fm Digitized by the Internet Archive in 2007 with funding from Microsoft Corporation http://www.archive.org/details/clansmoietiesinsOOgiffrich UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 14, No. 2, pp. 155-219, 1 figure in text March 29, 1918 CLANS AND MOIETIES IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA BY EDWARD WINSLOW GIFFORD UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PRESS BERKELEY UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY The following publications dealing with archaeological and ethnological subjects issued under the direction of tiie Department of Anthropology are sent in exchange for the publi- cations of anthropological departments and museums, and for journals devoted to general anthropology* or to archaeology and ethnology. They are for sale at the prices stated. Exchanges should be directed to The Exchange Department, University Library, Berkeley, California, U. S. A. All orders and remittances should be addressed to the University of California Press. European agent for the series in American Archaeology and Ethnology, Classical Phil- ology, Education, Modern Philology, Philosophy, and Semitic Philology, Otto Harrassowita, Leipzig. For the series in Botany, Geology, Pathology, Physiology, Zoology and also Amer- ican Archaeology and Ethnology, R. Friedlaender & Sohn, Berlin. AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY.— A. L. Kroeber, Editor. Prices, Volume 1, $4.25; Volumes 2 to 11, inclusive, $3.50 each; Volume 12 and following $5.03 each. Cited as Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn. Price Vol. 1. 1. Life and Culture of the Hupa, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-88; plates 1-30. September, 1903 - — *l-25 2. Hupa Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 89-368. March, 1904 _. 3.00 Index, pp. 869-378. VoL 2. 1. The Exploration of the Potter Creek Cave, by William J. Sinclair. Pp. 1-27; plates 1-14. April, 1904 ..- _ - *0 2. The Languages of the Coast of California South of San Francisco, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 29-80, with a map. June, 1904 80 3. Types of Indian Culture in California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 81-103. June, 1904 _ ~ - • 25 4. Basket Designs of the Indians of Northwestern California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 105-164; plates 15-21. January, 1905 - .75 5. The Yokuts Language of South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 165-377. January, 1907 - 2 «28 Index, pp. 379-392. VoL *. The Morphology of the Hupa Language, by Pliny Earle Goddard. 344 pp. June, 1905 8JJ0 Vol. 4. 1. The Earliest Historical Relations between Mexico and Japan, from original documents preserved in Spain and Japan, by Zelia NnttalL Pp. 1-47. April, 1906 _ — ■*• 2. Contribution to the Physical Anthropology of California, based on col- lections in the Department of Anthropology of the University of California, and in the U. S. National Museum, by Ales Hrdlicka. Pp. 49-64, with 5 tables; plates 1-10, and map. June, 1906 — .75 8. The Shoshonean Dialects of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 65-166- February, 1907 - ----" 1JW 4. Indian Myths from South Central California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 167-250. May, 1907 - - - -76 5. The Washo Language of East Central California and Nevada, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 261-318. September, 1907 ........... 75 6. The Religion of the Indians of California, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 319- 356. September, 1907 _ - 50 Index, pp. 357-374. VoL 6. 1. The Phonology of the Hupa Language; Part L The Individual Sounds, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 1-20, plates 1-8. March, 1907 ..._ .35 2. Navaho Myths, Prayers and Songs, with Texts and Translations, by Washington Matthews, edited by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 21-63. September, 1907 - £ - — • 76 8. Kato Texts, by Pliny Earle Goddard. Pp. 65-238, plate 9. December, 1909 2.5P 4. The Material Culture of the Klamath Lake and Modoc Indians of Northeastern California and Southern Oregon, by S. A. Barrett. Pp. 239-292, plates 10-25. June, 1910 "* 5. The Chimariko Indians and Language, by Roland B. Dixon. Pp. 293- 380. August, 1910 1 ' 00 < Index pp. 381-384. Vol 6 1. The Ethno-Geography of the Pomo and Neighboring Indians, by Sam- uel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 1-332, maps 1-2. February, 1908 3.25 2. The Geography and Dialects of the Miwok Indians, by Samuel Alfred Barrett. Pp. 333-368, map 8. 8 On the Evidence of the Occupation of Certain Regions by the Miwofc Indians, by A. L. Kroeber. Pp. 369-380. Nos. 2 and 3 in one cover. February, 1908 ..._ - ** Index, pp. 381-400. UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA PUBLICATIONS IN AMERICAN ARCHAEOLOGY AND ETHNOLOGY Vol. 14, No. 2, pp. 155-219, 1 figure in text March 29, 1918 CLANS AND MOIETIES IN SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA BY EDWARD WINSLOW GIFFORD CONTENTS PAGE Introductory note 155 Yuman clans 156 Colorado River tribes 156 Diegueno 167 Piman clans 174 Shoshonean clans and moieties 177 Serrano 178 Cahuilla .' 186 Cupeno 192 Luisefio 202 Moieties, clans, and totemism in California 215 INTRODUCTORY NOTE In December, 1916, and January, 1917, a five weeks' trip was made to southern California for the purpose of studying the kinship systems of various Yuman and Shoshonean groups. The preliminary data concerning social organization presented in the following pages were secured at that time. The data on Shoshonean social organization are of particular interest as they make clear that the southern Cali- fornia Shoshoneans form a connecting link between the totemic group in the north, consisting of the Miwok, northern Yokuts, and Mono, 1 and the totemic group in the south, formed by the Yuman and Piman tribes. Acknowledgment is due Dr. A. L. Kroeber for the use of his unpublished data on Mohave and Papago clans. i See E. W. Gifford, Dichotomous Social Organization in South Central Cali- fornia, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., xi, 291-296, 1916. 156 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 YUMAN CLANS The clans of the Mohave, Yuma, Cocopa, Kohuana, Maricopa, and Kamia 2 possess several features in common : paternal descent, ex- ogamy, and clan names, of totemic connotation, for females only. Dr. Kroeber has stated the case for the Mohave as follows : Certain men, and all their ancestors and descendants in the male line, have only one name for all their female relatives. Thus, if the female name hereditary in my family be Maha, my father's sister, my own sisters, my daughters (no matter how great their number), and my son's daughters, will all be called Maha. There are about twenty such women's names, or virtual gentes, among the Mohave. None of these names seems to have any signification. But accord- ing to the myths of the tribe, certain numbers of men originally had, or were given, such names as Sun, Moon, Tobacco, Fire, Cloud, Coyote, Deer, Wind, Beaver, Owl, and others, which correspond exactly to totemic clan names; then these men were instructed by Mastamho, the chief mythological being, to call all their daughters and female descendants in the male line by certain names corresponding to these clan names. Thus the male ancestors of all the women who at present bear the name Hipa, are believed to have been originally named Coyote. It is also said that all those with one name formerly lived in one area, and were all considered related. This, however, is not the case now, nor does it seem to have been so within recent historic times. It should also be added that many members of the tribe are not aware of the connection between the present women's names and the totemic names of the myth.s The Northern and Southern Diegueno lack totemic clans, although they possess groups which may be considered as non-totemic, localized clans, as will be pointed out later. The Diegueno, particularly the Northern, were long under the control of the Franciscan missionaries, many being taken to the mission at San Diego. The Colorado River tribes were not subject to mission influence and doubtless to-day present a more complete picture of their aboriginal culture than do the Diegueno. COLOEADO EIVEB TEIBES Tables 1 and 2 list the clans of the Mohave, Yuma, 4 Cocopa, Kohuana, Maricopa, and Kamia, first by totemic references, second 2 By this term is meant the so-called Yuma Diegueno, closely related in dialect to the Southern Diegueno, who are agricultural people dwelling on the Colorado Eiver just below the southern frontier of California. These people are bordered on the north by the Yuma, with whom they are reputed to have allied themselves in war against their southern neighbors, the Cocopa, as well as against the Mari- copa. The Cocopa call the Kamia, Wasmisxa; the Yuma call them at present Witcankamiya, probably a translation of English ' ' Yuma Diegueno. ' ' 3 Preliminary Sketch of the Mohave Indians, Am. Anthr., n. s., iv, 278, 1902. * I am indebted to Mr. L. L. Odle, Superintendent of the Yuma Indian Eeser- vation, for the privilege of inspecting the Agency records in determining the existing clans upon the reservation. This inspection yielded fourteen, represented by the following women's names: Havtcats, Alymos, Hipa, Liots, Mave, Meta, Wahas, Kwicku, Sikuma, SinykwaL, Cikupas, Sikus, Tcia, Waksi. 1918] Gifford: Clans and Moieties in Southern California 157 by women's names. All of the Mohave women's names were obtained by Dr. A. L. Kroeber 5 except the name Kwinifla, which is from Mr. E. S. Curtis' list. 6 This list, though not so lengthy as Dr. Kroeber 's, agrees with his throughout. The Kohuana 7 and Maricopa names are entirely from Mr. Curtis' work. The Yuma list is a compound of Mr. J. P. Harrington's and my own, with Mr. Harrington's orthog- raphy" slightly altered. The Cocopa and Kamia are entirely mine. Table 2 compares the names for women employed by the clans of the Mohave, Yuma, Cocopa, Kohuana, Maricopa, and Kamia. Con- sidering the identity of the institution in . these several tribes, it is surprising how few of the names are held in common by two or more of the tribes. The name with the totemic connotation of "dove" or "pigeon" seems to be widest spread, Yuma, Cocopa, Kohuana, and Kamia using it. The Cocopa word is Sakuma, which the other three render as Sikama or Sikuma. The name Hipa, connoting "coyote," is used by the Mohave, Yuma, and Maricopa. The stem connoting "rattlesnake" is shared by Yuma, Kohuana, and Cocopa. The word Halpot or Halypota is shared by Mohave, Yuma, and Kohuana, although with varying connotations. Aside from these four instances no name is common to more than two tribes, and comparatively few are even shared by two. Table 3 abstracts these instances from table 2 and presents them in more concise form, first listing the names of women and then the corresponding totemic references. In table 1 a solid line ( ) indicates the occurrence of the totemic reference, but the absence of the woman's clan name. In table 2 a solid line indicates the occurrence of the woman's clan name, but the absence of the totemic reference. In both tables 1 and 2 a dotted line indicates non-occurrence of the name listed in the left-hand column. s Unpublished material. A list of fourteen clans has been published by Captain John G. Bourke in his Cosmogony and Theogony of the Mojave Indians (Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, n, 180, 181, 1889). The list agrees with Dr. Kroeber 's throughout, except that the connotations of certain of the terms are different. In Captain Bourke 's list Maha is assigned to caterpillar, Kata to "mescal" as well as tobacco, and Masipa to coyote instead of quail. With regard to the name Masipa, which is no. 12 of his list and which connotes the coyote, Captain Bourke says: "No. 12 was originally a band of Maricopas that came to live with the Mojaves but have always remained as a separate clan." e The North American Indian (Cambridge, Univ. Press, 1908), n, 113. The orthography of Mr. Curtis ' lists has been slightly modified to correspond with that employed in this paper. ' Mentioned by Mr. Curtis as "Maricopa from the Cocopa." Dr. Kroeber considers that these are probably clans of the refugee Kohuana or HalchiSoma. s A Yuma Account of Origins, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, xxi, 344, 345, 1908. The following are listed: Xavtsats, Hipa, t L a ts, Maave' Ciqupas, Met 'a, Ab'mos, SinykwaL, fistamadhun, Kwicku, Xalvpot, Xakci. 158 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 TOTEMIC EEFERENCE TABLE 1 Clan Name of Woman Sun Mohave Nyo 'iltca Nyo 'iltca Hoalya Mathatcva Owitc Yuma Cocopa KOHUANA Maricopa Liatc Liatc Kamia Fire Moon Wind Cloud Rain cloud Liots Kwiye Kwas Sikus ' ' Colorado Eiver ' ' Salt Sand Ksila Hard ground Waksi Alymos SinykwaL Hipa Niu Deer Nyo 'iltca Hipa Masipa Moha Siulya Malyikha Kwinis Kwaku Deer-hide Coyote Coyote Fox Sikus Hipa Kunyih Hipa Kunyih Mountain sheep Beaver Kasmus Wahas Wood rat Wild cat Nimi ' ' Any yellow animal ' Owl Kwutkil Kutkilya Mo0eha Motfeha Nyo 'iltca Masipa Screech owl "A bird" Eagle SinykwaL Quail Buzzard Liots Sakuma Liatc Pakit Buzzard "Dove" Sikuma Sakuma ' ' Pigeon ' ' "A bird" Sikama Kimitfi Maha Boadrunner Meta Tcia Mave Havtcats EstamaSur Nighthawk Rattlesnake Uru Smawi ' Kapsas Mave Frog Halypota Nyo 'iltca Humahnana beetle "An insect" L Caterpillar Maha Nyikha Caterpillar (?) Red ant Cikupas Kwicku Sinikwus Grasshopper (?) Tobacco Kata VahaSa Vimaka Musa Tilya Kata KumaSiya Kwinitfa Tobacco Mesquite bean Mesquite screw Alymos Salal Namitutc Kalsmus "Mescal," yucca ' ' Mescal ' ' Okatilla cactus Kimi0i Prickly-pear cactus Cholla cactus Hipa Havtcatc White corn Corn Tcatca Teatca Food Agricultural food Sedge Soaked willow bark Havtcats Hutpas Kwicku Bark Kutcal "A bush" Halpot 1 ' Already done ' ' Halypot Liots "Pima" 1918] Gifford: Clans and Moieties in Southern Calif c 159 t E<4 S3 o :gn : sTg^g-g ET. £S *Q S3 CD t» g o ? E- g- ° SL © E <-! C a HO O P b & *> o a ^ « v O 21? g o © S c - 3 C » O «0KJ rt- Cli fti 3 "—ST 2 3 P S» ^JO 14 3 tr □ to £ 2 V. > 93 ffi : s»r o ' S3 S3 sTg 2 1 99 O VJ S3 160 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 d 1 * 9 fa M 9 M w > o A n d S WOGF^ W g O o> be s ,2 03 § 05 9 -*^ M I - 3 > ■ Si : w 1 oa s ri 8 • « S» .-2 s p WAS +j pi o> ! 8 S 00 ! t3 o> es : v AH i M H=l~ .2 H o3 W£W rcJ 03 .S3 ^2 P* o a £ & a 2 o o OH § § 11 „, B A o3 o3 B 3 -C +-; p 03 ,C ^5 £ ^5 r,^ o3 03 03 n3 cS o 3 >?,£> 3 "3 S Sep s^ £ >« .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 .2 ^ ^ * =S p le ^ "3 £ Si*-** § S 1918] Gifford: Clans and Moieties in Southern California 161 Mi a s 2 I s g, i o I H eg H m < Eh c -p o ha o o Ofr h N m co pq ^ I as* I T3 o O S3 oj .C t, n3 ^J be** M! 03 O "ft :a £ h» £ pf 5 2 'to - £l >o Jftf a a | -s « C v. -a cs «3 -.3 3 5 « « >. 5 B Bl 81 » •HOtfl 333 ■ 4 E 03 o3 3 A 03 ■ a 03 eS 3 -H A Ji ,*j , r'? M S a: ™ w 3 ^ p,o3.t5e ^ £? 3 5 162 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 03 -»J 3 c .2 5 OQ J 33 5 c3 i?3-u S > > J W O Jj 0Q S W <3 B-a ■I 03 a.& "S's WMUH o hhWh a HNCC'i(L'5tOMX)0>OHN05 4 a eJ >> |t 1 a <5s '3 1 Eh SMW Ms M - oj > J o +3 » S h o " g 03 oj > 0J 2 03 O s * a .£ ■til o o *4 IS .2 at B 03 - ~ So 03 9 P< OJ .2 8 E Ph iH akwaka hukflara kauwiLapa kwak wihas Deer Coyote Fox akwak hatelwe ' hat 'elwe ' Mountain sheep ammo apena amalyka Beaver Wood rat apen miskwisma Wild cat nume Owl Sokupita tulauka amatakunyevi aspa ahma Screech owl Species of bird Eagle Quail Buzzard ase xuskiva talypo uru ave hani panapalim ilaku Dove Roadrunner sakumaha (?) Nighthawk Rattlesnake Frog Species of beetle Caterpillar (?) Red ant hanye humahnana ame mawi' hanya' tcamaSul, ikwis Tobacco auva aya a'isa vaSilya a 'ikumaSi taSitca kuhutcatca Mesquite bean Mesquite screw ' ' Mescal, ' ' yucca a 'is Corn taSiitc Food Bark witcispax ' ' Pima ' ' hat 'ba (= Maricopa) Dr. Kroeber suggests that the clan names of women are perhaps archaic Yuman words. Certain evidence in the preceding lists would seem to lend color to this hypothesis, although the evidence might also be interpreted as indicating a borrowing of names. The Cocopa name Sakuma, which is applied to women of the buzzard and dove totems, is found in Mohave in the term sakumaha, a species of bird, possibly the dove. The Cocopa name Nimi, which is applied to women of the 166 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 wild cat clan, is the Dieguefio word for wild cat. I repeated a num- ber of the Yuma clan names of women to a Diegueno informant at Campo, San Diego County, California, with the idea that if they were archaic Yuman words they might have continued in every day use among Yuman peoples other than the Yuma. The Diegueno informant also spoke Papago and remarked that he thought the Yuma name Liots was perhaps Papago suut, meaning "to break out with disease on the pubes." Although there are some cases of folk etymologies in it, the following list of alleged meanings is presented for what it is worth. Probable Yuma Name Diegueno Equivalent Meaning Hipa hiba man Alymos limis pubic hair Havtcats havtcats uterus Meta ground Wahus wet house Sikuma sikuma carrying lunch Sikus sikus white fish Tcia tcia species of fish Waksi waksi hard ground The list of sixteen Cocopa clans was given me by Frank Tehana and Stump Barley, a shaman. The Cocopa data were obtained from these men at Somerton, Arizona. Both of my informants belong to the buzzard (panapalim) clan, yet their personal names do not refer to that bird. Stump Barley's name is Kwalkumuyesx, which is said to mean something like "old- woman-mouldy-bread." Frank Tehana 's name is Isbaxkwisain, meaning "Yuma eagle" (isbax, eagle; kwisain, Yuma). Each of these men said that he was so named in infancy by his father. Although Cocopa clans are exogamous, there are no favored clans in marriage. There is no clan endogamy, for members of a clan consider themselves to be blood relatives. There are said to be no clan paints or tattoos and no clan chiefs. The Cocopa chieftain (kwiswap) was selected by the people, a son succeeding his father only in case the people considered him to have sufficient ability. There were no chieftainesses. The totems of the Cocopa clans are said to have been assigned to the clans by the god Maskwaiyek in the beginning of the world before the tribes of mankind had separated. The Cocopa do not believe in descent from the totem. Totemites do not kill their totem, although at liberty to kill the totems of other clans. 1918] Gifford: Clans and Moieties in Southern California 167 The fragmentary list of Kamia clan names for women was obtained from Placidus Aspa, a mixed blood Southern Diegueno living at present on the Yuma Indian Reservation. Aspa from infancy lived with the Kamia. The clan names of women with the Kamia as with the Yuma are being anglicized and adopted as surnames. One of Aspa's girl cousins possesses the clan name of iLkamyab which she has anglicized to Helimpa as a surname, also applied to her father. DIEGUEfrO Both the Northern and Southern Diegueno possess non-totemic, exogamous clans with paternal descent. In both dialects the word for clan is "simiis," usually translated as "tribe." Each clan was probably localized, or at least regarded as localized by the natives. This fact perhaps renders pertinent the question whether these social groups are true clans or only local groups. Exogamy and patrilinear descent would seem to indicate that they are really clans. All mem- bers of a group consider themselves related, and often at the present day the clan name is added to, or takes the place of, the American surname. An example of the first sort is found in the case of two informants of different families, but of one clan: Jose Largo Hetmiel and James McCarty Hetmiel, Hetmiel 11 being the elan name. Largo and McCarty are distant relatives. An example of the second sort is found in the clan name KwiLp (Northern Diegueno), which has been adopted as a family name. One of my informants was called Angel Quilp. The Shoshonean peoples of southern California also frequently utilize the clan name as a surname. The groups in ques- tion have been called families by Dr. Waterman, who states that they possess migration traditions: "The Diegueno have also certain brief migration traditions, but they are localized in various families and do not at all correspond to this Mohave-Luiseilo story of a general migratory stage in the history of human kind." 12 The following list of Southern Diegueno clans was obtained from Hutcukal, an aged women from the western Imperial Valley, and from James McCarty, whose ancestors lived on the east slope of the Tecate Divide. n Miss C. G. Du Bois recorded this as a surname in the form Hitlmiup (Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., vm, 124, 1908). Her rendering of the name is probably more nearly correct than mine, as I suspect that I was given an anglicized form. 12 Analysis of the Mission Indian Creation Story, Am. Anthr., n.s., xi, 52, 1909. 168 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 1. Kanihitc. Clan of Hutcukal and of her father. This clan lives at the Gampo Agency, but came originally from the southwestern part of Imperial Valley. By James McCarty the name of this clan was rendered as Kwinhitc. 2. Haiyipa. Clan of Hutcukal 's mother. Hakwino (region of "Blue Lake" and of Cameron Lake near Calexico) in southwestern Imperial Valley was the home of this clan. 3. Hakisput. Another Imperial Valley clan which lived at a place called Hatcupai, where there was a spring. 4. Hetmiel. A Southern Dieguefio clan now living in the mountains near Campo Agency. This clan formerly lived at Hakwasik, on the eastern slope of the Tecate Divide, below Jacumba Valley, but north of the international boundary. 5. Naxwatc. Clan of James McCarty 's wife. The home place of this clan was Miskwatnuk, which lies to the north of the Campo Agency. 6. Kwitak. Clan of James McCarty 's mother. This clan lived on the site of Warren's Hotel at Campo. 7. Yatcap. This clan lived at Hakisab, northeast of Campo Agency. 8. KwatL. This clan lived at Hakwaskwak (Bitter Water), Jacumba Valley, Lower California. The name means ' ' hide of an animal. ' ' 9. Tumau. This clan formerly lived near Brawley, Imperial Valley, where there are several springs.^ It is said to live with the Yuma at the present time. Tumau is said to mean ' ' grasshopper ' ' and refers to the fact that this clan ate grasshoppers. This recalls the grasshopper clans of the Yuma (see p. 158) and of the Cahuilla (see p. 191). In the case of the Cahuilla the name is said to have been assigned for a similar reason. 10. HiLmawa. This clan lived at Snauyaka (Manzanita), San Diego County. Dr. Kroeber obtained xesiL as the name of Manzanita (the place) and of a species of manzanita. It is also the name of a Northern Dieguefio clan (see p. 173). 11. Saikul. This clan lived at Matkwai (probably Mataguay), northeast of Manzanita. 12. Miskwis. The home of this clan was not known. An old woman of this clan lives on the Campo Reservation. 13. Kwamai. This clan lived at Pilyakai, at or near La Posta, San Diego County. Kwamai is said to mean ' ' wishing to be big or tall. ' ' Each clan in ancient times had a chief (kwaipai) who was selected by his clansmen. Women were never chosen. The especial business of the chief was to manage ceremonial affairs. The chief's assistant, kwaipai walmun ("little chief") was also selected by his clansmen. The Northern Dieguefio of Mesa Grande, San Diego County, stated that their clan chiefs were hereditary, which in spite of the above statements to the contrary, I am inclined to believe was the case with the Southern Diegueno chieftains. The clan chiefs of all neighboring Shoshonean groups are hereditary. Of course it must be borne in mind that the Cocopa also stated that their chiefs were selected. It is possible that the Cocopa and Southern Diegueno are similar in this respect. 13 Possibly the Sunset Springs, thirteen miles south by east of Brawley. 1918] Gifford: Clans and Moieties in Southern California 169 Upon marriage a woman did not become a member of her hus- band's clan. She always remained a member of the clan of her father. She went to live with her husband's clan, however. The Southern Diegueno clans and .those of the Colorado River tribes have two features in common, paternal descent and exogamy. The former clans seem to be localized, however, while the latter are not. As already stated, the localized Diegueno clans are non-totemic, resembling closely the numerous localized Cahuilla clans, which are non-totemic in themselves, although totemic as sections of a larger group, the moiety. The Cahuilla totems are the coyote and the wild cat, approximately half of the clans claiming the former and half the latter. Southern Diegueno informants told me that they "claimed" the wild cat as their "property" and their "god." They believed that the wild cat ' ' raised ' ' them, and they never killed it. In connection with the wild cat as a culture hero the Southern Diegueno employ a color symbolism. They say that in the east there was a red wild cat, in the west a blue one. 14 The eastern wild cat is called nimikumwal (weak wild cat) and the western wild cat nimikiispil (strong wild cat). The Imperial Valley people as well as the mountain people say that the wild cat is their "property." The wild cats were made by the creator Maiyoha and his brother, who came from the ocean. The red wild cat went to the east slope of the mountains which he claimed as his; the blue wild cat went to the west slope which he claimed. The Imperial Valley people (Inyak 15 or Kwelmixa) are the people of the red wild cat. The Kamiyaihi (Southern Diegueno of the mountains) are the people of the blue wild cat. Neither of these shadowy groups are exogamous, however. People are related to the wild cats as to brothers. The two wild cats are the ones who first told the months of the year. The month in which they began counting was IlyakweL (cold month). Then followed five more : Hexanimsup (snow month), Xatai (cold month), Hexapsu (rain month), Hatyamatinya (rain month), and Ixyanidja (growing month). 16 This information was gathered " The association of red with east and blue with west disagrees with Dr. Waterman's data. According to him, "North is associated with red, east with white, south with blue or green, these colors not being distinguished by the Diegueno, and west with black." (The Eeligious Practices of the Diegueno Indians, present series, vm, 333, 1910.) It is not unlikely that my informant, James McCarty, made an error. is Inyak means "east." is Miss Du Bois records the six months of the Diegueno as follows : Hutlnama- shap, Hutltai, HutlpsAvi, Hutlkwurx, Hutlmatanai, Hutlanaxa (present series, vm, 165, footnote, 1908). 170 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 during the first half of January, which time was called Xatai. Although the informant (James McCarty) designated the months as "snow," "cold," "rain," and "growing," he stated that after the sixth month the series was repeated. In a version of the origin myth presented in this paper the wild cats lead the people to the region of Campo. Following a mythical image ceremony, the red wild cat asks : ' ' Are we to live and multiply forever, or are we to die?" Although nothing further in this con- nection could be obtained from the informant, it seems clear that the wild cat had a hand in ordering the affairs of men. 17 Considering that nearby Shoshonean groups, namely Cahuilla, Cupeho, and Serrano, have the wild cat and the coyote as totems, the above data concerning the status of the wild cat among the South- ern Diegueho take on an added significance. The coyote, however, is in disrepute. "When asked about him, James McCarty replied: "Coyote is a strange fellow. He is always lying, and he eats the dead. No one wishes him for a relative." The fox is not claimed as "property" as is the wild cat, even though it plays a considerable part in the Southern Diegueho creation story as obtained from James McCarty and presented in the following pages. All was salt water in the beginning. In the water there were tAvo deities, Maiyoha and his younger brother. Maiyoha had come to the surface of the water, when his younger brother asked how he had gone up; if he had had his eyes open. Maiyoha replied, "Yes." The younger brother came up with his eyes open, but when he reached the surface he could not see. The salt had blinded him. Maiyoha pulled his younger brother up blind. With the younger brother was the silver fox (madkauwai) of the desert. The earth was made by Maiyoha. When the blind younger brother came to the surface of the water, he felt of the earth, for he had come up to mate with it. Where the blind one put his hand on the small piece of land which had been made, there came red ants. He commenced pushing them into the ground. The more ants he pushed in, the more earth they dug up, constantly increasing the size of the land until our world was made. The blind younger god knew now why he was to go underground later. He sat on the land after it became large. He kept feeling for his silver fox, which had come up with him in the beginning. He was four days on the ground, sitting steadily in one place. The two gods sitting by the fire made the two wild cats, the red wild cat of the east and the blue wild cat of the west. The brothers disputed over the ownership of the silver fox which had come up with the younger brother. Maiyoha secretly put the red fox (parxau) behind his younger brother to deceive him. He asked his younger brother, "Is your fox still with you?" The blind younger brother felt the fur of the animal behind him and replied, "No." 17 In a version of the creation myth presented by Dr. Waterman (The Eeligious Practices of the Dieguefio Indians, present series, vm, 341, 1910) a wild cat dance is mentioned. The context does not make clear whether it is a Diegueno dance or not. 1918 J Gifford: Clans and Moieties in Southern California 171 After three days the silver fox, which was also blind, went into the ground. It is in the ground now. The younger brother went into the ground too, because he was angry over the deception practised by his older brother, Maiyoha. He went right into the earth again. After he went down a hole was left. Maiyoha tried to cover the hole with dirt scraped with his foot. He held his foot over the hole, but he had no dirt between his toes. Disease came up through the openings between his toes. It was made by the injured brother in his anger over the exchange of foxes. He was angry because his brother had thus taken advantage of his blindness. Maiyoha, the one who stayed on earth, felt sad over his younger brother leav- ing him. He then made a man and a woman from clay. He made a fire and laid one piece of clay at one side of the fire and another piece at the opposite side. The man was perfect but the woman popped to pieces. Maiyoha then pulled a whisker from his ehin and laid it between the legs of the image he had remodeled for the woman. The images lay beside the fire where he left them. They were dumb. All people sprang from this pair and because they knew nothing, Indians today lack knowledge of machinery and other inventions of civilization. The god watched the images during the night. Toward morning he thought he heard them talking. At daybreak he said to himself, "I believe that I have accomplished a great undertaking. There is no need of my remaining here. Since I have done so excellently, I may as well go up into the sky. ' ' The people asked the god how they had come into being. He told them that it was through his will and through the manner in which he had made them. He watched them as they looked at each other. They came together and slept. The god Maiyoha, the older brother, went to the sky, where he is now. The earth from which the two figures were made was Tcaipakomat or Teakumat,is the first man. The two people he had created could not see. After remedying this defect the god Maiyoha went to the sky. As he departed to the sky he said, "I have made everything: the earth, the sun, the moon, the people." His younger brother had gone into the ground. The two created beings, the first man and the first Avoman were the progenitors of mankind. The morning following their first slumber children were born. After the people had become very numerous, they prepared for a keruk (image) ceremony at Wikami.ia After this ceremony the red wild cat asked, "Are we to live and multiply forever, or are we to die?" Wild cat led the people from Wikami in a great arc to the north and west until he reached the seashore, then south along the coast, and finally to the region of Campo. The red wild cat turned back at Wikelel, east of Imperial Valley. From that point the people were led by the blue wild cat. 18 Tcakumat is said to mean literally teak, woman, and mat, earth. The names Tcaipakomat and Tcakumat correspond with the names Tuchaipa and Yokomatis or Yokomat, given by Miss Du Bois for the creator and his younger brother. She states that these two names are sometimes given as one: Chaipako- mat (Jour. Am. Folk-Lore. xxi, 229, 1908; and Congr. Intern. American., xv, Quebec n, 131, 1906). Tcaipakomat was obtained by Dr. Waterman as the name of the creator, the older brother (present series, vm, 338, 1910). 19 Identified by my informant with Chimney Peak, near the Colorado River, Imperial County, California. By a Dieguefio informant of Miss Du Bois' Wikami is located in Mohave territory (Am. Anthr., n.s., vn, 627, 1905). The Mohave counterpart of Wikami is called Avikwame and is identified with Dead or New- berry Mountain in southern Nevada (A. L. Kroeber, Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, xix, 315, 1906). 172 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 Wild plum (akai) and chemise brush (epi) were here (at Campo) for the people to eat and to burn. The people argued over how they should live. They called on lizard to help them to decide. Lizard asked if they were satisfied. They replied, "Yes. We will do whatever you say. We will live here and die here." This is the end of the story about the coming of the people to the Campo region. The people at Wikami wished to obtain songs and ceremonies. An immense snake named Maihiyowita lived in the water at the south end of the world. Sand- hill crane (mekolk) was sent to invite the snake to Wikami, because he possessed all songs and ceremonies. Sandhill crane cried all the way to the snake's house and all the way back, so that the people would know that he was coming and would enlarge the dance house. Maihiyowita asked sandhill crane, "Why did you come?" Sandhill crane replied, ' ' The people sent me after you. They want songs of different kinds. ' ' The snake said he would go and crane told him to arrive at Wikami late in the afternoon. Sandhill crane returned and told the people that he had delivered their message and that the snake was coming. The snake was very large, being about a foot and one-half in diameter. The snake coiled in the house which the people made for him so that he completely filled it. They kept extending it until daylight, when they set fire to it. They set fire to the house with the snake in it, because he would not divulge the songs. The snake burst. The larger portion of him slid back southward; the smaller portion remained at Wikami, where it is still visible together wth the tracks of the people. A por- tion of the snake's knowledge flew over to Campo, where it was secured by the people. The following are the songs which were thus secured by the Campo Diegueno: Tcaiyautai, Tomant, 2 o Tuharl, Hataumaltaiye, Sil, 21 Atcawhal,22 Urorp,23 Hurlturli,24 Tipai, and Isa. The following data refer to the Northern Diegueno. An informant (Tomaso Curo) at Mesa Grande, San Diego County, gave me the names of twelve Northern Diegueno clans and of one Southern Diegueno clan, the KwatL (see p. 168). All of the Mesa Grande clans lived at Mesa Grande only in the summer and at a place known as Pamo in the winter. The name Pamo, Tomaso Curo informed me, means "a hole worn in the rock by water." Dr. Kroeber obtained from Rocendo Curo, Tomaso 's brother, the following derivation : paum, to sit; mu, a bush. The elevation of Pamo is about nine hundred feet; that of Mesa Grande is thirty-three hundred feet. Pamo village, located in a valley now known by that name, lay down- stream from Mesa Grande about nine miles and is spoken of as the real home of the Diegueno now living permanently at Mesa Grande. 20 Eecorded by Miss Du Bois as Tutomunp (present series, vm, 123, 1908). Probably equivalent to Mohave Tumanpa (according to A. L. Kroeber). 2i Probably Esily (salt). 22 Possibly to be identified with Kachawharr, recorded by Miss Du Bois (Jour. Am. Folk-Lore, xxi, 229, 1908). 23 Eecorded by Miss Du Bois as Orup (present series, vm, 124, 1908). 24 Probably equivalent to ' ' Horloi, ' ' the name of a Northern Diegueno dance (T. T. Waterman, present series, vm, 320, 1910). 1918] Gifford: Clans and Moieties in Southern California 173 Formerly strangers caught poaching in the Mesa Grande region were killed. 1. Kukuro. This word is said to mean "dark" or "shaded." This is the clan of Tomaso Curo, whose ancestors lived at San Diego Mission and at Tijuana, Lower California. He was not certain of the original home of the clan. 2. Letcapa. This name is said to mean ' ' short, ' ' although this is not the meaning of Spanish La Chapa, which this name appears to be. A family by the name of La Chapa is attributed to Manzanita, San Diego County, by Dr. Waterman. 25 3. Matuwir. This name is said to mean "hard like rock." This clan is said to have been very numerous in former times, occupying the country for eight miles to the south of Mesa Grande. Miss Du Bois gives this as one of the Indian names of Cinon Duro, a Diegueno informant, whose full name she gives as "Ho- ko-yel Mut-a-weer. ' '*• 4. Critcak. This is probably the name of a species of owl. The clan bearing this name lived at both Parao and Mesa Grande. 5. Kwix,p. This is said to be the name of a shrub. The clan of this name lived at both Pamo and Mesa Grande. 6. XesiL. This is the name of a small variety of manzanita, which at the present day furnishes berries for jelly. The clan bearing this name lived at the village of Tauwi (San Jose) on Warner's Eanch at the foot of the "Mesa Grande Mountains. ' ' 7. U'u. A species of owl. This clan lived at both Pamo and Mesa Grande. 8. Baipa. A clan living at Santa Ysabel. 9. Esun. A clan living at Santa Ysabel. 10. Gwaha.27 A species of wormwood (Artemisia). This is the name of a Santa Ysabel clan. 11. Tumau. This name is said to mean "grasshopper." This clan was scattered, living at Mesa Grande, Santa Ysabel, and elsewhere. At present members of it live at Capitan Grande. The informant distinctly stated that this was not the Tumau clan of the Southern Diegueno (see p. 168). 12. Xipuwatc. A Santa Ysabel clan. The Northern Diegueno clans are exogamous. The clan of a child is always that of its father. A woman is said to become a member of her husband's clan, a custom at variance with the reported South- ern Diegueno custom. It may be that the informant interpreted living with the husband's clan as becoming a member of it. However, as descent is patrilinear with both Southern and Northern Diegueno, the fact that the wife becomes, or does not become, a member of her husband's clan in no way affects the result. Each clan had an hereditary chief known as a kwaipai or kutcut. The widow of a chief might perform the functions of her deceased husband. The chief's assistant was called koreau. Some members 25 Analysis of the Mission Indian Creation Story, Am. Anthr., n.s., xi, 52, footnote, 1909. 26 Religious Ceremonies and Myths of the Mission Indians, Am. Anthr., n.s.. vii, 621, 1905. 27 Dr. Kroeber obtained the words "ily gwaxan" for "woods." 174 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 of a clan were scattered, but when the clan gave a ceremony, the chief recalled the scattered members to assist. My informants assigned the scattering to the necessity of making a living and to deaths in the family. The first cause did not operate in ancient times. At Pamo, where several of the Northern Diegueno clans lived, there was a village chief (also called kwaipai) in addition to the hereditary clan chiefs. The village chief was elected. Each clan owned an eagle (or more likely a pair of eagles), and the feathers of an eagle killed ceremonially were used for the making of a feather skirt. 28 Other ceremonies with animal motives occur following dreams and when animals are killed under peculiar circumstances. If a man dream's of a rattlesnake he must give a dance afterwards. A year before my visit at Mesa Grande, a wild cat was killed while trying to enter a house. The man who killed it had to give a propitiatory dance. The information from Northern Diegueno informants does not seem to indicate as definite a localization of the clans as do the South- ern Diegueno data. It is possible that removal to the missions and subsequent segregation on reservations has effaced the knowledge of the original distribution of clans from the minds of the Northern Diegueno. The more remote Southern Diegueno, less in contact with the missions, would certainly be more likely to retain such information. PIMAN CLANS It seems necessary to reproduce the evidence concerning totemic clans among the Pima and Papago for comparison with the Califor- nian data presented in this paper. The Pima and Papago, like the Californian tribes under consideration, trace descent through males. Mr. Frank Russell 29 and Mr. E. S. Curtis 30 have published brief accounts of the Pima clan system. These do not agree in certain respects and are therefore quoted in full. Mr. Curtis has published also an account of the Papago clan system, 31 which is likewise quoted in full. The following quotation presents Mr. Russell 's Pima data : Descent is traced in the male line and there are five groups that may be called gentes, though they exert no influence upon marriage laws nor do they manifest 28 The eagle ceremony is described by Dr. Waterman (present series, vm, 314, 1910). 29 26th Ann. Eep. Bur. Am. Ethn. for 1904-1905 (1908), 197. so The North American Indian (Cambridge, University Press, 1908), II, 9. si Ibid., p. 32. 1918] Gifford: Clans and Moieties in Southern California 175 any evidences of organization so far as ascertained. The names of these groups have lost all meaning. They are called A'kol, A'pap, A'pukl, Ma'-am, and Va'-af. The first three are known as the Vulture or Bed People, the last two as the Coyote or White People. However, they are spoken of as the Suwuki O'himal and Sto'am O'himal, or Red Ants and White Ants.Q32 i n the Pima creation myth presented in full in this memoir reference is made to black ants, tcotcik tatany, and to the termite, hiapitc, but no connection is supposed to exist between them and the o'himal. The Red People are said to have been in possession of the country when Elder Brother brought the White People from the nether world and conquered them as described on page 226. There were more than two gentes of the White People, but Coyote laughed too soon at them and the earth closed before the others got through. The author suspects that this division signifies that the tribe was formed by the junction of two peoples, the only trace of the original groups -being the names and the maintenance of the laws of vengeance. Mr. Curtis says of the Pima : The Pima have five tribal divisions, known as wii' male CM, which may be designated phratries, as they are aggregations of gentes with totemic names. Children belong to the father, whom they call by the phratral name. The five totemic names, all synonymous with the word ' ' father ' ' and bearing obscure meanings, are Apap, Apk, Mam, Vah, and Okali. Apap and Apk are associated with the coyote, and Mam and Vah with the buzzard. The people of the first four are numerous, but of the 6kali only a few representatives survive. This division, according to the genesis myth, was broken in its inception, only a few succeeding in reaching the upper world. Marriage within a phratry seems never to have been prohibited; marriage was without ceremony, and was often soon followed by separation. Of the Papago he says: There are five gentile groups, though it can hardly be said that any strict gentile organization now exists. Children belong to the father's group. The creation myth tells how, when Chii wvitu ma'ke's destroying horde marched up into this world from the east, the first to come were those who were to call their fathers Apap; then came those whose fathers were to be Apk, Mam, Vaf and A'kuli respectively. These names were no doubt totemic in their origin, but only the first and third can be identified. Apap is associated with the coyote, Mam with the buzzard. There is no general word for father; to each individual "father" is simply the name of his gens, if such groups may be so called. A member of the Apk gens, for instance, calls his father mp' aplei, of the Mam gens, nyum'am, nyu meaning "my." Collectively the members of the gentes are called Apapakam, Apkikam, Mamakam, Vafakam, and A'kuli kam. Of so little importance are the gentes that marriage within them is not pro- hibited, or even regarded as unusual. Mr. Curtis' list of five Pima clans agrees with Mr. Russell's. It is clear from both accounts that there is a perhaps loose grouping of the clans in two opposed moieties. Mr. Russell identifies one moiety 32 " a The same divisions exist among the Papagos, and Jose' Lewis, who in- terpreted for Professor McGee, submitted specimens of the ant as examples of the insects referred to as ' o'himal. ' ' ' 176 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Ethn. [Vol. 14 with coyote, white ant, and white; the other with vulture (= buz- zard), red ant, and red. For the vulture moiety Mr. Russell lists the A'kol, A'pap, and A'puki groups, for the coyote moiety the Ma'-am and Va'-af groups. Mr. Curtis on the other hand reverses this arrangement, placing Ma'-am (Mam) and Va'-af (Vah) in the vulture moiety, and Apap and Apk in the coyote moiety. "With regard to the Papago, Mr. Curtis also states that "Apap is associated with the coyote, Mam with the buzzard," as in Pima society. The Pima use of three synonymous terms for each moiety is reminiscent of similar nomenclature of the Miwok moieties. 33 A feature of the Piman clans comparable with the Yuman clan names for women is the special and distinctive term for "father" in each clan. The Papago information secured by Dr. Kroeber from Mr. Juan Dolores, a member of that tribe and author of a paper on "Papago Verb Stems," 34 agrees in part with that submitted by Mr. Curtis and also adds some new facts. Mr. Dolores remembered only four clans. He disagreed with Mr. Curtis by assigning okoIi (A x kuli) instead of Mam to the buzzard. The following paragraphs present the data secured by Dr. Kroeber from Mr. Dolores : The ordinary Papago term for father is ok, my father nyoK. In using this general, or non-clan, term for father, ' ' it would not be clear where people belong," Mr. Dolores said. He is of the (red) uhhimaii clan himself and would normally call his father by this clan's term nyimaM ; in rare cases he might use the general term nyoK. The Papago totemic clans together with the terms for father may be briefly listed as follows : Buzzard (nyu h wi) people call father okoIi. Coyote (paN) people call father ahpap. (Red) uhhimaLi (an insect) people call father maM. White uhhimaLi (an insect) 35 people call father va'aw. A Papago myth referred to by Mr. Dolores, relates how four brothers "took" these four "names," or "relationships," or "signs." 33 E. W. Gifford, Miwok Moieties, present series, xn, 140, 1916; C. H. Mer- riam, Indian Village and Camp Sites in Yosemite Valley, Sierra Club Bull., X, 203, 1917. 34 Present series, X, 241-263, 1913. 35 The uhhimaLi is larger than ant or spider (Itiuch). It lives singly in holes in ground; has no wings; stings; has hair on back. Some are reddish, some whitish. 1918] Glfford: Clans and Moieties in Southern California 177 The question, "What clan-relationship do you follow?" would be stated in Papago as follows : cahtyo 'ot mu wiio-moKahLi What (interrogative) with-go In the case of Mr. Dolores the answer would be "uhhimaLi" and not maM; in other words the name of the group or totem and not the special word for father. Descent in these groups ' is entirely paternal. One can marry within his clan group but not within his family or village. All in a village are considered related. The clan groups are not locally lim- ited. All occur in every village, except the white uhhimaLi, which is now quite rare. Without further data it is impossible to say whether or not village exogamy is a recent innovation which has taken the place of clan exogamy. The absence of clan exogamy would seem to indicate that the clans as such have disintegrated. SHOSHONEAN CLANS AND MOIETIES The Serrano, the Cahuilla, the Cupefio, and the Luisefio of south- ern California are organized on the basis of exogamous, patrilinear, and apparently localized, clans. The clans of the Serrano, Cahuilla, and Cupefio are grouped in two exogamous moieties, which are totemic, being identified with the wild cat (tukut) and the coyote (isil in Cahuilla and Cupefio; wahil in Serrano). The Luisefio clans are not grouped in moieties. The Serrano, Cahuilla, and Cupefio clans are exogamous as components of the moieties ; that is, a member of the wild cat moiety marries only a member of a clan of the coyote moiety. The clans of the Luisefio are exogamous and non- totemic, though at present quite thoroughly disintegrated. On the one hand they appear to have disintegrated into families as far as reckoning descent is concerned and on the other hand to have become amalgamated into ' ' parties ' ' or religious societies as far as ceremonial functions are concerned. Membership in the parties or religious societies extends beyond the range of even mythical kinship reckoned paternally. In considering the data presented in the following pages, it must be remembered that the Luisefio were long in charge of Spanish Fran- 178 University of California Publications in Am. Arch, and Etlin. [Vol. 14 ciscan missionaries, while some of the Serrano, Cahuilla, and probably the Cupeiio were never converted in the mission period and others were under Spanish control for a shorter time than the Luiseno. SEERAN036 The Serrano are organized on the basis of exogamous totemic moieties. One moiety is called wahilyam, and has as totems coyote (wahil), the chief totem for which the moiety is named, buzzard (widukut), and wolf (wanats). The other moiety is called tukum, and has as totems wild cat (tukut), the chief totem for which the moiety is named, crow (gatcawa), and mountain lion (tukutcu). The names of the first two totems mentioned for each moiety were volun- teered by the informant. Wolf and mountain lion were added in response to my query. Wolf is said to be coyote's older brother and mountain lion wild cat's older brother. Vulture is considered a relative of coyote's, and crow a relative of wild cat's. The totem is called niikriig (my great grandparent) or niiiiakau. The use of the term for great grandparent for totem has parallels in the other southern California Shoshonean tribes, as have the totems coyote and wild cat. The creator Pakrokitat is said to have assigned the totems. People of different moieties, especially relatives, often jokingly called each other coyotes and wild cats. Coyote people are reputed swift in their movements, wild cat people slow and lazy in theirs. People are said to have killed their totems. The toteiiis are believed to have been originally men, who later became animals, a belief held with regard to the entire animal kingdom. Serrano society is also organized on the basis of localized clans, or possibly local groups, in addition to moieties. These bear a strik- ing resemblance to the localized Cahuilla groups (see p. 186). Certain of the names of these supposed clans have previously been secured by Dr. Kroeber as place names, a fact which makes it conceivable that these Serrano divisions are merely local groups. On the other hand, it seems to be more in accord with the facts to regard them as localized clans. Eight of the fourteen groups listed below were assigned by informants to one or the other of the two moieties. Each of these eight groups was exogamous as a member of one of the moieties, patrilinear in descent, and possessed its hereditary chief (kika) and ss The data on Serrano social organization were secured entirely at Banning from the following informants: Benjamin Morongo (about 80 years of age), Rose Morongo, Elizabeth Martin, and Miguel Sabatco. 1918] Gifford: Clans and Moieties in Southern California 179 hereditary ceremonial assistant (paha). The following list includes some northern Serrano groups, although it primarily consists of southern Serrano groups. It is undoubtedly quite fragmentary. 1. Morongo. This clan, which is called Marongam by the Cahuilla, is the one most numerously represented on the reservation at Banning to-day. The members of it have adopted Morongo as their surname. This clan belongs to the coyote moiety. Bear Valley (Hatauva) was the Morongo home. They also claimed Yucaipa, Akavat (a place back of Beaumont, the name of which is said to mean "ear"), Mission Creek (Yamisevul), and Durka (Big Morongo), although Durka was mentioned by one informant as Mohiyanim territory. 2. Mohiyanim. This clan is represented to-day at Banning. It lived with the Morongo clan in ancient times and seems to have been the favored clan in marriages. It belongs to the wild cat moiety. This name in the form Mohineyam has been used by Dr. Kroeber for the northern Serrano living along the Mohave River (Shoshonean Dialects of California, Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., iv, 139, 1907). 3. Mukunpat. This clan is of the wild cat moiety and lived with the Morongo and Mohiyanim clans. It intermarried with the Morongo clan. 4. Atiaviat. A coyote clan living at Mission Creek (Yamisevul). Atiaviat is said to mean "something big." Miguel Sabatco belongs to the Atiaviat clan. The Atiaviat never married the Morongo, but married Mohiyanim and Mukunpat. The Morongo formerly visited Mission Creek for a certain kind of seed. 5. Kaiyuwat. This clan (?) is said to have lived north of the San Bernardino Mountains, across from San Manuel Reservation. It plays an important role in the Morongo clan legend to be related later. 6. Maviatum. This clan(?) inhabited Maviat, the Mohave River region, north of the San Bernardino Mountains. 7. Amakhavit. A third Serrano clan (?) living north of the San Bernardino Mountains. From west to east these northern clans ( ?) are Maviatum, Kaiyuwat, and Amakhavit. Undoubtedly these Amakhavit are the mysterious Amakhau or Amakhaba of whom Dr. Kroeber makes the following statements (Univ. Calif. Publ. Am. Arch. Ethn., iv, 136, 1907): "The Mohave are still known to the Tehachapi-Tulare tribes as people living on a distant large river, from whom visitors occasionally came. The Yokuts informant from whom part of the Kitanemuk vocabulary was obtained called them Amakhau, the Tiibatulabal in- formant Amakhaba; the latter regarded their language as similar to Kitanemuk, from which of course it is utterly distinct. Of the two Yokuts informants at Tejon, who also called them Amakhaba, one characterized them as