the use of which /" to less Liebner, s. 381. We may notice as very remarkable, foreign to the general spirit of mysticism, hut truly schola the manner iu which lingo answered the question, Why § 170.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY. 223 Scriptures (?)' have ascribed power in particular to the Father, wisdom to the Son, and love to the Holy Spirit, muco power, wisdom, and love belong equally and essentially to all the three, and are eternal. He argued as follows : " When men heard of the Father and Son being in God, they might, in accordance with human relations, think of the Father as old and aged, and consequently weaker than the Son, but of the Sun as juvenile and inexperienced, and therefore less wise than the Father. To prevent any such mistake, Scripture has with wise prevision ascribed power to the Father and wisdom to the Son. Likewise men, hearing of God the Boly Spirit (Spiritus), might think of Bim as a snorting Germ, schnau- bend) and restive I rrified at Bus suppo harshness and cruelty. But then Scripture coming in and calling the Holy Ghost loving ami mild, tranquillized them'' (l)e Sacram. c. 26 . The passage is cited by Ziebr* 3 ^1 f., where further particulars may he compared. Hugo, however, rejected, generally speaking, all subtle questions, and had a dear insight into the figurative language of Scripture. — Nor did Richard <n. In the highest good there is the fulness and the perfect] n of Loud- ness, and consequently the I. love; lor there is nothing mure, perfect than love. But love imi r , in order tu lie charity (charitas), must have for its object, nut itself, hut somethii I! , where there Is no plurality of persons, there can be no charity. Love toward creatures is not suffi- cient, for God can only luve what is worthy of the highest luve. If (lud loved merely Himself, this would not be the highest love ; in order to render it such, it is necessary that it should be manifested towards a person who is God, etc. 1 It is scarcely necessary to observe that Scripture by no means sanctions such an arbitrary distribution of the divine attributes among the three persons. With equal if not greater propriety, the Son might have been called love, and Spirit wisdom or power. It was only the tracing of the idea of the Logos to that of the Sophia in the Old Testament, and the predominant speculative tendency (according to which intelligence precedes all else,, which led t<> inference from the Scripture usu^e. THUD PEEIOD. — TOI But even this is not yet Love companionship. Both p h t third pei ion to be loved it would be a proof of w< om- panionship in lov< I e in 1"N ing .1 third 01 ] highest perfe tion, bence the i qu ditj ol the • ... In the Trinity not iter than one, three an appears indeed incomprehensible I D ted by £ comp. Engi lhar ] L08 nt 1 I \\ li« » manifested a ie ining to mysticisn ■ imilar v. [tinerar. M ■ « !om- I. ::. 1 ■ S. Tri] I J ' ■ //, p. IDG). ! in :i very ii Triumphus Ci , Lib iii. o. .", p. 1 Rudelback, i, exists in all creatux I ind noble 1 1 , the more perfei t ti. feet it is, the more internal It you t and bring it into contact with wood, it kindles and assimilates it. this procession i mal, for r of the works only externally. If you take a plant, you will find that its vital power works internally, changing the moisture which it extracts from the ground into the substance of the plant, and producing the flower which was internal This pi is much more internal than that of tire ; but it is not altogether internal, for it attrs ture from without, and produ the ilower externally; and although the flower is conni with the tree, yet the fruit is an external production, and separates itself from the tree. — The sentient life is of a higher order. When I see a picture, a procession and emanation comes from the picture which produces an impression upon 1 On Raimund's Doctrine of the Trinity, see Motzte, s. M ff. Among other things, he compares the three persons with the thn :' the verb ; the Father is the active, the Son the passive, and the Holy Spirit the impersonal verb ! Matzke, s. 44. § 170.] THE DOCTRINE OF THE TRINITY. 225 eye; the eye presents the object in q baon to the imagination or to the memory; nevertheless the procession remains interna] though it comes from without Intelligence is of a still higher order; a man having perceived something, forms in his inner mind an image of it, and delights in its contemplation: this ■ to a certain love which remains in ilie faculty of thinking. It may indeed 1"- Baid that even in this case there is something external the perception). But Irom this 1. nJ innermost procession we may draw further inferences with reg rd to G d, who unites in Hin all perfection — that tin- Father, as it were, begets out of Him- self an idea, whi ;h i II. i •••mal Word 1. s . and that the love, which is the Holy Spirit, proceeds from the Father and the Son. This procession is the mo • it does not ruin,, from without, and b ii remains in God. 1 Comp. Meier, Savonarola [Comp, also Viilari, I.e.] (10; \\'< tl, I»'- Magnitudine Passionis, o. 74, p. 606 »ted by Ullmann, & 206 himself as follows: '•In our inner man, which is created after the. image and likeness of God, there is a □ trinity: understanding n "ii intelligentia), and will voluntas). Tl. three are equally .sterile, inactive, and unoccupied, when they are alienated from their prol Our understanding with- out wisdom is 1. without the eve, and whi I wisdom but d the Fat!.'; - The Word the I... i; the law ami the clue "tour; and teaches in i<. think of ourselves with humility according i<> the truth of "in. And the Spirit of both, the divine love, i- the food <•:' the will (Spiritus amborum, Deus charitas, lac est volun- ;ical application follows of course. The tl r wav to the develop- ment of I üii- i'« J/iijo ';/ St. Yktor (Ds tribus Diebus, quoted by /. 383, Amu. ), the day of fear comn u 1 Bui ' / also pointed out in. very appropriate language the insuffi- ciency of our conceptions : "God ti her child. She - not say to him : Go, and do such and such a thing ; but she accomm If to the capacity of the chill, and makes her wishes known by broken la and by . Thus God accommodates Himself to our ideas. " RvdeJbach, I.e. s. 369. -' B( re he calls the Father. !'.' the scholastics applied this term to the Comp, above, note 14. Hagknb. Hist. Duct. ii. P 226 THIRD PUtlOD. — THI A.GI 01 [5 171. with th« promulgation of the 1 truth with tin- manifestation of the Bon (wisdom] . I love with the effusion of the Holy Spirit .-.«iva development of the times 1 Am ilri< h ofBenaand the mystico-panthi thai band, these three periods sfter their nwii notions, In i with mill, i hopes. (Comp, thi Although thi* doctrine <•( the Trinity i "\>>nz the mysteries, whi h oonld !»• mads known t.> os only by i § 158), yet there wj> -till ■ ■ >n, whethi conld make Himself known to the natural com what wayl < ..mi», on this, Baur, Trin. ii. a 697 ff. •, |i/ , -j tli a what the schoolmen called pea not persons in the sense of the Church, bnl relations. Trinity, they (with the exception of Anselm and Richard) did i md ipill, putting into a merely co-ordinate relal irouring !•> grasp tn " , different relations in which G f, from the poii f a vital spiritual pi mity and 1 § i : i . Tl" I> (he World — Ti T in of John S " 1 found no imitatora among the orthodox Bcholastica ; they adhered rather to the Idea of a creation out of nothing 2). I writers endeavoured to define this d more precisely, in order to prevent any misunderstanding, as if nothing could have been the cause of existence (3). — The Mosaic account of the creation was interpreted literally by some, and allegori- cally by others (4). The opinion still continued general! prevail, that the world is a work of divine goodness, and exists principally for the sake of man (5). Though mysticism tended to indui e its advocates to regard the inde] of the finite creature as a breaking loos.' from the Creator, and consequently as a revolt, and thus to stamp creation the work of the devil (after the manner of the Manichieans) (6), yet these pious thinkers were roused by the sight of the works of God to the utterance of beautiful and elevating thoughts, § 171.] CREATION. 227 so that they were lost in adoring wonder (7). On the other hand, the schoolmen, fond of vain and subtle investigations, indulged here also in absurd inquiries (8). — Regarding the existence of evil in the world, the scholastics adopted for the most part the views of Augustine. Thus, some [c.y. Thomas Aquinas) regarded evil as the absence of good, and as forming a necessary part of the finite world, retaining, however, the difference between physical evil and moral evil (the evil of punishment and the evil of guilt) (9). Others adopted, with Chrysostom, the notion of a twofold divine will (voluntas antecedens et consequens) (10). (1) Comj). above, § L65, 1, and De Divis. Nat. ii. c. 19 (quoted by Afiinscher, run < .63). (2) Clod is not only the furnier (factor), but the creator ami author (creator) of matter. This was taught by Hugo of St. Victor (Prolog, c. 1, Lulu, ,■. s. '■'■'<'<), and the same view was adopted by the other mystics. The advocates of Platonism alone sympathized with the earlier notions of Origen. (3) Fn digis oj Tours defended the reality of nothing, as the infinite genus from which all other species of things derive their form; comp, his work, De Nihilo, and Jiiiiir, Gesch. der ChristL Phil. vii. s. 189 ft'. Alexander Hah Summa, P. II. quaest. 9, membr. 10) drew a distinction between nihilum privativum and negativum. The one abolishes the act, the other the object of the act. God has not created the world from pie-existent matter, yet not sine causa. See on this point, Munscher, von Colin, s. 61 f. — A /•, I)g. s. 495. Thomas Aquinas (Pars i. qu. 46, art. 2) represented the doctrine of a creation out of nothing as an article of faith (credibile), but not as an object of knowledge and demonstration (non demonstrable vel scibile), and ex- pressed himself as follows, qu. 45, art. 2 : Quicunque facit aliquid ex aliquo, illud, ex quo facit, prsesupponitur actioni ejus et non producitur per i; sam actionem. ... Si ergo Deus non ageret, nisi ex aliquo prsesupposito, sequeretur, quod illud prassuppositum non esset causatum ab ipso. Ostensum est autem supra, quod nihil potest esse in entibus nisi a Deo, qui est causa universalis totius esse. Unde aecesse est dicere, :i:d PEHIOD. ill. quod Dens ex nihilo res in i vii. 1 1 5 iL B r, Irin. ü. s. 7 1 6 : ' . ■ tili/ »hows lit"' in his opt creation out of noth i ■. tence to t \ 14, art. '. tdum, quod Deua est prima cat aplaria omnium rerum. . Deus est primum exemplar omnium. — While i more Albertus Magnus draw uo cleai i of emanation and tb \us adheres to the simple notion that I ! primum efticiens ; ne\ erl between an i atiflB and an e ; but both cannot in reality, ami the Latter presupposes the former; Bee Lib, Li ! , 1 1 ii. L', and other pn in B 72G it'. (4) Tim i R thought that tl formless matter in six days might be Literally in: Almighty God might have made it differently; but Be would in this \\ ay show rational b sings in transformed from mural deformity into moral beauty. . . . In creating the Light ill B . i I nified that the works of darkness above all things displeased Him. The good and evil angels v» 1 at the time that Light and darkni 1. < lod did light from darkness till lit- saw the Light that it was good. In like manner, we Bhould first of .ill Bee that our Ligl good, and then we may ; i ration, etc. I ing that the phrase, "and God Baw that it u wanting in reference to the work uf the second day in the Rio ant of the creation, this mystic s was led into further inquirie ting the reason of this omission. He found it in the number two, which is an i number, because it is the departure from unity. Nor is it said, with reference to the waters ahm the firmaui with those under the firmament, that they were gathered together unto one place — because the love of God (the heavenly wi is shed abroad (poured forth) in our hearts by the Hoi; I This love must expand itself and rise higher; but the under the firmament (the lower passions of the soul) must be kept together. Fishes and birds are created out of one and § in.] CREATION. 22 9 the same matter, yet different places are assigned to them, which is a type of the elect and the reprobate, from one and the Bame mass of corrupt nature; comp. Liebner, s. 256 f. — Friar Berthold saw in the works of the first three days of the creation, faith, hope, and love; Bee Kling, s. 462 f. (5) Joh. Bam. I>*' fide orth. ii. 2 after Greg. Naz. and ys. Areop.) : "Eirei ovv 6 iiyados kcu vtrepciyados & ovk 7)pK€ God to have no other object than the communication of II is 230 THIRD PERIOD. nil: IGE Of 3CH01 U I [i 171. own being, Summa, P. I. qu. 45, art 4 : Primo agenti, qni est agens tantum, aon convenil agere pi quisitionem alicujus finis : sed intendil Boliun communicare suam perl bionem, qnse esl ejua bonitaa Et unaquaeque creatura intendit consequi suam perfectionem, qnse est similitudo perfectionii et bonitatis divinse. Sic ergo divina bonil I finis rerum omnium. . . . Et Ldeo ipse Bolus est maxime überaus, qnia non agit propter suam utilitatem, Bed solum propter suam l">ni- tatem. Comp. Cramer, vii. s. 414 i'. Baur, Tiinit. ii. s. 731 f. Ritter, viii. s. 284 ff. (G) According to the author of the work, German Ti, (cap. 1, at the beginning , the ideas of creaturelin ism, and selfhood are synonymous with love of the world, love of the creature, self-love, >< It-will, natural carnal sense, and carnal desire. The creature must depart, if God is to inter. Ee thinks it sinful M to ited things, and to look upon them as something, while they are in reality — nothing." Subsequently he admits, however, that those things have their being only in God: "(Jut of the perfect, or without it, there is no true existence; but all is mere accident, or i semblance and glitter, which neither is nor has true being, except the fire from which the shining proceeds, like the brightness which proceeds or flows out from fire, or light, or the sun." — Some of the heretical sects of the Middle Ages entertained views on these points which bordered upon Manichseism. Thus the Franciscan Berthold said in a Bermon (quoted by Kling, s. 305; Wackernagel, Lesebuch, i. Sp. 678) : Some heretics believe and maintain that the devil created man, when our Lord created the soul in him. Comp. Ermengardi Opusc. contra Hrereticos, qui dicunt et credunt, mundum istum et omnia visibilia non esse a Deo facta, sed a Diabolo, edited by Gräser in BibL Max. PP. t. xxiv. p. 1602. Gieseler, Kg. ii. s. 501. (7) Henry Sicso (c. 54, quoted by Diepeiibrock, s. 208) said : " Now let us remain here for a while and contemplate the high and excellent Master in His works. Look above you and around you, look to the four quarters of the world. How wide and high the beautiful sky is in its rapid course, and how nobly the Master has adorned it with the seven planets, — each of which, with the exception of the moon, is much § 171.] CREATION. 231 larger than the whole earth, — and how it is beautified with the innumerable multitude of the bright stars ! Oh, how cloud- lessly and cheerfully the beautiful sun rises in the summer season, and how diligently it gives growth and blessings to the soil ; how the leaves and the grass come forth ; how the beautiful flowers smile ; how the forest, and the heath, and the meadows resound with the sweet songs of the nightingale and other small birds; how all the animals which were shut up during the hard winter come forth and enjoy themselves, and go in pairs ; how, in humanity, young and old manifest their joy in merry and gladsome utterances ! t> nder God! if Thou art so loving in Thy creature*, lion: fair and lovely must Thou he in Thyself! Look further, I pray you, and behold the four elements, — earth, water, air, and lire, — and all the wonderful things in them : the variety and diversity of men, beasts, birds, fishes, and tin.- wonders of the deep, all of which cry aloud and proclaim the praise and honour of the boundless and infinite nature of God! Lord, who preserves all this '. AVho feeds it ? Thou takest care of all, each in its own way, great and small, rich and poor. Thou, God ! Thou doest it. Thou, God, art indeed God ! " (8) John Damasc. De fide orth. ii. 5 ss., treated of the whole range of natural science (cosmography, astronomy, physics, geology, etc.), so far as it was known to him, in the locus de creatione ; and the scholastics followed his example Comp. Cramer, vii. s. 388 ff. But in introducing natural history into the province of dogmatic theology, they thought that they might put limits to physical investigation by the doctrine of the Church. Thus it happened that, e.g. in the time of Boniface (Bishop of Mainz), the assertion of Virgilius, a priest, that there are antipodes, was considered heretical; see Schröckh, xix. s. 210 f. An additional point in reference to the work of creation was the question, Whether it is to be assigned to only one of the persons of the Trinity '( The theologians of the present period adopted the opinion of the earlier Church, that all the three persons participated in it ; Thomas Aquinas, qu. 45, art. 6, Cramer, vii. s. 416. This, however, was scarcely more than a speculative idea. The power of creating was supposed to he more par- ticularly possessed by the Father, for the very reason that poivn- was peculiarly ascribed to Him, though various expressions were used in the liturgical services, e.g. in the hymn : Veni Creator Spiritus. THIRD PERIOD. - :n. '111! ' quod est, re I >ial de \ ~ , and vritb what Plato asserted D m aullatenus 1 1 1 1 1 1 m 1 1 1 n i meliorem potn [iitrod. ad TheoL iii. <•- 5, quoted bj '.' rtion, however, met with opposition on tfa ( lomp. § l 67, Dote 7. A« individual po its own perfection, alt! may ap] imp : impart d v. il li the \\ hole ; see I — Concerning the natui himself quite in the of Augustine qu. 48 and '. Evil is not ;i thing whii and want of good. Evil a difference oj . the impel of individual thii belongs even to the perfectioo of the world Summa, 1'. I. qu 48, art 2, < b. 4 I'd li'. . But Thomas well knew how I cception in the case of moral evil. The latter is nol only a defect, but the wicked are wanting in something in whu Hinting; therefor« rly to the evil of guilt [malum culpa than to the evil of punish- ment (malum poena . (Comp. . Ivers. Marc, ii. I According to Duns S I all - on the freedom of finite creature ; and, accordingly, the j of God i in the perfection of the world is conditioned by tl . Dg. s. 25 t 2d ed.). (10) The scholastics commonly treated of Providence and of the Theodicy in connection with the attributes, and par- ticularly with the divine will of God. Hugo of St. / even said thai the providence of God itself is an attribute, — viz. that attribute o( God by which !!<• takes care of all winks of His hands, abandons nothing that belongs to Him, and gives to every one his due and right Both the actual existence of good and the mode of its existence' depend on the arrangement (dispositio) of God. It is not so with evil. Only the mode of its existence depends on God, but not its existence itself; for God does not do evil Himself, but when evil is done He overrules it (malum ordinabile est. De S c. 19-21 (in Liebner, s. 306. Cramer, vii. s. 274 K). On the 9e\r)jj.a Trpoiyyov/xevov, etc., comp. § 12*3, nute 5, and J § 1 72.] THE ANGELS AND THE DEVIL. 2o^ /> ,,- . De fide orthod. ii. 20. By the scholastics the 6i\r]fia ~poj]yovjjLevov (antecedens) Mas also called voluntas bene placiti ; the 6e\. kiroixevou (consequens), voluntas signi [sign or expression of one's will). Comp. Liebner, Hugo von St. Victor, s. 38G. Peter Lomb. Lib. i. dist. 45 F. Alexander /f<< ! ' s, Summa, P. I. qu. 3G, membr. 1. — Thomas Aquinas both denies and admits that evil proceeds from God. So far as evil presupposes a defect, it cannot have its origin in God, for Cm,! ig tin- highesl tion. But so far as it consists in the corruption of certain things, and this corruption in its turn belongs to the perfection of tin- universe, it proceeds indeed from God ex consequenti, and quasi per accidens. The may be comprised in this proposition (Summa theol 1". I. qu. L5, art. ."- : Malum c gnoscitur a Deo non per propriam rationem, sed peT rationem boni Conn». Baur, Triii. ii. s. 734 ff. Ritter, viii. . 2 5, and the other there cited. M i Colin, s. 72 f. Cramer, . 264 ff. * respectin led and the uncr light. Tin' HexycliasU (Qui tists) "t .Mt. Athos, with l'n Tabor \ Confession adopted at Constantinople in 1341 v. le to the Hesy- cbasl . Barlaam's umed the controversy, but d atinople. But he almost ■vat a third synod (after the death >>t Andronicus, 1341) under tin: Empress Anna; but a fourth synod (under Cantacuzenus) again declared the This di.-jiute was connei te i with that about tl»' tlcix and Wtpyiia of the divine n np. Qass in Herzog'» R< di Qcykl., under " Hesychasts" (after the report of Nicephorus Gregoras), and the essay of EngeUiardt, referred to j 153, note 12. § 172. The Angels and the Devil. John Damascene and others (1) adhered to the classification of the angels given by pseudo-Dionysius (§ 131, note 8). The Lateran Council (a.D. 1215), under Pope Innocent in.. 234 Timm PERIOD. — THE A.GE Ol EM HOLAßTICISM pronounced as the doctrine of the Church, that the angels are spiritual beings, and that they were created good 2 . J'.ut with regard to particular points, such as the nature and the offices of the angels, their relation to God, to the world, t<> man, and to the work of redemption, ample scope was left for poetical and fanciful speculations, frequently running out into wilful conceits (3). Tin' idea of the devil penetrated even deeper than did the belief in angels into the popular «Kid of the Germanic nations, sometimes connected in a horrible way with the belief in sorcery and witches, bo common during the Middle .. »metimes treated with levity and humour, interwoven with legends and popular talcs (4). In the Bisl of Doctrines this living and national belief in the devil i be considered as wdl as the ihr. .inns and Bystems of the. schools, founded for the mosl part npon traditional defini- tions (5). From the religious poinl of view the only matter «if Importance is this, that it was held that the devil cannot compel any one to commit sin, while he himself is delivered up to eternal condemnation (6). He and the evil spirits associated with him feel their nun punishment, but also take pleasure in the torments of the damned; this is their only compensation, and one worthy of their devilish disposition (7). (1) De fide orthod. ii. 3. The scholastics mostly adopted this classification. Thus Hugo of St. Victor " mentioned and and names of angels (according to pseudo- Dionysius) only very briefly (De Sacr. i. 5), a proof of his good ■-use." (Licbner, s. 395.) Comp. Lomb. Sent. lib. ii. dis. 9 A. Thorn. Aquinas, Summa, P. I. qu. 108 (quoted by Miinscher, von Colin, s. 65). (2) Cone. Lateran. IV. Can. i. Mansi, t. xxii. p. 982 (Miinscher, von Colin, s. 65). (3) Most of the scholastics adopted the opinion of Augustine, that the angels were created with all the other creatures, and only in so far before them, as they surpass them in dignity. Thus Hugo of St. Victor (quoted by Liebner, c. 28 and 29, ß. 392), Alexander of Hales, Thomas Aquinas, Bonaventura, § 172.] THE ANGELS AND THE DEVIL. 233 etc. (quoted by Cramer, vii. s. 426). A fact adverted to about the angels, not unimportant in a religious point of view, is, that the angels are represented only as distinct and isolated creations of God, not forming one whole like the human race; hence, it is said, the fall of individuals did not involve the fall of the whole angelic world. Comp. e.rj. Anselm's Cur Deus Homo, iL 21 : Non eniui sic sunt omnes angeli de uno angelo, que mad in od urn omnes homines de uno nomine. "There is a human race, hut not an angelic race (keine Engelheit)" JTasse's Anselm, ii. s. 391. — According to the statements of the later scholastics, the angels arc dis- tinguished from the souls of men — 1. Physically (they do nut stand in absolute need of a body); 2. Logically (they do not obtain knowledge !>y inferences); 3. Metaphysically (they do not think by means of images, but by immediate intui- tion) ; 4. Theologically (they cannot become better and worse). Alexander oi' Hales, however, made this last assertion with reserve. As incorporeal creatures, they are not made up of matter and form; yet actus and potentia are not identical with them as with God. Also (according to Thomas) there are no two angels of the same species ; but this is denied by Duns Scotus. The question was raised, whether thinking is the essence of an angel ? The reply was in the negative. Yet Aquinas says the thinking of an angel is never merely potential, but is at the same time actual. The knowledge of angels is purely ä priori, and the higher the rank of an angel, so much the more universal are the conceptions by which he knows. Scotus says that the angels have a capacity for obtaining knowledge empirically (intellectum agentem et possibilem) ; according to others, their knowledge is either matutina (cognitio rerum in verbo), or vespertina (cognitio rerum in se), or, lastly, meridiana (aperta Dei visio). Comp. Bonaventura, Compend. ii. c. 15. The knowledge of some angels, however, is more comprehensive than that of others. Some, e.g., foreknew the mystery of the incarnation of Christ, which was unknown to others. The angels also have a language, not, however, born of sense, but intellectual. They have, moreover, a place, i.e. they are not omnipresent like God, but move with infinite rapidity from one place to another, and pervade all space more easily than man. It was also it they could work miracles? could exert any infl to the will of anothi Cramer, I.e. Thi ■ • from Alexander of Hales and Thomas Aquii Trinit ii. s. 75 1 It' Peter I ned the idea of gua di ma IIA i ■ notion of a hatred on the part of the ang< ' the human race, of which B< rthol ' Cling, 18, 20): the sight <>f ini' ! 1, lei us kill them! Bui he sppe and exhort ■ them t<. w among the wl Bui tin- in"! any further inquiries of this kind. Tims // I : •• jjv walk and tin- incoi -.1 liim- self in similar langn b. ll"> : " With what u may and "i lo ii"t know, for they ha\ r hand i nor feet, neither shape, nor form, nor matter; and what shall we say of a being which has none "i . and which cannol 1"' apprehended by our senses I What thej unknown to as; nor Bhould this surprise us, for we <1" know oursclvrs, viz. ( .ur spirit, by which we are made i ami from which ive all the good we possess. B then could we know this exceeding great spirit, whose digit far surpasses all the dignity which the world can ; Therefon ah of tin which tl but /> ' oj t) ir not ■ ." Nevertheless Tauler followed the example of his contemporaries in adhering to the i art hia coelestis of Dionysius. (4) " It is somewhat remarkable that the d Ages set j to hav ' H much of his terror and hideousness, and to play rather the part of a cunning impostor and merry f . . . more like a faun, which excites laughter rather than fear," Augusti, Dg. s. 320. Comp. Grimm, Deutsche Mythologie, s. 549 ff. Hase, Gnosis, i. s. 263. A' iein, Sage vom Wartburgkriege, s. G7 f. (The trials for witchcraft did become general until the close of the present period, in the S 172.] Til F. ANGELS AND THE DEVIL 2.) 7 inth century, from which time faith in the power of the devi] became increasingly dismal and portentous.) (5) Anselm composed a separate treatise respecting th of the devil 'De Casn Diaboli). His leading idea, cap. 4, is: ivit volendo aliquod commodum, quod nee habebat, nee tunc vclle debuit, quod tarnen ad augmentum beatitudinis < illi poterat . . . Peccavit et volendo quod Don debuit, et nolendo quod debuit, et palam est, quia non ideo voluit, quod volendo illara justitiam deseruit . . . At cum hoc voluit, • i Deus ilium velle uolebat, voluit. inordinate similis i i— quia propria voluntate, quae nulli subdita fuit, voluit aliquid. Soliua enim Dei < propria velle illiquid, ut superiorem non sequatur voluntatem. Non solum autem voluit esse eequalis Deo, quia prsesumsit hal propriam voluntas m, ed etiain major voluil . volendo, quod Deus ilium velle nolebat, quoniam voluntatem .-nam supra voluntatem Dei posuit Comp. Ha , ii. s. 393 ff. Most theologians -till adhered to the opinion that pride was principal cause of the fall of the devil; but Duns Scotus finds the word i more appropriate (Lib. ii. dist. 3, p. 514; Baur, Trin. ii. s, 771 11.. — In accordance with Isa. xiv. 2, Satan was identified with Lucifer, and the latter name rward constantly applied to the devil. 1 According to A substantially as in A Enchiridion, c. 2 the fall of the devil was the cause of the i . of man, which was to he a kind of compensation, by supplying the y in the number of the elect spirits Cur Deus Homo, c. L6-18). The same idea v.. tained by Hugo oj St. Victor and Peter Lombard, though in a somewhat modified lorni ; see /. 395. According to At • me fell from among all the different classes of angels, but the number of fallen angels is less than that of • who preserved their innocence. Duns Scotus maintains that the fallen angels can even raise thi up so as to will what is good ; but it remains a mere volition, and never 1 Bonavent. Compewl. ii. 28 : Dictus est autem Lucifer quia pne ceteris luxit, [ue pulchritudinis consideratio euin exececavit. Among the earlier Fathers of the Church, Eusebius was the only one who applied the appellation Lucifer to the devil (Demoust. Evang. iv. 9). Neither Jerome nor Augustine ever did s. Comp. Urliian, I.e. s. 550, Anm. THIBD PIBIOD. - THI [§ 172. comei to act (Dist 7, p. 577 Baur, Trinit ii. i 7 Neither the evil nor the good auf in the proper sense ; the former may, hi over the corporeal world, though they cann popular superstition would i . ■ d belies men into other beings, e.^. wolves or birds I i . The bcI have also contributed their part to G thinking I (G) Tht A Inas, i. qu, 64. The power has been e p i illy limit) the appearance of ( imp. Ciumer, -. I 17 . — .( tared it impossible that the evil angels should finally be redeem) igen supposed ; <'ur Deus 1 1 • .i 1 1 . >. ii. o. l' 1 : Sicut enim homo non potuit recon- ciliari nisi per hominem Deum (see below, § 17'.' , qui mori posse! ...ita angeli damnati non poeeunt salvari nisi angelum Deum qui mori homo per alium hominem, qui non esset ejusdem generis, quamvis ejusdem • naturae, non debuit relevari, ita nulli r alium angelum Balvari debet, quai I unius natu quoniam non sunt ej at homini Non «'111111 sic sunt omnes angeli de uno 1 [uemadinodum omnes homines de uno nomine. 1 1< »c quoque remove! eorum restau- rationem, quia aicut ceciderunt nullo alio suadente rent, ita nullo alio adjuvant . quod est Ulis impossibile. (7) C 1 c. a 448 : " 2% ' t in th evil ' hief which they do to man, bui t) 1 joy full pare» th* till more painful put ments." According to John Wessel De Magnit Pasa c, p. 532, quotcil by UUmann, a 2! itan (or the dragon finds his first and greatest misery in his clear knowledge that God is ever blessed in Himself. . . . His second mi see- ing in his own condition, and in the case of all others, that the Lamb, as the victor, has received from God a name which is above every name. . . . His third misery is, that Satan him- self, with the whole host of darkness, has prepared this crown of victory for the Lamb." THIRD DIVISION. ANTHBOPOLOGY. § 173. Gent - ' Definitions. Tin: Greek Church adhered to the opinions of the earlier Fathers, which were collected and more fully developed by Johm Damascene (1). He, as well as most of the Western theo- logians, adopted the current twofold division into body and soul (dichotomy). "While John S ! Erigena regarded tin- bodily constitution of man, and even his creaturely condition, as a result of sin (2), John Da lascus and the disciples of the school of St. Vv '■ r recognized in the union of the soul with the body a higher purpose of God and a moral lesson for man (3). The theory designated as Creatianism, which had contested the victory with Traducianism during the pre- ceding period, waa qow more precisely defined (4). The psychologi al views of the mystics stood in a close relation with their entire system, founded upon subjective experience; and, at all events, it had a greater tendency to lead into the depths of religious self-contemplation than the subtleties of the scholastics, which had rather to do with what is external (5). (1) On the one hand, cosmology was introduced into the doctrine of creation ; on the other, both psychology and physi- ology were introduced into anthropology. With respect to the last two, theologians founded their notions especially upon the physics of Aristotle. Thus John Damascene, De fide 239 240 THIRD PERIOD. — TUE AG] [§ i;3. orthod. ii. 12 28, treated of the foui hnmori" bus, "xy/xoU of : ■ I i 1 1 _r t" the four elemenl the world ) ; of tl II.- •■-. re retained the principal definil ions of earl respecl ing human < !om] (2) De Divis. Natui iv. 10 : Non enim bom peccaret, inter partes mundi administi omnino sibi subditam administrai I ibua mortalis corporis ad ilium regenduni uteretur, verum sine ullo libili motu vel 1" ali vel temporal] bionabili contuitu naturalium el interiorum ejus causarum facillimo lun- tatis ii : gubernaret (3) • 1 2. According to // • i f St, quoted by 1 '■ , the union i f the soul with body i- ;i type of t! cal union of God with man. Richard of St. Victor adopted the same opinion E jelhardt, s. 181), which was also held by /' at lib. i. ."•, 9, und lib. ii. diet. 17. T A . •. e b more fully developed Bystem of psycho] P. I. qu. 75 90. [Cramer, vii. s. 473. (4) - : defended creatianism by op] traducianism, De Conceptu Virgin Li, c. 7: Q I autem mox ab ipsa conceptione rationalem animam habeat [homo , nullus humanus *suscipit sensus. Hugo of St Victor pronounced j tively in favour of creatianism j DeSai m.P. VII. lib. i.e. 30: Fides catholica magis credendum elegit animas quotidie cor poribus vivificandis sociandas de nihilo fieri, quam secundum corporis naturam et (Minis human« proprietatem de traduce propagarL Cum]). / -. 4 16. Hubert Pulleyn brought forward some very singular and abstruse argum« inst traducianism, see Cramer, vi. s. 474. "Peter Lombard also •used creatianism in decided terms, Sent. lib. ii. dist 17 C: De aliis (i.e. the souls after Adam and Eve), certissime sentiendum est, quod in corpore creentur. Creando enim in- fundit eas Deus, et infundendo creat. — Thomas Aquinas, Summa, T. I. qu. 118, art. 1, made a distinction between the anima sensi- tiva and anima intellectiva (which was similar to the distinc- tion formerly made between ^v^) and 7rvev/j.a or vow). The formeT is propagated in a physical manner, inasmuch as it is §173.] AXTIIKOPOLOGY: GENERAL DEl'LM; I 2-41 allied to the physical; the latter is created by God. [Comp. -'7 ■ ' I '■ atra Gentes, ii. 89 : Anima igitur vegetabilis, quae primo inest, cum embryo vivit vita plant», corrumpitur, et succedit anima perfectior, qua3 est nutritiva et sensitiva simul ; et tunc embryo vivit vita animalis ; hac autem corrupta, suc- cedit anima rationalia ab extrinseco immissa, licet prtecedeutes fuerint virtute seminis. Aquinas' chief argument (in Summa Theol P. I. qu 118, art. 2) is, that an immaterial substance could be produced only by creatioa] More precise defini- tions were given by Odo oj C \ i . 1 L13), De Peccato Originali, libb. ii. (in Maxima Biblioth PP. Lugd. t. xxi. p. 230-234 Comp. 5 , xxviii. s. 430). Hedesignated creatianism as the orthodox opinion. — Friar Berthold illus- trated this theory in a popular way in his sermons (quoted by Kling, s. 209 ; Grimm, . 206): "As life is given to the child in his mother's womb, so the angel pours the soul into him, and Almighty Cod pours the soul with the angel into him." The pre-existence of the soul had still a defender in F Ugis of Tours, in the ninth century ; see Ritt Gi ch. d. i'hil. vii. s. 190 f. (5) On the mystical psychology of the disciples of the school of St. Victor, see Liebner, s. 334 ffi The three fundamental powers by which the soul knows are imaginatio, ratio (rather understanding than reason), and intelligentia. Cogitatio cor- responds to the first, meditatio to the second, and contemplatio to the third. The treatise, 1 >e Anima, libri iv. (in Opp. Hugonis, ed. Rothomag. t. ii. p. 132 ss.), which was used as a com- pendium by the earlier scholastics no less than by the mystics, is sometimes attributed to Hugo of St. Victor, but has pro- bably Alcherus, Abbot of Stella (a.D. 1147), for its author. (See Liebncr, s. 493 ff., and Engelhardt, I)g. ii. s. 119.) — Bonaventura and Gerson adopted the same psychological notions. According to the former, spiritual vision is the principal idea. We see all things in God through the medium of a supernatural light (comp, above, § 161). He, too, distin- guished between sensation, imagination, reason (understanding), intellectus, the highest faculty of the mind, and the synUrcsis or conscience. — Gerson (De Theol. Myst. consid. x.-xxv.) divided the essence of the soul into two fundamental powers (vis cognitiva et vis affectiva). Starting from its higher Hagenb. Hist. Duct. ii. q 2 12 THIRD PERIOD. — Till . [§ IU. functions, he then divided the former as follows: intell simplex (the pure faculty of intellectual under- riding), and sensualitas (the faculty of perception by I Benses). They are related I i ontemplatio, meditatio, and cogitatio. The highes! tiva is the . s ' .' the uexl La the appetitus rationalis, and the lowest is the appetitus animali ; see.fi 37 ft; L'h. Schmidt, p. 7 1 § 174. 1 The a jerl ton of some of the earli ' hh, that the "v^i'X'v, as such, is uot immortal, but obtains immortality only from it- connection with the irvevfta, was repeated in the < Ireek < Ihnrch by Nicol ■ I In th< \\ the schoolmen generally taught the immortality of the bouI : uth ; but the chief I f tin» schols sects, Thomas Aquinas and Duns & were at issue on the question whether reason furnishes satisfactory proofs of thai doctrine (2). Raimund of S bed belief in God, as ■well as belief in immortality, upon the idea of freedom and the necessity of moral sanctions (3). But the advocates of Platonism, in particular, towards the close of the present period, were at much pains to prove the immortality of the soul, in opposition to the Aristotelians (4). At last, the Lab Council, held a.d. 15l:>, under Pope Leo x., pronounced the natural immortality of the soul to be an article of faith, and discarded the distinction between theological and philosophical truths as untenable (5). (1) John Damasc. taught simply, De fide orthod. ii. 12 1 Synteresis est vis anirure appetitiva, suscipiens immediate a Deo naturalem quandam inelinationem ad bonum, per quam trahitur insequi motionem boni rx apprehensione simplicis intelligent!« prsesentati, quoted by Lkbntr, s. 34 the inquiry, in what sense their master him- self had taught the immortality of the soul, in the «b-linition he gave of its essence, viz. that it is ivreXe^eia r) Trpcorr) >' Anim. ii. 1) ; comp. Milnschcr, ■von Colin, ii. s. 90. But Christianity set forth the immortality of the soul in so convincing a manner, that it became neces- sary either in return to the old distinction made between natural immortality and that immortality which is communi- cated by grace, which was, however, possible only in connec- tion with the threefold division (viz. body, soul, and spirit), or tn admit a collision between theological and philosophical truths. The distinction which Thomas Aquinas drew between the anima sensitiva and intellectiva (§ 173, note 4) enabled him to ascribe immortality to the latter alone. Comp. Summa, P. I. qu. 70, art. G, where he in fact contented himself with saying : Animam humanam, quam dicimus intellectivum prin- cipium, esse incorruptibilem. But lie also held that the intellectus alone is above space and time (hie et nunc), while the sensus moves in these categories, and is restricted in its knowledge to the images (ideas, phantasms) borrowed from this sphere (intelligere cum phantasmate). As Anselm of Canterbury had inferred the existence of God Himself from the idea of God, so Thomas Aquinas proved the immortality of the soul, in a similar manner, by an ontolorjical argument : 2 ; I THIRD PEBIOD. — TIM [ntellectus apprehendk none tempus. Unde omn intellectum aaturalil semper. Naturale autem desiderium Don pot* I i inaiir. Omnia igitur intellectualia Bubetantia eat incorrup- tibilis. Oomp. h % Dg. ii. a l 23 ( hi t! hand, fi! ! . whose i Le^ a w< i llied to thoc nominalists, maintained: Non | ri, quod anima sil immortalia (Comin. in M lil>. ii dist 17, qu. 1. Oemp. Lib. iv. dist 43, qu. 2). I on the contrary l, De Nat. Div. ii. 5§: Animara esse immor- al, auotoritate ostenditur et ration.'. On the further attempts of if I ?ho lived between L 220 and 1250), William of A Bishop of Paris from L228 to L249), and Raimund Marin P Fidei adv. Biaur. I' l. c the immortality ol I f. 1. Naturalis, tit. \ i ex op i I minis, in quantum tur uieritum vel culpa, quibus debetur punitio vel acquirit meritum vel oulpam, et de Ulis non r» ipit retribu- tionea nee punition i dum i i rdo univi tur, quod aliquid cmounqne modicum eremune- ratum neque impuuitum : idee liberum arbitrium, qu i ulparum, ut recipiat debitum tarn retributiooem aive punitdonem: quod fieri non posset, nisi remaneret liberum arbitrium. Unde cum culpa vel meritum remani mortem, necesse etiam, quod maneat liberum arbitrium, in quo eet culpa v. 1 meritum, et cui debetur punitio sive retributio, et in que capacitaa praemii vel punitionis. (4) Marsilius Fi De [mmortalitate Andmarum I wiii. (Opp. Par. 1041, fol.), an extract from which :i by Buhle (Gesch. der neuern Phil IM. ii. s. 171-341). " i work" saya Gieseler, Dg. s. 498, " is Ü / all that "/■■ extant containing the greatest variety of proofs f üüy and immortality of the sual" (5) Acta ConciL Reg. t. xxxiv. (Par. 1044, fol . p. (quoted by Munscher, vom Colin, s. 92 f.). § 175 J WAX IX THE STATE OF INKOCENCE. 245 § 175. Man in the State of Innocence before the Fall. It was one of the character] of scholasticism to waste the greatest amount of acuteness upon those parts of •rinal theology which «1.. not belong to tin- province either »ychological experience or <>t history, properly so rail,.,!, and concerning which the :i -'" - M " lll . v indications rather than mstruetion, Anion- B uch subje b the doctrine of the angels, and that of the Btate of onr first parents in paradise. Though both scholastics and mystics frequently applied allegorical iai ion to the biblical narrative of the primeval state (1), the former used it in such a manner as to represent the first man [Protoplast) with his- torical accuracy, and to describe hi» as he came forth from the hands of his Maker (2). In the opinion of Beme theologians, the justitia originalis was added to the pure naturalia as a donum superadditum; while others Ov/. '/' A distinguished between the purely human, and the divine which is added, only in the abstracts but made fc] icide in the concrete. According to the latter notion, man •■ ■ d in the full possession of the divine righteousness, and not deprived of it till after the fall (3). Most theologians still made a distinction between the ima, I and lUc&am to God (4), and adventure«! many conjectures respecting the former, as well as man's state of innocence in general (5). — The defini- tions concerning the liberty of man were beset with the atest difficulties. The fall of man would not have been possible without liberty of choice. But (according to Augus- tine) something more was required to constitute perfect right- eousness than this liberty of choice, inasmuch as man continued in the possession of it after his fall, viz. as a liberty to do evil. I hit if our first parents, on account of their having true freedom, were above the temptations to sin, how could they 24G TH1BD PEBIOD. — THI &GB OF SCHOLASTICISM. be seduced ami fall I Anteltn here avails himself of the dis- tinction between will in genera] and a confirmed or will (velle et pervelle) (6). According to // ■ v r the liberty in question consisted indeed in ti ibility of sinningornot sinning, but the disposition I teas stronger than the propensity to evil Others adopted similar views 7 . (1) John Da (De fid thodoxa, ii. c, LO, p. 17" connected the allegorical interpretation with the historical. As man himself consists of body and soul, bo his first dwell place was aladrjroq as well as iwrrofc According t>i him, sensual delight in the garden, and spiritual communion with God, are correlative ideaa — Peter Lombard theoretically adopted the literal interpretation of the Mosaic narrative, Sent ii. dist. 17 E, although he also considered it a type of the Church; but many of his practical expositions were allegorical, > PERIOD.— THE M. [§ 175. what different distinction [Sent lil>. ii. dist 16 D), by numbering dilectio among those qnalitiet which form the image (memoria, intelligentia, et dilectio ; 1; the likeness to \ earth and over the animal kingdom: T , P. I. qn. ! Cramer, vii a 499 f. Questions were raised, Buch as, Would Adam h . and in what manner, if he had not sinned I In what i may he be said to I. possessed, i ./.. m inee this first entered into tin- world with sin ( He did not ]- (i.e. hf possessed the disposition to ii . Did man, in I of innocence, possi is affw I ions and passion S tend to good ; they were, however, i. harmoni CouLl one man have ruled over othei pre-eminence of wisdom and right might ! etc. The definitions of the earlier schola A of Canterbury (Cur De - Homo, ii. 1 : Rationalis natura j est facta, ut summo bom »frnendobeal I well as of the mystics, both before and after the time of Thomas Aquinas, were simpler, or had at lea I rather to what is religious and moral. Thus Hugo of ved the original excellency of man, in point of knowledge, to consist: 1. In a cognitio perfecta omnium visibilium ; 2. In a cognitio creatoris per prresentiam contemplations sen pel internam inspirationem ; 3. In the cognitio sui ipsius, qua conclitionem et ordinem et debitum suum sive supra se, sive 1 The mystics, an 1 those preachers of the Middle Ag is who h< Id similar views, endeavoured to point out the image of God in the outward form by the i singular illustrations. God, said Berthold (quoted by Kling, s. 305, 306 ; Waciernagel, Lesebuch, Sp. 67S), has written under the eyes of man that He has created him, "with flourishing letters." His eyes correspond to th< I letters o in the word homo. The curved eyebrows above, and the nos<- between the eyes, form the letter m ; h is a mere accessory letter. The ear is the 1 d, "beautifully circled and flourished;" the nostrils form a Greek i, "beauti- fully circled and flourished ; " the mouth forms an i, " beautifully circled and flourished." All together form the phrase " homo Dt i" § 175.] MAN IN THE STATE OF INNOCENCE. 249 in se, sive sub se non ignoraret ; see Liebner, s. 410, Anm. Gl. In reference to the will of man, there existed in his original state two Llessings, the one an earthly one, the world ; and the other a heavenly one, God. The former was freely given to man, the latter he was to merit. In order that man might retain the earthly blessing, and acquire the heavenly one, the preeceptum natura. 1 was given him for the one, the praeceptum discipline (i.e. the command not to eat of the tree of the know- ledge of good and evil) for the other. The former was inspired by nature, the latter given from without. Accordingly, man could guard againsl negligence [contra negligentiam), in respect to the external command, by reason and foresight; but G protected him against violence (contra violentiam). Com] Gerson, I»«' Meditatione, Cons. 2, p. 449 ss. (quoted by Hundes- hageri, s. 42): Fuit ab initio bene conditae rationalis creaturae talis ordo ordinisque tranquillitas, quod ad nutum et merum Imperium sensnalitas rationi inferiori et interior ratio superiori serviebat. Et erat ab inferioribus ad superiora pronus et facilis ascensus, faciente hoc levitate originalis justitia subve- hentis sursum corda. — In the writings of Jo? n 11'' tel wen only with occasional and disconnect!'. 1 statements concerning the original «täte of man; the most important and compre- hensive is in De Orat. xi. 3, p. 184 (quoted by Ullmann, s. 239): "In the state of innocence there existed a necessity for breathing, eating, and sleeping; and, to counteract the dissolution which threatened nam, he was permitted to eat oi the fruit of the tree of life;" i.e., though man was suhject to certain natural restrictions, he was nevertheless free from pressing wants, from the necessity of suffering, of disease, and death; for the partaking of the fruit of the tree of life secured to him immortality. (G) The statements of Ansdm have more direct reference to the nature of the devil, hut are also applicable to the will of created beings in general (Rasse, ii. s. 441), De Casu Diaboli, c. 2-6. Rasse, ii. s. 399 ff. (7) Rugo of St. Victor assumed the existence of three or four kinds of liberty : 1. Man, in his original state, possessed the power to sin and the power not to sin (posse peccare et posse non peccare) ; in this is included assistance in good (adjutorium in bono), but weakness towards evil (infirmitas in malo), though TI11RD PEH10D. — ill!: kGl [8 I in such a mann« pel him t" d ilj to restrain him :. '. -. In the man ' afU r tfo fa ", the iratioD ante reparationem , man (assistant e t<> do _ • 1, and t!. into a propensity to evil =p< el non posse non ire. (Though the idea of 1 entirely removed, it is at aüy weaken« ration red( mption , but be/on he man po ood and infirmity to do evil, posse non p< le former be I his liberty and infirmity, the Latter be» iting gra In the i- both the possibility of not sinning, and the impossibility sinning el non po the Liberty of the will or the Lowliness of nature is abolisl bul man will never be deprived "t" confirming which admits no Bin God shares with man, in the Becond man with the devil, in the third God i all: cap. LO, ibid. — I n Raim - too, the notion of lest ina- tion to freedom is distinguished from it- actual use conn« with th( t i« >u between the imag< of Gk)d and resem- blance to God, comp, note 4 . tit. 239: Item quia homo ait i tii formari, at posset acquirere aliquid bonum, quod nondum sibi datum fuerat Quamvis enim perfectus esset in natura, tarnen nondum erat totaliter consummatus, quia aliquod majus adhuc hal nfirmationem illius status in quo erat, quem perdere pot aon nisi voluntarie et non per violentiam . . . Si enim hon et totaliter completus et transmutatus et consummatus in gloria, ut amplius nihil posset ei dari, jam per ipsum liberum arbitrium non ] • aliquid lucrari nee mereri sibi Et sic in natura hominis perfecta duo status sunt considerandi : scilicet status, in quo posset mereri et lucrari per ipsum liberum arbitrium, et status, in quo esset completus et consummatus in gloria; et sic statics meriti et status pr&mii, ... Et ideo convenientissimum fuit, quod Deus dedit homini occasionem merendi, nee in 1 We here anticipate (for the sake of the connection, and to give all he says at once) points considered in the following sections, which should he compared. g 176.] THE FALL OF MAX, AND BIN IX GENEKAL. 251 vanum esset creatus in statu merendi. Et quia nihil est magia efficax ad merendum, quam pura obedientia seu opus factum ck pura obedientia et mera . . . convenientissimum i'uit, quod Deus daret pneceptum homini, in quo pura obe- dientia appareret et exerceretur. . . . Et quia magia app obedientia in pra?cepto negativo, quam afnrmativo, ideo debuit esse illud mandatum prohibitivum magis quam affirmativum. . . . Et ut homo maxime esset attentus ad servandum obe- dientiam et fugiendum inobedientiam, et firmi baret ei de voluntateDei mandatis, conveniens i'uit, ut Deus appom poenam cum praecepto, et talem poenam, qua non p itari major, Bcilicet poenam morti . Comp. Matzke, TheoL des Etaim. vmi Sabunde, s, 79.- John Wessel defined the liberty which man possessed in his original state, so as to ascribe to him the undiminished power of attaining and per- forming, without ill'- assistance of others, or the Influence >f education, that which the idea of humanity implies, viz. such a perfection as elevated him to communion with God; Uli ma an, s. 240 f. § 176. The Fall of Man, and Sin in gen* One of the chief questions, still debated, was, In what the fall of our first parents consisted, and in what the nature of sin in general consists '. Subordinate questions, such as whether Adam's sin or Eve's were the greater? were only occasionally made the subject of discussion (1). Even during the present period there were some, and towards its close Agrippa of Nettersheim, in particular, who asserted that tin; sin of the first man consisted in the awakening of his carnal propensities, and who endeavoured to establish their opinion by the aid of allegorical interpretation (2). But the pre- vailing view of the Church teachers was, that sin is not to be sought in any particular act, but in the disobedience of man to God, which had its root principally in pride (3). After the example of Augustine, the definitions respecting the natur THIRD PERIOD. — Uli » Bin were for the endeavoured to explain tl licl of tendeu ies in m in, the is drawn to God, the »rid. The latter propensity i- not evil i:> itself, but th I >n« ment of the right medium i supposed mm generally to i tare, wills to exist and the the wmk entitled " Deutsche Theologie/ 1 fall of man Le the devil '«> . The farther enumeration and 1 of particular Bins, their division in Dial, belongs rather to the hi that of d 7 . (1) .' De P Although I tran I the 6x\ imand, Adai I father of the human i Lso the I n Many of I 1 on eitl md in tl»«' worl / rd lib. n. disi 22) and T, A P. II. iju. 1G3, art 4). B 3, 4) dii guilt between the two^ bul punishmi double in tip -f the woman. On the contrary ding to Agrippa of N Adam sinned knowingly, 1 only led astray Opp. t. ii. p. 528; in V Bi raphie, 233). According to Ta ■ Pi ten, is. 6] .theologians rt that we should have Buffered no harm if Eve alone had in the fruit. On the further question of the scholasl whether sin would have been communicated to Eve if Adam had transgressed the divine command before the creation of his wife, comp. Cramer, vii. s. 534 ff. On the singular opinions of Pulleyn, see ibid. Bd. vi. a 481 If. (2) Disputatio de Orig. Pecc. in Opp. t. ii. p by Meiners, I.e. a 254, Anm. 3); he regarded the Be the membrum serpens, lubricum. The opinion, according to which sin consists in the first insl . sensuality, most decidedly opposed by A I'e Tecc. Orig. c. 4: N isti appetitus, quos Ap. carnem vocat (Gal. v. ... justi vel injusti sunt per se considerandi. Xon enim jnstnm faciunt § 176.] TUE FALL OF MAX, AND SIX IX GENERAL. 253 vel injustam sentientem, sed injustam tantum voluntate, cum aon debet, consentientenL Non eos sentire, sed eis consentire peccatum est. (3) John Dametsc. Pe fide ortli. ii. 30 (in calce) : '69ev Kai 6eoTt)To<; t\7rl8c o -^revcrTi)*; BeXed^et rbv dÖXiov, Kai irpbs rb IlSiou t/)9 eirdpcrerös v-yp-o? ävayaya>v, irphs ro Ofxoiov Karacpepet, tT;^ /rraio-fco? ßupadpov. — According I i A iselm, every acl ofself- will of the creature is treason against God; !><• fide ti in. c. 5 (Hasse, ii. s. oUo): Quicunque propria voluntate utitur, ad similitudinem Dei per rapinam nititur, et Deum propria digni- tate et singular] excellentia privare, quantum in ipso est, con- vincitur. — Pet r /. nbard, lib. ii. dist 22, T P. II. qu. L63. Nevertheless, Bensuality (the desire after the forbidden fruit was also mentioned as a subordinate prin- ciple ; see /'" ' i 51, 79; i 524. (4) ■ : lib. ii. C .'->0 : 'H i wa^copyat^ rod uyaOov. — John Scotus Erigena Looked upon sin from the negative point of view, by comparing it to a leprosy which infects humanity, hut which is to be removed by divine grace (De Div. Nat. v. 5, p. 230), and then continues us follow : Magisque •; ■ sndum, quod ipsa natura quse ad imaginem Dei facta est, busb pulcritudinis irem Integritäten* i < perdidit, neque per lere p »test. Divio mper incommu- tabilis permanet; capax tarnen corruptibilium poena peccati facta est . . . quicqui I aaturali corpori i . tionibus elementorum et anin ibilium motuum superadditum est, in fluxu et corrupt] In his uion, ■' Sin is only a ing dmu ' the sig Baur, VersöhnungsL s. L35 ; comp, also Baur, Trin. ii. s. 305: " tint is to him not ntal, originating in time, but originating with ■ and with human nature." (A view allied to pantheism.) — On the other hand, Abilard (in his treatise, Scito Teipsum), attaching particular importance to the act as performed with the conscious approval of the per- acting, makes sin (formally) depend on the intention with which anything is done; see the extracts given by De W Sittenlehre, iii. s. 124 If. — Anselm's definitions of sin are also of a negative character; Cur Deus Homo, i. 11: Non THIHD PERIOD. — Hi: itaque aliud , quam I d redder« debitum; I N ( lonceptu Virginali, c. 2 i in I »•• I lausa I tiaboli, < . I von C 1 - 1 IV. (5) According to 27 • f St V ' ■ P VI. lib. i c. 1 22, qn. by Liebner, b. 412 it , tl in a twofold disobedience to the law of nature and the law of discipline. Having laid that basis, he | a furtl examination of the nature of sin. He Bnpposed it t in a discord between the appetitus justi and the appel commodi, both of which arc innate in man. In the fall, man abandoned the right medium, desiring the above himself, and Btriving, in the presumption and pride of his heart, both I to God, and to po • II m before the appointed time. Thus it happened that he also losl the right medium in his Btriving after the lower g 1 ; for as the mind of man, which held Likewise the reins over the flesh, did succeed in its higher effort, and fell, as it were, out of the right medium, he let fall also the wet the flesh, and it go without measure and precaution, in consequence of which all external evils broke in upon him superioris et inferioris apj I irdingly culpa, the latter both culpa and poena; the was a loss for the spirit, the other for the flesh, sin •■ i retained the irregular appetitus commodi without obtaining the commodum itself. Abandoning the appetitus justi, man lost at the same time the justitia, which is not only insepar- able from it, but also consists in it ; nothing was left to him lmt the unsatisfied appetitus commodi, which is here on earth a foretaste of hell, a necessitas concupiscendi, etc., c 11 22. "From what is said that evil does not cider in the object desired (for man always desires a good < in the concupiscentia), nor in tlie act of desiring, in putting faculty of desire into exercise (for this is a gift of God), but only in not keeping the proper medium in our desires," Lisbner, I.e. Hugo of St. Victor also endeavoured to give an answer to the question, How the first sin could possibly have been committed by one who was created good ? Adam could not have sinned, either nolens or volens. He only ceased to desire the good (justum velle desiit), c. 12. Conformed to this are his § 170.] TUE FALL OF MAX, AND SIX IN GEXEBAL. 255 negative definitions, c. IG: Et ideo malum nihil est, cum id, quod esse deberet, non est; and P. V. üb. i. >■. 2C : Peccatum nee substantia est, nee de substantia, Bed privatio boni Liebner, s. 415). — On the views of //'• s • ; respecting the nature of sin (want of love , compare Ullmann, La s. 24. (6) Deutsche Theologie, cap. 2. " The Scriptures, faith, and truth say, that sin is only the turning of the creature from the unchangeable good to the changeable — that is, from the perfect to the imperfecl and incomplete, and principally to itself. Now observe : when nature takes to itself anything that is good, <»r appropriates it as real being (i.e. when it imagines that it lias its being from itself, and wants to be something, when it is nothing ; <>r as life (i.e. when he imagines that he has lit''' in himself] ; or as knowledge (i.e. when it imagines that it knows much ami can do much; ; in short, when it endeavours to obtain all that is called -und, imagining that it is the same, or that the same belongs to it, in all such cases it apostatizes. For what else did the devil do, or what was his apostasy or his fall, if not that he thought himself something, and presumed tu he something, and pre- tended that something belonged to him I This presumption to be something, his selfhood [Teh] [i.e. his self-love), his me [Mich] (i.e. his self-will), his tu me [M his ->lf-esteem), and his mine [JJfetn] (i.e. his own good), were, and arc still, his apostasy and hi- tall." Cap. '■'< -. "What else did Adam du than what Lucifer does '-. They say that Adam fell and was lost because he at-* the apple. 1 say : He fell by accepting, assuming, or appropriating tu himself that which belonged to God, viz. by his ego (7a. his self-love , by his me (i.e. his self- will;, by his mine (i.e. because of the good which he had usurped), and by his to me (i.e. for his own honour, wisdom, etc.). Though he had eaten seven apples, if there had been no appropriation or assumption, he would not have fallen ; as soon as he appropriated the apple as his, he fell, even thovgh fa had never bitten it." (7) De Wette, Christ. Sittenl iii. s. 147 flf. (after Thomas Aquinas). 256 THIRD PERIOD. TBI A.GE OF SCH § 177. ( sequences of tl / I I Sin F the Will. The more intimate the supposed connection d the primitive I man and the justil nalis, the was the fall The theologians of tin I themselves with believing in a weakening of the moral p< of man, ami retained the earlier notions concerning liberty fl . In the Western ('lunch almost all the Bchoolmen followed Augustine (2), although of them »ualy or unconsciously] adopted opinions which, in many essential points, differed from his fundamental principles. Thus . i among the earlier scholastics, änderet 1 by tin- heredil character of the I d not the sin itself, hut its punish- ment •"> . Several of the I olmen ' irly s ami his followers, inclined t" 3 Pel danism, while thu Thomists adhei tly to the definiti of A • (4). The mystics in gi ' swailed the un- fathomable depravity of the old Adam, but avoided indulging in Bubtle definitions 5 . And, lastly, I „''Heal theo- previous t<> the age of the Reformation, such as -l JJ'. Looked upon the «nregenei hildren of wrath, although they made a distinction between the responsibility original sin and for actual trau agression (G). (1) John Du at. De fide orth. ii. c. 12, p. 17 .' 'Evoirjae Be avTov (frvaei avafiapr/jTOV real 6e\yjcret avre^ovenov dvapäp- tijtov Be (fitj/jLi, oi'x a)-? ixi] t77tce^ufj.ei'ov äfiapriav (jjlovov yap to Oelov dpaprla^ tar'iu aveiriSe/CTOV .i\V ovy «&S tv rfj dyadco, rfj Öeia avvepyovfxevov ^dpiri, doaavT \oyi/C(p to avre^ovaiov r) yap ovk earai \oyiKov, r) XoyiKov bv Kvpiov ecrrai irpd^ecov ical avre^ovaiov. "Odev koX rd äXoya ovk elcriv aine^ovaia' dyovrai yap pidWov vtto t>}7ro<;, \oyiKovaiv and Kara tyvcriv, ibid. p. 100, and compare it with Augustine's usage of natura. — In his opinion, the effects of the fall in this, that man i- davdra vrrevdvi'o^ Kal (f)6opa Kai irövtf) Ka6v7roß\rj6i)- aerai Kai TaXaiTrcopov e\Ko)i> ßiov ibid . In tin' moral aspect man is yvpvcoöeis t/}? ^dpiros Kai tjjv irpos Oebv irapprjaiav direKhvo-dpevo*; (lib. iii. c. 1). Comp. iv. 20. — John Damascene was also followed by the rest of the Greek theo- logians, Theodore Studita, Theophylact, Evihymius Zigabenus, Nicetas Uhoniatt , and Nicolas of Methone. The views of tin- latter (according to his Reful given by Ullmann, I.e. s. 8G if. //■ also laid upon the freedom of the will, and held that tin- divine image was only obscured by the fall. (2) Anselm expressed himself very strongly in favour of the imputation of original .sin, to the exclusion <>[' all milder views, De Orig. Pecc. c. :'> : si vero dicitur originale peccatum non esse absolute dicendnm peccatum, sed cum additamento originale peccatum, sicut pictus homo non vere homo est, seel vere est homo pictus, profecto sequitur : quia infans, qui nullum haltet peccatum nisi originale, mundus est e peccato : nee fuit solus inter homines filius virginis in utero matris et nascens de matre sine peccato : et aut non damnatur infans, qui moritur sine baptismo, nullum hahens peccatum praeter originale, aut sine peccato damnatur. Sed nihil horum acci- pimits. Quare omne peccatum est injustitia, et originale atum est absolute peccatum, unde sequitur, quod est Hagenb. Hist. Doct. ii. K THIBD PEBIOD.- II. injustitia [tem i D • non damnal nisi propter injnstitiaro, damnal autem aliquem propter originale peccatum : i aliud origmale peccatum, quam injusti Q I inale peccatum non est aliud quam injustil ntia debit® justiti», etc. N aot the sin of Adam uch, but in. m ;n which Lb imputed to him, e. 25 i Quapropter cum damnatur infans pro ] riginali, damnatur non pro peccato Adas, Bed pro suo . nam si ipse mm baberet Buum peccatum, non damnaretur. - Be opposed the theory of material propagation of sin by traducianism in what folli c 7 compare above, § L73, note 4 : Sicut in Adam omi peccavimus, quando ille peccavil : non quia tunc pec ipsi, qui nondum eramus, Bed < i u it de ill«> futuri eramu tunc fa : 1 1 u s Rom. 6 . simili modo de immundo semine, " in iniquitatil it in p oncipi " bomo inl non quod in semine sit immundil ia ] I •' i • turn ive iniquil si '1 quia ab nceptione, es qua incipit homo esse, accipit necessitatem, ut cum habebit animam rationalem, babeal peccati immunditiam, quss n< diud quam peccatum el iniquil i& Nam npi- Bcentia semine generetur infans, non tarnen m mine culpa, quam est in sputo vel in sanguine, bj quia mala volun- tate exspuit aut de sanguine suo aliquid emittit ; non enim sputum aut sanguis, Bed mala voluntas arguitnr. 1 — Ob question how far we can say that men have sinned in Adam, compare chap. i. and ii., and chap, x.xi., xxü Ans( Im thought that there was a kind of mutual action between natural sin and personal sin, C. 26 : Sicut persona propter naturam peccatrix nascitur, ita natura propter personam m peccatrix redditur. Comp. Hasse, ii. s. 4-13 ff. — Concerning mode of the propagation of sin, viz. whether it is communicated in the first instance to the soul or to the body, etc., the scholastics 1 Aiiselm would not have admitted the force of the argument frequently urged in favour of original sin, viz. that certain moral dispositions, which m called hereditary sins, are propagated like certain physical disorders, inasmuch as he taught, c. 23 (in connection with what has been said above), that on '. sin of Adam is transmitted to his posterity, but not that of parents to th< ir children. His reasoning was quite logical, because the idea of original sin would otherwise become too relative ! On the relation of Anselm's tin the later Lutheran (Flacian ?), see MbMer, Kleine Schriften, i. 8. 167. § I"-] ORIGINAL SIX. 2 ."9 differed in their opinions. Comp. Münseher, von Colin, s. 132 (especially the opinion of Peter Lombard, lib. ii. dist. 31) : [In concupiscentia et libidine concipitur caro formanda in corpus prolis. Undo caro ipsa quae concipitur in vitiosa concupiscentia polluitur et corrumpitur : ex cujus contactu anima (-11111 Lnfundi- tur maculam trahit qua polluitur et lit rea, id est vitium con- cupiscentiaB, quod est originale peccatum], — Some of the later theologians, following Augustine and Anselm, taught similar views, <.'/. Savonarola: Quid autem est peccatum originale, nisi privatio justitiaa originalis ' Id-» homo, conceptus et natus in hujusmodi peccato, totus obliquus est, totus curvos . . . Peccatum itaque originale radix est omnium peccatorum, fomes enim omnium iniquitatum (Medit in Psalm, p. 17, qu by .V .'• r, Savonarola, s. 2 GO). (3) Since AbSlard maintained that the free consent of man was necessary to constitute sin (§ 176, oote 4), he could not q, in the proper sense of the word, to new-born infants ; yet he did not feel disposed to deny original sin alt<^ He therefore took the word " sin " in a twofold sense, applying it to the punishment as well as to sin itself. Infants have a part only in the- former, hut nut in the latter. Nor did AI ..'lard see how unbelief in Christ could be imputed to infants, or to those to whom the gospel is not announced : Scito te ipsum,c. 14 (qu by De Wette, Sittenlehre, iii a 131). He also praised the vim. ] KS , especially of the philosophers, in particular of the Platonists ; Theol Christ. ii. p. 1211 ; compare above, § 158, note 2. A Der heil. Bernhard, s. 125. (4) This difference is connected with the one above alluded to respecting the original state of man (§ 175). As the justitia originalis, according to Duns was not so inti- mately united with the nature of man as Thomas Aquinas supposed, the loss of the dona supernaturalia was less great, and might take place without such painful rupture as human nature must undergo, in the strict Augustinian view ; see Sentent. lib. ii. 29. On the other hand, Thomas Aquinas expressed himself as follows : Summ. P. II. 1, qu. 85, art 3 (in Miinscher, von Colin, s. 134): Per justitiam origi- nalem perfecte ratio continebat inferiores animse vires, et ipsa ratio perficiebatur a Deo ei subjecta. Haec autem originalis TIIIBD PERIOD. Ill justitia Bubi i m primi p irentis ...»•{ ideo omnes vires animse remanent quodammodo destitute; proprio ordine, quo oaturaliteT ordinantni ad virtutem, et ip tutio mdneratio natura dicitnr. Comp. £ I ro, BreviL iii. 6 (5) Deutsche Theologie, c 14: "II-' who li elfish life, and according to the old man, is, and may justly called, the child of Adam; even if be nave sunk bo deep to I»; the child and brother of the devil Ml who fol Adam in his disobedience are dead, and can live only in Christ, that is, by obedience As li man is Adam, and Adam's child, he IS hi ... Hence it follows, that all the children of Ad. mi are dead to God. . . . We shall never repent of Bin, nor commei a better life, until we return to i .... 1 ' ;i itself," • (G) //'• ■ ' . ! !' by Uli igbt in a similar manner concerning the ; of Adam: Rationem culpaa non habent, reatu non carent (Triumph. Ci ic lib. iii. c. 'J, p. 280 bs., gu. by M 2 i I. '• 9 original sin, there were yet otfa i which had before this been made prominent by thi ind to which even a greater imp tion with the imputation of sin. Death itself did ool actually enter into the world till later, bot maria I me time with .-in. <>n the question, in how far Go I may be said tob • ion • t the sexes is a consequence of sin ; De Div. Nat. ii. 5, | y\A\ i obrutus, oaturse suae divisionem in mosculum et foeu est passus et . . . in pecorinam corruptibilemque ex masculo et fcemina numerositatem justo judicio redactus § ITS. Exceptions from Original Sin. The Immaculate Conception of Mary. Laboulaye, Die Frage der unbefleckten Empfangniss, BerL 1854. Jul M in the Deutsche Zeitschrift f. christl. Wissenschaft, vi. 1. t * Past De Imniaculato Deiparae semper Virgin is Couceptu, 3 torn. Rom. IS. [J. Perrone, De Immacul. B. V. Marise Coneeptu, Horn. 184S.] Preuss, Did römische Lehre von der unbefleckten. Empfängniss, Berlin I § 178.] THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION OF MARY. 20 1 The earlier notion, advanced not only by the heretic Pelagius, but also by the orthodox Athanasius, according to which some individuals had remained free from the general corruption, was not likely longer to receive countenance (1). It was only the one personality of the mother of God, who, having long been elevated above the level of humanity by an excessive adoration (the Hyperdulia' , was to share the privilege with her son Jesus of appearing aa sinless in history ; although theologians of weight raised their voices against such a doctrine (2). In the of the twelfth century, the dogma of the immaculate conception of Mary gained great authority, in the I tance in Fi a e. But when the canons of Lyons instituted (a.D. 1140] a special festival in honour of that doctrine, by which a new Lady-day was added to those already in existence, B< rnard of Clairvavx, clearly perceiving that thus the specific difference between our Saviour and the rest of man- kind was endangered, strongly opposed both the new doctrine and the festival (3). Albert the Great, Bonaventura, Tho Aquinas, and with him the order of the Dominicans in general, were also zealous in On the other hand, the Franciscan monk V i Scotus endeavoured to refute their objections, and to demon- 1 rate, by subtle reasoning, that the itness of the Redeemer, so far from being lessened, was augmented by supposing that Ee Himself was the cause ot this sinlessness in the nature of Mary; yet even Scotus only maintained that the immaculate conception was the more probable among the different possibilities (5). The Church hesitated fur a long time without coming to a decision (6). Pope Sixtus iv. at last got out of the difficulty by confirming the festival of the immaculate conception, while he declared that the doctrine itself should not be called heretical, and allowed those who differed to retain their own views (7). Of course the controversy did not come to an end, especially as the tendency of the age was, on the whole, favourable to the dogma (8). 262 THUD PERIOD — rai ' (1) Thus A line between the birth of John the Bap! which ? relatively miraculous, but * 1 i • 1 not on that account render him Binless) and the incarnation of ti. mer which excluded original Edn . Sanctification {i.e. the being made holy in mother's womb does Dot exi Lude original Bin ; and thi be specially aoted it* we would avoid confusion in the So it could 1"', and was assumed, that in, w ithout bein : See C ' •. I ' ; .' (2) Concerning the cultus of Mary in genei on the worship of saints. — 1 on the immi late preceded by that carried on ; Pascha I r Berti i he virginity of M ( lomp. § 179 I tuli, ly main! sanctifi :at i in utero i;: i': is in / but it is difficult I by thai • lowing nol . I ever, Dot only the cultus of I h, which Led to the supposil ion of h< r immacula! I I a necessary inference from other d ictrinal pn I logians so acute i not hut be that, in order to explain the min physical grounds, it was no1 sufficient to assert that man no part in His generation ; for so long as Hia mother was sup- posed to be stained with original sin, it w deny that she had part therein, unless they had i after the manner of the 1' Valentinians), to a mere I Bin . iii. d (Summa, P. [II. qu. 27, art 2 affirm ition In the womb, l>ut only after the infusion of the soul into the eml i But the Lust of in is not thereby wholly destroyed — secundum ntiam, which was the case only in tl. □ of Christ, yet the concupiscentia is restrained quoad lium perationem. Only later, when Christ wa ived, did the holiness of whal Bhe bore work also apon the mother, wholly annulling the bias to sin. < ./ . Mülkr, I.e. /•'• votntx with all his enthusia veneration for Mary, did not consider her free from sin: Sent. lib. iii. dj . I, qu. nudum quod communis opin . Virginia Banctificationem fui I inalis pe< ati i I Un, ii. >. L3I (5) Sent lib. iii. dist 3, qu. 1. and dist 18, qu, 1 by G Kg. xwiii vii. B7 ff. S bis departure from different possibili- ties: Deus potuit facere quod ipsanunquam fuisset in fit etiam fe< isse, ut tantum in uno instand « in peccato ; iliquod t in peccato et in ultimo illius temporis pu And then he finds it j to her the m< llent of these possibilities to the argumentum congru- entise seu decentise. See /. y I.e. - 22. Sc tus I any rate expressed himself with reserve, and even the I i did not at first receive the doctrine unconditionally. — AVoarvA Pelagius (about A.D. 1330) still calls it i phantastica. But soon the jealousy of the orders mingled in the controversy, and even visions on both sides were brought to support and refute the dogma Thus St. Bridget (about a.D. 1370) testified /or the doctrine; and St. Catharine oi Siena, as a member of the order of St. Dominic, had visions against it. (G) The festival spread, although the council of Oxford (a.D. 1222) pronounced against its necessity. In the thirteenth cen- tury it was widely observed, but only as the festum conceptionis in general, and not as the festum conceptionis invrru . see the explanation of it in Durantis Rationale Div. Offic. libr. vii. c. 7 (in Gieseler, Dg. s. 559). [Aquinas vindicates the festival § 178.] THE IMMACULATE CONCEPTION OF MARY. 2G3 as including a reference to the sanctity of Mary, but on the ground that the time of her sanctification could not be accurately assigned ; and he opposes the immaculate concep- tion itself, as derogatory to the dignity of Christ.] At the Synod of Paris (1387) the Spanish Dominican Joint de Mbnte- sono maintained that it was against the faith to assume that original sin did not extend to all men, Mary included. But the university condemned tins position, as well as others of this divine. Still more definite than the Paris Bynod was that of Basel, in favour of the dogma, Sess. xxxvi. (Sept. 17, 1439), in Harduini Concc. t. viii CoL 1266: Nos. . . . doctrinam illam disserentem ■. i virginem Dei genitricem Mariam, praeveniente et operante divini numinis gratia singulari, nunquam actualiter • ubjacui sse originali peccato, sed immunem semper fuisse ab omni originali et actuali culpa sanctamqueet immaculatam, tamquam piam et consonam cultui ecclesiastico, fidei catholic rationi, et sacrse scripturae, ab omnibus catholicis approbandum fore, tenendam et amplectendam diffinimus et declaramus, nullique de caitero licitum esse in contrarium prsedicare seu docere. (The festival was fixed on December 8.) The Dominicans, however, adhered to their opposition ; and particularly the Dominican T Tur- emata). The decrees of Basel could not be considered as binding, because this council was held to be schismatical ; and it was the very men who guided that council, as jyAilly and Gerson, who maintained the new dogma. Even at the Council of Constance, Gerson proposed to introduce also a festival in honour of the immaculate conception of St. Joseph! r, I.e. s. 8.) (7) See the bulls of Pope Sixtus IV., dated February 27, a.D. 1477, and September 4, A.D. 1483 (Grave minus), in Extravagant. Commun. lib. iii. tit. 12, cap. 1 and 2 (qu. by Milnscher, con Colin, s. 138 f. Comp. Gieseler, ii. 4, s. 338 f.). (8) Even those who afterwards espoused the cause of the Peformation were zealous advocates of the doctrine in question, such as Manuel, a poet of Bern, who wrote on the occasion of the scandalous affair of Jetzer ; compare his Lied von der reinen unbefleckten Empfängniss, in the work of Grünt ' Nie. Manuel, s. 297 ff., where he also quotes the Fathers as 2GG THIBD PERIOD. —TUE A.GE OF 8 I authorities, even Ana ilm and Th \ thus : — Audi miltigklich und sicherlich der christen mensch daz glaul ' daz gott <1' herr, on widersperr, n muter hat b mit heilig] gnadrich erfi Bunst wer Bye vndg*l< n zorn in> teufels . d' hlien reyn, von dorn behut, tint. In ewigkeit bestandti bistu allein, christliche «-in, behalten hast gar trewli J »if sunn ihr offt leytet eyn in unfl itigea ' belibt doch lc< on mass und fleck in irer schön on □ Auch gold "ii lui lu ft, b beleih auch i hoch 1 und 1 und gottes zorn c 1 ■ [icher g¥ in ir hej im: ii anfal Imns iii<>r, i vii dir b .• Er haltet nit liebl (In- deyn 1 das dich f, r ,uitz eort preisst fiirwor, ■ ingen on all sonde, Thomas Aqnin halt von dir tin, du seysst die reinst uff erden, on schuld unl sünd, für Adams kind, I n, in der taglich, auch nicht tödtlich, keyn erbsönd mocht beliben. eichen thnnd auch scriben B • 'til, d' lerer vil, : iul Pari-i, -Min llis-i, zu Basel i>ts beschlo Die kriatlich kilch, mit bistnmb glich, halt das gmtz onverd] FOüETH DIVISION. CIirJSTOLOGY AXD SOTERIOLOU Y. § 179. Christology in the Gfr 7 O xh. The Ad ' Controir in the West. Nihilianism. *Dorner. Entwicklungsgeschichte der Christologie, s. 10f> fT. Cli. O. F. Waleh, Historia Adoptianonun, Gott. 1755. Frobenii Dissertatio Historica de Hseresi Elipandi et Felicia (in his edition of the works of Akuin, t. i. I>. 923 8s). [littler, Joh. Scotus Erigena, München 1SC1.] After the Monothelite controversy in the East had been brought to a close, no new doubts arose thence respecting the Church doctrine of two natures and tiro wills in one person. But, in the course of the control ting images, the question, whether it was right to i at Christ in a bodily form, gave rise to a renewed discussion concerning the relation of our human nature to the divine. John Damascene, in par- ticular, endeavoured to reconcile the duality of natures and wills with the unity of person, by regarding the divine nature as the basis of the personality, and by illustrating the mutual relation in which the two natures stand to each other, through the use of the phrases rpöiros ävTiSocrecos and irtpiyoipiqcns (1). The Greek theologians in general adopted his views (2). The orthodox doctrine was again endangered by the Adoptia . interpretation of the Sonship of Christ, advanced by several Spanish bishops, especially Elipandus of Toledo and Felix of Urgella, whom Alcv.in and others successfully combated. The Adoptianist theory, by making a distinction between an adopted 267 208 THIRD PERIOD. — TH1 and a Datura] one, leaned I v though Its peculiar modification admitted :t milder tnter] /' ' ■ Lombard!* view, that the S I r by th ■ assumption of human nal i no change can I place in the divine nature), was branded as tl. lianism, though he advanced it without any ! intention, and was falsely Interpreted as if he meant that < Jhrisl had become nothing V). Albert i I Aqn leavoured to establish the al doctrii of the Church in a dialectic method 5 . Bui ilon ide of this dialectic Scholasticism there wa ntly foun supplement, ;i mystical and moral tend character. Some of thi all the subtl the schools; while others, partly adopting them, saw io I as it were, the divine i itive, tl. of humanity 6 . whilst b false mysticism transformed the rical < Ihrist into a mi ' [7). (1)/"//. Da I''- fide orth. iii. c. 2 9. p. 205: Ol irp oi it oar dcrrj ko.9 eavrtjv aapxi i'jvcöOi) o 6 \\ . . . avros 6 X0709, yevoftevo? r>j aapKi inroorao'iG, &)> cocf)0rj Kal rot? dvOpooTrois crvvave- aTpd(pr]' Kal äv0pa>7ros ovros clktigtos iarc Kal inraOi)? Kal uirepLypaiTTo^. Compare also the subsequent chapters, and I) urn er, s. 106 ff. (2) Nicetas Choniatcs, Thesaurus, c. 16 (qu. by Ulfa s. 46); Nicolas of Methone, Eefut. p. 155 (qu. by U s. 84), in accordance with the communicatio idiomatum, calls the body of Christ awjxa 6dov, because by means of the § 179.] CIIBISTOLOGY IX THE GREEK CHURCH. 2C9 rational spiritual soul it was united with the God Logos so as to form one person, and was thus deiiied (Oeovpyrjdev). Compare Refut. p. 16G (Ullmawn, I.e.). — Among the Western theologians, Anselm adopted these definitions in his Cur Deus Homo, ii. c. 7. (3) On the history of the Adoptianist controversy, Walch, I.e., Ketzerhist Bd. ix. s. 667 ff.j ' Kg. ii. 1, s. 83 ff. ; Neander, Kg. iii s. 315 it. ; Hundt hagen in Herzog's RealencykL L b. L30. — On the questions, whether Adoptianism had been propounded by earlier theologians; whether tli>' con Hilary, De Trin, ii. 29, is adoptaturor adoratur; and respecting the Liturgia Mozarabica, see Gfieseler, I.e. On the earlier controversy of Elipandus with the Spanish bishop Megetius, who had a leaning to Sabel- lianism, see Baur, Trin. ii. s. 131. The notion itself is most distinctly set forth in the Epist. Epi ; Eispan. ad Episc. Galliae in Alcuini Opp. t. ii. p. 568, quoted by Milnscher, von Colin, s. 81, and I : Nos. . . . confitemur et credimus, Drum Dei filium ante omnia tempora sine initio ex Patre genitum — non adoptione re, neque gratia sed natura — pro salute vero humani generis in fine temporis ex ilia intima et ineffabili Patris substantia egrediens, et a Patre .i-ii recedens, hujus mundi intima petens, ad publicum humani generis apparens, invisibilis visibile corpus adsumens devirgine, ineffabiliter per integra virginalia matris enixus: secundum traditionem patrum confitemur et credimus, eum factum ex muliere, factum sub lege, non gen fdiwm JJ. 792 , and afterwards at ] mkfurt (a.d. 7'.' i al o prononnced againsi Adoptianism.— Alcuini Libellus adversi B I ad Al Monachos GothisQ missus t. i. p. 7 l and hi i ad Felicem, compan i 7 that the doctrine in question would p. 763 : Si i- itur I tominu < cundura carnem, aicut quidam impro riunt Filius nequaquam anus is, quia Qullatenus propi Filius, et adoptivua Filius anus e I Filius, quia onus verus el alt« i i Quid Dei omnipo- tentiam sub nostram nitimur i Non mnia enim qusecunque vult, Domii I in coelo el in t- autem voluit ex virginali utero proprium rears filium, quis ausus i im non etc. ( !omp. p. At the Synod of A induced to j ield by Alcuin, while El LD. 818, but even A ma before bis death to 1 rned to liis former opinions; see Agdbardi Liber adversus Dogma Felicis Episc Urgellensis ad Ludov. Pium Imp.; comp. Baur, Trin. ii. s. 133 ff. In the twelfth century, Folmar, a canon of Traufenstein, was charged (a.D. 1160) with similar Adoptiai Nestorian '.) errors; see I vii. s. 43. Ami Dm and Duron Jus a S. Poreiano admitted the use of the phrase/ adoptivus under certain restrictions, whilst Aquinas rejected it. Walch, I.e. p. 253 ; ( ii. s. 80 ; Baur, Trin. ii. s. 838. (4) On the heresy of Nihilianism (Lombardi Sent. lib. iii. dist. 5-7, his language is still indefinite), see B I. vii. at the commencement; Dorner, s. 121 IV. ; Miinscher, von Colin, s. 86 f. ; Gicsclcr, Dg. s. 506 ff. In compliance with an order issued by Pope Alexander ill., the phrase, " I)eus non fact us est aliquid," was examined by the Synod of Tours (a.D. 1163), and rejected (Mansi, t. xxii. p. 239). It was also opposed by § 170.] CIIttlSTOLOGY IN THE GREEK CHUBCH, 2, I Juh. Cornubiensis, about the year 1175 {Martine, Thesaurus, t, v. p. 1658 ss.). 1 But it was principally Walter of St Victor who made it appear that the language of Peter Lombard im- plied the heretical notion : Deus est nihil secundum quod homo. "The charge of Nihilianism is at least in so far unjust, as it nts the d< nial of ad dual ,i as an absolute denial of ■ At all the attacks made upon Peter I. : >as why ' ' d of irate ex si man nat at least, in the writings of almost all with son ■ in which they urge, in opposition to tl aliquid,' used by Peter Lombard, that the human natw, • miething ■ . et from all others, but yet subsisting only in the dwine person; hence t Id not call ii person." -. L22 f. Comp. Baur, Trin. ii. s. 563 if. Land* rer in //- rzog, \ iii. s. 474. (5) Albertus Magn. Compend. TheoL lib. iv. De Incarn. Christi, c. 14, and lib. iii. on the Sentences, dist. xiii. (qu. by Dorner,&. L24f.). T Aquinas, P. [II. qu. 8, 1, etc. (qu by Dorner, s. L26 ff.). Comp. Cramer, vii 8. "»riff. Baur, Trin. ii. s. 787 ff. [Baur, Dg. s. 259 (2d ed.), says that the christologi al theory of Aquinas ran out dialectical lv into the i negative positions, th aothing by the in nation, and that of man as a real subject of the incarnation nothing could be said, because the subject (person) of the union is only the Son of God. The humanity of Christ is only a human nature, and not a human personality; the union 1. the nature from becoming a person, otherwise the personality of the human nature must have been annihilated by the union. that Christ could have sinned if He had so willed; but this possibility is only hypothetical," Cur Deus Homo, ii. 10. Abilard, on Romans, avers "that if Christ be regarded as a mere man, it is doubtful whether we could say of Him nullo modo peccare posse ; but speaking 1 John of Cornwall appeals, among other things, to the usage of language. When we say, e.y., All men have sinned, Christ is expressly excepted. Or, again, we say, Christ was the most holy, the most blessed of men ; or, we count thu twelve apostles and their Master together, and say, there are thirteen persons. this could not be, if Christ were not aliquis homo. See, further, iu Uuur, I.e. 272 THIRD PEBIOD. — TM! flCISM. of Him as GoJ and man, only admitted."] (6) On the mystical mode of intei John Damascene and otl lly by hi ciple Th A mp. JD LIS it'. On the connection between the - definitions and tl comp. ibid. — John S E rical Christ as one in whom tlie human race is ideally i ted ; and at the same time he al specific dignity. Thus in De Divis. Nat ii. 13: Hum intellectui, quern amsit, omnes intellectual ti;i- inseparabiliter adhaerent Nonne plane vides, omi turam, intell n\r natui in Christo adunatam 1 Comp. v. 25, p. 252: Quamquamenim • • m humanam naturam, quam tol Lotam in Be i et in toto humane gei im Balvavit, quosdam quidem in tinum naturae statum n quosdam vei am ultra naturam deificans: in nullo tarnen nisi in i • human;- I i in unit I ■ I in ipsam deitatem mutata omnia transcendit Hoc enim ; prium caput E rvavit, ut uon solum i humanitas parti quam ascendit ad Patrem, fieret : in quam altitudinem nullus lit nec exit ised the view held afterward- by the Calvii in distinction from the Lutherans, p. 335. II" makes incarnation to be necessary, v. 25 : Si Dei sapientia in effectus causarum, quae in ea aeternaliter vivunt, > rum ratio perirct : pereuntibus enim causarum effectibus nulla causa remaneret, etc. Notwithstanding Erigena's - tion about the historical Christ, the drift of his doctrine i give to the incarnation a merely ideal or symbolical character.] The scholastics in general recognized something universal in Christ, as the prototype of the race, without, however, impair- ing His historical individuality; see Bonier, s. 141. — '! was still more the case with the mystics. Some of them, c.y. Crock, provost of Iteichersberg, protested against the refining and hair-splitting tendency which became prevalent in regard to Christology (especially in opposition to Folmar) ; see Cramer, Lc. s. -13-78. The disciples of the school of St. Victor lo § 179.] CHRISTOLOGY IN THE GBEEK CHURCH. 273 with an indifferent eye upon the subtler development of this %er, s. 142, Anm.). All the mystics urged that Christ is quickened in us. Thus 1:< ek said, " Christ had Eis Godhead and manhood by nature; but we have it when we are united to Him in love by grace;" comp. Engelhardt's Monogr. s. 179, and the entire section, s. 177-179. Tauter, Predigten, Bd. i. s. 55 (on the first Sunday in Advent), expressed himself as follows: "We hold that we are sus- ceptible of blessedness in the same manner in which Hi is susceptible, and that we receive here on earth a foretaste of that eternal blessedness which we shall enjoy hereafter. Since even the meanest powers and bodily senses of our Lord Jesus Christ were so united with the Godhead, that we may say God saw, God heard, God suffered; so we, too, enjoy the advantage, in consequence of our union with Him, that all our works may become divine. Further, human nature being united with the divine person and with the angels, all men have more fellowship with Him than other creatures, inasmuch as they the members of His body, and are influenced by Him as by their head, etc. . . . Not many sons! You may and ought to differ (from each i curding to your natural birth, but in the eternal birth there can be only on- Son, since in God there exists only one natural origin, on which account there can be only one natural emanation of the Son, not two. Therefore, ij you would he one son with Christ, you must h \ outflowing together with tl ei I v:<>,-d. As trulj God has become man, so truly man has become God by grace ; and thus human nature is changed into what it has become, viz. into the divine image, which is consequently an image of the Father," etc. Compare also the sermon on Christmas-day, F.d. i. s. 89, and other passages. — Deutsche Theologie, c. 22 : "Where God and man are so united, that we may say in truth, and truth itself must confess, that there is one who is verily perfect God and verily perfect man, and where man is nevertheless so devoted to God that God is there man Him- self, and that He acts and suffers entirely without any self- hood, or for self, or for self-having [Germ, ohne alles Ich, Mir und Mein] (i.e. without any self-will, self-love, and selfish- ness) : behold, there is verily Christ, and novdtcre else," Comp, chap. 24 and 43 : " Where the life of Christ is, there is Christ ; Hagenc. Hist. Doct. ii. S 274 TIIIKD PERIOD.— THE AGS 01 L§ 179. and where Bia life is not, there Chris! is not — The lange of R Bimple and dignified, De < i Iin-ani.it. c, 7, ]>. 427 (fin. l>y UlVm il hath something divine in itself, jo that it loi communii itself. The more noble it is, i he d to i the Divine Being. \ I holy and divinely Loved sou] i.e. ( !hi . a any ol creature, gave it elf wholly up for the brethren, a that God gave Himself to it." Comp. cap. 16, p. 450, and De : dt. Pi p. 627: Qui non ah hoc ezemplari trahitur, non e b. « ra the human development of the Re- deemer, see ibid, c. 17, p. 486 qu. by Ullma (7) Thus the out, se credere, quod quilibet homo peri it ( Ihristua per naturam. {M \ . from the letter of the Bishop oi 31 burg.) According to I iin. li. s. ;;iü f., comp, how« \ the Church doctrine, onded by John Scotua Erigena, was nothing more than thai of the immani I God in the world which appeared in man in the com consciousness. The partus virt one of those subjei I ingenuity of the scholastics. It was .it the foundation ol between Paschasius Radberttu and Ratramnu*, abont the y>- ir B50, on the question whether Mary had given birth to < I which the former (after Jerome) replied in the affirmative, the latl Ividius had done) in the negative. For farther details, see s. 85 f.; and Ch. G. F. Walch, Historia Controversial aseculi IX. de l'.irtn B. Virginia, Gott. 1758, 4to. Anselm sought to prove, in a very ingenious way, that the birth of the Virgin was necessary in the circle of divine bilities, Cur Deus Homo, ii. 8 : Quatuor rnodis pi hominem ; videlicet aut de viro et de femina, aicut assiduns usus ; ant nee de viro nee de femina, ricut creavit Adam ; aut de viro sine femina, aicul Evani ; aut de femina sine viro, quod nondum fecit. Ut igitur hunc quo- que ruodum probet suae subjacere potestati, et ad hoc ipsum opus dilatum esse, nihil convenientius, quam ut de femina sine viro assnmat ilium hominem, quern quserimus. Utrum autem de virgine aut de non virgine dignius hoc fiat, non est opus disputare, sed sine omni dubitatione asseren- dum est, quia de virgine hominem nasci oportet. — In the writings of I Pulleyn we meet with absurd questions respecting the exact moment ac which, and the manner in which, the union of the divine nature oi the Son with the human, assumed in the womb of Mary, had taken place (Cramer, vi. s. 484 if.). 1 Lest this passage might be misinterpreted, so as to refer to a mere ideal Christ, comp, what is said, c. 52 : "All that is hitherto written, Christ taught by a long life, which lasted lor the space of thiity-th; j . in 1 a half," i . § 180.] REDEMPTION AND ATONEMENT. 275 TIio fondness of the scholastics for starting all sorts of questions, led them also to inquire whether the union between the Godhead and manhood of Christ continued to exist alter His death tion of the body from the soul). Pulleyn replied in the affirmative. He supposed that only Christ's body had died, but not the whole man Christ; Bee Cramer, vi. s. 487 f. A controversy was also carried a the Franciscans and Dominicans respecting the question whether the blood shed on the was . .lom the Godhead oi A violent discussion took place in Rome at Christm is 1462. The Dominicans took the affirma- tive, the Franciscans the le question. A1 Pius it. prohibited the U, issued a.D. 1464 Gobbelin, Comment. Pii u. (Rom. 1584) p. 511. Fleury, Hist, eccl xxiii. p. 167 as. § ISO. 7?- .'. '. [ehre, a. 118 ff. Seisen, Nicolaus Metho- oensis, Anselmus Cantuarien is, Hugo tionis Doc- ;m a singulis excogitatum inter se comparati, 11' idelberg 1838. [Thomson /aim, Catliolic Doct. of Atonement, U.S.] The mythical notion, developed in the preceding period, of ;al ti msaction with the devil, und the deception practised upon him on the part of God and Christ, was also adopted by some theologians of the present period, e.g. John Damascene (1). But it soon gave way, or at least became subordinate, to another theological mode of stating the doctrine, viz. that the fact of redemption was deducible with logical necessity from certain divine and human relations. We find the transition to this in the . Church made by Nicolas of Metlwne(2), independently of Anselm ; whilst, in the Western Church, ■lui of ( ry established his theory with an amount of ingenuity and a completeness of reasoning hitherto un- attained (3). It is in substance as follows : In order to restore the honour of which God was deprived by sin, it was neces- .- that God should become man ; that, by voluntary submission to the penalty of death, He might thus, as God- man, cancel the debt which, beside Him, no other being ther a heavenly one or an earthly one, could have paid 276 THIRD ! And He not on] i ' but by so doing, of II will He did more thau could be demanded, and \ the deliverance of man from the penalty pi I upon liim. Thus the 'it contri our hand, and divine ju I adjust« d. (1) I »-■ ■ ' iii 1 : I Kupios T))v virep i .«irov uvOpw- Ttas KaraBovKovra <> ayaS iki/- Tt)i> irtiXir treirolffKt nnv ai'ii' ' enzopov i)v tu 06 cro^ui .irvpov >> ireardvnv. He 0] I, indeed, the n< Nyssa that the devil had i >m, iii. 27: Mi) yap yivoiTo tu) rupdvwp to tov BeairoTnv irpoceve^yfjvcu oufui, but the following voids Bound strange enough: Ilpüo-etcri Toiyapovv 6 Ouvcitos Kai Karturioiv to awfiaros £t'\ea/j to> rffi $eoT7)To? BupaTi \7)($>devTa$, i) Bin davarov (Iiom. v. 14). Td yap \vTpa iv rfj alp4o~< Twv KaTe^ovTOiv. Ovk 7)v ovv o Svvdfievos inrnXOeli' to Cpäfin Kai e^ayopdaai to yivo)v TtXecÖFjuai, 6 0eo? Be iradöyv kul Qavdrov iarlv inrapiiBeicros, irpoaeXaße cpvcriv TraÖöiv kcii Oavdrov SeKTHCrpr, 6p.oovaiav ijp.lv vTrapypvaav icard irdvia Ka\ airapaWciKTWi e^ovtrav 7rpos" >7/*Ä9j 0/j.ov Xaßrjv BiBovs tw TrpoztraXaiovTi Bavartp Kara (Tc'ipKa, ical 6Y airrijs T17? inroKeifjAvn« airnp cpvaeux; Karayw- i tovfievos avriv, Iva (lyre auro? x°*P au c X 0Ll ) ^ fc 7 6 ^. °^X V7T0 dvdpuTTov, dXX' Viru Qeov qTTrjffdai, p.i)re p.ijv yftek fcarap.a\a- Ki^oifieOa TTpos Toik uya>va]v üfj.o(f)vi) Kai üfioovaiuv tropica, iv y KarcKpiOi) >) i'tp.apTia, yevpav ov Bö\. 1.55. Cur Deus Homo, i. 7, and ii. 10: Diabolo nee Deus aliquid debebat nisi poenam, nee 1 It is worthy of qo1 that, as the doctrines of the Church were gradually developed in the lapse of ages, the kingdom of Satan was more and more thrust into the background, as the shadows disappear before the light. During the first period up to the complete overthrow of Manichaeism, the demons played an important part in the doctrines respecting God and the government of the world, as well as in anthropology, until Augustine (in the second period) si that the origin of sin is to be found in a profounder view of human nature. ., lastly, in the course of the present period, the connection between the 278 THIRD PERIOD. — THE AGE OF homo, nisi vicem, ut ab il 1 Ilium revii quidquid ab ill" exigebatur, hoc Deo debebat, non diabolo. Comp. 1 uaL de V< sit. c. 8 I in I : Dominos Jesus, quia boIus inn it, non debuii mortem pati, quia ipse sapienter et beni theory of Anselm is rather established upon the idea of (comp. § 176, note 4). It Is the duty of man to honour < tod ; by sin he lias deprived Him of the honour due to Him, and is obliged to make retribution for it in a striking manner. So in i. 11: Hunc honorem debitum qui Deo non reddit, aufert Deo quod suum i peccare. Quamdiu autem non Bolvit, quod rapuit, manet in culpa; nee sufficil Bolummodo reddere, quod ablatum < pro contumelia illata plus debet reddere, quam dbstulit. Comp. also c. 13: Neci se est i i at ant ablatus bonoi Bolvatur, aut poena sequatur, alioquin aut Bibi ipsi Dens Justus non erit, aut ad utrumque impotens erit, quod net ' I tre. It may be true that God cannot, properly jec- tively), be deprived of His honour, but He must insisl upon its demands, for the sake of B iree; the order harmony of the uni\ [uire it; i.e. 14: I »nun im] sibile est honorem suum perdere. . . . Cap. 15: Dei honori nequit aliquid, quantum ad ilium pertinet, addi vel minui Idem namque ipse Bibi honor est incorruptibilis et nullo u mutabilis. Verum quando unaquseque creatura swum et quasi sibi praeceptum ordinem sive naturaliter Bive rationabiliter servat, Deo obedire et eum dicitur lionorare ; et hoc maxime rationalis natura, cui datum est intelligere quod debeat Q cum vult quod debet, Deum honorat ; non quia illi aliquid confert, sed quia sponte se ejus voluntati et disposition! Bubdit, et in rerum universitate ordinem suum et ejusdem univer- sitatis pulchritudinem, quantum in ipsa est, servat, < vero non vult quod debet, Deum, quantum ad ilium pertinet, inhonorat, quoniam non subdit se sponte illius d; doctrines of Christology and Soteriology on the one hand, and demoniacal agency on the other, being dissolved, the latter is pnahi . Eschatology, where the devil finds his proper place in hell Still furth> i relation of the work of redemption to the devil was still so prominent even in the time of Anselm, that Ahelard was accused of heresy P of the devil to man ; see Bernard, Epist, czc. 6, in Mabillon, toi p. (comp. Hasses Anselm, ii. s. -i. § 180.] REDEMPTION AND ATONEMENT. 279 universitatis ordinem et pulchritudinem, quantum in se est, perturbat, licet potestatem aut dignitatem Dei nullatenus lajdat aut decoloret. (With this the idea is connected, that the deficiency in the hierarchia ccelestis, occasioned by the fall of the angels, was made up by the creation of man, c. 16. Comp, above, § 172, note 5.) From the reasons referred to, it would be unworthy of God to pardon the sinner merely by making use of His supreme authority in the way of mercy (i. c. 6), and c. 12: Non decet I) •ma peceatum sic impuni- tum dimittere. ... In that case, injustice would he more privileged than justice. (Liberior est injustitia, si sola miseri- cordia diniittitur, quam justitia.) Comp. c. 1'.». Hut man cannot make satisfaction, inasmuch as lie is corrupted by original sin (i. c. 23 : quia peccator peccatorem justificare nequit) : nevertheless it was necessary that satisfaction should be given by a human fa lug, i. c. 3 : Oportebat namque ut sicut per hominis inobedientiam mors in humanuni genus intraverat, ita per hominis obedientiam vita restitueretur, et quemad- modum peccatum, quod fuit causa nostra- damnationis, initium habuit a femina, sic nostne Justitiar et salutis auctor nasceretur de femina, et utdiabolus, qui pergustum ligni, quern persuasit, hominem vicerat, ita per passionem Ligni, quam intulit, ab homine vinceretur. But could not God have created a sinless man? lie it so; but then the 1 would have come under the dominion of Him who had redeemed them, i.e. under the dominion of a man, who would himself be nothing hut a servant of God, to whom angels would not render obedience (i. c. 5). Ami, besides, man himself owes obedience to God, i. c. 20: In obedientia vero quid das Deo, quod non debes, cui jubenti totum, quod es et quod habes et quod potes, debes ? ... Si me ipsum et quidquid possum, etiam quando non pecco, illi debeo, ne peccem, nihil habeo, quod pro peccato illi reddam. — Nor could any higher being {c.rj. an angel) take upon him the work of redemption, for so much is sure : Ilium, qui de suo poterit Deo dare aliquid, quod superet omne quod sub Deo est, majorem esse necesse est, quam omne quod non est Deus. . . . Nihil autem est supra omne quod Deus non est, nisi Deus. . . . Non ergo potest hanc satisfactionem facere nisi Deus (ii. c. 6). If, therefore, none can make satisfaction but God Himself, and if it be nevertheless necessary that a man should make it, 280 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 180. nothing remains but the God-man. Ibid. : Si ergo, sicut constat, necesse est, ut de hominibus perficiatur ilia superna civitas, nee hoc esse valet nisi fiat praedicta satisfactio, quam nee potest facere nisi Deus, nee debet nisi homo : necesse est, ut earn faciat Deus homo. It is, moreover, necessary that the God-man should be of the race of Adam, and born of a virgin (c. 8, comp. § 179 at the end); and of the three Persons of the Trinity, it appears most suitable that the Son should assume humanity (ii. c. 9, comp. § 170, note 6). In order to make satisfaction for man, He had to give something to God which He did not owe to Him, but which, at the same time, was of more value than all that is under God. Obedi- ence, however, He owed to God, like every rational creature ; but He was not obliged to die (c. 10, 11). Nevertheless He was willing to lay down His life of His own accord, ibid. : Video, hominem ilium plane, quern quserimus, talem esse oportere, qui nee ex necessitate moriatur, quoniam erit omni- potens, nee ex debito, quia nunquam peccator erit, et mori possit ex libera voluntate, quia necessarium erit ; for death is the greatest sacrifice which man can offer ; ibid. : Nihil asperius, aut difticilius potest homo ad honorem Dei sponte et non ex debito pati, quam mortem ; et nullatenus se ipsum potest homo magis dare Deo, quam cum se morti tradit ad honorem illius. 1 But it was because it was voluntary that the act had an infinite value ; for His death outweighs all sins, however numerous or great. C. 14 : A. Cogita etiam, quia peccata tantum sunt odibilia, quantum sunt mala, et vita ista tantum amabilis est, quantum est bona. Unde sequitur, quia vita ista plus est amabilis, quam sint peccata odibilia. B. Non possum hoc non intelligere. A. Putasne tantum bonurn tarn amabile posse sufheere ad solvendum, quod debetur pro peccatis totius mundi ? B. Imo plus potest in infinitum. (On this account Christ's atonement has also a reacting influence upon our first parents, c. 16, and upon Mary herself, ibid, and c. 17, comp. § 178, note 2.) But the offering, thus voluntarily made, could not but be recompensed. As the 1 Comp, also i. c. 9 : Non coegit Dens Christum mori, in quo nullum fait peccatum, sed ipse sponte sustinuit mortem, non per obedientiam deserendi vitam, sed propter obedientiam servandi justitiam, in qua tam fortiter perseve- ravit, ut inde mortem incurreret. § 180.] REDEMPTION AND ATONEMENT. 281 Son, however, already possessed what the Father possesses, the reward due to Him must accrue to the advantage of another, viz. man (ii. 19). Thus the mercy and the justice of God may be reconciled with each other, c. 20: Misericordiam vero Dei, quse tibi perire videbatur, cum justitiam Dei et pecca- tum hominis considerabamus, tam magnam tamque concordem justitice invenimus, ut nee major nee justior cogitari possit. Xempe quid misericordius intelligi valet, quam cum peccatori tormentis seternis damnato, et unde se redimat non habenti, Deus pater elicit : Accipe Unigenitum meum, et da pro te ; et ipse Filius : Tolle me, et redime te ? . . . Quid etiam justius, quam ut ille, cui datur pretium majus omni debito, si debito datur affectu, dimittat omne debitum ? And, lastly, we should not pass by his caution at the close of the treatise (c. 22) : Si quid diximus, quod corrigendum sit, non renuo correctionem, si rationabiliter sit. Si autem testimonio veri- tatis roboratur, quod nos rationabiliter invenisse existimamus, Deo, non nobis attribuere debemus, qui est benedictus in srecula. Amen. Notwithstanding all its appearance of logical consequence, the theory of Anselm, as has been remarked, is open to the charge of an internal contradiction. For though Anselm himself admitted that God could not be deprived of His honour essentially, he nevertheless founded his argument upon this fact, and made it necessary that, after all, the love and compassion of God should come in, accept the satisfaction voluntarily made by an innocent being, and for His sake remit the punishment due to actual transgressors, who on their part could not retrieve their loss. Comp. Baur, s. 168 ff. Schweizer, too, in his Glaubensl. d. ref. Kirche, ii. s. 391, says that the theory of Anselm wavers between the fcedus operurn and the fcedus gratiae. To this it has been replied, that Anselm clearly distinguishes between the immanent and the declarative (transeuntem) honour of God, and that his argument starts with this ; see Hasse's Anselm, ii. s. 576. — But, further, the subjective (ethical) aspect is put too much into the background by the objective (juridical) one ; and the rest of the redeeming work of Christ, as seen in His life, almost vanishes out of sight (comp., however, ii. c. 18 b). Nor can it be denied that the reconciliation spoken of is rather one made on the part of God with man, than a reconciliation of man with God ; see Baur, s. 181. Ullmann, Nie. v. Methone, s. 93. We should, however, be careful not to confound the theory of Anselm with its later (Protestant) developments. On the question, whether the satisfaction referred to by Anselm is, properly speaking, not so much a suffering of punishment, as merely an active rendering of obedience, inasmuch as he makes a differ- ence between punishment and satisfaction (i. 15, necesse est, ut omne peccatum satisfactio ant pcena sequatur), see Baur, s. 183 ff. Nevertheless it is certain that the satisfaction made by Christ, in the view of Anselm, 282 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 131. consisted, if not exclusively, at least principally, in submitting to suffer- ings and death ; it cannot therefore be said, with Baur, "that the idea of a punishment, by which satisfaction is made, cnid which is suffered in tin room of another, does not occur in the scheine of Ansehn." [But see Thom- son and Oxt nham, I.e. Anst Im Bays : Nullatenus debet aut potest accipi re homo a Deo, quod Deus illi dare proposuit, si non reddit Deo totum, quo I illi abstulit, ut sieut per ilium Deus perdidit, ita per ilium DeuS'recuperet, Cur Deus Homo, i. 23.] On the other hand, it must be admitted that Anselm rests contented « ith the idea of the suffering of death : in his writ- ings nothing is said of the Redeemer being under the burden of the divine wrath, of His taking upon Him the torments of hell, or what is called the anguish of the soul, etc. The chaste and noble tragical style, too, in which the subject is discussed, forms a striking contrast with the weak and whining, even sensuous "blood theology" of a later time. — On the rela- tion in which Anselm's theory stood to the doctrine of earlier times (whether old or new?), see Baur, s. 1S611". Neander, Kg. v. s. 975. § 181. Further Development of the Doctrine. The contemporaries and immediate successors of Anselm were far from adopting his theory unconditionally (1). On the contrary, Abdlard, taking in this case, as in other things, the opposite side of the question, attached principal import- ance to the moral aspect of the doctrine, and declared the love of Christ the redeeming principle, inasmuch as it calls forth love on our part (2). Bernard of Clairvaux, on the other hand, insisted upon the mystical idea of the vicarious death of Christ (3). Hugo of St. Victor adhered more nearly to the doctrine of Anselm, but modified it so far as to return to the older notion of a legal transaction and struggle with the devil ; at the same time he asserted (with Abelard) the moral significance of Christ's death (4) ; whilst Robert Pidleyn and Peter Lombard were still more closely allied with Abelard, although the latter combined with it other aspects of the atonement (5). The later scholastics returned to the position of Anselm, and developed it more fully (6). Thus Thomas Aquinas brought the high-priestly office of Christ prominently forward, and laid peculiar stress upon the superabounding merit § 181.] EEDEMPTION AND ATONEMENT. 283 of the death of Jesus (7). Duns Scotus went to the other extreme, denying its sufficiency (8) ; but he supposed a volun- tary acceptance (acceptatio) on the part of God. WyJdiffc and Wesscl attached importance to the theory of satisfaction in its practical bearing upon evangelical piety, and thus intro- duced the period of the Reformation (9). The mystics either renounced all claims to doctrinal precision, and, abandoning themselves to the impulses of feeling and imagination, endeavoured to sink into the abyss of the love which died on the cross ; or they thought to find the true principle of redemption in the repetition in themselves of the sacrifice once made by Christ, i.e. in literally crucifying their own flesh (10). Those of a pantheistic tendency annulled all that was peculiar in the merits of Christ (11). The external and mythical interpretation of the doctrine, as a legal transaction, led to offensive poetical distortions of the truth (12). (1) " If we must, on the one hand, acknowledge that Anselms theory of satisfaction is a brilliant specimen of the dialectical and speculative acutencss of the scholastics, it must appear to us strange, on the other hand, that he stands alone, and docs not seem to have convinced any of his successors of the necessity of the standpoint which he assumed" Baur, Versöhnungsl. s. 189. (2) Abelard opposed, like Ansclm, but still more decidedly, the introduction of the devil into the plan of redemption : Comment, in Epist. ad Eom. lib. ii. (Opp. p. 550), quoted by Mnnscher, von Colin, s. 163; Baur, s. 191. The real ground of the reconciliation was stated by him as follows, p. 553 (quoted by Baur, s. 194): Nobis autem videtur, quod in hoc justificati sumus in sanguine Christi et Deo reconciliati, quod per hanc singularem gratiam nobis exhibitam, quod films suus nostram susceperit naturam, et in ipso nos tarn verbo quam exemplo instituendo usque ad mortem perstitit, nos sibi amplius per amorcm astrixit, ut tanto divine gratite accensi beneficio, nil jam tolerare propter ipsum vera reformidet Caritas. . . . Eedemtio itaque nostra est ilia summa in nobis per passionem Christi dilectio, qure nos {lege non) solum a Servitute peccati liberat, sed veram nobis filiorum Dei liber- 284 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 181. tatem acquirit, ut amore ejus potius quam timore cuncta impleamus, qui nobis tantam exhibuit gratiam, qua major inveniri, ipso attestante, non potest. " Tims the two repre- sentatives of scholasticism in its first period, when it developed itself in all its youthful vigour, Anselm and Abüärd, were directly opposed to each other with respect to the doctrines of redemption and atonement. Tlie one considered the last ground of it to he the divine justice, requiring an infinite equivalent for the infinite guilt of sin, tlud is, a necessity founded in the nature of God ; the other held it to he the free grace of God, which, hy kindling love in the hreast of man, Mots out sin, and with sin its guilt" Baur, Versöhnungsl. s. 195. On the endeavours of Abelard, notwithstanding his other views, to represent redemp- tion in its legal aspect, see ibidem. (3) Bernard opposed Abelard, in the first place, in respect to the point that the devil has no legal claims upon man ; see Epist. 190, De Erroribus Abaelardi ad Innocentem in. (qu. by Miinschcr, von Colin, s. 164; Baur, Versöhnungsl. s. 202). He made a distinction between jus acquisitum and jus nequiter usurpatum, juste tarnen permissum. He ascribed the. latter to the devil: Sic itaque homo juste captivus tenebatur: ut tarnen nee in homine, nee in diabolo ilia esset justitia, sed in Deo. Bernard, moreover, urged especially the fact that Christ, as the Head, had made satisfaction for the members. [Homo siquidem, qui debuit, homo qui salvit. Nam si unus, inquifc (2 Cor. v. 16) pro omnihus mortuus est, ergo omnes mortui, sunt, ut videlicet satisfactio unius hominis imputetur, sicut omnium peccata unus ille portavit, nee alter jam inveniatur, qui fore- fecit (i.e. peccavit), alter, qui satisfecit, quia caput et corpus unus est Christus.] — Satisfecit caput pro membris, Christus pro visceribus suis (see Baur, s. 202 f.). Bernard's views were most nearly allied to those of Augustine and Gregory the Great. (4) In the system of Hugo, God appeared as the patronus of man, and the opponent of the devil. But, first of all, it was necessary to conciliate his favour. This idea is largely dwelt upon in his Dialogus de Sacramentis legis naturalis et scriptae. De Sacram. c. 4: Dedit Deus gratis homini, quod homo ex debito Deo redderet. Dedit igitur homini hominem, quem homo pro homine redderet, qui, ut digna recompensatio § 181.] EEDEMPTION AND ATONEMENT. 285 fieret, priori non solum sequalis, sed major esset. Ut ergo pro homine redderetur homo major homine, factus est Dens homo pro homine. Christus ergo nascendo debitum hominis patri solvit et moriendo reatum hominis expiavit, ut, cum ipse pro homine mortem, quam non debebat, sustineret, juste homo propter ipsam mortem, quam debebat, evaderet, et jam locum calumniandi diabolus non inveniret, quia et ipse honiini dominari non debuit, et homo liberari dignus fait. The following is written rather in the spirit of Abelard, c. 10: ... Ut in Deo humanitas glorificata exemplum esset glorificationis hominibus ; ut in eo, qui passus est, videant, quid ei retribuere debeant, in eo autem, qui glorificatus est, considerent, quid ab eo debeant exspectare ; ut et ipse sit via in exemplo et Veritas in promisso et vita in prsemio. {Liebner, Hugo von St. Victor, s. 417 ff. Baur, Versöhnungsl. s. 206, 208.) (5) On Pullcyn, who in other respects was praised by Bernard on account of his orthodoxy, see Cramer, Bd. vi. s. 490 ff . ; Baur, s. 205. [Pidleyn says, the Redeemer must suffer, in part because this was necessary to our redemption (though we might have been redeemed in some other way), in part as an example to us in the endurance of suffering. But the price of redemption was paid, not to the devil, which is impossible, but to God.] Peter Lombard, more than any of the other scholastics, regarded the subject in question from the psychologico-moral point of view (see Baur, s. 209), Sent, lib. iii. dist. 19 : A. Quomodo a peccatis per ejus mortem soluti sumus ? Quia per ejus mortem, ut ait apostolus, com- mendatur nobis Caritas Dei, i. e. apparet eximia et commenda- bilis Caritas Dei erga nos in hoc, quod filium suum tradidit in mortem pro nobis peccatoribus. Exhibita autem tantse erga nos dilectionis arrha et nos movemur accendimurque ad dili- gendum Deum, qui pro nobis tanta fecit, et per hoe justiji- camur, i. e. soluti a peccatis justi efficimur. Mors ergo Christi nos justificat, dum per earn Caritas excitatur in cordibus nostris. — Peter Lombard decidedly opposed the notion that God had, as it were, altered His views in favour of the sinner, by reason of the death of Christ, ibid. F : Beconciliati sumus Deo, ut ait apostolus, per mortem Christi. Quod non sic intelligendum est, quasi nos ei sic reconciliaverit Christus, ut inciperet amare quos oderat, sicut reconciliatur inimicus 286 THIKD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 181. inimico, ut deiiide sint amici, qui ante se oderant, sed jam nos diligenti Deo reconciliati sumus. Non enim, ex quo ei recon- ciliati sumus per sanguinem filii, uos ccepit diligere, sed ante mundum, priusquam nos aliquid essemus. — Nevertheless he also admitted the doctrine of substitution, although he ex- pressed himself respecting it in very general terms (as did Bernard of Clairvaux), loc. cit. D. He says : ISTon enim suffi- ceret ilia poena, qua poenitentes ligat ecclesia, nisi poena Christi coöperaretur, qui pro nobis solvit. {Baur, s. 213.) And, lastly, the devil occupied a very strange position in the system of Peter Lombard. (Quid fecit redemptor captivatori nostro ? Tetendit ei muscipulam crucem suam : posuit ibi quasi escam sanguinem suum.) Baur, s. 211. (6) Alanus ab Insulis, iii. (qu. by Fez, t. i. p. 493—498) ; Albertus Magnus (Sent. lib. iii. dist. 20, art. 7) ; Alexander of Hales (Summse, P. III. qu. 1, membr. 4 ss., see Cramer, vii. s. 574 ff. ; Baur, s. 215, Anm.). Bonaventura (Opp. t. v. p. 191 ss., ibid. p. 218 ss.). (7) Summse, Pars III. qu. 22 (De Sacerdotio Christi, qu. by Milnscher, von Colin, s. 166). His theory of satisfaction will be found ibid. qu. 46-49. 1 {Baur, Versöhnungsl. s. 230 ff.) He discussed especially the necessity of suffering, and the question, Whether God could have redeemed man in any other way ? and replied to it both in the affirmative and negative, according to the idea formed of necessity. (Art. 2, Baur, s. 232.) At all events, the sufferings of Christ were the most proper way, and the one most to the purpose. It was also significant that Christ suffered on the cross, which reminds us not only of the tree in Paradise, but also of this, that the cross is a symbol of various virtues, as well as of that breadth, and length, and depth, and height of which the apostle spoke (Eph. iii. 18), of our exaltation into heaven, etc. While Anselm did not go beyond the simple fact of Christ's death, Aquinas endeavoured to demonstrate that Christ endured in His head, hands, and feet all the sufferings which 1 men have 1 In Thomas Aquinas we also find (as the title indicates) the first hints about the threefold office of Christ, since he views Him as legislator, sacerdos and rex. However, he does not use the expression munus, officium,, and only developes the i i rdotium, showing how Christ was at once sacerdos and hostia perfecta. See Gieseler, Dg. s. 513. § 181.] REDEMPTION AND ATONEMENT. 287 to endure in their reputation, worldly possessions, body and soul, in head, hands, and feet; accordingly, the pain of the sufferings of Christ is by far the greatest which can be endured in the present life (in proof of which he adduced several arguments). Nevertheless his soul 'possessed the uninterrupted enjoyment of blessedness, art. 8 (but Thomas Aquinas himself did not as yet speak of the soul's enduring the torments of hell, or bearing the eternal curse, thus leaving the sufferings incomplete). He further propounded (like Bernard of Clair- vaux) the mystical idea, according to which the head suffers for the members (Qusest. 48, art. 1) : Christus per suam passionem non solum sibi, sed etiam omnibus membris suis meruit salutem. Passio non est meritoria, inquantum habet principium ab exteriori : sed secundum quod earn aliquis voluntarie sustinet, sic habet principium ab interiori, et hoc modo est meritoria. — Thomas made use of the same mystical idea to refute the objection that one being could not make satisfaction for another ; for, inasmuch as two are made one through love, the one may make satisfaction for the other. On the meritum superabundans, qu. 48, art. 2 : Christus autem ex charitate et obedientia patiendo majus aliquid Deo exhibuit, quam exigeret recompensatio totius offensae humani generis : primo quidem propter magnitudinem charitatis, ex qua patiebatur ; secundo propter dignitatem xitm suae, quam pro satisfactione ponebat, quae erat vita Dei et hominis ; tertio propter generalitatem passionis et magnitudinem doloris assumti ... et ideo passio Christi non solum sufficiens, sed etiam super- abundans satisf actio fuit pro peccatis humani generis (1 John ii. 2). Eespecting his further statements, see B-tur, Ver- söhnungsl. I.e., and Münscher, von Colin, s. 167. (8) Duns Scotus in Sent. 1. iii. dist. 19 : . . . Quantum vero attinet ad meriti sufficientiam, fuit profecto illud finitum, quia causa ejus finita fuit, videlicet voluntas naturae assumptae, et summa gloria illi collata. Non enim Christus quatenus Deus meruit, sed inquantum homo. Proinde si exquiras, quantum valuerit Christi meritum secundum sufficientiam, valuit procul dubio quantum fuit a Deo acceptatum. Siquidem divina acceptatio est potissima causa et ratio omnis meriti . . . Tantum valuit Christi meritum sufficienter, quantum potuit et voluit ipsum Trinitas acceptare, etc. — Thus he destroyed the prin- 288 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 181. cipal argument of Anselm's theory in his Cur Deus Homo ; for, since Christ suffered only in His human nature, an angel, or another man, might have suffered quite as well, as Duns Scotus was fully prepared to admit. Comp. Baur, s. 256. On this account the sufferings of Christ did not appear to Scotus as something necessary ; even less so to him than to Thomas Aquinas. Both their systems are compared by Baur, Versöhnungsl. s. 257 ff. Bonaventura occupied an inter- mediate position between the two former, by teaching a per- fect™ et plenitude- meriti Christi (Brev. iv. c. 7, Cent. iii. sec. 30). (9) Wyhliffe, Trialogus, iii. c. 25 (De Incarnatione et Morte Christi), qu. by Baur, s. 273. Dialog, lib. iii. cap. 25 : Salvari enim oportet ilium hominem (Adam), cum tarn fruc- tuose peenituit, et Deus non potest negare suam misericordiam taliter peenitenti. Et cum, juxta suppositionem tertiam, oportet, quod satisfactio pro peccato fiat, ideo oportet, quod idem illud genus hominis tantum satisfaciat, quantum in proto- plasto deliquerat, quod nullus homo facere poterat, nisi simul fuerat Deus et homo. ... Et fuit necessarium, ipsum acceptum fuisse in ligno, ut sicut ex fructu ligni vetito periit homo, sic ex fructu ligni passo salvetur homo. Et sunt alise mult* congruentise utrobique. He laid, however, quite as much stress upon repentance as upon the theorj'" of satisfaction. — According to Wcsscl, Christ was our Redeemer, even by repre- senting in Himself the divine life (an idea which had almost wholly sunk into oblivion since the time of Anselm !). Never- theless He was also Mediator ; yea, He was God, priest, and sacrifice at the same time. "VVe see in Him at once the reconciling and the reconciled God. Comp. De Magnitud. Passionis, c. 17, and Exempla Scalee Meditationis, Ex. iii. p. 391 (qu. by Ullmann, s. 261 ; Baur, s. 277). " Wessel, too, considered the sufferings of our Lord as being made by a substitute ; but going beyond the merely external and legal transaction, he asserted the necessity of living faith, and an appropriation of the Spirit of Christ" Ullmann, s. 264. He attached, therefore (as did Abelard and Peter Lombard), great importance to the principle of love. He who would form a correct estimate of the full measure of the sufferings of Christ, must come to them, above all, with an eye exercised in love ; § 181.] BEDEMPTION AND ATONEMENT. 289 De Magnit. Passionis, p. 19. Further passages may be seen in the works of Ullmann and Baur (I.e.). (10) The sentimental contemplation of the sufferings of Jesus, and expressions such as " the blood of Jesus, full of love, end -reel Wee a rose" {e.g. in the writings of Suso), may indeed bo fraced to mysticism. But the true mystics did not rest satisfied with this. Thus the author of the " Deutsche Theo- logie," c. 3, after having proved that God had assumed humanity in order to remove the effects of the fall, con- tinues : " Though God were to take to Himself all men who exist, and to assume their nature, and be incarnated in them, and make them divine in Him, yet if the same did not take place in me, my fall and apostasy would never be removed." — With more distinct reference to the design of the atoning sufferings of Christ, Tender said (in a sermon on Luke x. 23, qu. by Wachcrnagcl, Lesebuch, i. Sp. 868) ; " Since your great God was thus set at nought, and condemned by His creatures, and was crucified and died, you should, with patient endurance, and with all suffering humility, behold yourselves in His suffer- ings, and have your minds thereby impressed." Compare also his Sermon, i. s. 289 (on Good Friday). — Bishop Master Albrecht said : " Four and twenty hours compose day and night ; take one of the hours and divide it into two, and spend it in contemplating the sufferings of our Lord : that is better and more useful to man than if all men, and all the saints, and all the angels of God, and Mary the mother of God, should remember him [i.e. should intercede for him]. As man dies a bodily death, so he dies to all sins by serious meditation on the sufferings of our Lord Jesus Christ " (Sprüche deutscher Mystiker, in W acker nag eVs Lesebuch, Sp. 889). — But not only did the mystics urge the necessity of recalling the sufferings of Christ by inward contemplation, but the same idea was also externally represented by the self-inflicted torments of ascetics, especially of the Flagellantes of the Middle Ages. In the latter case it must, however, be admitted that as the idea of personal merit was set forth, the merits of Christ were thrown into the shade. Thus it is said in one of the hymns of the Flagellantes (a.D. 1349): "Through God we shed our blood, which will avail for the expiation of our sins " (Hoffmann, Geschichte des deutschen Kirchenliedes, s. 94). Hagenb. Hist. Doct. ii. T 200 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 182. (11) The Beghards taught: Christus non est passus pro nobis, sed pro se ipso. (Mosheim, p. 256.) Amalrich of Bena maintained that by all Christians being members of Christ, we are to understand that as such they participated in the sufferings of Christ on the cross. {Eng ciliar dt,^ Abh. s. 253,.) Thus he inverted the proposition according to which the head died for the members (that of Bernard of Clairvaux, and Thomas Aquinas). (12) Jacob de Theramo, who lived in the fourteenth century (1382), treated the transaction between Christ and Belial (the devil) in the form of a judicial process ; this was translated into German in the fifteenth century, under the title : " Hie hept sich an ein Bechtsbuoch ; " comp. W. Wackerna gel, Die altdeutschen Handschriften der Baseler Universitätsbibliothek, 1835, 4to, s.. 62 f. Baur (relying on Bödcrlein/s Diss. Inauguralis, 1774, 1775, in his Opusc. Academ., Jena 1789) calls it "a carnival play;" but it is not so, the subject is intended to be treated in an earnest spirit. Compare a similar drama : Extractio Animarum ab Inferno, in the English Miracle - Blays or Mysteries, by W. Marriott, Bas. 1838, p. 161. § 182. Connection of Sotcriology with Clvristology. Julius Müller in the Deutsche Zeitschrift f. christl. Wissenschaft, Oct. 1850, s. 314 ff. In the theory of Anselm, so much importance was attached to the incarnation and death of Jesus, as the corner-stones of the work of redemption, that there was danger lest the wonder- ful life of the Bedeemer, which lies between the two, should lose its religious significance. There were, however, those who again directed attention to the life of the God-man, as itself having a redeeming power (1). Some, indeed, made it appear that Christ came into the world only in order to die, and that consequently He would not have been sent at all if there had been no sin to atone. On the other hand, others, e.g. Wessel, § 182.] CONNECTION OF SOTEEIOLOGY WITH CHEISTOLOGY. 291 pointed out in various ways the significance which the mani- festation of God in the flesh must have, independently of sin and its effects, as the keystone of creation and crown of humanity (2). (1) See Wcsscl in the preceding section, note 9: (2) Comp, above, § 64. " The question, whether Christ would have assumed the nature of man if there had teen no sin, was not discussed till the Middle Ages, being started, as it appears, for the first time by Rupert, Abbot of Deuiz, in the twelfth century" {Dorner, s. 134); comp, his work, De Glorificatione Trinitatis et Processione Sp. Sanct. lib. iii. c. 21, iv. 2, and Comm. in Matth. de Gloria et Honore Filii homin. lib. xiii. (Opera, torn, ii. 164 ss.) ; Gieseler, Dg. s. 514. [Rupert says that men and angels were created for the sake of the one man, Jesus Christ ; He, the head and king of all elect angels and men, did not need sin in order to become incarnate. Alexander of Hales adopted the same view : Summa theol. P. III. qu. 2, membr. 13. Bonaventura agrees with Aquinas.] — The langnage of Thomas Aquinas sufficiently shows that he too felt disposed to look upon the incarnation of Christ as being in one respect the completion of creation. In his Comment, on the Sen- tences, lib. iii. dist. 1, art. 3, he said that by the incarnation there was effected not only, deliverance from sin, but also humanre naturae exaltatio et totius universi consummatio. Comp. Summa, P. III. qu. 1, art. 3 : Ad omnipotentiam divinse virtutis pertinet, ut opera sua perficiat et se manifestet per aliquem infinitum effectum, cum sit finita per suam essentiam. Nevertheless, he thought it more probable (accord- ing to P. III. qu. 1, 3) that Christ would not have become man if there had been no sin. This notion generally obtained, and theologians preferred praising (after the example of Augustine) sin itseli as felix culpa (thus Richard of St. Victor, De Incarnat. Verbi, c. 8), rather than admit the possibility of the manifestation of the Son of God apart from any connection with sin. Duns Scotus, however, felt inclined to adopt the latter view, which was more in accordance with his entire Pelagian tendency ; * Sent. lib. iii. dist. 7, qu. 3, and dist. 1 This was done in later times by the Socinians. Nevertheless, the theory in question maybe so strained, "thai sin is made Ihjht of, and mankind exalted. 292 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 182. 19. On tlie other hand, Wessel, whose sentiments were by no means like those of Pelagius, took the same view (De Incarn. c. 7 and c. 11, qu. by Ullmann, s. 254). In his opinion, the final cause of the incarnation of the Son of God is not to be found in the human race, but in the Son of God Himself. He became man for His own sake ; it was not the entrance of sin into the world which called forth this deter- mination of the divine will ; Christ would have assumed humanity even if Adam had never sinned : Si incarnatio facta est principaliter propter peccati expiationem, sequeretur, quod anima Christi facta sit non principali intentione, sed quadam quasi occasione. Sed inconveniens est, nobilissimam creaturam occasionaliter esse introductam (quoted by Dorner, s. 140). rather than the dignity of Christ augmented " (Dorn er, s. 1-37). But whether the notion of a felix culpa, by which sin is so elevated as to appear (iotoko;, might not lead men so far as to worship it on pantheistic grounds, and at the same time to make light of it in the moral point of view, is another question. And, on the other hand, if we, looking at sin in a serious light, regard the incarnation of Christ merely as something which has become necessary in order to repair the damage, its happy aspect will be lost sight of, and the joy we might experience at Christmas will too soon be changed into the weeping and wailing of the Passion-week. This is the principal defect of Anselm's theory. But with respect to the exaltation of mankind at the expense of the dignity of Christ, the latter, so far from being endangered by the theory of Wessel, is raised by the idea that Christ assumed humanity not on account of man, but for his oivn sake, an idea by which the pride of man is humbled. [This note is omitted in the 5th edition of Hagenbaeh.] FIFTH DIVISION. THE OEDO SALUTia § 183. Predestination. {The Gottschalk Controversy'!) L. Cellot, Historia Gotteschalci,. Par. 1655, fol. + Staudenmaler, Scotua Erigena, s. 170 f. Gj rarer on Pseudo - Isidore in the Tubing. Theol. Zeitschrift, xvii. 2,. s. 274 ff. Wiggers, Schicksale d. Augustinischen Anthropologie, in Illgens (Niedners) Zeitschrift f. hist. Theol. 1857, 2. [Archb. Usslier, Gottschalcus et Prasdest. Controvers. ab eo mota, Dublin 1631, and in Ussher's Works, 16 vols. Dublin 1837-40. F. Monnier, De Gottschalci et Joan. Scoti-Erigense Controversia, Paris 1853.] Great as was the authority of Augustine in the West, the prevailing notions- concerning the doctrine of Predestination contained more or less of the Semi-Pelagian element (1). Ac- cordingly, when, in the course of the ninth century, Gottschalk, a monk in the Franconian monastery of Orbais, ventured to revive the rigid Augustinian doctrine, and even went so far as to assert a twofold predestination, not only to salvation, but also to damnation (2), he exposed himself to persecution. He was in the first instance opposed by Rabanus Maurus (3), and afterwards condemned by the Synods of Mainz (a.D. 848) and of Chiersey (Cressy, Carisiacum, a.D. 849) (4). Hincmar, Archbishop of PJieims, took part in the transactions of the latter synod. Although Prudentius of Troycs (5), Eatramnus (6), Scrvatus Lupus (7), and several others, pronounced in favour 294 THIRD PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 183. of Gottschalk, though under certain modifications ; yet John Seotus Erigena, by an ingenious argumentation, contrived to preserve the appearance of Augustinian orthodoxy, by main- taining, on the basis of the position borrowed from Augustine, that evil was something negative, and therefore could' not, as such, be predestinated by God (8). The objections advanced by Prudentius and Florus {Magister) were as little heeded as the steps taken by Eemigius, Archbishop of Lyons, in behalf of Gottschalk (9). On the contrary, the second Synod of Chiersey (Cressy, A.D. 853) laid down four articles, in accord- ance with the views of Hincmar (10); then several bishops at the Synod of Valence (a.D. 8 '5 5) drew up six other articles of a contrary tendency, which were confirmed by the Synod of Langres (a.D. 859) (11), but zealously opposed again by Hincmar (12). Gottschalk, the victim of the passions of others, bore his fate with that fortitude and resignation which have at all times' characterized those individuals or bodies of men who have adopted the doctrine of Predestination. (1) The theologians of the Greek Church retained the earlier definitions as a matter of course. Joh. Damasc. De fide orthod. ii. c. 30 : Xpr] ycvcocrfceiv, eo? iravra /xev irpoyivcoaKet 6 ©eb$, ov irdvra Be irpoopl^eo' Trpoyivwa/ceL r)fuv, ov irpoopl^ev Be aura. (Comp. § 177, note 1.) — Eespecting the opinions entertained by the theologians of the Western Church, see above, § 114. The venerable Bede (Expositio Allegorica in Cantic. Cantic.) and Älcuin (de Trin. ii. c. 8) adopted, in the main, the views of Augustine, but rejected the prsedestinatio duplex. Comp. Münscher, von Colin, s. 121 f. They were, however, unconscious of the difference between themselves and Augustine; see Neander, Kg. iv. s. 412 ff., and Wiggers, I.e. (2) Inspecting the history of his life, and the possible con- nection between it and his doctrine, see Neander, I.e. s, 414 ff.; Staudenmaier, I.e. s. 175. His own views, as well as those of his opponents, may be gathered from Gitilb. Mauguin, Vett. Auctorum qui srec. IX. de Praedestinatione et Gratia scrip- serunt Opera, Paris 1650, 2 vols. 4to (in t. ii. : Gotteschal- canaä Controversial Historica et Chronica Dissertatio). In the § 183.] PREDESTINATION. 295 Libellus Fidei, which Gottschalk presented to the Synod of Mainz, he asserted : Sicut electos oranes (Deus) praedestinavit ad vitam per gratuitum solius gratiae suae beneficium ... sic omnino et reprobos quosque ad aeternae mortis praedestinavit supplicium, per justissimum videlicet justitiae suae judicium (after Hincmar, De Prsed. c. 5). In his confession of faith (given by Mihnschcr, von Colin, s. 122) he says: Credo et confiteor, quod gemina est prsedestinatio, sive electorum ad requiem, sive reproborum ad mortem. But he referred the prsedestinatio duplex not so much to evil itself, as to the wicked. Compare the passage quoted by Neander, s. 418 : Credo atque confiteor, praescisse te ante saecula quaecunque erunt futura sive bona sive mala, prtedestinasse vero tantummodo bona. On the connection subsisting between his views and those of Augustine, see Neander, I.e. s. 417 ff. Comp. Baur, Dg. 215. (3) Epist. synodalis Babani ad Hincmarum (given in Mansi, t. xiv. p. 924, and Staudenmaier, s. 179): Notum sit dilec- tioni vestrae, quod quidem gyrovagus monachus, nomine Gothe- scalc, qui se asserit sacerdotem in nostra parochia ordinatum, de Italia venit ad nos Moguntiam, novas superstitiones et noxiam doctrinam de pnedestinatione Dei introducens et populos in errorem mittens ; dicens, quod praedestinatio Dei, sicut in bono, sic ita et in malo, et tales smt in hoc mundo quidam, qui propter praedestinationem Dei, quae eos cogat in mortem ire, non possint ab errore et peccato se corrigere, quasi Deus eos fecisset ab initio incorrigibiles esse, et pcenae obnoxios in interitum ire. — As regards the doctrine of Rabanus Maurus himself, he made the decree of God respecting the wicked depend on His prescience; see Neander, I.e. s. 421. (4) Mansi, t. xiv. — On the outrageous treatment of Gott- schalk, see Neander, I.e. s. 426. (5) Prudentii Trecassini (of Troyes) Epistola acl Hincmarum Bemig. et Pardulum Laudunensem (which was written about the year 849, and first printed in Lud. Cellotii Historia Gotte- schalci, p. 425, Par. 1655). He asserted a twofold predestina- tion, but made the predestination of the wicked (reprobation) depend on the foreknowledge of God. He further maintained that Christ had died for none but the elect (Matt. xx. 28), and artificially interpreted 1 Tim ii. 4 as meaning : Vel omnes ex omni genere homiuum (comp. Augustine, Enchirid. c. 103), 296 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 183. vel omnes velle fieri salvos, quia nos facit velle fieri omnes homines salvos. Compare Neandcr, I.e. s. 433. (6) At the request of the Emperor Charles the Bald, he composed the work, De Pröedestinatione Dei libri ii., in which he expressed himself as follows (qu. by Mauguin, t. j. p. 94 ; Staudenmaier, s. 182): Verum quemadmodum ceterna fuit illorum scelerum scientia, ita et definita in secretis ccelestibus pcense sententia ; et sicut prsescientia veritatis non eos impulit ad nequitiam, ita nee prredestinatio coegit ad peenam. Comp. Neander, I.e. s. 434. (7) Servatus Lupus was abbot of Ferneres. Eespecting his character and the history of his life, see Sicgebertus Gemblac, De Scriptt. Eccles. c. 94. Staudcnmaier, s. 188. He was distinguished as a classical scholar, and wrote about the year 850: De Tribus Questionibus (1. de libero arbitrio : 2. de preedestinatione bonorum et malorum ; 3. de sanguinis Domini taxatione). See Mauguin, t. i. P. ii. p. 9 ss. — He, too, inter- preted those passages which are favourable to the doctrine of universal redemption, in accordance with the scheme of par- ticularism [Neander, I.e. p. 436 ff.) ; but his milder principles induced him to leave many points undecided, as he was far from claiming infallibility {Neander, s. 440). (8) Probably about the year 851 he addressed a treatise, entitled : Liber de divina Prredestinatione, to Hincmar and Pardulus (see Mauguin, t. i. P. i. p. 102 ss.). He, too, did this at the request of the Emperor Charles the Bald. — The idea of a j?ra;destinatio, properly speaking, cannot be applied to God, since with Him there is neither a future nor a past As, moreover, sin ever carries its own punishment with itself (de Proed. c. 6 : Nullum peccatum est, quod non se ipsum puniat, occulte tarnen in hac vita, aperte vero in altera), there is no need of a predestinated punishment. Evil does not exist at all for God ; accordingly, the prescience as well as the pre- destination of evil, on the part of God, is altogether out of question. Comp. Neander, s. 441 ff. It is, however, to be noted, that Erigena only denies that the predestination is two- fold, and the idea that this is divine. In harmony with his whole speculative tendency, he could not give up the view that, as God is the ground of all things, so, too, from eternity all is embraced in His purpose; hence he says in De Prtedest. § 183.] PREDESTINATION". 297 18. 7: Praüdestinavit Deus impios ad pcenam vel ad interitura, and in 18, 8, he even speaks of a definite number of the good and evil. Evil itself seems to him to be adopted into God's plan of the world (supralapsarian ?) ; see Bitter, Gesch. d. Phil. vii. s. 270 ff. Comp. Erigena's doctrine of sin and the fall, in § 176, note 4, above ; and De Divis. Nat. v. 36, p. 283. He says : Prsedestinatio essentialiter de Deo praedicari non est dubium. Essentia autem unitas. Prasdestinatio igitur unitas. Unitas dupla non est. Prazdestinatio igitur dupla non est, ac per hoc nee gemina (De Divis. Nat. iii. § 5). (9) Prudentii Epist. Trecassini de Prsedestin. contra Joann. Scotum liber (in Mauguin, t. i. P. i. p. 197 ss.). — Mori Magistri et ecclesiae Lugdunensis Liber adversus Jo. Scoti erroneas Definitiones ; ibid. t. i. P. i. p. 585. Meander, s. 448-450. On Eemigius of Lyons, compare Meander, I.e. s. 452. Staudenmaicr, s. 194 ff. (10) Synodi Carisiacse Capitula 4 (in Mauguin, t. i. P. ii. p. 173; Miinscher, von Colin, s. 125). Cap. i. : Deus omni- potens hominem sine peccato rectum cum libero arbitrio condidit et in Paradiso posuit, quern in sanctitate Justitiar permanere voluit. Homo libero arbitrio male utens peccavit et cecidit, et factus est massa perditionis totius humani generis. Deus autem bonus et Justus elegit ex eadem massa perditionis secundum prcescientiam suam, quos per gratiam prazdestinavit ad vitam, et vitam illis prsedestinavit seternam. Cseteros autem, quos justitisB judicio in massa perditionis reliquit, perituros prcescivit, sed non ut perirent prazdestinavit ; pcenam autem illis, quia Justus est, prazdestinavit osternam. Ac per hoc unam Dei prazdestinationem tantummodo dicimus, quae ad donum pertinet gratise aut ad retributionem justitire. Cap. ii. : Libertatem arbitrii in primo homine perdidimus, quam per Christum Dominum nostrum recepimus. Et habemus liberum arbitrium ad bonum, prseventuni et adjutum gratia, et habemus liberum arbitrium ad malum, desertum gratia. Liberum autem habemus arbitrium, quia gratis liberatum, et gratia de corrupto sanatum. Cap. iii. : Deus omnipotens omnes homines sine eseceptione vidt salvos fieri, licet non omnes salventur. Quod autem quidam salvantur, salvantis est donum : quod autem quidam pereunt, pereuntium est meritum. Cap. iv. : Christus Jesus Dominus noster, sicut null us homo est, fuit, vel erit, cujus natura in illo 298 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 183. assumta non fuerit : ita nullus est, fuit, vel erit homo, pro quo passus non fuerit; licet non omnes passionis ejus mysterio redimantur. Quod vero ornnes passionis ejus mysterio non redimuntur, non respicit ad magnitudinem et pretii copiosi- tatem, sed ad infidelium et ad non credentium ea fide, quae per dilectionem operatur, respicit partem : quia poculum humanae salutis, quod confectum est infirmitate nostra et virtute divina, habet quidem in se ut omnibus prosit, sed si non bibitur, non medetur. (11) Concilii Valentini III. Can. i.-vi. (given by Mauguin, I.e. p. 231 ss.). Can. iii. : Fidenter fatemur praedestinationem electorum ad vitam et prmdestinationem impiorum ad mortem: in electione tarnen salvandorum misericordiam Dei praecedere meritum bonum, in damnatione autem periturorum meritum malum praecedere justum Dei judicium. Predestination e autem Deum ea tantum statuisse, quae ipse vel gratuita miseri- cordia vel justo judicio facturus erat ... in malis vero ipsorum malitiam praescisse, quia ex ipsis est, non praedestinasse, quia ex illo non est. Pcenam sane malum meritum eorum sequentem, uti Deum, qui omnia prospicit, praescivisse et praedestinasse, quia Justus est . . . Verum aliguos ad malum prcedestinatos esse divina potestate, videlicet ut quasi aliud esse non possint, non solum non crcdimus, sed etiam si sunt qui tantum mali credere velint, cum omni detestatione sicut Arausica sy nodus (see § 114), illis Anathema dicimus. — According to Can. iv., Christ shed His blood only for believers. — The general import of the canons was expressed in the following terms : Quatuor capitula, quae a Concilio fratrum nostrorum minus prospecte suscepta sunt, propter inutilitatem vel etiam noxietatem et errorem con- trarium veritati ... a pio auditu fidelium penitus explodimus et ut talia et similia caveantur per omnia auctoritate Spiritus S. interdicimus. — The doctrines of Scofois Erigena were also particularly condemned as ineptae quaestiunculae et aniles paene fabulae (see Neander, I.e. s. 457). The six Canones Lingonenses (in Mauguin, I.e. p. 235 s.) were -merely a repetition of the former four. Attempts at union were made at the Synod of Savonieres (apud Saponarias), a suburb of Toul, but it was found impossible to come to an understanding. See Neander, s. 458. (12) He composed (A.D. 859) a defence of the Capitula, § 184.] PREDESTINATION. 299 which was addressed to the Emperor Charles the Bald, under the title : De Priedestinatione et libero Arbitrio contra Gothe- scalcum et cseteros Prsedestinatianos (in Hincmari Opp. ed. Sismondi, t. i. p. 1-110). § 184. Further Development of the Doctrine ef Predestination. [J. B. Mozley, Augustinian Doctrine of Predestination, Lond. 1855. Chapters ix. x. p. 250-314, on the Scholastic Theories. Hampden's Bampton Lectures, 3d ed. 1818 ,- Lect. iv. p. 153-207.] Among the scholastics, it was chiefly Anselm (1), Peter Lom- bard (2), and Thomas Aquinas (3) who endeavoured to retain Augustine's doctrine of an unconditional election, although with many limitations. The entire religious tendency of Bonaventura also kept him from restricting the grace of God, even when he maintained, for practical interests, that the ground of His mercy was to be found in the measure of man's susceptibility to that which is good (4). But this idea was also taken up by some who knew how to make use of it in favour of a trivial theory of the meritoriousness of works, and Augustinianism was thus perverted into a new semi-Pelagianism by Scotus and his followers (5). Accordingly, Thomas of Bradwardine, a second Gottschalk, living in the fourteenth century, found it necessary to commence a new contest in defence of Augustine and his system (6). The forerunners of the Pieformation, Wijldiffe, -Savonarola, and Wessel, were also led by a living conviction of man's dependence on God to return to the more profound fundamental principles of Augus- tinianism, although the last of these three urged the necessity of a free appropriation of divine grace on the part of man as a conditio sine qua non(7). (1) Anselm composed a separate treatise on this subject, entitled : De Concordia Pmescientipe et Praedestinationis nee non Gratise Dei c. libero Arbitrio, in Opp. p. 123-134 (150- GOO THIRD PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 184. 164). He proceeded on the assumption that no difference exists between prescience and predestination. P. ii. c. 10 : Dubitari non debet, quia ejus praedestinatio et praescientia non discordant, sed sicut praescit, ita quoque praedestinat ; he referred, however, the one as well as the other, in the first instance, to that which is good ; c. 9 : Bona specialiu's praescire et praedestinare dicitur, quia in illis facit, quod sunt et quod bona sunt, in malis autera non nisi quod sunt essentialiter, non quod mala sunt. Comp. P. i. c. 7. But he, too, differed in some points from Augustine. Thus he called the proposition: non esse liberum arbitrium nisi ad mala, an absurdity (ii. c. 8), and endeavoured to hold the doctrine of the freedom of the will, together with that of predestination. But the freedom of the will, in his opinion, does not consist in a mere liberty of choice, for in that case the virtuous would be less free than the vicious. On the contrary, the rational creatures received it, ad servandam acceptam a Deo rectitudinem. Anselm also showed that Scripture is favourable to both systems (that of grace, and that of the freedom of the will), P. iii. c. 11 ; and then continued as follows : Quoniam ergo in sacra Scriptura qnsedam invenimus, quae soli gratiae favere viclentur, et quaedam, quae solum liberum arbitrium statuere sine gratia putantur : fuerunt quidam superbi, qui totam virtutem et efficaciam in sola libertate arbitrii consistere sunt arbitrati, et sunt nostro tempore multi (?), qui liberum arbitrium esse aliquid penitus desperant. — Therefore, cap. 1 4 : Nemo^ servat rectitudinem acceptam nisi volendo, velle autem illam aliquis nequit nisi habendo. Habere vero' illam nullatenus valet nisi per gratiam. Sicut ergo illam nullus accipit nisi gratia praeveniente, ita nullus earn servat nisi eadem gratia subsequente. Compare also his treatise, De libero Arbitrio, and Möliler, Kleine Schriften, i. s. 170 ff. (2) Sent. lib. i. dist. 40 A: Praedestinatio est gratiae prae- paratio, quae sine praescientia esse non potest. Potest autcm sine prceclestinatione esse prcescientia. Praedestinatione quippe Deus ea praescivit, quae fuerat ipse facturus, sed praescivit Deus etiam quae non esset ipse facturus, i. e. omnia mala. Praedestinavit eos quos elegit, reliquos vero reprobavit, i. e. ad mortem aeternara praescivit peccaturos. On the election of individuals, see dist. 46 ss. § 184.] PItEDESTINATIOir, 301 (3) Surnmae, P. i. qu. 23, art. 1 ss. (qu. by M'dnscher, von Colin, s. 151-154). He there distinguished between electio and dilectio. — God wills that all men should be helped ante- cedenter, but not consequenter {0iXv/^a irpovyovfievov and eTTofieiov). — Respecting the causa meritoria, see art. 5. (4) Comment, in Sent. lib. i. dist. 40, art. 2, qu. 1 (qu. by Miinschcr, von Colin, s. 154). — The free will, as a causa contingens, is included in the prescience. [Bonaventura raises the question, An pra?destinatio inferat salutis necessitatem ? and replies : quod prsedestinatio non infert necessitatem saluti, nee infert necessitatem libero arbitrio. Quoniam prevdestinatio non est causa salutis, nisi includendo merita, et ita salvando liberum arbitrium. Miinschcr, I.e.] (5) Duns Scotus in Sent. 1. i. dist. 40, in Eesol. (qu. by Miinschcr, von Colin, s. 155): Divina autem voluntas circa ipsas creaturas libere et contingenter se habet. Quocirca con- tingenter salvandos prsedestinat, et posset eosdem non pree- destinare. Dist. 17, qu. 1, in Eesol.: . . . Actus meritorius est in potestate hominis, supposita generali infiuentia, si habuerit liberi arbitrii usuni et gratiam, seel completio in ratione meriti non est in potestate hominis nisi dispositive, sic tarnen dis- positive, quod ex dispositione divina nobis revelata. (6) Thomas of Br ad war dine, surnamecl Doctor profundus, was born at Hartfield, in the county of Sussex (about the year 1290), was well read in the works of Plato and Aristotle, was a\ arden of Merton College, confessor of King Edward in., af ter- wards Archbishop of Canterbury, and died A.D. 1349. In his work entitled " De Causa Dei contra Pelagium et de Virtute Causarum," ad suos Mertonenses, libb. iii. (edited by Savilc, Lond. 1618, fob), extracts from which are given by Schröclch, Kg. xxxiv. s. 227 ff., he complained that almost the whole world had fallen into the error of Pelagianism. In his prin- ciples he agreed, on the whole, with Augustine and Anselm, though some of his notions appear more rigid than those of Augustine himself. Among other things, he lowered the free will of man so much, as to represent it as a servant who is following its mistress {i.e. the divine will), certainly a mechanical notion. Comp. Schröchh, I.e. Miinschcr, von Colin, s. 156 f. " That these repulsive {wholly necessitarian) positions were so unnoticed and unopposed, can only he explained hy the 302 THIRD PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. r§ 185. fact that the theologians of the fourteenth century were so absorbed in fruitless subtleties, that they had hardly any interest left in those parts of theology which are of chief practical importance." Gieseler, Dg. s. 524. (7) WyMiffe, Trialog. lib. ii. c. 14 : Vicletur mihi probabile . . . quod Deus necessitat creaturas singulas activas ad quem- libet actum suum. Et sic sunt aliqui yrwdestinati, h. e. post laborem ordinati ad gloriam, aliqui prmsciti, h. e. post vitam miseram ad po3nam perpetuam ordinati. Compare also what follows, where this idea is more fully discussed in a scholastico- speculative manner. [Comp, on Wiclif the work of Lechler, in Eng. by Lorimcr^] Wessel views the atonement, sometimes as general, and again as limited. Christ suffered for all, but His sufferings will avail to any man only as far as he shows susceptibility for them ; the susceptibility itself is proportioned to the amount of his inward purity, and to the degree in which his life is conformable to that of Christ : De Magn. Passion, c. 10 (qu. by Ullmann, s. 271 f.). — On Savonarola's more liberal views on the doctrine of predestination, see Rudel- bach, s. 361 ff . ; Meier, s. 269 ff., and Villari, vol. ii. ad fin. § 185. Appropriation of Grace» Hettberg, Scliolasticorum Placita de Gratiä et Merito, Gottingeu 1836. Although Augustine had demonstrated with logical strict- ness the natural corruption of mankind, unconditional election by the free grace of God, and the efficacy of that grace, he yet gave no precise statements respecting the appropriation of the grace of God on the part of man, justification, sanctification, etc. (1). It was in consequence of this very deficiency that Semi-Pelagianism again found its way into the Church. Thomas Aquinas understood by justification, not only the acquittal of the sinner from punishment, but also the communication of divine life (infusio gratia?) from the hand of God, which takes place at the same time (2). It was also possible to advance § 135.] APPROPRIATION OF GRACE. 303 very different definitions of the idea of grace ; some regarded it (from the theological point of view) as an attribute, or an act of God, while others looked upon it (in its bearing upon anthropology) as a religious and moral energy, working in man, and belonging to the nature of the regenerate. Hence Peter Lombard and Thomas Aquinas distinguished between gratia gratis dans, gratia gratis data, and gratia gratum faciens, the last of which was further divided into gratia, operans and gratia co-opcrans (prseveniens and comitans) (3). Concerning the certainty of divine grace, not only Thomas Aquinas, but also Tender, still entertained doubts (4) ; while the mystics, generally speaking, attempted to point out more definitely the various steps and degrees of the higher life wrought by the Holy Spirit in the regenerate, and to describe in detail the inward processes of enlightening, awakening, etc. (5). On the other hand, the fanatical sects of the Middle Ages, inclining to pantheism, lost sight of the serious character of sanctification in the fantastic intoxication of feeling (6). (1) See above, § 114. (2) Thomas, Summ. P. II. 1, qu. 100, art. 12 (qu. by Milnscher, von Colin, s. 147) : Justificatio primo ac proprie dicitur f actio justitim, secundario vero et quasi improprie potest dici justificatio significatio justitise, vel dispositio ad justitiam. Sed si loquamur de justificatione proprie dicta, justitia potest accipi prout est in habitu, vel prout est in actu. Et secundum hoc justificatio dupliciter dicitur, uno quidem modo, secundum quod homo fit Justus adipiscens habitum justitire, alio vero modo, secundum quod opera justitim operatur, ut secundum hoc justificatio nihil aliud sit quam Justitiar executio. Justitia autem, sicut et alias virtutes, potest accipi et acquisita et infusa. . . . Acquisita quidem causatur ex operibus, sed infusa causa- tur ab ipso Deo per ejus gratiam. Comp. qu. 113, art. 1 (qu. by Münscher, von Colin, I.e.). (3) Peter Lombard, Sent. ii. dist. 27 D. He says (ii. d. 26) : Operans gratia est, quse prsevenit voluntatem bonam, ea enim liberatur et prasparatur hominis voluntas, ut sit bona, bonum- que efficaoiter velit. Co-operans vero gratia voluntatem jam 304 THIRD PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 185. honam sequitur adjuvando. Thomas Aquinas, Summa, P. III. qu. 2, art. 10 (qu. by Miinschcr, von Colin, s. 140 ff.). According to Aquinas, God works good in us without our co-operation, but not without our consent : Summa, P. I. qu. 55, art. 4: Virtus infusa causatur in nobis a Deo sine nobis agentibus, non tamen sine nobis consentientibus'. Comp. Ritter, viii. s. 341. [Aquinas, P. II. 1, qu. 109, art. 6 : Con- versio hominis ad Deum fit quidem per liberum arbitrium, et secundum hoc homini prsecipitur quod se ad Deum convertat. Sed liberum arbitrium ad Deum converti non potest, nisi Deo ipsum ad se convertente.] Man's co-operation is much more insisted upon by Duns Scotus than by Thomas, Sentent. lib. iii. dist. 34, 5 : Dens dedit habitum voluntatis, semper assistit voluntati et habitui ad actus sibi convenientes. We are not to conceive of grace as infused into man, like fire into a piece of wood ; and not so that nature is crushed by grace (gratia naturam non tollit, sed perficit) ; see Iiitter,l.c. s. 372. Banr, Lehrb. s. 189 ff. Gieseler, Dg. s. 521 ff. (4) Aquinas supposed (Summa, P. II. 1, qu. 112, art. 5) a threefold way in which man could ascertain whether he was a subject of divine grace or not : 1. By direct revelation on the part of God; 2. By himself (certitudinaliter) ; 3. By cer- tain indications (conjecturalitur per aliqua signa). But the last two were, in his opinion, uncertain ; as for the first, God very seldom makes use oi it, and only in particular cases (revelat Deus hoc aliquando aliquibus ex speciali privilegio). Luther denounced this notion of the uncertainty of man being in a state of grace (in his Comment, upon Gal. iv. 6) as a dangerous and sophistical doctrine. Nevertheless Tauler enter- tained the same opinion, Predigten. Bd. i. s. 67: No man on earth is either so good, or so blessed, or so well informed in holy doctrine, as to know whether he is in the grace of God or not, unless it be made known to him by a special revela- tion of God. If a man will but examine himself, it will be evident enough to him that he does not know ; thus the desire of knowing proceeds from ignorance, as if a child would know what an emperor has in his heart. Accordingly, as he who is diseased in body is to believe his physician, who knows the nature of his disease better than himself, so man must trust in some modest confessor. § 185.] APPROPRIATION OF GRACE. 305 (5) According to Bonaventura, the grace of God manifests itself in a threefold way : 1. In habitus virtutum ; 2. In habitus donorum ; 3. In habitus beatitudinum (Breviloquium, v. 4 ss. ; comp. Eichard of St. Victor, quoted by Engclhardt, s. 30 ff.). A lively picture of the mystical doctrine of salvation is given in the work, Büchlein von der Deutschen Theologie, in which it is shown how Adam must die, and Christ live in us. In his opinion, purification, illumination, and union are the three principal degrees. The last in particular (unio mystica) is to be brought forward as the aim and crown of the whole. According to chap. 25 of this work, it (union) consists in this : " that we are pure, single-minded, and, in the pursuit of truth, are entirely one with the one eternal will of God ; or that we have not any will at all of our own; or that the will of the creature flows into the will of the eternal Creator, and is so blended with it, and annihilated by it, that the eterncd will alone wills, acts, and suffers in us." Comp. chap. 30 : " Behold, man in that state walls or desires nothing but good as such, and for no other reason but because it is good, and not because it is this thing or that, nor because it pleases one or displeases another, nor because it is pleasant or unpleasant, sweet or bitter, etc. ... for all selfishness, egoism, and man's own interest have ceased, and fallen into oblivion ; no longer is it said, I love myself, or I love you, or such and such a thing. And if you would ask Charity, What dost thou love ? she would say, I love good. And why ? she would say, Because it is good. And because it is good, it is also good, and right, and well done, that it may be right well desired and loved. And if my own self were better than God, then I ought to love it above God. On that account God does not love Himself as God, but as the highest good. For if God knew anything better than God, etc. (comp. § 168, note 3). . . . Behold, thus it ought to be, and really is, in a godly person, or in a truly sanctified man, for otherwise he could neither be godly nor sanctified." Chap. 39:" Now, it might be asked, What man is godly or sanctified ? The reply is, He who is illuminated and enlight- ened with the eternal or divine light, and kindled with eternal or divine love, is a godly or sanctified person. . . . We might to know that light and knowledge arc nothing, and are good for nothing, without charity." (He distinguishes, however, Hagexb. Hist. Doct. ii. U 306 THIRD PERIOD.-«— THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 185. between the true light and the false, between true love and false love, etc.) Tauter expressed himself in similar terms (Predigten, i. s. 117): " He who has devoted himself to God, and surrendered himself prisoner to Him for ever, may expect that God, in His turn, will surrender Himself prisoner to him ; and, overcoming all obstacles, and opening all prisons, God will lead man to the divine liberty, viz. to Himself. Then man will, in some respects, be rather a divine being than a natural man. And if you touch man, you touch God ; he who would see and confess the former, must see and confess him in God. Here all wounds are healed, and all pledges are remitted ; here the transition is made irorn the creature to God, from the natural being, in some respect, to a divine being. This loving reciprocation is above our apprehension, it is above all sensible or perceptible ways, and above natural methods. Those who are within, and are what we have described, are in much the nearest and best way, and in the path to much the greatest blessedness, where they will ever enjoy God in the highest possible degree. It is far better to remain silent on those points than to speak of them ; better to perceive, or to feel, than to understand them." — Suso, 1 speaking of the unio mystica, in his treatise entitled : Büchlein von der ewigen Weisheit, Buch ii. c. 7, expressed himself poetically as follows (quoted by Diepenbrock, s. 275): "0 thou gentle and lovely flower of the field, thou beloved bride in the embraces of the soul, loving with a pure love, how happy is he who ever truly felt what it is to possess thee ; but how strange is it to hear a man [talk of thee] who does not know thee, and whose heart and mind are yet carnal ! thou precious, thou incomprehensible good, this hour i& a happy one, this present time is a sweet one, in which I must open to thee a secret wound which thy sweet love has inflicted upon my heart. Lord, Thou knowest that sharing in love is like water in fire ; Thou knowest that true, heartfelt love cannot endure a duality. Thou ! the only Lord of my heart and soul, and therefore my heart desires that Thou shouldst love me with a special love, and that Thy divine eyes would 1 On the further views of Suso as to the method of salvation, and its three degrees (purgatio, illuminatio, perfectio), see Schmidt, ubi supra, s. 48. To iiuat üi divinity, as the eagle in the air, is the end of his aspirations, s. 50. § 185.] APPROPRIATION OF GKACE. 307 take a special delight in me. Lord ! Thou hast so many hearts which love Thee with a heartfelt love, and prevail much with Thee ; alas ! Thou tender and dear Lord ! how is it then with me ? " Buysbroek treated very fully of the mystical doctrine of salvation (quoted by Engelhardt, s. 190 ff.). In his opinion, man attains unto God by an active, an inward, and a contemplative life. The first has regard rather to the external (Y-xevcises of penance). Only when man. loves do his desires take an opposite direction. When our spirits turn entirely to the light, viz. God, all will be made perfect in us, and be restored to its original state. We are united to the light, and, by the grace of God, are born again, of grace, above nature. The eternal light itself brings forth four lights in us : 1. The natural light of heaven, which we have in common with the animals ; 2. The glory of the highest heaven, by which we behold, as it were, with our bodily senses, the glorified body of Christ and the saints ; 3. The spiritual light (the natural intelligence of angels and men) ; 4. The light of the grace of God. — Concerning the three unities in man, the three advents of Christ, the four processions, the three meetings, the gifts of the Spirit, etc., as well as the various degrees of the contemplative life, the degrees of love, see Engelhardt, I.e. — Savonarola described (in his sermons) the state of grace as a sealing of the heart ; Jesus Christ, the crucified One, is the seal with which the sinner is sealed after he has done penance, and received a new heart. The waters of temporal afflictions cannot quench the fire of this love, etc. ; never- theless, grace does not work irresistibly ; man may resist, as well as lose it again. Respecting Savonarola's views on the doctrine of the uncertainty of a state of grace, see Rudelbach, s. 364, and Meier, s. 272. (6) See the Episcopal letter quoted by Mosheim, p. 256 : Item dicunt, quod homo possit sic uniri Deo, quod ipsius sit idem posse ac velle et operari quodcunque, quod est ipsius Dei. Item credunt, se esse Deum per naturam sine distinc- tione. Item, quod sint in eis omnes perfectiones divinae, ita quod dicunt, se esse seternos, et in aäternitate. Item dicunt, se omnia creasse, et plus creasse, quam Dens. Item, quod nullo indigent nee Deo nee Deitate. Item, quod sunt impeccabiles, unde quemcunque actum peccati faciunt sine peccato (compare 308 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 186 above, § 1G5, note 2). — The opinions of Master Eckart on this question were also pantheistic : Nos transformamur tota- lster in Deum et convertimur in euni simili modo, sicut in sacrarnento convertitur panis in Corpus Christi: sic- ego con- verter in eum, quod ipse operatur in me suum esse. Unum non simile per viventem Deum verum est, quod nulla ibi est distinctio. (Cf. Raynald, Annal. ad a. 1329.) He was opposed by Gcrson (see Hundeshagcn, s. 66). §186. Faith and Works — The Meritoriousness of the Latter. Though many of the scholastics were inclined to Pelagian- ism, yet the doctrine of justification by faith had to be retained as Pauline. But then the difficult question was, what we are to understand by faith. John of Damascus had already repre- sented faith as consisting in two things, viz. a belief in the truth of the doctrines, and a firm confidence in the promises of God (1). Hugo of St. Victor also defined faith, on the one hand as cognitio, and on the other as affectus (2). And, lastly, the distinction made by Peter Lombard between credere Deum, credere Deo, and credere in Deum (3), shows that he too acknow- ledged a difference in the usage of the term " faith." Only the last kind of faith was regarded by the scholastics as fides justificans, fides formata (4). The most eminent theologians both perceived and taught that this kind of faith must of itself produce good works (5). Nevertheless, the theory of the meritoriousness of good works was developed in connection with ecclesiastical practice. Though the distinction made by Aquinas between meritum ex condigno and meritum ex congruo seemed to limit human claims, yet it only secured the appear- ance of humility (6). But the evil grew still worse when the notion of supererogatory works, which may be imputed to those who have none of their own, became a dangerous sup- port of the sale of indulgences (7). There were, however, even at that time, some who strenuously opposed such abuses (8). § 186.] FAITH AND WOEKS. 309 (1) De fide orth. iv. 10 : H p,ivrot 7rtcrTt? BiTrXr) ia-Tiv eari yäp iriaris e£ a«oj}9 (Pom. x. 17). ' Aicovovres yap t&v Oelwv ypa(pcov, irtarevo^ev rrj hihaaKakla rov äyiov irvevfiaTo^. Avrrj &e reXeiovrat, iracn rots vofioOerrjOetatv vivo rod XpiaTou, epyo TTiaTevovaa, evcreßovaa Kai tcis ei/ToXa? irpdrrovaa tou uvaKaiviaavTOS rj/xäs . . . "Ecrri 8e ttuXlv ttuttis i\7n^o/j,evcov viröa-raoLS (Heb. xi. 1), irpay/xarcov eXey^os ov ßXeiropbevwv, rj aSiffTOjeTas Kai aStaKpiTOS e'A,7rtp,7is earl, 7) Be Sevrepa rcov ^apLafxdrcov tov irvevpuaros. (2) On the difference between these two terms, compare Liebner, s. 435. [Hugo oj St. Victor, De Sacramentis, liber 1, part x. cap. 3 : Duo sunt, in quibus fides constat : cognitio et affcctus, i. e. constantia vel firmitas credendi. In altero constat quia ipsa illud est ; in altero constat, quia ipsa in illo est. In affectu enim substantia fidei invenitur ; in cognitione materia. Aliud enim est fides, qua creditur, et aliud, quod creditur. In affectu invenitur fides, in cognitione id, quod fide creditur.] (3) Sent. lib. iii. dist. 23 D: Aliud est enim credere in Deum, aliud credere Deo, aliud credere Deum. Credere Deo, est credere vera esse quas loquitur, quod et mali faciunt. Et nos credimus homini, sed non in hominem. Credere Deum, est credere quod ipse sit Deus, quod etiam mali faciunt (this kind of faith was sometimes called the faith of devils, accord- ing to Jas. ii. 9). Credere in Deum est credendo amare, credendo in eum ire, credendo ei adheerere et ejus membris incorporari. Per banc fidem justificatur impius, ut deinde ipsa fides incipiat per dilectionem operari. — The same holds true of the phrase, credere Christum, etc. Comp. Lit. C. (4) Generally speaking, the scholastics made a difference between subjective and objective faith, fides qua and fides quce creditur {Peter Lombard, I.e.). As a subdivision, we find mentioned fides formata, which works by love. Faith without love remains informis, see Lombard, I.e. ; Thomas Aquinas, Summ. P. II. 2, qu. 4, art. 3 (quoted by Münscher, von Colin, s. 175). So, too, a distinction was made between developed and undeveloped faith (fides explicita et implicita) ; the latter is sufficient, see Summa, II. qu. 1, art. 7 ; qu. 2, art. 6 and 7. (5) Thus Peter Lombard said, I.e. : Sola bona opera dicenda 310 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 186. sunt, quae fiunt per dilectionem Dei. Ipsa enira dilectio opus fidei dicitur. — Faith would therefore still be the source of good works; comp. lib. ii. dist. 41 A, where everything which does not proceed from faith (according to Eom. xiv. 23) is represented as sin. — The views of Thomas Aquinas were not quite so scriptural ; Summ. P. II. 2, qu. 4, art. 7, he spoke of faith itself as a virtue, though he assigned to it the first and highest place among all virtues. Such notions, however, led more and more to the revival of Pelagian senti- ments, till the forerunners of the Reformation returned to the path of the gospel. This was done, e.g., by Wessel (see Ullmann, s. 272 ff.) and Savonarola (see Rudelbach, s. 351). On the other hand, even the Waldenses laid much stress upon works of repentance. Thomas a Kcmpis did not start from the central point of the doctrine of justification in such a measure and manner as did the above ; see Ullmann, ubi supra. (6) Alanus ab Insults also opposed the notion of the meritoriousness of works in decided terms, ii. 18 (quoted by Pez, i. p. 492) : Bene mereri proprie dicitur, qui sponte alicui benefacit, quod facere non tenetur. Sed nihil Deo facimus, quod non teneamur facere . . . Ergo meritum nostrum apud Deum non est proprie meritum, sed solutio debiti. Sed non est merces nisi meriti vel debiti prsecedentis. Sed non meremur proprie; ergo quod dabitur a Deo, non erit proprie merces, sed gratia. — Some theologians regarded faith itself as meritorious (inasmuch as they considered it to be a work, a virtue — obedience to the Church). Thomas Aq. P. II. 2, qu. 2, art. 9. — But how externally the doctrine of faith was understood is shown by the scholastics of the later period, who regarded faith as meritorious in proportion to the difficulty of belie vin» in that which has its object. The more incredible a thing, the greater merit in believing it. To compel oneself to faith is accordingly a requirement to be imposed on the will. So Durandus a Sancto Porciano and W. Occam. Such a forced faith led of necessity to the irony and frivolity of unbelief. — On the distinction made between different kinds of merita, see P. II. 1, q. 114, art. 4 (qu. by Milnscher, von Colin, s. 145). Men have only a meritum ex congruo, but not ex condigno. Christ alone possessed the latter. § 186.] FAITH AND WORKS. 311 (7) The development of the doctrine of a thesaurus meri- torum, thesaurus supererogationis perfectorum, belongs to Alexander of Hales (Summa, Pars iv. qusest. 23, art. 2, membr. 5). To this was added the distinction made by Thomas Aquinas between consilium and prseceptum, see Summ. P. II. qu. 108, art. 4 (qu. by Milnscher, von Colin, s. 177). On the historical development of indulgences, see t (Ens.) Amort, Historia ... de Origine, Progressu, Valore et Fructu Indulgentiarum, Venet. 1738, fol. Comp. Gieseler, Kg. ii. 2, s. 452 ff. Ullmann, Eeformatoren vor d. Eef. i. s. 203 ff. \Hirscher, Die Lehre vom Ablass, Tub. 1844. (8) Thus the Franciscan monk Berthold, in the thirteenth century, zealously opposes the penny-preachers who seduce the souls of men (see Kling, s. 149, 150, 235, 289, 384, 398; Grimm, s. 210; Wackernagel, Deutsch. Lesebuch, i. Sp. 664). On the struggles of Wyhliffe, Hus, and others, see the works on Church History. Concerning the treatise of Hus : De Indulgentiis, compare Schröckh, xxxiv. s. 599 ff. Besides, the actual exercises of penance on the part of the Flagellantes, and those who tormented themselves, formed a practical opposition to the laxity of their principles. See Gieseler, I.e. s. 469. SIXTH DIVISION. THE DOCTRINE OF THE CHUECH AND THE SACEAMENTS. §187. TJie Church. Even in the preceding period the idea of the Church had become confounded with its historical manifestation, and thus the way was prepared for all the abuses of the hierarchy, and the development of the papal power. The relation in which the ecclesiastical power stands to the secular (or the Church to the State), was often illustrated by the comparison of the two swords, which some supposed to be separated, while others thought them united in the hand o. Peter (1). It belongs, properly speaking, to the province of Canon Law further to develope and define those relations ; but, inasmuch as adher- ence to the decisions of ecclesiastical authorities on such matters was supposed to form a part of orthodoxy, and as every departure from them appeared not only heretical, but as the most dangerous of all heresies, it is obvious that they are not to be passed over with silence in a History of Doctrines. That which exerted the greatest influence upon the doctrinal tendency of the present age was the dogma of the papal power and infallibility, in opposition to the position that the council is superior to the pope (2). The mystical idea of the Church, and the notion of a universal priesthood, which was intimately connected with it, was propounded, with 312 § 187.] THE CHÜRCH. 313 more or less definiteness, by Hugo of St. Victor, as well as by the forerunners of the Preformation, Wykliffe, Matthias of Janow, Hus, John of Wesel, Wessel, and Savonarola (3). The anti-hierarchical element referred to, and together with it the anti-ecclesiastical, manifested itself nowhere so strongly as in the fanatical sects of the Middle Ages, whose principles also led them sometimes to oppose not only Christianity, but also the existing political governments (4). On the other hand, the Waldenses and Bohemian brethren endeavoured, in a simple way, and without fanaticism, to return to the founda- tion laid by the apostles : overlooking, however, the historical development of the Church (5). (1) This is more fully shown in the work entitled : Vridankes Bescheidenheit, 1 edit, by Grimm, Gott. 1834, s. lvii. — Bernard of Clairvaux already interpreted the words of Luke xxii. 36-38 in a figurative sense, Epist. ad Eugen. 256 (written A.D. 1146) ; in agreement with him, John of Salisbury (Polic. iv. 3) asserted that both the swords are in the hands of the pope, but yet the pope ought to wield the secular sword by the arm of the emperor. On the other hand, the Emperor Frederick I. referred the one of the two swords to the power of the pope, the other to that of the emperor (see the letters written a.D. 1157, 1160, 1167, in the work of Grimm). The Emperor Otto maintained the same in opposition to Pope Innocent in. Since it was Peter (according to John xviii. 10) who drew the sword, the advocates of the papal system inferred that both the swords ought to be in one hand, and that the pope had only to lend it to the emperor. Such was the reasoning, e.g., of the Franciscan monk Berthold. On the contrary, others, as Freidank, Beinmar of Zwcter, and the author of the work entitled : Der Sachsenspiegel, insisted that the power was to be divided ; in a note to the Sachsenspiegel it is assunied that Christ gave only one of the two swords 1 The passage in Vridank reads (s. 152) : Zwei swert in einer scheide verderbent lihte beide ; als der bäbest riches gert, so verderbent beidin awert. 314 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 187. to the Apostle Peter, but the other, the secular one, to the Apostle John. The papal view was defended in the work called : Der Schwabenspiegel. Further particulars are given by Grimm, I.e. — There were also not wanting those who advo- cated the freedom of the Church in opposition to the secular as well as the spiritual domination. Thus John of Salisbury maintained the principle : Ecclesiastica debent esse liberrima ; see his 95th Epistle, in the collection of Masson (in Ritter, Gesch. d. Phil. viii. s. 50, Anm.). (2) Compare, e.g., the bull issued by Pope Boniface vm. A.D. 1302 (in Extravag. Commun. lib. i. tit. viii. cap. 1), and the decision of the Synod of Basel, Sess. i. July 19, 1431, in which the opposite doctrine was set forth {Mansi, t. xxix. Cod. 21 : both in Miinscher, von Colin, p. 316-318). (3) According to Hugo of St. Victor (De Sacram. lib. ii. P. iii. quoted by Liebner, s. 445 ff.), Christ is the invisible Head of the Church, and the multitudo fidelium is the body. The Church, as a whole, is divided into two halves (walls), the laity and the clergy (the left side and the right side). As much as the spirit is above the body, so much is the ecclesi- astical power above the secular. On that account the former has the right not only to institute the latter, but also to judge it when it is corrupt. But since the ecclesiastical power itself is instituted by God, it can be judged only by God when it turns from the right path (1 Cor. vi.). Hugo also acknow- ledged the pope as the Vicar of Peter. He conceded to him the privilege of being served by all ecclesiastics, and the unlimited power of binding and loosing all things upon earth. — Wykliffe made a much more precise distinction between the idea of the Church and the external ecclesiastical power than Hugo (see the extracts from the Trialogus given by Schröckh, xxxiv. s. 510 ff., and his other writings of an anti- hierarchical tendency, ibid. s. 547 ff.). Neander, Kg. 3te Aufl. ii. s. 764 ff. Bbhringer, s. 409. Still more definite was Matthias of Janoiv (De Ptegulis Vet. et Novi Test), who says that seeming Christians can no more be regarded as Christians than a painted man can be called a man ; comp. Neander, I.e. s. 777 ff. Hus, in his treatise De Ecclesia, distinguishes between three forms of manifestation of the Church : 1 . Ecclesia triumphans, i. e. beati in patria quieseentes, qui adversus § 187.] THE CHURCH. 315 Satanam militiam Christi tenentes, finaliter triumpharunt ; 2. Ecclesia dormiens, i. e. numerus praedestinatorum in pur- gatorio patiens ; 3. Ecclesia militans, i. e. ecclesia praedestina- torum, dum hi viant ad patriam. These three Churches are, however, to be one Church on the day of judgment. From this true Church, at present represented in these three forms, he distinguishes again the ecclesia nuncupative dicta (the ecclesia of the prazsciti) ; quidam sunt in ecclesia nomine et re, ut prcedeslinati, obedientes Christo catholici ; quidam nee re nee nomine, ut preesciti pagani ; quidam nomine tantum, ut prsesciti hypocritse ; et quidam re, licet videantur nomine esse foris, ut prsedestinati Christiani, quos Antichristi satrapse videntur in facie ecclesise condemnare (among whom Hus probably reckoned himself). Comp, further in Milnchmcicr, ubi supra, s. 16 ff. Hase, Kirchengeschichte, s. 387, says of him : " Hus ascended from the idea of the Roman Church to the idea of the true Church, which ivas in his opinion the community of cdl who have from eternity been predestinated to blessedness, and whose head can be none but Christ Himself, and not ilie pope. As Hus, however, retained all the assertions concerning the Church made by Roman Catholics, and applied them to the said community of the elect, who alone can administer the sacraments in an efficient way, his Church must necessarily have assumed the character of an association of separatists." On the relation of the views of Hus to those of Gerson, see Mihnch- meier, I.e. s. 18, note. Hus' friend, Nicolas de CUmangis, also, in agreement with Hus, regarded the vital faith of the indi- vidual as the real living principle by which the dead Church was to be revived ; hence his declaration : In sola potest muliercula per gratiam manere ecclesia, sicut in sola Virgine tempore passionis mansisse creditur (Disputatio de Concil. Generali). Comp. Münz, Nie. Clemanges, sa vie et ses ecrits, Stras. 1846, p. 58, 59. Johann von Wesel (Disp. adv. In- dulgent), starting from the different definitions of the word ecclesia, shows that we can equally well say, ecclesia univer- salis non errat and ecclesia universalis errat. Only the Church founded on the rock is to him sancta et immaculata ; and he distinguishes from this the Church peccatrix et adultera. John Wesscl held that the Church consists in the community of saints, to which all who are truly pious belong, viz. those 316 THIHD PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 187. who are united to Christ by one faith, one hope, and one love (he did not exclude the Greek Christians). The external unity of the Church under a pope is in his view merely accidental; nor is the unity spoken of established by the decrees of councils. (Hyperboreans, Indians, and Scythians, who know nothing of the Councils of Constance or Basel !) But he considered love to be still more excellent than the unity of faith. In close adherence to the principle of Augus- tine (Evangelio non crederem, etc.), which he regarded as a subjective concession, he believed with the Church, and according to the Church, but not in the Church. Respecting the priesthood, he retained the distinction between laity and clergy, but at the same time admitted the doctrine of a universal priesthood, together with the particular priesthood of the clergy. Nor does the Church exist for the sake of the clergy, but, on the contrary, the clergy exist for the sake of the Church. Comp. Ulimann, s. 296 ff. (after the various essays, De dignitate et potestate ecclesiastica, De Sacramento pceni- tinentise, De communione Sanctorum et thesauro ecclesise, collected in the Farrago Eerum Theologicarum), and Milnch- meier, s. 19. — According to Savonarola, the Church is composed of all those who are united in the bonds of love and of Christian truth by the grace of the Holy Spirit; and the Church is not there, where this grace does not exist ; see the pas- sages collected from his sermons in Rudelbach, s. 354 ff., and Meier, s. 282 ff. Respecting the mystical interpretation of the ark of the covenant as having regard to the Church, see ibid. (4) Compare Moshcim, p. 257: Dicunt se credere, ecclesiam catholicam sive christianitatem fatuam esse vel fatuitatem. Item, quod homo perfectus sit liber in totum, quod tenetur ad servandum prsecepta data ecclesise a Deo, sicut est prseceptum de honoratione parentum in necessitate. Item, quod ratione hujus libertatis homo non tenetur ad servandum prsecepta Pnelatorum et statutorum ecclesise, et hominem fortem, etsi non religiosum, non obligari ad labores manuales pro neces- sitatibus suis, sed eum libere posse recipere eleemosynam pauperum. Item dicunt, se credere omnia esse communia, unde dicunt, furtum eis licitum esse. (5) Comp. Giescler, Kg. ii. 2, s. 506 ff. Herzog, Waldenser, 8. 194 ff. § 188.] THE WORSHIP OF SAINTS. 317 § 188. The Worship of Saints. [Eev. J. B. Morris, Jesus the Son of Mary ; on the Reverence shown by Catholics to His blessed Mother, Loud. 2 vols. 1851. Newman, On Development, 173-180.] The hierarchical system of the papacy, which was reared like a lofty pyramid upon earth, was supposed to correspond to a similar hierarchy in heaven, at the head of which was Mary, the mother of God (1). The objection of the polythe- istic tendency of this doctrine, which would naturally suggest itself to reflecting minds, was met by the scholastics of the Greek Church by making a distinction between Xarpeia and irpocncvvr)(TL) irpoaKvvr\(jL, note. — The expression character, where it was not regarded as indelebilis, was sometimes used interchangeably with the expression ornatus animas ; but this was also opposed. See Hahn, s. 295 ; and more fully on the character indelebilis in general, s. 298 ff. It follows from this that for a long time this whole subject belonged to the class of "disputable " doctrines. § 190.] THE SACRAMENTS. 329 propter exhibitionem sacramenti. (This latter view was also that of Scotus.) See Hahn, s. 396 ff. (8) Thomas, I.e. qu. 64, art. 5: . . . Ministri ecclesiaa possunt sacranienta conferre, etiamsi sint mali. Art. 9 : Sicut non requiritur ad perfectionem sacramenti, quod minister sit in charitate, sed possunt etiam peccatores sacra- menta conferre ; ita non requiritur ad perfectionem sacramenti fides ejus, sed infidelis potest verum sacramentum prsebere, dummodo caetera adsint, quae sunt de necessitate sacramenti. Concerning the intentio, compare ibidem and art. 10. Milnscher, von Colin, s. 196 ; Cramer, vii. s. 712 f., where the subject of the different kinds of intentio is more closely examined, s. 222 ff. 1 (9) Compare note 7. There was also a difference of opinion on the question, whether the grace of the sacrament was specifically different from that which was imparted to men in other ways, or whether it was identical with it. The former view was maintained by Albert the Great and Thomas Aquinas, the latter by Alexander of Hales, Duns Scotus, Occam, Bid, and others. See Halm, s. 323 ff., and the passages there adduced. In any case, according to the scholastic view, God Himself remains the causa principalis of grace, while the sacrament is to be regarded as the causa instrumentalis. Thomas Aquinas in Hahn, s. 385. According to another view, the sacraments appeared as pledges of grace, as a secondary cause (causa sine qua non), Hahn, s. 391. (10) Wyldiffe criticized the doctrine of the sacraments very acutely. Trialogus, lib. iv. c. 1 ss. In his opinion, a thousand other things (in their quality of rerum sacrarum signa) might be called sacraments, with quite as much propriety as the seven sacraments. . . . Multa dicta in ista materia habent nimis debile fundamentum, et propter aggre- gationem ac institutionem in terminis difficile est loquentibus 1 In accordance with this doctrine, the moral condition of the administrant does not come into consideration. "A stable is not less clean when it is cleared out with a rusty iron fork than with a gold one, set with precious stones. A gold ring which a king gives as a present to one of his subjects loses none of its value that it is conveyed to him by a peasant. The rose is no less red in the hand of a dirty woman than in that of an emperor." Thus wrote Peter Pillichdorf, in the year 1444, against the Waldensesj qu. by Halm, I.e. Only the sin of Simony is excepted. 330 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 101. habere viam impugnabilem yeritatis . . . Non enira video, quin quselibet creatura sensibilis sit realiter sacramentum, quia signum a Deo institutum ut rem sacram insensibilem significet, cujusmodi sunt creator et creatio et gratia creatoris. Comp. c. 25, where he designates the ceremonies which had been added to the sacraments as inventions of Antichrist, by which he had imposed a heavy burden upon the Church. Wcssel expresses himself in milder terms on this point ; he did not altogether disapprove of certain external additions (Chrisma), since out of reverence the Church has surrounded the sacraments with greater solemnity ; but, as regarded their effects, he opposes the doctrine which would represent them as being produced ex opere operato, and makes salvation depend on the disposition of him who receives the sacrament ; De Commuu. Sanct. p. 817. Ullmann, s. 322 f. (11) Mosheim, I.e. p. 257: Dicunt se credere, quod qui- libet Laicus bonus potest conficere corpus Christi, sicut sacerdos peccator. Item, quod sacerdos, postquam exuit se sacris vestibus, est sicut saccus evacuatus frumento. Item, quod corpus Christi sequaliter est in quolibet pane, sicut in pane sacramentali. Item, quod confiteri sacerdoti non est necessarium ad salutem. Item, quod corpus Christi vel sacramentum Eucharistie sumere per Laicum, tantum valet pro liberatione animse defuncti, sicut celebratio Missse a sacerdote. Item, quod omnis concubitus matrimonialis praeter ilium, in quo speratur bonum prolis, sit peccatum. — Comp. Berthold' s Predigten, edited by Kling, s. 308 f. § 191. Baptism. The scholastics exhibited more originality in their defini- tions respecting the Lord's Supper than in those which had regard to Baptism, where they confined themselves rather to particular points. In adherence to the allegorical system of Cyprian, they adopted the mystical view of the water as the liquid element, but exercised their ingenuity and fondness § 191.] BAPTISM. 331 for subtle distinctions in pedantic definitions concerning the fluids to be used at the administration of the rite of baptism (1). The baptism of blood was as well known during the present period as in preceding ages, with this difference only, that its subjects were those who inflicted tortures upon themselves (Flagellantes), instead of the martyrs (2). The baptism of water could be administered by none but priests, except in cases of necessity (instanti necessitate) (3). The doctrine of infant baptism had long been regarded by the Church as a settled point; Peter of Bniys, however, and some mystical sects, spoke of it in a disparaging manner (4). As infants, at their baptism, could not enter into any engagement themselves, an engagement was made for them by their godfathers and godmothers, according to the principle of Augustine : Credit in altero, qui peccavit in altero (5). — Infant baptism was supposed to remove original sin, but it did not take away the concupiscentia (lex fomitis), though it lessened it by means of the grace imparted in baptism (6). In the case of grown-up persons who are baptized, baptism not only effects the pardon of sins formerly committed, but it also imparts, according to Peter Lombard, assisting grace to perform virtuous actions (7). — The assertion of Thomas Aquinas, that children also obtained that grace (8), was confirmed by Pope Clement V. at the Synod of Vienne (a.D. 1311) (9). Baptism forms, besides, the foundation and condition of all other sacraments (10). (1) Compare Cramer, vii. s. 715 ff. Peter Lombard taught, Sent. lib. iv. dist. 3 G : Non in alio liquore potest consecrari baptisnms nisi in aqua ; others, however, thought that the rite of baptism might also be performed with air, sand, or soil. (J. A. Schmid, De Baptismo per Arenam, Helmst. 1697, 4to.) Various opinions obtained concerning the question whether beer, broth, fish -sauce, mead or honey water, lye or rose-water, might be used instead of pure water. See Meiners and Spittlers Neues Gutting, histor. Magazin, Bd. iii. St. 2, 1793 (reprinted from Holder i dubietatibus 332 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 191. circa Baptismum) ; Augusti, Theologische Blätter, 1 Jahrg. s. 170 ff., and his Archäologie, vii. s. 206 ff. The scholastics carried their absurdities so far as to start the question : Quid faciendum, si puer minaret (stercorizaret) in fontem ? A dis- tinction was also made between aqua artificialis, naturalis, and usualis. — Many other useless and unprofitable contentions took place about the bajitismal formula ; see Holder, I.e. — SjJrinkling also (instead of dipping) gave rise to many dis- cussions. Thomas Aquinas preferred the more ancient custom (Summa, T. III. qu. 66, art. 6), because immersion reminded Christians of the burial of Christ ; but he did not think it absolutely necessary. From the thirteenth century sprinkling came into more general use in the West. The Greek Church, however, and the Church of Milan still retained the practice of immersion ; see Augusti, Archäologie, vii. s. 229 ff. 1 — On the question whether it was necessary to dip once or thrice, see Holder, I.e. (he has collected many more instances of the ingenuity and acuteness of the casuists in reference to all possible difficulties). (2) Tlwmas Aquinas, qu. 66, art. 11: rrreter baptismum aqure potest aliquis consequi sacramenti effectum ex passione Christi, inquantum quis ei conformatur pro Christo patiendo. — Concerning the Flagellantes, see Förstemann, Die christ- lichen Geisslergesellschaften, Halle 1828. (3) Peter Lombard, Sent. iv. dist. 6 A (after Isidore of Sev.) : Constat baptismum solis sacerdotibus esse traditum, ej usque ministerium nee ipsis diaconis implere est licitum absque episcopo vel presbytero, nisi his procul absentibus ultima languoris cogat necessitas : quod etiam laicis fidelibus per- mittitur. — Compare Gratian. in Decret. de Consecrat. dist. 4, c. 19. — Tlwmas Aquinas, Summ. P. III. qu. 67, art. 1-6, in Hahn, s. 174. (The further definitions belong to the province of canon law.) (4) Comp. Petr. Ven. Cluniaccnsis adv. Petrobrusianos (in Bibl. PP. Max. Lugd. t. xxii. p. 1033).— The Paulicians, Bogo- 1 Various regulations concerning the right performance of baptism may also be found in Berthold' s Sermons, s. 442 f. Thus it is there said: "Young people ought not to baptize children for fun or mockery ; nor ought foolish people to push a Jew into the water against his will. Such doings have no eliect." § 191.] BAPTISM. 333 miles, Cathari, etc., opposed infant baptism ; several of these sects {e.g. the Cathari) rejected baptism by water altogether. Comp. Moneta, Adv. Catharos et Waldenses, lib. v. i. 1, p. 277 ss. Münscher, von Colin, s. 209 f. (5) Comp, above, § 137, note 6. Peter Lombard, Sent. lib. iv. dist. 6 G. Thomas Aquinas, qu. 6 8, art. 9 : Eegeneratio spiritualis, quse fit per baptismum, est quodammodo similis nativitati carnali, quantum ad hoc, quod, sicut pueri in maternis uteris constituti non per se ipsos nutrimentum acci- piunt, sed ex nutrimento matris sustentantur, ita etiam pueri nondum habentes usum rationis, quasi in utero matris eccle- siae constituti, non per se ipsos, sed per actum ecclesiae salutem suscipiunt. — The regulations concerning the spiritual relation- ship in which the godfathers and godmothers stand to each other, belong to the canon law. Comp. Peter Lomb. lib. iv. dist. 42. Thomas Aquinas, P. III. in Supplem. qu. 56, art. 3. Decretalia Greg. ix. lib. iv. t. 11. Sexti Decretal, lib. iv. t. 3. (6) Lombard, lib. ii. dist. 32 A (after Augustine): Licet remaneat concupiscentia post baptismum, non tarnen domina- tur et regnat sicut ante : imo per gratiam baptismi mitigatur et minuitur, ut post dominari non valeat, nisi quis reddat vires hosti eundo post concupiscentias. Nee post baptismum remanet ad reatum, quia non imputatur in peccatum, sed tantum poena peccati est ; ante baptismum vero poena est et culpa. Compare what follows. Thomas Aquinas, Summ. P. II. qu. 81, art. 3 : Peccatum originale per baptismum aufertur reatu, inquantum anima recuperat gratiam quantum ad mentem : remanet tarnen peccatum originale actio, quantum adfomitem, qui est inordinatio partium inferiorum anhme et ipsius corporis. Comp. P. III. qu. 27, art. 3. (7) Lombard, lib. iv. dist. 4 H : De adultis enim, qui digne recipiunt sacramentum, non ambigitur, quin gratiam operantem et co-operantem perceperint. . . . De parvulis vero, qui nondum ratione utuntur, quaestio est, an in baptismo receperint gratiam, qua ad majorem venientes aatatem possint velle et operari bonum. Videtur, quod non receperint : quia gratia ilia charitas est et fides, quae voluntatem prasparat et adjuvat. Sed quis dixerit eos accepisse fidem et charitatem ? Si vero gratiam non receperint, qua bene operari possint cum fuerint adulti, non ergo sufficit eis in hoc statu gratia in baptismo 334 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 192. data, nee per illam possunt modo boni esse, nisi alia addatur : quce si non additur, non est ex eorum culpa, quia justiticati (al. non) sunt a peccato. Quidam putant gratiam operantem et co-operantem cunctis parvulis in baptismo dari in munere, non in usu, ut, cum ad majorem venerint setatem, ex munere sortiantur usum, nisi per liberum arbitrium usum muneris extinguant peccando : et ita ex culpa eorum est, non ex defectu gratise, quod mali fiunt. (8) Thomas Aquinas, qu. 69, art. 6 : Quia pueri, sicut et adulti, in baptismo efficiuntur membra Christi, unde necesse est, quod a capite recipiant influxum gratice et virtutis. (9) In Mansi, t. xxv. col. 441 ; Milnscher, von Colin, s. 203. (10) Baptismus totius ecclesiastici sacramenti origo est atque primordium {Petri Damiani, lib. gratiss. c. 3). Bap- tismus est janua et fundamentum cseterorum sacramentorum (Gabr. Biel, Distinct. 7). This view first receives full recogni- tion after Innocent hi., who still ventured to contest it. See Hahn, s. 248. The repetition of the rite of baptism was not in accordance with the nature of that sacrament. But theologians differed in their opinions respecting the question, whether those who are prevented by circumstances from being baptized, may be saved ? In opposition to earlier divines (such as Rabanus Maurus), later theologians, e.g. Bernard of Clairvaux, Peter Lombard, and Thomas Aquinas, maintained that in such cases the will was sufficient. Compare the passages quoted by Milnscher, von Colin, s. 205 f. [Aquinas, qu. 68, art. 2 : Alio modo potest sacramentum baptismi alicui deesse re, sed von voto : sicut cum aliquis baptizari desiderat, sed aliquo casu praevenitur morte, antequam baptismum suseipiat. Et talis sine baptismo actuali salutem consequi potest propter desiderium baptismi, quod procedat ex fide per dilectionein operante, per quam Deus interius hominem sanctificat, cujus potentia sacramentis visibilibus non alligatur.] § 192. Confirmation. Klee, Dogmengeschichte, ii. s. 160-170. J. F. Bachmann, Geschichte der Einführung der Confirmation innerhalb d. Evangel. Kirche, Berlin 1852. [Jo. Dallceus, De duobus Latinorum ex Unctione Sacramentis, Confirmatione et extrema Unctione, Genev. 1669. In reply, Natal. Alexander, Hist. Eccles. Stec. II. Diss. x. W. Jackson, Hist, of Confirmation, Oxford 1878.] § 192.] CONFIRMATION. 335 Confirmation (^picrfia, confirmatio), originally connected with baptism, was, in the course of time, separated from it, as a particular rite, and then came to be viewed as a sacrament, which only the bishop could administer (1). As the first motion to spiritual life is the effect of baptism, so its growth is promoted by the rite of confirmation. Its characteristic is invigoration (2) ; and so, those who are made members of this spiritual knighthood were smitten on the cheek (3). More- over, baptism must precede confirmation (4). Nor ought the latter rite to be performed without godfathers and god- mothers (5). All these regulations were confirmed by Pope Eugenius iv. (6). But Wykliffe and Hus declared confirma- tion to be an abuse (7). (1) Compare Augusti, Archäol. vii. s. 401 ff. Hahn, s. 192. On the origin of this sacrament, which was originally con- nected with the sacrament of baptism, but afterwards came to be regarded as a special sacramental act (§ 136, note 2), and on its false reference to a Synod of Meaux (Concilium Meldense), as alleged by Alexander of Hales, see Giesehr, Dg. s. 527. Comp. Hahn, s. 89, 147, 161-164. The formula of administration is as follows : Signo te signo crucis, confirmo te chrismate salutis in nomine Patris et Filii et Spir. Sancti, or : in vitam oeternam. (2) Melchiades in Epist. ad Hisp. Episcopos (in Peter Lom- lard, Sent. lib. iv. dist. 7) ; Thomas Aquinas, art. 6 and 7 (quoted by Münseher, von Colin, s. 2 1 1 f.). Bonaventura, Brevil. P. iv. c. 8 (qu. by Klee, Dg. ii. s. 165). (3) According to Augusti (I.e. s. 450 f.), this usage was not known before the thirteenth century ; but Klee asserts (Dg. ii. s. 165) that it existed soon after the tenth century. At all events, it seems more likely that it had its origin in the customs of the Knights (as Klee supposes), than in certain rites which were observed when apprentices had served out their time (according to Augusti). But the proper element or matter of this sacrament was the Chrisma confectum ex oleo olivarum. Compare the authorities cited in notes 2 and 6. (4) Tliomas Aquinas, I.e. : Character confirmationis ex necessitate praesupponit characterem baptismalem, etc. Con- THIBD ! fl firmation, too, ted (5) Concerni I.e. B. 43 17 A s. 2 i -i. n firmation is also a 1 spiritual relationship marri ige B »nil i ••• nn 1 I oonfirmatioi i Bpiritu ■' liitur, matrimonii similiter im] ta,] (6) Cone. Fl . qu. by a 215.' i I the Baoramei b to be < to be 1 I ■ • . . . propter qui "1 (7) Tri I lib. iv. a II- \Y\ kliffe doubted whether con fin Ads viii. 1 7 phemy to maintain that bishops mighl ' Spirit, which had already been Art ii. apud Trithem. ' Ihron. II Lc a 164. i T only (in accordance with the old« I f the ( iinii ptism, and every pi liiuvh," in . I] J. In ti. torch there are addod to thi ninety dif] b. 117). [It Bhonld be added that, while in the applies the chrism, it is always const § 198.] THE lord's supper. 337 § 193. Th< LorcFs Sufl 1. 3 ••;>/ on t> /.' ' &/ J' . \va and I nv.8. . Ph. Marheinecl [ni, II. M. 1811, 4t<>, i>. 6688. Ebrard, i. s. S85 S. I In the substantia- tion," i Though at the beginning of this period expressions are employed which can be interpreted of the Lord's per in a Bymboli 2) fixed by the Liturgiea was atly shaped more in favour of the doc- trine of transubstantiation. The violent controversy betwi monks P i and Ratramnus (3), which aerated into the most unseemly d ppellations aot I aal for i cont< -' i The most eminent thi I /. .", , took an active part in the dispute. !Hie celebrated . L92, too, in I- \ early as the m the ' 1 the w in«- of t! I Supper we are Dot 1 D impio [maginum Cultu, lib. vi. c 1 4, p. 49 1 in .'.' I 2 2 • Amalariiu oj M< ': speak - out with 820) in the Spicileg. t. vii. •• E rificium praesens mandendum esse ab hum namque corpus et sanguinem Domini benedictione coelesti impleri animas Bumentium. Moreover, he will not decide, atrum invisibiliter assumatur in coelum reservetur in corpore nostro usque in diem sepulture, exhaletur in auras, aut exeat de corpore cum Banguine, an poros emittatur. (2) Compare Ebrard, s. 370 11'. (3) P i (monachue Corl in his Liber de Corpore i it Sanguine Domini (addressed to the Em] Charles the Bald, between the years 830 and 332. MarUm and Durand, t. ix. eol. 367-470, and extracts from it in Easier, x. s. GIG ff.). He started from the omnipotence of God, to whom all things are possible, and consequently main- tained, ii. 2: Sensibilis res intelligibiliter virtute l>'i verbum Christi in carnem ipsius ac sanguinem divinitus trans- fertur. He looked upon the elements as no more than a veil § 19J -] THE LORD'S SUITER. 339 ay) which deceives our senses, and keeps the body of Christ concealed from us: Figura videtur esse dum frangitur, dum in specie visibili aliud intelligitur quam quod visu carnis et gustu sentdtur. It is the same body which bora of Man-.— At times the true body of ( Ihrist lias appeared l " tbose who doubted for encouragement . as well as to t] who were strong u , rewar( j of t]l( . ir f;lltl| , msteadof the bread (for the most part in the form of a lamb)' ' c Btaim " r blood haw been • ' He was op] bv y De Corpore et S :i " Domini : ' ' Ivnm (it was written at the ""' ' ,1 " kiil - ■ Sehröekh xxiii '•- iv. 4.;.; n: : and 11111 '■"" '■ distinguished between the 1 the fchmg repr« et VrnI;1 . . internal and the external, and pointed out the true signi- ll,;: ' thi thai through their medium the mind of , u;l „ ,, M t i 1( . vMM( . (l) £ fl "»visible, it it wei , ■ ;ll ,. i„„ iv ,,,- r|mV the prop of the word, faith would be no longer required •"" 1 t1 "' I ■ would lose all its significance The and nothing hut a i lism would remain Ratramnus also supposed a the bread and wine int.. the body of Christ, but only 111 tIu ' ld ■ the word, as the ancient Church held toa traB mtheprofan b velamento corporei Panj reique vini spirituale I ri ritu I que :t ■ Th i is emphasized; and he also appealed to the authority of earlier writers. Respe - m | 1 in allusion to Matt XV. 17), winch had : D m these discussions {Pasehcusius c 20. 2), see S xxiii. s. 493 li.. and C. .V. Pfaff, Tractatus de Stercoranistis medii aevi, Tub. 1750, 4to. 2 (4) The treatise of Babanus, addressed to Egilo, Abbot of Prüm, was professedly edited by Mdbülon (Acta SS. t. vi.) ; ' Concerning such miraculous appearances, compare also Bossuet, edited by uratner, v. 2, s. lOo. J . controversy of quite as unprofitable a nature was carried on between the ab ?T' i: :" 1 i * a Hturgical work about the year 820) and the priest Ü untrad, concerning spitting during the celebration of the mass • sea Till! : PEBIOD. — TH1 :.' C of Rabanua i I I i i. c. ."■ 1 , and iii 1 •"• i : '.' • i • • . ramenta Kdeliuni :-i, et in \ isibile opua in\ cil" : tun, itur. : imentum in alimentum I opinion • I [| whether II I to tuned !■ l 050 . i nua .' .'.' . we h( re two di /•' W, 1 Studien und K the authorship I also jy . 471), who thin Scotua gave bia opinion on tion, though the notion of a I written by him may havi from a mistake. To judge from aoi I lined in his treatiae, I''' Div. Nat (qu, by Neander, Lc . he would have given countenance t" the doctrine propounded by I' -ius. [Neatu tan-lit, like Bomi Greek Fathers, that the body of Christ, by it> onion with the divinity, v freed from the def< loua nature. He impugned those who said that the body "f CI after the resurrection occupied some limited apace, and held to its ubiquity. ]!<• denied the doctrine of tranaubstantiation, and admitted a spiritual presence at the Supper: Chi presence here is a symbol of His presence everywhi (FAehery, Spioil. t. iii. in Schröckh, Kg. xxiii. s. 496. Gtrb>:rl (De Corpore et Sanguine Christi) remarks against the Stercoranistic inferences : Et nos - vidimus non modo infirmos, sed etiam sanos, quod per se intromittunt, pel vomitum dejecisse . . . suhtilior tarnen suems per membra usque ad Ql ditTundebatur. " That surely was medicinal," Ebranl, s. 439. § 103.] THE LOBD'ß BUPPER 341 (6) De Corpore et Sanguine Domini, edited by Fez, in Thesaur. Anecdd. Nbviss. t. i. P. ii. foL 133. fcA, xxiii. s. 4'j:'.. 1 Gerbert also tried to make clear the relation betwei n Christy thG Supper, end the Church, in a logical way, by the three terms of the syllogism, or the three parts of an arith- metical proportion; Bee Ritter, vii a 304; Ebran f, (7) On the external history of the control e J. Mabülon, Dissert de multipli i Damnatione, Fidei Professione, et Relapsu, deque ejus Poenitentia in .A Vogtii Biblioth. II.« iresiolog ., Eamb. L723, t. i. Fase L p. 99 Schröckh, xxiii. a 507 ff. ; Neander r i\ :'. ; and Gieseler, ii. 1, a 2 1 9 ff . v m which I d ere: the Epistle oi bis schoolfellow, A inn, De Veritate Corp. et Sang. I »"mini, ad Berengarium (which he wrote previous to bis nominatioD as Bishop of Brixen in Tyrol, A.i «. 104 ■'■ I I a. 1 55 1 , in Biblioth. am, t. xviii., and by Schmidt, Brunsv. L770; Hugi I. of Lanj I i ( lorpore et Sanguine I >om. / in Opp. Lanfranci, Append, p. Biblioth. Patrum, t xviii. p. 417 . De Corp. et Sang. Dom adv. Berengar. Tuxonena written between th< L063 and 1070), in Opp. e L I I L L6 18, foL, and Biblioth. Patrum, t. xviii. p. 763 777. This wrork contains the first treatise w\ rius wrote in opp tion to Lanfranc, from which t distinguish ad: Liber de Bacra Coena adv. Lanfirancum edited by Stäudlin in 6 programm I mp. Goth. Ephr. i. Berenj irius Turonensis, Brunsv. 1770, 4to in the edition of his complete works, publ. Berlin 1825 ff., Bd. xii. b. 14:'. ti. ; Stäudlins and Tzschirners Archiv für Kg. Bd. ii St. l,s. 1-08. *Berengarii T quae supersunt tam edita quam inedita, typis expreasa, moderante A. Neandro, t. i. BeroL 1834. [Bcrengan D Ccena adv. Lanfran- cum, liber posterior, e codice Guelferbytano primum ediderunt A. F. et F. Th. Fischer, ibid. 1834.) A mure detailed account of the literature is given by I r, I.e. Leading historical 1 Gerbert 's method of illustrating such supernatural truths by ocular si ration, was imitated even by later theologians. Thus Melanchthon informs us that his tutor Lempus, at Tübingen, drew a representation of transubstantiation on a board (En. de suis st udiis, written a.D. 1541. See Odile, Melanchthon, s. 6). THIRD i ie ondei — The repetition <>f i in the ' ; der, Lc. a 191. — ( Rcation with tli '• — of Humbert — T this matter. I at Rome ld. 1 078 and L079). Bei to sign the • i ' : ■ VII. ]'■ I Tours, a D. LO (8) B i, and t<» ha-. in i irdance \\ ith of a cl m\ -i i( il pari d in tl of bread, p. 67 vinum aacramenta sunt, mi] nominil 1 non uata sunt, at • I ntum ; aliud aliquid minime prohil ta. The subject of which anything otherwise that which is predicated would I meaning. Pag. 71 : Dumdicitur: pania in ratur, vel pania sanctus, pai actus est < omni itate pani i onceditur. Vei bi gi Socrates ju aliquid eum • Justus esse, si contiugat, S ratem non < — . I' 7' enim, qui dicit : Christus • Christum lapidem ess nstituit, sed propter aliquam simili- tuJinem, quam ad se iir- Tunt, tale nomen ei im] eodem modo, cum divina pagina corpus domini panem % sacrata ac mystica locutions id agit 1' : •• : Quando autem afferuntur ad altare vel ponuntur in altai it ait § 193.] THE LORD'S SUPPER. 343 beatus Augustinus contra Faustum, aliment» refectionis, non- dum sacramenta religionis, (h)ac per hoc, nondum corpus Christi et Bangi i ntia, non tropica, Bed propria sunt locutions pendenda. Dicei Humbertus ille tuna, panem, .[ui ponitur in altari, post consecrationem Christi, panem propria Locutions, corpus Christi tropica accipiendum esse constituit, et illud quidei auctoritate scrip- turarnm. Pag. 90: Dicitur autem in scripturis pania all i • .us malus dicitur fieri de rvo bonus alius, non quia amiserit aninue propria! naturam aut corporis P 91 : Unde insanifisimum dictu hristianse religion] contumeliosissimuin, corpus Christi de pane vel de quocunque confici per generationem subject] . . . ut pane absumto per comiptionem Bubjecti corpus Christi incipiat per ionem subjecti, quia nee pro parte, pro toto potest incipere nunc ease corpus Christi Pag. 95 : Novit autem revera secundum carnem Christum, qui Christi cor] .t adhuc esse corruption] vel generationi obnoxium, vel quarumcunque qualitatum vel collineationum, quas prius Don habuerit, susceptivunx P 98: Denique verbum • turn assumsit quod non erat, non amittens quod pan cratus in altari amisit vilitatem, amisit inefficaciam, non amisit natura- pro] cui natura- qua [nasi fundamento dignitas divinitu retur el A com- parison is drawn bei the change in question, and the change at the converaion of Saul into Paul, p. 144. 1 161 : 1 vera procul dubi et vini ] ecra- tionem ( nristi et sanguinem, sed attendendum, quod dicitur: m, quia hie hujus converaionis modus, etc. . . Pag. L63 : Per consecra- tionem, inquam, quod nemo interpretari poterit : per corruptionem. Pag. 167: Sed quomodo manducandus est Christus i Quomodo ipse dii it : Qui manducat carnem meam et bibit sanguinem meum, in me manet et ego in eo ; si in me manet, et ego in illo, tunc manducat, tunc bibit ; qui aul non in me manet, nee ego in illo, etsi accipit sacramentum, adquirit magnum tormentum. Pag. 171 : Apud eruditos enim constat, et eis, qui vecordes non sint, omnino est per- ceptibile, nulla ratione colorem videri, nisi contingat etiam coloratum videri. lta enim scribit Lanfrancus, colorem et 344 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 193. qualitates portiunculse carnis Christi, quam sensualiter esse in altari desipit, videri oculis corporis, ut tarnen caro ilia, cujus color videtur, omnino sit invisibilis, cum constet, omne quod in subjecto est, sicut, ut sit, ita etiam, ut vicleatur, non a se habere, sed a subjecto, in quo sit, nee visu vel sensuo aliquo corporeo comprehendi colorem vel qualitatem, nisi compre- henso quali et colorato. 1 Pag. 188 : Eerum exteriorum est, panis et vini est, confici, consecrari ; hsec incipere possunt esse, quod non erant, corpus Christi et sanguis, sed per con- secrationem, non per corruptionem panis et vini et genera- tionem corporis Christi et sanguinis, quse constat semel potuisse generari. Pag. 191 : . . . Verissimum est nee ulla tergiver- satione dissimulari potest, aliud esse totum corpus Christi, quod ante mille annos sibi fabricavit in utero virginis sapientia Dei, aliud portiunculam carnis, quam tu tibi facis de pane per corruptionem panis ipsius hodie factam in altari per genera- tionem ipsius carnis. — Further passages are quoted by Gieseler, I.e. ; by Münscher, von Colin, s. 242 ff. Comp, especially his confession made (though with reservation) at the Synod of Eome (a.D. 1078), in Mansi, xix. p. 761, and Gieseler, s. 234 : Profiteor, panem altaris post consecrationem esse verum corpus Christi, quod natum est de virgine, quod passum est in cruce, quod sedet ad dexteram Patris ; et vinum altaris, postquam consecratum est, esse verum sanguinem, qui manavit de latere Christi. Et sicut ore pronuncio, ita me corde habere confirmo. Sic me adjuvet Deus et haec sacra. (9) According to the confession of faith imposed by Hum- bert upon Berengarius at the Synod of Eome (a.D. 1059), he was to take an oath, in the name of the Holy Trinity, that he believed : Panem et vinum, quse in altari ponuntur, post con- secrationem non solum sacramentum, sed etiam verum corpus et sanguinem Domini nostri Jesu Christi esse, et sensualiter, non solum sacramento, sed in veritate manibus sacerdotum tractari, frangi, et fidclium dentibus atteri ; he retracted, how- ever, as soon as he had obtained his liberty. (10) The doctrine of Lcinfranc, though propounded in less rigid terms than that of Humbert, was nevertheless opposed 1 Only in so far may it be said that the bread of the Lord's Supper is no bread ; as Christ says, My doctrine is not mine, but His who sent me ; or Paul : /live, yet not I, but Christ liveth in me. Comp. p. 178. § 194.] TEANSUBSTANTIATION. 345 to the view adopted by Berengarius, and rendered impossible any further attempt to return to a symbolizing and spiritual- izing interpretation. He taught (I.e. c. 18, p. 772, quoted by Münschcr, von Colin, s. 244) : Credimus terrenas substantias, quae in mensa dominica per sacerdotale ministerium divinitus sanctiticantur, ineffabiliter, incomprehensibiliter, mirabiliter, operante superna potentia, converti in essentiam dominici corporis, reservatis ipsarum rerum speciebus et quibusdam aliis qualitatibus, ne percipientes cruda et omenta horrerent, et ut credentes fidei pnemia ampliora perciperent, ipso tarnen dominico corpore existente in ccelestibus ad dexteram Patris immortali, inviolate, integro, incontaminato, illaeso, ut vere dici possit, et ipsum corpus quod de Virgine sumtum est nos sumere, et tarnen non ipsum : ipsum quidein, quantum ad essentiam veraeque naturae proprietatem atque naturam ; non ipsum autem, si spectes panis vinique speciem caeteraque superius comprehensa. Hanc fidem tenuit a priscis temporibus et nunc tenet ecclesia, quae per totum effusa orbem catholica nominate r. (To this last view Berengarius opposed proofs drawn from the writings of Ambrose and Augustine, in the treatise above mentioned. Comp, note 8.) § 194. 2. Scholastic Development of the Doctrine. Transubstaniiation. The Sacrifice of the Mass. A name is often of great consequence ! Hildcbert of Tours was the first who made use of the full-sounding term " trans- substantiatio " (1), though similar expressions, such as transitio, had previously been employed (2). Most of the earlier scholastics (3), and the disciples of Lanfranc in particular, had defended the doctrine of the change of the bread into the body of Christ, and the doctrine of the accidentia sine subjecto ; these were now solemnly confirmed by being inserted together with the term transsubstantiatio into the Decretum Gratiani, 1 and were made an unchangeable article of faith by Pope 1 Composed about A.D. 1150, by Gratianus, a Benedictine monk. In • • II I 1311 I (1 1). II \ I 0] l '. • . L 1 1 Mix B of his master in 1 Domini, sive ticOj P. ii.) P. i. : . . aptiali aqua m viuum mutata aolam adfuit virnim, in quod aqua mul in iii.-n . 1 1 oini, in q . quod de aqua nihil : ::i ln'.it itione ill ail itum raj i I i I : Nihil I U in : illis ec It in • in 1 1 mini, ad illu'1, integrum < Ihristum i panifl m But he conl i hange, diet LA: •i formali dod tnalcm tarnen noi reram, quie an! Quibusd videtur tiam oonverti in buI ■ hill' inqninnt, vel vini i uiiifiii < \ • 1 ,ui-l i tqne format COT] quia buI Christi vel El quia eornm mini : '>i mtia vini fit sanguis Christi, n< □ aliquid additui vel Bangnini, a< i I vero qtueris modum, quo id fieri {''—it. breviter Mysterium fidei credi Balubriter potest, in v< non potesl I b. xii. A : Si sutem [useritm de dentibus, qua remanent, L e. de in quo Bubjecto Fundentnr, potius mihi videtur fatendum existere sine Bubjecto quam ease in Bubjecto, quia ibi non Bubstantia, oisi corpo i guinis dominici, qua? non affi« itur Ulis accidentibus, Non enim corpus Christi talem habet in se formam, Bed qualis in judicio apparebit Remanent ■ ilia accidentia per Be Bubsistentia ad mysterii ritum, a fideique sufifragium : quibus corpus Christi, habt-:. naturam suam, tegitur. (4) Cone. Lat. IV. c. i. qu, by Mtinscher, von I I'na est fidelium universalis eoclesia, ext: nullus §194.] TBAK8UB8TANTIAT] 349 omnino Balvatur. In qua idem ipse I Bacrificium 1 bristus, cujus corpus et sanguis in Bacramento altaris sub Bpeciebus penis et vini veraciter continentur, transsubetan- tiati.s pant' in corpus et vino in Banguinem potestate divine, ut ad peificiendom mysterium unitatis accipiamus ipsi de quod eccepit ipee i Et ] utique sacramentum nemo pol fuerit ordinatua mdum cl : tun- 'l'"* ' 1 [nnocenl in. himself maintained, De M '. lum m naturale* ; %ei- Tli 1> > sitiin expellit mom P. 1 1 1, qu. 75, art 6 and 7 ; broken '-iily secundum - i iucorrupti- bile et impassibile ; see in M Colin, '■'■'< i. • Aquinat tran- ther an annihilation nor a continuance the unl if tli-- .. ithout their la i> i<> be taken in I miracle in general, a working of the I the interven- tion of ' i [ved ; ' s ' ■■ .in how this could be, how a l »uld 1"- in a smaller, the distinctions, which i in out into this— tlr ■ »to the essence of things that appear in sp 7 art 4.1 The whole Christ remains in every particle of the host In the Bame way the cod wine, though other liquids may added, remains the blood of I it does • -<• to be wine. Fortunately, these Bubtle definitions required only a fides implicita, but not explicits ; Bee Crm vii. s. 728 f. The theory of Thomas is more fully developed by Engdh > ttt, Dg. ii. s. 214, Anm Ebrard, i. s. 487. (6) Peter Lombard started this question, Sent. lib. iv. dist. 13 A, and decided : Illud sane dici potest, quod a brutia animalibus corpus Christi non sumitur, etsi videatur. Quid ergo sumit mus vel quid manducat ? Deua novit hoc. — THIRD PEB10D.- [I l!M. pretended to a fuller know led 1'. IV. qu. 1"', membr. 1 . the question, in Bupport < f wl might 1 ■ i d, \\ i'li mu h i ty, im th ;m . animal ; <>n the other aware that < rod abhon only I human nature, which i icrament N it, that it' a dog oi of our Lord entered into th< animaL— i Aquinai held similar \ ie* -. 1'. III. qu. mus \' 1 pori quamdiu etur in lutuiii. » »ii ' r hand, / ■ all that might 1" ment ail Sent iv. di I qu. 1 : Quantumcunque opinio muniatur, nunquam tarnen ita munitur, ■ . quod in ventre mm • orpua Christi, quamdiu tunt li.iv est alia opinio, quod i aullo mo adit in ventrem mm is. ... El pinio i mmunioi honestior el rationabilior. Nevertheless, this more appropi and rational view was determined by the Synod i I I \.i». 1 30 one of I -. in quil tiarum non tenetui '.' Colin, b. 255). — Thi i Aquinas, however, held that an animal can partake of the I of Christ only accidentaliter, but not Bacramentaliter ; and Pope Innocent III. endeavoured (De Myst M . iy. 21) to rid of all difficulties by supposing that the body of our Lord Left the host in the same miraculous way in which it had entered it (reconversio). Compare Wilhelm B satire : Mus exenteratus, etc., published in the sixteenth century, in Meinen and Spittlers Neues Götting. histor. Magazin, Bd. i. s. 71G-734, where some other curiosities are collected. (7) See the next section. § 194.] TIIANSUBSTANTIATIOX. 351 (8) The elements are, properly speaking, changed only into the body and blood of Christ, but His soul is united to Ili> body, and Hi.s divine nature to His soul ; see T/r .. P. ill. qu. 76, art 1. On the controversy which took p] in the kingdom of Valencia, A.D. 13 pecting the tran- tantiation of the bread into the whole Trinitj Paparum Avenionensium, t i. p. 1368 ss. (from an ancient ms.; ; and Schröckh, xxxiii. s. 325. Th>- traneubstantiation takes place in instanti, nol cessive. Comp. Alex. 11 >' ■. P. W. qu. LO, memb. 5, arl . A nets, P. III. qu. 75, art 7. A Magnus, nt iv. diat 1", art 3. Klee, Dg. ii a 204) (10) Thus A iaid, I.e. 1'. ii. c. -1 - instat, in diversis Locis uno hone momento i rpus Christi, ■ creatricis natura, non creatae. The other bc) adopted the Bame opinion, similar views \ tained by the mystii I »pare R 3 ternsB Salutis,c. 8, and E M 261 : All the bi which our Lord Himself c d for His body (at the titution of the Lord's Supper , l as well as the bread wl the priests now ever) « hei irding to ii nature, only one bread only one bread in il i iture In the act of consecration, all the hosts, by means of the intention of the priest, and the enunciation of the wi consecration, are united into one matter and one and what was formerly bread now bee mes entirely the b of Christ . . . Every bit of bread, every drop of wine, contains whole Christ, who is in heaven, but not confined to any particular place, as the one undivided soul is equally diffi throughout the body. . . . The body of Christ is present in all countries, places, and churches ; hence we may preserve it in various ways, and keep it in various places ; we may have it in the casket, receive it, and give it. But as lie exists in heaven, with hands, and feet, and all His members, and is seen by angels and saints in full glory, He does not chan< 1 1 ode, 1 It was thought that Christ Himself partook, by way of a !ion, of His own body at the institution of the sacrament in question ; see Thai Aquinas, I.e. qu. 81 ; Schröckh, xxxix. s. 163. On a chalice at Hildesheim is inscribed : Rex seilet in coena, turba cinctus duodena, se tenet in manibu cibat ipse cibus. Comp. Riemer, Mitteilungen über Göthe, ii. s. 704. 352 tiiiki» PERIOD. — Tin: .v.:. Ol L5 and remains ever present." In illustration of such things, the bancs was adduced of s mirror composed of many pieces, in which a ßingle uns variously reflected; A , ii. e Jil. 1 I i Re pecting the institution of this festival (whether in consequence of s revelation to the nun, Juliana oi L tier, ii. 2, , 409 It'. (12) The ides of s sacrifice is intimately connected with the dojnna of transubstantiation. Pel I ' ird, Sent. lil». i\. dist ]- ( > : Breviter dici potest, illud quod offerl cratur a sacerdote vocari sacrificium el oblationem, quia memoria esl el repraasentatio veri Bacrificii el sanctaa immolar tionis factse in ara cruris. Et semel Christus mortuus in (Miii' esl ibique immolatus est in semetipso (Heb. vii 27 quotidie autem immolatur in sacramento, quin in sacramento rdatio tit illius quod factum est Bemel THxa .' . nas entered into more lengthened i »ns, Summ. P. Ill qu. 83, art l bs. qu. by M I 270 f . The mystical theory was, that Chrisl is both priesl and Bacrifia the Bame time; Bee Cone Lateran. [V. ran. 1, note 1. Con- cerning tlif usual canon of the mass, the various kind masses (missse Bolitaris >mp, the archaaological and liturgical works of >'■' ' Dissert, de Pontificio Missaa Sacri- ficio, FrancoC L64 1 ; and De Missis Solitariis, Helmst, 16-17 ; Buddeus Diss rl d< Origine Missa Pontificiaa, in Miscell Sacr., Jen. 1727, t. L p 1 63 ; A gusti (Archäologie, Bd. iv. and viii.). On the adoration of the host during the mas-, as well as at other times (&g. when it was carried to the sick, etc.), which may be dated from the thirteenth century, see Heisterbach, De Miraculis et Visionibus sui Tern- poris Dialog, lib. ix. c öl (qu, by Oieseler, ii. 2, a 408); and C. d* Lit},. De Adoratioue Panis consecrati et Enterdictione saori Calicis in Kueharistia. 1753. Decret Gregorii ix. lib. iii. tit. 41, c. 10 (qu. by Munscher, ' . a, 2l S i rdos vero quilibet frequenter doceat plebem Buam, ut, cum 1 Sinoe cvory host contains the body of Christ, and one priest may raise one .it the same time that another priest lowers another, it follows (aooordil W, Occam) that a body may move at one and the Bame time in two different directions ; Aristotle indeed makes the opposite assertion, hut this is because he looked at the matter merely from the natural point of view ; see Centiloq. eon- clus. .'. Rettberg in the Studien und Kritiken, 1889, l, ?. 76. § 194.] TkANSUBSTANTLATION. 353 in celebratione missarum elevatur hostia salutaris, quilibet se reverenter inclinet, idem faciens, cum earn defert presbyter ad infirmum. Hence it evidently resulted that the more promi- nent the adoration of the consecrated host, as such, became, the more the reception of the sacrament fell into the background. So it ordinarily happened, and attempts were made to justify it theoretically. Hence, according to Thomas Aquiruis and other schoolmen, the highest aspect of the Eucharist is found not in usu fidelium, but in consecratione materia? {Thorn. Sent. iv. dist. 8, (pi. 2, art 1. Durand. Sent. iv. dist, 1, qu. 3, § 8) ; nevertheless, the reception of the sacrament (at least three times, afterwards only once in the year) was made a duty to the faithful. Cone. Turon. iii. (a.D. 813), can. 50; and Cone. Luter. iv. (a.D. 1215), can. 21. (13) This is the more cheering aspect of the history of the doctrine in question, which bus too often been overlooked in works on the history of doctrines. Thus Anselm said, De Sacram. Altaris, P. ii. c. 8 (p. 73) : Cum ergo de carne sua amandi se tantam ingerit materiam, magnam et mirificam animabus nostris vita? alimoniam ministrat, quam tunc avidis faucibus sumimus, cum dulciter reeolligimus et in ventre memoria? recondimus, qusecunque pro nobis fecit et passus est Christus. Hoc est convivium de carne Jesu et sanguine, qui cum communicat, habet vitam in se manentem. Tune enim communicamus, cum tide ardente, qusa per dilectionem opera- tur, reposnimns in mensa Domini, qualia ipsi sumsimns, vide- licet, ut, sicut ille totum se prsebuit pro salute nostra nulla sua necessitate, sic nos totos fidei ejus et charitati exhibeamus necessitate salutis nostra?. In hoc convivio quicunque sagi- natur, nescit panem suum otiosus comedere, sed sollicite cum muliere ejus ardet de nocte hujus seculi consurgere ad lucernam verbi Dei, ut labores manuum suarum manducet, et bene sit ei. Sique in Christo manet bonus conviva Christi proprise dilectionis affectu, habetque Christum in se manentem per saneta? operationis effectum. Quod cum utrumque donum Dei sit, totum accrescit magis ac magis ad cumulum amoris in ilium, quem perfecte amare est perfecte bonum esse. Hunc autemcibum plus manducat, qui amplius amat, et plus amando rursus qui plus et plus manducat, et plus et plus amat. Licet hujus amoris in hac vita non nisi pignus quoddam accipiamus, Hagenb. Hist. Düct. ii. Z TDIBD : [J plcnitadinem ejus, in pneminm, in ful • ire 1 1 1.i in i .mi. 'in, de qua John \ i 56 Qui mandu em meam, In i .. — Similar 1 I i •;. // Victor whfl here again ' • birud ti with the warmth 1 1 himself as follow 1 111», i. P. 11 •'. .th- out being united t<» Christ, 1. oient indeed, l»ut h.- has Dot rament < >n the who eats and is united t lie anient, b is faith and lov< could neither take d I he would be far m onr Lord than be who but neit nor love . oi than he who . ( lorn p. /• - ut. iv. «list. 1 ii. 1'. i. i j 1 1 1 , art 1 'pi. I iloq. iii. 50. T : auf un : II »hn- leiclinam I \ B& ii. IV:: . / I ligten \ heil '.-, I.e. — G in ] Domini ; Opp. II i P. L p. I ! Eis illus- trations are .ill pervaded by the spirit of n m ; thus he says, p, L291: Est panis angelornm, qui factus foil formatus in pretioso ventre Virginis gl i »ctus in fornace ardente dilectionis, in arboi . <|ui mandu debet cum baculo spei, cum boni exempli califactorio, cum acetosis lachrymis bona patientise, velociter recordando finem nostrum, in una domo per unitatem integre, per veram creduli- tatem, tostus per ignem charitatis, etc. — Su&o calls the 1. i Supper the sacrament of love, and celebrates in it the mj union of the soul with God; see his Ewige Weisheit, foL (in Schmidt, I.e. s. 51 ; Dieperibrock, a. 350 . — In like manner, Thomas n Kemj»'*, I'e Imit. Christi, lib. iv. 4 [lib. ii. cap. 2, rd. of Hirsche]: Ecce, unde dilectio procedit, qualis digr illucescit ! quam magnse gratiarum actiones et laudes tibi pro his debentur ! quam salutare et utile consilium tuum, cum istud instituisti ! quam suave et jucundum convivinm, cum te ipsum in cibum donasti ! quam admirabilis operatio tua, Domine! quam potens virtus tua, quam ineffabilis [infallibilis'] '(So iu ed. of Hirsche.] § 193.] CONCOMITANCE. 355 Veritas tual Dixisti enim, et facta sunt omnia, et hoc factum est, quod ipse jus>isti. 5. Mira res et fide digna, ac humanuni vincena intellectum, quod tu, Domine Dens meus, verus Deus et homo, sub modica Bpecie panis ei vini int- contineris, et sine consumtione a Bumente manducaris. Tu Domine universorum, qui nullius habes indigentiam, voluisti per Sacramentum tuum habitare in uobis: conserve cot meum et corpus immaculatum, ut laeta et pura conscientia ssepius tua valeam celebrare mysteria, et ad meam perpetuam accipere salutem, quae ad tuum prsscipue honorem et memoriale perenne sanxisti et instituistL 6. Leetare, anima mea, et gratiaa age Deo pi<> tarn nobili munere et Bolatio singular] in hac lacry- marum valle tibi relicto. Nam quotiea hoc mysterium recolia et Christi corpus accipis, totiea tu» redemtionis opus agi particeps omnium meritorum Christi efficeris. Charitas enim Christi Qunquam minuitur et magnitudo propitiationis ejus nunquam exhauritur. I nova semper mentis renovatione ad hoc disponere te debes, et magnum salutis mysterium attenta consideratione pensare. Tta magnum, novum, et adum tibi videri debet, cum celebras aul Missam audis, ac si eodem die ( Ihristus primum in uterum Virginia descendens homo factus esset, aut si in cruce pendens pro salute homihum pateretur et moreretur. — We&sel entertained similar vii (though lie somewhat differed Ltom the eccle I doctrine, see § 19G, note 7), comp. De Oratviii 6, p. L48 ; I>e Sacram. Eucharist c. 26, p. 699 qu. by Ullmann, s. 329): "The luv. fore belii the puresl and most perfecl mirror of love, lifted up on the hills, that all may see it, and none hide himself from its warming beams," etc. Compare also the impassioned speech oi Nicolaus of Ova at the ail ministration of the Holy Communion, in his writings, ed. by Scharpff, Freib. 1862, s. 593 If. § 195. Tlu Withholding of the Cup from the Laity — Concomitance. , 'tier, Geschichte des Kelches im Abendmahl, Lemgo 1780. In the Western Church the custom was gradually adopted of administering to the laity only the consecrated host, while THIRD PERIOD. — Til! [5 the priests alone partook of the Oup(l). This \ : justified doctrinally by the doctrine of about the same time, according to which the wh present in each of the element . b > that those who the consecrated host, partake of Bifl bl 1 no less than of B body (2). Robert "FuUeyn is said to have been tl raised the participation of the cup to a prerogative of the priesthood (3). - ' ■ of II Aquinas followed him \ ;. But Albertus Mag t, while con- ceding that the blood of Christ was also present in the body, said that thi ly ex unione naturali, and n ramentali (5). In the fifteenth century the cup was again violently reclaimed in Bohemia. It was not at fii I // his colle " who demanded, in the absei of thf former, that the laity Bhonld \m readmi participation *>\' the Lord's Sapper . but Qus was afterwards nnahle to withhold his approval of what he had done [6). It is w.]l known that this demand, which was in opposition to tl ions of the Synod of Con- Btance (7), gave rise to the wars of the Husitea Ti. quence was, that the Council of Basel confirmed the doctrine of the Church, according to which it is sufficient to partaR the Lord's Supper sul> una forma; hut it permitted ez when the Church deemed it desirable (8). (1) Had this custom its origin in the apprehension that some portion of the wine might be spilt? Concerning the dipping of the bread — the introduction of the Fistula (canna) eUcharistica, etc., see Spitiler, Lc, and the works on ecclesi- astical history and archaeology : Augusti, Archäologie, viii 9. 392 ff., comp. s. 485. (Comp. § 194, note 12.) (2) Peter Lombard taught, Sent. lib. iv. (list. 10 D (in calce) : Integrum Christum esse in altari sub utraque specie, et substantiam panis in corpus, vinique substantiam in san- guinem converti. Thomas Aquinas was the first who made use of the term ooncomMantia, Summa, P. III. qu. 76, art. 1 : Sciendum, quod aliquid Christi est in hoc sacramento dupli- § 195.] CONCOMITANCE. 357 citer : uno modo quasi ex vi sacramenti, alio modo ex natvrali cancomitantia. Ex vi quidem sacramenti est sub specielms hujus sacramenti id, in quod directe convertitur substantia panis et vini prseexistens, prout significatur per verba forms, qute sunt effectiva in hoc Sacramento. . . . Ex naturali autem concomitantia est in hoc sacramento illud, quod realiter est conjunctum ei, in quod praedicta conversio terminator. Si enim aliqua duo sunt realiter conjuncta, ubicunque est unum realiter, oportet et aliud esse. Sola enim operatione animse discernuntnr, qua? realiter sunt conjuncta. (He made use of the same concomitance to explain the union of the sou] and the Godhead of Christ with His body. Compare above, § 194, note 8.) (3) Sent. R VIII. c. 3 (lie spoke of the dangeT alluded to above). The command of Christ: " Drink ye all of it" was applied to the priests (as the successors of the apostles). See Cramer, vi. s. 5 15 f. (4) Alexander of Hales, Summa, P. IV. qu. 53, membr. 1 (qu. by MünscJier, von Colin, s. 263). J: ra in Sent, lib. iv. dist. 11, P. 2, art. 1, qu. 2 ibidem). Thomas Aquinas, see above, note 2. (Alexander of Hales speaks of the withholding of the cup as of something quite common in the Church.) (5) Gk'sclcr, Dg. s. 544. (6) sEnccc Si/lvii Historia Bohemica, c. 35. Hermann von der Hardt, Acta Cone. Constant t. iii. p. 338 ss. GieseUr, Kg. ii. 4, s. 42 ff. The approbation of lln.s was given later. Comp. De Sanguine Christi sub Specie vini a Laicis sumendo, qusestio M. Joannis Hus, quam Constantiae conscripsit prius- ([uam in carcerem conjiceretur, in " Joannis Hus Historia et Monument.," Norimb. 1558, t. i. foL xlii. ss. Gieselcr, I.e. s. 413. (7) Sess. xiii. (a.D. 1415, June 15), see in Herrn, von der Hardt, torn. iii. col. 646 ss. (qu. by Gieseler, I.e. p. 329, note f., and Milnscher, von Colin, s. 266): Firmissime credendum et nullatenus dubitandum, integrum corpus Christi et sanguinem tarn sub specie panis quam sub specie vini veraciter contineri. (8) Mansi, t. xxx. col. 695: Sancta vero mater ecclesia, suadentibus causis rationabilibus, facultatem communicandi populum sub utraque specie potest concedere et elargiri. — TIIIUD PERIOD. — TIIK IGE Ol BGB If. [§ 196. Nevertheless, the council adhered to the earlier definition: Nnllatenus ambigendum est, quod oon sub specie panie tantum, nee sub specie vini sangnis tantum, Bed sub qualibet specie est integer tutus Christus, etc.; comp, ah (Dec. 23, a.D. 1437;, in Mansi, \\i\. col 1 •"■ . G .I.e. s. 442. Miinacher, con Colin, s. 267 i § 19C. ]>: . \%ng Opinions. After the doctrine of transubstantdation had been thus established, it was only now and then that a few individuals ventured to dissenl from it, or at leasl to modify the com- monly received notion. Tims in the twelfth century, Rupert of Dcutz (Bupertus Tuitiensis , to judge from some ; es in his works, supposed that there is a wonderful union of the body of Christ with the bread, but without any disturbance of the sensible elements (1). John of Paru Johannes Pungens- asinuin) narrowed the notion of Rupert into tie' scholastic idea of impanation, according tu which tin- corporeitas panis (paneitas) forms a union with the corporeitas Christi — an idea which would readily work upon the fancy in a more repulsive way than the more daring doctrine of transubstantdation (2). William Occam also inferred the co-existence of Christ's body with the accidents from the nominalistic theory ahout the quantity of things, and thus partly prepared the way for the later Lutheran view (3). Similar opinions were taught by Durandus de Sancto Porciano (4). On the other hand, WyMiffe combated the doctrine of transubstantiation, as well as that of impanation, with polemical acumen (5). His views were probably adopted by Jerome of Prague, while Hus expressed himself in accord with the orthodox doctrine of the Church (6). John Wessel attached particular importance to spiritual par- ticipation in the Lord's Supper, and asserted that none but believers can partake of the body of Christ. Though he §196.] TRANSUBSTANTIATION : DISSENTING OPINIONS. 359 retained the idea of a sacrifice, allied to the Catholic view, he applied it mystically to the spiritual priesthood (7). (1) " With regard to Rupert of Deutz, it is difficult to state his opinion in precise terms, inasmuch as he expressed himself at different times in different ways" Klcc, Dg. ii. s. 202. Put compare his Commentar. in Exod. lib. ii. c. 10 : Sicut naturam lmmanam non destruxit, cum illam operatione sua ex utero Virginia Deus Verbo in unitatem personam conjunxit, sic snl>- stantiam panis et vini, secundum exteriorem speciem quinque sensibus subactam, non mutat aut destruit, cum eidem Verbo in unitatem corporis ejusdem quod in cruce pependit, et sanguinis ejusdem quem de latere suo fudit, ista conjungit. Item quomodo Verbum a summo demissum caro factum est, non mutatum in camera, sed assumendo carnem, sic panis et vinum, utrumque ab imo sublevatum, fit corpus Christi et sanguis, non mutatum in carnis saporem sive in sanguinis horrorem, sed assumendo invisibiliter utriusque, divime scilicet et humaiue, qiue in Christo est, immortalis substantia? veri- tatem. — De div. Off. ii. 2 : Unus idemque Deus sursum est in carne, hie in pane. He called the bread Deifer panis. Panern cum sua carne, vinum cum suo jungebat sanguine. But he also spoke of the bread and wine being converted and trans- formed into the body and blood of Christ. Compare the passages quoted by Klee, I.e. (2) He died A.D. 1306. He wrote: Determinatio de Modo existendi Corpus Christi in Sacramento Altaris alio quam sit ille quern tenet Ecclesia ; this work was published, Lond. 1686. Comp. Cas. Oudinus, Dissertatio de Doctrina et Scriptis Jo. Parisiensis, in Comment, de Scriptt. Eccles. t. iii. col. 634 ss. Schrockh, Kg. xxviii. s. 70 ff. Milnscher, von Colin, s. 2 5 6-2 5 9. 1 (3) It is of special importance that he acknowledged the impossibility of proving the doctrine of transubstantiation from Scripture (Quodl. iv. qu. 35). He developed his own 1 As early as the middle of the thirteenth century, several professors in the University of Paris had been charged with holding incorrect opinions concern- ing the Lord's Supper ; see the letter addressed to Pope Clement iv. in Bultvus, vol. iii. p. 372, 373 . . . : Esse Parisiis celebrem opinionem tunc temporis de mysterio Eucharistie, qua contendebatur, corpus Christi non esse vere in altari, sed sicut signatum sub siguis. 3 GO TfllBD P1BIOD. — TU! [| IM views in his Traetatn the passages are oollected by I i I am and Lather in the Studien iiinl Kritiken, L839, 1 . Though Occam retained the orthodox do< trine <>f the a told not attach any distinct meaning to the notion that the sub- stance of the elements had vanished, because be was still obliged to conceive of the body of Christ and the I being in oiu: and the sum.- place. Thus we i //<»• real //nun/ of Occam to /'■ f l contained in the host, in the tame manner in which tout i /<>,/, tin r occupy i a» the tscigte wholly in every member, to the whoL < Rettberg, a 93. in can led out his notioi the ubiquity of the body of Christ with all its paradox« stone thrown iut'> the air is, in its transit, in the where the body of Christ is, etc. This ubiquity, however, \< not the foundation, but the consequence of bis doctrin Rettberg, & 96. — The systems of Occam and of Luther compared with each other, ibid a 123 if. (4) See Oramer, vii a 804 f. who says, /' the scholasti ned vu w ,. ther than Durandus," lie did uot directly oppose transubstantia- tion ; but In' conceded that there were other possible ways in whieh Christ might be present, and particularly this, thai the substance of the bread might remain, and the Bubstance of the body of Christ be united with it. The hoc est might mean the same as contentum sub hoc est. He distinguished be- tween matter and form; the matter of the lue. id, lie B exists under the form of the body of Christ. (5) Trialogus, lib. iv. c. 2—10, sg. c. 0, p. 197 (alias, p. cix.) : Inter omnes hcereses, quae unquam pullularunt in sancta Dei, non fuit nefandior, quam hseresis ponens accidens sine subjecto esse hoc venerabile sacramentum. lie also opposed the doctrine of impanation, c. 8 : Sum certus, quod sententia ista impanationis est impossibilis atque haeretica. He could not endure the thought that in that case the bo would prepare the body of Christ instead of the priest ! According to Wykliffe, Christ is not present in the bread realiter, sed habitudinaliter, secundum similitudinem. In illustration of his views, he also referred to mirrors, in which § IOC] TRANSUBSTANTIATION : DISSENTING OHNIONS. 3G1 the one countenance of Christ is reflected in various ways to the eyes of the devout. The conversio, which takes place, is a change from the inferior to the superior (this was the ancient opinion, which was also adopted by Berengarius). He dis- tinguished (in his confession in presence of the Duke of Lancaster) a triplex modus essendi corpus Christi in hostia consecrata : 1. Modus virtualis, quo benefacit per totum suuin dominium secundum bona natura vel grati;e ; 2. Modus spiritualis, quo corpus Christi est in eucharistia et Sanctis per Spiritum Sanctum ; 3. Modus sacramentalis, quo corpus Christi ringulariler est in hostia consecrata On the other hand, Christ is only in heaven, substantionaliter, corporaliter, dimensionaliter. Of like import are the following three of the ten Conclusiones Haereticffl, which were condemned by the London Council of 1382 (Mdnsi, xxvi p. 691): 1. Quod substantia panis materialis et vinimaneat post consecrationem ; 2. Quod accidentia non maneant sine subjecto ; 3. Quod Christus non sit in sacramento altaris identice, vere, et realiter. Comp. Ebrard, i. s. 501, Anm. 51. Schröckh, xxxiv. s. 501 ff. (G) Jerome of Prague at least was charged by the Council of Constance witli holding such opinions as follow : Quod panis non transubstantiabatur in corpus Christi, nee est corpus Christi in sacramento prsesentialiter et corporaliter, sed ut signatum in signo. Item, quod in hostia sive sacramento altaris mm est vere Christus. — Christus passus est in cruce, .-cd hostia altaris nuiiquani est passa neque patitur ; ergu hostia in sacramento altaris non est Christus. — Mures non possunt comedere Christum; sed mures possunt hostiam con- secratam comedere: ergo hostia in sacramento altaris non est Christus; sec Herrn der Hardt, t. iv. P. viii. p. 646. — On the other hand, Poggi lip. ad Aretin.) gives the follow- ing relation : Cum rogaretur, quid sentiret de sacramento, inquit : Antea panem, postea vero Christi corpus, et reliqua secundum lidem. Turn quidam: Ajunt te dixisse, post con- secrationem remanere panem. Turn ille : Apucl pistorem, inquit, panis remanet ; see Klee, Dg. ii. s. 205, Anm. 7. — Bus did not oppose the doctrine of the Church in decided terms ; he only endeavoured to justify himself on the point, that he believed in the real presence of the body of Christ, without entering into any nirther explanation of the modus; see his THIRD PERIOD. — HU [§ u>7. Tractates de Corpore Christi in the above II. I r. et Monom. lol. . .1/ ' I 0. (7) See niimiiiii, a. 328 340 «el [yen from WesseTs treatises : I»'- Oratione VIIL, De S ram Eucharistise, especially c 10, 24, 26, 27 ; ScaL Medit ExempL i. ii. iii.). In his opinion, the Lord's Sapper is the . I appro- priation of ths /'"••• of Christ; bat he is not aware of any ntial difference between the presence and appropriation of Christ in the Lord's Supper, and that of which believers conscious uriihout the sacrament. The spiritual participation of the body of Christ i.s to him the principal thing, Dot the sacramental The sacramental act [the sacrifice of the ma can be performed by none but the priest ; the inward com- munion with Christ may be n . Christian, § 197. T! eh. ( 'orn. Will, Acta et 8< pti undecimc | i, Marb. 1861. The use of unleavened bread at the commemoration of Christ's death, which had been introduced into the Latin Church from the ninth century (1), gave rise to a controvi with the Creek Church, in the course of which the latter v. so far as to charge the former with a departure from pure Christianity (2). As regards the doctrine of the sacrament itself, the Greek theologians agreed in the main -with the divines of the Western Church so far as this, that some of them propounded rather a doctrine of consubstantiation (3), while others taught rather a formal transubstantiation (4), but without sharing in all the consequences which the schoolmen drew from it. The Greek Church also preserved the custom of administering the Lord's Supper to the laity under both forms (5). (1) On this point, see Neandcr, Kg. iv. s. 637 f. The hosts, properly so called (i.e. the consecrated wafers), did not § 197.] THE GREEK CHURCH. 3G3 «•(line into use till later, and, according to some writers, not till the second halt* of the twelfth century, Compare J. A. Schmidt, De Oblatis Eucharisticis, qu?e Hostice vocari solent, ed. 2, Helmst. 1733, 4to. Aiigusti, viii. s. 3 75 ff. (2) This was done by Michael Cemdarius, Patriarch of Con- stantinople (and Leo of Acrida with him), in a letter addressed to John, Bishop of Trani in Apulia (in Baronius, Annals, ad ann. 1053), Not. 22, and Canisius, Lectt., ed. Ba ige, t. iii. P. i. p. 281). He derived, strangely enough, the noun äpros from the verb aipco, and appealed, in support of his theory, to Matt xxvi. 17, 18, 20, 26-28, as well as to Matt v. 13, and xiii. 33 (the three measures of meal are, in his opinion, an image of the Trinity !). — Division into Azymites and Prozy- mites (Fermentarii . Vaiu attempts of the Emperor Con- stantine Monomachus ami the Pope Leo ix. to make peace. — The reply of Humbert (prim. ed. Baronius, in Append, t. xi.; Canisius, I.e. t. iii. P. i. p. 283 ss.) i< given by Gieseler, 1.'-. s. 309. After tin- controversy had been carried on for some time (e.g. by Nicetas Pectoratus ami others), the Council of Florence at last granted permission to the Greeks to retain their own rite; see Mansi, t. xxxi. col. 1029 and 1031 ; and Will, I.e. Comp. Schröckh, xxiv. s. 210 ff. Neander and << ■ • ler, I.e. (3) John Damascene quoted (De fide orthodoxa, iv. 13) from the writings of Cyril, Jerome, and Cregory of Nazianzus those passages which appeared to him to carry with them the greatest weight. He decidedly rejected the symbolical inter- pretation, p. 2 71 : Ovk ion Tir7ro Kal o äpTos t?}? Koivoivias ovk äpTos \iTo? io~Tiv, dW' i)vwnivoap,(pÖTepov, ov pia tpvais, dWa Bvo. See p. 2 73, where he shows in what sense the elements may be called dvTLTvira (after the example of 304 OLD PEBIOD.— Tili: 401 OF SCHOLASTIC [j ! :. The views which the G tl ned with respect to the Lord's Sapper, were id with the part which they took in the contw Deeming imi those who opposed the worship of images appealed to the I that we have an image of our Lord in the Holy Sap] which was denied by the acta t that doctrine Hi the contradictory decisions of the Council ol (a.D. 7">4) and of the leoond Council of Nicest [ajd Mansi, t. iii. coL 26 I 5, and M a. 'I'll. In the decrees of the Council "f NicsBa it tinctly denied that either Christ or Hisapostli lied the elements used at the Lord's Supper images. Comp. . D i Abendmahl, s. 441 ff. . Dg \ ling to Constantinople, the elements wen- the true thaw of Chi rding to Nicssa, they were a&rt) tr&fta mi ainb al^a.] (4) Thus the expressions ft/erawoieia0m and fieraßiiX- XeaOai were employed by Theophylact in his comment on :. x.wi. _' . Com] what Euthymius '/. Baid on this p a M von ( , 223 . «./■ Methone made use of the • d in his treal quoted by Ü 97 Biblioth. PP. t iL G -Lai in. ; .\ ctuar. Biblioth. Ducsean, Par. 1624, p. l' 7 1 ; he also ti. speaks of a change of the added water into the blood of Jesus, He entertained, in addition, the scholastic notion, that the bread and wine do not change their external appearance, lest men might be terrified by the sight of the real flesh and blood. The true design of the Lord's Supper he conceived to consist in the fierovaia Xpicrrov. " The beginnings of theo- logical speculation may be traced in the theory of Nicolas, but he rested satisfied (like the Greek theologians of the present period in general) with mere suggestions, while the scholastics of the Western Church fully exhausted such subjects" (Uli mann). (5) See Augusti, Archaol. viii. s. 398. On the question, whether it was sufficient to administer only wine at the com- munion of children, see ibidem. 1 1 Concerning the communion of children, which ceased to be practised from the twelfth century, see Zorn, Historia Eucharistie Infanthnn, Berol. 1736 11 Gieseler, Dg. s. 542. § 193.] THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCE. SG5 § 198. 2'hc Sacrament of Penance. The doctrine of penance, which is, properly speaking, implied in the ordo salatls, presupposes the sacrament of baptism. In the scholastic system it found its place among the sacraments (1). Though it is only by a most unnatural interpretation that this sacrament can be proved to possess a visible element, both Peter Lombard and Thomas Aquinas endeavoured to show that it had the matter as well as the form of a sacrament, and, as far as possible, to distinguish the one from the other (2). The scholastics taught that penance is composed of three parts : contritio cordis (in distinction from attritio), oonfessio oris, and satisfactio opcris (3). Pious minds touk offence, not so much at the formal error of regard- ing penance as a sacrament, as at the lax and merely external theory of penance in general. Thus the Waldenses, while formally adopting the threefold division of penance, reje the mechanism of the ecclesiastical practice (4). John Wess ' found fault not only with the threefold division of penance, but also with the definiti : its component parts (5). Gerson and others opposed the sale of in- dulgences (6). Wyfdiffe attacked auricular confession (7). But the discussion of these points belongs more properly to the history of the Church and of ethics, than to that of doctrine (8). (1) The earlier custom of bringing penance into connection with baptism (by making a distinction between sins committed before and after baptism — by the notion of a baptism of tears — by calling it the second plank after shipwreck, etc.) led the scholastics to enumerate penance among the sacraments. Comp. Peter Lombard, Sent. iv. dist. 14 A; Thomas Aquinas, P. III. qu. 86, art. 4 {Klee, Dg. ii. s. 236 ff.). (2) Peter Lombard observed (dist. 22 C) that some theo- logians regarded the external performance of the works of T 1 ; 1 1 : 1 > PERIOD. — Til. [J 198. penance, which is pei septil I ir bodily urn. The external works of ]>■ penance, bj the br id and ■■■ I in the I Supper are the I he body and \'. are contaii ed in the oeived qu. H k, art 1 penance, of w bich the only tlie ward act might in ti. In the rod article he fu tinguished 1 of penan removed ; tl. te. Compare the ] ■'.'.' -. 276 f l irther in i L6 \ n; This distinction ■■■ le b) // referred i and Angu I Sermo iv. in Qu ' .274 lib. iv. dial 1 6, litt. A : In perfectioi Still! . . . II sicul tribus media I leum offendimu I tribus modis imus . . . 1 1 1 1 i ■ plici morti triplici remedio occurritnr, i - I Florent 1 439 (under Po I " col. 10 C 8. 284): Q irtum Sa ramentum peenitentise, cujus qu rant actus pcenitentis, «jui in tres distinguuntur partes, Quarum prim lis contritio, ad quam pertinet ut doleat de peccato commisso cum pro- ito non peccandi de csetero. Secunda est oris conti quam pertinet ut peccator omnia peccata, quorum memoriam habet, suo sacerdoti confiteatur integraliter. 1 r( factio pro pi eundum arbitrium sacerdotis, quaa quideni prsecipue fit peri tn, jejunium, el mi. Forma hujus Bacramenti sunt verba absolutionis, qua sacerdos pn cum dicit: Ego te absolvo, etc. Minister hujus sacramenti est sacerdos, habens auctoritatem absolvendi vel ordinariam, vel ex commissione superior] s. Effectus hujus sacramenti est absolutio a peccatis. — On the difference between < tritio and altritio, see Alexander of Hales, P. IV. qu, 74, meuibr, 1 : Timor servilis principium est attritionis, timor § 198.] THE SACRAMENT OF PENANCB. 3C7 initialis (i.e. that with which the life of sanetificatmn begi] principium e. — The • tical institution of auri i 3tablished by the fourth Lateran Council (1216, under Pope [nnocent m.), Can. xxi in Decretis Greg! 1. v. tit. 38, c. l 2 : Omnis utriusque Bexus fidelis, post- quam ad am nis pervenerit, omnia sua Bolus peccata confiteatur fideliter, saltern semel in anno, proprio sacerdoti, 9 et injunctam sibi pcenitentiam I pro viribus adimpl Gieseler, ii. 2, B. -1-1-1; Munscher, Colin, ,282). :-' Sacramento Pcenitenti«, p. '. 7//- ■ntis poenitentia, sicnt peocatnm: atrnmqne I catnm voluntatis tantum est, tta | ilios . - voluntatis. For further particulai U 340 if. (G) Epistolade Indulgentiis Opp. 1 nd c '.'. (7) Trial.»- Kb. iv. c 32. (8) See G . Kg. ii l 3. § 1 /.' ' • Unci [nfirmorum, ' [um, ritorom.) The apostolic injunctioi ting the sic! r. 14 (comp. Mari vi. L3 . which probably had a Bymbol religious significance, as well as a medicinal and therapeutic (1), gave rise to the institution of a new sacrament, which came into genera] use from the ninth century, and could be admini- stered only in the dying hour (2). But various opinions obtained on the question, whether it was proper to repeat the administration of the sacrament in the case of a dying person who had received it on a former occasion, but who had re- covered, and been restored to life; or, whether it was sufficient to have administered it once? The Church did not ascribe a character indelebilis to this sacrament (3). Its sign is the consecrated oil, its essence consists in the forgiveness of sins, and partly also in the alleviation of the bodily sufferings of the sick (4). (1) See the commentators on this passage ; Brdc, Opp. t. v. col. 693 ; and on Mark vi. 13, ibid. col. 132 (in Münscher, von Colin, s. 297). [Bale on Mark vi. 13 : Unde patet ab ipsis § loa.] EXTREME UNCTION'. 369 Apostolis hunc sanctum Ecclesine morem esse traditum, ut energumeni, vel alii quilibet ai-groti, unguantur oleo pontifical] benedictione consecrato.] Innocent I. Ep. 21, ad Decentium Episc. Eugubinum (written about the year 416), cap. 8 (Miirischer, von Colin, s. 298). [Innocent in. : Quod non est dubiuni de fidelibus aegrotantibus accipi vel intelligi debere, qui sancto oleo chrismatia perungi possunt : quod ab Episcopo confectum, non solum sacerdotibus, sed omnibus uti Christianis licet in sua aut in suorum necessitate ungendum.] (2) Concil. Kegiatii inum (a.D. 850), Canon 8 (in Man von Colin, s. 298). [Magnum sane acvalde appetendum mys- terium, per quod, si fideliter poscitur, et remittuntni (peccata), et consequenter corporalis salus restituitur.] — For earlier indi- cations of the anointing of the sick, as a sacrament, see Huhn, I.e. s. 9G. As regards the institution, in accordance with the distinction noticed (§ 89, note 3) between insinuatio and institutio, the latter is attributed to James; but the insinuatio to Christ. Com}). Hahn, s. 169. — Among the scholastics, Hugo of St. Victor was the first who spoke of extreme unction as a sacrament; De Sacram. ii. P, xv. ; comp. Summa Sent. Tract, vi. c. 15 (Liebner, s. 481). The doctrine of extreme unction formed, in his system, the transition to eschatology. — Peter Lombard, Sent. iv. dist. 23, mentioned three different kinds of consecrated oil (j(P^ a '/ MLTa ) '■ 1- That with which priests and kings are anointed (on the head , or those who are confirmed (upon the forehead). 2. That with which catechu- mens and newly baptized persons are anointed (upon the chest, and between the shoulders). 3. The unctio infirmorum (which may be performed on various parts of the body. Com- pare note 4;. 1 He also distinguished between the sacramentum and the res sacramenti. B: Sacramentum est ipsa unctio exterior, res sacramenti unctio interior, qua? peccatorum remissione et virtutum ampliatione perficitnr. Et si ex contemtu vel negligentia hoc pnetermittiur, periculosum est et damnabile. (3) ho of Chartres (Ep. 225), Ad Iiadulfum, and Geoffrey of Vendome (who lived about the year 1110), Opusculum de Iteratione Sacramenti (in Sirmondi Opp. t. iii.), opposed the 1 On the further significance of consecrated oil, see Thorn. Aquinas, Supplein. qu;est. xxix. art. 4. — Klee, ii. s. 268 f. Hagenb. Hist. Doct. ii. 2 A 370 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 190. repetition of extreme unction (comp. Murischer, von Colin, s. 299) ; Peter Lombard pronounced in favour of it, I.e. lit. 0. {Lombard here follows Hugo of St. Victor almost verbally : Sacramentum unctionis spiritualis est qusedam medicina, cor- poris et animse languores mitigans et sanans : nam oleum membra dolentia sanat. Itaque oleum ad utrumque cjirandum prodest. Si morbus non revertitur, medicina non iteretur ; si autem morbus non potest cobiberi, quare deberet medicina prohiberi ? . . . Quare ergo negatur quod unctionis sacramen- tum super infirmum iterari possit ad reparandam srepius Sani- tätern, et ad impetrandam ssepius peccatorum remissionem.] — On the controversy concerning this point, which arose on the occasion of the death of Pope Pius iL, see above, § 190, note G. — The opinion also obtained during the Middle Ages, that extreme unction does away with all the relations in which man stands to the present life ; the person who had received extreme unction immediately renounced all kinds of meat, and the continuance of matrimony. Bishops, however, as well as councils, e.g. the Council of Worcester (a.D. 1240), com- bated this notion. See Klee, ii. s. 272. (4) Comp, the opinion of Peter Lombard, note 2, and Hugo of St. Victor, De Sacram. Fid. lib. ii. P. xv. c. 2 : Duplici ex causa sacramentum hoc institutum ; et ad peccatorum scilicet remissionem, et ad corporalis infirmitatis allevationem. Comp. Thomas Aquinas, P. III. in Supplem. qu. 30, art. 1. — Decret. Eugenii LV. in Cone. Florent. a. 1439 (Mansi,t. xxxi. col. 1058) : Quintum Sacramentum est extrema unctio. Cujus materia est oleum olivas per episeopum benedictum. Hoc sacramentum nisi infirmo, de cujus morte timetur, dari non debet. Qui in his locis ungendus est : in oculis propter visum, in auribus propter auditum, in naribus propter odoratum, in ore propter gustum vel loeutionem, in manibus propter tactum, in pedibus propter gressum, in renibus propter delectationem ibidem vigentem. Forma hujus sacramenti est hsec : per istam unctionem et suam piissimam misericordiam, quicquid peccasti per visum etc. ... et similiter in aliis membris. Minister hujus sacramenti est sacerdos. Effectus vero est mentis sanatio, et, in quantum autem expedit, ipsius etiam corporis (he appeals to Jas. v. 14). § 200.] .THE SACRAMENT OF ORDERS. 37l §200. The Sacrament of Orders. (Sacramentum Ordinis.) This sacrament is intimately connected with the article of the Church, and with the distinction there made between the laity and the clergy. It is that sacrament by which men are fitted to administer the other sacraments (1). Accordingly, its essence lies in the ecclesiastical power which it communi- cates (2). None but bishops can ordain (3), and only bap- tized and grown-up males can receive ordination (4). Opinions differed respecting the validity of ordination by heretical bishops (5). Further regulations (concerning ordines majores et minores, etc.) belong to the canon law (6). This sacrament has a character indelebilis (7). (1) Thomas Aquinas, Pars III. Supplem. qu. 34, art. 3 : Propter Ordinem fit homo dispensator aliornm sacramentorum, ergo Ordo habet magis rationem, quod sit sacramentum, quam alia. — Raimund of Sabunde says that the administrators to the sacraments stand in the same relation to the sacred acts in which parents stand to the act of generation. They dispense the external signs, God effects the inward grace ; as parents beget the body, but God creates the soul (the creatianist view) ; see Matzke, Raimund von Sabunde, s. 101. (2) The statements are very vacillating as to what really constitutes the material (in distinction from the formal) part of ordination. As regards the external sign of ordination, there was a considerable difference of opinion. The earlier Church regarded the laying on of hands (xeipoTovia) as having a higher, a magical virtue, while the later theologians attached no great importance to it; comp. Klee, ii. s. 280 f. [He says: The ancients, in accordance with the Scriptures, made the laying on of hands to be the matter of ordination ; by this is effected the elevation and consecration to the episcopate, the presbyterate, and the diaconate. Anointing is also very early 372 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 200. mentioned in the inauguration of bishops and priests {Eusclius, Hist. Eccl. x. 4 ; Greg. Naz. Orat. V. ; Greg. Nyss. Virg. cap. xxiv. ; Leo, often) ; and the laying of the gospels on the head, at the ordination of bishops {Hi r jipolytus, De Charism. cap. 1 : Chrysost. Homil. quod Veteris Test. Unus Legislator, in Photii Cod. eclxxvii.).] The consecrated oil was only occasionally mentioned. Thomas Aquinas, I.e. art. 5, candidly avowed, that while the efficacy of the other sacraments consisted in the matter, quod divinam virtutem et significat et continet, it depended, in the present case, on the person who administered the sacrament, and that it was transmitted by him to the per- son to be ordained. Therefore, in his view, the act of ordination is the material, and not the symbols, which are used at its administration. Nevertheless, it is said in the Decret. Eugenii IV. in Cone. Florent. a. 1439, I.e. col. 1058 : Sextum Sacra- mentum est Ordinis, cujus materia est illud, per cujus tradi- tionem confertur tOrdo, sicut Presbyteratus traditur per calicis cum vino et patent. cum pane porrectionem, Diaconatus vero per libri Evangeliorum dationem, Subdiaconatus vero per calicis vacui cum patena vacua superposita traditionem, et similiter de aliis per rerum ad ministeria sua pertinentium assignationem. Forma sacerdotii talis est : Accipe potestatem offerendi sacri- £cium in ecclesia pro vivis et mortuis, in nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti. Et sie de aliorum ordinum formis, prout in pontificali Eomano late continetur. Compare also Peter Lombard, lib. iv. dist. 24. He calls (lit. B) the tonsure (corona) the signaculum, quo signantur in partem sortis mini- sterii divini . . . Denudatio capitis est revelatio mentis (God grant it !). Clericus enim secretorum Dei non ignarus esse debet. Tondentur etiam capilli usque ad revelationem sen- suum, scilicet ocülorum et aurium, ut vitia in corde et opere pullulantia doceantur prascidenda, ne ad audiendum et intelli- gendum verbum Dei praspediatur mens, pro quo servato red- detur in excelsis corona. (3) Decret. Eug. IV. I.e. : Ordinarius minister hujus sacra - menti est Episcopus. Comp. Thorn. Aqu. qu. 38, art. 1. (4) This is self-evident. Nevertheless, a Benedictio might be conferred upon women (deaconesses) for certain clerical functions ; but this was essentially distinct from ordinatio, and had no character indelebilis (comp. Hahn, s. 270, and the § 200.] THE SACRAMENT OF OKDEKS. 373 passages quoted by him from Tliom. Aqu., Scotus, and Biel). Concerning the age at which persons might be ordained, the following regulations were made : Ut Subdiaconus non ordine- tur ante quatuordecim annos, nee Diaconus ante viginti quin- que, nee Presbyter ante triginta. Deinde, si dignus fuerit, ad episcopatum eligi potest : see Peter Lombard, I.e. lit. I. Priests were to be thirty years old, because Christ (according to Luke iii.) commenced His public ministry at the age of thirty years. (5) The views of Peter Lombard on this point were still unsettled, Sent. iv. dist. 25, De ordinatis ab hasreticis. Thomas Aquinas, P. III. in Supplem. dist. 38, art. 2, gave it as his final opinion, quod (haeretici) vera sacramenta conferunt, sed cum eis gratiam non dant, non propter inefficaciam sacra- mentorum, sed propter peccata recipientium ab eis sacramenta contra prohibitionem ecclesiae. The whole question was analogous to that respecting the baptism of heretics, and had to be decided on the same principles ; see Auxilius, quoted by Klee, ii. s. 282. [Si enim non perdit baptizatus baptismum, etiam eliminatus ab ecclesia, quo pacto perdit sacratus licet excommunicatus sacramentum susg inipositionis posse nisi ad tempus obtemperando priori, ut paulo post absolutus iterum fungatur officio, sicut et baptizatus ecclesise ingressum ? Est igitur posse, sed non in actu. Libell. super Caus. et Negot. Formosi Papre.] (6) Peter Lombard, I.e. The seven orders are enumerated in the following succession, commencing with the lowest : Ostiarii, Lectores, Exorcistse, Acoluthi — Subdiaconi, Diaconi, Presbyteri. (7) Thomas Aquinas, qu. 25, art. 2; qu. 37, art. 5 (in Milnscher, von Colin, s. 303). [Aquinas says: Quantum cun- que homo ad laicatum se transferat, semper tarnen manet in eo character. Quod patet ex hoc quod, si ad clericatum rever- tatnr, non iterum Ordinem quern habuerat suscipit.] 37-i THI11D PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 201. § 201. The Sacrament of Matrimony. (Sacramentum matrimonii, conjugii.) One of the strange contradictions found in the general views of the Catholic Church during the Middle Ages was, that while on the one hand single life was thought to be a special virtue, on the other hand matrimony was raised to the place of a sacrament (1). Much ingenuity was indeed required to show the signs of a sacrament in matrimony in the concrete, as they were specified by the Church itself in the abstract. In the absence of a visible material element, matrimony itself was regarded as a type of the union of Christ with the Church (according to Eph. v. 32), and the word fjLv t^poavvT] o tovtois pittas ivTiOels, Ka\dp,7)v teal (pvWa, Kal dcrTci^vi teal tou? \eirTOTaTovs dvOe- piKas ; ovy 6 twv b\cov Bi]jMovpyoM. [• clupliciter: uno modo ex conditione natura ejus, qui pnamiatur, sicut supra beatitudinem animse gloria corporis adjungitnr, unde et ipsa gloria corporis Lnterdum aureola nominator . . . ; alio modo ex ratiune operis meritorii, etc. In art. 2, aureola is further distinguished from fractals : Fructua consistit in gaudio habito de dispositione ipsius operantis, aureola in gaudio per- fectionis operuin (the one is the Bubjective reward, tin' other is the objective one). Compare the subsequent notes. (6) Suso, Von der unmässigen Freude des Himmelreichs (quoted by Dieperibrock, s. l".»."» if. ; WackernageU Lesebuch, i. Spalte 881 ff.): " Now arise with me, I will lead thee to con- templation, and cause thee to cast a Look at a rough parable Behold ! above the ninth heaven, which is far more than a hundred thousand times larger than our whole globe, there is yet another heaven, which is called coelum empyrenm, and has its name, not from its being a fiery substance, but from the intense shining brightness which it possesses by nature. It is immoveable and unchangeable, and is the glorious court where the heavenly hosts dwell, and whore the evening star and all the children of God sing unceasing praise and adora- tion. There are the eternal thrones, surrounded by the in- comprehensible light, from which the evil spirits were cast out, and which are now occupied by the elect. Behold the ■wonderful city shining with pure gold, glittering with precious pearls, inlaid with precious jewels, transparent like a crystal, resplendent with red roses, white lilies, and all sorts of living ilowers. Now cast thine own eyes upon the beautiful heavenly fields. Ay ! here is the whole charm of summer, here the meadows of the bright May, the true valley of joy ; here are happy moments spent in mutual love, harps, viols, singing, springing, dancing, and pleasures without end ; here the ful- filment of every desire, and love without sorrow, in everlasting security. And behold, round about thee, the innumerable multitude of the redeemed, drinking of the fountain of living water after their hearts' desire, and looking in the pure and clear mirror of the unveiled Deity, in which all things are made manifest to them. Proceed farther, and behold the sweet queen of the heavenly country, whom thou lovest with such intensity, occupying her throne with dignity and joy, elevated above all the heavenly hosts, surrounded by the flowers § -209.] FÜTUBE STATE OF THE BLESSED AND THE DAMNED. 401 of roses and lilies of the valley. Behold her charming beauty imparting joy, and delight, and admiration to all the heavenly hosts, etc. . . . behold the bright cherubim and their company, receiving a bright emanation of my eternal, incomprehensible light, and the heavenly principalities and powers enjoying sweet repose in me, and I in them . . . behold my elect disciples and my dearest friends, occupying the venerable thrones of judgment in great peace and honour ; behold how the martyrs appear in their robes red like roses, the con- fessors shining in their splendid beauty, the tender virgins gleaming in angelic purity, and all the heavenly host enjoying divine sweetness ! Ah, what a company, and what a happy country ! " — But Suso regards all this as a mere image. In his opinion, true happiness, "the essential recompense," as dis- tinct from that which is " accidental," consists in union with God. P. 296 : "Essential reward consists in the union of the soul with the pure Deity in the beatific vision. For never more can the soul be in repose until it is elevated above all its powers and possibilities, and brought into the very essence of the persons, into the natural simplicity of the essence. And in this union and reaction it finds its satisfaction and eternal blessedness ; the more entire and simple the outgoing, the freer is the upgoing, the surer is the entrance into the wild waste and the deep abyss of essential deity, into which it is absorbed, whelmed, and united ; so that it wills nothing 'out what God wills, and becomes the same that God is ; it becomes blessed by grace, as He is blessed by nature." Much, however, as Suso exalts this " swallowing up " of the human spirit in the divine, he yet insists upon the perpetuity of the individual consciousness. " In this absorption of the spirit in the Deity it vanishes, but not wholly ; it gains some property of divinity, but it does not become essential God ; all that happens to it comes through grace, for the soul is an existence created from nothing, eternally loved and favoured." Schmidt, I.e. s. 50 (Diepeiibrock, s. 227). Compare the dialogues, there cited, of Suso " with the wild one," which show that Eckart's disciples were divided into two classes, the one of which adopted the pantheistic consequences of his system, and the other not ; Suso belonged to the latter class. (7) Elucidarium, c. 80 : Ecce, sicut isti amici Dei decore IIagenb. Hist. Düct. ii. 2 C 402 THIRD PERIOD. THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 209. maximo illustrantur, ita illi maximo horrore deturpantur. Sicut isti summa agilitate sunt alleviati, ita illi summa pig- ritia prsegravati. Sicut isti prsecipuo robore solidati, ita illi sunt praecipua invaletudine debilitati. Sicut isti augusta libertate potiuntur, ita illi anxia Servitute deprimuntur. Sicut isti immensa voluptate deliciantur, ita illi immensa miseria amaricantur. Sicut isti egregia sanitate vigent, ita illi infinita infirniitate deficient. Sicut isti de beata immortalitate triumphantes lsetantur, ita illi de dolenda sua diuturnitate lamentantur. Sicut isti politi sunt splendore sapiential, ita illi obscurati sunt horrore insipientioe. Si quid enim sciunt, ad augmentuni doloris sciunt. Sicut istos dulcis amicitia copulat, ita illos amara inimicitia excruciat. Sicut isti con- cordem concordiarn cum omni creatura habentes, ab omni creatura glorificantur, ita illi, cum omni creatura discordiam habentes, ab omni creatura execrantur. Sicut isti summa potentia sublimantur, ita illi summa impotentia angustiantur. . . . Sicut isti ineffabili gaudio jubilantes, ita illi mcerore sine fine ejulantes, etc. . . . According to Thomas Aquinas, qu. 97, art. 4, outer darkness reigns in hell, and only so much light is admitted as is sufficient to see that which is to torment the souls. The fire is (according to art. 5 and 6) a real, material fire, differing only in a few points (but not specifically) from terrestrial fire. It is under the surface of the earth, etc. — Guibert of Nogent, however, denied that the fire was material (he died A.D. 1124). See Gieseler, Dg. s. 564. A full description of the torments of hell is given by Dante. [Dante's descriptions are chiefly derived from Aquinas.] (8) Tlwrnas Aquinas, qu. 98, art. 2 : Pcenitere de peccato contingit dupliciter : uno modo per se, alio modo per accidens. Per se quidem de peccato pcenitet, qui peccatum, in quantum est peccatum, abominatur. Per accidens vero, qui illud odit, ratione alicujus adjuncti, utpote pcense vel alicujus hujusmodi. Mali igitur non poenitebunt, per se loquendo, de peccatis, quia voluntas malitise peccati in eis remanet : poenitebunt autem per accidens, in quantum affligentur de poena, quam pro peccato sustinent. (He seems to speak of an attritio sine contritione.) (9) L.c. art. 6 : Post diem judicii erit ultima consummatio bonorum et malorum, ita quod nihil erit addendum ulterius § 209.] FUTURE STATE OF THE BLESSED AND THE DAMNED. 403 de bono vel de malo. Comp. Peter Lombard, lib. iv. dist. 50 A. (10) Elucidar. c. 80 : Odium enim Dei habent . . . odium habent Angelorum . . . odium habent omnium Sanctorum . . . odium a novo coelo et a nova terra et ab omni creatura habent. Comp. TJwmas Aquinas, I.e. art. 4 : Tanta erit invidia in dainnatis, quod etiam propinquorum glorise invidebunt, cum ipsi sint in summa miseria . . . Sed tarnen minus invident propinquis quam aliis, et major esset eorum poena, si omnes propinqui damnarentur et alii salvarentur, quam si aliqui de suis propinquis salvarentur. (He then quotes the instance of Lazarus.) — As regards the hatred which the lost feel towards God, comp. art. 5. God as such cannot be hated, but ratione effectuum. (11) Peter Lombard, lib. iv. dist. 50 G. Thomas Aquinas, qu. 94, art. 2, 3. They witness the sufferings of the damned, without being seen by the latter. Peter Lombard, I.e. litt. E. Thomas Aquinas, qu. 98, art. 9. (12) De Di v. Nat. v. 29, p. 265 : Diversas suppliciorum ibrmas non localiter in quadam parte, veluti toto hujus visibilis creaturae, et ut simpliciter dicam, neque intra diversitatem totius naturae a Deo conditee futuras esse credimus, et neque nunc esse, et nusquam et nunquam, sed in malarum volun- tatum corruptarumque conscientiarum perversis motibus, tar- daque poenitentia et infructuosa, inque perversse potestatis omnimoda subversione, sive humana sive angelica creatura. Comp. c. 36, p. 288, c. 37, p. 294, and some other passages. Frommuller (Tübinger Zeitschrift, 1830, 1, s. 84 fr.). 1 Guibert of Nogent entertained similar views, De Pignoribus Sanctorum (in Opp. ed. d'AcMry, Par. 1651, fol.), lib. iv. c. 14, p. 363 (Miinscher, von Colin, s. 96 ff.). (13) The question has been raised, what it is that burns in hell. The masters generally say, it is self-will. But I say, in truth, it is not having (Wicht) which constitutes the burning of hell. Learn this from a parable. If you were to take a burning coal, and put it on my hand, and I were to assert that the coal is burning my hand, I should be wrong. 1 In other passages, however, Erigena speaks of material fire, and illustrates the possibility of its perpetuity by the asbestos and the salamander ; De Praed. xvii. 7, xix. 1, 4. Ritter, Gesch. der Philosophie, vii. s. 282. 404 THIRD PERIOD.— THE AGE OF SCHOLASTICISM. [§ 210. But if I be asked what it is that burns me, I say it is the not having, i.e. the coal has something which my hand has not. You perceive, then, that it is the not having which burns me. But if my hand had all that which the coal has, it would possess the nature of fire. In that case you might take all the fire that hums, and put it on my hand without tormenting me. In the same manner I say, if God, and those who stand before His face, enjoy that perfect happiness which those who are separated from Him possess not, it is the " not Jiaving " which torments the souls in hell more than self-will or fire. (Predigt auf den ersten Sonnt, nach Trin. in Schmidt, Studien und Kritiken, 1839, s. 722.) (14) Schmidt, however, thinks it probable (I.e.) that the assertion of the Bishop of Strassburg (quoted by Mosheim, p. 2 5 7), that the Beghards taught, quod non est infernus, nee purgatorium (comp. § 206, note 9), was founded upon a mis- take. They are further said to have maintained : quod nullus damnabitur nee Judseus nee Sarazenus, quia mortuo corpore spiritus redibit ad Dominum. § 21<0, Eternity of the Punishments of Hell. Restitution of all Things. John Scotus Erigena, on the basis of the universality of redemption, ventured to intimate a revival of the Origenistic notion of the restitution of all things, without denying the eternity of the punishments of hell (1). This idea met with approbation among the mystical sects (2). The Catholic Church, however, simply abode by the doctrine of the eternity of the punishments of hell (3), as is shown in the concise superscription to the hell of Dante (4). The imagination of the orthodox mystics, inflamed by the vision of infinite woe, dwelt with painful elaboration upon this for ever and ever (5). (1) Erigena maintained, with Augustine, the eternity of the punishments of hell, De Div. Nat. v. 31, p. 270. Never- theless, he said, p. 72 : Aliud est omnem malitiam generaliter § 210.] ETERNITY OF THE PUNISHMENTS OF HELL. 405 in omni huroana natura penitus aboleri, aliud phantasias ejus, malitise dico, in propria conscientia eorum, quos in hac vita vitiaverat, semper servari, eoque modo semper puniri. Comp. v. 26, p. 255 s., v. 27, p. 260 : Divina siquidem bonitas consumet malitiam, asterna vita absorbet mortem, beatitudo miseriam . . . nisi forte adhuc ambigis dominum Jesum humanae naturae acceptorem et salvatorem non totam ipsam, sed quan- tulamcunque partem ejus accepisse et salvasse. Frommilllcr, I.e. s. 86 f. (2) Comp. § 209, note 14, and § 202 (on millenarianism). (3) Thomas Aquinas, qu. 99. (4) Canto iii. v. 9 : " Ye who enter here, leave all hope hehind" (Lasciate ogni speranza, voi che entrate.) (5) Suso (Büchlein von der Weisheit, cap. xi. Von immer- währendem Weh der Hölle, quoted by Bicpeiibrock, s. 289 i. \ by Wackernagel, Sp. 879) expressed himself as follows: — " Alas ! misery and pain, they must last for ever. O ! eternity, what art thou ? O ! end without all end ! O ! death which is above every death, to die every hour and yet not to be able ever to die ! O ! father and mother and all whom we love ! May God be merciful to you for evermore ; for we shall see you no more to love you ; we must be separated for ever ! O ! separation, everlasting separation, how painful art thou ! O ! the wringing of hands ! O ! sobbing, sighing, and weeping, unceasing howling and lamenting, and yet never to be heard ! . . . Give us a millstone, say the damned,, as broad as the whole earth, and so large as to touch the sky all around, and let a little bird come once in a hundred thousand years, and pick off a small particle of the stone, not larger than the tenth part of a grain of millet, and after another hundred thousand years let him come again, so that in ten hundred thousand years he would pick off as much as a grain of millet, we wretched sinners would ask nothing but that when this stone has an end, our pains might also cease ; yet even that cannot be ! " FOURTH PERIOD. FEOM THE REFORMATION TO THE EISE OF THE PHILOSOPHY OF LEIBNITZ AND WOLF IN GER- MANY: FROM THE YEAR 1517 TO ABOUT 1720. THE AGE OF POLEMICO-ECCLESIASTICAL SYMBOLISM. (THE CONFLICT OF CONFESSIONS OF FAITH.) -4.— GENERAL HISTORY OF DOCTRINES DURING THE FOURTH PERIOD. § 211. Introduction. On the sources, and the works on the history of the Eeformation, compare Hase, Kirchengeschichte, § 315 ff. Gieseler, iii. 1, s. 1 ff. Hagenbach's Encyklo- pädie ; also the two works containing material for the History of Doctrine : " Leben und ausgewählte Schriften der Väter u. Begründer der refonnirten," and "der Lutherischen Kirche " (Elberfeld 1857 ff., 1861 ff.). The Reformation of the sixteenth century was neither a mere scientific correction of doctrine, nor a revolution which affected only the external relations of life (Church constitution and worship), without touching doctrinal questions. It was rather a comprehensive reformation of the Church on the basis of the newly awakened evangelical faith, as it manifested itself in its 'practical and moral aspects. As primitive Christianity did not present a complete scheme of systematic theology to its 406 § 212.] THE PRINCIPLES OF PROTESTANTISM. 407 adherents, so those who restored a pure and scriptural religion did not make it their first object to establish a perfected and final system of doctrines. The heart and the action of the heart preceded, and then gradually scientific forms of statement followed. Thus the publication of the ninety -five theses (31st Oct. a.D. 1517), in which Luther came out against Tetzel on high moral grounds, and the zeal which Zwingli displayed about the same time, in combating the prevailing abuses of the Church and the corruptions of his age, became the signal for further contests. The attack upon the theory of indulgences shook the scholastic doctrinal system to its very foundations ; starting from this, the opposition to all that was unscriptural in the constitution of the Church, as well as in its doctrines, soon spread farther, though its success was not everywhere the same. "Questions concerning ultimate philosophical principles were, on the whole, not in the spirit and thoughts of that age ; " Baumgarten-Crusius, Cornpend. Dg. i. s. 326. "It was neither the vulgar jealousy of the monastic orders against each other, nor yet any mere theoretical interest, however noble this might have been, which led Luther in the path of reform. Luther became a reformer because he had learned at the confessional the spiritual wants of the people. . . . It was from a heartfelt sympathy with the simple and honest souls, whom he saiv abandoned to the arbitrary will of the priesthood, and deceived in respect to the highest good of life; " Der deutsche Protestantismus, seine Vergangenheit und seine heutige Lebensfragen, Frankf. 1847, s. 15. See also Gass, Gesch. d. Protest. Dogmatik, i. s. 7 ff. ; and Neander, Katholicismus u. Protestantismus, s. 18 ff., and his judgment on Baur. §212. The Principles of Protestantism. 31. Gabel, Die religiöse Eigentümlichkeit der lutherischen und der reformirten Kirche, Bonn 1837. Dorner, Das Princip unsrer Kirche nach dem inneren Verhältniss seiner zwei Seiten betrachtet, Kiel 1842. D. Schenkel, Das Wesen des Protestantismus aus den Quellen des Reformationszeit- alters dargestellt, Schaff h. 1846-52, 3 vols. The same: Das Princip des Protestantismus mit besonderer Berücksichtigung der neuesten hierüber geführten Verhandlungen, Schaffh. 1852. J. H. Merle d'Aubigne, Luther und Calvin, oder die luth. u. reform. Kirche in ihrer Verschiedenheit und wesentlich. Einheit (Deutsch von P. E. Gottheil, Baireuth 1849). [English translation, London 1846 ff.] F. Baur, Kritische Studien über d, Wesen 408 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 212. des Protestantismus (in Zeller's Jahrb. 1847, s. 506 ff.). H. Heppe, Dog- matik des deutselien Protestantism, im 16 Jahrh., 3 vols. Gotha 1857-59. The same: Geschichte des deutschen Protestantismus in den Jahren 1555- 1581, Marburg 1852-1857, 3 vols. The same : Entstehung u. Fortbildung des Lutherthums, Kassel 1863. See the works referred to in the following sections. F. A. Holzhausen, Der Protestantismus nach seiner geschicht- lichen Entstehung, Begründung, u. Fortbildung, Lpz. 1859, 3 vols. K. F. A. Kahms, Über die Principien des Protestantismus, Lpz. 1865. [i Holder 's Symbolik var. edd., and Baur's reply.] The common principle on which the Reformers planted themselves, was nothing else than the principle of Christianity itself, as revealed in the canonical Scriptures. The only difference was in the mode in which they respectively attained and enforced this principle, which was determined by their personal characteristics and by external circumstances. Luther, by the deep experience of his own heart and life, was led to the material principle of Protestantism, viz. justification by faith, which is the central point for the right understanding of the development of the whole Protestant system of theology. With this is connected the breaking away from the authority of the Church, and the subjection to the authority of Scripture, or the formal principle of the Reformation. The two prin- ciples hang together (1). Though there is a relative truth in the remark that the Reformation, as aroused and guided by Luther in Germany, laid chief stress on the material principle, and that the Zwinglian (later, the Calvinistic or Reformed) movement in Switzerland laid greatest stress upon the formal principle (2), yet the difference of these two main tendencies, which sprung up within the bosom of Protestantism, is not adequately explained by their difference on this point (3). (1) Compare A. Schiueizer, Glaubenslehre der evang.-ref. Kirche, Zürich 1844, Bd. i. s. 3. Baur, Lehrbuch, s. 198 ff. [s. 272-278, 2d ed. Baur says, that the most general difference between Catholicism and Protestantism is found in the different relation in which the external and the internal in religion are placed to one another. As Catholicism is external, so Protestantism is internal. ... In opposition to the externality of Catholicism, the fundamental idea of Protestantism is that § 212.] THE PRINCIPLES OF PROTESTANTISM. 409 of the absolute value of the religious sentiment, in distinction from all that is merely external. All that is external has a value only in relation to this internal experience and convic- tion. In this aspect the principle of subjectivity is the prin- ciple of Protestantism ; but this is only one side of its nature. The other, equally essential, is the objective element, viz. that in all that concerns his salvation, man is entirely dependent on God and divine grace.] (2) M. Goebel, I.e. Compare Ullmann in the Studien und Kritiken, 1843,8.756 ff. (3) Schweizer, Glaubenslehre, i. s. 35, 38, 40. Schenkel, Wesen des Protest, i. s. 11. Ebrard, Abendmahlslehre, ii. s. 2 5 ff. The difference of the two has also been thus stated : the one (the Lutheran) was chiefly devoted to opposing the Judaism, and the other (the Eeformed) to opposing the heathenism of the old Church; comp. Herzog in Tholuck's lit. Anzeiger, 1838, Nr. 54 f. ; Schweizer, I.e. s. 15. But even this cannot be carried out without qualifications. Schweizer says (I.e.), that the peculiarity of the Reformed (Calvinistic) theology consisted in holding fast to the absolute idea of God in opposition to all idolatry of the creature, while the centre of gravity of the Lutheran system is to be sought in the sphere of anthropology. EbrarcVs position (I.e. s. 27) is, that the material principle of justification by faith is common to both, and that the differ- ence consists in this, that Luther emphasized this justification (subjectively) in opposition to works, while Zwingli insisted upon it (objectively) in contrast with human mediation and reconciliation. — Neander apprehends the opposition differently (I.e. s. 64 ff.), when he sees in Lutheranism rather a repetition of Alexandrian supernaturalism, and in Zwinglianism a repetition of the naturalistic tendencies of the Antiochene school ; or when (in other words) he sees in Zwingli's reformation rather an extensively negative tendency of mind, and in Luther's an intensively positive. But this opposition must not be stretched so far as to make it appear, as many do, that Luther repre- sented an extreme supernaturalism, while Zwingli was a forerunner of rationalism. So much seems to be certain, that no fundamental difference can be said to exist between the principles of the Lutheran and Zwinglian reformation, but a difference simply in the mode of combining the external and 410 FOURTH PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 213. internal conditions, under which the common principles were established and modified. Comp, below, § 219, note 3. [See also Baur, Dg. ubi supra, who says that the real Protestant antagonism to Catholicism is found in Calvinism, and there too in the very doctrine which was at first common to all the Eeformers, but which attained its systematic development only in Calvinism, that is, the absolute decree. Against the Catholic absolutism of the external Church was placed the Calvinistic absolutism of the divine purpose — it is immanent in God. The Melanchthonian type of theology, with its principle of moral freedom, is here, on the Protestant side, the antagonism to Calvinism. Strict Lutheranism is merely intermediate between these two, historical rather than ideal or material] §213. Relation of the History of Doctrines of the Present Period to that of the Former Period. (Symbolism.) Compare above, § 4, 13, 16 (note 9). The important events which occurred during the present age, the introduction of new relations affecting the whole development of the Church, the division of Christendom into the two great sections of Protestantism and Roman Catholi- cism, — the separation between the Lutherans and the Reformed Church (Calvinists), which took place at an early period, — and the abiding schism between the Eoman Catholic and the Greek orthodox Churches, render it necessary to adopt another method in the treatment of the History of Doctrines. We shall have to consider the dogmatic development of each of these great sections of the Church separately, as well as the relation in which they stand to each other. Nor must we pass over those religious parties, which made their appearance in that time of commotion, without joining any of the larger bodies, but which rather set themselves in opposition to each and all of them, and were looked upon by all of them as heretical. And here, too, is found the determining element, which gives a § 214.] LUTHER AND MELANCHTHON. 411 new shape to the History of Doctrines, so that in its flow it is expanded into the form of symbolism. I. THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. § 214. Luther and Melanchthon. J. G. Planck, Gesch. d. Entstehung, Veränderung, u. Bildung des Prot. Lehr. begriffs bis zur Concordienformel, Lpz. 1791-1800, 7 vols. Ph. Marheinecke, Gesch. d. deutschen Reformation bis 1555, Berlin 1831, 4 vols. L. Ranke, Deutsche Gesch. im. Zeitalter d. Reform., Berl. 1839-1843, 5 vols. [English version, by Sarah A ustin.] Dieckhoff, Luther's evang. Lehrgedanken, in Deutsche Zeitschrift, Berl. Mai 1852. Lives of Luther, by Spieker, Jürgens, Pfizer, Geizer, Meurer, Audin, DölUnger, Michelet, Worsley, etc. See lit. in Hose, Gieseler, and Schürers Literaturzeitung, 1876 ff. [Hare's Mission of the Comforter, Appendix on Luther's views, against Sir Win. Hamilton, 1855 ; also published separately, as Hare's Vindication of Luther.] D. Schenkel, Die Reformatoren und die Reformation, im Zusammenhange mit den der evangelischen Kirche durch die Reformation gestellten Aufgaben, "Wiesbaden 1856. J. Köstlin, Die Theologie Luthers, Stuttg. 1863 ; and his art. "Luther," in Herzog, viii. s. 568 ff. Harnack, Luthers Theologie mit besonderer Beziehung auf seine Versöhnungs und Erlösungslehre, Erlangen 1862 ff. *F. Galle, Versuch einer Charakteristik Melanchthons als Theologen, und einer Entwicklung seines Lehrbegriffs, Halle 1840. While it may be said, on the one hand, that Dr. Martin Luther became the reformer of the German Church Kar ifjoxflv, and thus the reformer of a great part of the universal Church, by his grand personal character and heroic career (1), by the publication of his theses (2), by sermons and exposi- tions of Scripture (3), by disputations and bold controversial writings (4), by numerous letters and circular epistles, by memorials and judgments on controverted points (5), by in- tercourse with persons of all classes of society, by pointed maxims and hymns (6), but especially by his translation of the Sacred Scriptures into the German language (7) ; on the other hand, it was the work of the calmer and more learned Master Philip Mclanchthon to conduct the mighty stream of the newly-awakened life of faith into a scientifically-defined 412 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 2U. channel. In addition to many other valuable theological works, he composed the first compendium of the doctrines of the Protestant Church (Loci Communes sive Theologici), which formed the basis of other treatises (8). (1) He was born at Eisleben, Xov. 10, A.D. 1483. — In the year 1507 he enters the monastery of the Augustinian monks at Erfurt ; removes in the following year to Wittenberg, where he teaches first philosophy, and afterwards theology ; makes a journey to Rome, 1510; and takes his degree of doctor of theology, 151 2. — Posting of the theses, Oct. 31,151 7. — Luther is summoned before the pope ; has an interview with Cajetan in Augsburg, Oct. 1518. — Interview with Miltitz ; Contro- versy with Eck, Wimpina, and others. — Dispute of Leipzig, June 1519. — Excommunication of Luther, 1520. — He burns the bull and the papal decrees, Dec. 1520. — Diet of Worms under the Emperor Charles V. ; Luther's defence on that occasion, April 1521. — He is outlawed, and constrained to take up his abode in the Wartburg (from May 1521 to March 1522). — He leaves his place of concealment to oppose the prophets of Zwickau. — Further spread of the Reformation in Germany, commencing at Wittenberg. — The peasants' war, controversy concerning the sacraments, Luther's marriage (1524-1525). — Visitation of the churches, 1527. — Diet of Augsburg, 1530. — Luther's residence at Coburg — a period of manifold sufferings and vexations. — His death, Feb. 18, 1546. — Complete editions of his works are : that of Wittenberg, twelve volumes in German (1539-1559), and seven volumes in Latin (1545—1558) ; that of Jena, eight volumes in German (1555-1558), and four in Latin (1556-1558), in addition to which two supplementary volumes were published by Auri- fciber, Eisleben 1564, 1565; that of Altenburg, in ten volumes in German (1661-1664); that of Leipzig, in twenty-two volumes (1729-1740); and that of Halle, edited by Wcdch, in twenty-four volumes (1740-1750). See Gfiescler, iii. 1, s. 3 ; and E. V. Botermund, Verzeichniss der verschiedenen Ausgaben der sämmtlichen Schriften Luthers, Bremen 1813. [Luthers Sämmtliche (Deutsche) Werke, herausg. v. J. 67. Plochmann u. J. K. Irmischer, 67 Bde. Erlangen 1826-1857 ; L.'s Exegetica Opera Latina, cur. Elsperger S.Schmid et Irmischer, § 214.] LITHIR AXD MJSIANG.HTHON. 413 vols. 1-23 and 28-30, 1839-1861.] — Luther did not compose a system of doctrinal theology, but others have compiled it from his writings. This was done, e.g., by Heinrich Majus, professor at Giessen, who wrote : Lutheri Theologia pura et sincera, ex Viri divini Scriptis universis, maxime tarnen Latinis, per omnes fidei Articulos digesta et concinnata, Francof. ad M. 1709 (with a supplement). Similar works were composed by Timoth. Kirchner, Anclr, Musculus, Theodos. Fabricius, Michael Neander (Theologia Megalandri Lutheri, EisL 1587), Elias Veiel. See Sender, Einleitung zu Baumgartens Glaubenslehre, Bd. ii. s. 146 ; Heinrich, Geschichte der Lehrarten, s. 248 ; and the writings of Dicckhojf, Köstlin, Harnack, etc., referred to above. (2) They are given in Löschers Reforinationsacten, i. s. 438, and Herrn, von der Hardt, Historia Reformat. Litt. P. iv. p. 16. Compare also Giesclcr, Kg. iii. s. 24, where the most important theses may be found. " The whole life of believers mi earth is to be one of unceasing repentance; {his is the sum and kernel of tlicse theses, and of evangeliccd Protestantism in general" Schenkel, Die Reformatoren, s. 24. (3) For -an account of the different collections of sermons, homilies, etc. (Kirchen- und Hauspostille, etc.), see Lentz, Ge- schichte der christlichen Homiletik, ii. s. 22 f. — His exegetical works {e.g. his Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians, 1535—1538) furnish contributions to the History of Doctrines. (4) The several controversial writings which he composed, in opposition both to the advocates of the old system and to the real or supposed corrupters of the new doctrines, as well as the reports of public disputations, will be specified in their proper connections in the Special History of Doctrines. (5) Briefe, Sendschreiben, und Bedenken, edited by de Wette, five volumes, Berlin 1825-1828; vol. vi. ed. Seide- mann, 1856. (Comp, the chronological table of de Wette, prefixed to these Epistles, with that in note 1 above.) Brief- wechsel, unter vorzüglicher Berücksichtigung der de Wetteschen Ausgabe, herausgegeben von C. A. Barkhardt, Lpz. 1866. (6) Gebauer, Luther als Kirchenliederdichter, Leipz. 1828. The latest edition appeared under the care of Wintcrfield, 1840 Luther's maxims are for the most part collected in the " Tischreden " (Table-talk), published by Aurifaber. An 414 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. ["§ 214. edition of the Tischreden, by Förstemann and Bindseil, 1844- 1848. [A translation, with Life, by A. Chalmers, in Bolin's Standard Library.] (7) The translation of the Bible was commenced during his residence in the Wartburg, and that of the New Testament was completed 1522. The first German translation of the whole Bible was published by Hans Lufft, in Wittenberg, a.D. 1534 (compare the editions of 1541 and 1545). Further particulars will be found in G. W. Panzer, Entwurf einer vollständ. Geschichte der Bibelübersetzung Dr. M. Luthers, Nürnb. 1783 ; and the other works on this subject written by Marheinecke, Weidemann, Lüche, Schott, Grotcfend, Mann (Stutt- gart, 1835), Hopf (1847), and others. (8) His original name was Schwarzerd. He was born at Bretten, in the Palatinate, Feb. 16, 1497, and delivered lectures in the University of Wittenberg. He was surnamed Prceceptor Germanics. His lectures on Paul's Epistle to the Eomans gave rise to his celebrated work : Loci Communes Tterum Theologicarum seu Hypoty poses Theologicse, 1 1521, 4to. In the same year it was also published in 8vo ; it has passed through upwards of a hundred editions, more than sixty of which appeared during his lifetime. The Loci were several times revised (particularly in 1535 and 1543), and from the year 1 5 5 published under the title : Loci Prsecipui Theolo- gici. Comp. Herrn, von der Hardt, Hist. Eeform. Liter. P. iv. p. 30 ss. One of the best of the late editions is that of *"' Augusti, Lips. 1821. H. Balthasar, Historia Locorum Phil. Melanc, Gryphisw. 1761. — Luther (De Servo Arbitrio) called the work : " invictum libellum, non solum immortalitate, sed canone etiam ecclesiastico dignum." Compare the passage quoted from his " Tischreden" by Galle, s. 20. Strobel, Literar- geschichte von Phil. Melanchthons Locis Theologicis, Altdorf und Nürnberg 1776. Concerning other doctrinal and pole- mical writings of Melanchthon, see Heinrich, I.e. s. 268 ff. in 1 On the signification of the word Locus, see Heppe, Dogmatik des deutschen Protestant, s. 6. By the Loci are meant the proper loypocra, the sedes doctrinse. [The classical sense of tokos, locus, is a principle : Cicero speaks of loci, "quasi sedes, e quibus argumenta promuntur." The Loci Communes are the funda- mental ideas or truths of theology. Melanchthon says that his Hypotyposes are v holly different from the Sententise of Peter Lombard ; they are not a system, but rather an introduction to the study of the Scriptures. Heppe, u.s.] § 215.] SYMBOLS OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 415 Galle, Melanchthons Characteristik, I.e. Schwarz, Melanch- thons Loci nach ihrer weiteren Entwicklung (Stud. u. Kritik. 1857, s. 297; cf. ibid. 1855, 1. Gass, Gesch. d. Prot. Dog- matik, § 23. Lfeppe, Dogmatik des deutschen Protest, s. 9 ff. '''Brctschncider, Corpus Reformat, xxi. (a critical collection of the different editions by Bindseil). [The edition of Melanch- thons works, projected by Brctschneidcr in his Corpus Eeformat., was brought to its completion in 1860, by the publication of the 28th vol., edited by H. E. Bindseil. An edition of the loci, after that of 1559, Berlin 1856 ; a reprint of the edition of 1521, edited by J. E. Volbeding, Leipz. I860.] Compare also *C. Schmidt, Phil. Melanchthons Leben und ausgewählte Schriften, Elberfeld 1861. §215. The Symbolical Books of the Lutheran Church. On the literature, compare above, § 13 and 16. [H. Heppe, Die Bekenntniss- sehriften der altprotestantischen Kirche Deutschlands, Kassel 1855.] Melanchthon was chosen by the newly-formed Protestant Church to draw up a confession of faith in a form concise and clear, and as pacific as possible, on the basis of those doctrines which he, with Luther and other divines, agreed in receiving. From its solemn presentation at the diet of Augsburg (a.D. 1530), it received the name of the Confession of Augsburg (Confessio Augustana) (1). The Confutatio, published by the Roman Catholics, in opposition to the Confession of Augs- burg (2), gave rise, soon after, to a new symbolical book of the Lutheran Church, the Apology of the Confession, of which Melanchthon was the sole author (3). The Articles of Schmal- kalden, composed by Luther, in much bolder terms, followed somewhat later (a.d. 1536, 1537) (4). These completed the series of official documents and apologies which bore upon the external relations of the new Church (5). But in order to establish the internal relations of the Protestant Church on a definite doctrinal basis, the two Catechisms of Luther were 416 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 215. added to the collection of symbolical books as normal com- pendiums (6). And lastly, in consequence of many and violent controversies respecting the fundamental principles of Pro- testantism which arose within the Lutheran Church itself (7), it was found necessary, after various but unsuccessful attempts to restore peace, to draw up the Formula Concordice (Germ. Concordienformel, A.D. 1577), in which the disputed points were considered, and, as far as possible, determined (8). All these books were now collected into a symbolical canon (a.D. 1580), called the Liber Concorcliw (Germ. Concordienbuch). In the course of time this canon acquired such high authority, that the clergy had to subscribe it as solemnly as the Scrip- ture itself (9). (1) Confessio Augustana, on the basis of the seventeen articles of Torgau (Schwabach), composed by order of the Electoral Prince of Saxony, by Luther, Jonas, Bugenhagen, and Melanchthon. The original edition was published in German and Latin, A.D. 1530, by G. Rhaw (in modern times it has been edited by Winer, 1825 ; Tütmann, 1830 ; Twesten, 1840, 1850; Francke, 1846), new edition by Heppe, Kassel 1855. It consists of twenty-eight articles ; in the first twenty- one the principal doctrines (Articuli fklei prsecipui) are dis- cussed with reference to the Eoman Catholic doctrines, but in moderate terms ; the last seven treat of the abusus mutatos. Further particulars (of its literary history) are given by Winer, Comparative Darstellung, s. 13 (older ed.); Gieseler, I.e. s. 243 ff. Many details respecting its origin, and the elevation of mind of its confessors, will be found in the work of Roter- mund, Geschichte des Reichstages in Augsburg, Hannover 1829. On the critical part, see Weber, Geschichte der Augsburgischen Confession, Frankf. 1783, 1784, 2 vols. Forstcmann, Urkundenbuch, Halle 1833, 1835. A. G. Rudel- bach, Historisch-kritische Einleit. in die Augsb. Conf., Dresden 1841. On Luthers share in the confession, see the writings of Rikkert (1854), Calinich (1862), KnaaJce (1863). On the relation of the Variata edition of 1540, considered as the more complete and enriched (locupletirte) edition, to the invariata, see Heppe, Die confessionelle Entwicklung der §215.] SYMBOLS OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 417 altprotestantisclien Kirche Deutschlands, Marb. 1854, s. 110 ff. [English translation of the Augsb. Confession in P. Hall, Harmony of Confessions, Lond. 1842.] (2) It was composed by a commission of Eoman Catholic theologians (among whom were Eck and Fabcr), and read aloud (in German) in the Diet, Aug. 3, 1530, but no copy of it was communicated to the Protestant Estates. It was only afterwards that Melanchthon obtained a copy. It is reprinted in Hase, Libri Symbolici, p. 55 ss. (5 th ed.), p. lxxvi. ss. (older ed.). (3) The first sketch of the Apology was composed from the remembrance of what was contained in the Confutatio, as the author had no copy of the writing of his opponents, and pre- sented to the Emperor Charles v., Sept. 22, 1530. It was afterwards revised, after Melanchthon had seen the Confutatio, and published 1531, both in Latin and in German, together with the Confession of Augsburg. The same arrangement is adopted in the Apology as in the Confession, but the number of articles is reduced to sixteen. " With regard to the importance of its contents, this work, no doubt, occupies the first place among the symbols of the Lutheran Church" Winer, s. 15. Even Ernesti called it " a masterpiece in the argument ex dictis Scriptural, ex natura verum, and consensu patrum," etc. See Ernesti, Neue theologische Bibliothek, Bd. ii. s. 413. It was edited by Zücke in Latin and German, Berl. 1818. (4) These were drawn up in German, in order to be pre- sented at the council summoned by Pope Paul in. (a.D. 1536), and signed by the Assembly of Schmalkalden (Feb. 1537). Hence the name. The first German edition appeared at Wittenberg 1538. They were republished from a ms. in the Library of Heidelberg by Dr. Phil. Marheinecke, Berl. 1817, 4to. — The work falls into three divisions : 1. De summis articulis divince majestatis ; 2. De summis articulis, qui officium et opus Jesu Christi s. redemtionem nostram con- cernunt; 3. Articuli, de quibus agere potuerimus cum doctis et prudentibus viris vel etiam inter nos ipsos. (An appendix was afterwards added of Melanchthon's treatise, De potestate et primatu Papa?.) — The relation of the polemical element to the eirenical is here different from what it is in the Aujrsbur" Confession. Here the polemical preponderates. On the ques- Hagenb. Hist. Duct. ii. 2 D 418 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 215. tion whether those articles had from the first symbolical authority, see Seppe, Dogmatik des deutschen Protestantismus, s. 106. G. L. Plitt, De auctoritate articulorum Smalcaldicorum Symbolica, Erlang. 1862. (5) On the distinction between those symbolical writings which have regard to external relations, and those which refer to internal relations, see Schleiermacher, Ueber den eigentüm- lichen Werth und das Ansehen symbolischer Bücher, in the Eeform. Almanach, 2 Jahrg. 1819, s. 235 ff. [For the Confessio Saxonica, Confessio Würtembergica, the Frankfurt Eecess, and the Naumburg Repetition of the Augsburg Confession, see Heppe, ubi supra.] (6) In the year 1529, Luther wrote both the Catechismus major (for the use of the clergy and schoolmasters) and the Catechismus minor (for the use of the people and children), not in order to force a system of doctrines upon the Church, but to supply a practical deficiency. Both were divided into the five so-called leading parts. On the different editions, appendices, etc., see Winer, I.e. s. 16. *Augusti, Einleitung in die beiden Hauptkatechismen der evangelischen Kirche, Elberfeld 1824. G. F. lügen, Memoria utriusque Catech. Lutheri, Lips. 1828-1830, 4 Programmes 4to. (7) The most important of these controversies are the fol- lowing : — (a) The Antinomian Controversy ; it originated with Johann Agricola of Eisleben (from the year 1536 he was professor in the University of Wittenberg) during Luther's lifetime. Comp. Elicert, De Antinomia J. Agricolte Islebii, Tur. 1836. (h) The Acliaphoristic Controversy, which had its origin in the Interim of Leipsic (from the year 1548), and gave rise to a lasting difference between the moderate views of Philip Melanchthon (philippistisch) and the more rigid doctrines of the orthodox Lutherans. The former view was represented by the University of Wittenberg, the latter by that of Jena. This differ- ence manifested itself especially in (c) The Controversy between Georg Major and Nicolas Ams- clorf, on the question whether good works are neces- sary to salvation, or whether they rather possess a § 215.] SYMBOLS OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 419 dangerous tendency (about the year 1559 ff.). This controversy was connected with the two following, viz. : — (d) The Synergistic Controversy, on the relation of human liberty to divine grace ; it was called forth (a.D. 1555) by the treatise of John Pfeffinger (of Leip- zig) : De libero Arbitrio, which, was combated by Amsdorf. (e) The Controversy respecting the nature of original sin, between Victorin Strigel (at Jena) and Matthias Flacius. It commenced A.D. 1560, and led to the disputation of Weimar, A.D. 1561. Twesten, Matthias Flacius Illyricus, Berlin 1844. About the same time was carried on in Prussia (/) The Controversy between Andreas Oslander (in Königs- berg) and Joachim Mörlin, Franz Stancarus, etc. ; it bore upon the relation in which justification stands to sanctification, and to the main point in the work of redemption. Comp. Tholuck, Literarischer Anzeiger, 1833, Nr. 54 ff. (g) The (Cryptocalvinistic) Controversy concerning the Lord's Supper : First, In the Palatinate between W. Kiebitz and Tilemann Hesshus 1 (a.D. 1559). In consequence of it, not only were both these pastors dismissed, but Frederick hi., Electoral Prince of the Palatinate, also went over to the Eeformed Church. Secondly, The controversy which took place in Bremen between Alhrccht Hardenberg and the said Hesshus (a.D. 1561), together with its consequences. Thirdly, The contro- versy carried on in Saxony itself. There Caspar Fencer, the son-in-law of Melanchthon, succeeded in gaining over the Prince Elector Augustus, as well as Crell and others, to the Calvinistic doctrine (Consensus Dresdensis), until the former, having obtained a better knowledge of the real state of things by the Exegesis perspicua Controversire de Coena Domini, in which the views of Peucer's party were more distinctly set forth, commenced a bloody persecution of the Crypto- 1 On Hesshus, see C. A. Wittens : Tilemann Hesshusius, ein Streittheolog der Lutherkirche, Leipz. 1860. 420 FOURTH PERIOD.- -THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§215. ealvinists, and adopted measures for tlie restoration of Lutheran orthodoxy. Comp. E. L. Th. Renke, Caspar Peucer u. Nie. Crell, Mark 1865. On all these controversies, compare the works on ecclesi- astical history, and the history of the Eeformation, as well as the well-known works of Watch, Planck, etc. They will he considered in the Special History of Doctrines. Gass, Gesch. d. prot. Dogmatik, i. s. 56 ff. (8) The Formula Concordia? was based upon the articles drawn up (1576) in Torgau (Torgisches Buch), and composed in the monastery of Bergen near Magdeburg (1577), by Jacob Andrea (Schmidlin), chancellor of Wtirtemberg, on the one hand, and the Saxon theologians, Martin Chemnitz, Nicolaus Selnckker, David Chytraeus, Andreas Musculus, and Christoph Körner, on the other. It was called the " Bergisches Buch," and accmired symbolical authority, not only in Saxony, but also in other towns and countries ; while it met with opposition in Hessen, Anhalt, Pomerania, and several of the free cities. In Brandenburg and the Upper Palatinate it was first adopted, but afterwards lost its reputation. — The Formula consists of two parts : 1. The (shorter) Epitome ; 2. The (more complete) Solida Declaratio. It was originally published in German, and translated into Latin by L. Oslander. Comp. Nie. Anton, Geschichte der Concordienformel, Lpz. 1779, 2 vols. PlancJc,vi. Heppe, Gesch. d. Concordienformel, Marb. 1857. F. K. Göschel, Die Concordienformel nach ihrer Geschichte, Lehre und Kirchl. Bedeutung, Lpz. 1858. F. H. B. Frank, Die Theologie der Concordienformel historisch-dogmatisch entwickelt u. beleuch- tet, Erlangen 1858-1861. iJ. G. Martens, De Formula Concordia?, Münster 1860. (9) The German title of it is : " Concordia, christliche, wiederholte, einmüthige Bekenntniss nachgenannter Churfür- sten, Fürsten, und Stände Augsburgischer Confession und derselben zu Ende des Buchs unterschriebenen Theologen Lehre und Glaubens, mit angehefter, in Gottes Wort, als der einigen Richtschnur, wohlgegründeter Erklärung etlicher Artikel, bei welchen nach Dr. Martin Luthers seligem Abster- ben Disputation und Streit vorgefallen. Aus einhelliger Vergleichung und Befehl obgedachter Churfürsten, Fürsten, und Stande derselben Landen, Kirchen, Schulen und Nach- § -21C] THE THEOLOGY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 421 kommen zum Unterricht und Warnung in Druck verfertigt," Dresden 1580, fol. § 216. The Systematic Theology of the Lutheran Church. Buddei Isagoge (Lips. 1727), i. p. 387 ss. Wakhil Bibliotheca Theologica selecta, i. p. 33 ss. Semler, Einleitung in die dogmatische Gottesgelehr- samkeit (the introduction to Baumgarten's Glaubenslehre, Bd. ii. iii.). Heinrich, Geschichte der Lehrarten der protestantischen Kirche, s. 271 ff. De Wette, Dogmatik der protestantischen Kirche (ed. 3), s. 17 ff. Hase, Hutterus Redivivus, oder Dogmatik der evangel, lutherischen Kirche (9th ed.), 1862. A. Tholuck, Der Geist der lutherischen Theologen Wittenbergs im Verlaufe des 17 Jahrhunderts, Hamb. 1852. *W. Gass, Gesch. d. protest. Dogmatik, 2 Bde. Berl. 1854r-1857. G. Frank,. Geschichte der prot. Theologie, 1 Tbl. Lpz. 1862. (Comp. § 212.) Many works on systematic theology were published by dif- ferent writers; some of whom, such as Martin Chemnitz (1), Victorin Strigcl (2), and Nicolaus Selnehhcr (3), followed Melanchthon ; while others, e.g. LeonJiarcl Huttcr (4), Johann Gerhard (5), Jakob Heerbrand (6), Matthias Haffcnreffer (7), and others, adopted the strict Lutheran view, and closely adhered to the Formula Concordice. These works were, for the most part, called Loci Theologici, and arranged after the synthetic method (8). But after Georg Calixt (9) had separated ethics from systematic theology, and applied the analytic method of investigation to the latter (10), Johann Hülse- mann (11), Joh. Conrad Dannhauer (12), Abraham Calov (13) } Johann Fr. König (14), Johann Andreas Qucnstedt (15), Johann Willichn Baier (16), and others, followed more or less the course which he had adopted. These theologians may, in many respects, be compared to the scholastics of the preceding period ; though in either case we may show a variety of modifications and transitions (17). (1) Chemnitz, born at Treuenbriezen, Nov. 9, A.D. 1522, was the most learned of the disciples of Melanchthon, on whose Loci he delivered lectures in the University of Wittenberg. 422 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 216. He took part in the composition of the Formula Concordiae (comp. § 213), as well as in the Eeformation at Brunswick. He died 1586. — He wrote: Loci Theologici, editi Op. et Stud. Polycarpi Lyscri (Leyser.), Francof. 1591, 4to, 1599, 1604, 3 vols. 8vo; Viteberg. 1615, 1623, 1690, fol. — "These com- mentaries are written with mach learning. . . . Accuracy and clearness in the definition of doctrines, mature judgment, 'prudent choice of matter and proofs, and order in the arrangement, are everywhere apparent" Heinrich, s. 274. Comp. Gass, s. 51 ff., 70 ff. Heppe, s. 119 ff. — Examen Concilii Tridentini, Franco f. 1615 (1578 ?), 170 7. Concerning the other dogmatic works of Chemnitz, see Heinrich, s. 276. (2) Strigel was born at Kaufbeuren, A.D. 1524, and obtained a professorship of divinity in the University of Jena, A.D. 1548. (On the controversy between him and Flacius, see the preceding section.) He died A.D. 1569, as an exile at Heidelberg. His Loci Theologici were edited, Lab. et Studio Christ. Pezelii, Neap. Nemet. (Neustadt on the Hardt), 1582-1585, 2 vols. 4to. " In many points he is so profound and edifying, that I am not sure whether any other theologian of that period has sur- passed him" Semler, in his edition of Baumgarten's Glaubens- lehre, ii. s. 1 5 8. — The book is scarce. Comp. Otto, De Victorino Strigelio, liberioris mentis in Eccl. Luth. Vindice, Jena 1843. (3) Selnehkcr was born A.D. 1530, at Hersbruck in Franconia, studied theology in the University of Wittenberg, was chaplain to the Electoral Prince of Saxony, professor of divinity in the Universities of Jena and Leipzig, superintendent at Wolfen- büttel, etc., and died A.D. 1592. He also took part in the com- position of the Formula Concordice. He wrote : Institutiones Christianse lleligionis, Partes III. Francof. 1573, 1579. This work was the first system of dogmatic theology in the Lutheran Church which contained the so-called Prolegomena (on the Scriptures, revelation, etc.). Comp. Gass, s. 51. Heppe, s. 96 ff. (4) Hutter was born A.D. 1563, at Nellingen, in the district of Ulm. He was surnamed Lutherus redivivus, and defended the Formula Concordia? (Concordia Concors, Viteb. 1614, fol.) in opposition to Hospinian (Concordia Discors, Tig. 1607, fol.). By order of Christian n., Elector of Saxony, he wrote: Com- pendium Locorum Theol. ex Sacra Script, et Libro Concord, collat., Viteb. 1610; new edition by Twcsten, Berol. (1855) § 216.] THE THEOLOGY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 423 1863. — Loci Communes Theol. ex Sacris Litteris diligenter eruti, Veterum Patrum Testimoniis passim roborati, et con- formati ad meth. locc. Mel., Viteb. 1619, 1653, 1661, fol. While he speaks of Melanchthon with high regard, he still charges him with " defectio a puritate doctrinse ccelestis." Comp. Gass, s. 251 ff. Heppe, s. 133 ff. (5) Gerhard was born A.D. 1582, at Quedlinburg, occupied a chair of divinity in the University of Jena, and died Aug. 17, 1637. He wrote: Loci Theolog. cum pro adstruenda veritate, turn pro destruenda quorumvis contradicentium falsitate, per theses nervöse, solide, et copiose explicati, Jenas 1610—1625, 9 vols. 4to. Denuo edid. variique gen. obss. adjec. J. Fr. Gotta, t. i.-xx. Tub. 1762-1789, 4to. — Exegesis s. uberior Explicatio Articulorum de Scriptura S. de Deo et de Persona Christi in Tomo I. Locorum (Gotta, t. ii. iii.). — J. E. Gerhard, Isagoge Loc. Theol. in qua ea, qiue in ix. tomis uberius sunt exposita, in Compendium redacta, Jen. 1658. — Comp. Heinrich, s. 314 ff. Semlcr, s. 72 ff. Gass, s. 259 ff. (6) Heerbrand was chancellor in Tübingen, died 1600. His Comp. Theol., Tub. 1573 (ed. by Cms., Wittenb. 1582), had almost symbolical authority in Wiirtemberg. See Gass, s. 77 ff. Heppe, a. 124 ff. (7) Haffenreffer was born 1561, and died 1619, as Pro- vost, in Stuttgard. His Loci Theologici (Tübingen 1601, frequently republished) "obtained at once the widest currency in Upper and Lower Germany, because they gave in the most precise and intelligible manner the doctrinal points of the Formida Con- cordia:, which was what they wanted to hear exclusively in the Lutheran lecture rooms" Heppe, i. s. 129. Comp. Gass, s. 78 ff. Besides these divines may also be named Nicolaus Hemming, Abdias Prätorius, Johann Wig and ; and later (in the seven- teenth century). Erasmus Brochmancl (Universe Theologiaä Systema, etc., Hafnise 1633, 2 torn. 4to), Birchcrod, Friedlicb, etc. See Semler, s. 71, 80. Heinrich, s. 283, 328. Gass and Hippe, I.e. — On the relation of this aftergrowth (Eiriyovoi) to Melanchthon, see Heinrich, as above, s. 310 ff. Gass, s. 80. (8) The synthetic method starts from the highest principle, God, and proceeds to man, to Christ, to redemption, till it comes down to the end of all things. (9) Of his writings the following are of a doctrinal charac- 424 FOUKTK PERIOD.— THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. L§ 21G. ter : Apparatus in Theol. Stud., ed. F. U. Calixt., Helmst. 1656, 16 61. Epitome Theol., Gosl. 1619, ed. G&rh. Titins, 1666. Epit. Theol. Mor., Helmst. 1634. For further particulars, see below, § 218. On his analytic method, compare Heinrich, s. 330 f. Gass, s. 303 ff. 1 (10) The analytic method begins with the end or final cause (the " final method") of all theology, blessedness, and hence takes the opposite course from the synthetic. On other complicated methods, see Hase, Hutterus Redivivus, p. 41 ss. Gass, s. 47. (11) Hülsemann was born A.D. 1602, at Esens in East Friesland ; held several situations in Saxony, was superin- tendent at Meissen, and died A.D. 1661. He wrote: Brevia- rium Theologicum, Viteb. 1640. Extensio Breviarii Theol., Lips. 1648, 1655. — (Valent. Albert i Brev. Theol. Hiilsemanni enucl. et auct., Lips. 1687, 4to.) His opponents called his style : stilum barbarum, scholasticum, holcoticum, scoticum, ac tenebrosum. See Schcrzeri, Prolegomena, quoted by Heinrich, s. 333. Tholuch, Theolog. Wittenb. s. 164 ff. Gass, s. 316. (12) Dannhauer, born A.D. 1603 at Köndringen (in the county of Baden-Hochberg), was professor of theology in the University of Strassburg, instructed Spener, and died A.D. 1666. "He had considerable influence, chiefly from his profound exegcti- cal lectures, delivered in a popular style." Hossbach (Spener, i. s. 1 7). He wrote : Hodosophia Christiana s. Theol. Posit, in Methodum redacta, Argent. 1649, 1666, 8 vo; Lips. l7l3,4to. Spener arranged this work in the form of tables, Franc. 1690, 4to. On the so-called phenomenal method which Dannhauer adopted (i.e. the symbolico-allegorical representation of man under the figure of a pilgrim, etc.), see Hossbach, I.e. s. 23. Semler, s. 85. Heinrich, s. 334. Gass, s. 318. — In addition to the above work, he composed: Christosophia, 1638, and Mysteriosophia, 1646. (13) Calov was born A.D. 1612 at Morungen, filled the office of superintendent at Wittenberg, and died A.D. 1686. He used daily to offer this prayer : Imple me, Deus, odio hsere- ticorum ! He wrote : Systema Locorum Theol. e Sacra potissi- mum Script, et Antiquitate, nee non Adversariorum Confessione Doctrinam, Praxin et Controversarium Fidei cum veterum tum 1 Under the influence of Calixt were the divires Joachim Hildebrand and Johaii.i II auch (died 1671) ; see Gass, s. 311 if. § 216.] THE THEOLOGY OF THE LUTHERAN CHURCH. 423 imprimis recentiorum Pertractationem luculentam exhibens. Viteb. 1055-1677, 12 vols. 4to. Theol. Positiva per Defini- tiones, Causas, Adfectiones, et Distinctiones Locos Theol. universos . . . proponens, ceu Compendium System. Theol., Viteb. 1682. See Tholuch, I.e. s. 185, and particularly Gas's, s. 332 ff. (14) König was born A.D. 1619, at Dresden, and died A.D. 1664, at Rostock, where he was professor of theology. He wrote; Theologia Positiva Acroamatica synoptice tractata, Ptost. 1664. An improved edition of it appeared in J. Casp. Hafcrungi Colleg. Thet., Viteb. 1737. According to Buddeus (Isagoge, p. 399), it is a mere skeleton of a system of doctrinal theology, without sap or force. But compare Gass, s. 321, who reckons him among the " dogmatic virtuosi." (15) Qucnstedt, born at Quedlinberg, A.D. 1617, was pro- fessor of theology in the University of Wittenberg, and died a.D. 1688. He wrote: Theologia Didactico-polemica s. Sys- tema Theol. in duas sectiones . . . divisum, Viteb. 1685 and 1696, Lips. 1702, 1715, fol. Comp. Semler, s. 103 ff. Tkoluck, I.e. s. 21 4 ff. Gass, s. 357. (16) Baier was born A.D. 1647, at Nürnberg, and died A.D. 1695, at Weimar, where he was superintendent. He composed a Compendium Theol. Positive, Jen. 1686, 1691, etc., which has been widely used. An improved edition of it was edited by Reusch, 1757. A new manual edition after that of 1694, by E. Preuss, Berol. 1864. It was founded upon the " Einleitung in die Glaubenslehre," and some shorter doctrinal treatises, composed by Johann Musceas (who died 1681, at Jena). — Concerning the analytic method adopted by its author, see Heinrich, s. 348 ff. Gass, s. 353. (17) As, e.g., the theologians of the school of St. Victor manifested a leaning towards mysticism, so Johann Gerhard, Dannhauer, and others, endeavoured to combine strict science with practical piety. On the scholasticism of the Lutheran divines in the seventeenth century, see Tholuch, Der Geist d. lutherischen Theologen, s. 246. On the necessary limita- tion of the notion of " Protestant Scholasticism," ibid. s. 5 5 ff. On the grandeur of the Protestant dogmatic system, see Gass, Gesch. d. prot. Dogmatik, s. 6 ff., who says that it was " more profound than the theology of the Fathers of the Church, more 426 FOURTH PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 217. true and consistent than that of the scholastics, and more scien- tifically developed and honestly outspoken than the theories of the Roman Church." §217. Lutheran Mysticism, Thcosophy, and Asceticism. Baur, Zur Geschichte der Protest. Mystik (in Zellers Jahrbücher, 1848, 4, 1849, 1). Noack, Die christliche Mystik seit dem Eeformationszeitalter (see § 153). Hamberger, Stimmen aus dem Heiligthum d. christlichen Mystik und Theosophie, Stuttg. 1857. [B. A. Vaughan, Hours with the Mystics, 2d ed. 2 vols. 1860. Htppe, u.s.] As tlie scholasticism of the Middle Ages had been counter- balanced by mysticism, so the new scholastic tendency of the Lutheran Church, during the present period, was accompanied by a mystical tendency, representing the deeper interests of practical religion. And further, as we had there to distinguish between the mysticism of the sects and orthodox mysticism (though its advocates spiritualized, and sometimes idealized, the doctrines of the Church, by internal interpretation), so here again we must distinctly separate these two tendencies as far as possible from each other. Even in the lifetime of Luther, Andreas Carlstadt (1), Sebastian Frank (2), and Johann Cas- par Schwenkfeld (3), endeavoured, in a manner similar to that adopted by the prophets of Zwickau, and the Anabaptists (4), to break up the rigid adherence to the letter of Scripture, opposing to it a fantastic idealism, and a spiritualizing theology running over into pantheism. In later times, the mystico-theosophic writings of Thcophrastas Paracelsus (5), Valentin Weiyel (6), and Jakob Böhm (7), on the one hand^ exerted a quickening influence ; yet, on the other, they per- plexed the minds of the people, and endangered the unity of the Church. On the contrary, the more considerate Johann Arnd (8), and his followers (9), sought to introduce " True Christianity" into all the relations of life, and to revive, by means of godly sentiments and pious exercises, the spirit of § 217.] LUTHERAN MYSTICISM. 427 true religion, which had been buried under a load of scholastic definitions. J. Gottfried Arnold was induced, by his preference for mysticism, to undertake the defence of the heretical sects against the sentence which the orthodox passed upon them (10). (1) On Carlstadt, see Gbbel, Andreas Bodenstein von Carl- stadt nach seinem Charakter und Verhältniss zu Luther (Studien und Kritiken, 1841, s. 88 ff.). Erbkam, Geschichte der Protestantischen Secten im Zeitalter der Beformation, Hamb. 1848, s. 174 ff. *C. F. Jäger, Andreas Bodenstein von Carlstadt, Stuttg. 1856. Baur in Zellers Jahrb. 1848, s. 481 ff. (Carlstadt belongs to this class only in part, for he held more strictly than the rest of the mystics to the letter of Scripture.) (2) Sebastian Frank was born at Donauwörth in the begin- ning of the sixteenth century; died in 1545. His chief works are : "Weltbuch — Zeitbuch — Encomium Morise — Sprüch- wörter — Paradoxa. Compare Wackernagel, Proben deutscher Prosa, i. s. 319 ff. IC Hagen, Geist der Beformation und seiner Gegensätze, ii. s. 314 ff. Schenkel, Wesen des Protest, i. s. 136 ff. Erbkam, I.e. s. 286 ff. Baur, I.e. s. 490 ff. "It is only in the most recent times that the originality of Sebastian Frank has been particularly recognized, and that a place has been assigned him among those men, in whose varying tendencies are found the elements that determine the character of the period of the Beformation." (3) Schwenkfeld was born A.D. 1490, at Ossigk, in Silesia, and died 1561. (Luther called him Stenkfeld.) Concerning Schwenkfeld and his friend Valentin Krautwalk, see Blanch, v. 1, s. 89 ff., and compare Special History of Doctrines. See also *6r. L. Hahn, Schwenkfeldii Sententia de Christi Persona et Opere Exposita, Vratislav. 1847. Erbkam, s. 357 ff., and in Herzogs Bealenc. xiv. s. 130. Baur, s. 502 ff. "With Schiuenkfeld toe come first into the real sphere of Brotcstant mysticism ; he, if any one of the earlier time, is the representative of the Protestant, and especially of the Brotcstant -Lutheran, •mysticism." (4) See below, § 233. Frbkam, I.e. 479 ff. (5) His proper name was Bhilippus Aureolus Thcophrastus Bombastus Baracelsus von Hohenheim ; he was a native of 42 S FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 217. Switzerland, and died A.D. 1541. His works were published at Basel, 1589 if., 11 vols. 4to. Compare H A. Preu, Die Theologie des Theophrastus Paracelsus, Berlin 1839. M. Carrüre, Philosophische Weltanschauung der Reformationszeit, Stuttg. 1847. (6) Wcigcl was born A.D. 1533, at Hayn, in Misnia, and died 1588, at Tschopau, where he was pastor. His writings were not published till after his death ; viz. Güldener Griff, d. i. alle Dinge ohne Irrthum zu erkennen, 1616. Erkenne dich selbst, 1618. Kirchen- und Hauspostill, 1618. — Comp. Arnolds Kirchen- und Ketzerhistorie, Thl. ii. Bd. 17, c. 17. Walch, Einleitung in Die Religions-Streitigkeiten, iv. s. 1024- 1065. Planck, Geschichte der protestantischen Theologie, s. 72 ff. Hagenbach, Vorlesungen über die Reformation, iii. s. 337 ff. H. Schmidt in Herzog's Realenc. xvii. s. 577. (7) Böhm was born A.D. 1575, at Altseidenburg, in Upper Lausatia, and lived at Görlitz, where he was a shoemaker ; died 1620. His loritings were edited by Gichtcl (Amst. 1682, 1730, 6 vols.); Schicblcr, Leipz. 1831, 6 vols., and Stuttg. 1835 ff., 4 vols. ; in the Amst. edition, his life by Albert von Franckenberg . Comp. * Wutten, Böhme' s Leben und Lehre, Stuttg. 1836. By the same : Blüthen aus J. Böhme's Mystik, Stuttg. 1838. A. E. Umbrcit, Jacob Böhme, Heidelberg 1835. Baur, Gnosis, s. 558 ff. Hagenbach, Vorlesung, über die Reform. I.e. s. 345 ff. Baur in Zellers Jahrb. 1850, i. s. 85 ff. Hamberger, Die Lehre des deutschen Philosophen J. Böhme, München 1844. Carrüre, I.e. s. 609 ff. Tholuck in Zeitschrift f. Christi. Wissenschaft u. Christ. Leben, 1852, Nr. 25 ff. Auberlen in Herzog's Realenc. ii. s. 265 ff. (8) Arnd was born A.D. 1555, at Ballenstädt, in the duchy of Anhalt, suffered much from persecution, filled the office of superintendent in Celle, and died 1621. He wrote: Vier Bücher vom wahren Chiistenthum, 1605, often reprinted (criticized unfavourably by Lucas Osiander) — Paradiesgärtlein voll christlicher Tugenden — Evangelienpostille, and other works. Comp. Frcheri Theatr. Viror. Eruditione Claror. p. 409. Tzschirners Memorabilien, iii. 1, Leipz. 1812. Hagenbach, Vorlesungen, I.e. s. 371 ff. M. GÖbel, Gesch. des christl. Lebens in der rheinisch-westphäl. evang. Kirche, Coblenz 1852, ii. s. 464 ff. H. L. Pertz, De Johanne Arndio, §218.] EEFOBMING TENDENCIES. 429 Hanov. 1852, 4to. Tholuch in Herzog' s Realenc. \. s. 536 ; and Lebenszeugen der lutherischen Kirche, Berlin 1859, s. 261 ff. (9) Joacli. Lütkemann, Heinr. Müller, Christian Scriver, and others. The better class of preachers, and especially the authors of spiritual songs, exerted also a living influence upon the belief of the people. Comp. Hagenbach, Vorlesungen, s. 163 ff. (10) A mold was born A.D. 1665, at Annaberg, and died 1714, at Perleberg, where he was a pastor. — He wrote: Un- parteiische Kirchen- und Ketzerhistorie, Frankf. 1699, fol. ; Schaffh. 1740 ff., 3 Tille, fol— Wahre Abbildung des inwen- digen Christenthums — Erste Liebe — Geistliche Erfahrungs- lehre, and several other treatises. See GÖbel, I.e. s. 698 ff. Lutheran mysticism degenerated especially in the case of Quirinus Kuhlmann (1651-1689), Jolt. Georg Gichtel (1638-1710), and his fellow-labourers, Breckling, Ueberfddt, etc. Compare Hagenbach, Vorlesungen, iv. s. 32S ff. These enthusiasts are of only negative value for the History of Doctrines. § 218. Reforming Tendencies. Johann Valentin Andrea, Calixt, Spener, Thomasius. Not, however, mysticism alone, but also the sound common sense (bon sens) of mankind, threw off the fetters of the theology of the schools, and united with those of a more pious tendency for the purpose of regenerating the Church. Johann Valentin Andrea combated with the weapons of satire, and yet with the deepest earnestness, the corruptions both of the schools and of the mysticism of his age (1). Georg Calixt, guided by a spirit of Christian moderation, endeavoured to reduce the doctrines necessary to salvation to the contents of the Apostles' Creed, and thus by degrees to effect a union of the divided confessions, but exposed himself, in consequence, to the charge of Syncretism (2). The influence which he exerted upon his age was less positive than that of Philijip Jakob Spcner, whose sermons, writings, and life were in this respect of great im- 430 FOURTH PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 2 J 3. portance (ß). Proceeding from the central point of Christian experience, and resting on the basis of scriptural truth which lie had practically studied, he equally avoided scholastic subtlety and theosophic fancifulness, and was animated by the pure and glowing mysticism of the heart alone. He, as well as his followers (the Pietists), were at first attacked with rage and scorn, but nevertheless imparted a most beneficial impulse to their age. He was upheld by the jurist Christian Thomasius, who assisted in preparing the more enlightened culture of a new century, rather, however, by his scientific and political attainments, than by profound and original views in theo- logy (4). (1) Valentin Andrea was the nephew of Jakob Andrea (who was one of the authors of the Formula Concordice). He died A.D. 1654. On his life, as well as on the sect of the Eosicrucians, who stand in close connection with the history of mysticism, see Hossbach, Val. Andrea und sein Zeitalter, Berlin 1819 ; also Vita ab ipso conscripta, Berol. 1849 [ed, F. H. Rheinwald]. (2) Calixt was born A.D. 1586, in the duchy of Holstein, and was professor of theology in the University of Helmstädt. His works are mentioned § 216, note 9. Compare *Henke, Calixts Briefe, Halle 1832. By the same, Die Univ. Helm- städt im 16 Jahrh., Halle 1833. Planch, Geschichte der protestantischen Theologie, s. 90 ff. G. W. Gass, Georg Calixt und der Synkretismus, Breslau 1846. Heinr. Schmid, Geschichte der synkretistischen Streitigkeiten in der Zeit des Georg Calixt, Erlang. 1846. Gass says, " Calixt, to a certain extent, wished to maintain a Lutheran Protestantism, but not a Protestant Lidheranisru ; he sought Protestantism in Lutheranism, but not the converse',' Gesch. d. Prot. Dogmatik, s. 308. (3) Spener was born A.D. 1635, at Piappoldsweiler, in Alsatia. Strassburg, Frankfurt, Dresden, and Berlin were successively the scenes of his labours. He was prebendary of Coin on the Spree, and died 1705. He wrote : Das geistliche Priesterthum, Frankfurt 1677, and other editions. — Pia Desideria, Francof. 1678.— Theol. Bedenken, Halle 1700 ff., 4 vols. — Consilia et Judicia Theol., Francof. 1709, 3 vols. 4to. § 219.1 ZWINGLI AND CALVIN. 431 — Letzte Theol. Bedenken, Halle 1721, 3 vols. 4to. Comp. * Hossbach, Spener u. seine Zeit, Berlin 1827, 2 vols. (3d ed. 1853). Aug. Herrn. Francke co-operated with Spener, exerting an influence rather on Christian life than on doctrine. Nevertheless, the pietistic tendency is of importance in the History of Doctrines, formally, because it was indifferent to all scholastic definitions ; materially, because it laid great stress upon the doctrines concerning sin, repentance, etc. ; and lastly, on account of the peculiar colouring which it gave to the theology of the evangelical Church. The diligent study of the Bible, which was insisted on, could not but produce good fruit. See C. F. Illgen, Historia Collegii philobiblici, Lips. 1836-1840, 3 Progr. (4) He died A.D. 1728. Comp. * Luden, Thomasius nach seinen Schicksalen und Schriften, Berlin 1805. Tholuch in Herzog 's Eealenc. xvi. s. 88 ff. II. THE REFORMED CHURCH. § 219. Zwingli and Calvin, Ilundeshagen, Die Conflictedes Zwinglianismus, Lutheranismus, und Calvinismus in der Bernisclien Landeskirche, Bern 1842. AI. Schweizer, Die Glaubens- lehre der Reform. Kirche dargestellt und aus den Quellen belegt, Zürich 1844-1847, 2 vols. The same, Nachwort zur Glaubenslehre (in Zellers Jahrb. 1848, 1 ff.). Baur, Ueber Princip und Charakter des Lehrbegriffs der Ref. Kirche (in Zellers Jahrb. 1847, 3, s. 309 ff.). Schneckenburger, Die Reform. Dogmatik mit Rücksicht auf Schweizers Glaubensl. (in the Stud. und Kritiken, 1848, 1 and 3 Heft). The same, Die neueren Verhandlungen, betreffend das Princip des Ref. Lehrbegriffs (in Zellers Jahrb. 1848, 1). Ebrard, Vindiciae Theol. Reform., Erlangen 1848. AI. Schweizer, Die Synthese des Determinismus und der Freiheit in der Reform. Dogmatik (against Ebrard; in Zellers Jahrb. 1849, 2). Ebrard, Das Verhältniss der Ref. Dogmatik zum Determinismus, Zürich 1849. Zeller, Das Theologische System Zwingli's (Tübing. Jahrb. 1853, 1). Ch. Sigwart, Ulrich Zwingli, Stuttg. 1855. Spörri, Zwingli -Studien, Lpz. 1866 ; *Sam. Gravier, Zwingiis Leer van het gottsdienstig geloof, Middelburg 1866. J. G. Schölten, Die Lehre der ref. Kirche nach ihren Grundsätzen aus den Quellen dargestellt, 3 Aufl. Lpz. 1855. (Comp. § 223.) In the Swiss cities of Glarus and Einsiedeln first, and then permanently in Zürich, Ulrich Zwingli preached the pure 432 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 219. evangelical doctrine, and combated the abuses of the papacy, independently of Luther (1). In consequence of a difference of opinion respecting the doctrine of the Lord's Supper (2), which manifested itself as soon as Luther's views became known in Switzerland, Zwingli and the other Swiss Reformers were compelled to take their own course ; and a Church was formed, alongside of the Lutheran, based on peculiarities of its own, in respect to doctrinal matters, as well as in its con- stitution and mode of worship (3), called, by way of distinction the Eeformed Church, although it did not receive this appella- tion until a later period (4). Zwingli himself propounded the principles of pure evangelical faith in several writings, which formed the beginning of a systematic theology of the Eeformed Church (5). But it was reserved for the French Reformer, John Calvin (6), after the death of Zwingli, to compose the work entitled Institutio Religionis Christianas, in which those principles were set forth in a system more comprehensive, connected, and orderly than the Loci of Melanchthon (7). (1) He was born Jan. 1, A.D. 1484, at Wildhaus, in Tog- genburg. On his life, compare the biographies composed by Oswald Myconius, Nüscheler, Hess, Schuler, Hottinger, Rödler, and * Christoffel, Huldreich Zwingli's Leben und ausgewählte Schriften, Elberfeld 1857 [transl. by John Cochrane, Edin. 1858. Hesss Life, transl. by Lucy A iken, Lond. 1812]. His works were edited by Gualthcr, Tig. 1545 ss., 1581, 4 vols, fob, and by '''Schüler and Schultheis, Zwingli's Werke, vols. i. and ii. in German, vols. iii. to vii. in Latin. — Leading historical points in the Sv;iss Reformation during its first period: 1. Dis- putation at Zürich (Jan. 29, A.D. 1523). — Zwingli's interpre- tation of the articles, and his reasons. — 2. Disputation (Oct. 26—28). Zwingli's treatise entitled Christenliche Ynleitung. — Decree of the magistracy respecting images, the mass, etc. — Final establishment of the Reformation at Zürich. Dis- putation at Baden (1526), at Bern (1528). — The Reforma- tion of Bern (Rernarcl Haller, Sebastian Meier, and others). — The Reformation of Basel (1529, Oecolampadius). The war of Kappel. — The death of Zwingli, Oct. 11, 1531.— For further § 219.] ZWINGLI AND CALVIN. 433 particulars, see Bullingcr, Eeformationsgeschichte herausgeg. von Hottinger and Vögeli, Frauenf. 1838, 3 vols. J. J. Hottinger, Evangelische Kirchengeschich'te, Zürich 1708 ff., 4 vols. (A new edition by Wirz-Kirchbfer was published, Zürich 1813-1819.) Johannes von Müller, Geschichte der schweizerischen Eidgenossenschaft, fortgesetzt von J. J. Hot- tinger, vols. vi. and vii. Comp. Giescler, iii. 1, s. 5—7. The more recent writings on this period, by GÖbel, Lange, Gawpp, Herzog, Meyer, reviewed by Ullmann in the Studien und Kritiken, 1843, s. 759 ff. The special characteristics of Spörri (see lit.) consist in clear observations and studies ; but his work, on the whole, is too largely influenced by speculative assump- tions. (2) See the Special History of Doctrines (on the Lord's Supper). (3) Theologians are still divided on the epiestion as to what constitutes the peculiarity of the Eeformed Church ; see § 212, note 3, and the works there referred to. According to Schweizer, the principle of the Eeformed theology, running through all its doctrinal statements, is to be sought in the attempt to derive all salvation, and all that leads to it, abso- lutely from God alone (not from anything created) ; with which, too, is connected the stronger emphasis laid on Holy Scripture, and the closer relation in which the law is made to stand to the gospel (opposition Xo all heathenizing, see above, § 212). Baur sought for this peculiarity in the absoluteness of God. Schncckenburgcr especially urges the Christological element, as the Eeformed theology makes the historical side more prominent, and the Lutheran the specu- lative aspect of Christology (see his Christologie, s. 189, note). However it may be with these statements, it is at least certain that the differences, which it is the office of dogmatic science to search out, are entirely subordinate in comparison with the essential and thoroughgoing opposition but ween Catholicism and Protestantism; and it would only impede the healthful growth of Protestantism, if the un- deniable difference should be so exaggerated as to make out an irreconcilable antagonism among Protestants themselves. — While formerly the exact distinction between the Lutheran and Eeformed systems was hardly stated, dogmatic acumen is Hagenb. Hist. Doct. ii. 2 E 434 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 219. now in clanger of degenerating into subtle refinements. The times recommend holding to that in which there is agreement. On the shaping of the Eeformed theology in distinction from the Lutheran, see Gass, s. 82 ff. (4) Luther and the Lutherans called them Sacramentarians, enthusiasts, etc. (afterwards Calvinists). It was in France that the name " religion pretendue reformee " took its rise. (5) In addition to the polemical writings, sermons, letters, etc., of Zwingli, we may mention as bearing upon systematic theology : Commentarius de Vera et Falsa Eeligione (it was addressed to Francis I.), Tigur. 1525. — Fidei Eatio, ad Carol. Imp., Tig. 1530, 4to. — Christian« Fidei brevis et clara Expo- sitio, ad Eegem christ. (ed. Bidlinger), Tig. 1536. On Zwingli's importance as a systematic theologian, see the works of Zdler, Sigiuart, Spörri, Cramer, referred to, also Gass, s. 91. It should not be forgotten, as Spörri remarks (s. 22), that Zwingli " was taken away at a time when his thoughts were far from being thoroughly matured and developed in depth and width. . . . Zwingli had first lighted up only those portions (of the building) in which old illusions lay immediately in the icay of practical needs ; along with the clear consequences of his fun- damental principles there appear also, here and there, the wind- ings of the old doctrinal system. The characteristic of the man, however, is without question to be sought where real individual laborious thought is to be recognized!' (6) He was born at Noyon, in Picardy, July 10, A.D. 1509, and died at Geneva, May 27, 1564. Concerning his life, see ''"Henry, Leben Calvins, Hamb. 1835-1844, 3 vols., translated by Stebbing. The same, An abridgment. Bungener, Vie de Calvin, var. edd. French and English. Brctschneider, Bildung und Geist Calvins und der Genfer Kirche (Eeformations- Almanack, 1821). % Ernst Stähelin, Joh. Calvin, Leben u. ausgewählte Schriften, Elberfeld 1863, 2 vols. 0. F. Fritzsche, Gedächtnissrede auf J. Calvin, Zürich 1864. fAudin, var. edd. French and English. (7) Christiane Eeligionis Institutio, totam fere pietatis summam, et quiequid est in doctrina salutis cognitu neces- sarium, complectens ; omnibus pietatis studiosis lectu dignis- simum opus (with a preface to Francis I.). It was composed at Basel, A.D. 1535. Only the edition of 1536 (published in § 219.] ZWINGLI AND CALVIN. 435- Basel by Thomas Plater) is undoubtedly the first ; the theory of an earlier edition in 1535, written in French (see Henry, i. s. 102 ff.), having been proved untenable. — The edition of Basel was followed by those of Strassburg slightly altered (published by Rilielius), 1539 (some copies under the name Alcuinus), 1543, 1545, and Geneva, 1550, 1553, 1554. — An entirely new edition appeared, 1559, at Geneva (published by Robert Stephanies), from which the following editions were reprinted : — A Latin manual edition by Tholuck, ed. 2, Berol. 1846. A German translation by Krummaclwr, Elberf. 1823. A complete critical edition of the Institutio, followed by the other works of Calvin, is that of the Strass- burg professors, Baum, Cunitz, and Rcuss : * Corpus Beforma- torum, vols, i— xiv. and xxix.-xlii., Brunsv. 1863-1877. Of the Institutio there are the following edd. : (1) Editio Princeps, 1536; (2) Editiones annorum, 1539-1554; (3) Editio postrema, 1559; (4) Institution de la religion chretienne, nouvelle edition critique, 1865. Comp. Henry, I.e. s. 286 ff., and the opinions of Bretschneider and Krummacher, which he cites. The German translation of Bretsclineicler appeared 1823, at Elberfeld. — In addition to his Institutio, Calvin composed many other doctrinal and exegetical works, which will be mentioned in the Special History of Doctrines. — The complete works of Calvin were published, Geneva 1617, 12 vols, fol., Amst. 1671 (1677), 9 vols. fol. Comp, also the Anecdota edited by Bretsclineicler, Lips. 1835 (from L.e library of Gotha). See Gass, i. s. 9 9 ff. [English translations published by the Calvin Translation Society.] On the characteristics of the theology of Calvin, see Stclhelin, I.e., Bd. ii. s. 414 ff. If Zwingli's system remained imperfect, Calvin had, on the other hand, closed his principal doctrinal points very early. " This is shoion by his steady but early development, and his logical, systematic acutcness, which proceeded without wavering from the foundation ivhich he had laid. We conclude that Ccdvin was as one born late, ioho could more easily reduce to unity the elements provided by the Refor- mation } and who needed only (?) the work of completion and arrangement " (Fritzsche, I.e. s. 8). 436 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 220. § 220. The Symbolical Boohs of the Reformed Church. Compare the collections mentioned vol. i. § 13. [The collections of Augusti, 1828 ; Mess, 1830 ; Niemeyer, 1840 ; Sylloge Confess., Oxon. 1827 ; G. B. Winer, Comparative Darstellung, ed. by Preuss, Berlin. Eng. trans, in For. Theol. Lib., Edinr.] The different mode of development of the Reformed Church on the one side, and of the Lutheran Reformation in Germany on the other (1), accounts for the difference in the character of their symbolical writings. In the case of the Reformed Church they were less complete in themselves, being at first restricted to confessions of faith drawn up by individuals, or in separate localities, and only by degrees coming into general use as representations of the doctrines held by the Church. Nor should we overlook the evident difference between the characters of Zwingli and Calvin (2). Hence, in forming a more precise estimate of the doctrines, it is important to make a distinction between those symbolical writings which were composed before, and those after, the influence of Calvin was felt (3). From what has already been said, it follows that we are not to expect a definitely limited number of Calvinistic symbolical writings, inasmuch as only some of them acquired general authority in the Reformed Church, though not all in the same degree; while the importance of others was limited to certain localities (4), or to individuals (5), or to certain periods, at the expiration of which they lost their significance (6). (1) Compare Hagenbach, Ueber Wesen und Geschichte der Reformation, 1 7 Vorles. Schweizer, I.e. i. s. 7 ff. (2) As regards his personal character, Zwingli probably had far more of Luther in him than Calvin, while the latter is rather to be compared with Melanchthon (at least as regards his scientific attainments and writings). Yet we must not exaggerate the doctrinal differences between Calvin and Zwingli (see the Special History of Doctrines). They touch in essential points. § 221.] SYMBOLS OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 437 (3) Compare Winer, s. 18 and 19. (4) Kg. the First Confession of Basel. Nor were the Con- fessions of different countries (such as the Gallicana, Anglicana, Scotica, Belgica, Marchica, etc.), in the first instance, adopted by any but the Protestants of the respective countries, though the principles contained in them were tacitly recognised in other Protestant countries, and sometimes signed by their representatives. (5) This was the case with the Fidei Eatio of Zwingli mentioned above, as well as with his Clara et Brevis Expositio ; comp. Winer, s. 18. On the other hand, the private confession of Bidlinger obtained such authority as to become the second Confessio Helvetica; the private confession of Guido de Bres stood in the same relation to the Confessio Belgica. See § 222, notes 4 and 9. (6) Thus the Confessio Tetrapolitana, which fell into oblivion, the second Confessio of Basel (the first Confessio Helvetica, 1536), the Formula Consensus, and several others; see the subsecpient sections. § 221. (a) Symbolical Writings prior to the Time of Calvin. *Escher in the Encyklop. of Ersch and Gruber, 2d Sect. Ed. v. s. 223 if. As early as the Diet of Augsburg, the four cities of Str ass- burg, Constance, Mcmmingen, and Lindau, in Upper Germany, which were favourably disposed to the doctrines of Zwingli, presented a separate confession of faith, which is on that account called Confessio Tetrapolitana (or sometimes Conf. Argentinensis, Suevica) (1) ; and Zwingli also presented a statement of his faith to the Emperor Charles v. The Church of Basel gave (a.D. 1534) the first public testimony of its evangelical faith by the publication of a creed, which was also adopted in Mühlhausen (Confessio Basileensis l.,Mulhusana) (2). The continuance of the sacramentarian controversy, and the efforts made by Bucer and others to restore peace, gave rise 438 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 221. to the Second Confession of Basel, or the First Helvetic Con- fession, which was drawn up A.D. 1536, signed by various Swiss cities, and transmitted to the Lutheran theologians then assembled at Schmalkalden (3). (1) It was drawn up by M. Bucer, and published A.D. 1531, 4to, both in German and in Latin. German editions- of it also appeared, Neustadt on the Hardt 1580, and Zweibrücken (Deux Fonts) 1604, 4to. It consists of twenty-three articles. The 18th article, concerning the Lord's Supper, differs but little from the Confessio Augustana (see the Special History of Doctrines). Blande, iii. 1, s. 83 ff. — The Latin text is given in the Corpus et Synt. i. p. (215 ss.) 173 ss., and by Augusti, p. 327. Comp. Winer, I.e., and Wernsclorf, Historia Confess. Tetrapol. Viteb. 1721, 4to. The four cities afterwards (1532), at the Schweinfurt Convention, subscribed the Augsburg Con- fession. See HepiJe, Confessionelle Entwicklung, s. 72. (2) " Bekannthnuss vnsres heyligen Christenlichen Gloubens wie es die kylch zu Basel haldt " (with the motto : Corde creditur ad justitiam, ore autem fit confessio ad salutem, Rom. x.), in twelve articles; it was founded upon a sketch drawn up by Oecolampadius (see Hagenbach, Geschichte der Basler Confession, Basel 1827, Appendix A); the German copy of it is given, ibid. s. 37 ff., the Latin in Corpus et Synt. i. (93), 72 ss. Augusti, p. 103 ss. (3) It was composed at a synod in Basel, 1536, by theo- logians deputed by the cities Zürich, Bern, Basel, Schaffhausen, St. Gallen, Mühlhausen, and Biel (drawn up by H. Bullinger, Oswald Myconius, Simon Grynaeus, Leo Judoe, and Caspar Grosmann), with the assistance of Bucer and Capito, the delegates from Strassburg. — On the occasion and origin of this confession, see '''Kirchofer, Oswald Myconius, Zürich 1813, s. 271-316. Hess, Lebensgeschichte M. Heinrich Bullingers, Bd. i. s. 199 ff., 217 ff. Esclier, I.e. On the relation in which it stood to the First Confession of Basel, see Hagenbach, Geschichte der Basler Confession, s. 67. § 222.] THEOLOGY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 439 § 222. (b) Symbolical Writings under the Influence of Calvin. The Church of Geneva having been at first founded upon the basis of the Calvinistic doctrine, independently of the Church of Zürich, was brought into closer connection with it (a.D. 1549) by means of the Consensus Tigurinus (which had reference to the doctrine of the Lord's Supper) (1) ; while the doctrine of predestination, more fully developed by Calvin, was established in the Consensus Genevensis (a.D. 1552) (2). But it was not until Frederick III., Prince Elector of the Palatinate, had joined the Eeformed Church, that symbols were adopted which bound the Churches more closely together. These were, on the one hand, the Catechism of Heidelberg (a.D. 1562), drawn up by Caspar Olevianus and Zacharias TJrsinus (3) ; on the other, the Second- Helvetic Confession, composed by Bullinger, and published at the request of the Prince Elector, A.D. 15 66 (4). The principles contained in them are also set forth more or less distinctly in the other Eeformed creeds, e.g. in the Confessio Gallicana (5), Angli- cana (6), Scoticana (7), Hungarica (Czengerina) (8), Belgica (9), the Confessio Sigismundi (Brandenburgica, Marchica) (10), the Catcchismus Genevensis (11), the Declaratio Thoruncnsis (12)' etc. And lastly, the controversies carried on between the different sections of the Eeformed Church (especially concern- ing the doctrine of predestination) (13), showed the necessity of symbolical definitions similar to those contained in the Formula Concordice of the Lutheran Church. Such were the Decrees of the Synod of Dordrecht {Dort, A.D. 1618) (14), and the Formida Consensus, drawn up in Switzerland (15). (1) Consensio Mutua in Ee Sacramentaria Ministror. Tigur. et J. Calvini, consisting of thirty-six articles, in Calvini Opp. viii. p. 648 ss., and in his Tract. Theolog. (Geneva 1611, Amst. 1667, fob). It was separately printed, 1554, by E. Stephanus 440 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 222. (Etienne). Winer, s. 19. Comp. Hess. Leben Bullingers, ii. s. 15-20. Henry, Leben Calvins, ii. 473, note and appendix 18. " Calvin's spirit showed itself in such a way in relation to the first Swiss type of theology, and, to the German-Lutheran form, that he was able to develope the former, freeing it from what was rude and immature, without merging it in the latter" Gass, Gesch. d. Prot. Dogmatik, i. s. 126. *C. Pestalozzi, Heinrich Bullinger, Elberfeld 1858, s. 373 ff. - Stcihclin, Calvin, ii. s. 112 ff. (2) De seterna Dei Prredestinatione, qua in salutem alios ex hominibus elegit, alios suo exitio reliquit, it. de Providentia, qua res humanas gubernat, Consensus pastorum Genevensis ecclesias, a J. Calvino expositus, Genev. 1552 (in Opp. vii. 688 ss., and in vol. viii. of the Dutch edition, p. 593 ss. ; Tract. Theol. p. 688). On the (erroneous) statement of Planch and Marheinecke, that this Consensus had also been adopted by the citizens of Zürich, see Eschcr, I.e. Hagenbach, Geschichte der Basler Confess, s. 83. Winer, s. 19. Henry, ii. 1, s. 42. (3) Its German title is : Christlicher Underricht, wie der in Kirchen und Schulen der churf. Pfalz getrieben wirdt {i.e. Christian instruction, as imparted in the churches and schools of the Palatinate). It was also called Catech. Palatinus, the Palatine Catechism. Josua Lagus and Lambert Ludolph Pithopceus translated it into Latin. An edition, which con- tained both the Latin and the German, appeared, Heidelberg 1563. In later times it was translated into almost all modern languages, and very frequently commented upon : e.g. by Heinr. Alling ; see the edition of E. A. Lewald, Heidelb. 1S41. It consists of three principal parts : 1. Of the misery of man resulting from sin ; 2. Of redemption from that state ; and 3. Of man's gratitude for that redemption. It is divided into 129 questions. (The 80 th question concerning the Mass was omitted in many editions.) Comp. Simon von Alpen, Geschichte und Literatur des Heidelberg Katechismus, Frankf. a. M. 1810. Rienäcker (in the Allgem. Encykl. 2d sect. 4 Thl.). Beckhaus in Illgens Historische Zeitschrift, viii. 2, s. 39, and Augusti (see above, § 215). Seiscn, Gesch. der Reformation in Heidelb., Heid. 1846. Zyro, Handbuch zum Heid. Kat., Bern 1848. Sudhoff, Der Heidelb. Kat., Creuz- nach 1851. The same, Fester Grund christ. Lehre, ein Hülfs- § 222.] THEOLOGY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 441 buch zum Heidelb. Kat. (drawn up from the' German writings of Caspar Olevianus, with dissertations by the author), Frankf. a. M. 1854. [Niemeyer gives both the German and the Latin form, s. 390-461. The Catechism was introduced in various parts of Switzerland (St. Gall, Zürich) ; in Hungary and Poland ; in most of the German Eeformed Churches ; in the Netherlands, by the Synod of Wesel, 1688, of Dort, 1574 and 1618; in the Dutch Eeformed and German Eeformed Churches of America — of the latter it is the only symbolical book.] On Olevianus and Ursinus, see Sudhoff, C. Olevianus u. Z. Ursinus, Elberfeld 1857. 0. Thelemann, Geschichte des Heid. Kat. u. seiner Verfasser, Erlangen 1863. (4) Confessio Helvetica Posterior (it was also called : Con- fessio et Expositio brevis et simplex sincere Eeligionis Chris- tiane). At the request of Frederick in., Prince Elector of the Palatinate (1564), it was edited by Bidlingcr, first in Latin (1566), and afterwards in a German translation made by the author himself. It has been often republished : by Kindlcr, 1825, and by *0. F. Fritzschc, Tur. 1839 (with Prolegomena). '"'Ed. Bohl, Vindob. 1866. Compare Escher, I.e. It has thirty chapters. It was sanctioned not only in Switzerland, 1 but also in Germany (in the Palatinate) and Scotland, as well as by the Polish, Hungarian, and French Eeformed Churches. It was translated into French by Theodore Beza, Geneva 1566, and by Cellerier, ibid. 1819. (5) It consisted of forty articles. It was set forth and sanctioned, under the influence of the preacher Chandieu? by the Synod of Paris, A.D. 1559; presented first to Francis II., A.D. 1560, and afterwards to Charles ix., at Poissy, by Beza, a.D. 1561 ; and confirmed by Henry iv. and his mother at the Synod of Eochelle, 1571. A Latin translation of it appeared, 1566 and 1581. (Comp. Corp. et Synt. i. p. (99) 77 ss. ; Av.gusti, p. 110 ss.) A shorter confession in eighteen articles was handed in to Henry iv. ; see Henry, Leben Calvins, iii. 1, s. 469, note. It is a different work from that which was published at Heidelberg, 1566, under the title: Confession 1 Only in Basel it was not received until a later period ; this delay was occasioned by the Crypto-Lutheran movements of Sidzer ; see Hagenbach Gesch. d. Confess. 2 He was not its author. See Herzog (Supp.), " Chandieu." 442 FOURTH PERIOD.— THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 222. und Kurze Bekanntnuss des Glaubens der reformirten Kirchen in Frankreich (i.e. a Creed and short Confession of Faith adopted by the French Eeformed Churches), which was in- tended to be given to Maximilian IL, and the Estates of the German Empire on the day of election at Frankfurt. For further particulars, see "Winer, s. 19. (6) Commonly called the XXXIX. (at first XLII.) Articles, drawn up by Cranmer and Ridley in the reign- of King- Edward vi. (a.D. 1551), revised in the reign of Queen Elizabeth, and confirmed 1562 by a synod at London. They were originally published under the title : Articuli, de quibus convenit inter Archiepiscopos et Episcopos utriusque Provincial et Clerum Universum in Synodo Londini anno 1562, secundum computationem Ecclesias Anglican», ad tolleudam opinionum dissensionem et consensum in vera rel. firmandum ; editi auctoritate serenissimre Begin», 1571 : often reprinted. The English edition is given in the Book of Common Prayer, the Latin in Corp. et Synt. i. p. (125) 99 ss. Auyusti, p. 12 6 ss. A Church Catechism was composed by John Foinct (1553), in four sections, by order of King Edward vi. Comp. Winer, s. 22. Bp. H. Marsh, Comparative View of the Churches of England and Kome, 1814, 1841. Germ, transl. by F. Eichel, Grimma 1848. [Ch. Hardicick, Hist, of Articles of Eeligion (documents from 1536 to 1615), new ed. 1859. Burnet, Bererielge, Browne, and Forbes on the XXXIX. Articles. Stryjic's Annals. E. Cardwell, Hist, of Conferences on Book of Prayer (1558—1690), var. edd. The same, Documentary Annals of Church of England, 1546-1716, 2 vols.; Formu- laries of Faith, put forth in the reign of Henry viil, and Three Primers, put forth in the same reign ; Collection of Articles, etc. Dean Xowcll's Catechism, 15 72, new ed. by Jr. Jacobson. lllieatley, Rational Illustration of Book of Common Prayer, 1720, 1846. Thos. Lathbury, Hist, of Book of Common Prayer. The same, History of Convocation. Procter, Book of Common Prayer, 1857 ff. H. J. Blunt, Annotated Book of Common Prayer. *JS. Daniel, Book of Common Prayer. — The Homilies of the Church of England, 1st Book, 1547; 2d Book, 1563 ; edited by Prof. Corrie, Camb. 1850. — Gibson, Codex Juris Ecclesiastici Anglicani, 2 vols, fol 1761. — First Prayer Book, 1549 ; revised, 1552 ; XLII. Articles, § 2-22.] THEOLOGY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 443 1552, 1553, by Cranraer, not adopted by Convocation — several of the articles from Augsb. Confession ; XXXIX. Articles, 1552, by Abp. Parker, making use of Wiirtemberg Confession; altered to XXXVIII. in 1563; in 1571 restored to XXXIX., and made binding. The XXXIX. Articles were ratified by the Protestant Episcopal Church in the United States ; the Book of Common Prayer, revised under direction of the First General Convocation, Phila. 1786 (omitting Xicene and Athanasian Creeds, absolution, baptismal regenera- tion, etc.), but nearly all restored (excepting the Athanasian Creed and absolution in visitation of the sick), in consequence of the objections of the English bishops. The Nie. Creed still omitted in Com. Service, when that follows Morning Prayer ; but may be used instead of Ap. Creed in Morning Prayer.] (7) It was published A.D. 1560, and consisted of twenty- five articles. Its principal author was the Scotch Reformer John Knox (his views on the doctrine of predestination were less Calvinistic than those on the Lord's Supper). Corpus et Syntagma, i. p. (137) 109 ss. Augusti, p. 143 ss. Another confession from the year 1581 is appended. Different is the Westminster Confession of Faith of 1643 (Cantabr. 1659 ; in English, Edinb. 1671). Comp. Gemberg, Schottische Nationalkirche, s. 11. Winer, I.e. See note below. (8) It was drawn up at a Synod of the Hungarian Reformed Churches, A.D. 1557 or 1558, and consisted of eleven articles. Schrockh, Kirchengeschichte nach der Refor- mation, ii. s. 737. Corp. et Synt. i. p. (186) 148 ss., after the Debreczin edition, 15 70. Winer, s. 20. Augusti, p. 241 ss. (9) It was originally a private confession of Guido de Brcs, and was first published A.D. 1562, in the Walloon language (it consisted of thirty-seven articles). It was soon after trans- lated into Dutch, approved by the Dutch Churches, and even signed by several princes. It was solemnly confirmed by the Synod of Dort. It was edited by Festus Hommius, Lugd. Bat. 1618, 4to, and several times subsequently. See Augusti, p. 170 ss. Comp. Bartels, Die Prädestinationslehre in der ref. Kirche von Ostfriesland bis zur Dordrechter Synode (Jahrb. für deutsche Theol. 1860, 2). (1 0) Its original title was : Des hochgebornen Fürsten Joh. 444 FOURTH PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 222. Siegmund, etc., Bekännclniss von jetzigen unter den Evange- lischen schwebenden und in Streit gezogenen Punkten, etc. (i.e. the Confession of the illustrious Prince John Sigisraund, etc., concerning those points respecting which Protestants are now at issue). It consisted of sixteen articles. It is not to he confounded with the confession of faith adopted by the Reformed Evangelical Churches of Germany, which was pub- lished at Frankfurt on the Oder, 1614, by order of the same prince. For further particulars, see Winer, s. 21. It is reprinted by Augusti, p. 369 ss. (11) It was composed by Calvin, and appeared 1541 in a French edition, and 1545 in a Latin one. It consists of four principal parts (Faith, Law, Prayer, and Sacraments). Calvini Opera t. viii. (Dutch ed.) p. 11 ss. Winer, s. 22. Augusti, p. 460 ss. Stahelin, Calvin, i. s. 124 ff, and chap. v. of Sudhoff's Ursinus u. Olevianus. [Calvin drew up a Catechism in 1536, published in Latin 1538.] (12) Adopted by a General Synod in Poland, convened for pacification, under Vladislas iv., in Thorn 1645, it came to be very generally received in a considerable portion of the Eeformed Church of Eastern Europe. (13) See the Special History of Doctrines (on predestina- tion). (14) It lasted from Nov. 13, A.D. 1618, to May 9, A.D. 1619, and held 145 sessions. Its decrees, etc., were pub- lished in the Acta Synodi Nationalis, etc., Dordr. 1620, 4to. [In Nicrneyer, p. 690—728. In English, in Appendix to Constitution of the Reformed Dutch Church, p. 60-75. Acts of the Synod of Dort, Lond. 1620, fol.] (15) It was directed, in the first instance, against the theory of the universality of grace, advocated in the Academy of Saumur (comp. § 225, note 3), and was instigated chiefly by Heinrich Heidegger of Zürich, Francis Turrctin of Geneva, and Lucas Gernler of Basel. The draft was drawn up by Heidegger under the title : Formula Consensus Ecclesiaruni Helveticarum Eeformatarum circa doctrinam de gratia univer- sal^ et connexa, aliaque nonnulla capita. It consists of twenty- six articles. As to its history, and the controversies to which it gave rise, as well as concerning its final abolition (by the intervention of Prussia and England, A.D. 1723), see C. M. § 2Ü3.] THEOLOGY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 445 Pfaff, Scliediasma de Form. Consens. Helvet., Tub. 1723, 4to. J. J. Hottinger, Succiucta ac Genuina Formulae Consensus Helv. Historia (in the Bibl. Brem. vii. p. 6G9 ss. It was separately published, Zur. 1723). Memoires pour servir a l'histoire des troubles arrivees en Suisse ä l'occasion du Consensus, Amst. 1726 (by Barnaud, pastor at La Tour, near Vevay). Lconh. Meister, Helvet. Scenen der neuern Schwär- men und Intoleranz, Zürich 1785, s. 3 ff. Esche?* in the Allgem. Encykl. I.e. s. 243 ff. Alex. Schweizer, Die theologisch- ethischen Zustände (§ 223, note 21), s. 35 ff. The form of subscription stood thus : " Sic sentio, sic profiteor, sic docebo, et contrarium non docebo." Among the symbols of the Reformed Church are further enumerated : the Con- fessiones Polonicce. — 1. Consensus Sendomiriensis, 1570. 2. Thoruniensis Synodi generalis, A.D. 1595, d. 21, Aug. celebrate canones. Confessio Bohemica, 1535 (1558). Colloquium Lipsiacum, 1631. Declaratio Thoruni- ensis, 1645. (They are all reprinted in the works of August! and Niemeyer, who also give all necessary historical information.) — On the symbols of the Puritans, see G. A. Niemeyer, Collectionis Confessionum in Ecclesiis Reformatis publicatarum, Appendix, Lips. 1840. Conf. Westmonasteri- ensis (1659, 1660, 1664), and the two Catechisms (1648). Hallische Literatur Zeitung, Jan. 1841. [The Westminster Assembly, convened by order of Parliament, 1643, consisting of 151 members. The Confession was presented to the Commons, Dec. 11, 1646 ; Shorter Catechism, Nov. 5, 1647 ; Larger Catechism, April 5, 164S. The General Assembly of Scotland ratified the Confession, Aug. 27, 1647, and the Catechism, July 1648. The Synod of Cambridge, New England, adopted the Confession in 1648. The Savoy Confession, drawn up by the Independents, 1658, is, in its doctrinal parts, nearly identical with the Westminster; a Boston Synod, 1680, adopted this Confession ; in 1708 it was adopted at Saybrook, for the Connecticut Churches. ] § 223. The Systematic Theology of the Reformed Church. On the literature, compare § 216 and 219. AI. Schweizer, Reformirte Glaubens- lehre (Introduction), and his 'Protestant. Centraldogmen, Zürich 1S54- 1856. Ebrard, Dogmatik, i. s. 62 if. Gass, ubi supra. Ihppe, Dogmatik des Deutschen Protest. Bd. i. s. 139-204, Entstehung und Ausbildung der deutsch-reformirt Dogmatik. Ilaycnbactis Leben und ausgevi äblte Schriften der Väter und Begründer der reformirt Kirche, IX. Bände. Systematic theology was on the whole less cultivated in the Reformed Church than exegesis, though it was not kept in the 446 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. T§ 223 background. In addition to the labours of Zwingli and Calvin (§ 219), many of their followers, 1 such as Heinr. Bidlinger (1), Anclr. Gerh. Hypcrius (2), Wolfgang Musculus ('S), Ben. Are- tius(4:), Willi. Bucanus(5), Theodore Beza (6), Petrus Ramus (7), Daniel Chamicr (8), and others, wrote compendiums of dog- matic theology. The scholastic method, too, soon found its way into the Reformed Church, as the representatives of which we may mention Bartholomäus Keckermann (9), Aman- dus Polanus a Polansdorf (10), J. H Alsted (11), John Sharp (12), Johann Wollebius (13), Heinrich Alling (14), Johann Maccovius (15), Gisbert Voetius (16), Marcus Friedrich Wendelin (17), Johann Hoornbcck (18), Samuel Maresius (19), Andreas Rivctus (20), and, pre-eminently, Johann Heinrich Heidegger (21). A peculiar theological system, in the so- called federal method, was inaugurated by J. Cocccius (22), and more fully developed by his followers, the most eminent of whom were Franz Burrmann (23), Abraham Heidanus (24), Hermann Witsius (25). Melchior Ley decker, on t 1 "« other hand, treated the whole system of theology in the order of the three persons of the Trinity (26). Others, again, adopted other methods (27). (1) Bidlinger was born A.D. 1504, and died 1575. See Hess, Lebensgeschichte Heinrich Bullingers, 2 vols. 1828, 1829. — He wrote: Compend. Eel. Christ, e puro Dei Verbo depromtum, Basil. 1556. Concerning the part which he took in the composition of various confessions of faith, see the pre- ceding section. [See Schenkel in Herzog's Bealencyklop. s.v. Bidlinger .] Leben, by *G. Pestalozzi, Elberfeld 1858 (5th Part of the " Väter ii. Begründer ref. Kirche "), where see also 1 [Peter Martyr Vtrmillus, Bucer, Capito, Oecolampadius, Pictet, and Myconius also deserve mention as helping to give shape to the Reformed system. Peter Martyr, an Italian, taught in Strasshurg, Oxford, and Zürich ; died 1562. His Loci Communes were published (ed. Oualter), Zürich 1580, 1626 ; Heidelb. 1622. Bucer (Butzer, Mart.), born 1491, taught in Strassburg, in England 1549, died 1551. No complete edition of his works. See Schenkel in Herzog's Encykl. — Capito (Köpfel), born 1478, also in Strassburg, died 1541. See Hagenbach in Herzog's Encykl. — Of Oecolampadius and Myconhis, Hagenbach has written the lives in his Leben d. Vater d. reform. Kirche.J § 223.] THEOLOGY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 447 bis Dogmatisches Handbuch in outline, s. 505 ff. Comp, s. 386 and 469. (2) Hypcrius was born A.D. loll, at Ypres, and died 1564, as professor of theology in the University of Marburg. His theological works are : Methodi Theologies sive prsecipuorum Christ. Eel. Locorum Communium, libb. iii. Basil. 1568. Varia Opuscula Theol. ibid. 1570, 1571. Comp. Semler' 's Einleitung zu Baumg arten' s Glaubenslehre, s. 46 ff. Heinrich, s. 293 ff. Hcppe, s. 144 ff. Gass, s. 131. (3) His proper name was Müslin, or Mosel. He was born a.D. 1497, in Lotharingia (Lorraine, Lothringen), and died 1563, as professor of theology in the University of Bern. He is the author of: Loci Communes Theol., Bern. 1573. (Opp. Basil 9 vols, fol.) Sender, I.e. s. 56, note 28. Gass, s. 131. (4) Aretius died A.D. 1574, as professor of theology in the University of Bern; was previously professor in Marburg. He wrote : Theologica Problemata sive Loci Communes, Bern. 1604. See Semler, I.e. s. 54, note 26. Heinrieh, s. 296. Gass, s. 132. (5) Bucanus was professor of theology in the University of Lausanne towards the commencement of the seventeenth century, and wrote: Institutt. Theol., etc., Brem. 1604, Genev. 1612. (6) Beza was born A.D. 1519, at Vecelay, and died 1605. (Compare his biography by Schlosser, Heidelb. 1809 ; Baum, 1843, 1852, and Heppe, 1861.) He wrote: Qurestionum et Ptesponsionum Christ. Libellus, in his Tractt. Theol. vol. i. p. 654. (7) Peter Ramus {de la Ram6e) was born at Cuth, in Picardy, and died a martyr, St. Bartholomew's night, Aug. 25, 1572. He wrote: Commentariorum de Religione Christ., libb. iv. Francof. 1576. (De Fide, de Lege, de Precatione, de Sacramentis.) (8) Chamier was born in Dauphine ; died Oct. 16, 1621, as professor at Montauban, during the siege of that city. He wrote : Panstratia Catholica, s. Corpus Controversiarum ad versus Pontificios, Genev. 1696, 5 vols. fol. Corpus Theologicum, s. Loci Communes Theologici, ib. 1653, fol. (opus posthumum). 448 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 223. (9) Keckermann, born at Danzig, was professor in the University of Heidelberg, and died Aug. 25, 1609 (Adami Vitae Philos. p. 232 ss. Bayle, Diet.: " His ivories abound in plagiarisms, and have themselves been well plagiarized "). He wrote: Systema Theol. tribus libris adornat., Hanovire 1607. (Opp. Genev. 1614, 4to.) Gass, s. 408. (10) Polanus was born at Troppau, in Silesia, A.D. 1561, delivered lectures in the University of Basel, and (lied 1610 (comp. Athen» Raur. p. 37). He composed a Syntagma Theol. Christ, Han. 1610. See Gass, s. 396. (11) Alsted was born A.D. 1588, at Herborn, and died at Weissenburg, A.D. 1638, where he was professor of theology. His works are very numerous : Theologia Naturalis, Francof. 1615, 1622, 4to. — Theologia Catechetica, ib. 1622, 4to, Han. 1722, 4to— Theologia Scholastica, ib. 1618, 4to.— Theol. Didactica, ib. 1627, 4to. — Theologia Polemica, ib. — Theologia Prophetica, ib. 1622, 4to. — Theol. Casuum., Hanov. 1630, 4to. — Comp. Gass, s. 411. (12) J. Sharp (Scoto-Britannus) was professor at Die on the Drome, in Dauphine. He wrote : Cursus Theologicus, in quo Controversial omnes de Fidei Dogmatibus inter nos et Pontificios pertractantur, et ad Bellarmini Argumenta respondetur. Ed. 2, Genev. 1620. See Schiceizer, s. xxi. (13) Johann Wollebs was born 1586, died 1629, professor of theology at Basel. He wrote : Compendium Christ. Theolog., Basel 1626; translated into English, under the title : Abridgment of Christ. Divinitie [by Rose, with the Anatomy of the whole Body of Divinitie, 1650]. He is distinguished for simplicity. Ebrard (Dogmatik) calls him " one of the greatest theologians that ever lived." Comp. Gass, s. 397 [and Schweizer, ii. s. 26, who contests this judgment]. (14) Johann H Alling, born at Emden, was professor at Heidelberg from 1613, died 1644, professor in Groningen. Works: Problemata tum theoretica, tum practica, Amst. 1662, 4to.— Theologia Elenchtica, Bas. 1679, Amst. 1664.— Method. Theol. Didact., Amst. 1650, Tiguri 1673. His son, Jakob Alling, was also distinguished in theology and polemics; Methodus Theol. in his Opera, Amst. 1687. See Gass, s. 434. (15) His proper name was Makowsky ; he was born at Lobzenik, in Poland, A.D. 1508, professor of theology in § 223.] THEOLOGY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 449 Franecker, and died A.D. 1644. He adopted the Aristotelian method of investigation, and composed : Loci Communes Theol., Fran. 1639, ed. auct. Nie. Arnold, 1650, 4to. An improved and enlarged edition of this work appeared 1658. In addition, he wrote: Qiuestiones Theolog., Fran. 1626. Dis- tinctiones et Eegulse Theolog., Amst. 1656. See Heinrich, s. 355. Gass, s. 441. (16) Voetius was born A.D. 1589, at Heusden, in South Holland, held a professorship of theology in the University of Utrecht, and died 1676. (He opposed Descartes.) Works: Theol. Naturalis Eeformata, Lond. 1656, 4to. Institutiones Theol, Traj. 1642, 4 to.— Disputationes Selectas, ibid. 1648, Amst. 1669, 5 vols. 4to. — See Buddcus, i. p. 417 (375). Heinrich, s. 355 f. Gass, s. 460. (17) Wendelin was born A.D. 1584, at Sandhagen, near Heidelberg, and died 1652, at Zerbst, where he was Eector of the Gymnasium. He wrote : Christ. Theol. Libri ii. methodice dispositi, Han. 1634, 1641, Amst. 1646; Christ. Theol. Systema Majus., Cassell. 1656, 4to. See Buddcus, p. 416. Heinrich, s. 356. Gass, s. 416. (18) Hornbeck was born A.D. 1617, at Haarlem, and died 1666, as a professor in the University of Leyden. He com- posed: Institutt. Theol, Ultraj. 1653, Lugd. Bat. 1658. See Buddcus, p. 417. Heinrich, s. 357. (19) His proper name was Des Marcts ; he was born A.D. 1598, at Oisemont, in the province of Picardy, and died 1673, at Groningen. Works: Collegium Theologicum sive Systema Universale, Gron. 1658, 4to. — Theologiae Elenchticce nova Synopsis sive Index Controversiarum, etc., ibid. 1648, 2 vols. 4to, and several others. Gass, s. 442. (20) Eivetus was born A.D. 1573, and died 1651. Most of his works were exegetical. The following is of a Polemico- dogmatic character : Catholicus Orthodoxus sive Summa Con- troversiarum inter Orthodoxos et Pontificios, Lugd. Bat. 1630, 2 vols. 4to. He also composed several controversial writings, and other treatises. Opp. Eoterod. 1651, 1660, 3 vols, fol (21) Heidegger was born in 1633; died, professor of theology, in Zürich in 1698. He was the author of the Formula Consensus (see § 222). He also wrote: Medulla Hagenb. Hist. Doct. ii. 2 F 450 FOUETH PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 223. Theologire Christian., Tur. 1696, 1702, 1713; Corpus Theol. Christ, s. Theol. didacticse, moralis et historicse Systema, 2 vols, fol., Tur. 1700, 1732. Medulla Medullas, ibid. 1701. Also several dissertations. See Alex. Schweizer, Die theologisch- ethischen Zustände der 2. Hälfte des 17. Jahrh. in d. Zürchisch. Kirche, Zürich 1857, s. 12 ff. (22) Cocceius' original name was Koch. He was born at Bremen, 1603, and died 1669. His doctrinal system was founded upon the idea of a covenant between God and man. He distinguished between (1) the covenant before the fall (the covenant of works), and (2) the covenant after the fall (the covenant of grace). The latter covenant embraces a threefold economy : 1. The economy prior to the law. 2. The economy under the law. 3. The economy under the gospel. His principles are developed in his Summa Doctrinse de Fcedere et Testamentis Dei, 1648. See Buddeus, p. 417. Heinrich, s. 358 ff. Heppe, s. 2 1 ff. : " The fruit of his influence on the Reformed systematic theology was to lead theologians bach to the freedom of the word of God, delivering it from the bondage of a traditional scholasticism, and of a mode of handling the topics which subserved the interests of the cidture of the schools." Compare on his method, Diestel, Studien zur Föderaltheologie (Jahrb. für deutsche Theol. 1865, 2, s. 1 ff.). (23) Burmann was born at Leyden, 1628, professor of theology at Utrecht from 1662, died 1679. Re wrote: Synopsis Theologian et Oeconomioe Fcederum Dei, Amst. 1671, 1691, 2 vols. (24) Heidanus, born at Frankenthal, in the Palatinate, 1648, professor of theology at Leyden ; deposed on account of the controversies about the Cartesian Philosophy; died 1678. Wrote: Corpus Theol. Christ., 2 vols. 1687. (25) Witsius was born in West Friesland, 1626, professor of theology at Franecker, Utrecht, and Leyden; died 1708. Works : Miscellanea Sacra, 2 vols. Amst. 1692. Oeconomia Fcederum, Traj. 1694. Meletemata Leidensia, Lugd. 1703. Collected works: Herborn 1712-1717, 6 vols; Basel 1739, 4to. [Economy of the Covenants, transl. by Crookshank, 2 vols. Edinb. 1803.] — On other disciples of Cocceius, Wilhelm Moma [died 1677; wrote De Varia Conditione et Statu Ecclesise Dei sub triplici Oeconomia Fcederum Dei, etc., § 223.] THEOLOGY OF THE REFORMED CHURCH. 451 Utrecht IG 71], Joh. Braun [died 1709; Doctrina Fcederum, sive Syst. Theol., Amst. 1688], and Nie. Gürtler, see Walch, p. 222 ss. Heinrich, s. 362 ff. (26) Leydecker was born A.D. 1642, at Middelburg, in the Dutch province of Zeeland, and died 1721, as professor of theology in the University of Utrecht. (His views were opposed to those of Cocceius.) He wrote : De Oeconomia trium Personarum in Negotio Salutis Humanae, libri vi. Traj. 1682. (27) So Heinrich Hulsius, Le Blanc, Markius, Turreiin. Comp. Walch, p. 225 ss. Heinrich, s. 373 ff. [Note. — The American editor has here introduced a whole section, § 223a, on the German Eeformed Theology, more particularly as represented by the Heidelberg Catechism. We give a single quotation from one of the notes : " Dr. Hcjype makes the peculiarities of this theology to consist in three points : (1) Making the central idea to be that of the covenant (fcedus Dei), particularly as seen in the kingdom of Christ ; (2) The idea of an essential union with Christ (insitio in Christum) ; (3) Deduced from these two, the doctrine of the perseverance of the saints." We have resolved not to reproduce this section for two reasons. Dr. Hagenbach, the author, had it before him in preparing his fifth edition, and he did not find it necessary to make any use of it, in order to give completeness to his work. When we remember that the addition has reference to Germany, this may be regarded as conclusive. Additions respecting English theology will be carefully considered, and whatever is of value will be retained or adapted. A second reason for the omission is found in the contents of the section. A mere list of names, and these for the most part utterly undistin- guished, together with the dates belonging to them, would simply encumber our pages, already sufficiently full in this respect. The explanation now given will, it is hoped, tend to assure those who may miss anything which has appeared in the American edition, that nothing of value has been omitted.] 452 FOURTH PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 224. § 224. Mysticism in the Reformed Church. M. Gold, Geschichte des christlichen Lebens in der Rheinisch-westphälischen evangel. Kirche, Coblenz 1852, 2d ed. 1862, 2 vols. Hamberger, Stimmen aus dem Heiligthum, Stuttg. 1857. Noack, Mystik. See §-217. Mysticism was transplanted from the Eoman Catholic Church into the Eeformed Church, first by John Labadie and his fol- lowers (1), and afterwards by Peter Poiret (2), a disciple of Antoinette Bourignon (3). In England, Joanna (Jane) Leade (4) was followed by John Pordage (5), Thomas Bromley, and others. But this kind of mysticism, which was partly fantastic, partly indifferent to all systematic forms, has exerted little or no influence upon the development of dogma (6). (1) Labadie was born A.D. 1610, at Bourg, in the province of Guienne, joined the Eeformed Church without accepting its fundamental principles, and died 1674, at Altona. In many points he agreed with the Anabaptists. — Among his admirers were Anna Maria von Schürmann, Peter Yvon, Peter du Lignon, Henry and Peter Schlüter. Comp. Arnold, Kirchen- und Ketzer- geschichte, Thl. ii. Bd. 17, s. 680. Hagenbach, Vorlesungen über die Geschichte der Eeformation, iv. s. 307. Göbel, ii. s. 181 ; and on Anna Schürmann, ibid. s. 273 ff. The judg- ments of Eeformed orthodoxy on these phenomena were often very severe ; comp. J. C. Schweizer, as quoted by AI. Schweizer, I.e. s. 19. (2) Poiret was born A.D. 1646, at Metz, and died 1719, at Eheinsberg. His writings are of greater importance for the History of Doctrines than those of the other mystics (though only in a negative aspect). Concerning his life and his works, see Arnold, I.e. iii. s. 163; Biographie universelle, s. voce; and Hagenbach, Vorlesungen, iv. s. 325. (3) Antoinette Bourignon was born A.D. 1616, at Lisle, in French Flanders, and died 1680, at Franecker. A memoir of her life was published, Amst. 1683. See Evangelische Kirchen- zeifcung, March 1837. Hagenbach, Vorlesungen, iv. s. 312 ff. Amos Comcnius, Swamerdam, and others, adopted her opinions. § 225.] INFLUENCE OF THE CARTESIAN PHILOSOPHY. 453 (4) Jane, Leacle was born A.D. 1633, and died 1714 [1704?]; she was an enthusiast. Comp. Corrodi, Geschichte des Chiliasmus, iii. s. 403 ff. Arnold, Kirchen- und Ketzer- gesch. s. 199-298 ff. Hagenbach, Vorlesungen, iv. s. 345. (5) Corrodi, I.e. [Pordage died 1688.] (6) The mysticism of the Lutheran Church was of greater speculative importance than that of the Eeformed. The former also exerted a greater influence upon the life of the German nation (family worship, etc.) than the latter, which was more confined to private individuals and separatists. § 225. Influence of the Cartesian Philosophy.- More Liberal Tendencies. Mysticism exerted less influence upon the gradual transfor- ** mation of the doctrinal views of the Eeformed Church than \ did the philosophical system of Descartes, especially in the * Netherlands (1). Balthasar Behker, who, in combating the , " Enchanted World," also shook the orthodox doctrines of the «; Church, belonged to this school (2). But, apart from the \ influence of any definite system of philosophy, a more liberal tendency, which endeavoured to shake off the yoke of sym- bolical writings, manifested itself in different quarters. Such was the case in the University of Saumur (3), where this tendency was connected with Arminian views, and among the Latitudinarians of England (4). Among the Swiss theologians, John Aljph. Turretin (5), Ben. Bietet (6), and Samuel Weren- fels (7) were distinguished for moderate views, though they remained orthodox ; thus they formed, by their principles, as well as the period in which they lived, the transition to the eighteenth century. (1) Bcnatus Cartcsius (Rene Descartes) was born A.D. 1596, and died 1650, at Stockholm. His maxim: " Cogito, ergo sura," is well known. His philosophy gave rise to commo- tions in Holland. Gisbert Voetius, the principal opponent of 454 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 225. Descartes, charged him, A.D. 1639, with atheism. The philo- sophy of Descartes was condemned, A.D. 1647 (and again 1676), by the senate of the University of Leyden, as well as, 1657, by the Synod of Delft. Several of the mystics just mentioned belonged originally to the school of Descartes. But some orthodox divines also espoused the system. See Tholuck, Das akademische Leben des 17 Jahrb., 2te. Abth. 1854, and in Herzog's Eealencykl. ii. s. 591. Gass, s. 454. [Cousin, Le§ons ; Dugald Stewart's Dissertations ; MorelVs Hist, of Philos. ; Bitter's Gesch. d. Phil. Comp, also the works of Maurice, Ucberwcg, and StöcM, u.s.] (2) Bekker was born A.D. 1634, in West Friesland, adopted the principles of Descartes, was dismissed from office on account of his opinions, and died 1698. (Compare the chapter on demonology in the Special History of Doctrines.) His principal work, " Die bezauberte Welt " (Franecker 1692, 4to ; in German, Amst. 1693), contains the germs of the rationalism of later times. (3) Eepresentatives of the more liberal tendency were, among others, Moses Amyraldus (Amyraut), Josua de la Blace (Placaeus), Louis Capellus, etc. It was especially in opposition to their views that the Formula Consensus was drawn up. On Amyraut, see Schweizer in Zellers Jahrb. 1852, 1, 2; and Edmond Saigey, Strassb. 1849. Herzogs Eealencykl. s.v. Amyraut. On the doctrine of Bajou, see Schweizer in Zellers Theol. Jahrb. 1853, Heft 1. (4) Among them were William Chillingworth (1602-1644), Balph Cudworth (he died 1688), Tillotson, Stilling 'fleet, and others. (5) Alphonse Turretin was the son of the strictly orthodox Francis Turretin, born 1671, and died at Geneva A.D. 1737. He wrote: Opuscula, Brunsv. 1726, 2 vols. — Dilucidationes phil., theol., et dogmatico - morales, quibus preecipua Capita Theologise et naturalis et revelatte demonstrautur, Lugd. Bat. 1748, 3 vols. 4to, and several other works. Thomas in Herzog 's Eealencykl. xvi. s. 516. (6) Bictet was born a.d. 1655, and died a.D. 1724, at Geneva. He composed a Theologia Christiana, Gen. 1696, 2 vols. — Medulla Theologia, ibid. 1711, 1712, and several other works. [Theol., transl., London 1847.] § 225.] THE FRENCH SCHOOL OF SAUMUR. 455 (7) Werenfels was born 1657, and died 1740. (Athense rauricre, p. 57, R. Hanhart in the Wissenschaftliche Zeit- schrift, Basel 1824, part 1, s. 22 ; part 2, s. 53 ff.) He wrote: Opuscula Theologica, Basil. 1782, 3 vols. § 225a. 1 \Tiie French School of Saumur.] [A. Schweizer, Centraldogmen, ii. 225-430, 564-663 ; and article Amyraut in Herzog 's Encykl. Ebrard, Dogmatik, i. § 43.] [Under the influence of John Cameron (1), who succeeded Gornarus at Saumur in 1618, a modification of the Calvinistic system was introduced into the French Eeformed theology, represented by the names of Amyraut (2), Placceus (3), and Pajon (4). Cameron himself taught, after Piscator, the im- putation of Christ's passive obedience alone ; and advocated the theory of the hypothetic universalism of divine grace, which was more fully developed by Amyraut (5). One of the most eminent members of this school was Dallceus (Jean Daille) (6).] (1) [John Cameron was born in Glasgow about 1580, prof, at Sedan, pastor at Bordeaux 1608-1618, prof, at Saumur 1618-1624, died at Montauban 1625. His Arnica Collatio cum Tileno, 1621, is against Arminianism ; also his Defensio de Gratia et libero Arbitrio. See Schweizer in Herzog 's Realencykl. Gass, s. 331.] (2) [Moses Amyraldus (Amyraut) was born at Bourgeuil, in Touraine, 1596, succeeded Daille at Saumur 1626, became prof, there in 1631. His views were first published in a treatise on Predestination, 1634, and opposed by Du Moulin and Andr. Rivetus. He was acquitted by the French Synod of 1637, and at Charenton 1644; the charge renewed at Loudun 1659, but not carried through. He died 1664. See Schweizer, I.e. Gass, ii. s. 328.] (3) \Josua de la Place (PlacaDus), born 1596, prof, at 1 [Abridged from Dr. H. B. Smith.] 456 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 225. Saumur 1632, died 1655. His theory of original sin, as consisting only in native corruption, was condemned by the French Synod of 1645, although Placseus himself was not named. He accepted the statement of the Synod, by distin- guishing between immediate and mediate imputation. Comp. A. Schweizer in Herzog's Eealencykl., and in Centraldogmen, ii. s. 319. Gass, ii. s. 347.] (4) [Claude Pajon, born 1626, studied in Saumur; prof, of theology there, after Amyraut's death, 1666 ; died 1685. He denied the immediate concursus in providence, and the immediate influence of the Holy Spirit in conversion. See Schweizer, ubi supra, ii. 564-663. Gass, ii. 359 sq.] (5) [Schweizer, in Herzog, says the difference between Arminianism and Amyraldism is " an essential one. The Arminian has a gratia universalis sub conditione fidei, in opposition to the Eeformed doctrine of a gratia particulars absoluta ; the Amyraldian, on the contrary, assumes a gratia universalis hypothetica (i.e. sub conditione fidei), in order the better to defend the rigid particularism of election according to the Eeformed view."] (6) [Jean DailU (Dallaeus), born 1594, from 1626 to 1670 preached in Paris. De Usu Patrum, 1656, and often ; Eng. version by Thos. Smith, 1651. Answered by Prof. Blunt of Cambridge. See Schweizer, ii. s. 387-439. Gass, ii. s. 345.] § 2255. 1 [Theology in England and Scotland.] [The Anglican theology, like its polity, was gradually shaped, and occupied an intermediate position between the Eoman Catholic and the Eeformed systems. Doctrinal con- troversies were subordinated to ecclesiastical questions. The earlier Eeformers (1), Cranmer, Latimer, Hooper, Ridley, opposed chiefly the practical abuses of the papacy. The exiles under Mary returned (1559) from Frankfurt, Zürich, and Geneva, 1 [With slight alteration from Dr. H. B. Smith.] § 225.] THEOLOGY IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 457 imbued with the principles of the Reformed (Calvinistic) system. But the polity and faith of England, as shaped under Elizabeth, contained conflicting elements, represented respectively by the Book of Common Prayer and the Thirty- nine Articles (which latter were thought to be of a Calvinistic tendency) (2). An intermediate position was occupied by Jewel (3), Grindal, Pilkington, and Abp. Parker (4). Puri- tan principles were advocated by Hooper (5) and Thos. Cart- wright (6). As late as 1578, Calvin's Catechism was ordered to be used in the University of Cambridge. The Lambeth Articles of 1595 (7) taught the strictest scheme of predesti- nation. Ireland was represented by the learning and ortho- doxy of Archbishop Ussher (8). Scotland, with the Presbyterian system, also received from John Knox the principles of the school of Geneva, advocated by Andrew Melville, Henderson, and others (9). At the end of the sixteenth century and beginning of the seventeenth, the Anglican system was repre- sented by Richard Hooker (10) and others; the Episcopal system was defended by Donne, Field, Andrcwes, and Jack- son (11). Abp. Laud (12) put forth High Church and sacramentarian views, in conjunction with a modified Armi- nianism, opposed in vain by the moderate Puritans (13), Davenant, Bp. Reynolds, Bp. Hall, and others. The conflict of the systems resulted in the temporary triumph of Presby- terianism and Calvinism in the Westminster Assembly, followed by the reaction under the Eestoration (Charles n.). The Anglican system was subsequently developed and expounded in a prolific and learned theological literature, which had for its ideal the theology of the Church of the first four or five centuries (Bp. Bull (14), Jeremy Taylor (15), Isaac Barrow (16), Bp. Cosin (17), Abp. Bramhall (18), Stilling fleet, Watcrland, Sherlock, Abps. King and Wake, and was ably defended in its main doctrinal position by the nonjurors, Hich s, L> die, Kcttlewell, Johnson, Brett, and others) (19). It reached the term of its development about the close of this period (1720). It was exhibited in its most systematic form in the works of 458 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 225. Beveridge (20), Pearson (21), and Burnet (22). Yet there were not wanting those in the Established Church who still advocated the main principles of the Beforined theology (Abp. Lcighton (23), Ez. Hopkins, 3f anion, Barlow, and others). The more distinctive Puritan theology was advocated chiefly by the Nonconformists in doctrinal treatises and practical works by Charnock, Thomas Watson, W. Bates, by Flavel and Bunyan (24), by Thos. Goodwin, and many others ; and in a stricter and more comprehensive method by Richard Baxter (2 5), John Owen (26), John Howe (27), Theophilus Gale (28), Thomas Bidgeley, Matthew Henry (29), and Calamy. The Antinomian tendency was represented by Crisp. The Scotch divines and the New England colonists from Great Britain remained faith- ful to the strict Calvinistic tradition.] [There were also other phases of theological opinion of a less permanent influence. A Platonizing tendency was repre- sented by Cudworth (30), More (31), and Norris (32), John Smith (33) of Cambridge, Gale, Cidverwell, and others. Under Latitudinarianism was included a somewhat undefined class, as John Milton (34), Chillingworth (35), Archbishop Tillot- son (36), Samuel Clarke (37), and others. (The most important doctrinal controversy was the Trinitarian, in which Bull, Waterland, Samuel Clarke, Whiston, Sherlock, Watts, South, Stilling fleet, and Allix bore a part. See § 234, 262.)] (1) [Tke works of the early English Reformers are pub- lished most completely by the Parker Society, 1840-1855, in 55 vols. Thomas Cranmer was born 1489, Abp. Canterb. 1532, burnt at the stake, Oxford, Mar. 25, 1556. He had chief part in drawing up the Prayer Books (1549, 1552), the Catechism of 1548, and the XLII. Articles of 1553. In the Homilies he wrote that on Justification, 1547. Cranmer s Bible, 1539. Works: Miscel. Writings and Letters, ed. J. E. Coxe for Parker Soc, 2 vols. 1844. Defence of Sacrament, 1550 ; and Answer to Stephen Gardiner on Eucharist, 1580, 4 to. Works by Jenkyns, 4 vols. 8vo, 1834. Life, by Strype, Le Bas, H. J. Todd, and others. — Hugh Latimer, born 1490. § 225.] THEOLOGY IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 459 Bp. of Worcester 1535, burnt at Oxford 1555. Works by G. E. Corrie for Parker Soc, 2 vols. 1845 (with Life by Watkins, 2 vols. 1824). — Nicholas Ridley, born 1500, Bp. of Rochester 1548, of London 1550, burnt 1555. Works for Parker Soc. by H Christmas, 1841.] (2) [See above, § 222, note 6. In the Arian controversy, Dr. Waterland, in his " Case of Arian Subscription," took the ground against Clarke, that an Arian could not subscribe, to which Sykcs replied that an Arian might, as well as an Arminian, since the Articles were Calvinistic. See Dr. Richard Laivrence, Eeg. Prof, in Oxf., the Bampton Lect. 1844 : An Attempt to illustrate those Articles of the Church of England, improperly considered Calvinistic ; var. edd. Bp. Tomline {Pretty man), Refutation of Calvinism, 1811 ; and also Ed. Williams (born 1730, died 1813), Defence of Modern Calvinism against Bp. Tomline, 1812.] (3) [John Jewel, born 1522, Bp. of Salisbury 1560, died 1571. " The Church of England may be best studied in the writings of Jewel." — Warburton. " It may be said of his surname, nomen omen? — Fidlcr. His Apologia Eccles. Anglic. 1522 (Eng. transl. by Russell, Oxf. 1840, and many others), and Defence of the same against Hardinge, 1567, have been often reprinted. Works, 1609, 1611, etc.; ed. by Jelf, 8 vols. 1847, 1848, and for Parker Soc. by Ayre, 4 vols. 1845- 1850. Life by Le Bas, 1835.] (4) [Matthew Parker, born 1504, Master of Corp. C. Camb. 1544, Abp. of Canterb. 1559, died 1575. Revised Bishops' Bible, 1568. See Hook's Lives of the Archbishops.] (5) [John Hooper, born 1495, Bp. of Worcester and Gloucester 1550, martyr 1554. Works for Parker Soc. by Carr and Nevinson, 2 vols. 1 843-1 852. " The first Puritan."] (6) [Thos. Cartwright, born 1535, prof. Cambr. 1570, 1571, died 1602. Contest with Whitgift on the Admonition to Parliament, 1588, involving the questions of episcopacy and the liturgy. — John Whitgift, born 1530, prof. Div. Camb. 1563, Abp. Cant. 1583, died 1604. Works by Parker Soc, ed. John Ayre, 3 vols. Camb. 1851—1854. Life, by Strypc.'] (7) [The Nine Lambeth Articles were occasioned by YV/.r Baroe (French), prof, in Cambridge, and Barret, of Caius College, teaching universal redemption ; they inculcated pre- 460 FOURTH PERIOD. — THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 225. destination and reprobation. They had no formal Church sanction in England, but were adopted by the Dublin Con- vocation in Ireland, 1615. "The Reformation in England ended (?) by showing itself a decidedly Calvinistic movement " (Christ. Eemembr. 1845). The theological professors at Cam- bridge and Oxford were Calvinistic for fifty years from Eliza- beth's accession. Bucer and Peter Martyr were called by Cranmer to the chairs of divinity in Cambridge and Oxford during the reign of Edward. Cranmer, too, in 1552, invited Calvin, Bullinger, and Melanchthon to England, to aid in drawing up a Confession of Faith for the Protestant Churches. Calvin's Consensus Genevensis (on Predestination) also had influence upon the framers of the Articles ; see Zürich Letters (by Parker Soc), vol. iii. p. 325, where a letter by Traheren, Dean of Chichester, to Bullinger is given, in which he says : " The greater number among us, of whom I own myself to be one, embrace the opinion of John Calvin, as being perspicuous and agreeable to Holy Scripture."] (8) [James Usshcr, born 1580, Bp. of Meath 1620, Abp. of Armagh 1624, died 1656. Whole works by Elrington, 16 vols. Dubl. 1847. He proposed a modified episcopacy.] (9) [John Knox, born at Gifford, East Lothian, 1505, prisoner in France 1547-1549, chaplain to Edward vi. 1552, Geneva 1552-1555, died 1572. Conf. of Faith, 1560. Book of Discipline, 1560. Hist, of Eef. 1584, 1732. Works, by Laing, 4 vols. 1846 ff. Life, by Thos. M'Cric, Edinb. 1840, etc. — Andrew Melville, born 1545, principal of St. Mary's College, St. Andrews, 1580, prof, at Sedan, where he died 1622. Life, by MCrie, 2 vols. 1824, etc. — Robert Baillie, born 1602, principal of Univ. of Glasgow, died 1662. Letters and Journals (2 vols. 1775), 3 vols., by Laing, 1841, 1842. See Carlyles Essays. — Samuel Rutherford, born 1600 (?), prof. St. Andrews 1639, died 1662.] (10) [Richard Hooker, born 1554. Master of Temple 1585, prebendary of Salisbury 1591, died 1600. His Ecclesiastical Polity, more than any single work, has given shape to the Anglican divinity: first four books, 1594, fob; fifth, 1597; three last posthumous; seventh, 1617; sixth and eighth, 1648, 4to, interpolated (?). Works, fol. 1723. Keble's ed. 1836, 4 vols., repr. 3 vols. 1841. An edition by B. Hanbury, § 225.] THEOLOGY IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. . 461 1830, 3 vols, (with Life of Cartwright), from the Puritan side. Life, by Isaah Walton, 1665, and often. "There is no learn- ing which this man hath not searched into ; nothing too hard for his understanding." — Stcepkton. " The adamantine and imperishable worth of Hooker in his Eccl. Pol." — Dr. Parr. The work was in reply to Mr. Trovers of the Temple, who followed the views of Cartwright, whose lectures were pro- hibited by Abp. Whitgift ; Travers published a Memorial, to which Hooker replied. — Martin Marprclate Tracts, 1580 ff.] (11) [John Donne, born 1573, brought up as a Piom. Cath., ordained at the age of 42, died 1631, an eloquent preacher and poet ; Dryden calls him " the greatest wit of our nation." Works, fol. 1640, 1644, 1660 ; newed. 6 vols. 8vo, by Alford, Camb. 1839. — Bd. Field, Dean of Gloucester, born 1561, died 1616. Of the Church, five books, 1606, 3d ed. 1635 ; for Eccl. Hist. Soc, 4 vols. 1847—1852. — Lancelot Andrewes, born 1565, Bp. of Winchester 1618, died 1626. Ninety-six Sermons, 5 vols. Oxf. Lib. 1841-1843; Tortura Torti, ibid. 1851 ; Ptesponsio ad Apolog. Card. Bellarmini, ibid. 1852. — Thos. Jackson, Dean of Peterborough, born 1579, died 1640 ; originally a Calvinist, became an Arminian. Works, 3 vols. fol. 1673 ; new ed. Oxf. 12 vols. 1844; twelve books on the Apost. Creed. — Thos. Fuller, born 1608, Prebend. Sarum, died 1661. Church Hist. Britain, Nichols ed. 3 vols. 1837. Life, by A. T. Bussell. Essay, by H. Bog&rs. Worthies of England, Holy War, Holy State, etc.] (12) [William Laud, born 1573, Bp. of Bath and WeUs 1628, London same year, Chanc. of Univ. of Oxf. 1630, Abp. of ( lanterb. 1633, beheaded 1645. Remains, by Henry Wliarton, 2 vols. fol. 1695-1700. Works, in Lib. Angl. Cath. Theol., Oxf. 5 vols. 1847 sq. Life, by C. Webb Le Das, 1836 ; also by Ilcylin, 1668. Comp. Mozlexjs Essays, vol. i. 1878.] (13) Joseph Hall, born 1574, at Synod of Dort, Bp. of Exeter 1627, of Norwich 1641, died 1656. Meditations and Contemplations, principal work. Known as the " English Seneca." New ed. of works by Pratt, 1808, 10 vols.; by Peter Hull, 12 vols. 1837-1839.— .EW. Reynolds, born 1599, Bp. of Norwich 1660, died 1076. Works, fol. 1658, 1679 ; 6 vols. 1826, by Bivclaiji] (14) [George Ball, born 1034, Bp. of St. David's 1705, 462 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 225. died 1709. Harmonia Apostol. (Paul and James on Justifica- tion) 1670, transl. by Wilkinson 1801, Oxf. 1842. Defensio Fidei NicenEe, 1685; new transl. Oxf. 2 vols. 1851, 1852. Judicium Eccles. Cathol. ... de necessitate credendi quod. . . . Jesus Christus sit verus Deus, transl., York 1825 (for which Bossuet transmitted " the congratulations of the whole clergy of France"). Latin works, ed. Grabe, 1703. Works, ed. Burton, 8 vols. 1846. Latin works, transl. in Angl. Cath. Lib.] (15) [Jeremy Taylor, born 1613, sequestered 1642, Bp. of Down and Connor 1660, died 1667. Works collected by Heber, 15 vols., 3d ed. 1839 ; by Eden, 10 vols. : Liberty of Prophesying, Holy Living and Holy Dying, Life of Christ, Deus justificatus — on Original Sin, Eeal Presence, Dissua- sive from Popery, Piule of Conscience, etc. " Most eloquent of divines." — Coleridge. Biography, by B. A. Wilmott, 1847.] (16) [Isaac Barrow, born 1630, Master of Trinity Coll. Cambr. 1672, died 1677. Theol. works by Tillotson, 3 vols, fol. 1683, vol. iv. 1687 ; in 8 vols., Camb. 1830.] (17) [John Cosin, born 1594, Bp. of Durham 1663, died 1672. Works in Lib. Angl. Cath. Theol, Oxf. 5 vols. 1843- 1853.] (18) [John Bramhall, born 1593, Abp. of Armagh 1662, died 1663. Works, 5 vols., in Lib. Angl. Cath. Theol., Oxf. 1842-1845.] (19) [Edward Stilling fleet, born 1635, Dean of St. Paul's 1678, Bp. of Worcester 1689, died 1699. Works, 6 vols, fol., Lond. 1710. Origines Sacrge (1701, 1837). Orig. Britan., repr. 1842. — Daniel Waterland, born 1683, Archd. of Middlesex 1730, died 1740. Works, 11 vols, in 12, Oxf. 1823-1828, 6 vols. 1843 ; Life, by Bp. Van Mildert. Vindication of Christ's Divinity in reply to Clarke — History of Athanasian Creed — Importance of Doctrine of Trinity — Regeneration — Eucharist, etc. — Abp. King, born 1650, Bp. of Deny 1691, Abp. of Dublin 1702, died 1729. De Origine Mali, 1702 ; Origin of Evil, ed. by Edm. Law, 4th ed. 1758. — Peter Heylin,hom 1600, Prebend, of Westminst. 1631, died 1662. Theologia Veterum, on Apostles' Creed, fol. Lond. 1673. Hist, of Eef. of Ch. of Eng. 1674, 2 vols. 1849, by Bobertson, for Eccl. Hist. Soc, etc. — George Hickes, born 1642, Dean of Worcester, afterwards Nonjuring Bp. of Thetford § 225.] THEOLOGY IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 463 1694, died 1715. On Christ. Priesthood, 4th ed. 2 vols. Lib. Angl. Cath. Theol, Oxf. 1847. Order of Lord's Supper. His most learned work is his Thesaurus Grammatico-Criticus et Archreologicus Linguarum veterum Septentrionalium. — Gh. Leslie (Nonjuror), died 1772. Theol. Works, 2 vols. fol. 1721, 7 vols. Oxf. 1832. — John Johnson, vicar of Cranbrook, born 1662, died 1725 (a Nonjuror). The Unbloody Sacri- fice, 2 vols., in Oxf. Lib. 1847. Collect, of Eccl. Laws, 2 vols. 1720, Oxf. 1850, 1851; Discourses, etc. — William Wake, born 1657, Bp. of Lincoln 1705, Abp. of Canterb. 1716, died 1737. Expos, of Doct. of Church of England, and Defence, 1686. Authority of Christian Princes, and Appeal, 1697, 1698. Cornm. on Catechism. On Convocation, 1703 (most important of the works on this topic). Transl. of the Epistles of the Fathers. Sermons and Disc] (20) [William Beveridge, born 1638, Bp. of St. Asaph 1704, died 1708. Works by T. H. Home, 9 vols. 1824. Eng. Theol. Works, 10 vols. Oxf. 1844-1848 (vol. vii. con- tains the lost MS. Exposition of Art. 31—39, discovered by Piouth). On Thirty-nine Articles, Church Catechism, Codex Canonum, 2 vols. Oxf. 1848. Synodicon : Pandectre Canonum ab Eccles. Grac. recept., 2 vols, fol., Oxf. 1672-1682 ; Vindi- cation of same, 1679.] (21) [John Pearson, born 1612, Margaret Prof. Camb. 1661, Bp. of Chester 1673, died 1686. Exposition of the Creed, 3 ed. (last corrected by the author) fol. 1669; Burton's ed. 1847 ; Chevalliers, 1849. Minor Theol. Works, ed. Churton, 2 vols. Oxf. 1844. Vind. Epist. S.' Ignat, in Cotelerius, and in 2 vols. ed. Churton, Lib. Angl. Cath. Theol., Oxf. 1852.] (22) [Gilbert Burnet, born 1643, prof, in Glasgow 1669, Bp. of Salisbury 1689, died 1715. Expos, of XXXIX. Articles, 1699, fol. Hist. Eef. Ch. Engl., vol. i. 1679, vol. iL 1681, vol. iii. 1715 (the only work for which the English Parliament voted public thanks, with a request for its con- tinuation. Bossuet was employed upon a reply) ; 7 vols. Oxf. 1829 ; by Pocock, 4 vols. Oxf. (with annotations). Hist, of his own Times, posthumous, 1724-1734.] (23) [Robert Leighton, born 1613, principal of Univ. Edin- burgh, Abp. of Glasgow 1670-1674, died 1684. Exposition 464 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 225. of Creed. Theolog. Lectures (Prselect. Theol., Lond. 1808). '"'Comm. on 1st Peter. Works, by Pearson, 4 vols. 1830 ; by Webb, London, 7 vols. Coleridge spoke of the writings of Leighton " as the vibration of that tone (of Holy Scripture) yet lingering in the air."] (24) [John Bunyan, born 1628, died 1688. He wrote as many works as he lived years (60). Pilgrim's Progress (" the best Summa Theol. Evangelicse ever produced by a writer not miraculously inspired." — Coleridge. No book but the Bible, and the Imitation of Christ, has been translated into so many languages), original ed. repr. by Of or, 1849. Works, 2 vols. 1692, and often; 6 vols, by Mason, 1684; best ed. by Off or, 3 vols. 1853. (Doctrines of Law and Grace. Defence of Justif. by Faith. Life, by Southey, Offor, Philip, 1839, etc.)] (25) [Richard Baxter, horn 1615, minister at Kidderminster 1640, died 1691. He published 168 treatises. Practical Works, 4 vols. fol. 1707, 23 vols. 1830. Life, by Orme. Christian Ethics, Ecclesiastics, and Politics. Gildas Salvianus, the Pteformed Pastor. Eeformed Liturgy. Saints' Best. Call to the Unconverted. Dying Thoughts. — His theological system has been termed Baxterian, intermediate between Calvinism and Arminianism.] (26) [John Owen, the most eminent of the Independent divines, born 1616, died 1683. Works, by Russell, 21 vols. 1826, and Comm. on Heb., 7 vols.; new ed. by Goold, Edinb. 24 vols. Life, by Orme. Disc, concerning Holy Spirit. Dis- play of Arminianism. Saints' Perseverance. Vindicise Evan- gelicse (agst. Socinians). Justification by Eaith.] (27) [John Howe, born 1630, minister in London, died 1705. Works, 2 vols. fol. 1724, with Life, by Calamy ; 3 vols. 1848, ed. by Hewlett; by Hunt, 8 vols, (including posthumous works) 1810-1820. New ed. in 6 vols., by E. T. S. Life, by Rogers (new ed.), 1864. Living Temple (" a masterpiece of profound argumentation." — Williams. Part 2 contains Animad- versions on Spinoza). Blessedness of Eighteous. Work of Holy Spirit. Possibility of a Trinity in God. God's Prescience (" the most profound, most philosophical, and most valuable of his writings." — Robert Hall). The Redeemer's Dominion over the Invisible World.] (28) [Theophilus Gale, born 1628, died 1678. The Court § 225.] THEOLOGY IN ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND. 465 of the Gentiles, 1672 (the original of human literature from the Scriptures) ; Bk. 2 is on Divine Predetermination, a vin- dication of Calvinism.] (29) [Matthew Henry, born 1662,. minister at Chester and Hackney, died 1714. Exposition of Old and New Test, (from Romans to the end by other hands). Miscel. Works, with an Appendix on what Christ is made to Believers, by P. Henry, Lond. 1830.] (30) [Ralph Cudworth, boirn 161 7, educated at Cambridge, prof. Hebrew 1645, Preby. of Gloucester 1678, died 1688. The True Intellectual System of the Universe, fol. 1678; 2 vols. 4to, 1742 ; and Life by Birch, 1830 ; 3 vols. 1845, with transl. of Mosheim's notes ; True Notion of Lord's Supper, 1670, and often. Systema Intellectuals, ed. Mosheim, 2 vols, fob, Jen. 1733 ; 2 vols. 4to, Lugd. Bat. 1773. "The Latin transl. is greatly to be preferred." — Warburton. Paul Janet, Essai sur le m^diateur plastique de Cudworth, Paris I860.] (31) [Henry More, born 1614, died 1687. Theological Works, fob, Lond. 1708. (Mystery of Godliness. Mystery of Iniquity. Grounds of Certainty of Faith. Antidote against Idolatry.) Collection of Philosoph. Writings, 2 vols, fob, Lond. 1712. (On Atheism, Enthusiasm, Immortality, Epistol. ad Pi, Descartes, Conjectura Cabbalistica.) Discourses, Lond. 1692. Enchiridion Ethicum, Amst.. 1695. Divine Dialogues, Glasg. 1743. Opera, 3 vols, fob, Lond. 1675-1679.] (32) [John Norris of Bemerton, born 1657, died 1711 ; a Cambridge Platonist. Miscellanies, 2 ed. Lond. 1690. Theory and Regulation of Love, 1680. Disc, on Beatitudes, 4 vols. 1699 ff. Reason and Faith, 1697. Theory of Ideal World, 2 vols. 1701-1704 (his chief work on Basis of Malebranche).] (33) [John Smith of Cambridge, born 1618, died 1652. Select Discourses, 4to, 1660, often republished. — The Disc. on Prophecy was transl. by Le Clerc for his Commentary on the Prophets. The other Discourses are on True Way of attaining Divine Knowledge, Superstition, Atheism, Immor- tality, Existence and Nature of God, Legal and Evang. Righteousness. Excellence and Nobleness of True Peligion, etc. — Benjamin Whichcote, born 1610, prof. Div. King's College, died 1683. Discourses, 4 vols. — Nathaniel Culver- well (Culverel), died 1650 or 1651. An elegant and learned Hagiixb. Hist. Doct. II. 2 G 466 FOURTH PERIOD. THE AGE OF SYMBOLISM. [§ 225. Discourse of the Light of Nature (written in 1646). The Light of Nature, ed. by J. Brown, with Essay by Cairns, Eclinb. 1857. This remarkable work anticipated Cumberland's theory (1672) of independent morality; it is not noticed by Stewart, or Mackintosh, or Hallam.] (34) [John Milton, born 1608, Latin Secretary to Cromwell 1649, pub. Par. Lost, 1667, died 1674. Prose Works, by Toland, 3 vols, fol., Amst. 1697—1698 ; whole works, 8 vols. 1851, Lond. De Doctrina Christ, curav. C. B. Sumner, 1825, also translated. Life, by Keightlcy, 1855 ; D. Masson, Camb. 6 vols. 1859 ff.] (35) [William Chillingioorth, born 1602, became a Bom. Cath. through the influence of John Fisher, alias John Perse, but was brought back by Laud 1631, died 1644. Beligion of Protestants, 1638 ; 6th ed., with other works, 1704; 10th, fol., with memoir by Birch, 1742, frequently reprinted. Life, by M. Des Maizeaux, Lond. 1725. His Eeligion of Protestants was written in reply to Edward Knott's (real name Matthias Wilson, a Jesuit) Charity Mistaken. Tillotson calls C. " the glory of the age and nation." His great work also takes a position in contrast with Hooker's theory of the rightful authority of the national Church.] (36) [John Tillotson, born 1630, Dean of St. Paul's 1689, Abp. of Canterb. 1691, died 1694. Works (254 Discourses), 3 vols. fol. 1752 ; 12 vols. 1757 (Life, by Birch, publ. 1753).] (37) [Samuel Clarke, born 1675, rector of St. James', West- minster, 1709, died 1729. He aided in displacing the Car- tesian by the Newtonian system (ed. Bohault's Physics). Boyle Lectures, Demonstr. of Being and Attrib. of God, and Obligations of Nat. Eel., 2 vols. 1705, 1706. Script. Doctrine of Trinity, 1712 (provoked a long controversy: Waterland, Whitby, Nelson, Jackson, etc.). Collect, of Papers bet. C. and Leibnitz, 1717; on Collins on Liberty, 1 7 1 7 (in French by Des Maizeaux, 1720). Letter to Dodwell on Immortality, etc. Sermons. Works: Life, by Hoadley, 4 vols. fol. 1738.] END OF VOLUME II. 7 . and T. Clark's Publications. Iu Three Volumes, 8vo, price 31s. 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(Subscription price, nett), 15s. each. npHEO LOGICAL AND HOMILETICAL COMMENTARY x ON THE OLD AND NEW TESTAMENTS. Specially designed and adapted for the use of Ministers and Students. By Prof. John Peter Lange, D.D., in connection with a number of eminent European Divines. Translated, enlarged, and revised under the general editorship of Rev. Dr. Philip Schaff, assisted by leading Divines of the various Evangelical Denominations. OLD TESTAMENT— 14 VOLUMES. I. GENESIS. With a General Introduc- tion to the Old Testament. By Prof. J. P. Lange, D.D. Translated from the German, with Additions, by Prof. Tatleb Lewis, LL.D., and A. Gosman, D.D. II. EXODUS. By J. P. Lange, D.D. LEVITICUS. By J. P. Lange, D.D. With GENERAL INTRODUCTION by Rev. Dr. Osgood. III. NUMBERS AND DEUTERONOMY. NUMBERS. By Prof. J. P. Lange, D.D. DEUTERONOMY. By W. J. Schroeder. IV. JOSHUA. By Eev. F. E. Fay. JUDGES and RUTH. By Prof. Paulus Cassell, D.D. V. SAMUEL, I. and II. Erdmann, D.D. VI. KINGS. By Karl Chr. W. F. 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