XiMi '1754. j ICOlUMBlA^ 1893.1 UNIVERSITY h Press tftf 4 \<& LIBRARY OF THE University of California. Gl FT OF r.<5L/ 3d**AAJ&0Z Class tftf SIDON A STUDY IN ORIENTAL HISTORY BY FREDERICK CARL EI8ELEN Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy, in the Faculty of Philosophy Columbia University Nftu fork i00r IX 1) Tgfts /. Copyright 1907 By The Macmillan Company Set up and printed from the type Published, May, 1907 GRATEFULLY DEDICATED TO PROFESSOR RICHARD J. H. GOTTHEIL, Ph.D. TEACHER AND FRIEND 160781 NOTE The Mediterranean Sea is the natural meeting place of the various influences that have proceeded from three continents. The life of those cities that have taken a prominent part in developing the countries on its littoral must always be of interest to the student of history. Each city mirrors not only the general influences that were at work, but adds thereto its special quota of peculiar force. The role played by the Phoenicians, during the generations of their power and influence, as mediators be- tween conflicting interests gives to their history a certain attrac- tion. One of the chief centres of their power was the city of Sidon, and in the present volume of the Columbia University Oriental Series, Dr. F. C. Eiselen has studied the history of that city from the earliest times down to the present day. For this purpose he has gathered together the various references to be found regarding Sidon upon Assyrian and Egyptian monu- ments, in Hebrew literature, in the classical authors, in the records of pilgrims and in the historical works of Mohammedan writers. On account of the nature of the sources, his account of the life of the city must at times be disconnected. Future excavations will undoubtedly enrich our knowledge in regard to Sidon, and the discovery of ancient documents written by neighboring peoples will fill up many of the gaps. As far as our knowledge reaches at present, Dr. Eiselen has carefully brought together all that is to be found, and has laid down the general lines of development along which the city passed, first to its glory and then to its decline. Richard Gottheil. April, 1907. TABLE OF CONTENTS I. Preliminary Studies. 1. Topography of Sidon 1 2. The Name Sidon 10 3. Is Sidon Older than Tyre? 16 II. The Political History of Sidon. 1. The Founding of Sidon 27 2. History of Sidon to the Close of the Tel-el- Amarna Period 33 3. To the Destruction of Sidon by Esarhaddon.... 40 4. To the Destruction of Sidon by Artaxerxes Ochus 55 5. To the Beginning of the Crusades 68 6. The Period of the Crusades 82 7. To the Present Day 102 III. Colonies, Commerce and Industries 110 IV. The Religious History of Sidon 124 V. Antiquities and Inscriptions 138 Appendix I.— The Kings of Sidon 155 Appendix II.— The Coins of Sidon 157 Appendix III.— Antiquities from Sidon 164 I. PRELIMINARY STUDIES CHAPTER I TOPOGRAPHY OF SIDON In the wider sense the term Phoenicia was applied by the ancients to the whole territory extending along the eastern shore of the Mediterranean, from the Gulf of Issus, which separ- ates Cilicia from Syria, to the desert between Palestine and Egypt. 1 In a narrower sense it was used by the Greeks and Romans to designate a strip of the coast land, about 200 miles long and from two to fifteen miles wide. On the east this tract is bounded by the Lebanon Mountains, from which flow the streams that water the plain. The northern and southern limits are more difficult to determine, as they varied from time to time. Generally speaking, the territory extended from a few miles beyond the Eleutheros in the north, to Mount Carmel in the south, a little more than two degrees of latitude. The territory is mostly level, cut here and there by headlands which project into the Mediterranean; as a result, the long and narrow maritime plain may be conveniently divided into smaller sections, called, beginning from the south, after the principal cities located in them, the Plain of Acco, the Plain of Tyre, the Plain of Sidon, the Plain of Beyrut, etc. 3 Following this division, the Plain of Sidon may be reckoned from the Ras $arafand, a little north of Sarafand, 3 northward to the Ras-al-Jajunieh, a distance of about ten miles. 1 Pliny, Historia naturalis, IX, 12, calls the Mediterranean Sea from Cilicia to Egypt, Phcenicium mare. 2 Rawlinson, Hist, of Phoen., p. 6ff. 3 The Biblical Sarepta. 2 TOPOGRAPHY OF S1DON The plain itself is very narrow, hardly ever more than two miles in width; it is well watered and very fertile. The water is supplied chiefly by three streams, coming from the mountains immediately east of the plain, the Nahr-al-Auwaly in the north, just inside of the Ras-al-Jajunieh, the Nahr Senik, which flows into the Mediterranean immediately south of Sidon, and the Nahr-az-Zaherany, about two and a half miles north of Sarepta. The water supply is supplemented by several fountains, among them the Ain-al-Kanterah and the Ain-al-Burak 1 between Sarepta and the Nahr-az-Zaherany. With this abundant water supply irrigation of the less favored spots becomes quite easy, and it is practiced extensively. The result is everywhere abund- ant fertility and beauty, of which writers in all ages speak with much enthusiasm. In the latter part of the fifth century A.D. Achilles Tatius 2 describes a grove near Sidon, ' ' thickly planted with plane trees, through which flowed a stream of water, cold and transparent as that which proceeds from newly melted snow." The Arabic historians and geographers allude to it again and again. Idrisi, writing c. 1154, speaks of Sidon as surrounded by gardens and trees; 3 Yakut, c. 1225, states that there are large quantities of vegetables grown around the town ;* and Ibn Batuta, 1355, calls it "a town full of fruit trees." 6 Of more recent travelers Robinson writes: "The beauty of Sidon consists in its gardens and orchards of fruit trees, which fill the plain and extend to the foot of the adjacent hills The environs exhibit everywhere a luxuriant verdure, and the fruits of Sidon are reckoned among the finest in the country."" Similarly Porter: "The gardens and orchards of Sidon are 1 Renan, Mission de Phenicie, pp. 524, 665. 2 De Clitophontis et Leucippes amoribus, I, near beginning. 3 Nuzhat al-MuUdk, ed. Gildemeister, p. 15; translation of Jaubert, p. 354. 4 Mu'jam al-bulddn, ed. Wustenfeld, III, p. 439. 8 Tuhjat an-nuzzar, ed. Defremery and Sanguinetti, I, p. 131; cp. also John Poloner, Palestine Pilgrim Texts, Vol. VI, p. 29; Jacques de Vitry, P. P. T. f Vol. XI, C. 25; Burchard of Mt. Zion, P. P. T., Vol. XII, pp. 13, 14. Marino Sanuto, Book III, Part VI, C. 6. 8 Biblical Researches in Palestine, 2d edit., II, p. 479. THE PLAIN OF SIDON 3 charming. Oranges, lemons, citrons, bananas, and palms grow luxuriantly, and give the environs of the old city a look of eternal spring. Sidon is one of the few spots in Syria where nature's luxuriance has triumphed over neglect and ruin." 1 And Benzinger writes: "The magnificent gardens which form a broad belt around the town, especially on the north, are the pride of Sidon. Oranges and lemons are largely cultivated and exported; almonds and apricots, bananas and palms also grow here. ' n In this fertile plain stands the present town of Saida, in north- ern latitude 33° 34' 5", eastern longitude, from Greenwich, 35° 22' 34". 3 It is situated on the northwestern slope of a small promontory, which projects here, in a southwesterly direction, for a short distance into the sea. The modern town, which extends about 900 yards from northeast to southwest, and somewhat less than 500 yards from east to west, 4 stands close upon the shore. Evidently, after the Crusades, the few sur- vivors clustered around the principal harbor of the ancient town, which was north of the promontory, and there the new city grew up gradually. The city has two harbors, but only one, the one in the north, is now in use. Down to the seventeenth century A.D. it was a very excellent harbor, but in the early part of that century the Druse Emir Fakhr-addin, who sought to wrest Syria from the Turks, ordered it to be filled up in part, so as to prevent the landing of the Turkish fleet, 5 and at present only small boats can enter. The harbor is well protected in the west by a rocky island, which runs along the harbor about 250 yards. The north side is protected by a chain of small islands and reefs, which extend in a northeasterly direction about 600 yards. The present entrance is immediately west of the most easterly of these islands, which is connected with the city by a 1 The Giant Cities of Bashan, p. 275. 2 Badeker, Palestine and Syria, ed. 1898, p. 313. 3 Ritter, Geogr. und Stat. Lex., II, art. Saida, says 34° 22' 34". 4 According to the map in Badeker. 5 See below, p. 106. 4 TOPOGRAPHY OF SIDON bridge. 1 The result is a convenient harbor about 500 yards long and about 200 yards wide. The natural defenses in the west and north were strengthened in very early times by walls built of huge blocks along the reefs and islets, remains of which fortifi- cations may still be seen. 2 The modern bridge connecting the island in the north with the city may have been preceded in antiquity, before the time of Alexander the Great, 3 by a strong wall. 4 Toward the south is a second harbor, even larger than the first, which extends about 600 yards from north to south, and nearly 400 yards from east to west. It is surrounded by the mainland on the north, south, and east, and is open for a space of about 200 yards toward the west. This harbor has a long stretch of sandy shore, and hence was a favorite landing place in very ancient times, when it was customary to draw the vessels upon the shore when night came. This second harbor can be used no longer, for it is completely filled with sand. It is not improbable that at one time the two harbors were connected so that vessels could pass from one to the other. 5 Upon the island in the north are the ruins of a medieval castle, built, in the thirteenth century A.D., 6 of large blocks, which in 1 Gustav Hanel says that on this bridge the men of Sidon spend their even- ings, smoking; Z. D. M. G., IV, 326. 1 Renan, Miss., plan LXVII. 3 Scylax, who belongs to the period preceding Alexander, calls the harbor of Sidon a "closed harbor;" Peri-plus, ed. Hudson, p. 42. *But see note 5. 5 Achilles Tatius, I, 1; Scylax, Peripl., p. 42. Pietschmann holds — p. 54ff . — that the so-called southern or Egyptian harbor was never in use. He looks for the second or outer harbor of which Achilles Tatius speaks in the small bay between the island upon which stands KaV at-al-Bahr and the main- land in the north. The ancient entrance to the harbor he locates east of the island, and he thinks that there was a passage between the island and the mainland, connecting the two harbors. There is much to be said in favor of this view; but additional investigation is needed to decide the question. * "The part of the fortifications of Saida called Kalaat el Bahar, or 'castle of the sea,' is the only work which we can consider with certainty a con- temporaneous monument of the Sajette of the Crusades. Yet this castle dates only from the commencement of the thirteenth century. It was built during THE HARBORS AND THE CITY 5 more ancient times belonged to another structure. The highest portion of the modern town is in the southeast, where stands the KaVat-al-Mu'ezzeh, the ruins of a citadel said by some 1 to have been built by Louis IX. On the land side the town is enclosed by a wall which runs across the promontory from sea to sea. The city itself contains few attractions and few marks of high antiquity. The streets are narrow, dirty, and crooked, like those of most Oriental towns. Some of the houses are large and well built of stone; especially those along the eastern wall are distinguished for their height and size ; these are built directly on the line of the wall, and constitute a part of it. Within the town are nine mosques, the largest of which, J 'ami' -al-Kabir , in the western part of the town, was formerly a church of the Knights of St. John. In the open space south of this mosque stood the palace of Fakhr-addin. It is now occupied by a Moslem school. Several hundred yards to the northeast stands the mosque of Abtt Nakleh, formerly a church of St. Michael; a little farther in the same direction is the Khdn Frans&wi, a magnificent structure erected by Fakhr-addin. 2 The town con- tains five other large Khans. 3 One of the most interesting places outside of the modern town is the ancient necropolis, in which was found in 1855 the sarcoph- agus of Esmunazar. It is located near a place called Magharet Abltin, i.e., cavern of Apollo, about 1100 yards southeast of the Acco gate, which is in the southeast corner of the city wall. 4 Another ancient necropolis has been unearthed east of the city, about 1650 yards from the sea, near al-Hdldliyeh. Immediately west of this village, in a small place called Ayaa, in size about 110 by 275 yards, were discovered in 1887 a number of Greek and Phoenician sarcophagi. 5 Neither of these burial places goes back to a very early period of Phoenician history; indeed, the winter of 1227 to 1228"; Rey, Etude sur les monuments de V architecture militaire des croises, p. 153; see below, p. 94. 1 Pococke, Description of the East and some other Countries, II, 1, p. 87. 2 Below, p. 105. 3 See below, p. 109. * Below, p. 138. * Below, pp. 138, 139ff. 6 TOPOGRAPHY OF SIDON it is certain that none of the antiquities found there point to a period earlier than the sixth century B.C., 1 and perhaps even later; 2 hence we may hope to discover, at some future time, a necropolis belonging to a more ancient period. A few interesting places near the present town may be noted because of their connection with the past. Between the city and the necropolis in the south is the Wely Neby Seidtin, called by the Jews the tomb of Zebulon. In the Arabic name of this place the name of the ancient city has been preserved more accurately than in that of the modern town. Beyond the necropolis is a grotto, now a chapel of St. Mary, which in ancient times may have been a sanctuary of Astart. About half a mile farther south, near the village Maghduseh, is a cavern called Magharet-al-Makdtira, which may have served similar purposes. The site of another Phoenician temple is marked by the Maronite chapel of Mdr Elyds, southeast of the city. 3 In the neighbor- hood of the town are several modern cemeteries; the largest of these is a Mohammedan burying place in the east. An ancient aqueduct approaches the city from the same direction; beyond the gardens it turns northward, and later again toward the east. By means of this aqueduct drinking water was brought into the city from the springs on the hills beyond the plain. 4 Whoever attempts to determine the topography of the ancient city encounters serious obstacles, which arise chiefly from the fact that the present town is not the direct continuation of the ancient Sidon. 5 The history of the former begins at the close of the period of the Crusades; and the topographical data supplied by earlier writers are very few. The excavations also, which thus far have been confined very largely to the burying places, have yielded little information. However, there can be no doubt 1 Renan, Mission, p. 414; cp. 503, 504. 2 Below, p. 148ff. 3 Perhaps a temple of Esmun ; see below, p. 8, n. 5. 4 Z. D. M. (?., VII, 39; cp. Renan, pi. LXVI. 5 Renan says, p. 362, "Until the discovery of the great necropolis situated near Magharet Abl&n, in 1855, we could say that the ancient Sidon, mother of Canaan, had completely disappeared." Volney, Voyage en Syrie et enEgypte, II, p. 191, calls the present town a "degenerate offspring of ancient Sidon." THE ENVIRONS OF SIDON 7 that the ancient city was much more extensive than the modern \ town. In the first place, the antiquities unearthed by excavators have been found, not in the town, but in the gardens surrounding it, an indication that these gardens flourish upon ancient ruins. Then, there has been discovered, running in a southerly direction from Sidon, a series of Roman milestones, erected in 198 A.D. 1 The first of these, which marks the beginning of the measurements, and so probably the centre of the city at the time, stands 730 metres east of the eastern wall of the present town. 2 We may further assume that the necropolis in the south was immediately outside of the city wall ; the same seems to be true of the necrop- olis in the east. If so, the territory between the latter and the present town must have been a part of the ancient city. If a necropolis could be located in the north, the extent of the ancient city in that direction also might be determined. What the future may bring forth it is impossible to say; it is not probable, however, that it will reveal a necropolis in the north. On the other hand, recent excavations have shown that the ancient city did extend much farther toward the north than the modern town; indeed, as far as the Nahr-al-Auwaly. 3 On the southern banks of this river have been unearthed the ruins of a temple of E§mun, which was undoubtedly within the city proper. The place where these ruins have been found is a little more than 1000 yards from the mouth of the river, c. 2900 yards north- northeast of the northern gate of the present town, c. 2500 yards from the southern limit of the necropolis of Ayaa, c. 4400 yards from the tomb of Esmunazar, and c. 1200 yards north of the village of al-Beramieh, where several anthropoid sarcophagi have been discovered. 4 The walls of the temple itself form a rectangular enclosure, about 197 feet from east to west, 144£ feet from north to south. 5 The presence of a temple of Esmun in this place is in y 1 Renan, p. 374ff. ; cp. Quarterly Statement of Palestine Exploration Fund, 1874, p. 199. J Renan, p. 362. 3 Cp. Dionysius, Orbis descriptio, 912, 913. 4 Berger, in Mem. de VAcad. des inscr. et belles lettres, XXXVII, 268, 269; cp. Renan, pi. LXVI, No. 4. 5 P. E. F., 1903. p. 180. 8 TOPOGRAPHY OF SIDON itself an evidence that the ancient city extended at one time to the banks of the Nahr-al-Auwaly. In the ruins of this temple have been found numerous inscriptions of Bod-astart, v king of the Sidonians, 1 the contents of which point in the same direction. It is true that there is still much uncertainty concerning the reading of some parts of these inscriptions; but nearly all scholars agree that the king mentions in them several distinct sections of the city of Sidon. 2 C. C. Torrey thinks 3 that Bod-astart means to distinguish between three separate quarters. The principal district, D* ]1)£, Sidon by the sea, covering approximately the site of the present town; 4 the second, Df21 DDK', High Heavens, denoting the extension toward the heights just back of Sidon, including a strip of hill country extending as far north- ward as the city itself extended; 5 the third, ^|KH JHN, the district of Reseph, the quarter, in the nature of a suburb, extend- ing toward the north and northeast as far as the Nahr-al-Auwaly. Of the different interpretations of this part of the inscriptions, that of Torrey is the most simple, and at the same time the most satisfactory, and surely there is nothing improbable in it. Why might not a city of antiquity, as prominent and prosperous as was Sidon for many centuries, have extended for several miles along the coast of the sea? The inscriptions of Bod Astart and Esmunazar do not take us beyond the third century, or the last years of the fourth century B.C., 6 but what is true of the extent of the city rebuilt after the destruction of Sidon by Artaxerxes Ochus, 7 is true also of the 1 See below, p. 143. J For a more detailed discussion of these inscriptions see below, p. 143ff. 3 J. A.O. S., XXIII, p. 156ff. * Cp. Esmunazar Inscr., II. 16, 18, D" 1 p* |"Wi Sidon, the district of the sea; also C. I. S., I, No. 4, I. 5, as restored by Torrey, p. 170; see also Z. D. M. G., XIX, p. 537, D" 1 y~M, the district of the sea. 1 Cp. Esmunazar Inscr., II. 16, 17, DT1N ODt?, to which a similar meaning may be given. Clermont-Ganneau locates DD1 DOP in the northeast toward the temple of Esmun, OT1K DOt? in the southeast toward the modern Mar Ely&s; Rec. d'arch. orient., V, pp. 298, 299. 8 Below, p. 15L 7 Below, p. 65ff. EXTENT OF THE ANCIENT CITY 9 city which became thesuccessor of "Esarhaddonsburg." 1 On the other hand, a very important section of the city destroyed by Esarhaddon seems to have been situated upon an island, 2 for he calls himself "the conqueror of Sidon, which is in the midst of the sea, the overthrower of its dwellings; its walls and its houses I tore down and threw them in the sea, and destroyed its site." 3 This island may have contained the palace of the king and fortifications of various kinds; 4 but the limited area of the islands, even of the largest, or of all the islands combined, makes it impossible to believe that in the days of Esarhaddon the entire city of Sidon, which at that time was an important com- mercial centre and had been such for centuries, was located upon these islands. There was, as in the case of Tyre, a city upon the mainland. How far inland and how far north and south this city extended it is difficult to say, and cannot be determined until further excavations throw additional light upon the early history of the city; nevertheless, it cannot be doubted that it was a city of considerable size in the days of Esarhaddon. This distinction between the island Sidon and the mainland Sidon is suggested in the inscription of Sennacherib quoted below. 5 Nothing is known concerning the topography of the city during the earlier period. 8 1 Or "fortress of Esarhaddon," Kar-Aiur-ahe-iddin-na; below, p. 53. 3 Which one it may be impossible to say ; perhaps the rocky island facing the northern harbor. If at one time the rocky peninsula facing the southern harbor was an island it also may have contained some of the buildings. ' For the full account see below, p. 53. * Remains of fortifications are seen on several of the islands bordering the harbor of Sidon. • See below, p. 51. Cp. also Josh. 11 : 8; 19 : 28. ' But see chapters II, III, and Division II, chapter I. 10 THE NAME SIDON CHAPTER II THE NAME SIDON The city whose history is sketched in the succeeding chapters bears in the Phoenician inscriptions the name pV; 1 in the Old Testament, with the vowel letters, flT^ 2 or p'¥; 3 in the Assyrian inscriptions, including the Tel-el-Amarna tablets, Si-du-un-nu* or Si-du-nu, 5 or Zi-du-naf once, in a letter addressed by the Pharaoh to Aziru, Zi-tu-na. 1 The Greek writers reproduce this by ZtdtAv, the Latin by Sidon and Sidonia. The Arabic name of the modern town is ! J^yo. According to the mythological notions of the Phoenicians as preserved by later writers, this name is derived from the proper nouns Sidos or Side, the names of ancient mythological figures. Eustathius declares 8 that Sidon was built by Belus 9 and named after his daughter Side. A variation of this myth is preserved by several Greek writers. They displace Side by Sidos, the •son of iEgyptos, who is said to have built Sidon and named it after Sidos. 10 This latter explanation resembles somewhat the Biblical tradition, "And Canaan begot Sidon, his firstborn/' 11 which connects the city and its name with an individual named Sidon. 12 These mythological attempts to furnish an etymology of the city-name Sidon cannot be accepted as correct; and as a matter 1 E.g., the Inscription of Bod-A§tart, 11. 2, 3; see below, p. 144. 2 Jdg. 10 : 6; 2 S. 24 : 6, etc. 8 Gen. 49 : 13; 1 Chr. 1 : 13. 4 Taylor Cyl., II, 35. 6 B. 48, I. 71. B B. 54, I. 21. 7 B. 92, I. 12. This peculiar spelling is due undoubtedly to the fact that the writer was not a Semite. 8 Com. on Dionys., 912, 913. • Cp. Virgil, An., I, 619-622. 10 Malala, Chron., ed. Dindorf, p. 58; Glycas, Annal., ed. Bekker, p. 255; Joel, Chronogr. comp., ed. Bekker, p. 8. 11 Gen. 10 : 15. « Cp. Josephus, Ant., I, 6, 2. POPULAR ETYMOLOGIES 11 of fact, from very early times it has become customary to give an entirely different explanation of the word. Justin declares 1 that Sidon is named for the abundance of fish, ' ' for the Phoeni- cians call the fish sidon. ' ' Following this etymology, the name should be translated "fish," or perhaps better, "fishing" or ""fish-town." 2 Since the days of Justin this explanation has been repeated over and over again, until very few think it worth while to inquire whether or not the traditional etymology is correct, 3 and it is only within very recent times that doubts have been raised. 4 In discussing the question, the following noteworthy facts should be borne in mind: (1) The earliest reference to this etymology is in the writings of Justin, i.e., not earlier than the first century A.D., and perhaps as late as the fourth century. This means that enough time had elapsed since the founding of the city to make possible the substitution of a fanciful interpretation for the right one, which had been for- gotten in the course of the centuries. (2) There is an inaccuracy in Justin's etymology. His words are, ' ' nam piscem Phcenices sidon appellant, ' ' but p¥ does not mean fish in Phoenician. Can the testimony of a writer whose knowledge of the Phoenician language was so limited be accepted as conclusive? (3) It is a well-known fact that the ancients indulged their fancies in supplying etymologies for names of places and persons. 5 (4) Many ancient Semitic place or tribal names are closely con- nected with names of deities. 6 But the question of correctness or incorrectness once raised, the popular etymology is seen to be not without difficulties. 1 Historice Philippicce, XVIII, 3; cp. also Isidorus Hispaniensis, Etymologic, XV, I, 28. 2 Cp. Beth-saida, Matt. 11 : 21 ; Mk. 6 : 45, etc. 8 Movers accepts the above given etymology, but, it would seem, with some misgivings; Die Phonizier, II, 1, p. 86, n. 8. 4 Winckler, AUorientalische Forschungen, I, p. 436 ; Ed. Meyer, in Encyc. Bibl., art. Sidon; Clermont-Ganneau, Recueil d'archeologie orientale, I, p. 190. 5 One need but mention a few illustrations from the Old Testament, e.g., Babel, Gen. 11:9; Jacob, Gen. 25 : 26 ; etc. Cp. Gunkel, The Legends of Genesis, p. 27. 8 Cp. Asur, Gad, Edom, etc. 12 THE NAME SIDON (1) The root 11¥, to which p¥, if interpreted "fishing" or ' ' fish-town, ' ' must be traced, means in Hebrew to hunt animals: or birds, and in this sense it is used literally and figuratively; nowhere in the Old Testament is it used with the meaning to fish. The same is true in Assyrian. 1 Only in Aramaic has the root the meaning to fish. This being the case, the history of the Semitic languages would favor the conclusion that the Hebrew and the Assyrian have preserved the original meaning of the root, and that the Aramaic marks a later development. If so r it is only natural to assume that in early Phoenician also the root had the meaning to hunt. If this assumption is correct, as it seems to be, p¥ cannot be derived from T)¥ with the meaning ' ' fish " or " fishing ' ' or " fish-town. " At a later time, when Aramaic had taken the place of Hebrew as the language of the people, and was therefore known more widely, it was quite easy to connect the name of a city whose inhabitants were fishermen with the verb "Il¥, meaning at that time to fish, and thus supply an etymology unwarranted by usage at an earlier period. (2) To this objection Winckler adds another/ If the popular etymology is correct, the city should have a name that might be interpreted like Beth-saida, "house of fishing" or ' ' place of fishing ' ' ; but to express this idea the Semitic languages prefer a different formation. We would expect a word with the prefix D, T¥D, or something similar, but not a noun ending in \\ s These considerations cast enough doubt on the commonly received interpretation to raise the question, whether or not a more satisfactory etymology can be found. To the present writer it seems that this question must be answered in the affirma- tive, and that the right solution is offered by the Phoenician religion. There was in the Phoenician pantheon a deity "TV, 1 Delitzsch, Ass. Handworterbuch, "P¥; in Arabic the verb is used in some of the stems with the meaning to fish; but the primary meaning in that language also is to hunt; Wahrmund, Handworterbuch, under root Juyd. ' Altorientalische Forschungen, I, p. 437. 3 Cp. Gesenius-Kautzsch, Hebrew Grammar, translated by Collins and Cowley, 86b. SIDON THE CITY OF SID 13 Though we have no means of determining the proper pronun- ciation of this name, there is nothing to make it improbable that it was pronounced "TV or ""!¥• True, there are no traces of the worship of this deity in Sidon, but it occurs as an element in Phoenician proper names in the place where one would expect the name of a deity, 1 and it is found in the combinations JTIp'WlV 2 and DJmV, 3 where again it can be explained only as a divine name; and there can be no doubt that "IV denotes a deity worshiped independently at one time by the Phoenicians. But how can this god be connected with pV ? Nowhere, appa- rently, does he appear as a deity of prominence. The chief deities of Sidon were HID^ and JO^N. 4 The former is a deity found in some form in all Semitic religions, 5 the latter is peculiar to the Phoenicians, though he also may have his counterpart in the Babylonian-Assyrian pantheon. 8 "IV is found nowhere outside of Phoenicia and the Phoenician "col- onies," and there is nothing to indicate that in origin he is a Semitic deity. This being so, may we not assume that he, and perhaps other deities whose names may yet be discovered, is an inheritance from the pre-Phoenician inhabitants of the Mediterranean coast? 7 There are in the Sidonian pantheon deities adopted from Babylonia-Assyria, from Egypt, from Greece; 8 is there anything more natural than that we should find also some who were taken over from the predecessors of the Phoenicians along the Mediterranean coast? On the site of the later Phoenician city of Sidon, or perhaps, more accurately, upon an island facing the promontory on which the present town is situated, the Phoenicians may have found on their arrival a sanctuary dedicated to IV, and a set- tlement whose tutelary deity was "IV, and which was named in honor of its deity j(l)*lV — belonging to "TV = city of IV. 9 It 1 C. I. S., 1, 102a, 292. 2 C. I. S., I, 256. 3 C. I. S., I, 247-249. * See below, p. 126. 5 See below, p. 127 . • See below, p. 126. 7 See below, p. 30. 8 See below, p. 126. 9 Gesenius-Kautzsch, Hebrew Grammar, 86g. 14 THE NAME SIDON is not improbable that there had grown up also on the opposite shore a village or town which, even in that early period, bore the same name. 1 That "!X is mentioned so few times may be due either to the fact that comparatively few inscriptions have been found, or,, as seems more probable, to the fact that in time the non-Semitic deity was swallowed up by one or, as different sections preferred different deities, by several Semitic deities brought into the land by the Phoenicians. 2 At any rate, at a later time the connection of p¥ with "l¥ was forgotten, and popular fancy was appealed to to supply a suitable etymology. It is this etymology that is found in the traditions mentioned. This etymology also may be responsible for the introduction of between the first two radicals in the Hebrew form of the name. From this fuller form with * is derived the Arabic name of the modern town !Joyo, as well as the name given to the city by the Occidental pilgrims and writers of the Middle Ages, Sageta, or Sagitta, or Sajetta, or Sajette, etc. There is undoubt- edly some connection also between the name Sagitta and the Latin sagitta = arrow. The latter appears to have been the emblem of Sidon during the Crusades, for the coins of the Crusaders struck in Sidon bear the representation of this emblematic arrow. 3 The use of the name p¥ and the gentilic name \3"T¥, pL UYV£, is not confined to the city or to the inhabitants of the city. In a wider sense they are applied frequently to large portions of Phoenicia, and sometimes to the whole of Phoenicia and its inhabitants. 4 A comparison of p¥= /Sidon with ")V=7 7 yre raises the interesting question why in the one case the emphatic sibilant has been retained, while in the other it has been transformed into a dental. The change must have been introduced by the Greeks,. 1 See further the next chapter. 1 The transfer of the supremacy in the Babylonian pantheon to Marduk is similar in principle. 3 Rec. d'arch. or., Ill, p. 131. ' See further next chapter SIDON AND TYRE 15 from whom it passed to the Latin writers of the classical period; the old Latin has preserved the S in the noun Sarra (Tyre), and in the adjective sarranus. The reason for this may have been that the Sidonians came frequently into contact with the Greeks, 1 so that the latter heard from the lips of the former the proper pronunciation of the name Sidon. The same may not have been true of Tyre, which is first mentioned by Herodotus, and it is not impossible that he became familiar with the name in Egypt; at any rate, the Greek T6p<>$ corresponds to the Egyp- tian reproduction of *1¥, so that the perverted form of the name may have come into Greece by way of Egypt. 2 1 See below, p. 64. 2 Krall, Tyros und Sidon, in Sitzungsberichte der philosophischen-historischen Klasse der kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, Vol. 116, pp. 692-694. The Arabic historian Yakut, c. 1225, has left a note that by some the city was called Irbil (I, 189). The origin of this designation is unknown, but the name may be compared with the Assyrian Arba-ilu, the name of one of the cities in which Istar was worshiped. As AStart corre- sponds to Istar, so Irbil, the city of Astart, would correspond to Arba-ilu, the city of Istar. With this may be compared px = ]1'N in Am. 1 : 5, which may be the same as the name of the Egyptian city }iN in Gen. 41 : 45, 50; 46 : 20; see Eiselen, Commentary on the Minor Prophets, New York, 1907, on Am. 1 : 5. 16 IS SIDON OLDER THAN TYRE ? CHAPTER III IS SIDON OLDER THAN TYRE? It has been customary to look upon Sidon as the oldest city of Phoenicia, 1 or at least of the southern portion of Phoenicia. 2 The statements of Strabo 3 and others, that Tyre is the oldest city of the Phoenicians, and of Herodotus, 4 placing the founding of Tyre at about 2750 B.C., have been harmonized with this view by assuming that these traditions refer, not to the founding of the city, but to the fiist appearance of men upon the site of the later Tyre. Support for this explanation has been found in the statements of Josephus, 5 that Tyre was built 240 years before the building of the Temple, and of Justin, 6 that Tyre was founded by the Sidonians, which have been interpreted of a second ' ' founding, ' ' thought to mark the origin of Tyre as a city. 7 ' ' The first settlement upon the island Tyre," says Movers, "was, according to a definite statement, 8 a depot for merchandise, and therefore had a purpose and character entirely different from that of the settlement made by the Sidonians in connection with the Philistian War. Mythology also knows Tyre at first as a sanctuary and only later as a city, and distinguishes thus a twofold founding. According to Herodotus also, the Tyrian priests .... date the interval of 2300 years not from the building of the city, but from the time when the island was first inhabited." 9 1 Rawlinson, The Story of Phoenicia, p. 46. 2 Movers, Die Phbnizier, II, 1, p. 257. 3 XVI, 2, 22 ; cp. Dionysius, Orbis descriptio, 91 1 ; Virgil, Mn., IV, 670 ; Curtius, Historia Alexandri Magni, IV, 4, 19. 4 Historia, II, 44. 5 Ant., VIII, 3, 1. 6 Historiae Philippicae, XVIII, 3. 7 Movers, II, 1, pp. 118ff., 166ff. 8 Pomponius Sabinus, ad. Mn., I, 12. "Phcenices condiderunt Tyrum in mari propter merces, primi mortalium negotiatores in marina alea. » IT, 1, p. 169. SIDON THE OLDEST CITY OF PHOENICIA 17 This quotation from Movers expresses accurately the view held until quite recently by practically all historians, that the city of Sidon is older than the city of Tyre; indeed, that it is the oldest city in southern Phoenicia. The arguments in favor of this view are chiefly twofold: 1. The mention in the Old Testament of Sidon as the firstborn of Canaan. 1 2. The peculiar usage of the terms Sidon and Sidonians in the Old Testament and in Greek writings. To these may be added, though of secondary importance: 3. The statements of Justin and Josephus, already alluded to, and 4. The contention found on Sidonian coins that Sidon is the metropolis (literally, the mother) of Tyre. 2 The mention of Sidon as the firstborn of Canaan may be con- sidered first. As long as Gen. 1-11 could be regarded as his- torically and scientifically accurate documents, as long as it was thought that Gen. 10 gave a truly scientific view of the distribu- tion of the human race, written in the fifteenth century B.C., 3 the statement in Gen. 10 : 15 could be considered as conclusive. But the modern view, which considers the chapter the product of a much later age, reflecting the geographical relation of the nations around the Mediterranean at the time of its writing, robs the statement of much of its value for the earlier period. All that can be inferred from the statement is that in the days of the author the city or state of Sidon 4 occupied, in the thought of the author, a more prominent position than any of the other sons of Canaan named in vv. 15-20; but this falls far short of establishing the claim that the city Sidon was the oldest city in Phoenicia. The second argument rests upon the usage of the terms Sidon and Sidonians. Here it must be admitted that in individual cases it is not always easy to determine the exact force of the 1 Gen. 10 : 15; cp. Josephus, Ant., I, 6, 2. 2 Gesenius, Monumenta, p. 264ff. ; Schroder, Die phon. Sprache, p. 275; Muller, Vier sidonische Milnzen, in Sitzungs-Berichte der Wiener Akademie der Wissenschaften, XXXV, pp. 33-50. 3 Movers, Die Phonizier, II, 1, p. 89; cp. p. 257. * See below. 18 IS SIDON OLDER THAN TYRE? two terms. However, there can be no doubt that the words are used both in a narrow sense, of the city itself and its inhabi- tants, and in a wider sense, including other portions of Phoenicia and their inhabitants. This usage of the names in the wider sense, it is pointed out, is very early, 1 and therefore indicates the presence in remote antiquity of an historical situation in which Sidon was powerful enough to impose her rule and her name upon large districts outside of the city. Now, since in some cases the terms seem to include Tyre and the Tyrians, and since the city of Tyre is not mentioned until a much later period, 2 the usage clearly shows that the superiority in the beginning was with Sidon. The case becomes even stronger, the argument continues, and the greater antiquity of Sidon is placed beyond doubt when it is seen that the term Sidonian is practically equivalent to Phoenician. In the Old Testament the terms Sidon and Sidonians occur in thirty-eight passages. 3 Of these only few refer to the city, 4 and of these probably not one is older than the seventh century B.C., when the city did occupy a prominent place; but testi- mony concerning the condition of the city in the seventh century and later is of little or of no value for a period a thousand years or more earlier. Indeed, it would seem that not until the time of the Chronicler 5 did the term Sidonian come to be restricted to the inhabitants of the city; before that time it was equivalent to Phoenician. 6 To denote the inhabitants of the city the phrase p¥ *3SW was used. 7 1 Again Biblical passages assumed to be very early form the principal argu- ment. 3 The earliest passage, according to this view, is 2 S. 5 : 11. 3 Gen. 10 : 15, 19; 49 :13;Dt. 3 : 9; Josh. 11 :8;13 :4,6;19 :28;Jdg. 1 : 31; 3:3; 10 : 6, 12; 18 :7 (twice); 18 :28; 2 S. 24 : 6; 1 K. 5 : 20; 11 : 1,5, 33; 16 :31; 17 :9;2K. 23 : 13; Is. 23 : 2, 4, 12; Jer. 25 : 22; 27 : 3; 47 : 4; Ez. 27 : 8; 28 :21,22; 32 : 30; Joel 4 :4;Zech.9 : 2; 1 Chr. 1 : 13; 22 : 4; Ezra 3 : 7. 4 Josh. 11 :8;19 :28;Jdg. 1 : 31; Is. 23 : 2, 4, 12; Jer. 25 :22;27 :3;47 :4; Ez.27 :8;28 : 21, 22; 32 : 30; Joel 4 :4;Zech.9 : 2; 1 Chr. 22 : 4; Ezra 3 : 7. »1 Chr. 22 : 4; Ezra 3 : 7. •Jdg. 10 : 12; 18 :7; 1 K. 11 : 1,5, 33; 16 :31;2 K. 23 : 13; Ez. 32, 30, cp. also C. I. S., I, 5. 7 Jdg. 1, 31; Ez. 27 : 8. On the whole, the references in the historical SIDON AND SIDONIAN 19 Homer is another writer who uses the words very frequently, if not exclusively, with the wider meaning. In II. VI, 290, "Sidonian women" is undoubtedly equivalent to Phoenician women; 1 in 11. XXIII, 743, 744, Sidonian and Phoenician occur in parallel lines, and are to be understood as synonyms. Od., IV, 617, 618, mention Phsedimus, king of the Sidonians. 2 On first sight Od., XIII, 285, appears to refer to the city, but an ancient scholion on this passage reads Ztdovt-rjv, r^ t?;? ZiS&vos xupav, ttjv oZwf; Hesychius, Lexicon, s.v. 'Li66viol ! TESTIMONY OF ANTIQUITY 21 the contemporaneous records of foreign nations for reliable in- formation concerning early events. The early Egyptian records mentioning Tyre and Sidon by name are very few, but what weight they do have they cast in the balance against the greater antiquity of Sidon and its early political preeminence over Tyre. This is admitted even by Meltzer, who still adheres to the common view. ''It must be noted," says he, 1 "that the Egyptian sources, so far as they are known to us, have yielded up to the present no support whatever for the theory indicated. 2 If one would draw inferences from their remarks concerning political preeminence, he must conclude that Arados occupied first place; then perhaps Tyre. Byblos is not even mentioned by name. Sidon is also mentioned only occasionally, and then without reference to the political situation. ' ' The first mention of Sidon appears in Papyrus Anastasi I, of the thirteenth century B.C., which describes the voyage of an Egyptian into Syria, Phoenicia and Palestine. In this narrative Sidon is cited incidentally along with several other cities which, it would seem, the writer considered of little interest to the reader. More attention is given to Tyre, of which he says that it is a "city in the sea, harbor-Tyre is her name. Water is brought to her in ships. She has greater abundance of fish than of sand. ' ' 3 Some think that these words imply the exist- ence of both the mainland Tyre and the island Tyre. 4 There are two other early records mentioning Tyre, while Sidon does not occur again. Seti I (1313-1292) names Tyre among his conquests, and on the reverse side of Papyrus Anastasi HI, dated in the third year of Merneptah, mention is made of a letter addressed to the king of Tyre. The names of the Phoeni- cian cities in the north are found more frequently; hence Krall 1 Geschichte der Karthager, I, p. 20. 2 The theory stated in the beginning of this chapter. 3 W. M. Miiller, Asien und Europa, p. 185. 4 So. Krall, Tyros und Sidon, p. 637. It is questioned by Jeremias, Tijrus bis zur Zeit Nebukadnezars, p. 13. 22 IS SIDON OLDER THAN TYRE? seems justified in saying: "Judging from the Egyptian inscrip- tions, the most important Phoenician cities of this period — of the Thutmosites — are the north-Phoenician cities Byblos and Arados. The existence of Tyre cannot be established with certainty from the inscriptions belonging to the period of the Thutmosites. On the other hand, under the Ramessides, and that as early as Seti I, it stands out prominently; in the time of Merneptah is men- tioned a king of Tyre whose territory was hardly limited to the city of Tyre itself. As early as the time of the Ramessides existed the so-called island Tyrus by the side of Palsetyrus. As compared with Tyre, the other Phoenician cities occupy a second- ary position. Finally, the city of Sidon plays no role whatever in the Egyptian inscriptions. Only once — if the middle group is rightly restored 1 — is she named in the Papyrus Anastasi I, of the period of the Ramessides. Of a powerful position of Sidon, even in the period of the Ramessides, it is not possible to speak on the basis of the results obtained thus far. It must belong after 1200 B.C.; how much later other sources must teach us. ' ' 2 In the same direction points the testimony of the Tel-el- Amarna tablets. The collection contains two letters written by Zimrida, king of Sidon. 3 In several other letters — seven written by Rib-addi, king of Gebal, 4 seven by Abi-milki, of Tyre, 5 one by Abd-asirta, the governor of the land of the Amorites, 6 and one by the Pharaoh, addressed to Aziru, the son of Abd-asirta 7 — Sidon is accused of treachery against Egypt and her loyal vassals. In these letters also, reflecting conditions about the year 1400 B.C., there is not the slightest indication of the political superiority of 1 Of the sign group denoting the city. 2 Tyrus und Sidon, pp. 641, 642. This conclusion of Krall is accepted also by Jeremias, pp. 16, 17. 3 B. 90 and B. 182. In the references to the Tel-el-Amarna correspondence B. stands for Berlin, L. for London. The former denotes the letters in the Royal Museum in Berlin, the latter those in the British Museum. The num- bers are those given by Winckler, in Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, Vol. V, passim. * B. 43, 48, 50, 54, 77. L. 13, 14. 8 L. 28, 29, 30, 31 ; B. 99, 162, 231. 9 L. 44. 7 B. 92. TESTIMONY OF ANTIQUITY 23 Sidon; on the contrary, Tyre seems to occupy the more promi- nent position. To this contemporaneous evidence may be added the testimony of later writers. The author of Isaiah 23 calls Tyre a city "whose antiquity is of ancient days"; 1 Herod- otus places the founding of Tyre at c. 2750 B.C., 2 which is a date much earlier than can be established for Sidon; Strabo 3 calls Tyre the most ancient city of the Phoenicians; Eunapius, the first city of the ancient Phoenicians; 4 similarly Virgil, 5 Curtius, 6 and Orosius. 7 The legends and myths of Phoenicia favor the same conclusion. This is admitted even by Movers, for he says : " In the Phoenician legends concerning the earliest times nothing is said of Sidon. The mythical history of San- chuniathon, which records the founding of the oldest cities during the second mythological era, does not know Sidon in that period; only Byblos, Beyrut, and Tyre appear as the seat of the most ancient culture; and while to these cities were attached local myths in great numbers — a sure sign of the very high antiquity of these cities — Sidon seems to have been sur- prisingly poor in myths." 8 Tradition credits Tyre with the invention of ships, 9 of purple, 10 and with the earliest cultivation of vine and wheat. 11 In view of this great mass of evidence it seems necessary to find an explanation of the peculiar usage of Sidon and Sidonian which is in accord with the practically unanimous opinion of antiquity that Tyre was a city of prominence before Sidon. At any rate, the usage of the terms cannot be considered a con- clusive argument in favor of the earlier supremacy and greater antiquity of Sidon. 12 The third argument rests upon the statements of Justin and I v. 7. 2 Historia, II, 44. 3 Geographica, XVI, 2, 22. 4 Vita Porphyrii, opening sentence. 5 Mn., IV, 670. 6 Historia Alexandri Magni, IV, 4, 19. 7 Historia, III, 16. 8 Die Phonizier, II, 1, p. 254. 9 Nonnus, Dionysiaca, XL, 501ff. Tibullus, I, EL, 7, 20. 10 Eustathius, Com. ad. Dionysium, 911. Malala, p. 32 (ed. Dindorf). II Achilles Tatius, II, 2 ; William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus trans- marinis gestarum, XIII, 1. n See further, p. 30ff. 24 IS SIDON OLDER THAN TYRE ? Josephus. The latter asserts, on what authority is not known, that Tyre was founded 240 years before the building of the Temple; 1 the former has preserved a tradition that the Sidonians founded the island Tyre one year before the destruction of Troy, after they had suffered a serious defeat at the hands of the king of Ascalon. 2 When the chronological notes of the two authors are compared, it is found that they point to the same general period, a fact which would seem to add weight to the tra- ditions. According to Josephus, 143 years and 8 months elapsed between the building of the Temple and the founding of Car- thage. 3 If the latter is placed, as is commonly done, about the middle of the ninth century B.C., 4 the alleged date of the found- ing of Tyre would be near the traditional date of the capture of Troy. That these traditions embody memories of actual historical events affecting the fortunes of Tyre and Sidon cannot be doubted; on the other hand, the evidence presented in reply to the second argument makes it equally certain that Tyre was a city of prominence long before 1200 B.C., and, perhaps, that both the island and the mainland Tyre were in existence at that time. Consequently the traditions cannot be interpreted as implying a founding of Tyre, in any sense of that term. The historical fact underlying the tradition is the migration, at some period of Phoenician history, of a considerable number of Sidonians to Tyre, which migration resulted in the infusion of new life and energy into the latter. This event will be considered in another connection; 5 here it may be sufficient to state that, when inter- preted in the light of trustworthy historical information, the tradition offers not the least support to the theory that the city of Sidon is older than the city of Tyre. One other argument remains, namely, the contention, found on Sidonian coins of the period of the Ptolemies, that Sidon is 1 Ant., VIII, 3, 1. 2 Historiae Philippicce, XVIII, 3. s Cont. Ap., I, 18. * But see below, p. llOff. s Below, p. 41 and p. 55. DID SIDON FOUND TYRE? 25- the DN, the mother, or metropolis, of Tyre. 1 The expression undoubtedly voices the claim of Sidon to be the founder of Tyre. It should be noted, however, that Tyre set up the counter claim that she was the mother of Sidon. 2 We are confronted, then, with two contradictory claims; on the one hand, that Sidon is the mother of Tyre, on the other, that Tyre is the founder of Sidon. It is arbitrary to reject, without examination, one claim and uphold the other. On the face of them, both have equal value; which is to be preferred must be determined by such considerations as have been presented in the preceding pages. It must be remembered also that the coins are compara- tively late, and that therefore caution must be exercised in the use of their testimony for the earliest period. The great bulk of testimony to which reference has been made discredits the claim of Sidon; it also discredits the claim of Tyre, for there is no evi- dence anywhere that Sidon was settled by the Tyrians. All the evidence points to the conclusion that the coins reflect the spirit of rivalry at a late period, when neither city enjoyed supremacy over the other, but when each was anxious to be recognized as supreme, and sought to strengthen its position by arrogant claims. In the same manner must be interpreted the more extravagant boasts that either Sidon 3 or Tyre 4 was the mother of the whole of Phoenicia. To sum up, the theory that Sidon is the oldest city of Phoenicia, or that she is older than Tyre, and enjoyed political supremacy long before Tyre became a city of prominence, cannot be estab- lished by the arguments ordinarily advanced in its favor. They are successfully contradicted by the contemporaneous docu- ments of other nations, by the testimony of later writers, and by the legends and myths of Phoenicia itself. While these do not 1 See below, p. 111. 2 See Gesenius, Monumenta, pp. 261-64. Tabl., 34, I. Schroder, Die pho- nizische Sprache, p. 275. 3 Achilles Tatius, I, 1. 4 Meleager of Tyre, in the epitaph of Antipater of Sidon, quoted by Movers, II, 1, p. 3. 28 IS SIDON OLDER THAN TYRE? fix the dates of the founding of either Sidon or Tyre, nor the relation of the two cities to one another in the earliest times, they do show that in antiquity Tyre was looked upon as the older of the two, and that the earlier political preeminence was with Tyre. 1 1 See further the next chapter, p. 30ff. II. THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF SIDON CHAPTER I THE FOUNDING OF SIDON The Sidon of the inscriptions, of the Old Testament, and of the classical writers was a city of the Phoenicians. From the myth- ology of the Phoenicians, as preserved in the fragments of Sanchuniathon's history, it would seem that the Phoenicians considered themselves autochthonous in the land which they occupied during the historical period. 1 The same idea is implied in Gen. 10 : 15ff. On the other hand, the more important classi- cal writers touching upon this subject assert that the Phoenicians came to the eastern shore of the Mediterranean from southern Babylonia. Herodotus says 2 that the Phoenicians as well as the Persians believed that the original settlements of the former were upon the Erythraean Sea, i.e., the Persian Gulf, and that they migrated from there to their later home. Strabo relates 3 that the inhabitants of certain islands in the Persian Gulf pre- served the same traditions, and that they had temples which were Phoenician in character. 4 Justin describes 5 the early wanderings of the Phoenicians in these words: "The Syrian nation was founded by the Phoenicians, who, being disturbed by an earthquake, left their native land and settled first of all in the neighborhood of the Assyrian lake, 6 and subsequently 1 Cp. Movers, Die Phonizier, II, 1, p. 25ff. 2 Historia, I, 1 ; VII, 89. 3 Geographica, XVI, 3, 4. 4 Clermont-Ganneau thinks, and perhaps rightly, that the introduction of the Phoenician names and customs in southern Babylonia, here alluded to, is to be connected with the transplanting of Phoenicians into these regions by Esarhaddon; Journ. Asiatique, 1892, Vol. I, p. 118. See below, p. 53. 1 XVIII, 3; abbreviated from Trogus Pompeius. 6 Probably to be identified with the Persian Gulf. 27 28 THE FOUNDING OF SIDON on the shore of the Mediterranean, where they built a city which they called Sidon, on account of the abundance of fish, for the Phoenicians call a fish sidon." 1 With thess statements of ancient writers agree the results of modern research. "The majority of modern critics," says Renan, 2 ' ' admit it as demonstrated that the primitive abode of the Phoenicians should be placed near the lower Euphrates, in th3 midst of the great commercial and maritime establishments of the Persian Gulf, in accord with the unanimous (sic!) testi- mony of all antiquity. ' ' If the Phoenicians were Semites, as is universally admitted, there can be no doubt as to the correctness of this view; for, whatever one may think about the cradle of the human race or the original home of the Semites, 3 Arabia must be regarded as the region from which were distributed the different Semitic nations known to history. "All Semites are, according to my conviction, successive deposits of Arabians, They deposited themselves layer upon layer; and who knows which layer — die wie vielte Schichte — for example, were the Canaanites, whom we meet at the beginning of history." 4 In the course of time Arabia became overcrowded, and its resources were not sufficient for the maintenance of the ever- increasing population. As a result the inhabitants were com- pelled to press out toward new districts which might offer more adequate sustenance. The most inviting fields were in the regions of the lower Euphrates and Tigris, near the head of the Persian Gulf; hence these were occupied first. As new groups pressed from behind, the early settlers found it necessary 1 Movers questions, though without sufficient reason, the reliability of these reports, II, 1, p. 38ff. In the same place he mentions other ancient tradi- tions concerning the origin of the Phoenicians, but these may be omitted here, 3 Histoire des Langues Semitiques, p. 183. s For different opinions on these two points see G. A. Barton, A Sketch of Semitic Origins, Chap. 1, "The Cradle of the Semites." * Sprenger, Alte Geographie Arabiens, p. 293; cp. also Schrader, Die Abstam- mung der Chaldaer und die Ursitze der Semiten, Z. D. M. G., XXVII, p. 397 ff. ; Wright, Comparative Grammar of the Semitic Languages, p. 8 ; McCurdy, Hist., Proph., and the Monuments, § 20. Winckler, Gesch. Israels, I, 127. THE PHCENICIAN MIGRATION 29 to move farther, and since from southern Babylonia there is only one natural outlet, in a northwesterly direction between the Euphrates and Tigris, they turned thither in search of new homes, and finally advanced to the shores of the Mediterranean, whence they proceeded to the islands and coast lands beyond. 1 In the course of such wanderings all the western Semites, including the Phoenicians, reached the lands where we find them during the historical period. To mark clearly and definitely the begin- ning and end of the separate migrations may be a difficult and almost impossible task; nevertheless, broadly speaking, four migrations of this character may be distinguished: the Baby- lonian, beginning before 4000 B.C.; the Canaanitish-Phcenician, beginning c. 2800 B.C.; the Aramaean, beginning c. 1600 B.C.; and the Arabian, beginning c. 700 B.C. 2 The Phoenician migration, then, began c. 2800 B.C., and dur- ing the years and generations and, perhaps, centuries following the Phoenicians established themselves on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean. It must not be thought, however, that they found there a land uninhabited, or, if inhabited, filled with uncivilized barbarians. If, as there seems no reason to doubt, the Babylonians undertook, in the beginning of the fourth millennium B.C., warlike expeditions against the nations living then on the shores of the Mediterranean, and even crossed to the islands and countries beyond, 3 who can doubt that a mil- lennium later an extensive population occupied the country called at a later time Phoenicia? ' ' Should, ' ' says Ed. Meyer, 4 ' ' the Babylonian archives at any time give us any authentic informa- tion regarding the expeditions of Sargon and Naram-Sin, we may expect to find that there was in Phoenicia in the fourth millennium a state of things more or less similar to what we find 1 See below, p. 110. 2 Winckler, Gesch. Israels, pp. 127, 128; Altorientalische Forschungen, I, p. 430ff. L. B. Paton, Early History of Syria and Palestine, passim. 9 Schrader, Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, III, 1, p. 102ff. ; cp. Rogers, History of Babylonia and Assyria, I, p. 365. * Encycl. Bibl., art. Phoenicia. 30 THE FOUNDING OF SIDON 2000 years later when the Egyptians came to Asia. ' ' If this is true, and certainly there is no evidence to the contrary, we must assume that the Phoenicians came to a country that was in the possession of a considerable degree of civilization and culture,, and that would imply, on the part of the ancient inhabitants, a recognition of the benefits of navigation and of the advantages presented by such locations as were occupied by the later Tyre and Sidon. If Egypt and other nations had fleets before 3000 B.C., is it not absurd to suppose that the pre-Phcenician inhabitants of the eastern shore of the Mediterranean were blind to the advan- tages of navigation and of excellent harbor facilities? To this pre-Phcenician period, and to these pre-Phcenician inhabitants, we must assign the founding of Sidon, of Tyre, and of other settlements in the later Phoenicia. 1 When the Phoenicians reached the shore of the Mediterranean,, they found there a settlement bearing the name p¥, in honor of the god "IV. 2 This they made their first stopping place; how long they remained there we cannot determine, perhaps a short time only. During the early stages of the conquest this settle- ment served as the religious and political centre of the new population. In order to secure the good will of the tutelar deity the Phoenicians adopted 1)S into their own pantheon, 3 and retained the ancient name of the town, p¥. From the city the name was transferred to the people who considered it 1 It should be noted, however, that other prominent cities, like Tyre ="W = rock, Beyrut = flnW = fountains, Gebal = ^3J «- mountain, have good Semitic names. These may have had their origin with the Semitic con- querors who changed the more ancient names; cp. Jdg. 18 : 29; 1 : 17. 2 See above, p. 13. 3 A similar phenomenon is presented by the worship of /VO 1^2 in Shechem (Jdg. 8 : 33; 9 : 4), and by the constant tendency of Israel to wor- ship the local Baals. That this tendency did not prevail in the end is due solely to the persistent efforts of the Yahweh prophets. Another illustration may be seen in the readiness with which Cyrus transferred his allegiance to Marduk after the capture of the city of Babylon ; cp. Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, III, 2, p. 120ff. THE OCCUPATION OF THE SEA COAST 31 their religious centre, and DJI^ became the name of the new- Semitic immigrants. As the latter continued the conquest of the country the name went with them, until the conquerors came to be known everywhere as D^IV. It is not improbable that the name was applied to them first by the natives, who must have felt the need of a name for the newcomers; but in time, when, after the securing of a foothold, the conquerors found it necessary to distinguish themselves from the surrounding tribes and nations, they took over the name, prompted, perhaps, again by the expectation that in doing this they might secure for themselves the special good will of the deity of the land. 1 If this theory is correct, DJ"t¥ denoted originally the pre- Phcenician worshipers of "TV, settled upon the site of the later Phoenician city of Siclon. From them it was adopted by the Phoenician conquerors, who made that district their first stopping place and, temporarily at least, their political and religious centre. As the conquest progressed all the invaders became known as D3"T¥, and from that time to the close of Phoeni- cian history the name, while used also in the narrower sense of the inhabitants of the city, continued to be used with the broader ' tribal or national significance, equivalent to Qoivtzes, 2 ' a word coined at a later time by the Greeks. 3 This view still leaves the Phoenician Tyre a Sidonian settle- 1 It is true that this view is not based upon monumental evidence, which is not available for this early period. However, the present writer believes that it does complete justice to our knowledge of the early Semitic migrations and of the history of the Phoenicians in subsequent periods, as also to the traditions preserved by later writers. 2 See above, p. 17ff. 3 The significance of Qoivmec is still a matter of dispute. Eustathius (ad Dionysium, 912) suggests that Solvit; is connected with (poivdg, blood-red, and so, that the name calls attention to the color of the people. Related to this word is the Latin Poenus, a name applied to the inhabitants of Carthage. Rawlinson (History of Phoenicia, p. 1), following Movers, connects the name with (f>olvt^, the date palm. " Here — the coast along the Mediterranean — it would seem, in their early voyagings, the pre-Homeric Greeks first came upon a land where the palm tree was not only indigenous but formed a leading and striking characteristic Hence they called the tract Phoenicia, or 'the land of palms,' and the people who inhabited it Phoenicians, or 'the * 32 THE FOUNDING OF TYRE ment, but not in the sense in which it is commonly thought to be such; 1 only in the sense that the Semitic immigrants soon extended their conquests from Sidon 2 and, probably not without desperate fighting, occupied Tyre, and transformed it into a Semitic city. To this event may refer the tradition preserved by Herodotus; if so, the date suggested by him must be con- sidered approximately correct. But before long the superiority of the location of Tyre asserted itself, and in a little while Tyre surpassed Sidon, and maintained the leadership for many cen- turies, until after the beginning of the first millennium B.C. In conclusion it may be said that, from the evidence at hand, it is not possible to determine the exact date of the founding of Sidon. It was founded by a pre-Phcenician population, not later than the close of the fourth millennium B.C., probably much earlier. 3 About 2800 B.C. Semites migrated from southern Babylonia and settled on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean. Sidon was their first conquest; they transformed it into a Semitic town, from which, as the political and religious centre, the com- plete conquest of Phoenicia was accomplished, when Sidon was displaced from its eminent position by the more fortunately situated Tyre. palm-tree people.' " The principal weakness of this theory lies in the fact that in Phoenicia proper the date palm is found but rarely; and though the two words may have been connected at a later time, there is insufficient reason for assuming that such connection was recognized originally. By some the prototype of the name was thought to be the Egyptian Fenh-u, but W. M. Muller (Asien und Europa, p. 208ff.) has shown that this word is not the name of a nation, but a poetic designation of the Asiatic barbarians. Ed. Meyer {Encycl. Bibl., art. Phoenicia) expresses the opinion that tyolvil- denoted first the purple, and then the purple-men, i.e. the men who manufactured purple, the Phoenicians. Neither these nor other interpretations suggested are quite satisfactory. The question remains still open. Cp. Pietschmann, Geschichte der Phonizier, pp. 13-17; Winckler, in Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, Dritte Auflage, p. 127; Guthe, in Herzog-Hauck, Realencyclopwdie, Band XVIII, p. 294. « P. 23fT. 2 Cp. Justin, XVIII, 3. 3 There has been found near Sidon, in a depth of about six metres, a stratum of earth containing flint implements, fragments of coarse red clay and other primitive objects, which may indicate that the site of Sidon was inhabited as early as the stone age. Am. Journ. of Archwol., I, p. 427; II, p. 477. EARLY HISTORY OF SIDON 33 CHAPTER II HISTORY OF SIDON TO THE CLOSE OF THE TEL-EL-AMARNA PERIOD Sidon became a Phoenician city about 2800 B.C. During the progress of the Phoenician conquest the city may have served as the political and religious centre of the conquerors; but if so, this supremacy continued for a short time only. As soon as the entire land came under the control of the Semites, numerous city states sprang up along the coast. Indeed, with the possible exception of the period of the conquest, it is not possible to speak of a Phoenician state or a Phoenician nation during this early period. ' ' Phoenicia, like Greece, was a country where the cities held a position of extreme importance. The nation was not a centralized one with a single recognized capital, like Judaea, or Samaria, or Syria, or Assyria, or Babylonia. It was, like Greece, a congeries of homogeneous tribes who had never been amalgamated into a single political entity, and who clung fondly to the idea of separate independence. ' n The several Phoenician city states, prominent among which were Tyre, Sidon, Beyrut, Byblos, Arados, continued an inde- pendent existence for many centuries; at least no information to the contrary has yet come to light. Toward the close of the sixteenth century, however, the Egyptians, under Thutmos I, 2 began the conquest of Syria, including Phoenicia. 3 Thutmos III 4 followed in the footsteps of the first king bearing the name, and after a decisive victory over the Canaanites at Megiddo, in 1479, 5 most of the Phoenician cities appear to have submitted to him without resistance; only Simyra and Arados had to be 1 Rawlinson, History of Phoenicia, p. 64; cp. Movers, Die Phonizier, II, 1, p. 83ff.; v. Landau, in Der Alte Orient, II, 4, p. 10; Gen. 10 : 15-18. 1 Breasted, 1557-1501 B.C. 8 Breasted, History of Egypt, p. 257ff. * 1501-1447. • Breasted, History , p. 284ff. 34 TO THE TEL-EL-AMARNA PERIOD taken by force. The local princes became vassals, whose au- thority depended upon the good will of the Pharaoh; they had to pay tribute and supply provisions for the Egyptian armies, and their sons were educated at the court of Egypt. The supremacy of Egypt continued for less than a century, when under Amenhotep III 1 and Amenhotep IV, 2 who had no special interest in war, it declined and finally came to an end. In none of the earlier Egyptian inscriptions is any mention made of Sidon. It would seem, therefore, that at that time it occupied only a secondary position among the cities of Phoenicia; much more prominent were the cities of the north. However, the Tel-el-Amarna correspondence shows that Sidon played a prominent role in the closing scenes of the Egyptian struggles. From the north the Hittites threatened the Egyptian possessions in Asia; associated with them were the wandering tribes of the Habiri; and as the attack progressed several of the Syrian and Phoenician cities joined forces with the invaders against Egypt. The chief offenders among the Egyptian vassals appear to have been Abd-asirta, governor of Amurru, 3 and his son Aziru. Allied with these was Zimrida of Sidon, as is made very plain by the complaints sent against him to the Egyptian court. Rib-addi of Gebal again and again brings charges of disloyalty against the Sidonians and their king: "The ships and people of Simyra, Beyrut, Sidon, all of them in Amurru, as many as there are of them, press upon me." 4 In another letter, which gives a vivid picture of his desperate condition, the same king expresses a fear that his people, who were without food, would desert to the sons of Abd-asirta, and Sidon, and Beyrut. 5 He continues: "Behold, the sons of Abd-asirta are hostile to the king, and Sidon and Beyrut are not for the king. ' ,e A similar complaint is contained in B. 77: "Zimrida .... and Yapa- addu .... against me. ' ,7 A little later he dispatches a letter 1 1411-1375. 2 1375-1358. Called also Ikhnaton. 3 L. 44, 11. 30, 31. * L. 13, 11. 12-15. 8 B. 54, B. 13-19; cp. B. 48, 11. 69-74. 8 B. 54, 11. 19-23 1 U. 18, 19. LETTERS OF RIB-ADDI 35 to the Pharaoh, 1 in which he calls attention once more to his distress, and complains bitterly about the treatment accorded to his messenger at court. Unless he receives immediate relief he must surrender the city. Only out of loyalty to the king does he undergo the present hardships, for his personal interests would be better served by following in the footsteps of other princes who had come to an understanding with the enemy. "If I would come to an understanding with Abd-asirta, like Yapa-addu and Zimrida, I would be saved. ' n B. 50 is another letter from Rib-addi, in which he calls attention to the fact that his letters and messengers have brought no response from the court. On the reverse side of the tablet are named the kings of Beyrut and Sidon and the king of another city, 3 but the text is almost illegible. It would seem that Rib-addi wrote to these kings, 4 and sent messengers to them, 5 asking for assistance, 6 which was refused. After five years of hardships and suffering, he addresses the king once more. 7 The occasion is the siege of Simyra. The enemy has approached to the very gates, though the city itself is still holding out. For five years has the con- spiracy against him continued, one of the chief conspirators being Zimrida of Sidon. ' ' Zimrida and all the other brethren — i.e., the other princes — have fallen away from me, and they are fighting against Simyra." 8 More serious complaints even are made by Abi-milki, the vassal king of Tyre. He never wearies of affirming his own loyalty to Egypt, nor of accusing Sidon of shameful treachery. One of his earliest letters is L. 29. The greater part of the epistle he devotes to the affirmation of his own loyalty, but he closes with these significant words : ' ' Moreover, Zimrida, the Sidonian, day after day sends to him the rebel Aziru, the son of Abd- asirta, concerning all things which he hears from Egypt. There- fore I write to my lord, and it is well for him to know." 9 At a later stage of the conflict he makes this complaint: 10 "Beit 1 L. 14. 2 II. 24-27. s II. 4-6. 4 I. 7. * I. 10. e Z. 17. 'B.43. 8 «.20,21. HI. 66-71. 10 L. 28, 11. 47-49. 36 TO THE TEL-EL-AMARNA PERIOD known to the king: Although thou hast appointed me governor in Tyre, Zimrida has taken away Uzu. ' n And again, ' ' Zimrida of Sidon, and Aziru, the rebel against the king, and the people of Arvad have consulted together and have formed a conspiracy, and have brought together their ships, their war chariots, and their niru soldiers, to take away Tyre, the maid of the king." 2 Once more: "Tyre they have not been able to capture, but Simyra they have taken. In the mouth of Zimrida is the com- mand which the king sends to Aziru." 3 From approximately the same period comes B. 231, in which the king reports the hostility of some of the neighboring princes : ' ' Behold the prince of the city .... and Zimrida are hostile toward me day and night." 4 To a slightly later date belongs L. 30. Abi-milki expresses a desire to visit the court of the king; but, says he, 1 ' I cannot on account of Zimrida of Sidon. As soon as he hears concerning me that I plan to go to the court, he undertakes hostilities against me." 5 Toward the close of the letter he writes: "I have learned of the crime of Zimrida, that he has brought together ships and soldiers out of the cities of Aziru . . . against me." 9 Soon afterward he sends a pitiful appeal for speedy relief, because he is in desperate straits. Again Zimrida is one of the dreaded enemies. ' ' Behold the prince of .... in ships has come and the prince of Sidon in two ships, and I will go with all my ships and all ... . And may the king care for his servant and protect . . . . " 7 The loss of Uzu wrought great hardships for the inhabitants of island Tyre ; hence Abi-milki pleads with the Pharaoh to bring about the restoration of the city, that he may secure there food and water: "Since every day the king of Sidon takes away my niru soldiers, may the king incline his countenance to his servant, and give orders to his representative, that he may restore to me Uzu, for water to his servant, and to secure wood, 1 Uzu was on the mainland, opposite the island Tyre, and supplied the latter with drinking water. 2 0. 53-63. 8 II. 65-70. 4 U. 14-16. • II. 10-14. 8 11. 64-68. 7 L. 31, 11. 57-61. LETTERS OF ABI-MILKI 37 and straw, and clay." 1 And again: "The king of Sidon and the king of Hazor has left his (city?), and they have allied them- selves with the Habiri. ' n In the same strain he writes : 3 ' ' Since the troops of the king, my lord, have left me, the prince of Sidon, my brother, does not permit me to descend to the land, to get wood, and to get water for drinking purposes. One(?) man has he killed, and one(?) man has he not left alive(?)."' A close alliance between Sidon and Aziru is implied also in B. 92, a letter written by the Pharaoh to Aziru, in which he rebukes the latter for his attitude toward Rib-addi of Gebal. Apparently the latter had sought refuge in Sidon, where he fell into the hands of Aziru. "When he was in Sidon, thou didst deliver him up to the princes. ■ ' 5 Often the Pharaoh must have wondered what were the real conditions in Syria and Phoenicia, who were his friends and who were his foes, for at the very time one vassal prince accused another of treachery, the accused would send to the court the most solemn affirmations of loyalty. One illustration of this is furnished by L. 44, a letter addressed by Abd-asirta to the Pharaoh. Though there can be no question that Abd-asirta was one of the chief conspirators against Egypt, 8 he in this letter humbly appeals, as a loyal vassal of the Pharaoh, for assistance against enemies threatening him from within and without. To strengthen his own position he accuses of treachery against the Pharaoh Sidon, which, according to the letters of Rib-addi and Abi-milki, had made common cause with Abd-asirta against Egypt. Though some parts of the letter are obscure, the general thought seems to be that three cities, the names of two of which have been preserved, had rebelled and were sending ships against 1 B. 99, 11. 23-34. 2 11. 40-43. 3 B. 162, 11. 11-21. * This letter may belong to an earlier period. It does not imply necessarily the loss of Uzu. Abi-milki may mean only that the Sidonians sought to prevent the crossing of the channel. If Uzu was still a part of the territory of Tyre, this letter must be earlier than L. 28, which announces the loss of the city. • 11. 12, 13. 6 B. 55, B. 48, B. 84, etc. 38 TO THE TEL-EL-AMARNA PERIOD Amurru, over which Abd-asirta had been made governor by the king. He prays the king for protection, and urges him to place in these cities governors who will be ready to assist him against his own people, for they threaten to kill him. % ' And the people of Sidon and Beyrut, whose are these cities? Not the king's? Place one man in each city. And if he sends no ships to Amurru, then they — i.e., the inhabitants of Amurru — will kill Abd-asirta. The king has placed him over them, not they themselves. Let the king give orders to the three cities, and to the ships of the governors, that they may not depart from Amurru, and take captive Abd-asirta. ' n Zimrida also knew how to feign loyalty and obedience to the Pharaoh. B. 90 is a letter written to the latter by the king of Sidon. "To the king, my lord, my (great) god, my sun, the breath of my life; thus Zimrida, the governor of Sidon: At the feet of my lord, my god, the sun, the breath of my life; at the feet of my lord, my god, my sun, the breath of my life, seven and seven times I bow. Be it known to the king, my lord, that peaceful is Sidon, the maid of the king, my lord, which he has committed into my hand. And when I heard the message of the king, my lord, when he wrote to his servant, then was glad my heart, and I raised my head, and brightened my eyes, when I heard the message of the king, my lord. Be it known to the king, that I am at the command of the troops of the king, my lord. I carry out everything as commands the king, my lord, And be it known to the king, my lord, that powerful is hostility against me; all my cities which the king committed into my hands have fallen into the hands of the Habiri. May the king place me in the hands (i.e., under the protection) of him who marches at the head of the troops of the king, to demand the cities which have fallen into the hands of the Habiri, and to restore them into my hand, that I may serve the king, my lord, as my fathers have done before." B. 182 contains another letter of Zimrida. It is in such dam- 1 11. 23-35. lp:tters of zimrida 39 aged condition, however, that it is difficult to determine its meaning. It seems that he complains again about hostilities undertaken against him, 1 and that he promises to report on conditions in Amurru, in accord with the demand made upon him. 2 From this correspondence these facts concerning Sidon may be learned: 1. Some time before the crisis reflected in the letters Sidon had become a vassal state of Egypt. 3 2. The governor- ship passed from father to son. 4 3. One of the kings of Egypt, probably Thutmos III, visited Sidon. 5 4. Sidon did not enjoy any special preeminence over the other cities of Phoenicia. It was one of several city states along the coast; it may have con- trolled the surrounding villages, 6 but its territory was limited. The fact that Sidon was on the winning side may have given to it temporarily greater prominence than was enjoyed by the cities that shared the misfortunes of Egypt, e.g., Tyre. 5. Sidon was one of the first to throw off the Egyptian yoke, and was among the most active foes of the Pharaohs. Aside from these few facts nothing is known concerning the fortunes of Sidon from the time of the Phoenician conquest to the close of the Tel-el-Amarna period. 1 1. 14. 2 11. 23ff. 3 B. 90, 11. 33, 34. 4 ib. 6 B. 48, 11. 69-73. "Since thy father has returned from Sidon, since that time the lands have fallen into the hands of the Habiri. ' ' 6 B. 90, 11. 24, 25. 40 TO THE DESTRUCTION BY ESARHADDON CHAPTER III TO THE DESTRUCTION OF SIDON BY ESARHADDON Concerning the events in Phoenicia during the centuries immediately following the crisis reflected in the Tel-el-Amarna correspondence no direct information has been preserved. It is not improbable that, for a short time at least, the overlordship of the Egyptians was exchanged for that of the Hittites, who during the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries B.C. established themselves in northern Syria. 1 The exact boundary line between the two nations is not defined in the treaty entered into by Rameses II in 1272, but it is certain that neither he nor his successors could compel the allegiance of the Phoenicians. The character of the Hittite rule over the coast cities, if it existed, is not known. However, we may safely assume that it did not interrupt the steady, natural development of Sidon and the other Phoenician cities. To the thirteenth century belongs the mention of Sidon on the Papyrus Anastasi I, 2 but it throws no light upon conditions in the city. 8 With the great movements among the nations bordering on the Mediterranean Sea which occurred at about this time, 4 Krall connects the tradition of Justin. 5 ' ' The tradition should perhaps be interpreted in this wise: The island Tyre, which, 1 For the conflicts of Rameses II with the Hittites see Breasted, Hist, of Egypt, p. 425ff. On p. 425, 1388 should be 1288 B.C. 3 See above, p. 21. s The references to Tyre and Sidon in the early Egyptian inscriptions are so few in number that from them no inference can be drawn concerning the rela- tion of the two cities to each other. Tyre appears to have been more promi- nent, but there is insufficient warrant for the contention of Jeremias, Tyrus bis zur Zeit Nebukadnezars, p. 16, that Sidon was at this time a dependency of Tyre. * Cp. Breasted, History, p. 477ff. * Historice, XVIII, 3 ; see above, p. 24. THE HITTITE SUPREMACY 41! not expecting an attack from the sea, was without strong forti- fications in ancient times, 1 was overrun in the course of these movements by nations that possessed a powerful navy. After this catastrophe the city received additions from Sidon, which at this time was probably still a part of the territory of Tyre. However that may be, so much is certain : that here Sidon appears for the first time in Phoenician history; not the close of a long and glorious activity of Sidon lies here before us, but the first beginning of an independent government of the city." 2 In favor of this interpretation of Justin's tradition is the fact that the date of the migrations of the nations corresponds, approxi- mately at least, with the date of the building of Tyre suggested by Justin and Josephus. 3 On the other hand, it does not explain the part played by a king of Ascalon in the driving out of the Sidonians, nor does it furnish any evidence to prove the assump- tion that Tyre suffered in the manner described. Until such evidence is brought to light the theory of Krall must, to say the least, remain exceedingly doubtful. 4 While the Hittites were establishing themselves in northern Syria, a kingdom was forming between the Euphrates and Tigris which was destined to overthrow the Hittite rule. The Assyrians crossed the Euphrates for the first time c. 1300 B.C. r under Salmaneser I. 5 However, the west was not seriously threatened by them until nearly two centuries later. About 1120 B.C., Tiglathpileser I, "the grand monarch of western Asia in his day," came upon the throne. He marched westward and subdued "the Kaski and the Urumi, people of the land of Hatti." 6 He also calls himself "the conqueror from the great sea of the westland — i.e., the Mediterranean — to the sea of the land of the Nairi." 7 Silence concerning the cities of Phoenicia warrants the assumption that he did not come into direct hostile contact with them during these expeditions. His successor 1 Cp. Movers, Die Phonizier, II, 1, p. 221. 2 Tyrus und Sidon, p. 672 ; cp. Jeremias, Tyrus, p. 17. 3 See above, p. 24. 4 For a more satisfactory interpretation see p. 55. 5 Rogers, Hist., II, p. 13. • 1 R. 10, Col. II, 11. 100, 101. 7 III R. 3, No. 6; 11. 58-60- 42 TO THE DESTRUCTION BY ESARHADDON Asur-bel-Kala has left only one short inscription, 1 in which he alludes to the gods of the land of Martu 2 — i.e., the land of the Amorites, which is Syria, an allusion which may point to his control of the west. 3 Following the death of Tiglathpileser I, Assyria was ruled for nearly two centuries by weaklings, and nothing is heard of military expeditions against the westland. As a result, the western states enjoyed peace, and entered upon a period of great political activity. During these centuries the Hebrew kingdom was born, and the kingdom of Damascus came into being. The Phoenicians also remained undisturbed, and now for the first time do we read of a powerful Phoenician state under the rule of Hiram, king of Tyre, about 980 B.C. 4 Though Hiram bears the title king of Tyre, his subjects are called Sidonians. 5 This peculiar usage must be explained as suggested above, 6 and the phrase implies that he controlled some portions of Phoenicia outside of the city of Tyre. That his rule included Sidon can be neither proved nor disproved. The expression itself does not imply it, and there is not the slightest indication anywhere that he was recognized as the king of Sidon, or that he made any move toward displacing the legitimate king of the latter city. 7 Tyre was nearer to the territory of the Israelites than any other prominent city of Phoenicia; hence it was only natural that they should look upon it as the representative city of the Phoenicians. The most that may be inferred from the Biblical statements is that Sidon occupied at this time a secondary position. That 1 1 R. 6, No. 6. 2 11. 6, 7. 3 So Rogers, History of Babylonia and Assyria, II, p. 33; Sayce, Records of the Past, New Ser., VI, p. 78. Jeremias thinks that the reference is to Martu in Elam. * 2 S. 5 : 11 ; 1 K. 5 : 15; 9 : 11 ; 1 Chr. 14 : 1 ; 2 Chr. 2 : 2; 2 : 10; cp. 1 K. 9 : 12. »1K. 5 : 20; op. 11 : 1,5, 33. • P. 17ff. 7 Cp. v. Landau, Der Alte Orient, II, 4, p. 19. The statements of Eupo- lemus, quoted by Eusebius in Pr¶tio Evangelica, that Hiram was king of Tyre and Phoenicia (IX, 30), or king of Tyre, and Sidon, and Phoenicia (IX, 33) , mark a later attempt to combine the statements in Kings, the full force of which was not understood. THE TENTH AND NINTH CENTURIES 43 Tyre showed unusual activity need not be denied, 1 but the probability is that Sidon continued to prosper as an independent city state, though perhaps on a smaller scale than her more fortunately situated sister. The next historical reference to Sidon takes us to the reign of Asurnasirpal of Assyria. 2 In 876 he undertook his first expedi- tion westward. Of it he has left this account: "At that time I occupied the slopes of the Lebanon. To the great sea of the westland I marched. By the great sea I hung up my weapons. I offered sacrifice to the gods. The tribute of the kings of the coasts of the sea, of the Tyrians, the Sidonians, the Gebalites, the Makhallatians, the Maizians, the Kaizians, 3 the people of the westland, and of Arvad in the midst of the sea, silver, gold, lead, copper, plates of copper, variegated clothes, linen vestments, a great pagutu, and a small pagutu, Usu wood, Urkarinu wood, ivory, a porpoise, the offspring of the sea, as their tribute I received. They embraced my feet." 4 Asurnasirpal did not follow up this victory. When he had collected the tribute, he proceeded to cut down building material, which he carried to Nineveh, and the remainder of his reign was devoted to works of peace. The payment of the tribute to Asurnasirpal is the first illustration of the policy which the Phoenician cities prac- ticed quite consistently for several centuries. Rather than suffer their commercial enterprises to be interfered with, they were ready to sacrifice, without a blow, their political independ- ence. The noteworthy fact about the above inscription is that Sidon is mentioned as one of the several independent cities of Phoenicia. 5 1 Josephus, Cont. Ap., I, 18. 2 885-860 B.C. 3 Delitzsch, Wo lag das Parodies? p. 282, suggests that the three cities, Makhalla, Maiz, and Kaiz, formed the later Tripolis; cp. Sayce, Records of the Past, New Ser., II, p. 172, note 1; but Winckler (Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, Dritte Auflage, p. 41) calls them " three otherwise unknown cities." 4 1 R. 24, Col. Ill, 11. 84-88. 5 To the period of Asurnasirpal belongs Ethbaal, king of Tyre — 1 K. 16 : 31 — called by Josephus (Contra Ap., I, 18) Ithobalos. 44 TO THE DESTRUCTION BY ESARHADDON Von Landau assumes, 1 partly on the basis of the statements of Josephus, 2 that toward the close of the tenth century B.C. the government of Tyre and Sidon had passed from the dynasty of Tyre to that of Sidon, which, he thinks, had suffered almost complete eclipse under Hiram and his immediate successors. In the passage mentioned, Josephus, quoting from Menander,* says: "After the death of Hiram (DIPT), Balbazerus pfJ^JD), his son, took the kingdom; he lived forty- three years, and reigned seven years. He was succeeded by his son Abdastartos (mn&J'J/'TD.y), who lived twenty-nine years and reigned nine years. Now four sons of his nurse plotted against him and slew him, the oldest of whom, Methusastartos (fnriB'JflfiD or mnWlO - mrUPynON; so Lidzbarski, Handbuch der nordsemitischen Epigraphik, p. 319), the son of Leastartos (imn&P . . .), became king; he lived fifty-four years and ruled twelve. After him came his brother Astharymos (. . . fWWJ? ?) , who lived fifty-eight years and reigned nine years. He was slain by his brother Phelles (Jlin^- 1 ?^?), who took the kingdom and reigned eight months, having lived fifty years. Him killed Ithobalos (TVSnK), the priest of Astarte, who lived forty-eight years and reigned thirty-two years. ' ' Does this account throw any light on the history of Sidon? Von Landau insists that it does, and his argument is as follows : He starts with the assump- tion that Hiram, the contemporary of Solomon, subdued Sidon, Now Ithobalos is called priest of Astarte ; but, says he, Astarte ( = Astart) is the principal deity of Sidon, hence Ithobalos must be a member of the dynasty of Sidon. 4 As a further inference he sees in the assassination of Phelles by Ithobalos a revolution of Sidon against the dynasty of Tyre, which resulted in the supplanting of the latter by the dynasty of Sidon. This is a very bold conjecture. The worship of Astart was by no means 1 Der AUe Orient, II, 4, pp. 19, 20. 2 Contr. Ap., I, 18, 3 The translation is based upon the Greek text edited by Niese, Vol. V, p. 22. 4 Tabnit and Esmunazar I are called priests of AStart in the inscription of Tabnit, 11,1,2; and the mother of Esmunazar II is called a priestess of A§tart, — Inscription of Esmunazar, I. 15. THE NINTH CENTURY 45 confined to Sidon, and it is worthy of note that the names of two, perhaps three, of the kings enumerated by Josephus con- tain the name of the deity Astart — Abd-astartos, the grandson of Hiram, Methusastartos, the usurper, and, perhaps, Astharymos, his brother; it is found also in Leastartos. Underlying the theory is the false assumption that Hiram and his immediate successors were kings of Sidon as well as of Tyre. In reality there is not the slightest ground for believing that at any time during this period Tyre and Sidon were united under one king. The son and successor of Asurnasirpal, Salmaneser II, 1 under- took several expeditions against the westland. The account of one of these, undertaken in 842, contains this statement: "At that time I received the tribute of the Tyrians, the Sidonians, and of Jehu, the son of Omri. ' n Evidently the people of Tyre and Sidon had resumed their commerce, and in order to prevent the interruption of their enormous profits, they were quite ready to pay the tribute demanded of them. In 839, the twenty-first year of his reign, Salmaneser led another army against the west- land, and again we read: "The tribute of the Tyrians, the Sidonians and the Gebalites I received. ' ' 3 It is not likely that the Assyrian expeditions interfered very seriously with the activities of Sidon and the other Phoenician cities, or with their practical independence. The Assyrian con- querors made no attempt to establish a permanent government in the west, and the tribute imposed was probably very insig- nificant, when compared with the immense income of the mer- chant cities. Adad-nirari III 4 undertook, according to the brief notes in the Eponym canon, at least two expeditions against the west, 5 but no details are given there. In one inscription he makes this 1 860-825. a III R. 5, No. 6, 11. 63-65. 8 Black Obelisk, Col. II, 11. 103-104; see Abel und Winckler, Keilschrifttexte, p. 10. 4 811-783. 8 The Eponym canon speaks of an expedition against Arpad in 806, of one to the sea coast in 803; see Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, I, p. 208. 46 TO THE DESTRUCTION BY ESARHADDON claim: "From beyond the Euphrates, the land of the Hittites r the westland in its entirety, Tyre, Sidon, the land of Omri r Edom, Philistia, to the great sea of the setting sun, I subjected unto my feet; tribute and taxes I imposed upon them." 1 The king sets up the claim here that he subjected Sidon; it is not improbable, however, that he means to say nothing more than that the city paid tribute, as on former occasions. Following the reign of Adad-nirari, the power of Assyria de- clined for about forty years, during which period the western states had a breathing spell, and were able once more to pursue, unmo- lested, their own policies. Now, if ever, Tyre had the opportunity to assert her supremacy, and it is not impossible that she was successful. In 745 the great warrior Tiglathpileser III came to the throne of Assyria, who in a short while resumed opera- tions in the west, which had been discontinued under his immedi- ate predecessors. As early as 743 he marched westward, direct- ing his attack against Arpad, which fell after a desperate struggle lasting three years. 2 When Arpad fell, the kings of the neigh- boring nations, with one exception, Tutamma, king of the Unki, brought presents, among them Hiram of Tyre. 3 No mention is made of Sidon. In 738 the Eponym canon locates Tiglath- pileser again in northern Syria; again he was victorious, and again did Hiram of Tyre and other princes pay tribute. ' ' The tribute of Kustaspi of Kummukh, Rezin of Damascus, Menahem of Samaria, Hiram (Hi-ru-um) of Tyre, Sibitti-bi'li (^JfcntfMP?) of Gebal .... I received. ' '* Again no mention is made of Sidon. To maintain a more permanent hold on the west, Tiglathpileser organized a Phoenician province, which he placed under the control of his son Salmaneser. 5 In 734 he is found once more 1 1 R. 35, No. 1, 11. 11-13. 2 See Eponym canon, years 743-740; Keilinschriftliche Bibliothek, I, p. 212. 8 G. Smith, Assyrian Discoveries, p. 274, 11. lOff. This is the Hiram men- tioned in C. I. S., I, No. 5, as king of the Sidonians, = Phoenicians; see below,, p. 153. • III R. 9, 0. 50ff. 5 Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen, II, p. 4, cp. p. 67 ; Keilinschriftliches- Textbuch, p. 35. TIGLATHPILESER AND §ALMANESER 4T on the shores of the Mediterranean, 1 and it is not improbable that to this period should be assigned the expedition against Tyre recorded in II R. 67, 2. 66. ' ' The Rabsake I sent to Tyre; from Metena (JfiO) of Tyre I received 150 talents of gold. ' ' This expedition must have taken place after 738, for Hiram had been succeeded by Metena; but it is not possible to locate it more defi- nitely. Perhaps Tyre had grown restless under the rule of Sal- maneser during the crisis of 734, and Tiglathpileser had dis- patched the army to quell the revolt. Jeremias is inclined to place the expedition in the closing years of Tiglathpileser' s reign, in 728 or 727. 2 The one interesting feature in all these inscriptions is the absolute silence of Tiglathpileser concerning Sidon. It is not credible that the Assyrian monarch, who is exceedingly careful in the enumeration of his conquests, should have omitted Sidon in at least three separate inscriptions by accident. It is much more natural to interpret the silence as an evidence that at last Tyre had succeeded in establishing her supremacy in southern Phoenicia, and that at this time the king of Tyre was also the king of Sidon, the royal residence being in Tyre. Little can be learned from the inscriptions concerning condi- tions in Sidon during the reign of Salmaneser IV. 3 This king may have been in the west in 727, 4 and between 724 and 722 he warred against Israel, 5 but, so far as we know, he did not come into direct conflict with the cities of Phoenicia. 6 However, according to the present text of Josephus, 7 Menander places in the reign of Salmaneser a five-year siege of Tyre, during which the Assyrian king was assisted by several Phoenician cities, among them Sidon. The account in Josephus reads: "And 1 Eponym canon, year 734. 3 Tyrus bis zur zeit Nebukadnezars, p. 29. 3 727-722. * Babylonian Chronicle, B., 1. 28. 5 2 K. 18 : 9, 10. 8 The inscription translated by Winckler, Altorientalische Forschungen. II, p. 15, which mentions a tribute imposed upon Tyre by Salmaneser, does not prove the contrary. It refers in all probability to a tribute imposed while he was viceroy of Phoenicia, during the reign of Tiglathpileser. 7 Ant., IX, 14, 2. 48 TO THE DESTRUCTION OF ESARHADDON Elulseus (? . . . *7N?) reigned thirty-six years (in Tyre). 1 This king, upon the revolt of the Cittians, sailed against them and reduced them again to submission. In warring against him, .Selampsas, the king of Assyria, overran all Phoenicia. Soon, how- ever, he made peace and returned home. Then Sidon, Acco, and Palsetyrus revolted, and many other cities, that joined themselves to the king of Assyria. Accordingly, when the Tyrians would not submit to him, the king fell upon them again, the Phoenicians furnishing sixty ships and 800 men to row them." The account then narrates the victory of the Tyrian ships and the subsequent five-year siege of the island Tyre. This narrative would seem to lend support to the conclusion, drawn from the inscriptions of Tiglathpileser, that Tyre had acquired the supremacy over Sidon and other Phoenician cities. 1 The meaning of the words de/ievuv avru ILvag ovo/ua, which follow the name "EAofAaZof, is uncertain. The grammatical construction is peculiar, and the identification of "Elov'Xaios with Hvag is precarious. The words are omitted in the old Latin version, and should probably be regarded as a later inter- polation. Tlvag or Tlvlag, as the name is written in some MSS., resembles the Babylonian name Pul = Tiglathpileser III, and v. Landau, Beitrage, I, pp. 14, 15, suggests that he is meant here. If so, the words cannot be in their proper place, and v. Landau places them after Tvpiuv apxaiotg in the pre- ceding paragraph, and makes Josephus say that in the Tyrian archives the name of the king was given as Hvlag . If now ^eM/ifag is identical with Sal- maneser, Josephus names two distinct kings as leading the expedition against Tyre. This difficulty leads v. Landau to assume that Josephus combines here erroneously accounts which referred to distinct events, and that he represents as one expedition the undertakings of two or more kings. It is incredible that Josephus should make this blunder with the two names before him. Now it is worthy of note that until the publication of Niese's text the name of the Assyrian king was not recognized; on the other hand, the old Latin version names Salmaneser, while it has no equivalent of Hi/lag . These facts suggest the proper explanation. The authors of the Latin version still saw a proper name in ZeXafiipag, but soon the text became corrupted, so that the reader •could recognize no longer the name of the Assyrian king. Some learned reader sought to supply the want by adding in the margin the clause con- taining the alleged name of the Assyrian king. This marginal note was later inserted in the wrong place. It is not Josephus who made the blunder, but a zealous reader. With the marginal note omitted, the reading becomes natural and smooth. SALMANESER'S attack upon TYRE 49 That the Sidonians should resent the Tyrian rule is only natural; nor is it difficult to see why the Assyrian king should spare no efforts to increase the discontent, break up the union, and thus reduce the strength of Tyre. Josephus relates how he succeeded in separating from the king of Tyre, Sidon, Acco, and even Palse- tyrus — i.e., the city upon the mainland 1 — and secured their support for the attack upon the island Tyre. Nevertheless, Tyre was too strong and defeated the plans of the allies. That the tradition preserved by Josephus rests upon historical facts cannot be doubted; on the other hand, it may be seriously questioned, whether the attack upon Tyre reported by him can be placed in the reign of Salmaneser. 2 1. The form of the king's name is peculiar. It is difficult to explain ZeXd/Mpa$ as a cor- ruption of SaX/j.avaadprj. geogr., Vol. I, p. 92; cp. p. 362. 7 Ibid., pp. 268, 293. 8 Muller, Der Islam, I, pp. 220, 221. 8 Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, p. 26. 10 Kitab al-bulddn, in De Geoje, Bibl. Geogr. Arab., Vol. V, p. 105. PILGRIMS AND TRAVELERS 81 891, calls Sidon "a city at the foot of the Lebanon mountains. The town is entirely peopled by Persians, who were brought here by the Caliph Mu'awiyah. ' " This energetic conqueror, who reigned from 661 to 680, must have learned his lesson from the policy pursued by the Assyrian kings. 2 Al-Makdisi, who wrote in 985, divides Syria into six districts. Among the cities of the district of Damascus he names Sidon, which he calls "a fortified city on the sea." 3 The most extensive reference to Sidon during this period is found in the diary of Abu-Mu'in-Nasir-i-Khusrau, a Persian who traveled through Palestine and Syria in 1047 A.D. The account reads: "From Beyrut we came to the city of Sidon, likewise on the seashore. They cultivate here much sugar cane. The city has a well-built wall of stone and four gates. It has a fine Friday mosque, very pleasantly situated, the whole interior of which is spread with matting in colored designs. The bazaars are so splendidly adorned that when I first saw them I imagined the city to be decorated for the arrival of the Sultan, or in honor of some good news. But when I inquired, they said it was customary for their city to be always thus beautifully decorated. The gardens and orchards of the town are such that one might say that each was a plaisance laid out at the fancy of some king. Kiosks are set therein, and the greater number of trees are of those kinds that bear fruit." 4 This description, which is the last from the period preceding the Crusades, shows that at the close of the first millennium of the Christian era Sidon had regained much of its oldtime splendor, and was apparently destined to play again an important role in the commercial history of the Orient. 1 Kit&b al-bulddn, II, p. 175 (Juynboll). 2 See above, p. 53. 3 Ahsan at-tak&sim, p. 160 (De Geoje). *P.P.T., Vol. IV, p. 11. 82 THE PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES CHAPTER VI THE PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES During the period of the Crusades Sidon played a less promi- nent part than Tyre, Acco, and Joppa, the other port cities along the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea. 1 Nevertheless, as a city with a desirable harbor, it also soon attracted the attention of the Crusaders, who, coming to the Holy Land on ships, were greatly in need of suitable landing places, while the Moslems were equally eager to retain the coast cities in their own power. As a result the city was throughout the entire period a bone of contention between the warring parties; back and forth it passed between Christians and Moslems, until at the close of the struggle it remained with the latter, a ruin. The opening of the first Crusade, 1096-1099, found Sidon a renowned and prosperous city. 2 On their march toward Jeru- salem, in the spring of 1099, the Crusaders came for the first time into its vicinity. 3 The commander of Sidon, a subject of the Sultan of Egypt, sought to check their advance, but his troops were repelled. 4 The Christians encamped near the city for a few days; from their encampments they sent small detach- ments to ravage the adjacent districts, and in this wise they secured much booty. While here they encountered many poisonous snakes, but the natives taught them a remedy against 1 In commerce Sidon played an unimportant role during the period of the Crusades. Cp. Schaube, Handelsgeschichte der romanischen Volker, passim. 3 William of Tyre, Historia rerum in partibus transmarinis gestarum, X, 19. 3 William of Tyre, VII, 22; Peter Tudebodus, Historia de Hierosolymitano itinere, XIII, 13; Abbreviatus, c. 48; Historia Peregrinorum, c. 98; Fulcherius Carnotensis, Historia Hierosolymitana, I, 25; Gesta Tancredi, c. Ill; Robertus Monachus, Historia Iherosolimitana, VIII, 19; Baldricus, Historia Jerosolimi- tana, IV, 8 ; Albertus Aquensis, Historia Hierosolymitana, V, 40. * William of Tyre, VII, 22; Albertus Aquensis, V, 40. EARLY ATTACKS UPON SIDON 83 their bites. 1 After the capture of Jerusalem, on July 15, 1099, 2 Godfrey of Bouillon was elected king of the newly established kingdom. 3 He died on July 18, 1100, 4 whereupon, in October of the same year, Baldwin, his brother, who had made himself master of Edessa, 5 was elected as his successor. 6 On his way to Jerusalem he passed Sidon, without molesting it. 7 At the close of the Crusade the city was still in the hands of the Moslems. Uninterrupted intercourse with the homeland could be main- tained only if the control of the coast cities could be secured, and much of the time between the first and the second Crusades 8 was spent in attempts to accomplish this result. Early in the campaign the anger of Baldwin was aroused against Sidon. In 1102 a host of Christians on its way to Europe was overtaken by a tempest off the coast of Sidon. Many of the ships were wrecked, and great numbers of the Christians were either drowned, or captured by the Moslems in Sidon. 9 In the following year the Sidonians sent help to Acco and Tripolis, which were besieged by the Christians. 10 To punish the inhabitants for these expressions of hostility Baldwin led an army against Sidon in 1107. "In the year 501— i.e., 1107-1108— Baldwin, the Frank, the lord of Jerusalem, went to besiege Sidon." 11 When the citizens heard of the extensive preparations for an attack, they offered to the king a large amount of money, if he would raise the siege. The negotiations continued for some time, and finally the king, who was in need of money, withdrew, on the payment I Albertus Aquensis, V, 40. ; 2 William of Tyre, VIII, 14ff. 3 Id., IX, 2. • Id., IX, 23. 5 Id., IV, 2, 3. 8 Id., X, 1. 7 Id., X, 6; Fulcherius Carnotensis, II, 3; Gesta Francorum, c. 43; Albertus Aquensis, VII, 34. 8 1099-1147 A.D. » Albertus Aquensis, IX, 18. 10 Id., IX, 19, 32. II Abu'l Mahasin, Nuj&m az-Zdhira, year 501. It seems most convenient to give the references to the Arabic historians of the Crusades under the years in which they record the events alluded to. Where the records are lengthy more specific references are given. Unless otherwise stated the texts used are those published in Recueil des historiens des croisades, Orientaux, Vol. I-IV. 84 THE PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES of 15,000 Byzantines. 1 However, the Sidonians soon gave cause for new complaint. They united with the people of Ascalon, Tyre, and Beyrut in an attack upon Christian pilgrims and upon the cities of Joppa and Ramleh. 2 For this new treachery Baldwin determined to visit severe judgment upon Sidon, and in the following year he enclosed the city from the sea side as well as from the land. 3 Everything progressed favor- ably until at the last moment, when the capture of the city seemed imminent, the arival of an Egyptian fleet brought relief to the city. 4 The struggle continued for a while longer, with heavy losses on both sides; but at last, when Baldwin was in- formed that Atabek Toghtekin of Damascus was approach- ing with 15,000 men, 5 he raised the siege. 6 Though the Sidonians had promised to pay 30,000 pieces of gold for the aid of Damascus, when Toghtekin came they refused to pay it; whereupon he besieged the city for ten days, and even threatened to recall Baldwin; finally, on the payment of 9,000 pieces, he withdrew. From Sidon Baldwin turned against Tripolis and Beyrut; the former fell on June 10, 1109, the latter in April, 1110. After the capture of Beyrut he again threatened Sidon, and once more he withdrew on the payment of a sum of money and returned to Jerusalem, whither the pilgrim festivities called him. 7 But soon he returned, determined to besiege the city in earnest. A full account of the events leading to the occupation of the city has been preserved by the Arabic historian Ibn-al-Athir : 8 ' ' There had arrived in Syria from beyond the sea a fleet of sixty vessels, filled with men and provisions. The fleet was under the command of a king from among the Franks, 9 who desired to visit the Holy City, and to make himself, as he believed, accept- 1 AlbertusAquensis,X,3-8;cp.l8,58;XI,l. 2 Id.,X,9. *Id.,X,48. * Abu'l Muzaffar, Mir'dt az-Zamdn, year 501 ; Albertus Aquensis, X, 49. * Id., X, 50^ 53. 'Id., X, 53. 7 Abu'l Muzaffar, year 503. To the same event may refer Albertus Aquensis, XI, 11, though the dates of the two accounts seem to vary. It is difficult to determine exactly the dates of the several attacks upon Sidon. 8 Al-K&mil, year 504. • He means Sigur, king of Norway. CAPITULATION OF SIDON 85 able to God by making war against the Moslems. This king united with Baldwin, king of Jerusalem, and it was agreed between them to overrun the possessions of the Moslems. They departed therefore from Jerusalem, and arrived before Sidon on the third day of Rabt the second. 1 The city was pressed from sea and land. At this time the Egyptian fleet was detained at Tyre, and could not come to the assistance of the besieged. The Franks constructed a barricade of wood and made it very solid ; they made it also proof against fire and against stones. Then they began their attacks. When the inhabitants saw this their courage failed, and they feared that they would have to endure the same fate as the inhabitants of Beyrut. They sent, there- fore, the Kadi of their city and several of their sheikhs as delegates to the Franks, and asked permission of their king to capitulate. The king promised safety for their lives, their possessions, and the troops of the garrison. Everyone was to be free to remain in the city or to depart from it. The king made these agreements under oath. The governor and several of the principal men of the city started on the journey on the twentieth day of Jumada the -first, 2 and went to Damascus. But many persons after capitulating remained in their places. The siege lasted for forty-seven days. Baldwin returned to Jerusalem, but a short time afterward he returned to Sidon and imposed upon the inhabitants of the city who had remained in their homes a tax of 20,000 dinars and thus impoverished them." 3 After 1 Oct. 19, 1110. 2 Dec. 4, 1110. 3 See also William of Tyre, XI, 14; Yakut, Mu'jam al-bulddn,ed. Wiisten- feld, III, p. 441; Abu'l-Muzaffar, Mir'dl az-Zam&n, year 503; Abu'l-Mahasin, Rec. des hist, des crois., Or., Ill, p. 488; Abu'1-Fida, Mukhtasar ta'rikh al balar, year 504. Fulcherius Carnotensis, II, 44; Gesta Franc., Variant to c. 72. Histor. Hieros., Pars II, c. 24; Albertus Aquensis, XI, 31-34; Hist. Nicwna vel Antioch., c. 73; cp. 77. Benedictus, Hist. Gotefridi, IV, c. 17; Li estoire de Jerusalem et d'Antioche, III, c. 8. Annates de Terre Sainte, in Archives de I'orient latin, II, 2, p. 430. There are differences in detail between some of these writers. William of Tyre, for example, dates the capture of the city in December, 1111; the Annates de Terre Sainte in May, 1110; Abu'l-Muzaffar 86 THE PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES the capitulation of the city it was given to Eustachius Grenier, lord of Csesarea. 1 In the autumn of 1111 Baldwin commenced the siege of Tyre, 2 in which he was assisted by Eustachius Grenier, the lord of Sidon and Csesarea. The siege continued for about four months, when the Christians returned to Jerusalem, because they heard that an army of 20,000 men, under the leadership of Toghtekin, was coming to the relief of the city. While the Crusaders lay before Tyre, the Christians in Sidon sent to them provisions by sea, whereupon Toghtekin turned upon the Sidonian boats, killed some of the men aboard, and destroyed some of the ships. 3 After the death of Baldwin I, on April 7, 1118, his nephew Baldwin, whom he had appointed lord of Edessa on his own accession to the throne of Jerusalem, was elected his successor and was anointed king on Easter Sunday, April 14, 1118. 4 Soon afterward he summoned to Jerusalem the barons of the kingdom, that they might have an opportunity to swear allegi- ance to him. Sidon was one of the cities that recognized him as the rightful king. 5 When a few years later the king fell into the hands of the Moslems, Eustachius Grenier, lord of Sidon, was entrusted with the government. 6 One of his first acts was to send a message to the Venetian fleet, which was on its way to the Holy Land, urging it to proceed quickly, as the kingdom of Jeru- salem was in dire straits; and in anticipation of the help which he in the year 503; other Arabic historians in the year 504. Albertus Aquensis says that about 5,000 people left the city undisturbed for Ascalon. The other early writers agree with Ibn-al-Athir. 1 William of Tyre, XII, 17; Fulcherius Carnotensis, III, 16; Hist. Hieros., Pars II, c. 37. Hist. Nic. vel Antioch., c. 80. Li estoire de Jer. et d'Ant., Ill, 13. The son of Eustachius was Girard, who became lord of Sidon — Archives de Vor. latin, I, 673-675 ; his son was Reginald, who became the successor of his father as lord of Sidon. See below, p. 91. 2 William of Tyre, XI, 17. 3 Abu'l-Mahasin, NujiXm az-Z&hira, in Rec. des histor. des crois., Orientaux, III, p. 491. Abu'l-Muzaffar, Mir'dt az-Zamdn, year 505; cp. Michaud, Bib- liotheque des croisades, IV, p. 30. 4 William of Tyre, XII, 3, 4. 6 Albertus Aquensis, XII, 30. 8 William of Tyre, XII, 17. SIDON IN THE HANDS OF CHRISTIANS 87 expected they would render, he promised to the Venetians certain possessions and privileges in Sidon and other cities of the king- dom. 1 A few years later, in 1126, Sidon was threatened by an Egyptian fleet, which went along the coast as far north as Beyrut. There it was defeated while getting water, whereupon it returned hastily to Egypt without molesting the coast cities any further. 2 Three years later the Patriarch Gormund died in Sidon, from an illness which attacked him during the siege of the castle Belhasam near Sidon. 3 To this general period belong the troubles in the Eastern Church which involved the Bishop of Sidon. Tyre had been without an archbishop for several years preceding April 28, 1128, when William, the Prior of the Holy Sepulchre, was elevated to the office. He found that during the interval between the death of his predecessor Odo and his own election several of the suf- fragan bishops, among th3m the Bishop of Sidon, had ceased to recognize the authority of Tyre. The bitterness of the long struggle between the new archbishop and the rebellious bishops was intensified by the jealousies of the Patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem. Finally, through the earnest efforts of Pope Inno- cent II, who addressed letters of conciliation to the Patriarch of Jerusalem and to the rebellious bishops, among them Bernard of Sidon, 4 and even sent an apostolic delegate, who landed in Sidon, 5 peace was restored, and the Bishop of Sidon accepted once more the authority of the Archbishop of Tyre, to whose diocese Sidon had belonged for many centuries. 8 In the absence of all direct information, we may assume, that during the reigns of Baldwin II and his immediate successors the lord of Sidon remained loyal to the kings of Jerusalem and aided them in their undertakings against the Moslems. 1 William of Tyre, XII, 25. 2 Fulcherius Carnotensis, III, 56. 3 William of Tyre, XIII, 25. 4 Id., XIV, 13, 14. 5 Id., XV, 11. 8 See above, p. 79 ; also William of Tyre, XIII, 2. Publ. de la soc. de I'or. latin, Ser. geogr., I, p. 331; III, 11, 15. In 1205 the Bishop of Halberstadt, who administered the diocese of Tyre during the absence of the archbishop, conse- crated a Bishop of Sidon; see Exuviae Const., I, p. 16. 88 THE PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES In 1151 the Egyptian fleet attacked Sidon and other coast cities, 1 and six years later an earthquake did much damage to Sidon, Beyrut, Tripolis, Acco, Tyre, and "all the strong- holds of the Franks." 2 In the following year, on May 10th, Nur-addin left Damascus to attack Jir-el-Khahab. Before he arrived there Ased-addin, with the Turcoman horsemen who formed his army, had devastated the territory of Sidon and the adjacent districts and had secured rich booty. He had also caught in an ambush Frank soldiers who had made a sortie from Sidon, had slain a great many of them, and had made the rest prisoners, among them the son of the commander of the citadel of Harim. The Moslems had not lost a single soldier. 3 The forces of Nur-addin came into the neighborhood of Sidon in 1165, for the purpose of capturing a fortress or cavern located there. The garrison was bribed into surrender; but the com- mander was seized, brought to Sidon and hanged for treason. 4 Seven years later, in 1172, Amalric, the king of Jerusalem, was in Sidon, in council with his nobles to consider a serious outrage com- mitted by a Knight Templar. On Mount Lebanon dwelt a small sect called Assassins, under the rule of a sheikh. This sheikh sent word to the king that he was ready to embrace Christianity, if the Templars would release his subjects living near their castles 1 Ibn-Muyassar, continuation of Al Musabbihi, Kitdb akhbdr Misr, year 546. 7 Abu'l-Mahasin, Nujilm az-Zdhira, year 552. 3 Abu-Sama, year 553; see Recueil des historiens des croisades, Orientaux, IV, p. 98. Under year 556 = A.D. 1161, Ibn-al-Athir reports the following: " The Frank lord of Sidon took refuge with Nur-addin Mahmud, who granted it to him, and sent him away with an escort. They were attacked on the road; some were slain, the others fled." The lord of Sidon in 1161 was Girard, the son of Eustachius Grenier — Archives de I'or. latin, I, p. 674. The author does not state why he fled to Nur-addin; and, so far as we know, there was no occasion for it; hence it is not improbable that the Arabic his- torian is in error concerning the person. He may have in mind the flight of Sawir, the vizier of Egypt, to Nur-addin, who supplied him with an escort, which was defeated by the Sultan Dargari. William of Tyre, XIX, 7 ; cp. Wilken, Geschichte der Kreuzzuge, III, 2, p. 83. ♦William of Tyre, XIX, 11. The author must be mistaken when he says that the hostile forces were under the command of Sirku, the commander-in- chief of Nur-addin, for he was in Egypt at that time. NUR-ADDIN AND SALAH-ADDIN 89 from the annual payment of 2,000 pieces of gold. The king, who received the news gladly, offered to compensate the Templars out of his own treasury. As the messenger of the sheikh, accom- panied by a royal escort, was returning to his own land, he was assassinated by one of the Templars. The king, full of wrath, came to Sidon and demanded reparation; when it was refused by the commander of the Templars, he ordered the murderer to be seized by force and thrown into prison at Tyre. 1 Meanwhile a new and powerful foe of the Christians was appearing on the horizon. Sawir, who had been reinstated as vizier of Egypt by Sirku, the commander-in-chief of Nur-addin, soon ceased his allegiance to the latter. Whereupon Sirku returned to Egypt, overthrew Sawir, and assumed the vizierate himself. On both expeditions Sirku was accompanied by his nephew Salah-addin Yusuf-ibn-Ayyub, 2 who on the death of his uncle in 1169 became his successor. The last of the Fatimite caliphs died in 1171, when Saladin became the sole ruler of the kingdom, though he did not proclaim himself sultan until after the death of Nur-addin in 1174. Between that year and 1183 he succeeded in driving the successors of Nur-addin from Syria and the greater part of Mesopotamia. Though he came in fre- quent contact with the Christians during these years, he did not commence active operations against them until after he had made himself master of Mohammedan Syria. In 1179 he came for the first time into the vicinity of Sidon and devastated the fields around the city. 3 Soon afterwards he defeated Bald- win near Paneas, when many of the fleeing Christians took refuge in Sidon. Reginald, the lord of that city, who was leading his men to the aid of the king, might have saved the day, had he not turned back as soon as he heard of the mis- fortune that had befallen the king's army. 4 Three years later Saladin was again in the neighborhood of Sidon. 5 Finally, in 1187, when Reginald de Chatillon treacherously broke the truce 1 William of Tyre, XX, 29, 30. 2 Anglicized Saladin. 3 William of Tyre, XXI, 28. * Id., XXI, 29. 8 Id., XXII, 20. •90 THE PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES established two years before, and captured a caravan of Moslems/ Saladin determined to strike the kingdom of Jerusalem a more effective blow. The Crusaders were defeated in the battle of Tiberias on July 4, with a loss of 30,000 men, 2 and the king fell into the hands of the enemy. 3 The sultan advanced immediately against other cities in Palestine. Nazareth and Acco were taken without difficulty; 4 the citadel of Tibnin fell after six days. He then decided upon the capture of Tyre, but seeing its strength, he marched toward Sidon. 5 The Arabic historians represent him as proceeding directly to Sidon from Tibnin. ' ' From Tib- nin, ' ' says Ibn-al-Athir, 6 ' ' Saladin departed for Sidon. On the way he passed close by Sarepta and took it by capitulation, without a battle. Then he resumed his march to Sidon. This city was one of the most frequented places in maritime Syria. When the lord of Sidon heard that the sultan was coming against him he departed from the city, leaving it without defenders. On his arrival Saladin won it immediately by capitulation. This event took place on the 21st day of Jumdda the first." To this account Abu-Sama, quoting from Al-Imad, adds 7 that the banner of Saladin was hoisted, public prayer was offered, the confession of the Moslem faith was made, and submission to Allah took the place of the impious revolt. The territory of Sidon was restored to Reginald, its former lord, 8 who had allied himself with Saladin. 9 Jerusalem fell on October 2d of the same year. 10 1 Abu'1-Fida, Mukhtasar ta'rikh al baiar, year 582. 1 William of Tyre, XXIII, 40. For convenience sake the same designation is retained, though in Book XXIII begins the work of the continuators of William of Tyre. 8 Id., XXIII, 44. *Id., XXIII, 46, 47. 5 Id., XXIII, 47. 8 Al Kdmil, year 583; cp. also Abu'1-Fida, Mukhtasar ta'rikh al bdhar, year 583; Yakut, Mu'jam al-bulddn, IV, 162; William of Tyre, XXIII, 47. Hist. Godfridi, c. 47. Baha-addin, the biographer of Saladin, says — Rec. des histor. des crois., Orientaux, III, p. 98 — that he took the city the day after his arrival. ' Year 583 ; see Recueil des histor. des croisades, Orientaux, IV, p. 308. ' See Archives de I'or. lat., II, 2, p. 145. * See variant on p. Ill of Vol. II of Rec. des histor. des crois., Occidentaux; also on p. 198 ; William of Tyre, XXVI, 17. 10 William of Tyre, XXIII, 61. CONQUESTS OF SALAH-ADDIN 91 The news of the loss of the Holy City aroused the Christians in Europe to new activity, which culminated in another Crusade, 1 under the leadership of Frederic Barbarossa of Germany, Philip Augustus of France, and Richard the Lion-hearted of England. Frederic was drowned soon after he reached Syria; Richard and Philip captured Acco after a prolonged siege, but the two kings quarreled so bitterly that Philip returned home soon after the fall of the city. During the siege of Acco, which lasted from August, 1189, to June, 1191, Sidon, then in possession of Regi- nald, a vassal of Saladin, sent provisions to the Moslems in Acco. 2 Reginald played an important part in the negotiations between Conrad de Montferrat, lord of Tyre, and Saladin. Conrad had brought upon himself the wrath of the civil and ecclesiastical authorities by marrying Isabel, the divorced wife of Humphrey of Toron. 3 The hostility of Richard, however, was due not so much to this fact as to personal envy and jealousy, for Conrad was one of the bravest and at the same time one of the most popular of the Christian leaders; so much so that he was elected king of Jerusalem with great enthusiasm. But Richard made life so unpleasant for Conrad that the latter de- cided finally to cast his lot with Saladin. He offered to make peace with him and turn against the Franks, on condition that the two cities of Sidon and Beyrut be given to him. 4 Reginald of Sidon acted as intermediary between the two parties, 5 but before all arrangements could be completed Conrad was assas- sinated. 8 Richard was unable to accomplish very much, and was finally compelled to make peace with Saladin. At the close of the Crusade Sidon was still in the possession of Saladin. 7 In 1193 Saladin died. 8 For several years there was so much 1 1189-1191. 2 Ibn-al-Athir, Al K&mil, year 586; Recueil des hist, descroisades, Orientaux, II, p. 32. 3 Baha-addin, Rec. des histor., Orientaux, III, p. 283; cp. Wilken, Gesch. der Kreuzzuge, IV, p. 307. * Baha-addin, Recueil des historiens des croisades, Orientaux, III, p. 270. 1 lb., p. 283. •/&., p. 297. 7 William of Tyre, XXVI, 17. 8 Id., XXVII, 1. 92 THE PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES strife among his successors that the Christians remained undis- turbed. However, in 1197 Joppa was attacked and captured by Malik-al-Adil. 1 In the same year died King Henry of Jerusalem, and was succeeded by Amalric, king of Cyprus, who determined to recover, if possible, all the territory lost to Saladin. Orders were issued that all the Crusaders should gather at Tyre, whence they were to proceed to Beyrut, the first point of attack. When Malik-al-Adil heard of these preparations he decided at once to destroy the places which he feared he would not be able to hold against the Christians, and to move the inhabitants with their possessions to more distant regions. Immediately he dispatched an army to Beyrut to destroy it, but on the promise of Usama, the lord of the city, that he could hold it against the Crusaders, the soldiers desisted from the work of destruction after the outer walls had been broken down. Meanwhile the Christians advanced from Tyre. Near Sidon the two armies met and a bloody battle ensued, which ended in victory for the Crusaders, who then advanced against Beyrut, 2 which they took with ease. While they were in Beyrut, Al-Adil sent troops to Sidon with orders to demolish the entire city. 3 The expectations of Amalric were not realized; therefore in the following year he was glad to make a truce with Malik-al- Adil of Damascus and Malik-al-Asis of Egypt. This truce was maintained until 1203, when new hostilities broke out. Some Christians on the coast of Cyprus were robbed by the sultan's sailors, and when Amalric made complaint he could obtain no satisfaction. He therefore captured, near Acco, a number of Egyptian ships laden with grain and other goods, and otherwise harassed the possessions of Al-Adil. But the latter showed so 1 William of Tyre, XXVII, 2-4. 2 Arnold Lubec, V, 5, states that after the battle the Christian army made a brief stay in Sidon. This can only mean that they encamped in the fields near the city. Had they entered the city itself, it is not probable that they would have left it again for the sake of occupying a less prominent town. 3 Ibn-al-Athlr, year 593; Recueil des hist, des crois., Orientaux, II, p. 86. Gunther Parisiensis, Exuviae Constant., I, p. 63, states that in 1200 Sidon was still in the hands of the sultan. FIGHTING NEAR SIDON 93 little interest in the renewal of hostilities that it did not come to a serious engagement ; and when in the early autumn of the next year pestilence broke out, which thinned the ranks of the Chris- tian armies and caused others to return home or go to Constanti- nople, both sides were ready to renew the truce. 1 Al-Adil was the more willing to bring hostilities to a close because his presence was needed in Egypt, 2 which was in danger of an attack from Constantinople. 3 Therefore he even made certain concessions to the Christians; he restored to them Nazareth and a few other towns, and ceded to them one-half of the revenue which he received from Sidon and other places. As soon as the negotia- tions were completed he went to Egypt. 4 After the death of Amalric in 1205, 5 the sultan, who thought the truce dissolved by the death of the king of Jerusalem, showed inclinations to harass the Christians, but neither side was pre- pared for hostilities. As a result the truce was renewed, and it was maintained until 1217, when the arrival of reinforcements from the west led the Christians to break it and renew the war. 8 Acco was selected as the centre of operations. Two expeditions made from there proved successful, but on a third, undertaken about the middle of December, they suffered a terrible defeat. A part of the Christian army attacked the Moslems near Sidon, when the inhabitants of the mountainous region behind Sidon fell upon them and slew many; others perished from the cold, so that only a few returned to Acco. 7 Discouraged by this dis- aster many of the Crusaders left the Holy Land, while those who remained did not feel strong enough to continue hostilities until reinforcements arrived in the spring of the following year. 1 William of Tyre, XXVIII, 12. 2 He had become Sultan of Egypt after the death of Malik-al-Asis. 3 Wilken, Geschichte der Kreuzziige, VI, p. 50. * Ibn-al-Athir, year 600; Recueil des hist, des crois., Orientaux, II, p. 96. 5 William of Tyre, XXX, 11. 'Id,, XXXI, 10, 11. In 1214 Bishop Raoul of Sidon was elected Patri- arch of Jerusalem; id., XXXI, 8; Archives de I'or. lat., II, 2, p. 436. 7 William of Tyre, XXXI, 12; Vincentius Bellovacensis, Speculum historiale, in Publ. de la soc. de Vor. Int., Ser. hist., Ill, p. 99. 94 THE PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES When the new forces were organized an invasion of Egypt was decided upon. The chief attack was directed against Damietta, which yielded in 1219. The war continued until 1221, when Malik-al-Kamil 1 sought peace. He offered to restore to the Christians Jerusalem, Ascalon, Tiberias, Sidon, Gebala, Ladikiya, and all the places Saladin had taken from them in maritime Syria, with the excep- tion of Karak, if they would vacate Damietta. 2 The proposition was refused; but soon the tide turned in favor of the sultan, and when a new truce was agreed upon, which was to last for eight years, it was decidedly unfavorable to the Christians. 3 When the Christians in the west heard of the losses sustained by the Crusaders they determined to send reinforcements; but not until 1227 did any considerable number of pilgrims reach the Holy Land. Of the first company a group of German and English pilgrims went to Sidon, which was then partly in ruins. Since the rebuilding of the whole city seemed too difficult a task, they were content with erecting a citadel upon an island before the harbor of Sidon, which they completed in 1228. 4 Then they turned to Csesarea and restored the citadel there. On the com- pletion of these acts of piety most of them felt that they had per- formed their whole duty and went home. In the following year the Emperor of Germany, Frederic II, led a new army of Cru- saders into the Holy Land. Concerning this expedition Ibn-al- Athir writes: 5 "In that year many Franks came to the coast of Syria. They had been preceded by others, who, however, had been unable to accomplish anything, partly because of the absence of their leader, the prince of the Germans, and partly because Al-Muaddham, an intelligent, brave, and energetic 1 He succeeded Al-Adil in 1218. 2 Ibn-al-Athir, Recueil des hist, des crois., Orientaux, II, p. 122; cp. William of Tyre, XXXII, 9; Jacques de Vitry, ep., TV. 3 William of Tyre, XXXII, 16; cp. Wilken, Gesch. der Kreuzziige, VI, p. 346ff. * William of Tyre, XXXII, 25; XXXIII, 4; Phil, de Navarre, § 125; see also above, p. 4. A variant — Rec. des histor. des crois., Occid., II, p. 371 — says that the Germans built another castle which they called "Frank Castle." *AlKdmil year 625. FREDERIC II RETAKES SIDON 95 prince, was still alive. But when he died and was succeeded by his son, the Franks took courage and made themselves masters of Acco, Tyre, Beyrut, and the city of Sidon, only part of which had previously been in their power." From this narrative it would seem that Sidon and the other cities named were taken by force of arms. This is not probable, for Frederic appears to have accomplished his ends through diplomacy. The continuator of William of Tyre is probably nearer the truth when he states that the part of the city of Sidon which was still in the hands of the Moslems was returned to Frederic as one of the conditions of the truce made on February 24, 1229, which was to continue for ten years five months and some days. 1 At that time the entire city of Sidon passed once more into the hands of the Christians. Notwithstanding the truce, hostilities between Christians and Moslems continued without interruption. That neither gained any decided advantages was due to the fact that both sides were torn by bloody quarrels. Among the Christians the leaders of the two factions were John of Ibelin, lord of Beyrut, and Richard, representative of Frederic II, both of whom claimed the throne of Jerusalem. In these struggles Balian, the lord of Sidon, sided with Ibelin. 2 Among the Moslems the factional warfare was even more bitter. Malik-al-Asraf of Damascus died in 1237, and appointed as his successor Malik-as-Salih-Isma'il, prince of Baalbek and Basra, who, however, was quickly driven out by the Sultan of Egypt, Kamil. When the latter died in 1238, his son Malik-al-Adil was recognized by the nobles of the realm as Sultan of Egypt and Damascus. This was not to the liking of his brother, Malik-as-Salih-Ayyub, who put him out of the way and in 1240 made himself ruler of Egypt and Damascus. In the same year Malik-as-Salih-Isma/il returned to Damascus, and quickly made himself master of the city and of the throne. Fear- ing that he would not be strong enough to defend the city against 1 WUliam of Tyre, XXXIII, 8; cp. Rohricht, Die Kreuzfahrt Friedrich U r p. 26; Kugler, Gesch. der Kreuzzilge, p. 339. 2 William of Tyre, XXXIII, 24, 28, 29, 34; Phil, de Navarre, §§ 182, 183. 96 THE PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES Ayyub, he entered into an alliance with the Christians, prom- ising them, in return for their aid, the restoration of several places which at that time were in his power. 1 When Ayyub heard of this alliance he summoned to his aid the Khares- mians, wild hordes of Turks roaming around in the Euphrates and Tigris regions. They responded eagerly, entered Syria, captured Jerusalem in 1244, and assisted Ayyub in other ways to recover control of Syria and Palestine. The loss of Jerusalem and the threatening advance of the Mon- gols called forth another Crusade, 2 under the leadership of Louis IX of France. He directed his first attack against Egypt. Early successes were followed by disasters, until finally Louis was captured. After he had secured his release by the payment of an enormous ransom, 3 he went in 1250 to Acco, but being without resources he could accomplish little. While waiting for reinforcements he determined to fortify Acco, Sidon, and Csesarea. At first he encountered no obstacles, because fresh hostilities had broken out between Damascus and Egypt. But when in 1253 the difficulties between the Sultan of Damascus and the Emirs of Egypt were adjusted, the Moslems at once turned their attention to the Christians. The first engagement took place near Joppa, then Acco was besieged, and finally Sidon was attacked. This city had been destroyed by the troops of Ayyub during the campaign of Louis in Egypt, 4 but after his arrival in Palestine he had ordered the rebuilding of the city. The order had been partly carried out, under the direction of Simon de Montsceliart, when the new attack occurred. Simon, realizing the impossibility of holding the city against a numerous army, retired to the citadel with his troops and as many of the inhabit- 1 William of Tyre, XXXIII, 48, names among the districts to be restored la terre de Sajette, which denotes ordinarily the land of Sidon; but it cannot be meant here, because Sidon had been returned to the Christians eleven years before. Sajette may be an error for Safed; cp. also Phil, de Nav. § 215. 2 1248-1254. ■ See Kugler, Gesch. der Kreuzzilge, pp. 364-372. 4 Chron. of the Crusades, p. 545; cp. Michaud, Bibliotheque des croisades, IV, p. 453. SIDON DESTROYED BY MONGOLS 97 ants as could find room there. The enemy entered the city without opposition, slaughtered 2,000 of the inhabitants, and after pillaging the town departed for Damascus. 1 On hearing the news of this calamity the king was much depressed, but at the suggestion of his barons he issued a new order for the immediate rebuilding and fortification of the city. The task was completed in 1254, 2 and soon after Louis returned to his homeland. In the following year a truce was agreed upon, which was to continue for ten years. But soon a new danger threatened the cities of Syria, both Christian and Moslem. For some time the Mongols had been extending their territory in Mesopotamia and Asia Minor. In 1260 they turned southward and invaded Syria. Before the close of the year Sidon brought upon itself the wrath of their leader, Kethboga. In the vicinity of Beaufort, which belonged to the lord of Sidon, there were a few Moslem villages which were subject to the Mongols. The Franks living in Sidon and Beaufort fell treacherously upon these villages, slew some of the inhabitants and carried away others with their flocks. A nephew of Kethboga, who demanded the return of the prisoners, they slew, and the demands of the leader himself they treated with scorn. The latter, who until then had been favorably inclined toward the Christians, became furious and advanced immediately against Sidon, which he reduced to a heap of ruins. The inhabitants took refuge in the citadel upon the island, 3 which he was unable to take. Julian, the lord of Sidon 4 and Beaufort, who desired to withdraw from the world and enter the order of Trinitarians, 5 sold the ruins to the Templars. 6 1 Joinville, Memoires, p. 357. William of Tyre, XXXIV, 2, gives the number of the slain as 800 or more, and states that 400 were taken prisoners. 1 Joinville; p. 358 ; W. T., XXXIV, 2. 3 See above, p. 94. * Archives de Vor. kit., II, 2, p. 445. 5 William of Tyre, XXXIV, 20. 6 Id., XXXIV, 3 ; Chron. du tempi, de Tyr, in Publ. de la soc. Vor. lat. , Ser. histor., V, § 303; cp. 308; Archives de Vor. lat., II, 2, p. 449. Julian was the son of Giles, lord of Sidon, who died in 1247 — Chron., in Publ., hist., V, § 260 — the son of Balian, lord of Sidon — Phil, de Navarre, ib., § 116; Chron. de Terre Sainte, ib., § 90; Archives, II, 2, pp. 151, 153, 166, 167, 437, 438. 98 THE PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES The Mongols could not maintain themselves in Syria, and in a little while the supremacy passed again into the hands of the Moslems. In the year in which Sidon was destroyed by the Mongols Malik-at-thahir-Baibars became Sultan of Egypt. In the beginning he treated the Christians with friendly considera- tion, but in 1261 hostilities broke out. After a year's fighting a truce was declared, which three years later was broken by the Christians. When they saw that the war was going against them * they asked for peace, declaring their willingness to accept as one of the conditions the division of Sidon. 2 At first the sul- tan hesitated, because he had heard that meanwhile the Franks had made an attack upon Mahghara; 3 but in the following year a ten-year truce was proclaimed, one of the conditions being the division of Sidon. The Franks were to retain the districts in the plain, Baibars was to occupy the hills. 4 During the closing years of the struggle between Christians and Moslems Sidon remained in the background. 5 However, the city became involved in the difficulties which arose between Boemund, lord of Tripolis, and the order of the Templars, and in 1279 the former sent a fleet to Sidon which did much damage and carried away rich booty. 6 The end of the kingdom of Jerusalem was approaching rapidly. The west began to see the hopelessness of the struggle and ceased to send reinforcements, while the limited resources in Palestine were expended by the Christian leaders in fighting one another. When in 1290 the Christians broke the truce which had been agreed upon only a short time before, and afterwards refused to surrender the guilty parties, the sultan declared war. 7 The 1 From Archives de Vor. lat., II, 1, 382, it would seem that an army threat- ened Sidon. 2 Badr-addin al 'Aini, 'Ikd al-jumdn, year 665. 3 lb.; cp. Archives de V orient latin, II, 1, p. 388. 4 Badr-addin, year 666; Recueil des hist, des crois., Orientaux, II, p. 236; Arch, de Vor. lat., II, 1, p. 394. 5 In 1274 Adam of Romery became Bishop of Sidon, W. T., XXXIV, 19. * Chron. du tempi, de Tyr, in Publ. de la soc. de V orient latin, Se>. histor., Vol. V, § 400. 7 Wilken, Gesch. der Kreuzziige, VII, p. 719ff. WITHDRAWAL OF CHRISTIANS 99 first blow was directed against Acco, then the principal city of the Christians on the coast, and after a two months' siege the Saracens became masters of the city in 1291. The Templars who escaped from Acco fled to Sidon, intending to make a stand there; but when the Moslems made preparations to besiege the city from land and sea they withdrew to Cyprus, whereupon city and citadel were razed to the ground. "After the fall of Acco," says Abu'1-Fida, "God filled the hearts of the Franks who were still in Syria with terror. They evacuated Sidon and Beyrut, which two cities were occupied by As-Sajai during the last week of Rajab. ' H Thus, after many vicissitudes, Sidon, a renowned and popu- lous city at the beginning of the Crusades, returned at the close to the Moslems, little more than a heap of ruins. Appendix to Chapter VI The writings of the pilgrims who visited Sidon during the period of the Crusades throw little light upon its history. Saewulf , who undertook a pilgrimage to the Holy Land in 1102-1103, mentions Sidon as still in the hands of "Duke Raymund," i.e., Raymond, Count of Toulouse. 2 The Russian Abbot Daniel, 1106 or 1107, refers only incidentally to the city. 3 The guide to Palestine which goes under the name of Fretellus, written c. 1130, mentions several traditions connected with Sidon: "Fourteen miles from Tyre is Sidon. Sidon was founded by Sidon, the firstborn of Canaan, the son of Ham, from whom the Sidonians are descended. In Tyre and Sidon reigned Phoenix, who was the brother of Cadmus of Thebes in Egypt, who came to Syria. 4 1 Mukhtasar ta'rikh al basar, year 690; Chron. du tempi, de Tyr, §§ 509-518. Annales de Terre Sainte, in Archives de I'or. lat., II, 2, p. 460, places the attack in the year 1290. 2 P. P. T., Vol. IV, p. 127. 3 Publ. de la soc. de I'or. lat., Ser. geogr., IV, p. 54. 4 See note 10 on p. 10; also p. 20; cp. Stephenus Byzantius, s.v. tyoivitui, Eustathius, ad Dionys., I. 905. 100 THE PERIOD OF THE CRUSADES From his name he called those people Phoenicians, and the whole province Phoenicia, of which Tyre had the first rank From the confines of Tyre and Sidon came the Canaanite woman who said to Jesus, ' Son of David, have mercy upon me. ' . . . . Six miles from Sidon, above the sea, toward Tyre, is Sarepta of the Sidonians. In the mountains of Sidon and Sarepta is Gethacofer, 1 the town from which came Jonah. Of Sidon was Dido, who built Carthage in Africa. 2 Sidon was acquired by the Phoenicians and held by them; they confirmed its name Sidon on account of the abundance of fish, because in their language sidon means fish." 3 John of Wurzburg, in the latter half of the twelfth century, says: ''Six miles from Sarepta is Sidon, a famous city, from which came Dido, who founded Carthage in Africa.' " Joannes Phocas, c. 1185, has left this description: 1 * Nextoomes Sidon with the famous twin harbor, whose situation has been admirably described by the historian of Leucippe f for if you visit the place, with its harbor and outer harbor, you will find the reality agreeing with the description given in his writings. Outside the city, at a distance of about three bowshots, stands a church, surrounded by a colonnade of great length, upon the upper part of the apse of which is placed a four-sided stone, whereon, according to the report of the vulgar, Christ, the Saviour of the world, used to stand and teach the multitude. ' ,ft Theodoric, c. 1172, speaks of Sidon as a "noble city, from which came Dido, who founded Carthage in Africa." 7 Anonymous pilgrim V, 2, 8 toward the close of the twelfth century, says that in Sidon resided a bishop, who was a suffragan bishop of the Archbishop of Tyre. 9 Anonymous pilgrim VI, called Pseudo- 1 According to 2 K. 14: 25 the home of Jonah was in Gathhepher. The same place is mentioned in Josh. 19: 13. It is identified with the present village of el-Meshhed. 2 Cp. Virgil, Mn., I, 446, 613. 3 P. P. T., V, 50, 51. * lb., V, p. 63. B Achilles Tatius; see above, p. 4. • Rec. des histor. des crois., Grecs, I, p. 531. 7 P. P. T., V, p. 72. 8 The term Anonymous is applied to several pilgrims whose names have not been preserved. 9 lb., VI, p. 31. CHRISTIAN PILGRIMS 101 Beda, also in the twelfth century, writes : ' ' Six miles from Sarepta is Sidon, whence came Dido, who built Carthage in Africa. Sidon is, being interpreted, 'seeking after sorrow'; Tyre, 'trading.' It was from these parts of Tyre and Sidon that the Canaanitish woman came to Jesus. ' ' * 1 lb., VI, p. 49 102 TO THE PRESENT DAY CHAPTER VII TO THE PKESENT DAY After the expulsion of the Christians and the reestablish- ment of the Moslem dominion, Syria, including Phoenicia, belonged nominally to the ruler of Egypt; in reality it was par- celed out among a number of minor sultans, the descendants of Saladin and his brothers. 1 Al-Dimaski, writing about 1300 A.D., states that since the rise of the Turk power, meaning the dynasty of Saladin, Syria had been divided into nine kingdoms. Of these he gives first rank to Damascus, and Sidon he names as one of its cities. 2 Three years before the fall of the kingdom of Jerusalem, Othman or Osman I became the chief of the Turks in Phrygia. His surname al-ghdzi, i.e., the conqueror, indicates that he was a warrior. During his reign 3 he subjected the whole of western Asia Minor to his sway. 4 From the conquest of Asia Minor and the Danubian provinces of the Byzantine empire the Turks advanced, in the middle of the fifteenth century, to Constanti- nople, which was taken in 1453. During the reign of Bajazid II 5 their advance was checked temporarily, but under his suc- cessor, Selim I, 6 Syria was occupied, 7 Sidon without a battle; 8 and since then Syria, including Phoenicia, has been under the rule of the Turks. For many years subsequent to 1291 Sidon played an unim- portant role. Centuries passed before she recovered, even in a measure, from the severe blows which she sustained during the 1 Le Strange, Palestine under the Moslems, p. 40. 2 Nukhbat ad-dahr, ed. Mehren, p. 201 ; cp. 212, 213. Yakut, Mu'jam al- bulddn, ed. Wustenfeld, III, 439. 3 1288-1325. * V. Hammer, Gesch. des Osmanischen Reiches, p. 41ff. 5 1481-1512. • Died September 22, 1520. 7 In 1516. 8 Mignot, History of the Turkish or Ottoman Empire, I, 270. PERIOD OF DECLINE 103 period of the Crusades; in fact she has never regained the splendor which was hers before that time. The last glowing description of the city is one written by Idrisi, c. 1154. ' ' Sidon, ' ' says he, " is a large city, where the markets are thronged and provisions are cheap. It is surrounded by gardens and trees, water is plenty, and it has broad outlying districts. The city owns four districts, which lie contiguous to the Lebanon mountains. The first is the district of Jazin, through which runs the wddy-al- Hirr, which is noted for its fertility and the abundance of its fruits. The second is the district as-Surbah, which is a splendid district. The third is the district of Kafar Kila. The fourth is the district of ar-Rami, which is the name of a river that flows through the hills. These four districts contain more than six hundred domains." 1 Very different are the reports written subsequently to the thirteenth century. Abu'1-Fida, c. 1321, says, "It is a small town, but fortified." 2 A guide book to Palestine, compiled c. 1350, does indeed call Sidon a ' ' famous city, ' ,3 but the epithet refers to the past history rather than to the present. From the same period comes the testimony of Ludolf of Sudheim, who calls Sidon ' ' a seaside city, fenced about with towers and high walls, but deserted." 4 In the fifteenth century it was still without its former splendor. John Poloner, who visited the Holy Land in 1421-1422, has this to say : ' ' Sidon is a city of Phoenicia; its ruins at this day bear witness to its greatness Out of its ruins has been built another town, small indeed but fortified, had it but men to defend it. ; ,5 Felix Fabri, a Dominican monk who journeyed to Palestine in 1480- 1483, did not see Sidon; hence his reference to Tyre and Sidon as ' ' great cities" 6 cannot be taken seriously. 1 Nuzhat al Mustdk, ed. Gildemeister, p. 15. 2 Takuim-al-bulddn, ed. Reinaud et de Slane, p. 249. See also Koehler, Tabula Syria, p. 93. 3 P. P. T., Vol. VI, p. 39. 4 Archives de V orient latin, II, 2, p. 339. 5 P. P. T., Vol. VI, p. 29. A few years before this visit, c. 1404, European pirates had raided the city. Lane-Poole, A History of Egypt in the Middle Ages, p. 335. 6 P. P. T., VII, 1, p. 211. 104 TO THE PRESENT DAY From all these statements we may gather that after its destruc- tion in 1291 Sidon was rebuilt and refortified, that a small popu- lation settled in the new town, and that some commerce was carried on, 1 but that Sidon could no longer be looked upon as a chief city of Phoenicia. When Sandys visited the city in 1610- 1611 it still appeared in its poverty. "But this once ample city," says he, "still suffering with the often changes of those countries, is at this day contracted within narrow limits, and only shows the foundations of her greatness The town now being is not worth our description; the walls are neither fair nor of force; the haven decayed, when at best but serving for galleys. At the end of the pier stands a paltry blockhouse, furnished with suitable artillery. The mosque, the Bannia (per- haps the public bath), and Khan for merchants are the only buildings of note. ' ,2 Soon after Sandys' visit the city revived for a few decades. When the Druses settled in the Lebanon region, Sidon came under the sway of the Emir of the Lebanon. 3 In 1585 the Emir Korkmas was poisoned, 4 and was succeeded by his son Fakhr-addin, a boy of fourteen years. 5 The sultan took advan- tage of his youth and reduced his territory by separating from it Sidon and a few other towns. As soon as Fakhr-addin began to rule independently, he determined not only to recover the lost cities, but to wrest the whole of Syria from the sultan and establish an independent kingdom. In a short time he regained Sidon, and in addition he conquered many other cities of Syria. With this conquest opened the last period of Sidon's glory. Fakhr-addin decided to make it his capital and a 1 Cp. Prise d' Alexandrie, by Guillaume de Machaut, I. 5708, in Publ. de la soc. de I'or. lat., S6r. histor., I, p. 173. 2 Relation of a journey begun in 1610, 2d ed., p. 210. 3 Wustenfeld, Fachr-ed-Din und seine Zeitgenossen, in Abhandlungen der Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften in Gottingen, 1885, Vol. XXXIII, p. 78. Dur- ing the expedition of Ibrahim Pasha to Syria, for the purpose of bringing the Druses to obedience, a Turkish fleet landed in Sidon; id., p. 84. * Z. D. M. G., VIII, 480. 5 Wustenfeld, Fachr-ed-Din, p. 87. REVIVAL UNDER FAKHR-ADDIN 105 worthy centre of his new kingdom. He rebuilt the citadel and surrounded the city with a new wall. Italian architects erected for him a magnificent palace, surrounded by various other halls and palaces. These were located in the midst of gardens, ter- races, and orchards, beautiful with flowers, fountains, boule- vards, etc. 1 The plain surrounding the city was planted with mulberry trees. For the advancement of commerce he erected the "great Khan," so called because it was of immense size, containing many magazines and storerooms; here were located also the first European factory, the residences and warehouses of the French merchants, a drug store, residences for physicians, places of worship, etc. These accommodations attracted the commerce of the west, and since religious liberty was granted to all the city soon began to flourish in its oldtime splendor. 2 The commerce of Sidon was at that time and for many years after almost exclusively in the hands of Frenchmen, 3 and their nation was for a long time the only European power to have a consular representative there. In a little while their trade grew to such proportions that it brought annually 200,000 crowns into the treasury of the government, and it was so essential to the welfare of the inhabitants that, says d'Arvieux, had the French removed to another place, the city would have been immediately abandoned and left deserted. From Sidon as the centre branches were established in the other coast cities, Acco, Beyrut, Tripolis, Tyre; and from it a direct route led to Damascus, of which city it was considered the port. 4 The city seemed destined to resume the leadership which it had occupied during the Persian period, when Fakhr-addin by a single blow de- stroyed all prospects of permanent commercial supremacy. In 1 D'Arvieux, Memoir -es, I, p. 303ff. 2 Wustenfeld, Fachr-ed-Din, p. 87 ; S. Pierre, Histoire des Druses, Paris, 1763, p. 25. 3 D'Arvieux, Memoires, I, pp. 311, 398, etc. * For a full description of the new splendor of Sidon, the building enter- prises of Fakhr-addin, its commerce, etc., see d'Arvieux, Memoires, I, 294ff., 331ff., 463ff. ; III, 341ff. 106 TO THE PRESENT DAY order to prevent the Turkish ships from landing at Sidon he ordered the harbor to be filled up by sinking in it old boats, stones, and rubbish. 1 As a result the sun of Sidon set almost as soon as that of Fakhr-addin in 1634. Little remained of its splendor when Henry Maundrell visited the place in 1697. " Sidon/' says he, "is stocked well enough with inhabitants, but is very much shrunk from its ancient extent, and more from its splendor, as appears from a great many beautiful pillars that lie scattered up and down the gardens without the present walls. Whatever antiquities may at any time have been hereabout, they are now perfectly obscured and buried by the Turkish buildings. Upon the south side of the city, upon a hill, stands an old castle, said to be the work of Louis IX of France, sur- named the Saint, and not far from the castle is an old unfinished palace of Fakhr-addin, serving, however, the pasha for his seraglio; neither of them worth mentioning, had the city afforded us anything else more remarkable." 2 Sidon became the seat of the pasha in 1658, and continued to be such for over a century. The pasha still resided there when Niebuhr visited the city in 1766. The city itself was in as bad condition as in the days of Maundrell. It did not have even a regular wall. The outer walls of the houses served as fortifications of the city, and where they did not join closely an effort had been made to provide a connecting wall. The citadel, which had a small garrison, whose duty it was to police the city and protect the harbor, was in miserable condition, and had just enough cannons to respond to salutes that might be fired by passing ships. The inner harbor could be entered by small vessels only. 3 Volney, who visited the city during his travels in 1784, calls Sidon the degenerate offspring of ancient Sidon, and describes it as ill built, dirty, and full of modern ruins. 4 In return for services rendered during the Egyptian invasion 1 Volney, Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte, II, 192. 2 Journey from Aleppo to Jerusalem at Easter 1697; Diary of March 19. 3 Reisebeschreibung, III, pp. 78, 79. 4 Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte, II, p. 191. LOSS OF COMMERCE 107 of Syria, and for the purpose of strengthening the position of Turkey against the Druses and Metawelis who were threatening the coast cities, the sultan appointed in 1773 as Pasha of Sidon Ahmad-al-Jazzar, the most cruel and bloodthirsty adventurer of the Turkish army. After he had pacified the rebels he entered upon a reign of terror. He caused the death of the Emir of the Druses, who had been his benefactor, in order that he might secure his treasures and other possessions; he put to death several of the Turkish pashas who were in the way of his ambitions, and the people he oppressed with extreme cruelty. As a result he had to stand in constant fear of revolts; to be pre- pared for these he transferred his residence from Sidon, which was without adequate defenses, to the strongly fortified Acco, 1 where he exercised his rule of terror for about a quarter of a century. When the French merchants in Sidon offered opposi- tion to his despotism and greed and presented accusations against him before the sultan, he drove them in 1791 from the city and his other possessions. 2 This act of folly proved a serious blow to the city, for it resulted in the transfer of the French commerce to Beyrut and Tripolis, 3 while Sidon was given a set- back from which it has never recovered. In the beginning of the nineteenth century the commerce of Sidon had been reduced to almost nothing. De Marcellus wrote in 1816/ that for sev- eral years the commerce of the city had been practically dead, and that the last French consul, during a stay of seven years, had seen only one French vessel enter the harbor, and it had been driven there by a storm. During the nineteenth century the city has revived somewhat, but it will never again become the leader of commerce on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean. 1 Ibid., pp. 164, 165. 2 Olivier, Voyage dans V empire d'Othoman, I'Egypte, et la Perse, II, p. 231. Verney et Dambmann, Les puissances 6trangeres dans le Levant, p. 364; P. E. F., 1906, p. 138, quoted from Browne, Travels in Africa, Egypt and Syria, from the year 1792 to 1798. 3 Michaud et Poujoulat, Correspondance d'Orient, V, p. 516ff. * Souvenirs de VOrient, p. 228. 108 TO THE PRESENT DAY The condition of its harbor and the nearness of Beyrut, which draws everything to itself, prevents its rapid growth. In 1837 Sidon suffered severely from an earthquake, in which about 100 buildings were damaged. 1 Three years later the harbor for- tress was attacked and the city captured by the combined fleet of the European powers who sought to drive Mehemet Ali from Syria. 2 Travelers who visited the city during the first half of the century estimated the population variously from 5,000 to 10,000. In 1858 it was said to be about 9,000. Of these 6,800 were Moslems, 850 Greek Catholics, 750 Maronites, 150 United Greeks, and 300 Jews. 3 Nearly all the travelers call attention to the wretched condition of the place and its peo- ple; only rarely one allows his imagination to soar and to paint a more hopeful picture. "The whole appearance of Sidon," says al-Mukattem (H. Crosby), "formed an epoch in our journey. We suddenly lost sight of the lazy, dilapidated Orient in the life and bustle of a large and busy town as is Sidon, and saw in its inhabitants a tone of rank and intelli- gence that we had not witnessed since leaving Cairo." 4 Dur- ing the persecutions of the Christians by the Moslems and of the Maronites by the Druses in I860, 5 the Christians in Sidon were subjected to severe suffering. In 1902, M. Angel, who was commissioned by the Alliance Israelite to study the situation in Sidon with a view of estab- lishing a Jewish school there, presented a picture of the city's desolation in these words : " I have visited the most ancient quarters of Jerusalem and Damascus, but there I have never seen a semblance of the aspect of desolation and decay which Sidon presents, a little village, almost igrored by tourists, to which modern civilization has not yet penetrated." 8 There 1 Ritter, Erdkunde, XVII, 1, p. 406. 2 Menzies, Turkey Old and New, p. 387. A. A. Paton, A History of the Egyptian Revolution, II, pp. 189, 190. 8 Thomson, The Land and the Book, two vol. edition, I, p. 154. * The Lands of the Moslem, p. 332. 6 Von Oppenheim, Vom Mittelmeer zum Persischen Golf, pp. 162, 163. * Bulletin de I'alliance Israelite, 1902, p. 92. THE MODERN TOWN 109 must be some exaggeration in this statement, for since the middle of the nineteenth century the city has shared to some extent in the advances and advantages of modern civilization, and at the present time it contains nearly all the institutions which are thought essential in a modern town. Its population is estimated at about 11,000. It is the seat of a Turkish tribunal, has a custom house, a post office, and a telegraph office for domestic service, i.e., for correspondence in Arabic and Turkish. It is the residence of a Kaimakdm, of a Maronite and two Greek bishops. 1 It possesses Moslem sec- ondary and primary schools for boys and girls; the American Mission — Presbyterian — maintains a boys and a girls' school, also a school of agriculture; the Franciscans have a monastery, church, and boys' school; the Sisters of Joseph a school and an orphanage; the Jesuits have a mission station, with a church and a school. The Maronites, the United Greeks, and Ortho- dox Greeks also maintain schools and churches. 2 The Alliance Israelite established a mixed school in 1902. 3 1 Badeker says that both belong to the Orthodox Greek Church. This is an error; one belongs to the United Greek Church; so Cuinet. 2 Cuinet, Syrie, Liban, et Palestine, p. 71 ; Badeker-Benzinger, Palestine and Syria, 1898, p. 314. Verney et Dambmann, Les puissances ttrangeres dans le Levant, pp. 28, 29, 477. 3 Bulletin de V alliance Israelite, 1902, p. 91ff . III. COLONIES, COMMERCE AND INDUSTRIES Six hundred and sixty pages does Movers devote to a dis- cussion of the Phoenician colonies; 1 and that notwithstanding his admission 2 that in cases without number we know very little, while "concerning others, and among them the most important, nothing whatever may be said." On the other hand, twelve pages are sufficient for Winckler to prove that the older views concerning the founding of Phoenician colonies are no longer tenable. 3 He holds, and without doubt correctly, that the so-called Phoenician colonies on the islands and shores of the Mediterranean are due, not to the commercial ventures of the cities in Phoenicia proper, but to the continuation across the Mediterranean Sea of the same Semitic migration which resulted in the settlement of the Phoenicians along the eastern coast of the Mediterranean. The subject of this chapter, however, is not Phoenician colonies but Sidonian colonies. In entering upon the discussion of this subject it may be well to repeat what has been stated in another connection, that Sidon was not a city of prominence until after the opening of the first millennium B.C., a fact which tends to cast suspicion upon any statement which implies that centuries earlier Sidon was busy planting colonies on distant shores. The mythological stories which connect Europa and Cadmus with Sidon may be left entirely out of consideration, for they reflect late notions which in no sense can be called historical. 4 The 1 Die Phonizier, II, 2. ' Ibid., p. 1. 3 Altorientalische Forschungen, I, pp. 421-433; cp. Zeitschrift fur Socialwis- senschaft, VI, pp. 357ff., 434ff. ; see also v. Landau, Der AlteOrient, II, 4, p. 8. 4 The origin of these notions may be explained, in part, by the fact that the people among whom they originated were more familiar with the citizens of 110 SIDONIAN COLONIES 111 earliest historical allusion to a Sidonian colony is generally seen in Judg. 18 : 7, 28 ; but there Sidonian is certainly equivalent to Phoenician, and the most that may be inferred from the passage is that Laish was a Phoenician settlement; it does not follow that the city Sidon had even the remotest connection with it. An- other proof of the early colonizing activities of Sidon is found in the claims expressed on Sidonian coins of the second century B.C. 1 that Sidon is the mother of Kambe, = Carthage, Hippo, Citium, Tyre. In the case of Tyre the claim has been shown to be unwarranted, 2 and the same may be said in the case of the other cities; for how could a city such as Sidon was during the Tel-el- Amarna period plant, at approximately the same time, or even earlier, extensive settlements on foreign and hostile shores? If any colonizing was done during the period reflected in the Tel-el- Amarna tablets or earlier, it cannot have proceeded from the Phoenician cities named in that correspondence. On this ground alone the assertion is warranted that the claims of Sidon to be the founder of the cities named is without any basis in history; it reflects rather the later rivalry between Tyre and Sidon, which found expression in extravagant claims of antiquity and superiority. There are only two colonies the founding of which is credited by disinterested persons to Sidon. Leptis, in North Africa, is said to have been settled by Sidonians who had been driven from their homes by internal dissensions; 3 and the island Oliaros, near Paros, is called by Heraclides Ponticus Zidwviwv dnotxta. 4 Pliny calls the former a Tyrian settlement, 5 while modern his- Sidon than with those of other Phoenician cities, in part by the wider use of the term Sidonian = Phoenician; see above, p. 18. It should be noted also that other traditions connect these mythological figures with Tyre; see above, p. 20. 1 Gesenius, Monumenta, p. 264ff. 2 See above, p. 21ff. In the case of Carthage the fact must not be over- looked that ancient tradition in general makes Tyre the mother; see Meltzer, Geschichte der Karthager, I, p. 124. J. A.O. S., 1890, p. LXXff. 3 Sallust, Jug., 78. 4 Stephanus Byzantius, Ethnicorum quae supersunt, s.v. 'QMapog. 5 Historia naturalis, V, 17. 112 COLONIES, COMMERCE AND INDUSTRIES torians are inclined to believe that it was founded by Carthage. 1 In the case of the latter Sidefows may be used in the wider sense,. or we may perhaps assume that a Sidonian settlement of the character described below existed there. Even these refer- ences, therefore, do not prove that Sidon founded colonies in the commonly accepted sense of that term. To explain the historical development of the so-called Phoeni- cian colonies, it is necessary to place their origin in a period much earlier than that in which the Phoenician coast cities first came into prominence. The traditions which connect them with these cities arose at a time when, as is true in other cases, the actual course of events was no longer known. However, the process of reasoning which is responsible for the traditions can still be traced. Here were certain Semitic settlements away from the mainland, or in regions distant from the better-known Semitic nations: what could be more natural than to look upon them as colonies of the latter? Their language, customs, and religion resembled the language, customs, and religion of the Phoenicians; hence they must be colonies of the Phoenicians. The relative prominence of the Phoenician cities at the time of the origin of the traditions would determine which of the cities was to be regarded as the ' ' mother. ' ' Traditions arising during the supremacy of Sidon would connect the colonies with it r while at another period the same colonies might be connected with Tyre, and in periods of intense rivalry each city would try to overcome the claims of the other by adding new colonies to its own list. Tradition credits Tyre, which was the most prominent Phoenician city during the greater part of Phoenician history, with the largest number of colonies. The beliefs concerning the founding of these colonies would be fostered by another fact. The Phoenicians were from the earliest times a seafaring nation, the mediators between the Orient and the Occident. Being such, it would be to their interest to establish commercial relations with the people 1 See E. Meyer, in Ency. Bibl., art. Phoenicia. COMMERCIAL SETTLEMENTS 113 living upon the islands and shores to the west. It was quite natural that their fellow-Semites, who had settled there at ap- proximately the time when the Phoenicians established them- selves on the eastern shore of the Mediterranean Sea, and who for some generations at least must have remembered the inti- mate racial connection existing between them, would grant to them certain privileges which might prove of mutual advantage ; for example, they might permit them to erect warehouses, or factories, or even to plant small settlements of merchants who could trade with the more remote districts in the interior. We may assume even that similar privileges were granted by non- Semitic communities. In a certain sense these settlements might be called colonies, but not in the sense in which it is com- mon to speak of Phoenician colonies, and yet only in this limited sense are we warranted to speak of colonies founded by the cities of Phoenicia. These statements do not mean to deny that there may have been occasions when individuals, or families, or groups of families found it desirable, for economic or political reasons, to leave their homes; in such cases they would quite naturally turn westward to find new homes among their kins- men there. Migrations of this character may also have been responsible for the presence of Sidonian or Tyrian "colonies" in the midst of the older Semitic settlements. These three facts — the close x^cial connection between the Phoenicians and the inhabitants of the islands and shores west of them, the estab- lishment by the Phoenicians of small commercial settlements in the midst of the older "colonies," and migrations on a small scale from the Phoenician cities — are the historical basis of the traditions concerning the colonial activities of the ancient Phoenicians. This conclusion finds further support in the history of these " colonies." In the first place, though traces of early Semitic influence may be seen in many places, it was not able to maintain and assert itself permanently in the presence of stronger native elements; hence it soon died out. There are, indeed, only a few places — for example, Carthage, Cyprus, Spain 114 COLONIES, COMMERCE AND INDUSTRIES — in which the invaders succeeded in establishing permanent Semitic communities. 1 Again, the presence of commercial estab- lishments explains most readily the maintenance of constant communication between these colonies and the more promi- nent commercial centres of Phoenicia. Moreover, so far as we can judge, the influence of the Phoenician cities in the affairs of these distant settlements was insignificant; it was chiefly commercial; which is quite natural, if the situation was as described above. The exact share of the city of Sidon in these " colonizing" enterprises it is difficult to determine. It undoubtedly varied according to the fortunes of the city at home. In* times of prosperity and success her commercial activities abroad would be considerable; in periods of decline •and misfortune her commerce would be pushed into the back- ground. Undoubtedly in this, as in other respects, Tyre played the more prominent role. While it may be necessary to reject as exaggerated many of the traditions concerning the early colonial activities of the Phoenician cities, there is no good reason for questioning the traditions concerning the commercial prominence of Sidon and her sister cities. The Phoenicians were destined by nature k) become a seafaring nation. 2 On the one hand, there was little opportunity for agriculture or sheep raising in the narrow strip of land along the coast; on the other hand, the Phoenician terri- tory possessed excellent harbor facilities, while the coast farther south had but one harbor, that of Joppa. This in itself makes it more than probable that even the pre-Phcenician in- habitants of the land knew and practiced navigation and ship- building, thus preparing the way for their Semitic successors, who became the commercial mediators between the East and the West. The famous twenty-seventh chapter of the Book of Ezekiel, 1 Meyer, Geschichte des Altertums, II, p. 141ff. On the influence of political disorder upon the founding of new Phoenician settlements see also Jastrow, The Founding of Carthage, in J. A. 0. S., 1890, p. LXXff. 1 Pomponius Mela, 1, 12. PHOENICIAN COMMERCE 115 which deals with Tyre, reveals the wide extent of Phoenician commerce during the first half of the sixth century B.C. Among the nations mentioned there as carrying on an active trade with the Phoenician city are Northern Syria, Syria of Damascus, Judah, Israel, Egypt, Arabia, Babylonia, Assyria, Upper Mesopotamia, Armenia, Asia Minor, Ionia, Greece, Cyprus, Tarshish. 1 Ezekiel furnishes also a very complete. idea of the articles of commerce. From Northern Syria came cotton, embroidery, and precious stones; from Syria of Damascus, the wine of Helbon 2 and white wool; from Israel and Judah, pannagh, 3 corn, honey, balm, and oil; from Egypt, fine linen; from Arabia, spices, cassia, calamus, lambs, rams, goats, cloths for chariots, gold, wrought iron, precious stones, ivory, and ebony. Babylonia and Assyria furnished choice wares, wrappings of blue and broidefed work, and chests of rich apparel, bound with cords and made of cedar. Upper Mesopotamia, represented by Haran, shared in this traffic. Armenia sent horses, chargers, and mules; Asia Minor and Ionia, persons of men and vessels of brass; Cyprus, benches of ivory inlaid with boxwood. From Greece came "blue and purple, ' ' probably shell fish, which were used in the manufacture of purple. Tarshish supplied silver, iron, tin, and lead. An- other fact made plain by Ezekiel is that the land trade was more extensive than the trade requiring navigation. With the excep- tion of the last four districts named by him, all could be reached from Tyre by land, most of them only by land. At times Egypt and the south coast of Asia Minor may have been touched by vessels, but even with these countries the greater part of the trade was carried on over land routes. When these words of Ezekiel were uttered Tyre was the lead- ing city of Phoenicia. Sidon had not yet fully recovered from the awful blow struck by Esarhaddon; and yet there can be no 1 The prophet is probably thinking of Spain. Various other identifications have been suggested. See Encycl. Bibl., art. Tarshish. 2 A delicious drink ; Strabo, Geographica, XV, 3, 22. 3 A word of uncertain meaning; the text may be corrupt; Cornill emends JJil, meaning wax. 116 COLONIES, COMMERCE AND INDUSTRIES doubt that it had a large share in the commerce described here and in the resulting prosperity. That much is implied in the prophet's statement that the Sidonians were the mariners of Tyre, 1 which must mean that they assisted the Tyrians in carrying out their commercial enterprises. The Homeric poems describe the commercial relations be- tween Greece and Phoenicia as they were supposed to have been in the days of the Trojan wars, and they picture the Sidonian ships as crossing the Mediterranean in every direction. ' ' There lay the beautiful embroidered robes, the work of the hands of the Sidonian women, brought far over the waters wide, even from Sidon." 2 And again, "Then set Peleides forth a mazer of silver mould, the prize for swiftness of foot; six measures the same would hold; and for beauty there was not the like thereof in any land, for it was fashioned by skillful Sidonian workmen, and Phoenician shipmen had brought it oVer the misty wave." 3 Once more, "There came some famous Phoenician shipmen, knaves who brought in their ship multitudes of trinkets. ' ' 4 On account of the wider use of the term Sidonian by Homer, 5 it is difficult to determine from these passages the exact share which Sidon had in these enterprises. The same difficulty is encountered in Herodotus' statements concerning the early period of Phoenician history, and even in some which deal with the later days. When he says, for example, that on settling the shores of the Mediterranean Sea the Phoenicians began to occupy themselves with distant sea voyages, 8 it is not easy to decide which city of Phoenicia took the lead. But if Sidon was the first city occupied by the Phoenicians, it is not improbable that the first vessels departed from its harbor, though its lead may not have continued for any length of time. However, even if 1 Verse 8. The prominence of Sidon in the affairs of Phoenicia is implied also in other prophecies of this period; see above, p. 56ff. • II, VI, 289-291. 8 II., XXIII, 740-744. * Od., XV, 414, 415. Some passages imply that the Phoenicians were not always scrupulous in their dealings; e.g., Od., Ill, 71; IX, 250ff.; XIV, 285ff. 1 See above, p. 1 9. 9 Histona, I, 1 . COMMERCE IN ANTIQUITY 117 Sidon did not stand in the front rank of commercial^activity dur- ing the early centuries of Phoenician history, its excellent harbor facilities made it inevitable that it should have a large share in the commercial undertakings of the ancient East. The city is first mentioned as an independent seafaring power in connection with the Persian period. Diodorus calls attention to the wealth of its citizens, accumulated through commerce. 1 That Sidon was a well-known starting point for ships and a place where shipbuilding was carried on is implied in Herodotus, III, 136. 2 That greater prominence is given to the feats of the Sidonian vessels in war 3 is due not to less activity in commerce and other peaceful enterprises, but rather to the fact that the ancient historians took a keener interest in war than in the arts of peace. The Phoenicians who are said to have sailed around Africa 4 may have been Sidonians. To the closing period of the Persian supremacy belongs Joel 4 : 6, which accuses Sidon and Tyre of selling Jews to the Greeks. From a later period comes Zech. 9 : 2, which implies that Sidon was still prominent commer- cially. The exact date of Is. 23 : 2 cannot be determined, but it is certainly not earlier than the late Persian period, 5 and perhaps much later. Whatever the exact date, its testimony is valuable as a witness to the commercial prominence of Sidon : ' ' Behold, ye inhabitants of the isle, thou whom the merchants of Sidon, who pass over the sea, have replenished." A new impetus was given to the commerce of the Phoenician cities by the exten- sion of the Persian empire to India, which added the products of India to their commerce. On the other hand, the friendly feel- ing which existed between Sidon and the Athenians made Sidon a favorite trading cenjfcre. Little is known of the commerce of Sidon during the rule of the Ptolemies and the Seleucidae, but during the early Roman period a lively trade was carried on with Joppa, 8 which must have extended also to other cities. In the absence of all testi- 1 Bibliotheca historica, XVI, 41. ' See above, p. 62. 3 See above, p. 61 ff. * Herodotus, IV, 42. 5 See above, p. 66. 8 Josephus, Ant., XIV, 10. 6. 118 COLONIES, COMMERCE AND INDUSTRIES mony 1 we may assume that during the first millennium of the Christian era Sidonian commerce continued to prosper, though other coast cities may have surpassed it; as long as the harbor remained open and unobstructed trading vessels would find it a convenient landing place. In the eleventh century it was a flourishing commercial centre. 2 In the following century Idrisi speaks of its thronged market places. 3 From the four- teenth century comes the testimony of Ibn-Batuta, who men- tions figs, raisins, and olive oil as articles of export. 4 That the city possessed much wealth during the period of the Crusades is evident from the fact that the inhabitants were quite ready to purchase their freedom 5 or assistance 8 for large sums of money; and this wealth presupposes commerce, which was the only means by which the coast cities could acquire wealth. The vicissitudes of the period of the Crusades affected seriously the commercial standing of the city, and after the expulsion of the Christians it regained its influence by very slow stages. In the seventeenth century Fakhr-addin sought to restore its former splendor, and to make it the mediator par excellence between the Orient and the Occident. The resources of Sidon itself were increased by the planting of numerous mulberry groves, which resulted in the city becoming in a very little while the centre of the silk industry in the East, from which great quantities were exported to Marseilles. Unfortunately the commercial prospects of Sidon were permanently impaired by the partial filling up of its harbor. 7 Notwithstanding this act of folly the commerce, which was almost exclusively in the hands of Frenchmen, continued to prosper for many years. Not even the fall of Fakhr-addin in 1634 had a serious effect upon it, for in the latter part of the century d'Arvieux wrote 8 that in his day the French trade had 1 The pilgrims were not interested in commerce, hence they are silent con- cerning it. 2 See quotation from Nasir-i-Khusrau, on p. 81. 3 See above, p. 103. * Tuhfat an-nuzzar, I, 132. 5 See above, p. 83. • See above, p. 84. 7 This was intended to prevent the approach of the hostile Turkish fleet. 8 M&moires, I, p 311. DURING THE CHRISTIAN ERA 119 grown to such dimensions that it brought annually into the coffers of the government 200,000 crowns, and that it had become so essential to the inhabitants that, if the French should remove it to another place, the city would be immediately abandoned and deserted. From Sidon, the residence of the French consul, as the centre branches were established in the other coast cities, and from it a caravan road led directly to Damascus and the interior. The French consuls and merchants were diplomatic enough to keep on good terms with the emirs and pashas who succeeded Fakhr-addin, and thus succeeded in extending their commerce more and more. The chief articles of export were raw and spun cotton, silk, rice, nutgalls, ashes from the desert, bird lime, senna, and several other drugs. At first these goods were paid for in money, but in the course of time the French began to import various articles in exchange, among them cloths, spices, dye stuffs, and jewelry. 1 Though in time more and more of the trade was transferred to Beyrut, Sidon continued to occupy a prominent position commercially until toward the close of the eighteenth century. In 1737, when Pococke visited the place, all the merchants resided in the great Khan erected by Fakhr-addin; the principal articles of export were raw silk, cotton, and grain. 2 Hasselquist relates 3 that in his day, 1751, more than twenty ships were sent annually to France, laden chiefly with spun cotton and raw silk, but carrying also the silken and half silken stuffs from Damascus, and nutgalls, oil, and ashes. The imports were cloth, spices, Spanish iron, and dye stuffs. In 1766 Niebuhr found fourteen French merchants, all of whom lived in the Khan, 4 and Mariti 5 speaks in the follow- ing year of seven or eight great French commercial houses. In 1784 Volney found the commerce still chiefly in the hands of the French, who had a consul and six commercial houses in the city; raw and spun cotton and silk were the chief 1 D'Arvieux, Mtmoires, I, 334ff. ; 463ff. 3 Description of the East, II, 1, p. 87. 8 Voyages and Travels, p. 166. * Reisebeschreibung, III, p. 79. 5 1, p. 122, mentioned by Ritter, Erdkunde, XVII, 1, p. 404. 120 COLONIES, COMMERCE AND INDUSTRIES commodities. 1 Sidonian commerce received its deathblow when in 1791 the French merchants were driven from the city and the neighboring districts. 2 Since then the little trade has been carried on chiefly by the natives. The European commerce has turned almost entirely to Beyrut; only since 1894 have English steamers made the city again a regular stopping place. 3 In 1850 Neale wrote concerning Sidon : "It can in no respect be called a commercial town, its import trade being barely sufficient to meet the wants of the inhabi- tants and its exports wholly insignificant." 4 And a few years later Thomson also calls attention to the commercial decline; the only articles of export he names are tobacco, oil, fruit, and silk. 5 At the present time the chief articles of com- merce are silk, cotton, figs, oranges, lemons, and grain. 6 But these exchange hands in such small quantities that it is almost impossible to speak of Sidon as a trading centre. ' ' The ancient Phoenician cities of Tyre and Sidon, ' ' says Schulz, ' ' are to-day dead cities .... Sidon has lost its commercial standing, its harbor is filled with sand, and only ruins remind one of the former splendor of the city. ' ' 7 This statement of Schulz is per- haps too sweeping, as may be seen from the statistics supplied by Verney and Dambmann, 8 though even these make it clear that the city does not enjoy at present its former prominence. 1 Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte, II, p. 192. ' See above, p. 107. 'Verney et Dambmann, Les puissances itrangeres dans le Levant, p. 516. 4 Eight Years in Syria, Palestine, and Asia Minor, 1842-1850, 1, p. 205. 6 The Land and the Book, I, p. 154. 9 Ritter, Geogr. -Statist. Lexicon, Vol. II, art. Saida. Badeker, Palestine and Syria, 1906, p. 271. ' Syriens Rolle im Welthandel, 1900, p. 72. Cp. also Bulletin de V alliance Israelite, 1902, p. 91. 8 Verney and Dambmann, Les puissances Hrangeres dans le Levant, pp. 365, 366. The commerce will undoubtedly increase when the railroads now under construction or planned are completed (ibid., p. 396), for these will facilitate intercourse with Beyrut, Damascus and other cities. That Sidon is still con- sidered of commercial importance is shown by the fact that many nations have consuls or consular agents in the city; ibid., passim. IN MODERN TIMES 121 I. Vessels entering the harbor of Sidon during the years 1892 to 1897. Sailing Vessels. Steamers. Year. Numbers. Tonnage. Numbers. Tonnage. 1892 679 85. 1893 856 9,633 35 34,354 1894 937 12,209 211 38,546 1895 765 10,476 251 34,287 1896 920 10,002 231 29,759 1897 781 7,831 218 38,253 II. Exports and imports during 1891-1897. Year. Exports. Imports. 1891 1,555,000 francs. 1892 1,600,000 1893 1,280,000 " 1894 1895 1,300,000 " 700,000 francs. 1896 1,250,000 795,000 *' 1897 1,206,000 «' 828,000 " A few words may be added concerning the industries of Sidon . Popular etymology gave to the name of the city the meaning "fish-town," because its inhabitants were known to be fisher- men, and fishing has continued to be an important occupation of Sidonians to the present day. 1 But among the ancients Phoenicia was noted especially for three industries: 1. The manufacture of textile fabrics. The materials used were wool, linen, cotton, and in later times silk. The skill of the Phoenicians along these lines is highly praised by Homer. 2 2. The manu- facture of dyes, especially purple. 3 In this industry Tyre excelled Neale, Eight Years in Syria, Palestine, and Asia Minor, I, p. 205. JZ.,VI,289. Oci., XV, 417. 3 Rawlinson, History of Phoenicia, p. 245ff. 122 COLONIES, COMMERCE AND INDUSTRIES all other cities of Phoenicia, but there can be no doubt that Sidon also had numerous establishments for the manufacture of dyes. The shell-fish needed for this purpose were very numer- ous along the coast near the city, and in a heap of rubbish in the southeastern part of the city, on which stand the ruins of a medieval castle, layers of purple shells are still visible. 3. The manufacture of glass. Pliny credits the neighborhood of Sidon with being the locality where glass was invented. 1 In this he must be mistaken, for glass was manufactured in Egypt long before there is the slightest trace of it in Phoenicia; nevertheless there is no reason for questioning the accuracy of ancient tradi- tion in so far as it implies that the Phoenicians manufactured glass on a large scale, or that Sidon was an important seat of the industry. 2 At Sarepta, which is not far from Sidon, have been discovered extensive banks of debris, consisting of small pieces of glass of various colors, and it has been suggested that they represent the waste of an ancient glass factor}? - . 8 The Phoenicians are said to have attained high perfection also in the use of metals for artistic purposes; 4 and they had the reputation of being experts in the architectural arts. 5 Many specimens of the aesthetic arts have been uncovered in various parts of Phoenicia and in the colonies. 8 All this information is concern- ing the Phoenicians in general, and though at times the Sidonians are mentioned by name, one must be careful in drawing con- clusions, because in every case of this kind Sidonian seems to be equivalent to Phoenician. Almost the only artistic remains of antiquity which have been found in Sidon are those found in the tombs and in the ruins of the Esmun temple, and they are not numerous enough to enable us to draw a clear picture of the art of Sidon. 1 Hist, nat., XXXVI, 65. 3 Ibid., V, 17. See further Appendix III ; below, p. 166f. 8 Lortet, La Syrie d'aujourd'hui, p. 113. « II., XXIII, 740ff . 6 1 K. 5 : 6; chapter 7; 2 Chr. 2 : 12. • Perrot et Chipiez, Hist, de Vart, Vol. Ill; cp. Rawlinson, History, p. 180ff. INDUSTRIES OF SIDON 123 The industrial history of Sidon cannot be traced during the early centuries of the Christian era. In the eleventh century A.D. Nasir-i-Khusrau mentions the cultivation of sugar cane, the beauty and excellence of the gardens and orchards, and the wealth of the fruit trees. 1 Idrisi 2 in the twelfth and Ibn-Batuta in the fourteenth century also call attention to the cultivation of fruit trees. 3 In the thirteenth century Jacques de Vitry writes : ' ' It has fruit trees and vineyards, woods and fields, both pasture and plow land, whereby its citizens are greatly benefited." 4 In the fifteenth century John Poloner speaks of the cultivation of sugar cane and vineyards, "exceedingly good ones." 5 A new industry, which has continued to the present day, was intro- duced by Fakhr-addin when he covered the plains around Sidon with mulberry groves. Though these groves were neglected by his successors, they continued to furnish employment for many people. Volney calls the manufacture of cotton the principal industry in his day. 6 Stanley was impressed with the numerous silk mills. 7 The decline of commerce was accom- panied by a decline of the industries of the town; and to-day fishing, the manufacture of cotton and silk on a small scale, and the raising of a little fruit and grain are the mainstay of the population. 8 1 See above, p. 81. 2 See above, p. 103. 3 See above, p. 2. * P. P. T., XI, p. 6; cp. also Burchard of Mount Zion; P. P. T., XII, p. 14. 8 P. P. T., VI, p. 29. 8 Voyage en Syrie et en Egypte, II, p. 192. 7 Sinai and Palestine, new edition, 1883, p. 341. 8 " The great mass of the population," says Angel, '* lives almost exclusively on the income from the numerous gardens which surround the city, and whose products are exported, in part to Egypt, in part to England, where the oranges of Sidon, it seems, are particularly in demand." Bulletin de I' alliance Israelite, 1902, p. 91. Verney and Dambmann, Les puissances etrangeres dans le Levant, p. 465ff., mention the making of soap, and of oil, dyeing, weaving and tile-making as industries of Sidon. IV. THE RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF SIDON The purpose of this chapter is to bring together and systema- tize the material which has bearing upon the religious life and beliefs of the Sidonians, and to trace, with the aid of the informa- tion thus secured, the religious history of Sidon from ancient to modern times. The available material consists, in the first place, of all the inscriptions found in Sidon or other places which give evidences of having been written by Sidonians or under Sidonian influ- ences. The deities named most frequently in the inscriptions of the Sidonian kings are [D&K and tT\PKff$. Esmunazar and his mother erected a temple for Esmun; 1 so did Bod-astart; 2 the former built also a sanctuary for AStart, 3 and Bod-a§tart erected a J"W (= column?) in honor of the same deity. 4 The divine name JOt^N is an element of the name of the king "ltfNOBW ffiPi&P of the royal name mW# "D, and of the name of Esmunazar's mother niDtJ*^ DN. The latter is called the priestess of A3tart, 5 while Tabnit and Esmunazar I are called priests of AStart. 9 In addition to these two deities the inscription of ESmunazar names as deities pV b$y and The divine name *l¥ occurs in one inscription from Sidon. 9 Another inscription 10 names the deity \d~?W, and the names in the same inscription contain the divine elements "ODD and •?JD. In C. I. S., I, No. 5, is mentioned the deity \Xfr ^JD. The name of Bod-astart's son contains the element pIV. 11 I C. I. S., I, No. 3, 1. 17. a See inscription, below, on p. 144. 8 C. I. a, I, No. 3, I. 16. * C. I. S., I, No. 4, 1 4. 8 C. I. S., I, No. 3, I. 15. • Inscription of Tabnit, 11. 1, 2. 7 C. I. S., I, No. 3, I. 18. • Ibid., I. 18. • See below} p. 165. 10 V. Landau, Beitrage zur Altertumskunde des Orient, II, p. 13, No. 7. II See below, p. 146. 124 GODS WORSHIPED IN SIDON 125 C. I. S., I, No. 114, implies the worship of 'A-6Uw. The divine name D^"T occurs in the names of the Sidonians mentioned in C I. S., I, No. 115. The Greek text of the same inscription reproduces mnSJM? 13^ by 'Afpodiaiuu, thus establishing the identification of Astart = Aphrodite. In C. I. S., I, No. 116, appear the elements rOH and JPOtP; fiJil being identified with "Aprs/us, tffDtff with "Hhos. The name of the person who erected the monument mentioned in C. I. S., I, No. 119, contains the element ^D; 1 the same inscription names the deity ^JflJ. Aidvuffos is found as an element in the name of a Sidonian in C. I. A., II, No. 448, I. 16; IloctidSiv in C. I. A., II, No. 966, I. 21; *?N in the Greek name 0e6dwpo?. 2 C. I. S., I, No. 308, gives the name of a Sidonian as DTD,y=DN"lDy= servant of Isis; 3 in a Greek inscription from Sidon 4 occurs the element Baar, which is the name of an Egyptian deity. A figure of the Egyptian god Bes has also been found. 5 The inscriptions, then, whose testimony is admissible here furnish the following divine names or titles : ply pic tyn DN oy-T run wt2V iv \4n6XXat 'AippodlTTj "A pre fit? "mm? Atovuaos Uoaetdmv Bolgt Bes. Several of these do not denote any particular deity; they are titles which may be applied to different deities. To this class belongs p¥ /jD, which denotes the chief deity of Sidon, in this 1 Not hyi. 2 C. I. A., II, No. 968, I. 53. ' The same name is found in an inscription mentioned below, on p. 165. * Journal Asiatique, 1877, II, p. 162ff. 8 See below, p. 166. The Carthaginian inscriptions, C. I. S., I, 269-287, 289-293, which contain the names of several persons calling themselves Sidonians, cannot be considered in this connection, for they reveal unmis- takably Carthaginian influence. 126 THE RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF SIDON case perhaps Esmun; 1 ^2 may be applied to any deity which is considered the lord or possessor of a city or district; 2 it is used in that sense in p¥ ^3 and pD 1 ? /)&', (Ms^TH means god, and may be used of any deity. All the others are names of deities known also from other sources. 3 Of these seven belong originally to the Greek pantheon, 4 four are Babylonian or Assyrian deities, 5 and three are Egyptian. 6 With the foreign deities eliminated there remain as distinctly Phoenician p&R, mn m\ p"TC, Dy-T, n^n. Of these peW, a male deity, and mncy, a female deity, were the two chief deities of Sidon. "l¥ was taken over from the pre-Phcenician inhabitants of the land. The worship of Esmun was not confined to Sidon; traces of it are found wherever the Phoenician civilization went. 7 He first appears as a Phoenician deity in an inscription of Esarhaddon, in which his name has the form Ia-su-mu-nu. 9 The material at our command does not enable us to determine the conception of his nature and character which was held by his Phoenician worshipers. Baudissin thinks that originally he was a nature deity, 9 and Barton considers him the counterpart of the Baby- lonian Duzu or Tammuz. 10 If this identification is correct, as seems very probable, Esmum was originally the god of the spring vegetation." As such he may have been a favorite deity I Baudissin, Z. D. M. G., 1905, p. 497, thinks that another deity is meant, one superior to Esmun, but that is not probable. La Grange identifies him with "Of; fitudes sur les religions Simitiques, Paris, 1903, p. 408. a W. R. Smith, Religion of the Semites, new edition, p. 94ff. 3 It must not be supposed that these are the only deities worshiped by the Sidonians, but since these are the only deities certified by the inscriptions, we may confine ourselves to them. * 'Air6Mu } "Apre/uig, 'AQpod'iTr/, Ai6vvoo(;,"IVuo(;, Hooeidwv, "ODD. » hi, SrU pVVi BW- ' DK, Batxr, Bes. 7 Z. D. M. G., 1905, pp. 466-472. 8 Altorientalische Forschungen, II, pp. 12, 13, 1. 14. 9 Z. D. M. G., 1905, p. 502. 10 J. A. O. S., XXI, pp. 188-190. II Jastrow, Relig. of Babyl. and Assyria, p. 588; Sayce, Religions of Anc. Egypt and Babylonia, p. 350, n.; cp. Z. D. M. G., 1905, p. 503; Barton, A Sketch of Semitic Origins, p. 85 ; see also references given in note 3 on the same page. E&MUN AND A&TART 127 of that portion of the Semitic race which settled in Phoenicia. When these immigrants advanced in influence and power his humble origin was forgotten, and in time he became one of the chief deities of the Phoenician pantheon. Esmun had at least one temple in Sidon, on the south side of the Nahr-al-Auwaly, 1 but nothing has been discovered in the ruins of that temple to determine the nature of the worship practiced there. The form was probably similar to that found among other Semitic nations which had attained to a similar degree of civilization. While Esmun was the principal male deity of Sidon, the female Astart seems to have been considered his superior. 2 Her worship also was found wherever Phoenician influence pene- trated. 3 Like Esmun, she is not of Phoenician origin; indeed, in some form she is worshiped by all Semitic nations. 4 Her prototype is the Babylonian Istar, or, perhaps better, a deity worshiped by the Semites before the race was broken up into different tribes and nations. Astart appears among the different Semitic nations under the most divers aspects, but everywhere there is connected with her the idea of generation and pro- ductivity. Barton calls her "the Semitic mother goddess." 5 As in the case of Esmun, so in her case it is impossible to deter- mine the Phoenician conception of her nature and character from the inscriptions or from the contemporaneous records preserved in the Old Testament; but, she being one of the prin- cipal deities, it is quite likely that her influence was thought to extend over all spheres of human life and activity. The inscrip- tion of Tabnit 8 shows that she was thought to be interested in the welfare of her worshipers even after death, and that the 1 Cp. above, p. 7f. 2 An indication of this is the fact that the Sidonian kings call themselves priests of Astart — Tabn., II. 1, 2; cp. Esmun., I. 15. Bod-a§tart also showed first honors to Astart — C. I. S., I, No. 4, 1. 5. 3 Barton, The Semitic Rtar Cult, in Hebraica, X, p. 202; see also Zimmern, in Keilinschriften und das Alte Testament, dritte Auflage, p. 420ff., La Grange, Etudes, p. 119ff., Jastrow, Die Religion Babyloniens und Assyriens , I, p. 214ff. 4 Hebraica, X, pp. 12, 14, 68. 6 Ibid., p. 71 ; cp. Z. D. M. G., 1905, p. 503. 8 I. 6. 128 THE RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF SIDON desecration of their tombs was an abomination to her. Esmuna- zar and his mother erected for her a temple, which may have been still in use when Lucian visited the city. 1 He ventures the opinion that Astart was a moon-goddess, but there is no evidence that she was looked upon as such at an earlier time. 2 Nor is there any evidence in the Phoenician inscriptions that her worship was accompanied by licentious practices. 3 Though information concerning the character of her worship is lacking, we may assume that the kings who called themselves her priests spared no effort or expense to make it impressive and beautiful. In the Babylonian religion Tammuz appears as the spouse of Bstar;* a similar close connection exists in Sidon between A§tart and Esmun. The relation of tyl DG? mn W to PT\my is obscure. The uncertainty extends even to the reading and translation of the name. Some translate "Astart, the name (= expression) of Baal"; others, with less probability, "Astart of the heavens of Baal," i.e., AStart, the consort of DDJ^ ^JD. Whatever the exact force of the combination, it undoubtedly denotes a dis- tinct deity, who was thought to be in some sense a reflection of a Baal. 6 It is not improbable, however, that the expression points to a time when A§tart was worshiped as an androgynous deity. 6 pl¥ appears as the name of a deity in the name of the son of king Bod-A3tart. A statement of Yakut also points to the 1 De Syria dea, § 4. 2 Cp. La Grange, Etudes, p. 128. 3 But see below under ' AfypodiTT) . 4 Sayce, Religions of Ancient Egypt and Babylonia, p. 350. 8 Cp. Ex. 23 : 21 ; Baethgen, Beitr&ge zur semitischen Religionsgeschichte, pp. 267, 268. 8 The discussion of the androgynous character of As"tart or IStar is outside the scope of this chapter. It may be sufficient to say that evidence is accumulating continually to show that there was a time when masculine and feminine qualities were attached to her. Barton, J. A.O. S., XXI, p. 185ff. ; A Sketch of Semitic Origins, especially chapters III-VI; Sellin, Tell Ta'annak, p. 105ff . ; W. R. Smith, The Religion of the Semites, new ed., p. 58. Com- pare also the Talmudic tradition concerning j'SUHfl 11, Monatsschrift fur Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums, XLIX, p. 682. PHOENICIAN DEITIES 129 presence of a deity bearing that name in the pantheon of Sidon. He says, "Saida is called after Saidun, son of Sadaka, son of Canaan, son of Noah." 1 The same deity is represented by the mythological figure Zbdux, mentioned by Philo Byblius. 2 A deity bearing the same name occurs in the Old Testament names plVjlN, 3 DIVO^D, 4 and many more. The descendants of ludux are said by Philo to have been known as the inventors of medicine and music. Outside of the name nothing is known of this deity. 5 The same is true of 0^1, though the name is found several times and occurs also transliterated in Greek inscriptions. A3j"I occurs in C. I. S., I, No. 116, in the name of a Sidonian living in Athens. Nevertheless it is doubtful that the worship of Tanith was practiced to any extent in Sidon. So far as we know, it was confined to Carthage and its colonies. niHI^y was in his religion probably more of a Carthaginian than a Sidonian. 8 From the Phoenician deities, of whom, excepting Astart and Esmun, little is known, we may pass to the deities imported from Babylonia or Assyria. Salman was one of the minor deities in the Assyrian pantheon. 7 Of Samas, the sun-god, Jastrow says : "There is no deity whose worship enjoys an equally continued popularity in Babylonia and Assyria. Beginning at the earliest period of Babylonian history and reaching to the latest, his worship suffers no interruption." 8 Bel, the Semitic successor of the pre-Semitic En-lil, god of Nippur, was for many centuries the chief deity in Babylonia, until he yielded his supremacy to Marduk, the god of Babylon. 9 1 Mu'jam al-bulddn, III, p. 439 ; cp. Clermont-Ganneau, Rec. d'arch. or., V, p. 207ff. 2 Phcenicum historia, II, 11. s Josh. 10 : 1. 4 Gen. 14 : 18; Ps. 110 : 4. It is found also in South Arabia; La Grange, Etudes, p. 377. 5 Baethgen, Beitrage, p. 128. 6 Ibid., p. 55. 7 Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 188. 8 Ibid., p. 68. 9 Sayce, Religions, pp. 301, 302. For the Assyrian deities cp. also K.A.T?, pp. 437f., 367ff ., 354ff., 412ff ., and the German edition of Prof. Jastrow's work, vol. I, pp. 220ff., 229, 52ff. 130 THE RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF SID ON Nergal was originally the god of the cityCuthah; he is better known, however, as the god of the nether regions, and of some of the evils that bring death, for example, pestilence and war. 1 Assyrian deities were introduced into Sidon by the Assyrians and Babylonians whom Esarhaddon transplanted thither after the destruction of the island Sidon and the founding of a new city. 2 The new colonists brought with them their own gods, 8 and as they intermarried with the native population some of their deities were adopted into the Sidonian pantheon. Phoenicia was under the sway of Egyptian rulers at three different periods : before the Tel-el-Amarna period, 4 under Necho 5 and under the Ptolemies. 8 Commercial intercourse between the two countries existed also at other times. As a result of this close connection, and perhaps also through the migration of Egyptian families to Phoenicia, Egyptian deities were introduced into Sidon and other Phoenician settlements. The Sidonian inscriptions bear witness to the adoration of Isis and Bast, and the statue of the Egyptian god Bes has been found in the city. Other Egyptian deities are mentioned in C. I. S., I, Nos. 9, 50, 111b. All these deities, with the possible exception of Isis, Bast, and Bes were worshiped in Sidon before it came under the influence of Greece; and we may assume, in the absence of all information concerning the religious practices of the early periods, that the deities who are essentially Phoenician were worshiped from the time of the Phoenician immigration. 7 Neither the mythological stories of Sanchuniathon, preserved by Philo Byblius, 8 nor the Sidonian cosmologies, preserved by Damascius, 9 are of much help here, because both writers are influenced by the mytho- logical and philosophical notions of a later time. 10 However, if 1 Jastrow, Religion of Babylonia and Assyria, p. 66. 2 See above, p. 53. » Cp. 2 K. 17 : 35. * See above, p. 33ff. • See above, p. 58. 6 See above, p. 71ff. 7 See above, p. 29. 8 The existence of 2vdwc = pt3f may be established from II, 11. • See below, p. 132. 10 See Gruppe, Die Griechischen Kulte und Mythen, p. 385ff. NON-PHCENICIAN DEITIES 131 the etymology of the name p¥ suggested in another connec- tion 1 is correct, one other deity must have belonged at one time to the pantheon of Sidon, namely, the non-Semitic IV, who was adopted by the Semitic immigrants from the non-Semitic settlers of the country. The name of this deity is found in only one Sidonian inscription, but it occurs in several Phoenician inscriptions from other places. 2 Nothing is known of him except the name, which came to be connected with the root TV, ' ' to hunt ' ' ; and it is not improbable that Philo has him in mind when he speaks of 'Aypsus, the first hunter, and 'AXUus, the first fisherman. 3 The excavations have shed little light upon the interior of Sidonian temples or the form of worship practiced there. What we do know makes it probable that in all essentials the worship of the Phoenicians resembled that of other Semitic nations which had attained to a similar degree of civilization. Like the Assyrian and Babylonian kings, the Sidonian rulers gave ex- pression to their devotion by the building or rebuilding of temples. 4 It was customary to present votive offerings, 5 to erect memorial columns, 8 and to offer first-fruits. 7 The king, 8 and sometimes even the queen, 9 occupied the office of pontifex maximus. The notions concerning a future life remained undeveloped to the last. There was no expectation of a life beyond Sheol, 10 and all 1 See above, p. 13f. 3 See below, p. 165; C. I. S., I, Nos. 102a; 247-249. A probable reason for the early disappearance of "W is suggested on p. 14; see further above, p. 13f. 3 Phcenicum historia, II, 9. Cp. La Grange, Etudes, p. 374. 'SoEsmunazarllandBod-astart. * C.I. S., I, No. 5. • C. I. S., I, No. 4. 7 C. I. S., I, No. 5. 8 Tabnit and Esmunazar I ; see inscr. of Tabn., II. 1,2. • Em-AStart; C. I. S., I, No. 3, I. 15. 10 lb., I. 8, mentions 0X21, which shows that the departed were thought to have only a weak, shadowy existence; cp. Is. 14: 9ff . HaleVy ascribes to the Sidonian kings a well-developed spiritual conception of immortality (Me- langes d'epigraphie et d' archeologie sSmitiques, p. 146ff., Congres internat. des orient., 1873, II, p. 254ff .), but this view is based upon a mistranslation and misinterpretation of C. I. S., I, No. 3, 11. 3. 16. 17. When translated properly, the inscriptions give no support to Halevy's view. 132 THE RELIGIOUS HISTORY OF SIDON one could wish for was a peaceful existence there. It was thought that the peace of the departed was disturbed by the desecration of his tomb; therefore the bitterest curses were pronounced upon any one who would dare to commit such a crime. 1 The Sidonians believed also, like the Babylonians, 2 that the lack of a proper burial would interfere with the rest of the dead in Sheol. 3 Since the only immortality known was to live in one's offspring, childlessness was looked upon as the most dreadful curse. 4 Fragments of two Phoenician cosmologies have been handed down, that of Sanchuniathon, preserved by Philo Byblius, which originated probably in Byblos, and another which comes from Sidon. A translation of the latter is said to have been made by Eudemus, a pupil of Aristotle, and an extract from this transla- tion is preserved by Damascius. 5 "According to this author — i.e., Eudemus — the Sidonians place before all things Xp6v<>s, II6ffos, e and 'OixiyXfj. 1 Of II6do$ and 'Op-far], mixed as two prin- ciples, were born 'Aijp and Aupa. 'Aijp represents, according to their view, the unmixed essence of the intelligible, but Ad pa, which is set in motion by it, the first living form of the intelligible. Again from the last two was born a»r«?, 8 which I think is intel- ligible reason.' ' Another recension of the Sidonian cosmology is credited to the Sidonian philosopher Mochus; this also is pre- served by Damascius: AW-qp was first and 'Aijp. These are the two principles of which was born OuXupd?, the intelligible 9*4s f which I think is the summit of the intelligible. From him, uniting with himself, they say, was begotten Xoutwpos, the first opener; then an egg, which, I believe, they call the intelli- 1 76., II. 4-12; 20-22; Tabn., II. 3ff. A similar idea prevailed in Babylonia. Asurbanapal, for example, boasts that he destroyed the graves of the Elam- ite kings and dragged their bones to Assyria; and he rejoices that this will leave their shades unprotected. Rassam Cyl., Col. VI 11. 70-76; cp. Jere- mias, Holle und Parodies, in Der Alte Orient, I, 3, p. 13f. J Jastrow, Religion, p. 512. K.A.T. 3 , p. 638. • C I. S., I, No. 3, 1, 8. * 76., II. 11, 22. ' De principiis primis, ed. Kopp, § 125. 9 Desire. 7 Mist. 8 For wro?, owl, should probably be read, as in the recension of Mochus, wdf ? an egg. SIDONIAN COSMOLOGIES 133 gible reason; while they call the opener Xouou>p6$, the intelligible power, because he was the first to make a distinction between (hitherto) undistinguishable nature. However after the two principles is the highest fatfto?, who is one; in the middle come the two winds Xi

s, which they place even before 0bXu>[i6