3-50 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES IN MOROCCO MACMILLAN AND CO. LIMITED LONDON BOMBAY CALCUTTA MELBOURNE THE MACMILLAN COMPANY NEW YORK BOSTON CHICAGO DALLAS SAN FRANCISCO THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, LTD. TORONTO MARRIAGE CEREMONIES IN MOROCCO BY EDWARD WESTERMARCK PH.D., LL'.D. (ABERDEEN) MARTIN WHITE PROFESSOR OF SOCIOLOGY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF LONDON PROFESSOR OF MORAL PHILOSOPHY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF FINLAND, HELSINGFORS AUTHOR OF 'THE HISTORY OF HUMAN MARRIAGE,' 'THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE MORAL IDEAS,' ETC. MACMILLAN AND CO., LIMITED ST. MARTIN'S STREET, LONDON 1914 COPYRIGHT PREFATORY NOTE I HAVE to thank my friend Mr. Gerald C. Wheeler for kindly reading over both the manuscript and the proofs, and my friend and colleague Professor Knut L. Tallqvist for giving me his advice on some philo- logical matter. E. W. HELSINGFORS, 8//J January 1914. CONTENTS INTRODUCTORY The aim of the book, p. i. The Muhammedan natives of Morocco, p. 2 sq. The representatives chosen for them in the present investi- gation, p. 3 sq. Differences in their language and customs, p. 4. The collection of the materials, pp. 4-6. Earlier descriptions of marriages in Morocco, p. 6 sq. The psychological origins of cere- monieSj pp. 7-9. Their historical origins, p. 9 sq. The Moorish wedding ceremonies not empty formalities, p. 10 sq. The system of transliteration, pp. 11-13. CHAPTER I THE BETROTHAL AND MARRIAGE CONTRACT fAQD EN-NIKAH) Muhammedan law on the subject, pp. 15-18. Marriages of young people in Morocco arranged by their parents, p. 18 sq. Mediators, p. 19 sq. Practices and ceremonies connected with the betrothal and marriage contract at Fez, pp. 20-29. In Andjra, pp. 29-32. Among the Ul&d Bu-Aziz, pp. 32-34. In the Hiaina, p. 34 sq. Among the Ait Sadden, pp. 35-41. Among the Ait Nder, pp. 41-44. Among the Ait Warain, p. 44 sq. Among the At Ubahti, pp. 45-48. Among the At Zihri, p. 48 sq. Among the Ait Waryagal, pp. 49-51. Among the Ait Tameldu, p. 51 sq. Written contracts of marriage, p. 52 sq. Marriages between cousins, pp. 53-56. Between members of the same village, p. 56. Between persons belonging to different villages, ibid. Between members of different tribes, ibid. Between Berber- and Arabic-speaking natives, p. 56 sq. Instances of strict endogamy, p. 57. Prohibitions of intermarriage referring to some special tribes, subdivisions of tribes, or villages, in connection with other peculiarities in their social relations, pp. 57-59. The institution of brotherhood, viii MARRIAGE CEREMONIES ibid. Marriage with a deceased brother's widow, p. 59 sq. A widow or divorced wife allowed to dispose of her own hand, ibid. Subject to her father, ibid. Customs relating to married women who have run away from their husbands, pp. 60-63. CHAPTER II THE SDAQ AND OTHER PAYMENTS THE TROUSSEAU Muhammedan law concerning the dowry, p. 64 sq. The dowry in Morocco, pp. 65-74. Names for it, p. 65 sq. The dowry fixed once for all by custom, pp. 66-69. Among the Ulid Bu- Aziz, p. 66 sq. At Amzmttz, p. 67. Among the Igliwa, p. 67 sq. Among the Ait Tameldu, p. 68. In Aglu, p. 68 sq. Among the At Ubahti, p. 69. The dowry varying according to the circumstances, pp. 69-73. At Fez, p. 69 sq. In Andjra, p. 70. In the Hiaina, p. 70 sq. Among the Ait Sadden, p. 71. Among the Ait Warain, p. 71 sq. Among the Ait Waryagal, p. 72 sq. Other payments and gifts to the girl's father, pp. 75-79. The td'mamt, pp. 75-77. The mdkla, p. 77. The hdlya, p. 77 sq. Payments made to other members of the girl's family than her father, pp. 79-82. Presents given to the girl by her betrothed, p. 82 sq. By her father, p. 83 sq. CHAPTER III CEREMONIES IN THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME PREVIOUS TO THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE The giving of a wedding feast commended by Muhammedan law, p. 85. The wedding feast held in the bridegroom's home, ibid. Names for wedding in Morocco, p. 85 sq. The time for celebrating marriages, pp. 86-88. Marriages avoided in certain periods, p. 86. Celebrated on certain days of the week, p. 86 sq. The cleaning and grinding of the wheat or corn which is to be used for the wedding, pp. 88-95. In the Garblya, p. 88. In Andjra, pp. 88-90. Among the Tsdl, p. 90 sq. In the Hiaina, p. 91. Among the Ait Sadden, p. 91 sq. Among the Ait Nder, p. 92 sq. Among the At Ubahti, p. 93 sq. Among the Shloh, p. 94. Superstitious importance attached to the grit which has been removed from the wheat, p. 94 sq. The painting of the bridegroom with henna and ceremonies connected with it, pp. 95-125. In Andjra, pp. 95-99. Among the Tsui, pp. 99-102. In the Hiaina, pp. 102-105. Among the Ulad Bu-'Aziz, p. 105. Among the Ait Warain, pp. 105-110. Among the Ait Nder, p. no. CONTENTS ix Among the Ait Sadden, pp. 110-112. Among the At Ubahti, p. 112 sq. Among the Ait Waryagal, pp. 113-116. Among the Igliwa, p. 116 sq. In Aglu, p. 117. Among the Ait Tameldu, ibid. At Tangier, p. 117 sq. Summary and explanations, pp. 118-125. Other ceremonies to which the bridegroom is subject before meeting his bride, pp. 125-133. In Andjra, pp. 125-130. Among the Ait Waryagal, p. 130 sq. The shaving of his head at Fez, pp. 131-133. Other preparations for the wedding at Fez, pp. 133-135. CHAPTER IV CEREMONIES IN THE BRIDfi's HOME Ceremonies in the bride's home at Fez, pp. 136-140. At Tangier, pp. 140-142. In Andjra, pp. 142-146. Among the Tsui, p. 146 sq. In the Hiaina, p. 147 sq. Among the Ait Warain, p. 148 sq. Among the Ait Nder, p. 149. Among the Ait Yiisi, pp. 149-152. Among the Ait Sadden, pp. 152-155. Among the At Ubahti, p. 155. Among the Ait Waryagal, p. 155 sq. In Aglu, p. 156 sq. Among the Ait Tameldu, p. 157. Among the Igliwa, ibid. At Amzmuz, ibid. Among the Ulad Bu-Aziz, pp. 157-160. Summary and explanations, pp. 160-164. CHAPTER V THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE The fetching of the bride at Fez, pp. 165-167. At Tangier, p. 167 sq. In the Garbiya, p. 168. In Andjra, pp. 168-171. Among the Tsui, p. 171 sq. In the Hiaina, p. 172 sq. Among the Ulad Bu-'Aziz, p. 173 sq. Among the Ait Sadden, pp. 174-178. Among the Ait Yiisi, pp. 178-180. Among the Ait Nder, p. 180 sq. Among the Ait Warain, p. 181 sq. Among the At Ubahti, p. 182 sq. Among the Ait Waryagal, p. 183. In Aglu, p. 183 sq. Among the Ait Tameldu, p. 184 sq. Among the Igliwa, p. 185. At Amzmuz, p. 185 sq. Summary and explanations, pp. 186-192^ CHAPTER VI THE ARRIVAL AND RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE The arrival and reception of the bride at Fez, p. 193 sq. In Andjra, p. 194 sq. Among the Tsui, p. 195 sq. In the Hiaina, p. 196 sq. In the Garbiya, p. 197. Among the Ulad Bu-'Aziz, pp. 197-199. MARRIAGE CEREMONIES Among the Ait Sadden, pp. 199-203. Among the Ait Yusi, pp. 203-206. Among the Ait Nder, p. 206 sq. Among the Ait Warain, pp. 207- 209. Among the At Ubahti, p. 209 sq. Among the Ait Waryagal, pp. 210-212. In Aglu, p. 212 sq. Among the Ait Tameldu, p. 2 1 3. Among the Igliwa, p. 2 1 3 sq. At Amzmuz, p. 214. Summary and explanations, pp. 214-224. CHAPTER VII THE MEETING OF THE BRIDE AND BRIDEGROOM AND THE MORNING AFTER The meeting of the bride and bridegroom and the morning after at Fez, pp. 225-230. In Andjra, pp. 230-235. Among the Tsui, p. 235 sq. In the Hiaina, pp. 236-238. Among the Ulad Bu- Aziz, p. 238 sq. Among the Ait Sadden, p. 239 sq. Among the Ait Yusi, pp. 240-242. Among the Ait Nder, p. 242 sq. Among the Ait Warain, pp. 243-248. Among the At Ubahti, p. 248 sq. Among the Ait Waryagal, p. 249 sq. In Aglu, pp. 250-252. At Demnat, p. 252. Among the Ait Tameldu, p. 252 sq. Among the Igliwa, p. 253 sq. At Amzmilz, p. 254. Summary and explanations, pp. 254-271. The defloration of the bride said to be performed by somebody else than the bridegroom, pp. 271-273. Remarkable intimacy between the bride and her imsnein or "vizier," p. 273. CHAPTER VIII THE CONTINUATION AND END OF THE WEDDING The continuation and end of the wedding at Fez, pp. 274-279. In Andjra, pp. 279-281. Among the Tsol, p. 281. In the Hiaina, p. 282. Among the Ulad Bu- Aziz, pp. 282-284. Among the Ait Nder, p. 284 sq. Among the At Ubahti, p. 285 sq. Among the Ait Waryagal, p. 286. Among the Ait Warain, p. 286 sq. Among the Ait Sadden, p. 287 sq. Among the Ait Yusi, p. 288 sq. Among the Igliwa, p. 289. Among the Ait Tameldu, ibid. Practices and taboos which spring from the idea that the bride and bridegroom are still exposed to supernatural dangers, pp. 289-291. Ceremonies on the sixth or seventh day after the arrival of the bride, pp. 291-299. Visit paid by the bridegroom to his parents-in-law, p. 291. The belting of the bride and ceremonies connected with it, pp. 292-295. Ceremonies following upon the belting of the bride, pp. 295-299. Ceremonies on the ninth day after nhttr l-'Brs at Fez, p. 299. CONTENTS xi CHAPTER IX LATER CEREMONIES AND TABOOS Restrictions to which the young wife is subject, p. 300. Visits which the young wife or her husband or both together pay to her parents, and other ceremonies, pp. 300-3 10. At Fez, p. 301. At Tangier, ibid. In Andjra, p. 302. Among the Tsui, ibid. Among the Ulad Bu- Aziz, ibid. In the Hiaina, pp. 302-306. Among the Ait Sadden, p. 306 sq. Among the Ait Yusi, p. 307. Among the Ait Nder, p. 307 sq. Among the Ait Warain, p. 308. Among the At Ubahti, p. 308 sq. Among the Ait Waryagal, p. 309. Among the Ait Tameldu, p. 309 sq. A man's avoidance of his parents-in-law, pp. 310-317. Of his brothers-in-law, pp. 310-312. Shyness in the relations between a young man and his parents, pp. 313-316. In the relations between the bride and her parents, p. 315. Relations between a wife and her parents-in-law, p. 317 sq. CHAPTER X SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS- Various superstitious beliefs and practices connected with Moorish marriages, p. 319 sq. Omens at weddings, p. 320 sq. Customs springing from the feeling or idea that bride and bridegroom are in a state of danger, pp. 321-325. From the idea that the bride is a source of danger to others, pp. 325-328. Why bride and bridegroom are supposed to be in a dangerous condition and the bride is considered to be dangerous to others, pp. 328-342. Ceremonies practised in cases where either bride or bridegroom or both have been married before, pp. 328-334. At Fez, p. 329. Among the Ulad Bu-'Aziz, pp. 329-331. Among the Ait Sadden, p. 331 sq. Among the Ait Yusi, p. 332. Among the Ait Nder, p. 332 sq. Among the Ait Waryagal, p. 333. Sexual intercourse looked upon as defiling and, under certain circumstances, as a mysterious cause of evil, pp. 334-338. Notions held about the female sex, pp. 338-342. The dangers to which bride and bridegroom are believed to be exposed, pp. 342-344. The jnun in many cases personifications of the mysterious qualities of persons or lifeless objects, p. 343. Ceremonies having a mixed origin, pp. 344-346. The precautions taken at weddings readily assuming the shape of joyful performances, p. 344 sq. Practices expressing or symbolising sexual bashfulness, p. 345. Ceremonies expressing the antagonism which xii MARRIAGE CEREMONIES exists between different groups of people, p. 345 sq. Geremonies supposed to confer positive benefits on the bride or bridegroom or both, pp. 347-359. E.g. to make their lives bright and happy or to bring good luck or prosperity, p. 347. To increase the food supply, p. 347 sq. To make the year good, ibid. To facilitate the consummation of the marriage, p. 348. To make the wife fruitful, and, particularly, a mother of male offspring, pp. 348-351 (possibly 353). To make the wife remain in her new home or to strengthen the marriage tie, pp. 353-355. To make the husband fond of his wife, p. 355. To make her the ruler, p. 355 sq. To give the husband power over her or to make her a good wife, p. 356 sq. To make her dear to the bridegroom's family or to put her on good terms with her mother-in-law, p. 357. In many cases impossible to make a definite distinction between protective or purificatory ceremonies and such as are held to result in more positive benefits, p. 357 sq. Baraka as an element in the ceremonies connected with a Moorish marriage, pp. 358-362. Bride and bridegroom regarded as holy persons, pp. 359-362. Marriage enjoined as a religious duty, p. 359. Holy individuals or objects very susceptible to all kinds of harmful influences, especially those of a supernatural kind, p. 360. The nature of baraka, ibid. Benefits expected from a wedding, pp. 360-363. A wedding looked upon as a potential cause of other weddings, p. 362 sq. The presence of friends and guests held to benefit bride and bride- groom, p. 364. The social importance of Moorish marriage cere- monies, p. 364 sq. ADDENDA (containing a discussion of the prohibition of marriage between kindred and exogamy) .... pp. 367-376 INDEX OF ARABIC WORDS . . . .pp. 377-386 INDEX OF BERBER WORDS . . pp. 387-392 GENERAL INDEX . . " . . . pp. 393-422 INTRODUCTORY THIS book is meant to be a kind of apology for a serious omission of which I was guiJty when I wrote my History of Human Marriage , over twenty years ago. In that book I devoted only a very short chapter to the wedding ceremonies, and in my brief treatment of them I almost entirely failed to recognise their magical significance. This was afterwards strongly emphasised by Mr. Ernest Crawley in his theory that the cere- monies of marriage are intended to neutralise the dangers supposed to be connected with all contact between man and woman and with the state of marriage itself, as also to make the union safe, pros- perous, and happy a theory which, as he himself acknowledged in the Preface to The Mystic Rose, was founded on Dr. Frazer's discovery of the primitive conception of danger attaching to the sexual act. For my own part I shall not here make an attempt to lay down any general theory as to the origin of marriage ceremonies, but shall restrict myself to the wedding customs of a single people, namely, the Muhammedan natives of Morocco, among whom I 2 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES have spent some six years engaged in sociological research. These natives are chiefly of Berber race, although the Berber language, which before the arrival of the Arabs undoubtedly was spread over the whole country, is nowadays mostly restricted to mountain districts. The Berber-speaking tribes, to whom alone the term " Berbers " is popularly applied, may be divided into several groups. There are the Berbers of the Rif, called Ruafa, whose country extends along the Mediterranean coast from the neighbourhood of Tetuan to the Algerian frontier ; the Briber, who inhabit the mountain regions of Central Morocco and the eastern portion of the Great Atlas range ; the Shloh, who inhabit the western part of the Great Atlas and the province of Sus, situated to the south of it a territory the eastern frontier of which may be roughly indicated by a line drawn from Demnat in a south-easterly direction, and the northern frontier by a slightly curved line uniting Demnat with Mogador on the Atlantic coast and following the foot of the mountains, or, in some places, intercepting a strip of the plain ; and the Drawa, who inhabit the valley of the Wad Dra in the extreme south of Morocco. As a fifth group must, from a linguistic point of view, be counted various tribes living in the neighbourhood of Ujda, in the north-east of the country (At Buzeggu, At Zihri, At 'Amar, At Shbgl, At Lmdi, At Yiznasgn, At Ya'la, and At Ubahti). The Arabic-speaking people of Morocco consist of the 'Arab (" Arabs "), who inhabit most of the plains ; INTRODUCTORT 3 the Jbala, who inhabit the mountains of Northern Morocco, north-west, west, and south-west of the Rlf, towards the neighbourhood of Fez a group of tribes in whose veins, in spite of their language, there can hardly be a drop of Arab biood ; and the Arabic- speaking inhabitants of the towns, who are often re- ferred to as " Moors," although this name may be more conveniently applied to the Muhammedan population of Morocco in general. I have, during my sixteen journeys to Morocco, been anxious to study the customs and beliefs of these various groups of people, and for this reason chosen representa- tives for all of them, with the exception of the Drawa, as regards whom I have been unable to procure any reliable information. In this book the Ruafa are repre- sented by the Ait Waryagal, better known under their Arabic name Beni Waryagal ; the Berbers in the neighbourhood of Ujda by the At Ubahti (Arab. Bhat s a) ; the Braber by the Ait (Arab. Beni) Sadden, Ait Yusi, Ait (Arab. Beni) Warain, and Ait Nder (Arab. Beni Mter) ; the Shloh by the people of Aglu on the coast of Sns, the Ait Tame'ldu on the southern slopes of the Great Atlas range, the Igliwa inhabiting the district of Glawi in the same mountains, and the inhabitants of Amzmuz ; the 'Arab by the U1M Bu-'Aziz in Dukkala, the natives of the Hiaina in the neighbourhood of Fez, and those of the GarMya in Northern Morocco ; the Jbala by the tribe of Andjra, on the southern shore of the Straits of Gibraltar, and the Tsui, one of the most southerly tribes of the 4 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES group ; and the townsfolk by the inhabitants of Fez and Tangier. It must be understood, however, that the tribes belonging to the same group often differ more or less from each other in their customs, as they also do in their language. Whilst their dialects have a greater re- semblance than those spoken within different groups, they may at the same time present considerable dis- similarities ; the Shelha of Aglu, for example, is not the same as the Shelha of Glawi, and among the Briber the language even of neighbouring tribes, like the Ait Saddgn and Ait Warain, may differ so much in its vocabulary and phonetics that a member of the one tribe sometimes finds it difficult to understand a member of the other and, as I have tested myself, is unable to imitate certain sounds of his dialect. As regards customs the local influence may be so strong that there is, not infre- quently, a greater resemblance in this respect between " Arabs " and " Berbers " living in the same neighbour- hood than between tribes belonging to the same group. On the other hand, it must not be supposed that the customs are quite uniform even within the same tribe. I have myself visited many of the places and tribes mentioned in this book. Thus I have spent half a year in Fez ; the same length of time in Andjra, and several weeks in other tribes of the Jbala ; some months in the Fahs ; about five months in the Garblya ; nearly two months among the Ulld Bu-'Aziz, besides which I had daily intercourse with men of this tribe during my five months' stay in Mazagan ; three months among the INTRODUCTORY 5 Shl6h of the Great Atlas range ; and several months in Marrakesh and Mogador, where I employed Shlsh as my teachers. During my stay in Fez and Sgfru and the excursions I made from the latter place to the surrounding tribe of the Ait Yusi, I had a good oppor- tunity to study the customs of Berbers belonging to the group of the Briber, of whom it has been justly said that they are the least known people in Northern Africa. In Morocco very many districts are absolutely inaccessible to any traveller who cannot disguise himself as a native, and to do this is of course impossible in the case of a prolonged stay. Even for my sojourn in Andjra, which was then in a disturbed state, my Lega- tion required of me a written statement to the effect that I went there entirely at my own risk. Yet the treatment I received there, as well as among other mountaineers and peasants not generally noted for friendliness towards Europeans, was invariably of the kindliest nature ; and for this credit is due to my Moorish friend Shereef 'Abd-es-Salam el-Baqqali, who has accompanied me on all my journeys in Morocco and rendered me invaluable assistance. But also with regard to tribes which I have not visited myself I have in every case got my information from natives of those tribes, with the exception of the statements relating to the Ait Nder, most of which were made by an old Berber from another tribe who for very many years had been a resident among them as also of a few other statements, the unauthoritative character of which is expressly mentioned in the text. 6 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES My descriptions of wedding ceremonies are thus very largely drawn from oral information, which I have obtained both from men and women. This is true even in the case of tribes where I myself have been present at a wedding, either as an invited guest or as a spectator in Moorish disguise, since I obviously could not see everything which took place. I shall give the accounts of my informants in full in spite of the repetitions they contain ; though these may be a little tiresome to the reader they will, at the same time, serve as a guarantee for the accuracy of the statements. My subject is not altogether new, although a com- parative study of the marriage ceremonies in the different parts of Morocco has not been attempted before. Previous writers have given longer or shorter descriptions of marriages celebrated in certain localities or tribes, such as Fez, 1 Tangier, 2 Alcazar (1-Qsar 1-Kblr), 3 Demnat, 4 and the Fahs, 5 Hlot, 6 Habt, 7 and Rahamna. 8 The present treatise, however, is entirely 1 Leo Africanus, History and Description of Africa, ii. (London, 1896), pp. 448- 452. Eugene Aubin (Descos), Morocco of To-day (London, 1906), pp. 256-260. 2 Salmon, ' Les Manages musulmans a Tanger,' in Archives marocaines, i. (1904), pp. 273-289. Emily, Shareefa of Wazan, My Life Story (London, 1911), pp, 125-138. 3 Michaux-Bellaire and Salmon, ' El-Qcar el-Kebir,' in Archives marocaines, vol. ii. no. ii. (1904), pp. 66-72. 4 Sai'd Boulifa, Textes berberes en dialects de f Atlas marocain (Paris, 1908)7 pp. 5-23. 5 Salmon, 'Une Tribu marocaine,' in Archives marocaines, i. (1904), pp. 207-212. 6 Michaux-Bellaire and Salmon, ' Les Tribus arabes de la valle du Lekkous,' in Archives marocaines, vi. (1906), pp. 223-233. 7 Michaux-Bellaire, ' Quelques tribus de montagnes de la region du Habt,' in. Archives marocaines, xvii. (1911), pp. 127-134. 8 Doutte, Merrakech (Paris, 1905), pp. 331-339. In Budgett Meakin's book on. The Moors (London, 1902; pp. 361-375) a chapter is devoted to marriage, chiefly though not exclusively as it is celebrated at Tangier. Other references to marriage INTRODUCTORT 7 based on my own notes, though reference is occasion- ally made to facts recorded by my predecessors. In my study of the wedding ceremonies I have not been content with ascertaining the bare external facts, but have, so far as possible, tried to discover the ideas underlying them. The reader will find that the ex- planations given by the natives themselves are not always alike. The reason for this may be either that the same ceremony has in different cases sprung from different sources, or that it has a mixed motive, or that its real origin has been forgotten and a new interpreta- tion substituted for the idea from which it rose. There is a tendency in Anthropology to assume that similar ceremonies have their roots in similar ideas, even when practised by different peoples ; and this tendency has often led to ill-founded or even obviously erroneous conclusions. It should be remembered that, especially among simple peoples, the means of expressing ideas in actions are so limited, that the same kind of activity or the making use of similar objects may very often have a different psychological origin in different cases. Objects like corn, dried fruit, eggs, milk, etc., may be used for a variety of purposes ; eggs in wedding ceremonies, for example, may be intended to promote fecundity on account of physiological associations, or to give good luck or make the weather fine on account customs in Morocco are found in Moulieras, Une Tribu Zenlte anti-musulmane au Maroc (les Zkara) (Paris, 1905), pp. 82-96 j Idem, Le Maroc Inconnu, \. Exploration du Rif (Oran, 1895), pp. 67, 68, 115 ; ii. Exploration des Djebala (Oran, 1899), pp. 494-499 ; and in some other books mentioned in M. Doutte's bibliography on the subject in his Merrakech, p. 331 sq. n. 2. 8 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES of their white colour, or to facilitate sexual intercourse on account of the fragility of their shells. And if similar ceremonies may thus have sprung from different motives in different cases, it is obvious that also the same ceremony in a given case may be intended to serve more than one purpose ; nay, there is no reason to deny the possibility of mixed motives from the beginning. At the same time it is well known that new interpretations are often given of old customs by the people who practise them, and that all ceremonies are apt to survive the ideas in which they have originated. This should not make the field-ethnologist less eager to find out the present meaning attached to the facts he records ; whether or no it be the original meaning, it gives us in any case some insight into the ideas of exist- ing people, and these are by themselves no less important subjects of inquiry than those of past generations. But I think that the aim of the field-ethnologist should not be only to observe and describe. Where the meaning of a custom is obscure or lost, his general knowledge of the native mind and its ways of thinking and feeling ought to enable him to make conjectures of much greater value than those suggested by " ethnologists of the study." I thoroughly disagree with the principle which I once heard expressed by the reader of a paper on some savage tribes at a meeting of the Royal Anthropological Institute, that the field-anthropologist should aim only at collecting facts and leave it to the anthropologists at home to explain them. But he must, of course, take the utmost care to avoid mixing up his INTRODUCTORT 9 own interpretations of facts with the observed facts themselves. This is a rule which I have strictly followed in the present treatise. In the detailed accounts of ceremonies or customs which form the substance of the book I have stated only such explana- tions as I have heard from my native informants (unless I have expressly said otherwise), reserving my own suggestions for the summary which I have given afterwards, mostly at the end of the chapter. The difficulties in finding the ultimate psychological origins of ceremonies are frequently increased by the obscurity of their historical origins. A custom may spring up spontaneously among a certain people or tribe, or it may be imported from some other people or community ; and to be complete, the study of it must be concerned not only with its intrinsic meaning but also with the question whether it has a native origin or not, and, in the latter case, from where it has been introduced. This study of its history is often an extremely difficult, not to say hopeless, task. It requires a profound knowledge not only of the customs of the people which is the subject of the investigation but of those of other peoples with which it has come in contact ; and even with such a knowledge it may in many cases be impossible to decide with certainty whether we have to do with a loan or not. Considering how often absolutely identical customs are found among races living in very different parts of the world, under circumstances which exclude all possibility of a common origin, we have to take account of the fact that such io MARRIAGE CEREMONIES customs may have grown up independently of one another also among peoples who have had much intercourse between themselves or even blended together. In Morocco the civilisation of the Arabic invaders has greatly influenced the Berbers, who have not only adopted their religion but also borrowed from them customs and superstitions falling outside the pale of Islam. Certain superstitious practices, which have been imported by slaves, have obviously a Sudanese origin. Indo-European influence may also have made itself felt ; or certain similarities in the customs of North African and European peoples may be due to racial affinity in accordance with the theory of the Mediterranean origin of the Berbers. But any attempt to find the historical sources of the various customs and ideas prevalent in Morocco could never succeed in full, and must for the present be very incomplete, largely owing to our defective knowledge of the Arabs and of the Berbers of other countries. I shall, chiefly in footnotes, make reference to parallel cases among Muhammedans outside Morocco and European peoples, but these notes will be of a very fragmentary character ; and the question as to the historical origin of the ceremonies described in this book must, in a large measure, be left for the consideration of future investigators. The reader will perhaps deem many facts mentioned in this monograph too trivial to deserve the attention of serious students, but then he should remember that they do not appear trivial to the Moors themselves. Their wedding ceremonies are not empty formalities, INTRODUCTORT n but practices which are supposed materially to influence the welfare of individuals, families, and whole com- munities. And they reveal to us ideas and beliefs which, however foolish they may be, are potent forces in the social life of the people. In rendering Arabic and Berber words and phrases used in Morocco I shall always endeavour to represent them as they are pronounced by the natives, independ- ently of the written Arabic. As the same word is often pronounced differently in different places, the reader must not accuse me of inconsistency if he finds it spelt sometimes in one way and sometimes in another. My system of transliterating the Arabic consonants is as follows: B represents ^-> ; d i, or 5 when pronounced as the English d ; d '} when pronounced as th in this ; d jr 9 , or Jj when pronounced as j ; d ]> when not pronounced as (J '> f v 9> m Morocco written ^ ; g * or ,^3, in Morocco written v^_j, when these letters are pronounced as g in grand) a sound for which the Moors also use a s^Twith three dots above it ;P-;^*; $-;$; j ^ when pronounced as the French j y d j representing the same letter when pronounced as the English j ; v^;/J; m f ; n ^ ; q ^3 (Moorish v_j) ; r j ; s U" > f U > ^ uT ( a l etter which is also represented by sh in names of common occurrence) ; / o, or ^ when pronounced as the English / ; t ^ when pronounced as th in thing ; / i> ; I s o or ^, when these letters are 12 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES pronounced as ts ; w j when pronounced as w in will ; y ^c, when pronounced as y in jyofo ; z j ; * P . In some Berber words the following signs are also used : g y y to represent a sound which to me appeared almost as a strongly pronounced consonantal jy, but which my Berber scribe from the Ait Sadden, who had a remark- ably fine ear, considered to be more closely related to a g ; ^, corresponding to the German ch in ich ; and w, corresponding to ng in sing. The vowels are, at least approximately, to be pro- nounced as follows : A as in Italian ; a between a and o ; a between a and # ; it as rf in /#/ ; e as in ;#/ ; e between e and / ; i as in this ; o as in #o/ ; 5 as in German ; u as in put ; # between a and o ; between / and the French u. The sign - over a vowel indicates that it is long ; ^ that it is long and accentuated ; ~ that it is very short ; / that it is accentuated. The vowel sounds of the words are subject to great variations, not only in different localities, but in the same locality, nay even in the mouth of the same indi- vidual at least if he is asked to repeat the word. These sounds have probably caused me greater trouble than anything else in Morocco. The length of the vowel, in particular, is a very difficult matter, both because it is so changeable and because it allows of so very many different degrees ; and equally difficult is it in many cases to distinguish between the presence or absence of a vowel sound before a consonant or between INTRODUCTORY 13 two consonants to do so may even be absolutely im- possible without the aid of phonetical instruments. I have made use of the signs -, ^, and ~, only in cases when I have distinctly heard the sound pronounced either long or very short, but the omission of any such sign does not eo ipso imply that it might not have been used. Some distinguished students of colloquial Arabic have, perhaps under the influence of the written language, applied the symbol for length much more liberally than my ear has allowed me to do, whereas they have been more niggardly than myself in the matter of accentua- tion. It is true that the accent also, both in Arabic and Berber, is very changeable, and that the / or /\ over a vowel only indicates that I have heard the syllable in which it occurs accentuated, not that it invariably is so ; but that the accent is of hardly less importance than the length of the vowel appears from the fact that vowels which in the written language are marked as long have a distinct tendency to be pronounced short in syllables on which no stress is laid. CHAPTER I THE BETROTHAL AND MARRIAGE CONTRACT EN-NIKAH) MUHAMMEDAN law regards marriage (nikaK) as essentially a civil contract, the validity of which depends on proposal on one side and acceptance on the other. When it is contracted on behalf of a woman who is no longer in her father's power, it is necessary that she should give her consent to it, either in express terms, or, if she be a virgin, at least by implication ; in the latter case her silence or laugh is construed to imply consent. 1 But according to the Maliki school of Muhammedans, to which the Moors belong, a woman cannot be married without the permission of her wall (guardian), 2 who is in the first place her son by a former marriage, in the second her grandson (son's son), in the third her father, and, in default of these, 1 Ameer Ali, Mahommedan La?v, ii. (Calcutta, 1908), pp. 334, 335, 343 sq. j Milliot, La Femme musulmane au Maghreb (Paris, 1910), p. 101 sq, ; Sldl Halll, Muhtasar, 40 (Russell and Abdullah al-Ma'mun Suhrawardy, 1 A Manual of the Law of Marriage' from the Mukhtasar of SfdJ Khalfl [London, $.a.], p. iz). 2 Sldl Halll, op. cit. 19 (p. 5). A woman of low position, however, is allowed to marry without a tvah (ibid. 37, p. n). '5 1 6 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. one or other of her paternal relatives in the following order : the full brother, nephew, grandfather, uncle, cousin. If she has no such relative, her wall is the qadl. 1 The intervention of a guardian, says Mr. Ameer Ali, is required " to supplement the presumed incapacity of the woman to understand the nature of the contract, to settle the terms and other matters of similar import, and to guard the girl from being victimised by an unscrupulous adventurer, or from marrying a person morally or socially unfitted for her." 2 If, on the other hand, the woman is still in her father's power, her consent is not required. Among the Hanafls the father's right to marry his daughter without her consent comes to an end when she arrives at puberty, 3 but this is not the case among the Malikls. Among them she ceases to be in his power only by his death, or by her being expressly emancipated by him during his lifetime, 4 or by her marriage (unless she has been married before puberty and the marriage has then been dissolved, or the marriage has been dissolved, without having been consummated, before she has lived a year in her husband's dwelling), or, according to some jurists, when she has reached the age of at least thirty. 5 1 Sldl Halll, op. cit. 32 (p. 9). 2 Ameer Ali, of. cit. p. 335. Cf. Milliot, op. cit. p. 104. 3 Milliot, of. cit. p. 81. 4 Emancipation, however, may be only for the purpose of enabling her to select a husband for herself, while her business affairs remain subject to the paternal control. Matrimonial guardianship is not necessarily coincident with guardianship of property and the superintendence thereof (Russell and Abdullah al-Ma'mun Suhrawardy, of. cit. p. 7 n. a ). 5 Sldl Halll, of. cit. 24 sq. (p. 6 sq.) ; Milliot, of. cit. pp. 79, 80, 87 sq. i THE BETROTHAL 17 Among the Sunnis, to whom the Malikis belong, it is required that a proposal or declaration shall precede the acceptance, in order to demonstrate conclusively the intention of the parties. 1 Their jurists recommend the use of the Fatihah, or opening chapter of the Koran, at the conclusion of the marriage, but do not, like the Shfahs, consider the use of it to be, to some extent, obligatory. 2 In the contract of marriage are embodied the conditions to 'which the husband binds himself, together with the amount of the dower, the nature of its payment, questions regarding the custody of the children, and other cognate matters. 3 It is not necessary that this contract should be reduced to writing, a verbal contract of marriage and a verbal undertaking for dower being as valid in law as a written contract. 4 But under the Sunnl law it is required that there should be at least two witnesses present to attest the conclusion of the contract to testify that it was properly entered into and in accordance with the conditions laid down for the contractual performance of marriage ; 5 and the Malikis 1 Ameer Ali, op. cit. p. 333. 2 Ibid. p. 329. This recommendation is also generally followed. See Gaudefroy- Demombynes, Les Ceremonies du mariage chez les indigenes de I'Algerie (Paris, 1901), p. 15, and 'Abd El 'Aziz Zenagui, ' Recit en dialecte tlemcenien," in Journal Asiatique, ser. x. vol. iv. (1904), p. 74 (Tlemcen) ; Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (London, 1896), p. 174, and Idem, Arabian Society in the Middle Ages (London, 1883), p. 231 (Egypt) ; Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, ii. (Haag, 1889), p. 162 ; Burton, Personal Narrati-ve of a Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah and Meccah, ii. (London, 1898), p. 23 (Medina) ; C. T. Wilson, Peasant Life in the Holy Land (London, 1906), p. 112 ; Guys, Un Der-vich alge'rien en Syrie (Paris, 1854), p. 200 (Aleppo) ; Jaffur Shurreef, Qanoon-e-islam, or the Customs of the Mussulmans of India (Madras, 1863), p. 61. 3 Ameer Ali, op. cit. p. 328. 4 Ibid. p. 503. B Ibid. p. 325. C 1 8 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. insist that the witnesses should be " men of established reputation." l In Morocco it is the universal rule that the parents of a girl marry her without asking for her consent. 2 Not infrequently they also arrange the marriage of their son, even though he be grown-up, according to their own taste ; and 'custom may require that he should comply with their wishes. 8 Where the separation between the sexes is so strict as it is in many places in 1 Sldl Halll, of. tit. 5 (p. 2). 2 In Algeria, according to M. Villot (Mceurs, coutumes et institutions des indigenes de f Algerie [Alger, 1888], p. 76), " 1'independance de la jeune fille est nulle dans la pratique." So also in Tunis (Sellami, ' La Femme musulmane,' in Revue Tunisienne, iii. [1896], p. 435), and many parts of Palestine (Klein, ' Mittheilungen u'ber Leben, Sitten und Gebrauche der Fellachen in Pal3stina,' in Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palaestina-J^ereins, vi. [1883], p. 88 j^.), the girl has no voice in the matter. But the Bedawin of the desert "differ entirely from all Mohammedan natives of Palestine in allowing their girls to accept or reject a proposal " (Robinson Lees, The Witness of the Wilderness [London, 1909], p. 120). Among the Aeneze the girl's wishes are consulted, and it is never supposed that she should be compelled to marry against her inclination (Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins and Wahabys [London, 1830], p. 61). In Mecca "die Jungfrau wird nur selten zur Heirath genSthigt ; es geziemt sich aber durchaus, dass sie sich auffiihrt, als fugte sie sich den Planen ihres Vaters nur aus Gehorsam " (Snouck Hurgronje, op. cit. ii. 157). Of the ancient Arabs Wellhausen (' Die Ehe bei den Arabern,' in Nachrichten -von der KSniglichen Gesellschaft der Wissenschaften xu GSttingen, 1893, no. 1 1, p. 431 sq.) writes : " Der Vali, d.i. der Vater, Bruder oder Vetter der Braut, unter dessen Mund (Vila) sie steht, verlobt sie. . . . Natiirlich wird oft die Tochter. von liebenden Eltern, gefragt, ob sie den Freier haben will." 8 Among the Arabs of Moab, " en vertu du pouvoir presque absolu du pere dans la famille, on s'accorde a lui reconnaitre la faculte de disposer de 1'avenir de ses enfants. C'est en effet le pere du jeune homme qui traite directement avec le pere de la jeune fille. . . . S'il s'agit du mariage d'un jeune garpon, tres souvent les conditions sont arre'tces entre les parents J son insu, sans qu'il ait et6 consulte et parfois il ne connalt meme pas sa future epouse. Mais des qu'ii atteint 1'age de dix- sept ou dix-huit ans, il commence a faire valoir ses droits, et on est oblig6 de tenir compte de sa volonte. S'il declare fermement qu'il ne veut pas de tel parti propose, malgr toutes les combinaisons anterieures et les esperances des parents, le mariage n'aura point lieu" (Jaussen, Coutumes des brakes au pays de Moab [Paris, 1908], p. 43). In Mekka "es kommt vor, dass der Jiingling sich zu den durch seinen Vater vorgenommenen Verhandlungen wegen seiner Ehe ziemlich passiv verhSlt, obgleich kein Zwang ausgeiibt wird" (Snouck Hurgronje, op. cit. ii. 157). i THE BETROTHAL 19 Morocco, this interference on the part of the parents can hardly be felt as a burden by the young man, especially as he can readily divorce a wife whom he does not like ; and for the girl it would be no easy matter to choose between suitors whom she does not know. In tribes where the father actually sells his daughter his disposal of her is naturally influenced by the price offered, but elsewhere also her marriage affects his own interests as well as hers. In a country like Morocco family connections are of great importance, not only for a person's social position but even for his safety. Whether the initiative in the matter is taken by the young man himself or his parents, the proposal is not made by him nor, generally, by his father, but by some influential man or friends, who have been asked to act as mediators. 1 These are called in Arabic faaffdfan, sing. hdttab., and the proposal is called htitba. Women 1 Among the ancient Arabs, also, the suitor often made use of a mediator (Well- hausen, loc. clt, p. 433 n. i). In Cairo, according to Burckhardt (Arabic Proverbs [London, 1830], p. 113), "when a girl is to be asked in matrimony, a friend or relation, or the sheikh of the young man (who has instructed him in reading the Koran), goes to the girl's father and makes a bargain for her." Among the Touareg the proposal is made by a holy man or some other important person (Bissuel, Les Touareg du Nord, p. 105, quoted by Gaudefroy-Demombynes, op. cit. p. it n.). In ancient India "das Anhalten um die Braut beim Vater oder den sonstigen Verwandten geschah durch besondere Brautwerber, die aus den nachsten Anverwandten des Brautigams genommen wurden " (Haas, ' Die Heirathsgebrauche der alien Inder,' in Weber's Indische Studien, v. (i86z), p. 291. See also ibid. pp. 181, 236, 276, 288, 292, 293, 380, 411 ; Winternitz, 'Das altindische Hochzeits- rituell,' in Denhchriften der Kaherl. Akademie der PFissenscAaften, Philosophisch- historhche Classe, xl. (Wien, 1892), pp. 21, 39 sq.). Similar customs have prevailed, or still prevail, in Europe (Weinhold, Die deutschen Frauen in dem Mittelalter, i. (Wien, 1882), p. 316 sqq. 5 v. Schroeder, Die Hochzeitsbrauche der Esten und einiger andrer finn'nch-ugrhcher Vtilkerschaften, in Vergleichung mit denen der indogermanischen V'ilker (Berlin, 1888), p. 32 sqq. Sartori, Sitte und Brauch, i. (Leipzig, 1910), p. 52. 20 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. friends are also, in many cases, busy with the preliminary arrangements ; but the professional hattdba^ or female match-maker, though not unknown in Morocco, plays there a less important rtle than in some other parts of the Muhammedan world, being chiefly employed by men without a family. 1 The fan cd is called in Arabic mmellek and \hefiancee, mmellka. After these general remarks I shall now pass to more detailed accounts of practices and ceremonies con- nected with the betrothal and marriage "contract in various tribes and places in Morocco. These accounts refer to unions between young people whose parents are still alive. They illustrate one of the chief characteristics of the Moors their fondness of having recourse to proxies and mediators whenever there is a possibility of refusal or dissent, and their shyness of straightforward questions and plain answers. At Fez, as soon as a lad has arrived at the age when his parents think he should marry and the father can afford to pay the expenses for his wedding and the new household, they begin to make preparations for his 1 Cf. Salmon, ' Les Mariages musulmans a Tanger,' in Archives marocaines, i. (1904), p. 275 j Michaux-Bellaire and Salmon, ' El-Q$ar el-Kebir,' ibid. ii. (1904), no. ii. p. 67. In An Account of South-West Barbary (London, 1713), written by a person who had been a slave in Morocco and edited by Ockley, it is said (p. 76) : " The Persons employed to negotiate this weighty Affair, are some antiquated, decrepid Matrons, whose Age secures them from all Suspicion of con- versing with our Sex : Upon these they are obliged to repose all Confidence, and to act agreeably to their Measures and Directions, if they intend to bring the Business to any effect ; yet they are often so deceitful, out of Favour to their own Sex, or for a small Bribe, as to give large Commendations where they are very ill deserved." For professional female match-makers among the Muhammedans of other countries, see, e.g., Lane, Arabian Society in the Middle Ages, p. 224 sq. (Egypt) ; Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali, Observations on the Mussulmauns of India, i. (London, 1832), p. 350 sq. i THE BETROTHAL 21 marriage. After they have found a suitable girl his mother, with some other women of the family, calls on the girl's mother and speaks to her on the subject. She cannot, of course, give an answer before she has consulted her husband, and therefore asks the young man's mother to come back on a certain day. If either she or her husband is opposed to the match, she then makes the excuse that their daughter is going to marry her cousin, even though it be not so ; for the Moors prefer telling an untruth to appearing uncivil. 1 If, on the other hand, both parents are in favour of the proposal, she informs the mother of the lad how much money her husband requires for their daughter, and this answer is communicated to the young man's father. Should the sum be much higher than the latter is will- ing to pay, his wife goes back and tries to get it reduced. If she definitively fails in this, the matter drops ; whereas, if there is a fair prospect of success, her husband asks two or more respectable men with baraka (holiness) in them shereefs or scribes to go with him and negotiate with the girl's father. They call on him, not in his house but in his business place, or workshop, addressing him with the words, S-saldmu 'dlikum, daif tilldh, "Peace be on you, guest of God" ; and ask him to come with them to the mosque. There they broach the question of the price he demands for his daughter, and he mentions a sum, say, three hundred 1 In Palestine, says the Rev. C. T. Wilson (op. cit. p. 108 Jf.)> "even if the proposal be unacceptable, it is, I believe, rarely if ever met by a direct refusal ; but in the subsequent negotiations some condition impossible of fulfilment, such as an exorbitant dowry, is required, which puts an end to the matter." 22 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. dollars. According to instructions previously given by the lad's father, who himself takes no direct part in the negotiations, his friends make objections and propose a smaller sum, for instance, two hundred dollars, which the girl's father in his turn finds too little ; and the result will probably be that the price is fixed at about two hundred and fifty. When this has been settled they all make fhfha? and the girl's father then goes home to inform his wife of the agreement. The women of the house make a quivering noise, 2 but the girl bashfully hides herself, not seeing her father for several days. Similarly the young man's father tells his wife what has passed, and in his house also the women make the same kind of noise. But the lad himself keeps away from his father. There has never been any conversation at all between them on the matter ; and only in a quiet and guarded way does his mother let him understand who will be his wife, with- out his having ever expressed the slightest wish to 1 The ceremony of f'dt'ha consists in the recitation of a prayer with the hands stretched out and the palms turned upwards. Dr. Vassel (Uber marokkanische Pro- cesspraxis [Sonderabdruck aus den Mittheilungen des Seminars fUr Orientalische Sprachen zu Berlin, Jahrg. v. Abth. ii., 1902], p. 19) says that it should not be con- founded with thefseifra, or opening chapter, of the Koran. Yet there can be little doubt that it has its name from that chapter, even though it does not in Morocco necessarily include a recitation of it. See Marjais, Textes arabes de Tanger (Paris, 1911), p. 165 n. 3 ; Snouck Hurgronje, op. cit. ii. 35, especially n. 2. 2 This noise is in Arabic called zgarTt and in Berber tag&rit (ShlBh), tigSrdtin (Ait Yusi), asgurt (Aij Sadden), tililau (Ait Warain), timusit (At Ubahti), or sriwniven (Ait WaryagSl). Dr. Jansen (' Mitteilungen u'ber die Juden in Marroko,' in Globus, Ixxi. [1897], p. 360 n. 7 ) says that it "durch Susserst schnelle, horizontale oder seitliche Bewegung der Zungenspitze zwischen den Lippenwinkeln hervorgebracht wird, wobei ein schriller Trillerlaut entsteht, der fast wie ein hundertmal ausserst schnell wiederholtes ' 1(1 ' klingt . . . (etwa in der TonhShe des zweigestrichenen f oder fis), ungefahr bis f Minute (solange der Atem vorhSlt) dauert und plOtzlich mil einem sehr kurzen, sich wie ' . . . it ' anhBrenden Abschnapp-Laute zum drei- gestrichenen c oder cis hinaufschnellend schliesst." i THE BETROTHAL 23 marry. He has never seen the girl chosen for him, unless she be his cousin. A few days after the proposal has been accepted some eight or ten women of the young man's family or kin, including his mother, go to visit the girl's mother, who entertains them with tea, food, and honey, the object of the honey being to make the daughter " sweet " to the family of her future husband so that there shall be no quarrel between them. 1 This feast, in which also other women besides her mother partake, is called ktmlet l-atiya^ because " the giving away " of her has now come to an end. The girl is not present on this occasion, but hides herself so as not to be seen. On the following Friday the fathers of the young man and girl, together with a number of friends, meet at the time for the midday or afternoon prayer at some shrine, by preference that of Mulai Idris, or in the zdwia of the fraternity to which the young man's father belongs. After prayer the following ceremony, called fftfha, is performed. When the young man's father and his party are assembled together in one place and the girl's father and his party in another place close by, a man of the former party by preference the family barber, and in no case the young man's father 1 Although honey is thus used before a wedding as a charm for good luck, it is never served at the wedding itself, the partaking of it being a regular feature of a funeral. (In ancient Greece honey played a prominent part in the cult of the dead ; see Samter, Familienfeste der Griechen und R$mer [Berlin, 1901], p. 84.) The bridegroom, however, not infrequently makes use of honey as an aphrodisiac. Cf. Doutte, Merrakech (Paris, 1905), p. 335 : " Le miel, sauf certains cas speciaux, est souvent chez les Musulmans et specialement chez les Marocains, consider^ comme dtant de mauvais augure et m^rne si, durant la noce, on en fait circuler, on vite qu'il passe sous les yeux de la jeune marine." 24 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. goes and stands between the groups, who now form a ring round him. He says, Fht s ha^ and stretches out his hands in the usual manner with the palms turned upwards ; and all the men round him follow his example. With his hands still in this position he looks round and lets his eyes rest on some shereef or other man with baraka in him and asks him to finish the ceremony, saying to him, Ht s em ya stdi. The man thus addressed moves his hands over his face and chest, kissing them lightly as they pass his mouth, and the same gesture is repeated by everybody present, the person in the centre saying, L-hamdH li llahi r&bbi l-dlamln, " Thanks be to God, Lord of the worlds." Then the hands are again stretched out and the former ceremony is repeated. The men belonging to the party of the young man's father go to the latter and give him their right hand, saying, Mbdrtik mes^ud, "Be blessed and lucky," to which he answers, Alldh ibftrfk fik^ " May God bless you." The men of the other party do the same to the girl's father. Then the two fathers receive a similar homage from the men of the opposite party, after which they all go away. In the afternoon of that day the young man sends some new clothing to his future wife, and she at sunset sends to him small tables (mt&di) with sugar, fresh butter, milk, mint (nd'na), kab gzel (crescents made of an icing of pounded almonds, sugar, and cinnamon, covered with an extremely thin coat of pastry), and griba (buns made of flour, sugar, and butter). When these tables are returned the young man must put on i THE BETROTHAL 25 one of them a fine garment as a present to his betrothed. In the evening a feast is given in his father's house, with musicians and invited guests. After supper so-called ng&gef- free negresses whose business is to assist women on festive occasions dress up the young man as a bride with garments which they have brought with them. He is then seated on cushions placed on a mattress opposite the door, and sits there with his eyes closed as if he were a bride. One of the flgftgef sings : Fdinkum ya shab Iti-r&s ? " Where are you, O friends of the bridegroom ? " The young man's friends now enter the room. A ngghfa gives him some milk to drink, and another, with a plate of dates in her hand, puts into his mouth a date. After this they give milk and a date to each of his friends, who in their turn put money on his forehead, fixing it there with spittle, while the women in the upper floor of the house, as well as the ng&gef, make a quivering noise. The money is immediately removed from the young man's forehead by one of the latter. 1 The milk offered on this occasion is supposed to make his life " white," while the dates represent wealth, in accordance with the common blessing, Alldh ifdmmar u idmmar, " May God give dates and plenty " (literally " fill "). This occasion is called lil$t s fht s ha^ " the evening of fat'har No native explanation of the custom of dressing up 1 " The custom of sticking coins to the forehead of a bridegroom is common to several races of the East, amongst others to the Turcomans, who inhabit the villages round Mosul " (Layard, Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon [London, 1853], p. 206). 26 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. the young man as a bride has been given to me. Dis- guises at marriages have been found in various other countries, 1 and many writers have suggested that their object is to deceive malignant spirits who lie in wait for the young couple at this season. 2 According to Mr. Crawley's theory of " inoculation," on the other hand, the bride or bridegroom assumes the dress of the opposite sex in order to lessen the sexual danger by wearing the same kind -of clothes as "the loved and dreaded person." 3 The former explanation can hardly apply to the Fez custom of dressing up the young man as a bride, since the bride is supposed to be haunted by evil spirits as much as, or even more than, 1 See v. Schroeder, op. at. p. 68 sqq. ; Crawley, The Mystic Rose (London, 1902), p. 371 sq. ; Farnell, 'Sociological Hypotheses concerning the Position of Women in Ancient Religion," in Archiv fur Religionswissenschaft, vii. (1904), pp. 75, 89 sq.\ Frazer, Totemhm and Exogamy, iv. (London, 1910), p. 255 sq. ; Fehrle, Die kultische Keuschheit im Altertum (Giessen, 1910), p. 92; Samter, Geburt, Hochxeit und Tod (Leipzig & Berlin, 1911), p. 91 sqq. In ancient Cos, according to Plutarch (S^uaestiones Graecae, 58), the bridegroom was dressed in women's clothes when he received his bride ; whilst in Sparta, after the bride had been carried off by her husband, "the bridesmaid received her, cut her hair close to her head, dressed her in a man's cloak and shoes, and placed her upon a couch in a dark chamber," where she had to wait for the entrance of the bridegroom (idem, Lycurgus, xv. 4). Among the Egyptian Jews in the Middle Ages the bridegroom " donned feminine attire, and the youths wore girls' clothes and put the favourite henna dye on their finger-nails," whilst "the bride wore a helmet and, sword in hand, led the pro- cession and the dance" (Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages [London, 1896], p. 193). Among the people of Southern Celebes the bridegroom at one stage of the proceedings puts on the garments which have just been put off by the bride (Matthes, Bijdragen tot de Ethnologie -van Zuid-Celebes ['s Gravenhage, 1875], p. 35). Among the Masai in Eastern Africa, according to Thomson (Through Masai Land [London, 1887], p. 253), the bridegroom had to wear the garment of a girl for one month. 2 Gruppe, Griechische Mythologie und Religionsgeschichte (Miinchen, 1906), p. 903 ; NTilsson, Griechische Feste von religiSser Bedeutung mil Ausschluss der attischen (Leipzig, 1906), p. 372 ; Schwally, Der heilige Krieg im alten Israel (Leipzig, 1901), p. 76 ; Reinach, Cultes, mythes et religions, i. (Paris, 1905), p. 116 ; Samter, Gehurt, Hochzeit und Tod, p. 93 sqq. ; Frazer, of. cit. iv. 257. 3 Crawley, op. cit. p. 371 sq. i THE BETROTHAL 27 the bridegroom himself; but it better agrees with Mr. Crawley's theory, according to which the greatest possible assimilation between the bride and bridegroom would best serve the purpose of neutralising the sexual danger. We shall see that in some country places in Morocco the bride on her part imitates the appearance of a man by wearing her shawl thrown over her left shoulder, or leaving her old home clad in a man's cloak, or having designs resembling whiskers painted on her face. These customs may with more reason be supposed to have been intended as means of protection against dangerous spirits or, especially, against the evil eye. And this is in a still higher degree the case with the assumption or imitation of the costume of the bride or bridegroom by other persons than the principals at the ceremony, 1 a practice which, as will be seen, is also met with in Moorish wedding ceremonies. In the afternoon of the day of ftifha the girl goes to the hot bath, and in the evening her parents give a feast in their house, to which have been invited female relatives. Besides these women guests, called htdtar (sing, hattara]^ there are also present ng&gef and tabbhlat* (female musicians). The girl is dressed up in a fine costume, which the ng&gef brought with them, and is then seated on cushions on a mattress opposite the door. Exactly as in the case of her betrothed, and with a similar purpose in view, a ngg&fa gives her some milk to drink, and another, with a plate 1 Cf. Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of Northern India, ii. (Westminster, 1896), p. 8 j Sartori, op. cit. i. 75 j Frazer, op. cit. iv. 256 sq. 28 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. of dates in her hand, puts into her mouth a date. After this they give milk and a date to each one of the htdfar, and the latter decorate the girl's forehead with silver coins, which are taken by the nghgef. It should be added that if the parents of a girl refuse to give her away in marriage to a man who is very anxious to have her and makes repeated attempts to induce them to yield to his wishes, she is supposed to remain unmarried on account of a curse pronounced by the unsuccessful suitor until the spell is removed from her in the following manner. Her chemise is given to the mudden on a Friday to be taken up to the minaret (stim'a) at ten o'clock, when the blue flag is to be changed for the white. He hoists the chemise instead of the latter, lets it remain hoisted till the beginning of the midday prayer, and then returns it to the girl, who puts it on the same day. If this does not prove effective, some member of her family brings a little earth from seven different places, namely, the entrance of a mill, a public oven, a public hot bath, a mosque, the room where the judge pronounces his sentences (ti-mhdkma del-qddi), a public inn (ftndaq^ and some place where two streets cross these places being chosen because they are trodden on by many men. Then water is brought from the sanctuaries of seven saints. Some of it is drunk by the girl, with another portion she washes her face, and what remains is mixed with the earth, which, when dried, is enveloped in a small piece of rag and hung on her dress. It is i THE BE1ROTHAL 29 believed that the holy water will make her look very attractive, and that she will soon marry. In Andjra a young man who wants to marry a certain girl mentions it to his uncle or aunt, in order that it shall be made known to his parents. If the latter are opposed to the match, and refuse to make arrangements for it, the son may nevertheless carry out his wishes by threatening to commit some dis- reputable act which would cause them trouble. But it may also be that the parents take the first step and let the son know of their plans through somebody else. If he is unwilling, the matter drops, whereas, if he agrees, he bashfully expresses his consent by the phrase, Huma i'drfu, "They know best." Then his mother calls on the girl's mother to tell her of the contemplated proposal. If the latter is against it, she answers that her daughter is already engaged, whether she be so or not ; whereas a Marhabd bikum^ " Be welcome," is a sure sign that she is in favour of the match. The two mothers agree as to the day when the proposal is to be made, and there can now be little doubt that it will be accepted, since the marriage of a girl is in most cases practically arranged by her mother. On the appointed day the young man's father, in the company of the fql (schoolmaster) of the village and two other respect- able men, pays a visit to the girl's father, taking with him some candles and sugar, or salt butter and honey. They greet him with the phrase, T)aif nil lldh, " [I 30 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. am] the guest of God " ; to which he answers, Marhabd bikum, " Be welcome." After he has entertained them with tea and food, the fql asks him if he is aware of the nature of their errand. " You are welcome," he says, " whatever your errand be." The fql explains the object of their visit, to which the girl's father replies, U s-saldm, dna a'flfh^ lu ila a* (aha lu llah^ " Well and good, I have given * her to him if God has given her to him." The fql asks the father what his conditions are. The latter says, " The custom which the people follow also we shall follow." He goes and consults his wife, and then answers the fqis questions in accordance with her advice. When the fql asks the amount of the $daq, the father answers, for example, forty dollars. The fql maintains that it is too much, and offers, say, thirty ; and whatever he proposes will be accepted. When they have agreed as to the sdaq the/^7 asks, " What else do you want ? " The father answers, "I want the hdiya (present)." The fql : " What will that be ? "The father : " A big bullock." The fql : " Oh not a very big one." The father : " A big jar (qds'a} of salt butter."- -The/^7 : " A small one will suffice." The father : " A jar (tan d jiya] of oil." The fyj: "Oh no, half a jar." The father: " Thirty mudd of corn." The fql : " Only fifteen."- The father : " Ten pairs of slippers " (intended both for the girl and other members of the family). The fql: " Only five." It is also agreed that the girl shall have 1 Cf. Hidztyah, English translation, i. 72 (quoted by Ameer Ali, op. cit. ii. 329) : " Marriage is contracted by means of declaration and consent, both expressed in the preterite" i THE BETROTHAL 31 a hdySk or two for wear, a carpet (zarbiya)^ a wooden trunk (s$nd&q}) a mirror (mra\ a mattress (mdarrba], and bed-clothes, which are all regarded as part of the sdaq to be mentioned in the written contract. When an agreement has been arrived a.^fhfha is made, the fql taking the lead. This day is called nhnr l-kmal, " the day of finishing." A day or two afterwards the men of the young man's village go to his house, fire off three volleys of gunpowder in the yard, and wish his parents good luck with the common phrase, Allah ikfmmel bZ l-hair ! They are served with tea and kusksu ; but before the meal the bachelors, in order to get good entertainment, say to the young man's mother : " O so-and-so, aunt so-and-so, we shall now see how your son's wedding will be. We are happy that he is going to marry. May God let us live and enjoy quietness {Allah yahyina u ihannina] till then, if God will." This day is called nhar l-mtimla, and the feast given in the fiance 's house is called l-mlak. If no feast is given, the bachelors of the village catch hold of the young man, put him into a kind of hammock, which they suspend between two trees, and leave him there till he entertains them with a meal. At every religious feast the young man sends his betrothed a silk kerchief (sZbriiya) and some henna, and at the Great Feast a sheep and some salt butter as well, receiving a garment in return. 1 1 Among the Muhammedans of India the betrothed persons exchange presents on the day of the Great Feast, and indeed at any religious feast which may occur before their wedding (Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali, op. cit. i. 366). 32 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. If a young man cannot get the girl whom he wants to marry, the other young men of the village tease him by firing off their guns opposite his house and crying out: Takkuk takkuk, qalet* Idwah, flan ma nardawah^ had ah6r arawah^ " Cuckoo, cuckoo, she said No, we do not approve of so-and-so, bring some- body else." Out of shame the disappointed lover leaves the village for some time or confines himself to his house for several days. A similar custom prevails in the mountain tribe Jbel la-Hbib, where I heard the cries of the young men on two successive evenings. Among the Ulad Bu-'Az!z a young man who wants to marry generally asks his mother for her advice. If more than one girl is thought of and it seems difficult to decide who is the most suitable, the mother takes as many wooden pins as there are girls, each of whom is represented by a pin, and asks some man or lad to draw one so as to find out the best bride for her son. The proposal is made through a shereef or the &$, or chief of the village, who, accompanied by a few other influential villagers, pays a visit to the girl's father. His greeting, Daif allah, " [I am] the guest of God," is answered by the latter with the following words : Mdrhaba bi daif allah ; btrku hatta taklu, ifarraj allah^ " Be welcome guest of God ; sit down till you have eaten, God will disperse all troubles." The spokesman of the visiting party says that they will sit down if there is reason for doing i THE BETROTHAL 33 so, but that they otherwise are going away. If the girl's father, who of course knows their errand, is unwilling to give his daughter in marriage to the young man, he either tells them so in plain words or, if he wants to be civil, says that he will give her if his conditions are accepted. In this case the men go away as soon as they have partaken of the food offered them ; whereas if he consents, declaring that though his daughter is dear to him they are dearer still, the agreement is confirmed by a fhtha after the meal of siksu which they eat together. When the betrothal has been made, the parents of the young man, in company with the married women of the village, as well as male friends, take to the girl's family a present consisting of a sheep or bullock, wheat, and salt butter. When taking it there the women make their usual quivering noise, called zgdrlt, which is also the name given to the present. After their arrival they grind the wheat, and while this is going on they again make their quivering noise, in which the other women who are present join. Under- neath the mill is put a silver coin, which has been sent by the young man to make things " white " or lucky, and which is afterwards taken by the girl or her mother. When the grinding is finished, the young man's father gives to the girl's mother a small sum of money a dollar or even less to be distributed among all the women present, as also the other women in the village. This money is called muzunt z-zgdrjf, a muzuna being an imaginary Moorish coin not even 34 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. worth a farthing. Before leaving, the visiting party are entertained with a meal. The young man himself did not go with them. If his betrothed is living in another village he has probably never seen her, but only chosen her on his mother's or sister's recommendation. The next market-day the young man buys some meat, dates, henna, and cotton- and silk-stuff to present to his betrothed. He now goes himself to her village, accompanied by his bachelor friends, but does not enter her tent. In return for this present, which is called t-t&bieda, the girl sends the young men a dish of rfesa chickens boiled with onions, black pepper, salt, and butter, and served with pieces of thin cakes called rgaif- or, if she is of a poor family, only stksu with meat laid on the top. When the young man and his friends have finished their meal, they leave in the empty dish (gds'a) some money, which is taken by the girl's mother to be spent on her daughter's trousseau. This visit, with its presents and entertainment, is repeated at every religious feast till the wedding is celebrated it may be for a year or two, or, if the girl is very young, even longer. Good parents, I was told, marry their daughters while still in their childhood ; and fathers not infrequently marry their sons when they are fifteen or sixteen years of age. Early marriages are looked upon with favour as preventing sexual irregularities. Among the Arabs of the Hiaina, if a father wants i THE BETROTHAL 35 to marry his son to a certain girl, the youth makes no objection, but submits ; he is not, however, informed of the matter by his father, but hears about it from others. When the father goes to make the proposal, he takes with him a shereef to act as mediator, and should the girl's father show himself unwilling to give his daughter in marriage, the other male relatives of the girl are by presents, the so-called retwa (" bribe "), induced to prevail upon him to change his mind. Sometimes a sacrifice is resorted to as a means of persuasion. In the Hiaina, also, the betrothal is followed by a fht s ha^ and subsequently a feast called z-zgdnf is held in the house of the girl's father. From Arabic-speaking natives we shall pass to Berber-speaking tribes, beginning with some belonging to the group of the Briber. Among the Ait Saddgn a father not infrequently arranges his son's marriage before the latter has reached the age of puberty, particularly in the case of an only son. The girl, who may be considerably older than her betrothed, is then taken to the father's home, though the wedding is only celebrated when the boy becomes of age ; and should she get with child before that occasion, it is assumed that the young man, and nobody else, is the father. Much more often, however, the marriage contract is made when the son is grown- up. He may then himself take the first step by asking somebody to inform his father of his desire to marry a certain girl. Among the Ait Sadden all the 36 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. young men and women of a village are well acquainted with each other. In moonlight nights they are in the habit of dancing the aheidus together, and on Fridays, when the women and girls go to fetch fuel from the thicket, the young men frequently join them. The latter also know girls from other villages, whom they have met at markets or weddings, or whose acquaintance they made when they, as schoolboys in their holidays, went about from village to village with one or two donkeys, begging corn, butter, eggs, and money to give to their schoolmaster. The young man may also speak to his mother about his love, but would never mention it directly to his father. If either the latter or the girl's father objects to the match, the young couple may carry through their will by eloping to another village or tribe, not to come back until their marriage is agreed to. The wedding is then celebrated on their return, or at all events the villagers are entertained with a dish of fftfdm (s?ksu} in the mosque as a formal announcement of the marriage. But if the son is strong and the father powerless, no notice is taken of the latter's opposition, and a mother's wish is not regarded at all. These Berbers have little respect for their parents, differing in this point from many Arabic - speaking tribes ; it is by no means uncommon among them that a son beats his mother and fights with his father. The proper custom, however, is that the father chooses a wife even for his grown-up son. He does so without saying a word about it to the young man, i THE BETROTHAL 37 who only learns from his mother what is going on ; and if he has not already himself made his choice, he quietly puts up with his father's decision. The latter sends his wife and some other women to the house or tent of the girl's family to let her mother know his designs. These women are called timsutrin, corre- sponding to the Arabic hattdbat. The girl's mother must, of course, speak to her husband about the matter, whereas the daughter's own wishes are not considered at all. Yet it lies in her power to influence the pro- ceedings. If she is fond of the young man, she dresses herself in fine clothes and sits down with the timsutrin, trying to be as attractive as possible ; on the other hand, if she dislikes him, she makes use of bad and ominous words which should not be mentioned on this occasion, 1 or she behaves like a woman at a funeral, scratching her face and dirtying herself with cowdung. The result of this may be that no further steps are taken, for fear lest a marriage arranged under such circumstances should be unlucky. Moreover, it has sometimes happened that the girl has prevented the proposed marriage by running away on this occasion, or even on the very day of the intended wedding. If the girl's mother is in favour of the match, she endeavours to influence her husband by singing the 1 In Morocco, as elsewhere, certain words must be avoided on certain occasions. Thus the Ait Sadden insist that in the morning, or in the presence of a shereef, an earthenware pan (a/an or, if small, tdfant) shall be called umld or tumlilt (" white "), and an earthenware kettle (Ima'un) tumlilt ; and that in the morning a sewing-needle (t'ds'drutt} shall be called tUlmlft&ht ("small opener "), a big needle (ildgfili) {" opener "), tar (ll&toK) btirb'dh (" disposer of profit "), a hedgehog (intt) (" bringer of profit"), and a fox (iSab) uiSrtfbafr ("one who has no morning"). 38 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. praise of the young man and his family ; and if he nevertheless objects to the proposal, she lets the tim- sutrin understand what means should be tried to induce him to give in. She may advise the young man's father to send a shereef to persuade him to change his mind, or she may recommend making e ar upon him. In the latter case the young man's father, accompanied by another man, by preference the fql of the village or the chief of the huntsmen (ttth nh-rrma], goes very early in the morning outside the house of the girl's family and secretly sacrifices there an animal. This is not meant as a present, but as a means of compulsion, 1 and the animal is consequently given away by the girl's father, who understands whence it came. If he at last is willing to give his daughter in marriage to the young man, his wife informs the latter's family about it, and the marriage arrangements now begin in earnest. The young man's father and some respected friends of his, or, as is often the case, the latter alone, pay a visit to the girl's father, who, in their honour, gives a feast with many invited guests. These negotiators are collectively called ISm^eht. After eating, they mention their errand, and the bride-price (ssdaq) is discussed. The host states the sum he wants for his daughter, one of the timttht objects to it as being too high, but after some bargaining an agreement is arrived at ; no f&tha, however, is made on this occasion. 1 L-Sr acts as a means of compulsion because it is considered to transfer a conditional curse to the person on whom it is made (see Westermarck, ' L'dr, or the Transference of Conditional Curses in Morocco,' in Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor [Oxford, 1907], p. 361 sqq.). i THE BETROTHAL 39 Even though the young man's father himself be present, the bargain is carried on by some of the other men ; and if he is known to be an excitable person, he is persuaded not to come at all. After the negotiations are ended, he entertains the ItmSeht in his house with a good meal, and the day is fixed for another visit to the girl's father. The amount of the ssdaq is then some- what reduced by the timX&ht claiming a " commission," which is never received by them, but simply deducted from the sum to be paid. This "commission" may be only four or five dollars, but it may also be ten or even twenty. On this occasion part of the ssdaq is paid to the girl's father, though it may be only a few dollars, and he entertains his guests, among whom are also the leading men of his own village, with a meal. After this fatha is made, one of the timteht calling down the usual blessings ; and from this the whole ceremony has got the name Ifatha. The presence of the young man's father is not necessary. Although the matter is now settled there is still a formal betrothal made at the so-called asg&rt, which takes place some time afterwards it may be a few days only, or it may be even a whole year when the young man's father is prepared to pay the rest of the ssdaq and other necessary expenses. A visit is then again paid to the girl's father by the ISmteht, who are this time accompanied not only by the young man's father, if he cares to go, but by his mother, brothers, and sisters, and other men and women from his village whether they be his relatives or not. They take with 40 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. them a considerable quantity of flour and salt butter, a live sheep, one or two loaves of sugar, a packet of candles, some henna, a cotton kerchief (dlhtari), and a chemise (tft&mir}. The sheep is slaughtered on their arrival ; food is prepared by the women of the party, assisted by those of the girl's family ; and in the evening a meal is served, to which are invited sometimes a few men of the village only, sometimes a large number of people, including women and children. After the meal a man who is related to the girl not, however, her father, whom she avoids during these days goes to her and suggests that she shall appoint him to be her luhil (from the Arabic l-ukil\ or deputy, and between him and the man whom her betrothed has previously chosen as his luhil 1 the following dialogue now takes place : The young man's luhil (A) calls out to the girl's luhil : A flan, a flan, a jian, " O so-and-so, O so- and-so, O so-and-so " (mentioning the name of the girl's father, in whose place the girl's luhil is acting). The girl's luhil (B) answers : N'am, n'am, n'am, " Yes, yes, yes." A : Duf lldh, duf llah, duf Mh, " [I am] the guest of God, [I am] the guest of God, [I am] the guest of God." B : Marhtlbd, marhtibd, marhtibd duf lldh, " Be welcome, be welcome, be welcome guest of God." A : Tlabt lek, flabt lek, tlabt m2n allah u mtnntk, " I have asked you, I have asked you, I have asked from God and from you." B : A'tet tek, a' tit lek, a'tet lek ila tqbel ttrti, " I have given 1 The luhil, however, is not always chosen by the young man or girl whom he represents, but his part may, without special appointment, be taken by some man who knows the formalities of the ceremony. i THE BETROTHAL 41 you, I have given you, I have given you if you accept my condition." A : QJyelt, qbelt, qbelt ti rdit, " I have ac- cepted, I have accepted, I have accepted and agreed." B : Mtat'abd, " A hundred slaves." A : Nam, " Yes." B : Miat 'Quda, "A hundred mares." A: Nam, "Yes." B: Miatnaja, "A hundred ewes." A: Nam, "Yes." B: Mtatbtgra," A hundred cows." A: Nam, " Yes." B : Mtat bdgla, " A hundred mules." A : Nam, "Yes"; and so forth. After this the money is counted out, but a small portion of the ssdaq may still be left unpaid till the bride is fetched from her home, in case some reliable person undertakes to stand security. A man now fires off his gun as a signal for the three consecutive tigurtitin, or quivering sounds, made either by one of the women or by three simultaneously, which complete the ceremony. It is from this quivering noise, which the Ait SaddSn call asg&rt, that the whole ceremony has got its name. Among the Ait Nder parents choose wives for their sons without their knowledge. The son hears of the news from others, unless his own suspicion has led him to find out the truth. If he has no objection to the match, he lets things take their course ; whereas in the opposite case his parents will hear of his dissatisfaction from some friend, to whom he also perchance has mentioned the girl he wishes to marry. Among the Ait Nder the lads and girls of the same neighbourhood are well acquainted with each other, and it may be that the girl whom the young man wants for wife has already 42 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. become enceinte by him. A son never mentions to his parents his desire to marry ; he may speak about it to a friend, who then makes his father aware of his wishes, but in most cases he is even ashamed of doing this. Yet he is not married against his own will. It is different with a daughter ; she is informed of her future marriage by her mother, and is obliged to obey. Before the parents of the young man make their choice, the mother visits one or more tents in which there are marriageable girls, to look at them and see how the family lives. When she has found a girl whom she regards as a suitable partner for her son, the father in his turn goes to the tent to make investiga- tions for himself. If he also is satisfied with the girl, he asks her father to come with him to a place outside the village where he makes the proposal. The girl's father may at once show his inclination to give his daughter in marriage, but often enough he refuses to do so in the beginning, saying as an excuse that her mother does not want it. But though the proposal be not accepted, the young man's father does not give up hope. He is likely to come back accompanied by two other men, and if necessary he will do so time after time. To give more weight to his request he asks a shereef to go with him, and in many cases he sacrifices an animal as 'ar outside the tent of the girl's father to force him to give in. When the latter appears more or less favourable to the proposal, the bride-price, which has not hitherto been touched upon, is discussed in the presence of i THE BETROTHAL 43 friends. The girl's father asks first how much the other party is willing to give ; he, of course, finds the sum which is mentioned too small, and names a higher price. The friends present try to mediate, and the price will be fixed between the sums suggested by the two parties, or else the negotiations may come to a sudden end. If the proposal is accepted, the men of the young man's village visit his father's tent to give their blessings and good wishes. They are entertained with food, and so are, of course, the friends from other villages who on that and following days come there for the same purpose. Subsequently the young man's father, accompanied by some five or six friends, his wife, and another woman, takes to the girl's parents a sheep, a mudd or more of flour, a jar (aqsri) containing four or five pounds of salt butter, two loaves of sugar, and some salt, candles, and fuel. They are welcomed by the girl's father, whereas her mother, pretending to be averse to parting with her daughter, does not welcome them until she has been appeased by some money. The two women make a fire and prepare a dish of aftt&l (siksii) with butter, while the young man's father slaughters the sheep and cuts up the meat, and then invites some of the married men of the village to come and join in the meal which is to be served in the tent. Before, or sometimes after, the meal the young man's father or, if he does not know how to conduct the ceremony, some other man whom he appoints to repre- sent him, stretches out the palms of his hands for ftitha, 44 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. and the other men follow his example. Then a dialogue takes place between the two fathers, very similar to that at the asg&rt of the Ait Sadden, the girl's father claiming 200 mares, ewes, cows, goats, and male and female slaves for his daughter, and the other party consenting to these conditions. Blessings are called down on everybody concerned, after which one of the women makes a quivering noise, and one of the men fires off one or two shots with his gun. The Briber of the Ait Warain like to marry their children early, even before they have arrived at puberty, partly to keep them from temptations, and partly to increase the strength of the family by having children at a young age. If a son is married in boyhood, he naturally has no voice in the matter ; otherwise he may ask a friend to inform his father, or his sister to inform their mother, that he wants to wed a certain girl. If the father is opposed to the match, the son shows his dissatisfaction by refusing to do what he is asked for example, to tend the cattle or plough under the pretext that he is unwell, or even by robbing the father of some corn, or money, or a sheep. Should the father resent this by beating the lad, it may happen that the latter shoots him ; and in such a case there will be no blood-revenge if the murderer is an only son, or if he has not more than one brother, who naturally would not like to be left alone through avenging his father's death. In short, the grown-up son will himself choose his wife, whereas a daughter must accept the man to i THE BETROTHAL 45 whom her parents decide to marry her, the mother informing her of their decision. If there is an agreement between father and son as to the choice of a girl, the former goes to her father to discuss the matter. Should he refuse to give his daughter in marriage, the young man's father asks four shereefs to speak on his behalf, and a second refusal would now be looked upon as bad and would hardly occur. After this preliminary arrangement he pays another visit to the girl's father, this time accompanied by his wife and four shereefs, and taking with him two animals loaded with wheat, a large jar (tdidurf) con- taining some thirty pounds of salt butter, and a sheep. On his arrival he slaughters the sheep as c #r to make the earlier promise more binding ; but this does not prevent the mutton from being served with siksu at a meal in which the neighbours also partake as guests. On this occasion the bride-price (ssdaq) is discussed and, after the usual bargaining, settled with the aid of the shereefs. The women make a quivering noise, titilau, which name is therefore given to the whole ceremony ; and the girl's father asks one of his friends to fire off his gun as announcement and confirmation of the agree- ment. Fhtha is frequently, but not in every case, made on this occasion. Among the At Ubahti parents do not marry their children before the age of puberty, but all marriages are nevertheless arranged by them. If the father and mother disagree on the choice of a wife, the mother, I 46 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. was told, manages to carry her wishes through. Accompanied by a female relative she pays a visit to a tent where she thinks there is a suitable girl, taking with her some loaves of bread as a present to the family ; and if her expectations are not fulfilled, she goes to another tent on the same errand. In case the young man wants to marry a certain girl, he mentions it to some woman of his family, who then informs his mother about his inclination ; but if the mother takes no notice of it, the son is said to have no voice in the matter. After the girl has been chosen, the young man's father sends four or five respectable men from among his relatives or friends to the girl's parents to act as negotiators. These men, who are called imahddb^n^ tell her parents, both of whom are present on this occasion, that they come on behalf of so-and-so, to propose that they should give their daughter in marriage to his son. The parents express their fears that the young man will not make a good husband, but is likely to beat his wife ; to which the imahdabtn reply that they are quite mistaken he is a nice fellow, and they ought not to refuse so good a proposal. At last the parents consent, fhtha is made, and the company have a meal together. The young man's father then goes to the tent of the girl's parents, accompanied by the imahddbZn and a few other men, including the fql of the village, if there is one. He takes with him a sheep, which he slaughters at the entrance of the tent ; this is an '^r-sacrifice, i THE BETROTHAL 47 but the animal is nevertheless afterwards eaten by the company. They are received with greetings of welcome, after which business is discussed, though in a quite formal manner. The girl's father asks the young man's father how much he is willing to pay for his daughter. The latter answers that he will pay any sum which is demanded. The girl's father invariably claims a hundred dollars and a female slave, to which the young man's father consents without any intention to pay the whole of this price. When he is counting out the money either now, if he has brought it with him, or otherwise on a later occasion he stops, say at fifty dollars. The girl's father tells him to go on and finish the sum ; but now the imahddbSn step in, one saying, " I have got ten dollars as my share " ; another, " I have got five as mine," and so forth. Then nothing more is claimed. The statements made by the imahddbSn are all sham ; they have previously arranged with the girl's father how much is actually to be paid, and hence the other man knows where to stop. But if the girl is of a good family, the hundred dollars may have to be paid in full. Subsequently the young man's father again visits the father of the girl, taking with him presents consisting of three live sheep, of which he slaughters one on his arrival, a jar (tdqbld/) of salt butter weighing from four to six pounds, one or two loaves of sugar, some green tea, a pound of candles, thirty tiqordiyin of barley and ten of wheat, a Fez mudd of ground wheat, and what- ever money still remains to be paid. He is accom- 48 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. panied by some ten men and a few women from among his relatives, the business of the latter being to prepare the great meal which is now served at the tent of the girl's family, and in which also neighbours join as invited guests. A formal betrothal ceremony takes place, essentially similar to that of the Ait Sadden and Ait Nder, and one of the women makes a quivering noise, timutit, which is also the name given to the ceremony in question. On the return of the young man's father and his party, a feast called Ib&rwih is held at his tent the same day and the following day also. The men of his own and neighbouring villages come there to bestow their blessings on the young man and his family. There is much powder-play, and the guests are entertained with good food. But the young man himself is not present on this occasion. He avoids his father from the day when the arrangements for his marriage commence, and does not see him again until after the wedding, when he kisses his head. All this time the son neither eats nor sleeps in his father's tent. I was told that in the neighbouring tribe At Zihri it happens that parents marry their sons while still quite young to women who are so much older than these boy-husbands that they might be their mothers. The wife looks after her husband as if he were her son, and when he arrives at the age of puberty his wife has long ago become a mother. Indeed, the husband and his wife's eldest son may be of nearly the same age, but the latter, nevertheless, calls his mother's husband " father " i THE BETROTHAL 49 and is called by him "son." The reason for these marriages is the desire to have grown-up children as early as possible on account of the prevalence of blood- revenge. My informants were men from the At Ubahti, but their statements substantially agree with those given by M. Moulieras. 1 Among the Ruafa of the Ait Waryagal marriages are arranged by the parents of the parties, often enough before the children have reached the age of puberty. The wedding, however, is only held when the young couple are able to set up their own household ; till then they live in their respective homes without having inter- course with each other or even meeting. But when the means of the parents allow it, they have their wedding and settle down together while they are still children. Here also early marriages result from the desire for sons, who are of extreme importance in a society where the blood-feud is rife ; moreover, if a man at his death leaves behind daughters only, his brothers or nephews will take possession of his house. If the young people are cousins or neighbours, they are naturally acquainted with each other ; but this is not the case otherwise. The mother of the young man or boy meets the mother of the future fiancee at the women's market to make an informal proposal. If the latter is in favour of the match, she says that the affair should be discussed 1 Moulieras, Une Tribu Zenete anti-musulmane au Maroc (/ Zkara) (Paris, 1905)} p. 91 sqq. E 50 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. by the two fathers, who soon afterwards come together at the men's market, both accompanied by friends. After they have partaken of some food brought by the young man's father, one of his friends asks the girl's father to give his daughter in marriage to the other man's son. He answers that he will do so if his conditions are agreed to. A sum of money is mentioned, as also certain quantities of wheat, beans, oil, and so forth, which are demanded for the girl. After some bargaining an agreement is arrived at, the young man's father gets up and kisses the girl's father on the head, the latter does the same to him, and the other men follow their example. Some days after this meeting the young man's mother, accompanied by two or three other women, pays a visit to the girl's mother, taking with her bread wrapped up in a kerchief, amendlr^ which name is also given to this present. Later on the young man's father and his kinsfolk men, women, and children take to the girl's family the so-called amehrl, consisting of raw meat, bread, and oil, the men firing off their guns and the women making a quivering noise (sriwriweri}. After a meal, made on the bread and oil, a formal betrothal takes place, with exaggerated claims set forth by the girl's father, and nominally consented to by a fql acting on behalf of the other party. F&tha is then made ; and there is much powder-play, sriwriwen, and dancing by the unmarried girls. If a man wants to marry a certain girl, and her i THE BETROTHAL 51 father is opposed to the match, he can compel him to give in by sacrificing a sheep as ( ar outside his house. But this is not held to be a good method of procuring a wife, since it is believed that some misfortune is likely to befall a person who induces another to grant his request by making e ar on him, the curse in such a case affecting the petitioner and not the individual appealed to. Among the Shloh of the Ait Tameldu, when a young man wants to marry, he may choose his wife from among the girls of his own village, with whom he is of course acquainted since childhood ; or he may prefer a girl from another village, where he has some friend whom he takes into his confidence. It is arranged that they together shall watch the girl recom- mended to him, when she goes on a visit to some shrine. The two friends hide themselves on the roadside, so that the young man can see her face and form an opinion about her walk, which is also considered a matter of importance. If he is pleased with her appear- ance and, besides, hears that she is skilful at weaving and preparing food, he asks a friend to inquire of her father whether he be willing to give her in marriage. Should her parents consent, after satisfying themselves of the young man's character, the friend mentions the son's wishes to his parents, who may either agree at once or answer that they are not yet prepared for his marriage. In the former case his father requests two or three men, one of whom is the friend himself, to 52 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. make a proposal on behalf of his son. When these men, the so-called indblabtn (sing. andalb\ go on their errand, they take with them a silver ornament for the girl and a large quantity of henna and dates, part of which her father distributes among his neighbours to advertise his daughter's engagement. There is no bargaining as to the dowry (dmerwas), since it is fixed by custom once for all. Before leaving, the inddlabZn say on what day they will return with the dmerwas or rather one-half of it and on this latter occasion the marriage contract is sealed by a f&tha conducted by the fqt, after a meal has been partaken of. The inddlabZn then inform the girl's father of the day when the wedding is going to take place. A girl cannot oppose the match arranged by her parents, but if her father is dead she herself appoints her lukiL Again, if a son is getting old without showing any inclination for marriage, his parents may take the first step, and under such circumstances he would comply with their wishes. In addition to the ceremonies just described, a written contract of marriage is frequently drawn up by two '<&/$/, or notaries, in the presence of witnesses, either before the wedding, when the sdaq or part of it is paid, or, as is the case, for example, in Andjra, on the day when the bride is brought to her new home. This document itself is called $daq. But, as has been already said, it is not required to make the union valid ; and in many Berber tribes the contract of marriage is hardly i THE BETROTHAL 53 ever reduced to writing, the ceremony of f&tha being the only confirmation of it. In Morocco marriages between cousins on the father's side are common both among Arabs and Berbers. 1 A man is even held to have a certain right to his cousin's hand. In Andjra I was told that he ought to be asked if he wants to marry her, before she is given away to anybody else, and that, if this is not done, he is entitled to prevent her marriage even on the day of the wedding, by forcibly removing her from the bridal box ; and among the Ulid Bu-'Aziz a man who has contracted marriage with another man's paternal cousin can be compelled by the latter to give her up if he is com- pensated for his expenses, but only on condition that she has not yet settled down with him. In the Rif instances are known in which an uncle who has married his daughter to another man has been killed by his nephew. The sdaq paid for a paternal cousin is often smaller than usual, although it also happens that a man tries to prevent his nephew from marrying his daughter by making his claims excessive. Marriages between paternal cousins are popular because they keep the property in the family, 2 and, especially in shereefian families, because they preserve the blood pure. They are also said to be conducive to 1 Cf. Fischer, 'Zum Wortton im Marokkanischen,' in Mittheilungen des Seminars f Or Orientalische Sprachen an der K'inigl. Uni-versitat au Berlin, Jahrg. II. Westasiatische Studien (Berlin & Stuttgart, 1899), p. 282 ; Doutte, op. cit. p. 339. 2 For a similar motive among the ancient Arabs, see Kitab al-agaril, ed. Bulak, viii. 113, quoted by Goldziher, 'Endogamy and Polygamy among the Arabs,' in The Academy, xviii. (1880), p. 26. 54 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. domestic happiness. Li had btnt 'dmmu 'tiyyid mSn gj/mUy " He who marries the daughter of his father's brother celebrates his feast with a sheep from his own flock " he knows the sheep he slaughters. Or : whilst marrying a strange woman is like drinking water from an earthenware bottle, marriage with a cousin is like a drink from a dish you are aware of what you drink. Such a marriage also gives the husband greater power over his wife, since, if she runs away, her father or brother will bring her back ; and it has the further advantage that she cannot curse her husband by cursing his ancestors without implicating herself in the curse. It confers religious merit on a man to marry his cousin by doing so he will not be punished on the day of the Resurrection ; and at the same time it is a kind of duty. Li yirfed zebbdlaf n-ntis yjrfed dyftlu, " He who carries away the dunghills of the people carries away his own " it is not right of a man to leave his own cousin unmarried by taking another woman for wife. Yet cousin-marriages are also considered to have their drawbacks. At Fez I was told that they easily lead to quarrels between the husband's and wife's families, both of whom want to interfere in the married life of the couple ; * hence, when girls who want to marry visit the tomb of SMi MbarSk ben 'Abtbu outside the gate Bab 1-Glsa, they address the saint with the 1 The poet of the Mu'allakat gives in his testament the following advice to his children : "Do not marry in your own family, for domestic enmity arises therefrom " (Kitab al-a'gam, ix. 185, quoted by Goldziher, loc. cit. p. 26). As Wellhausen (loc. cit. p. 437) observes, the enmity spoken of in this passage probably means "Zwisten zwischen den Familien des Mannes und der Frau, die durch Einmischung der Schwiegereltern hervorgerufen werden." i THE BETROTHAL 55 words, A sidi MbdrXk ben 'Ablibti. afeni r-rdjel bla hbhbti, "O Sidi Mbarak ben 'Ababu give me a husband without friends." It is a common belief that cousin- marriages make the children resulting from them weak and the family unlucky. 1 A proverb says : ' ' Ammak yd'mmik u hdltik ydhlik u bcfad m$n demmHk la ytblik^ " Your father's brother will make you blind and your mother's brother will make you destitute, and keep away from your blood that it shall not visit you with misfortunes." A Berber from the Great Atlas once said to me, " How can a man love a woman with whom he has grown up from childhood ? " And I have heard a similar argument adduced against marrying a girl from one's own village. Where I was staying in Andjra a man was betrothed to a cousin who was Jiving in an adjoining cottage, and I heard the opinion expressed that it was shameful he should marry a girl whom he constantly saw. It was said that not even cousins should see much of each other before they married. The idea that a man has a right to wed his bint *amm, or paternal cousin, is common in the Muham- medan world, 2 and also prevailed among the ancient 1 It was also the opinion of the ancient Arabs that the children of marriages between relatives are weakly and lean. Thus a poet, in praising a hero, says of him : " He is a hero not borne by the cousin (of his father), he is not weakly ; for the seed of relations brings forth feeble fruit." In a proverb of Al-Meydanl (ii. p. 250) it is said, " (Marry) the distant, marry not the near (in relationship)." See Goldziher, loc. cit. p. 26 ; Wilken, Das Matriarchat (das Mutterrechf) bei den alien Arabern (Leipzig, 1884), p. 58 sq. 2 According to Burckhardt (Bedouins and Wahabys, pp. 154, 64 i^.), "all Arabian Bedouins acknowledge the first cousin's prior right to a girl; whose father cannot refuse to bestow her on him in marriage, should he pay a reasonable price ; and that price is always something less than would be demanded from a stranger. . . . He is not obliged to marry her, but she cannot, without his consent, become the wife of any 56 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. Arabs j 1 Wellhausen observes that their cousin-marriages served the purpose of strengthening the kinship tie, 2 and that the same was the case with other marriages con- tracted inside the same village. 3 In Morocco, marriages between members of the same village are encouraged by the Berbers of the Rlf, who, in order to keep away alien elements from the community, deny the right of inheritance to a woman who leaves her village ; yet marriages between persons belonging to different villages are not rare among them. In most parts of Morocco such unions are of frequent occurrence. Much less frequent, of course, are marriages between members of different tribes ; 4 but even Berbers and other person. If a man permits his cousin to marry her lover, or if a husband divorces his runaway wife, he usually says, ' She was my slipper, I have cast her off.' " See also Burton, op. cit. ii. 84. Among the peasants of Palestine, if a girl is given in marriage to another man, her cousin even considers himself entitled to carry her away by force from the bridal procession (Klein, loc. cit. p. 84. See also Robinson Lees, op. cit. p. 121 ; C. T. Wilson, op. cit. p. 107 sq. 5 Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab, p. 45 syq.). For cousin-marriages in modern Egypt, see Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 170 sq. ; Idem, Arabian Society, p. 227; Klunzinger, Upper Egypt (London, 1878), p. 196. For similar marriages in Algeria, see Gaudefroy- Demombynes, op. cit. p. 7. See also Burckhardt, Arabic Proverbs (London, 1830), p. 181 5 Snouck Hurgronje, Mekkanische SprichivVrter and Redensarten (Haag, 1886), p. 17. 1 Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia (Cambridge, 1885), pp. 82, 138, 164 ; Wellhausen, loc. cit. p. 436 sq. j Wilken, op. cit. p. 59. Among the ancient Arabs, "the beloved one is called, indeed, even when she stands in no position of relationship to her lover ' bint 'amm ' (cousin), and the father-in-law, although not the uncle of his son-in-law, is called ''amm' (uncle)" (Goldziher, loc. cit. p. 26). Among the present Bedouins of Arabia bint 'amm " in polite phrase signifies a 'wife "' (Burton, op. cit. ii. 84). a The Arabic history of the Persian king Ardeshlr tells us that, among other maxims of morality, he gave the following advice to his lawyers, secretaries, com- manding officers, and husbandmen : " You may marry among your near relations, for the sympathy of kinship is kept alive thereby " (Goldziher, loc. cit. p. 26). 3 Wellhausen, loc. cit. p. 437 sq. 4 Chenier, who wrote his book on Morocco towards the end of the eighteenth century, says (The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, i. [London, 1788], p. 130) that "the tribes dispersed over the country usually confine their marriages each i THE BETROTHAL 57 Arabs sometimes intermarry when they come into much contact with each other. I was told that among the northern Briber not a few men have wedded women from neighbouring Arab tribes or from Fez, whereas it is very rare that one of their women is married to an Arab. Strict endogamy, however, is not unheard of in Morocco. The At Zihri, who are known for their exclusiveness, are reported to marry only between themselves and also to refrain from all sexual inter- course with strangers ; l and among the Ait Hassan, a fraction (tdqbi/t) of the Ait Warain, no stranger is even allowed to be present at a wedding. There are, moreover, prohibitions of intermarriage referring to some special tribes, subdivisions of tribes, or villages, in connection with other peculiarities in their social relations. Thus there is so-called tada^ or brotherhood, between the Infduak (Ftuaka) and Igliwa in the Great Atlas, which implies that no marriage is allowed between them, and also that if a member of one of these tribes takes refuge with the other tribe, he cannot be touched. I found the same institution among the Briber of the Ait Nder, Ait Yiisi, and Ait Sadden, who call it tdda ; but the within itself, seldom intermarrying with other tribes." In the Hlot and Tllq, according to Messrs. Michaux-Bellaire and Salmon (' Les Tribus arabes de la vallee du Lekkous,' in Archives marocaines, vi. [1906], p. 232), "les mariages se contractent gdneralement entre gens du me'me douar, ou au moins de la meme fraction. II arrive cependant quelquefois, surtout chez les gens riches, qu'un mariage est contracte entre gens de deux fractions differentes de la meme tribu. Ce qui est infiniment plus rare, c'est le mariage entre gens de deux tribus differentes." See also Michaux-Bellaire, ' Quelques tribus de montagnes de la region du Habt,' in Archives marocaines, xvii. (1911), p. 127. 1 Cf. Moulieras, Une Tribu Zenete anti-musulmane au Maroc (les Zkara), p. 82. The statements above were made to me by men from the At Ubahti. 58 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. duties it imposes are among them more numerous than those I heard of among the Shloh. Besides the marriage taboo and the inviolability of refugees there are strict prohibitions of the use of bad words, the telling of lies, and the commission of any crime whatsoever, as also of selling and buying, between members of the groups to which the tada refers ; and the transgression of any of these rules is supposed to entail some grave misfortune. The people belonging to communities between which there is tada are said to be more than brothers to each other. If a person from one of them visits the other he is received with the greatest hospitality, presented with any food he likes, respected as highly as a shereef, and appealed to as an arbitrator by quarrelling parties ; yet the tada does not imply the duty of mutual assistance in war. Since ancient times there is tada between the Ait Sadden and the Ait Wallal belonging to the Ait Nder ; it is said to have been instituted by a saint called Sidi Bfiteyib, who is also supposed to inflict severe punishments on those who break its rules. Within the tribe of the Ait Yusi there is tada between the igss l Ait Yahya u Yusf (consisting of five villages) in the section (frba'} Ait Arrba' and the igss Ehinaje'n (consisting of two villages) in the rrba* Ait Mahluf ; between the igss Aid Baud (consisting of four villages) in the irba* Ait Halli and the village Ait Hand u ' Ali among the Ait Mahluf ; and between the villages Ait 1 Igss (plur. igsan ; literally " bone ") is a subdivision of a larger social unit called frba (plur. larbd ; literally "quarter "), which itself is a division of a taqbilt, or tribe. An igss consists of a number of villages or sometimes of a single village only, inhabited by persons who are relatives on the father's side. i THE BETROTHAL 59 Brahim and Ait Zz 'album, both belonging to the Ait Mahluf. In olden times there was also tdda between the whole tribes of the Ait Yusi and Ait Sadden, but this has long ago come to an end ; yet even now persons from these tribes address each other as u-tada (masc. sing.), ult-tada (fern, sing.), ait-tdda (masc. plur.), or ist-tdda (fern. plur.). It is a common practice in Morocco, among both Arabs and Berbers, that a man marries his deceased brother's widow, so that her children and property shall not come under the influence of a man outside the family. He is not, however, obliged to marry her, nor is it necessary that his offer to do so should be accepted. 1 According to Muhammedan law, as we have seen, a widow or divorced wife has, under ordinary cir- cumstances, a right to dispose of her own hand, but among some of the Berbers, both in Morocco and Algeria, 2 she is in her father's power as fully as she 1 Cf. Doutte, op. cit. p. 339 ; de Segonzac, Voyages au Maroc 1 899-1901 (Paris, 1904), p. 127. Of the position of a widow among the Arabs of Moab M. Jaussen (op. cit. p. 48) writes : " En principe, elle doit devenir la femme du frere du mari, qui a droit sur elle, et tres souvent l'6pouse. Si la veuve ne veut absolument pas, elle re- tourne chez son pere, meme si elle appartient a une autre tribu." Among the Aeneze, according to Burckhardt (Bedouins and Wahabys, p. 64), " if a young man leaves a widow, his brother generally offers to marry her ; custom does not oblige either him or her to make this match, nor can he prevent her from marrying another man. It seldom happens, however, that she refuses ; for by such an union the family property is kept together." Among the pagan Arabs a widow was inherited by her brother- in-law or her step-son (Robertson Smith, op. cit. p. 86 sqq. ; Wellhausen, loc. cit. p. 455). Islam, on the other hand, forbade men to'inherit women against their will (Koran, iv. 23), and to marry their step-mothers (ibid. iv. 26), but approved of marriage with a brother's widow. 2 Hanoteau and Letourneux, La Kabylie et les coutumes kabyles, ii. (Paris, 1873), pp. 151, 156, 159. 60 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. was before her marriage. It was pointed out to me that among the Ait Nder her father, or, if he is dead, her brother, can again sell her to any man he chooses, whereas at Fez it depends upon the woman herself to accept or refuse a proposal. In certain exceptional cases, however, a man may, as a matter of course, and without payment, marry his brother's widow ; or, if the dead man has no brother, his widow may be sold by the women of his family, his mother in the first place and in the next his sister or daughter. This happens in the case of a married woman who has run away from her husband and compelled the other man to marry her. The Briber have a custom which gives this peculiar privilege to married women. Among the Ait Saddgn, for instance, a woman who does not like to remain with her husband may fly to another man's house or tent, and embrace the pole supporting the roof or one of the vertical tent-poles or, if there is no such pole, take hold of the handmill and turn it round as if she were grinding. Then the owner of the house or tent is obliged to marry her and pay five hundred dollars to the abandoned husband. If he is unable to pay this sum and his relatives cannot help him, he may by means of 'nr- sacrifices collect " ransom-money " (Itfdit) from others, or he may leave his village and the neighbourhood altogether, or he may induce a shereef and some other men to go to the forsaken husband's dwelling and perform there the so-called am'drqab (the Arabic fargiba), the most awful of all '^r-sacrifices, consisting i THE BETROTHAL 61 in cutting the sinews of a bullock's hocks. 1 Otherwise there is likely to be a feud. If the injured man and his village are not strong enough to fight the new husband and his party, he invokes the assistance of another village by making powerful e ar on it he sacrifices a bullock as am'drqab at the door of its mosque, or takes his daughter there dressed in an old tent-cloth (ahl&s or tahlttst\ or rides there with an old tent-cloth round the neck of his horse, or removes the saddle from the horse and puts it there upside down. But it may also be that the injured man, instead of having a fight, kidnaps a woman belonging to the village to which his wife has fled and then runs away with his booty to another tribe. In such a case the husband, father, or brother of the kidnapped woman, in order to get her back, will insist upon the payment of the five hundred dollars or, if the new husband and his family have left the place, will collect the necessary ransom from the other villagers. Similar customs are found among the Ait Yusi, Ait Warain, Ait Nder, and other Briber ; but the com- pensation to be paid to the former husband varies considerably in different tribes and even in different divisions of the same tribe. Among the Ait Warain it was said to be two hundred dollars. The Ait Yusi and Ait Nder have agreed upon twenty-one dollars if the woman has fled from the one tribe to the other, 1 See Westermarck, in Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor, p. 365 sq. The reason for cutting the sinews of the bullock's hocks seems to be to give the animal the appearance of a suppliant. Sometimes the victim is a horse or, among the Ait Yusi and Beni Mgild, a camel. 62 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. and the Ait Yusi and Ait Sadden upon seventy dollars, though not long ago the price was only half this sum. If a married woman from the Ait Nder runs away to the Zemmur, her husband can claim a cow with a calf, and if she flies to an Arab tribe thirty-five dollars ; whereas other Briber, as the Ait Sadden and Ait Yusi, have made no agreement of this kind with their Arab neighbours for the simple reason that none of their women would think of preferring an Arab to a man of her own race. Within the tribe of the Ait Yusi the price fixed by custom varies in different larbrf , or quarters, of the tribe. It is fifty dollars in cases arising between the Ait Arrba' and Ait Mahluf; eighty-six for those between the Ait Halli on the one hand and the Ait Arrba', Ait Mahluf, or Ait Frig w u on the other ; a hundred for those between the Ait Arrba' and Ait Frig w u ; and one hundred and twenty for those between the Ait MeYOud u 'Ali and the Ait Arrba', Ait Mahluf, or Ait Frig w u. Within the Ait Arrba' the price is one hundred and fourteen dollars. All these detailed stipulations show that the practice in question must be a fairly common one. I knew an old man of good family from the Ait Yusi who in the course of his life had been compelled to marry three run-away wives. The compulsion is the same whether the man to whom the woman has fled be a bachelor or a married man, and whatever be the number of his wives. This singular custom is based on the idea that some grave misfortune would befall the man if he did not wed i THE BETROTHAL 63 a woman who in the said manner took refuge with him. By taking hold of the pole of his dwelling or turning round his handmill, she makes f ar on him, that is, transfers to him a conditional curse. But though super- stitious fear is at the bottom of the custom, its observance is, at the same time, looked upon as a matter of honour ; among the Ait Warain a man who should refuse to marry the woman would be called a Jew. It is also held necessary that he should have sexual intercourse with her the first night. There is no further ceremony attending these marriages. CHAPTER II THE SDAQ AND OTHER PAYMENTS THE TROUSSEAU ACCORDING to Muhammedan law, the giving of a dowry is necessary for the contraction of a valid marriage. 1 It is true that a man may legally marry a woman without mentioning a dowry, but in such a case the law presumes a consideration in her favour by virtue of the contract itself. 2 As to the amount of the dowry there is no maximum fixed by law, though excessive dowry is considered improper both by the Sunnls and Shi'ahs. As the minimum the early Hanafi lawyers fixed ten dirhems, equal to about four or five shillings, whereas the Malikls, inhabiting a poorer and less populous country than that in which the Hanafi doctrine flourished, regarded three dirhems as the lowest sum which could be given by way of dowry ; but these minimums have been abandoned long ago. 3 It is not necessary that 1 Sldl Halll (Muhtasar, 19, Russell and Abdullah al-Ma'mun Suhrawardy, ''A Manual of the Lano of Marriage ' frc/m the Mufchjasar of Sldl Khalll^ London, s.a. p. 5) says that the constituents of marriage are a wafr, a dowry, spouses free from legal impediments, and the formula. 2 Ameer Ali, Mahommedan Law, ii. (Calcutta, 1908), p. 472 sq. 3 Ibid. ii. 473 sq. ; Sautayra and Cherbonneau, Droit musulman, i. (Paris, 1873), p. 95; Sldl Halll, op. at. 168 (p. 61). 64 CHAP, ii DOWRY 65 the dowry should be paid in money. Sldl Hahl points out that it is lawful to contract a marriage for a dowry consisting of household furniture, or a certain number of camels or slaves or the like. 1 As there is nothing in the Koran or in the traditions tending to show that the whole of the dowry must be paid prior to the consummation of the marriage, later jurists have held that only a portion of it should be considered payable at once or on demand, and the remainder within a certain stipulated period or on the dissolution of the contract, whether by divorce or the death of either of the parties. 2 The dowry is in legal treatises called mahr or sadaq. Originally, however, these words meant different things. The mahr was the purchase sum paid to the father or guardian of the woman at her betrothal, whereas the sadaq was the gift offered to the bride by the bride- groom at their wedding. But under Islam the dis- tinction between mahr and sadfiq disappeared a fusion which was prepared by the fact that already in pre- Muhammedan times the mahr had, at least occasionally, been given to the wife as her property. 3 In Morocco the dowry is called sdaq or sdaq, some- times sdaq, by the Arabic-speaking population ; ssdaq or ssdaq (Ait Warain) by various tribes of the Briber ; ssdaq by the Ruafa of the Ait Waryagal, and dmerwas by the 1 Sldl {Jalll, op. cit. 154 (p. 55). 2 Sautayra and Cherbonneau, op. cit. i. 98 sqq. Ameer Ali, op. cit. ii. 482. Sldl FJalTl, op. cit. 156 (p. 56), 173 (p. 62). 3 Robertson Smith, Kinship and Marriage in Early Arabia (Cambridge, 1885), pp. 76, 78, 91. Wellhausen, 'Die Ehe bei den Arabern,' in Nachrichten von der K'dniglichen Gesellsc/iaft der Wissenschaften zu G'ittingen, 1893, no. 1 1, p. 433 sqq. F 66 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. Shl5h of the Great Atlas and Sas. At Fez it is also called naqda and, by scribes, mhar. But ndqda, or naqd, properly means only the portion of the sdaq which is paid at once. 1 In Northern Morocco, at least, this portion is called nftss mqdddam^ " advanced moiety," whilst the remaining part is called n&ss mwdhhar, " deferred moiety." 2 In some parts of Morocco the sdaq is fixed once for all by custom, although the amount may vary greatly even in the same tribe. This is the case among the Ulld Bu-'Azlz in Dukkala. In the subdivision of this tribe called Ulad Rafa, for example, the sdaq is twenty metqal, nominally eight Spanish pesetas, whereas in some other subdivisions of the same tribe it is consider- ably higher, in one even as much as four hundred metqal. But within the same subdivision it does not vary and is the same whether the woman is a virgin, a widow, or a divorced wife. Among the Ulad Bu-'Aziz, however, not more than one-half of the stipulated price is paid, and even this sum only if the husband dies before his wife, or if he divorces her, nothing at all being given on the occasion when the marriage contract is made. Yet there is one instance in which a much higher payment may be claimed, and that is if the husband refrains from doing his duty as a married man and divorces his wife against her will ; in such a case he has to pay a so-called $daq mayufa> amounting 1 Russell and Abdullah al-Ma'mun Suhrawardy, op. cit. p. 56, n. I referring to '57- 2 The deferred portion is in legal treaties called ksll' (Russell and Abdullah al- Ma'mun Suhrawardy, op. cit. p. 56, n. i referring to 157). ii DOWRY 67 to twice the nominal sdaq, and the wife is besides allowed to take with her everything which is in the tent. Among the Shloh of Amzmuz the dmerwas (sdaq) is invariably one hundred metqal for a virgin and fifty for a widow or divorced wife. Of this sum, however, two- and-a-half metqal are given to each of the two 'adul and the same sum to the woman who makes the quivering noise. The rest is paid to the wife on the death of her husband, or if she is divorced by him ; and in the case of her death it is inherited by her children, or, if she has none, by her family. Among the Igliwa, who are divided into five lahamas (sing. lhams\ each containing a certain number of smaller sections called ihsan (sing. ihs\ the dmerwas is the same within the ihs but differs within different ^ ihsan. For example, in the ihs Tafga in the Ihams Ait Arrba' the dmerwas consists of forty metqal, two hrdreb of wheat, the same quantity of barley, four sheep, two large jars of salt butter, and two other large jars of oil ; but this is only paid to the wife in case she is sent away by her husband or at his death. In the ihs Ait Ugdat in the same Ihams the dmerwas consists of a hundred metqal and nothing else, and here the wife also can dissolve the marriage by paying her husband the same sum, which is not the case either in Tafga or in the ihs Isirs belonging to the same Ihams. In the latter ihs the dmerwas is only fifteen metqal ; whilst in the fourth ih,s of the Ait Arrba', called Afra, the dmerwas simply consists of an animal which the wife, if she should be 68 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. divorced, is allowed to pick out with closed eyes from her husband's farm. Among the Ait Tameldu the dmerwas is two hundred metqal, or sixteen dollars, if the woman is a virgin, a hundred metqal if she has been married once before, fifty if she has been married twice, twenty-five if she has been married three times, and so forth. One- half of the dmerwas is paid before the wedding when ffttha is made, and is spent on clothes for the woman, whilst the other half is paid at the death of the husband or if he divorces his wife. If she wants to leave her husband, the portion of it which has been already paid is not restored, but the other portion is of course forfeited. In such a case she asks the fql to draw up a document stating that she is no longer married. Again, among the Shlsh of Aglu the dmerwas is invariably twenty-four Moorish dollars in the case of a virgin and twelve dollars in the case of a widow, a divorced wife, or a girl who has become a mother ; but in the last-mentioned case the father of the child has previously had to pay the full dmerwas unless he married the girl. The dmerwas, however, is not paid even in part when the marriage is contracted, but the bridegroom produces as security a friend, whose responsibility lasts till seven days after the wedding. When this period has come to an end, the wife declares in the presence of two scribes that the money is now in the hands of her husband ; but if he divorces her he nevertheless has to pay the full dmerwas, which, though ii DOWRY 69 her property, is then handed over to her father, brother, or uncle, and to herself, in the presence of scribes, only in default of a near male relative. Before the wedding the man pays to his fiancet 's father merely a sham price consisting of some copper coins, altogether worth half-a- bilyun, or about an English penny. Among the At Ubahti the ssdaq regularly consists of a belt (ahazzam)) two silk kerchiefs (jis2bniyin), two shawls (lizdrat), and a pair of slippers (Ibtlgat], repre- senting a value of ten dollars, which are given to the bride on the day when she is taken to her new home. The money paid to her father which has been mentioned above is not ssdaq but tcimamt^ of which more will be said presently. As a rule, however, the sdaq is not fixed once for all but varies according to circumstances. At Fez it is comparatively high. People who are not considered well-off may pay seventy to a hundred dollars for a virgin and thirty to forty for a widow or divorced woman, whilst the sdaq may be as much as six hundred dollars if the parents of the parties are wealthy. It is paid some time after the ceremony of fhfha, a month or even a year, as the young man's father may wish. The payment of it takes place in different ways. The two fathers may simply meet in a mosque for this purpose, and the sum agreed upon is paid over in the presence of two notaries (^tidul\ who now write the marriage contract ; but at the present time the affair is generally accompanied with more ceremony. The young man's father gives a feast in his house, to yo MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. which are invited male relatives and friends, as also two 'adul. From there he sends the f adul and some other men to the girl's father, who on the same occasion has a feast in his house. The latter asks them to join ; the sdaq is paid, and the marriage contract written. The sdaq is spent by the girl's father on her trousseau. In Andjra a poor man may pay as sdaq some ten or twenty dollars or even less, a rich man a hundred or two. One-half of the money is paid on the nhar l-kmal, whilst the other half is paid at the death of the husband, or if he divorces his wife without good reason, or by annual instalments in the course of twenty years. With the portion of it which is paid down the girl's parents buy clothes for her, and it would be considered disgrace- ful if the father used anything of it for his own benefit. The clothing and other things which, besides the money, are included in the sdaq are taken to the girl's house together with the bridal box in which she is to be brought to her new home, and are taken back again on the same day. One hdyjtk, however, which, as we shall see, plays an interesting part in the wedding ceremonies, is sent to the girl's house three days before with a portion of the hdiya. In the Hiaina the sdaq is generally between fifty and a hundred dollars, though a poor man may perhaps get a wife for ten or even less. The father of the girl keeps one-half of it for himself and spends the other half in buying clothes and ornaments for his daughter, except some four or five dollars which are left to be ii DOtTRT 71 paid to the wife either by instalments or at her husband's death, or if he divorces her without a good cause ; but the husband may also square the debt by buying a present for his wife. The sdaq, however, must be returned if the bride is sent back because she is found not to be a virgin, or if she is divorced on account of misbehaviour. Among the Ait Sadden a rich man's daughter fetches a higher price than a poor man's, a beautiful girl other things being equal a higher price than an ugly one ; but even for an unattractive girl a considerable sum may be paid if her father is a man of wealth. The ssdaq of a widow or divorced wife is generally much less than that of a virgin. A hundred dollars is a moderate ssdaq, 130-200 a high one ; 70 and 90 dollars are prices that must be avoided because these numbers are considered unlucky. As we have seen, however, the ssdaq first agreed upon is not paid in full. 1 The father of the girl spends a smaller or larger part of it as much as he likes in buying clothes and ornaments for his daughter, keeping the rest of it for himself. Among the Ait Warain the amount of the ssdaq depends on the beauty of the girl, her skill in weaving, and the wealth of her father. A hundred dollars is a handsome price, whereas a girl without a father and without personal attraction may fetch twenty or thirty dollars only. On the occasion called tililau, when the ssdaq is agreed upon, the greater part of it is also 1 See supra, p. 39. 72 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. handed over to the girl's father ; but a sum of ten dollars is always allowed to remain unpaid, and the young man's father tries to be exempted from the pay- ment of a still larger amount. This remaining portion is claimed if the husband divorces his wife without a good cause, or if he dies before her, but otherwise he leaves it unpaid or merely gives her a ewe. If a girl has no father the ssdaq is paid to the paternal uncle, or if she has none to a paternal cousin, or in default of such a relative to a maternal uncle, providing that he does not live far away. Otherwise she receives the ssdaq herself, appointing a Ittkll, or deputy, to act on her behalf and giving him some money in payment for his trouble. Among the Ruafa of the Ait Wary&gal the ssdaq is proportionate to the wealth of the bride's family and the number of her brothers and male cousins, who give ' O strength to her husband, whereas her beauty is not considered in this connection. A low price for a virgin bride is thirty or forty dollars ; a widow or divorced wife, on the other hand, only fetches from fifteen to thirty, even though she has many brothers, money, or property. Part of the ssdaq is often paid on the occasion when it is fixed, and it must be paid in full before the consummation of the marriage. Her father keeps one portion of it for himself and spends the rest in buying new clothes for his daughter and presenting her with an ornament called didli, which consists of dollar or half-dollar pieces threaded on a string of horse- hair and is worn round the forehead. She puts it on ii DOWRT 73 on the morning after her first intercourse with her husband, and wears it then for a week, till her people go away ; afterwards she adorns herself with it on special occasions only, such as religious feasts, weddings, and visits to shrines. The ssdaq must be returned if the woman is sent away because she is found not to be a virgin, or if she is divorced on account of notorious adultery. The customs relating to the sdaq thus present many variations in different tribes and places. Not only is its amount sometimes fixed once for all and sometimes settled by the parties according to the circumstances, but it varies greatly in different communities and, when it is not fixed, within the same community as well. It is commonly smaller if the woman is a widow or divorced wife than if she is a virgin, but this is not the case everywhere. Sometimes it is paid in full before the consummation of the marriage, sometimes one-half of it or a smaller part is left unpaid. The " deferred " portion may be paid by instalments or compensated for by a present given to the wife by the husband ; but in many cases it is only paid at the death of the latter or if he divorces his wife without sufficient reason, and in some tribes these are the only circumstances in which the sdaq or a part of it is paid at all, nothing of it being given when the marriage is contracted. As to the disposal of the sdaq we notice that in some places the girl's father spends the whole of the sum paid down on her trousseau, whereas in other cases he so spends only a part of it, keeping the rest for himself. In these 74 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. latter cases the sdaq is not merely, as Sldl Hahl puts it, 1 " similar " to a selling price. 2 1 Sldl Halll, op. cit. 151 (p. 54). 2 At Cairo, according to Lane (Arabian Society in the Middle Ages [London, 1883], p. 230), a sum equivalent to about twenty pounds sterling is a common dowry among Arabs of the middle classes for a virgin, and half or a third or a quarter of that sum for a divorced woman or a widow. " Two thirds of the sum is usually paid before making the contract, and the remaining portion held in reserve to be paid to the woman in case of her divorce or in case of the husband's death. The father or guardian of a girl under age receives the former portion of her dowry ; but it is considered as her property, and he generally expends it, with an additional sum from his own purse, in the purchase of necessary furniture, dress, etc., for her, which the husband can never take from her against her own wish " (see also Idem, Mannert and Customs of the Modern Egyptians [London, 1896], p. 173 sqq.}. Burckhardt (Arabic Pro-verbs [London, 1830], p. 113) says that, at Cairo, "among the first-rate merchants the price is from 200 to 300 dollars ; among those of the second class, from sixty to eighty ; and the lower classes often pay no more than from three to five dollars. It is usual," he adds, " to pay half of the money immediately in advance." In Mecca the amount of the dowry, or mahr, varies extremely. " In vornehmen Familien wird ein betrachtlicher Mahr durch beiderseitigen Familien- stolz erfordert und fiigt der Vater des Brautigams dem Versprochenen noch vieles hinzu. Mancher Vater aus den mittleren Klassen verlangt im Namen seiner Tochter einige hundert Dollars nicht wegen des Geldes, sondern weil er dadurch zeigen will, wie viel er auf sie halt. Andere heben hervor, ein guter Gatte sei ihnen willkommen, auch wenn er nur der Form wegen einige Zehner opfert. In den armeren Klassen muss man fur die Jungfrau schon deshalb auf moglichst hohen Mahr dringen, weil daraus die sammtlichen Kosten ihrer Aussteuer zu bestreiten sind und weil sie dadurch ein kleines Kapitalchen erhalt fur den Fall einer Scheidung. Die Armsten miissen iiber Alles hinwegsehen und mit ein paar Dollars vorlieb nehmen, wenn nicht ihre SchSnheit die Begierde der Reichen erweckt " (Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, ii. [Haag, 1889], p. 158 sq.}. In Medina 400 dollars would be considered a fair average sum among respectable citizens (Burton, Personal Narrative of a Pilgrimage to Al-Madinah and MeccaA, ii. [London, 1898], p. 23, n. 2). Among the Badawin of Al-Hijaz the " settlement " is usually about thirty Spanish dollars, half paid down, and the other owed by the bridegroom to the father, the brothers, or the kindred of his spouse ; but some tribes will take animals in lieu of ready money (ibid. ii. II i). Among the Bedouins of Mount Sinai the price of a girl varies according to circum- stances, and is never exactly stipulated in a tribe, "It is from five to ten dollars, but sometimes amounts to thirty, if the girl is well connected and very handsome. Part only of the money is paid down, the rest standing over as a kind of debt. The father receives the money ; or, if he is dead, the brother, or nearest male relation." The price of a widow is never more than half of what is given for a virgin and generally no more than one-third ; and it is likewise paid into the hands of her masters (Burckhardt, Notes or. the Bedouins and Wahabys [London, 1830], p. 152 sq.). The Aeneze, on the other hand, would consider it scandalous if a father should demand money for his daughter. Among the Ahl el Shemal he receives for her the homse, or " five articles," comprehending a carpet, a large silver nose-ring, a silver ii PAYMENTS 75 Yet, even though the woman has the full benefit of the sdaq^ the marriage may nevertheless be an act of purchase. Among the At Ubdhti the price of 100 dollars and a female slave which the young man's father consents to pay, though it is afterwards reduced, is not the ssdaq, but the so-called tamamt. Whilst the ssdaq is fixed once for all and consists of female wearing apparel, the ttimamt is paid in cash and varies according to the circumstances, being chiefly determined by the wealth and position of the girl's father, as also by her own beauty. Whilst the ssdaq is only given on the day when the bride is brought to her new home, the tamamt must have been paid in full before the contract of marriage is made, the last portion of it being handed over at the timutit. And unlike the ssdaq the tamamt becomes the property of the girl's father, with the restriction that he is obliged to buy for his daughter a mat (ajtrtil] and a pillow (tagrarf) out of it ; in addition he perhaps spends some of the money on silver orna- ments for her, but he is not required by custom to do so. If the girl's father is dead, the tamamt is given to neck-chain, silver bracelets, and a camel-bag of the Baghdad carpet manufacture ; but they become her property (ibid. p. 62). In the rural districts of Palestine the marriage contract is avowedly an act of purchase, most part or at least one-half (von Miilinen, ' Beitrage zur Kenntnis des Karmels,' in Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins, xxx. [1907], p. 170) of the dowry going to the girl's father (Van-Lennep, Bible Lands [London, 1875], p. 540; C. T. Wilson, Peasant Life in the Holy Land [London, 1906], p. 1095 Klein, ' Mittheilungen Uber Leben, Sitten und Gebra'uche der Fellachen in Palastina,' in Zeitschrift des Deutschen Pal'dstina- f^ereins, vi. [1883], p. 905 Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab [Paris, 1908], p. 49). It is this that makes the birth of a girl so much more welcome among the fellahm than among the townspeople, who do not appropriate the dowries given for their daughters (Wilson, op. cit. p. 109). Among the country-people and poor nomads of Judea the price of a wife often ranges from 150 to 250 dollars (Van-Lennep, op. cit. p. 541). 76 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. her brother, mother, paternal uncle, or paternal cousin, and if she has no such relative she gets it herself. In case the marriage contract is reduced to writing, both the ttimamt and the ssdaq are mentioned in it. The same institution is found among the At Buzeggu, At Yiznasgn, and other tribes of the same neighbour- hood, the Berbers of Algeria, 1 and some of the Briber. I was told that among the Ait Nder the ttimamt is regularly double the amount of the ssdaq and may even be more, since the latter never exceeds thirty dollars. It is chiefly influenced by the beauty of the girl and her skill in weaving and spinning, but not by her virtue. It generally varies between forty and seventy dollars, and occasionally rises to a hundred ; but in exceptional cases even more may be paid for an ex- tremely attractive and skilful girl, especially if she has many suitors. The tamamt is paid with money only, or with animals, corn, or other provisions as well ; and here also it must be handed over to the girl's father before the wedding, whereas the ssdaq is paid later on one part of it, consisting of clothes, when the bride is fetched from her old home, and the other part at the death of the husband, or if he divorces his wife without a good cause, or, in the form of a voluntary present, for example a cow, at any other time he pleases. If the wife is divorced on account of her own misbehaviour, the tamamt must be returned. The tfimamt is a Berberised form of the Arabic 1 Hanoteau and Letourneux, La Kabylie et les coutumes kabyles, ii. (Paris, 1873), p. 152 sqq. ii PAT ME NTS 77 'dmdma^ which means " turban," but this does not prevent it representing an old Berber institution which has survived under Islam, embellished with a new name. In Algeria it is also called /////, which means "eating." l But a similar bride-price is found in many Arabic- speaking tribes in Morocco as well, where it is called makla, or " food," and the tamamt and mdkla have been represented to me by the people themselves as identical institutions. In the Hlot and Tliq the mdkla is always paid in money, and is much higher than the sdaq, varying between twenty and two hundred dollars. 2 In the Hiaina, on the other hand, it was said to consist of a bullock, a few sheep, wheat, and salt butter, which the parents of the young man take with them when they, in the company of the fql of the village and a few friends, go to pay the sdaq ; but here also the girl's father keeps the mdkla for himself. Another survival of the old Berber marriage by purchase is perhaps, at least in part, the hdiya^ " pre- sent," which in Andjra is given to the girl's father. As we have seen, 3 it is discussed before the parties come to an agreement, but, unlike the sdaq, it is not mentioned in the written contract. Three days before the bride is fetched from her old home, men and boys from the young man's village take there the portion of the hdiya which is called l-hdiya den-nqa del-qauf, consisting of a considerable quantity of corn out of 1 Hanoteau and Letourneux, of. cit. ii. 152. 2 Michaux-Bellaire and Salmon, ' Les Tribus arabes de la vallee du Lekkous,' in Archives marocaines, vi. (1906), p. 226. 3 Supra, p. 30 sq. 78 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. that which was cleaned on the nhftr n-nqa del-tirfis, together with the butter, oil, candles, sugar, salt, henna, and slippers agreed upon. Two days later, on the day nhnr d ' d jw^ri del-tirfisa, a large party of relatives and friends of the young man, accompanied by musicians, take to the girl's place the promised bullock, l-hdiya det-faur. People from her village meet them on the way, and when they approach her house some bachelors of the young man's party lift the bullock on their backs and carry it thus to the yard, where it is slaughtered and cut up, while the men are firing off their guns, and the girl-friends of the bride are making a quivering noise. One-half of the meat is left there for the entertainment of the women, the other half is taken to the young man's father, and the skin becomes the property of the bride's brother. In the case of a poor man's wedding, a sheep or goat is sent instead of a bullock. At Tangier the bridegroom or his father sends, on the morning of the third day before the bride is brought to his home, some male friends and musicians to her house with a bullock or calf, which is slaughtered there at the door. When this is done they make f&t s ha and go away, the musicians taking with them the head and skin of the animal. This day is called nhar d-dbeha, " the day of the sacrifice." Among the Ait Waryagal, on the day before the wedding is celebrated in the bridegroom's house, his uncle or brother is sent to the bride's father with three or four goats. But about a week previously his father ii FITMENTS 79 has already taken to the latter a large quantity of wheat and barley some thirty to sixty mudd and a mudd of beans, which he uses for the entertainment of the unmarried girls of the village who now spend all their time with his daughter, keeping for himself anything that remains. The amount of corn and beans was agreed upon at the same time as the ssdaq^ which consists of money only. Besides payments or gifts to the girl's father a pay- ment is also, in many tribes, made to other members of her family. The At Ubahti call this payment lihra, which is a Berberised form of the Arabic kra, meaning " hire " 'or "wages." It consists among them of ten dollars paid to the girl's mother, the same amount paid to her eldest brother, and smaller sums or presents given to her younger brothers, sisters, and other near relatives. It is paid on the same occasion as the tamamt, but previously to it ; although, if the father of the young man cannot then pay it in full, some article of value, as a gun or pistol, may be left as security. Like the ssdaq, but unlike the td'mamt, it is never returned in the case of divorce. Among the Arabs of the Hiaina, if the girl's father shows himself unwilling to accept the proposal, a reXwa, " bribe," is offered to other male relatives of hers in order that they shall try to induce the father to give in. But even if the latter makes no objections to the match, retwa is paid to them, though in this case only on the occasion when the bride is fetched. 8o MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. Among the Ait Sadden, at the ceremony of Ifhtha when the first part of the ssdaq is handed over to the girl's father, her eldest grown-up brother, if she has any, also claims a sum for himself, which is fixed now but only paid afterwards, at the ceremony of asgfirt ; the brother does not allow the quivering noise to be made on the latter occasion unless he has previously received the sum agreed upon. This money, which is called rrfuf from the Arabic retwa may perhaps amount to some six or eight dollars. It is only given to the eldest brother of the girl, even though she have several brothers who are older than herself. In the tribe of the Ait Warain, before the ssdaq is paid to the girl's father, the other members of her family receive from the young man's father some money or a garment, by which he hopes to induce them to help him in settling the ssdaq. Should a brother or uncle of the girl be left without such a present, it may happen that he, on the occasion when she is going to be taken away from her home by the bridegroom's party, will step forward and claim the money which has not been given him. If it is refused a fight ensues between the men of the bride's village and those of the bridegroom's party, first with stones and afterwards, if the refusal is persisted in, with guns. This is a fight in good earnest, and should anybody be killed there would be blood-revenge ; it has happened that the bride herself has been wounded by stones. If the men of the bride's village win, the bridegroom's people have to pay the demanded sum, whereas in the opposite ii PAYMENTS 8 1 case the latter carry away with them the bride by force. Among the Shloh of Aglu, when the bridegroom's party come to fetch the bride, her brother locks the door of the house, and does not open it until they have paid him a small sum of money. In Andjra, again, when the bride has been lifted into the box on the back of the mule which is going to carry her to her new home, her brother seizes hold of the animal and tells the bridegroom's people that he does not allow them to take away his sister unless they pay him a sum of money ; and it is only after the bridegroom's brother, or the person who has led the mule, has paid him, say, three or four dollars as hldwa^ " douceur" that the procession is allowed to start. It is also the custom in Andjra that if the eldest brother of the girl is opposed to her marriage, though her parents be in favour of it, the young man tries to prevail upon him by offering him a hlawa, as he has a kind of veto in the matter. Eight or ten dollars are perhaps sufficient for the purpose ; but if the girl has many suitors the hldwa may even amount to fifty. There is a similar custom among the Ait Waryagal, who call the money in question ddzfittat, the Arabic ztdta, which denotes the present or fee given to a zSttat, that is, a person who conducts a stranger safely through his tribe. The presents spoken of are thus expressions of a feeling of family solidarity. They show that the father or parents of the girl are not the only ones who have 82 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. something to say in the matter of her disposal, and that the eldest brother in particular, who in case her father is dead is her recognised guardian, is an influential person even during his lifetime. Presents, consisting of clothes, ornaments, and other things, are also given to the girl. These may, as we have seen, 1 at least in part, be included in the sdaq, but in many Arab tribes they form a consideration by itself, called dhaz? which is discussed before the marriage contract is made. 3 Among the Ulad Bu- 'Aziz, who require no part of the sdaq to be paid in advance, the dhaz comprises a great variety of things, not all of which, however, are meant for the fiancee such as a bullock, a sheep or two, a camel-load of wheat, a large jar (gulla) of salt butter, four ^qoq of cotton-stuff, a belt (haztim) and a veil (ktnbuV) of silk, a silk kerchief (s8bmya\ a black headgear called farbtya, another headgear called ^anbur, several pairs of slippers (one for the fiancee and the others for her 1 Sufra, p. 69 sq, 2 This is the same word as ', I fc^ In the dialect of Dukkala .,. is under certain circumstances changed into 3 (cf. Westermarck, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, certain Dates of the Solar Tear, and the Weather in Morocco [Ofaersigt of Finska Vetenskapssocietetem FSrhandlingar, Bd. liv. 1911-1912, Afd. B. N:o i], p. 57). 3 See Michaux-Bellaire and Salmon, loc. cit. p. 225 sq. In Palestine, also, the word denotes the stipulated presents which the bridegroom gives to the bride (Klein, loc. cit. p. 91), whereas in Egypt, according to Lane (Modern Egyptians, p. 175), it means the articles which are bought with the dowry paid by the bridegroom and the additional money supplied by the bride's family, and which become the property of the bride. M. E. Mercier (La Condition de la femmc musulmane dans I'Afrique septentrionale [Alger, 1895], p. 51) observes: "II arrive que le djehaz, (somme devant etre affectee a 1'achat de bijoux ou objets du trousseau de 1'epouse, au moment de la consommation du mariage) se confond, en tout ou en partie, avec le neked ; il n'est pas done absolument obligatoire ; cependant, dans la pratique, il est souvent stipule a part." ii TROUSSEAU 83 parents and brothers), a looking-glass, a comb soap for washing, henna, walnut root or bark ochre ('fi&dr), gum-benjamin (jdwi), dates, and other articles, especially such as are to be worn. If the young man is of a well-to-do family the dhtiz may also include two silver bracelets (db&lj\ two silver ear- rings (dwdwfih\ a silver breast ornament with a chain called kutfiy&t, and a female slave. Some ten days or more before the wedding the dhUz is taken to the tent of the girl's family by men and women of the young man's village, who are entertained there with a meal of si?ksu, after which the camels are unloaded and the presents exhibited to the admiring villagers. The girl's father gives a few of the dates and a little henna to everybody who happens to be there ; but the girl herself is all the time sitting in another tent, being too bashful to appear. Among the Ait Tameldu the young man on the day of the proposal sends to the girl the so-called nndqra, " silver," consisting of a silver ornament, dates, and henna. In many cases the girl's father, also, gives her some- thing in addition to what is bought with the sdaq. At Fez I was told that custom requires him thus to spend on her trousseau at least the same amount from his own money the so-called mtt s al. 1 In Andjra he 1 In his description of the marriage customs of Fez four hundred years ago Leo Africanus (The History and Description of Africa, ii. [London, 1896], p. 450) writes with reference to the dowries bestowed by fathers on their daughters that " some doe striue so much to excell others, that oftentimes many gentlemen haue brought themselues vnto pouertie thereby." In Egypt not only the dowry paid by the bridegroom but an additional sum supplied by the bride's family, which is often more than the dowry itself, is expended in purchasing the articles of furniture, dress, 84 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP, n is expected at his own expense to provide her with a twar of wearing apparel ; l and among the Ait Tamgldu it is a matter of pride to a father to give his daughter a good liqqdma, consisting for example of a cow, some sheep, silver ornaments, silk kerchiefs, blankets, a belt (tuggas\ and other articles, worth perhaps from fifty to two hundred dollars ; though a poor man may have nothing to give but some clothes bought with the dmerwas. Among the Shlofr a daughter's marriage is not looked upon in the same business-like manner as among other Berbers. and ornaments for the bride (Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 175). In Upper Egypt, as at Fez, "the bride's father is expected to give a like sum with that paid by the groom, the entire amount being the bride's portion, which is ordinarily invested in coins or jewelry to be worn by the bride as her exclusive personal property" (Trumbull, Studies in Oriental Social Life [Philadelphia, 1894], p. 20). So also at Aleppo in Syria " le prix pay6 est . . . employe, avec une pareille somme que donne le pere de la future, en meubles, ustensiles, eftets d'habillement " (Guys, Un Der-uich algerien en Syrie [Paris, 1854], p. 199). Among the Muhammedans of India " the bride's father is bound to furnish her with a wedding outfit, unless he is in straitened circumstances, when the obligation rests with the husband. When a man advances a sum of money towards the trousseau of his future wife, it is obligatory on the father, if he be possessed of means, to do the same or contribute such an amount as is customary " (Ameer Ali, op. cit. ii. 508). 1 M. Michaux-Bellaire ('Quelques tribus de montagnes de la region du Habt,' in Archives marocaines, xvii. [1911], p. 128) says that among certain mountain tribes in Northern Morocco the father spends the sdaq on his daughter's Jwdr, and generally, in addition, uses some money of his own for the same purpose ; but in Andjra the word s and the backs of his slippers are pulled up. He sits down on a carpet (zarbiya) with a mezwud under him, so that he shall in IN THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME 103 not be affected by has (evil influences), or, as I was also told, that his own bas shall go into the sack. The vizier is standing on his right side keeping the hdygk of the Sultan in a fold under his chin so that the people can put money into it. Behind the Sultan a number of girls are making a quivering noise, and so is his sister or the other woman of his family who stands next to him keeping her hand round the point of his hood, over which has been slipped a silver bangle (demhj\ as among the Tsui. In front of him there is a palmetto tray (meldund] covered with a silk kerchief (s8bnlja\ on which has been placed a bowl (zl&fa} containing flour and rock-salt, the object of the latter being to protect the Sultan against jnun, or evil spirits. An elderly woman of his family, by preference his father's sister, keeps his bound-up right hand with the palm upwards in the bowl, and slowly rubs the kerchief covering it with flour. Meanwhile the girls are re- peatedly singing : Mai idak l-hanl yd fiayyi, Extend your hand, the red one, O my brother. The people are putting money on the table, in the bowl, and in the folds of the Sultan's hdySk, while one of the is/an cries out, Allah m'a sidi flan, katt s ar allahu Mirek a sidt flan, " May God be with my lord so-and so (mentioning the name of the donor), may God increase your wealth, O my lord so-and-so." They also try to knock money on the Sultan's head, but the young woman who is keeping his hood catches the blow and takes the money for herself. Some coins io 4 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. are likewise given to the girls who are making the quivering noise. The money put on the table is taken by the young man's parents, who buy with it sugar and candles for the wedding ; the money put into the bowl is for the woman who is rubbing his hand with flour ; and that which is placed in the fold of his hdyZk he keeps for himself. But the sums given on this occasion are not great. When the performance has come to an end, the vizier says, A men jdna ijih l-hair^ " O he who has come to us, may wealth come to him." And the women sing : Ktttfar llahu hdirkum a Ifi-zftra kullkum^ " May God increase your wealth, O bachelors all of you." The Sultan gets up, some men who are carrying swords unsheath them to beat him, the vizier draws his master's sword to defend him, and they both run away in haste. 1 While this is going on, some of the women are making a quivering noise. On the evening of the following day, just before the bride arrives at her new home, the same ceremony is repeated, with the difference however that this time the flour, again mixed with salt, is rubbed on the bride- groom's bare hand, and that much more money is given than on the previous occasion. When the procession is coming, two of the Is Ian go in front of the Sultan clashing their swords together, and the ceremony again ends with the flight of the Sultan and his vizier. It should be added that the bridegroom at the rb?t carries on him some Mrmel (seed of Peganum Harmald]^ 1 Among the Tsfll no attempts are made to beat the bridegroom, nor does he run away. in IN THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME 105 (gum-ammoniac), rock-salt (l-melha l-hayya), and other charms against jnun ; and both he and the is Ian paint their eyes with antimony and their lips with walnut root. Among the Ulld Bu- f Aziz the bridegroom is painted with henna after the bride has arrived at her new home. While she and her female friends are sitting behind a curtain inside the bridegroom's tent, the following ceremony takes place in the yard. With his eyes and face hidden behind the hood of his cloak the bridegroom sits astride on a saddle which has been placed there for the purpose. He holds out his right hand, the palm of which is slowly smeared with henna by his aunt or sister or some other woman of his family, but not his mother. While this is going on, all the people present come one by one and drop a coin on the palmetto tray which is close by the bridegroom. In front of him is sitting a crier, l-b8rrdh, who with words of blessing calls out the names of the donors ; and their praises are in addition sung by four women singers (mganniat\ who stand behind the bridegroom each with a tambourine (tarfyd} in her hand. The money put on the tray becomes the property of the bridegroom, but the donors also give a small coin to the crier and the singers. Among the Briber of the Ait Warain the ceremony called Ihdnni tdmzziant, " the little henna," takes place on the day after the wheat has been ground. In the afternoon men and women of the village, as also friends io6 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. from other villages, assemble in the house or tent of the bridegroom's father. The bachelors, who are particu- larly numerous on this occasion, sit together with the bridegroom in a room or tent by themselves. They have their supper first, then the other men, and lastly the women, the bridegroom's father attending to the male and his mother to the female guests. Whilst the mother remains with the women in the tent or room where they are sitting, the father retires before the arrival of the bridegroom and his bachelor companions. The young man has had his head shaved the same day. He wears a white cloak (dheddun, the Arabic stlMm) with its hood drawn over his face it must be white so that his days shall be white. Over his shoulder is hang- ing a sword ; and over his head two of the bachelors the future tberrdhan are crossing their swords. He sits down on a tamzitt (the Arabic mezwud} placed on a new mat in the middle of the house or, if there is no house, in the yard (dsun) outside the tent. He is regarded as a sultan (ajellid} and appoints one of the bachelors to be his vizier (luzir) ; his most intimate bachelor friends bid for the post, and he gives it to the one who offers him the largest sum of money a sum which is afterwards more or less refunded when the vizier gets married himself. What now follows is very similar to the corresponding ceremony in the Hiaina. On the right side of the Sultan stands his vizier and behind him a young sister of his, married or unmarried, keeping hold of the point (dilmus) of his hood, over which has been slipped a silver bangle (ademlij] as a in IN THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME 107 means of bringing good luck, and making a quivering noise, while her brother is being painted with henna. In front of him there is a tray (tttndutf) of palmetto or esparto, covered with a silk kerchief (tasebntti] on which is placed a bowl (taqnuSf] with henna. Close to the tray is sitting an aunt, maternal or paternal, of the bride- groom or, if he has none, some other elderly woman, by preference of his mother's kin, who slowly paints the palms of his hands with henna. In front of the tray stand two criers (jberrdhttti) crossing their swords and, when a person puts down money on the kerchief, calling out, " God be with so-and-so, he gave such-and- such a sum " ; but they only bestow this blessing on a donor who gives a coin to them also. The first coin however, which is given by a near relative of the bride- groom, is not put on the kerchief but into his right hand, where it is painted with henna ; being of silver it is considered to bring good luck. The vizier collects the money, all the time taking notice of the donors and watching that the coins given correspond to the amount called out ; but afterwards he gives it to the bride- groom, who distributes it among the bachelors so that they shall buy gunpowder with it. The people also remember the bridegroom's sister, who is standing behind him making the quivering noise, by putting coins between her lips. When the Sultan gets up, the bachelors who have been standing round him try to beat him gently with their hands or with sticks, while the vizier defends him, beating the aggressors in return ; and at last they both escape to a room in the house or io8 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. to another tent, leaving the bachelors behind to break the bowl. This breaking of the bowl, and also the painting of the bridegroom with henna, the crossing of swords over his head, and the beating of him, are all ceremonies said to be calculated to remove or keep away evil. Later on the vizier calls the other bachelors to come and spend the night in the company of the Sultan, who early in the morning distributes among them the money handed over to him by the vizier, as said before. After breakfast they all set out for a tour to neigh- bouring villages. The Sultan rides on a horse with a sword hanging by his side and the hood of his cloak drawn over his face. On his right walks the vizier, waving a silk kerchief towards his head as if he were a real sultan, and on his left a bachelor carrying a stick with a white flag representing the shereefian umbrella. In front of them walk the other bachelors discharging volleys of gunpowder when they approach and when they leave a village. The band are not only entertained with food in the villages they visit but also receive money and a live sheep, the money being collected by the vizier. While the Sultan, with the latter, remains in a village, he sends the other bachelors in small groups of four or five men in different directions to ask for money or, in default of such, some other present of every traveller they meet on the road ; if he is a native of the tribe they actually compel him to contribute, whereas they are less exacting in the case of a stranger. Thus they travel about from village to village for seven in IN THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME 109 days, and when they return from their tour, the money collected, as also that which is got by selling the sheep and other presents, is again divided among the bachelors, who buy gunpowder with it. On the evening of the day when they come back there is " the great henna," Ihtinni tdmqqrant. The Sultan and his vizier hide themselves in some place outside the village, while the rest of the bachelors and the other guests are entertained with a big meal at the house of the bridegroom's father. After they have eaten the question is raised, " Where is the bride- groom ? " The bachelors go to search for him ; when he is found the vizier takes him on his back and runs away with him ; but they are caught, and now they all walk in a procession to the house, two of the bachelors again crossing their swords over the bridegroom's head. On their arrival there the frma> or huntsmen, form a ring and move slowly round their chief, who is in the centre. At a signal from him they all stop and fire off their guns at the same time, after which each of them throws his gun up into the air and catches it again when it falls down. This is done three times, while the women make their usual quivering noise. The bridegroom is then painted with henna with all the ceremonies of the former occasion, though the money now given is taken not by him but by his father. This time he wears his slippers with pulled-up backs. He is hastily carried away on the back of the vizier, while the other bachelors are again busy breaking the bowl ; but they are caught and beaten by the latter, who in no MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. their turn are beaten by the vizier. The whole com- pany then retire to the bridegroom's room, where they spend the night, remaining there till the bride arrives. Among the Ait Nder the ceremonies attending the painting of the bridegroom with henna are on the whole, though not in every detail, similar to the Ihdnni tdmzzianfofthe Ait Warain. On the morning of the day when it is going to take place, invitations are conveyed to neighbouring villages by two men of his family who ride about on horseback, one holding in his hand a stick to which is attached as a flag a kerchief bought for the bride with money from the ssdaq. Among the Ait Nder the young man has not only his hands but also his feet smeared with henna by a married woman belonging to his family. When the painting is finished, he is carried away by the bachelors to the tent where they are going to spend the night together. One of the women puts the henna bowl on her head and dances with it, after which it is passed to other women, who dance with it in their turn ; but the bowl is not allowed to fall. Somewhat different are the corresponding ceremonies among the neighbouring Berbers of the Ait Sadden. On the day following the asgtirt the bridegroom has his hands painted with henna on both sides, by either his sister or some female cousin of his. This, however, is done not in his own home but in the house of a relative or friend, and he is on that and following days taken about to many other houses to have his hands in 77V THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME in smeared with henna over and over again, so that at last they become quite black. He is entertained with a meal in the houses to which he is invited, and on the first day he puts some money in the vessel containing the henna, giving the largest sum the first time he is painted. This is often the only henna-ceremony to which the bridegroom is subject, but it also occurs that he is painted once more on the day when the bride is brought to his home, or one or two days later. The latter henna-ceremony, which is attended with the giving of money (lagramt, the Arabic grama] on the part of the guests, is only performed if they are numerous ; it is a matter of business, and is therefore often abstained from by people who are afraid of a reputation for greediness. If it is decided that there shall be such a ceremony, the bridegroom with some friends, all on horseback, makes a tour to neighbouring villages on the morning of the day when the bride is going to be fetched from her home. They are called by the name imtfrfidan (sing. amtfrad\ " inviters," which explains the object of their tour. The bridegroom has his face covered with his d'ban (hay 8k} and the hood of the white dslham (stlham) in which he is dressed ; a sword is hanging over his left shoulder, and the backs of his slippers are pulled up. He remains quiet while his friends, gallop- ing on their horses, discharge two or three volleys of gunpowder in every village they visit. Later on in the day, when the guests have arrived, the bridegroom sits down outside his father's house. From a bowl contain- ii2 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. ing a silver bangle his sister, by preference a child, slowly smears a little henna on the palm of his right hand. Two iberrdhftn, who are standing on either side of them crossing their swords, cry out, Alldh m'a sidi flUri) " God be with my lord so-and-so," every time a person puts down money on the tray (iswi) which has been placed near the bridegroom. Two other men, called imsntitty are sitting close to the tray, watching the amount of money given and putting it under a silk kerchief ; they afterwards give an account to the bride- groom of the donors and the sums they presented. Some money is also placed in the bowl containing the henna as a gift to the girl. All the time the women are singing and making their quivering noise. Among the At Ubahti the bridegroom is painted with henna only once, namely on the day before the bride is fetched from her home. It is done by a woman of his family, married or unmarried, but not old, who applies the henna both to his hands and the soles and tops of his feet. He has, as usual, the hood of his cloak drawn over his face, and the backs of his slippers are pulled up. Neither he nor any of his bachelor friends have swords, but he is protected against jnun by carrying a pistol, as also by volleys of gun- powder discharged while he is on his way to the place outside his father's tent where he is painted with henna, and as long as the ceremony lasts. There is the usual quivering noise of women and the giving of money in front of him, the contributions being laid in IN THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME 113 on a tray covered with a silk kerchief (tdsZbnihf), on which has been placed a raw egg to give good luck to the bridegroom and a good year to the community. In the bowl containing henna, on the other hand, no charm is put ; nor is there any dancing with it after the painting is finished. The money is afterwards handed over by the best-man, or duzir (" vizier "), to the bridegroom, who gives part of it to the bride after their first intercourse in case he finds her a virgin. When the young man has been painted with henna, the auzir also smears some henna on the palms of his own hands, and the other bachelors make a line with it on their hands and clothes ; the henna is supposed to partake of the bridegroom's baraka. When the cere- mony is over, the bridegroom walks back to the tent from which he came. He and his bachelor friends are all collectively called r/J#, plural ofdsli, " bridegroom" ; and here, as elsewhere, the bridegroom is regarded as a sultan. Among the Ruafa of the Ait Waryagal, a week before the wedding, the bridegroom has his hands and feet painted with henna by a boy of his family such as a son of his brother or uncle who is a first-born child and has not yet had any brothers or sisters, whose parents are alive, and whose name is Muhammed. This painting is then repeated every evening ; it is said that by being smeared with henna the young man is pardoned by God for his sins. He is now called id) " sultan," and his bachelor friends are called i 1 1 4 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. iuzirfy, " ministers." Accompanied by them and the boy, he spends the days in visiting his relatives and acquaintances in his own and other villages. In every house they are entertained with meat and bread, salt butter and bread, and bread and honey, and are obliged to eat a little of everything. In the evenings the iuztrSn amuse themselves with powder-play, while the girls are dancing at some distance from them, and they then retire to the bridegroom's house to sleep. These visits are continued for a whole week before the day when the bride is taken to the bridegroom's house. All this time he affects great bashfulness ; when the iuzirtn amuse themselves in his own village he himself avoids being seen, and whenever he appears in public his head is carefully covered with the hood of his cloak (dj8 M jab, the Arabic jtllab'}? which must be black. He wears his slippers (ihttrkustn) with the backs pulled up from the moment he is painted with henna for the first time till the bride has been brought to his house and he is going to pray before they have their first intercourse ; should they be removed or slip off during this period it is believed that he will get ill or die or lose some of his animals. For the same length of time he must abstain from washing himself; the iu-zirtn may wipe his face a little with a damp cloth, 1 The Wjgllab, or Wjlll&ba, is a man's cloak of any material or colour, " made of a rectangular piece of stuff joined down the front, the upper portion being cut and ingeniously joined to form the hood. Arm-holes slit in the upper corners are supple- mented by sleeves a few inches long, made out of the pieces cut out to form the hood. As the width of the made-up garment exceeds the length, the total length of the sleeves is ample, and the draping is perfect. There is usually a small pocket inside the front seam, and in North Morocco those of native cloth are frequently decorated . . . with tufts of silk, if not with embroidery " (Meakin, The Moors, p. 58 sq.). in IN THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME 115 but no water must be applied to any other part of his body, not even his hands it is said that the painting with henna is his washing. If he prays during this time he makes his ablutions without water, either by touching a stone and then performing the usual motions with his hands or by making use of earth ; and it is only when he is going to pray for the first time in the presence of the bride that he again makes an ablution with water. Nor is -he allowed to change his clothes, except that he puts on a clean shirt for the great ceremony which takes place the evening before the bride is brought to his house. There is then the so-called rhtinni amdqqtiran, " the great henna," attended by a large assembly of people. A pack-saddle is put in the yard (azqaq\ and the women of the village (except the bride and her mother if they live there), as also the women who have come from other villages, sit down round the saddle, leaving an opening in the ring to allow the bridegroom to pass through. Accompanied by the iuzirSn firing off their guns, he comes to the yard and proceeds through the entrance of the ring to a young girl who is standing inside it holding in her hand a big bowl of henna. He dips the little finger of his right hand into the henna and then retires again. This is repeated three times. When he enters the ring of women for the fourth time, he sits down on the saddle, whilst the iuzirfn seat themselves outside the ring. On his right stands the young girl with the bowl, which besides henna contains a raw egg, so as to make his life " white " ; n6 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. she must be a girl whose parents are alive, by prefer- ence a daughter of the bridegroom's brother or of his paternal or maternal uncle. The men and boys enter one by one to present the bridegroom with money, each putting into his mouth a ?/y##-piece of silver, or, if the donor is a grown-up man, several such coins, which he spits out into the bowl when his mouth gets filled. But it may also be that some man on this occasion makes him a present of several dollar-pieces, even as many as fifty or a hundred, which are thrown into his lap and then taken from there by his mother or sister, who puts them into the bowl. Such presents, however, are only given by persons who are engaged in blood-revenge and want to humiliate their enemy by showing their wealth. This may lead to a competition between the parties, in which one tries to surpass the other in liberality. The generous donor does not stand there alone, but has behind him his brothers ready to protect him against a revengeful foe, who may per- chance be infuriated by his insolence. Instances have occurred in which a blood-feud has broken out on such an occasion in the yard, causing the women and the bridegroom himself to retire. When the giving of money is over, the girl who held the bowl is rewarded with a bllyun or two, and also gets the egg, whilst the henna is taken and used by the women of the bridegroom's family. Passing to the Berbers of Southern Morocco we notice that among the Igliwa of the Great Atlas the in IN THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME 117 bridegroom has his hands daubed with henna on the three days preceding the bride's arrival ; and all this time he is confined in his house, going to the top of it only when he hears the banging of guns heralding the coming of the bridal procession. In Aglu, in Sus, the palm of his right hand is painted with henna by a woman of his family on the day when the bride is fetched ; there is no grdma on this occasion. Among the Ait Tameldu the bridegroom smears henna on the inside of the fingers of his right hand on the third evening after the bride has been brought to his house, the so-called ud nS-lhdnna ; but he does so only in case his parents are dead. If they are alive he will be ashamed to make use of henna at his wedding. The application of henna to the bridegroom is found not only in all the tribes with whose marriage cere- monies I am acquainted, 1 but also in some of the towns. 2 At Tangier, on the evening before the day when the bride arrives, there is a feast in the bridegroom's house, with music on various instruments performed by a band of awwddin (literally " lute -players ") ; and on this occasion, which is called l-lila del-tirfis, "the evening of the bridegroom," he dips the little finger of his right 1 See also Doutte, Merr&kech (Paris, 1905), p. 333 sq, (Rahamna) j Salmon, ' Line Tribu marocaine," in Archives marocaines, i. (1904), p. 209 (Fahs) ; Michaux- Bellaire and Salmon, ' Les Tribus arabes de la vallee du Lekkous,' ibid, vi. (1906), p. 227 sqq, (Hlot and Tllq) j Michaux-Bellaire, ' guelques tribus de montagnes de la region du Habt,' ibid. xvii. (1911), p. 131. 2 Michaux-Bellaire and Salmon, ' El-Qcar el-Kebir," in Archives marocaines, vol. ii. no. ii. (1904), p. 69 j Sai'd Boulifa, Textes berberes en dialecte de I' Atlas marocain (Paris, 1908), p. 17 (Demnat). For Tangier, cf. Meakin, The Moors (London, 1902), P- 3 6 7- n8 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. hand into a bowl of henna which is held by one of the wazdra. The following morning he goes to the hot bath accompanied by three or four wazdra ; but I am told that it formerly was the custom for him to have his bath on the morning of the day when he gave his feast. The object of applying henna to the bridegroom l is to purify him and protect him from evil influences ; for henna is considered to contain much baraka, and is therefore used as a means of purification or protection on occasions when people think they are exposed to supernatural dangers, as for example at religious feasts. 2 The bridegroom is supposed to be surrounded by such dangers ; he is regarded as holy, which is emphasised by the title of Sultan so frequently given him, 3 and 1 The application of henna to the bridegroom is also found among certain Berber tribes in Algeria (Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Les Ceremonies du manage c/iez les indigenes de I'Algtrie [Paris, 1901], p. 30 ; Destaing, Etude sur le dialecte berbere des Beni- Snous [Paris, 1907], p. 288), at Aleppo in Syria (Guys, Un Dervich algerien en Syrie [Paris, 1854], p. 201), and among the Muhammedans of the Malay Peninsula (Skeat, Malay Magic [London, 1900], p. 375 sqq.) and India. With reference to the last-mentioned, Mrs. Meer Hassan Ali (Observations on the Mustulmauns of India, \. [London, 1832], p. 377 sqq^) states that long-established custom obliges the bride to send mayndhie (henna) to the bridegroom on the second night of the nuptials to be applied both to his hands and feet. According to Major Tremearne (Hausa Superstitions and Customs [London, 1913], p. 82), the bridegroom is stained with henna among the Hausas also. 2 See Westermarck, 'The Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco," in Folk-Lore, xxii. (1911), p. 132 sqq. 3 This is the case not only in Morocco (see also H8st, Efterretninger am Marfkos og Fts [Ki0benhavn, 1779], p. 98 5 Moulieras, Le Maroc inconnu, ii. 'Exploration des Djebala' [Oran, 1899], p. 495 ; Salmon, in Archives marocaines, i. 209 [Fahs] ; Michaux-Bellaire and Salmon, ibid. vi. 229 [Hlot and Tllq] ; Doutte, op. cit. p. 333 [Rahamna], but in Algeria as well (Gaudefroy-Demombynes, op, cit. p. 41 iq. : Destaing, op. cit. p. 289). In Syria the bridegroom and bride are regarded as king and queen (Wetzstein, ' Die syrische Dreschtafel,' in Zeitschrift ftir Ethnologic, v. [1873], p. 288), and in the Malay Peninsula they are called "sovereigns of a day" (Skeat, op. cit. p. 388). in IN THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME 119 holiness implies not only that there is supernatural energy in the holy individual or object, but also that they are susceptible to all kinds of baleful influences, especially those of a supernatural kind, like evil spirits, magical tricks, and the evil eye. We have seen that the henna is applied sometimes to the palm or fingers or little finger of the bride- groom's right hand, sometimes to both hands, and sometimes to his feet as well. The person who paints him may be either his best-man, or a first-born boy with the holy name Muhammed, or his sister, or some other young woman of his family, or an elderly female relative, by preference his aunt ; but among the Ait Sadden and Ait Yusi he is painted by other persons besides, in the houses which he visits. The act is generally, but not everywhere, performed before the arrival of the bride. It is sometimes done privately, but more often publicly, and may be repeated more than once. In some tribes there are two henna-cere- monies, " the little henna " and " the great henna," and in others the bridegroom is painted every day for some time before the wedding. In one tribe he is not only privately smeared with henna, but his right hand, or the kerchief round it, is afterwards publicly rubbed with flour ; and that the latter ceremony is intended to serve the same purpose as the painting with henna is suggested by the fact that flour on other occasions is used as a means of purification or protection against jnun. 1 In 1 Westermarck, in Folk-Lore, xxii. (1911), p. 142 ; Idem, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected "with Agriculture, etc., in Morocco, p. 50. 120 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. certain tribes henna is not only applied to the bride- groom, but is used by his best-man or other bachelor friends as well, who smear it on their hands or clothes ; and sometimes all of them paint their eyes and lips with antimony and walnut root, which are also supposed to contain baraka. 1 The washing 2 and shaving 3 of the bridegroom and his dressing himself up in new clothes 4 and new slippers may also be regarded as acts which have a purificatory import, 5 though there are, no doubt, other than superstitious reasons for these practices. The beating of the bridegroom 6 may be a ceremonial punishment inflicted on him by his bachelor friends because he is deserting their class, but it is expressly 1 See Westermarck, in Folk-Lore, xxii. 1 34. 8 It is a widespread custom that the bridegroom has a bath before meeting the bride. See Gaudefroy-Demombynes, of. cit. p. 40 sqq. (Tlemcen) ; Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 180, and Idem, Arabian Society in the Middle Ages, p. 236 (Cairo) ; Klunzinger, Upper Egypt (London, 1878), p. 197; D'Arvieux, Travels in Arabia the Desart (London, 1718), p. 232; Van-Lennep, Bible Lands (London, 1875), p. 551 (Palestine). 3 Cf. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, op. cit. p. 41 (Tlemcen) j Klein, ' Mittheilungen liber Leben, Sitten und Gebrauchen der Fellachen in Palastina,' in Zeitschrifi des Deutschen Palastina-Vereins, vi. (1883), p. 95 (peasants of Palestine). 4 Cf. Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 180 ; D'Arvieux, op. cit. p. 232 ; Skeat, op. cit. p. 380 (Malay Peninsula). 5 Cf. Westermarck, in Folk-Lore, xxii. 132 ; Doutte, op. cit. p. 333 *q- 6 In Cairo, immediately before the bridegroom enters his house in order to meet the bride, "his friends leave him, but at parting strike him many times with their hands upon his back ; these blows he endeavours to avoid by running in as fast as possible" (Burckhardt, Arabic Pro-verbs [London, 1830], p. 116). In ancient India the bridegroom was chaffed or beaten (Haas, 'Die Heirathsgebrauche der alten Inder,' in Weber's Indische Studien, v. [1862], pp. 300, 301,411). In some parts of Germany he is beaten by the wedding-guests, especially the unmarried ones, "angeblich, damit er fu'hle, wie SchlSge schmecken und seine Frau damitVerschone " (Sartori, op. cit. i. 88 tq.). Mannhardt, who gives many instances of the custom of beating a bridegroom or bride (Wald- und Feldkulte, \. [Berlin, 1875], p. 299 sqq.}, suggests (p. 302) that .its object is to expel evil spirits which might otherwise prevent fecundity. in IN THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME 121 said to rid him of evil influences, and so is the breaking of the bowl by the bachelors or by the girl who painted him with henna ; l even under ordinary circumstances it is the general belief in Morocco that, if an earthen- ware vessel falls down and breaks, its owner is thereby freed from his bas. The dancing with the bowl and the passing of it from head to head may likewise have a purificatory origin, as is the case with various other ceremonies consisting in some kind of motion, 2 though it may at the same time be supposed to give those who dance with it the benefit of the bridegroom's baraka. The presence of burning candles 3 and a bottle of water 1 At Bajar, when the marriage contract had been made, it was the custom for the guests to throw the bottles of rose-water which they had brought with them against the wall (Fraenkel, 'Aus orientalischen Quellen,' in Mitteilungen der Schlesischen Geselhchaft fur Volkskundc, xix. [1908], p. 28). In his description of Jewish marriage ceremonies Addison (The Present State of the Jews [London, 1676], p. 5 1 ) states that in some places "the young Men who wait upon the Bridegroom, at the hearing of the Husband giving the Missal Tab, or wishing happiness to his Wife, break certain small Earthen Pots which for that purpose they hold in their hands. And thereby signifie their good wishes of prosperity and health to the New-married Couple." Among the Jews of Morocco, according to the same author (p. 48), the Rabbi, after he has said the prayer which is called the nuptial- blessing, " takes a Glass crowned with Wine, which having blessed and tasted of, he gives to the Bridegroom, who with a suddain Violence breaks it, in memory of the Destruction of the Temple." Nowadays, at Jewish weddings in Morocco, a glass of red wine is offered to the Rabbi, who tastes the wine and then " den Rest in einen Kiibel ausgiesst, worin er schliesslich das Glas zerschlagt " (Jansen, 'Mitteilungen tiber die Juden in Marroko,' in Globus, Ixxi. [1897], p. 360). At the German Polterabend it was the custom that " man in oder vor dem Hause der Braut larmend Scherben hinwarf oder T8pfe zerbrach " (Samter, Geburt, Hochxeit und Tod [Leipzig & Berlin, 1911], p. 60; Sartori, op. cit. i. 72). According to Sartori and Samter, the breaking of earthenware vessels on this occasion was intended partly to frighten away malevolent spirits by the noise, but partly also, perhaps, to serve as an offering to these spirits. As to the second of these suggestions, see infra, pp. 257 n. 2, 342 sq. On the European custom of breaking objects, and especially food-utensils, see also v. Schroeder, op. cit. p. 84 sq. 2 Westermarck, in Folk-Lore, xxii. 140, 158 sqq.j Idem, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected "with Agriculture, etc., in Morocco, pp. 22, 95. 3 Among the Muhammedans of the Malay Peninsula a feature of the so-called " Henna Dance " " is a small cake of henna, which is contained in a brazen cup 122 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. is also most probably intended to purify the bride- groom or to keep away evil spirits ; fire and water are very common means of purification in Morocco l as elsewhere, the jnun love darkness and are terrified by light, 2 and at Fez it is the custom for persons who are afraid of these spirits to have at night a vessel filled with water near their bed. In this connection may be men- tioned the tradition of the Shl'ahs that the Prophet, before he gave his daughter in marriage to 'Ah, com- manded her to fetch water and then sprinkled both her and 'Ah with it, invoking God to protect them and their offspring against the devil. 3 We have seen that incantations against the devil also occur at the henna- ceremony in Morocco. Moreover, the constant firing of guns, 4 the loud music, and the quivering noise of women, especially of the one who keeps hold of the bridegroom's hood, obviously serve the purpose of purifying the atmosphere and frightening away evil spirits by the noise 5 and, in the case of the powder- and surrounded by candles. This cup is carried by the dancer, who has to keep turning it over and over without letting the candles be extinguished by the wind arising from the rapid motion " (Skeat, op. cit. p. 377). 1 Westermarck, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, etc., in Morocco, pp. 67, 68, 79 sqq. ; Idem, ' Midsummer Customs in Morocco," in Folk-Lore, xvi. (1905), p. 40 sq. 2 Cf. Westermarck, ' The Nature of the Arab Ginn, illustrated by the Present Beliefs of the People of Morocco,' in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxix. (1900), p. 253. 3 Goldziher, ' Wasser als Damonen abwehrendes Mittel,' in Archi-v fur Religionsivissenschaft, xiii. (1910), p. 31 sq. Cf. Samter, Geburt, Eoch-zeit und Tod, pp. 67-89. 4 For firing of guns at weddings, see Samter, op. cit. p. 41 sqq.\ Idem, ' Hoch- zeitsbrauche," in Neue Jahrbucher fur das klassische Altertum, xix. (1907), p. 140 sq. 6 On the making of noise for the purpose of frightening away evil spirits, see Samter, in Neue Jahrbucher fur das klassische Altertum, xix. 1 39 sqq. ; Idem, Gebutt, Hochzeit und Tod, p. 58 sqq.; Sartori, op. cit. p. 71 sq. in IN THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME 123 play, also by the smell of powder, of which the jnttn are believed to be much afraid. For a similar reason the bridegroom carries a sword, 1 dagger, or pistol ; and the crossing of swords over his head or in front of him is likewise intended to ward offjnun, who are afraid of steel and, especially, of weapons of this metal. The same is the case with his wearing of various charms and the use of salt, which is also a common safeguard against evil spirits. 2 The hood pulled over the bride- groom's face and the hdyek drawn over his mouth are further means of protecting him from baleful influences, especially the evil eye ; and for a similar reason he is confined to his house and eats alone or in company with his family only, although his natural bashfulness, no doubt, has also something to do with all these practices. Being in a delicate condition he must not eat much nor sit on the ground, but must have under- neath him a carpet and a sack or a saddle, and the backs of his slippers are pulled up so as to prevent their falling off and his feet coming into contact with the ground ; sometimes, as we have seen, he is even carried away by his bachelor friends. 3 But at the same time there is also a fear that the slippers might come into 1 Cf. Klunzinger, op. cit. p. 198 (Upper Egypt). 2 See Westermarck, in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxix. 255. On the use of salt at weddings, see Tremearne, Hausa Superstitions and Customs, p. 84 ; Crooke, Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of Northern India, ii. (Westminster, 1896), p. 23 j Sartori, ' Der Schuh im Volksglauben,' in Zeitschrift des Vereins fur F'olks- kunde, iv. (1894), p. 172 (Germany). 3 In Egypt, if the bridegroom be a youth or young man, one of his friends carries him a part of the way up to the harem ; and Lane (Modern Egyptians, p. 182) says that this is done because " it is considered proper that he, as well as the bride, should exhibit some degree of bashfulness." Cf. Jaffur Shurreef, S^anoon-e-islam, or the Customs of the Mussulmans of India (Madras, 1863), p. 84. i2 4 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. the hands of an enemy who would harm him by work- ing magic with them. 1 Magical efficacy is attributed to the colour of the cloak worn by the bridegroom. Whilst in one case it must be black, presumably because the black colour is regarded as a protection against the evil eye, it is generally necessary that it should be white, partly, I believe, for the sake of purity, but professedly also in order to make his life bright. 2 This custom leads us to a new class of practices connected with the henna- ceremony, namely such as are intended not merely to keep off" or expel evil influences but to bring more positive benefits. The white egg 3 which is put into the bowl or on the tray is expressly said to make the bridegroom's life white and happy, and in one instance to give a good year to the whole community. The silver bangle 3 slipped over his hood or placed in the bowl or on the tray will bring him good luck or pros- perity, not only on account of the value of the metal but on account of its whiteness, a quality which is constantly emphasised by the natives when they speak of silver as a charm for good luck. To the same class of practices belongs, at least in part, the giving of grdma, consisting exclusively of silver coins, which frequently forms so conspicuous a part of the bride- 1 See infra, p. 290. 2 It appears from Euripides (Alcestis, 923) that in Attica, in the fourth century B.C., the bridegroom's dress was white. 3 Among some Algerian Berbers, at the henna-feast of the bridegroom, "on apporte deux ou trois plats, ou un halfial (bracelet que les femmes portent a la cheville) a etc pose sur une montagne de viande, d'ceufs et de beignets sefendj ; il faut tout d'abord que le plus adroit des jeunes gens 1'enleve, en dchange d'une part dans les friandises amoncelees " (Gaudefroy-Demombynes, op. cit. p. 30). in IN THE BRIDEGROOM'S HOME 125 groom's henna-ceremony, though there are tribes (e.g. Andjra, Ait Yusi, Aglu, and Ait Tameldu) in which it is not practised on this occasion. That the ceremony of grdma also has a magical meaning is indicated by the words said by the vizier when the money-giving has come to an end " O he who has come to us may wealth come to him ; " and its magical significance is, moreover, suggested by the painting of the first coin with henna, as also by the very formal character of the whole practice. The money given is really a loan which has to be repaid in the future under correspond- ing circumstances, or an indemnity for similar con- tributions in the past ; hence the amounts given by the various donors are most carefully taken note of. Indeed, instances are even reported of prosecutions before the judge on account of unreturned grama. 1 We have still to notice certain ceremonies to which the bridegroom is subject before he goes to meet his bride. In Andjra, after the musicians have given him a morning serenade, he comes out from his room and presents to the wazdra a live bullock, which they take away and kill ; and with the meat together with kusksu the guests are entertained on that day. There is " the 1 See Michaux-Bellaire and Salmon, ' El-Qyar el-Kebir,' in Archives marocaines, ii. 70 n, i. In Palestine "a feast generally takes place on the evening of the wedding, and the invited guests have to bring presents ; a list of these and of their value is made, and when there is a wedding in the family of any of the donors, the bridegroom of this occasion has to give a present of similar value" (C. T. Wilson, Peasant Life in the Holy Land [London, 1906], p. 112). Cf. Guys, op. cit. p. 203 (Aleppo). 126 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. baraka (holiness) of the Sultan " in that animal. The first part of it which is eaten is the liver, a little piece of it being given to every man and boy ; but no woman is allowed to partake of it. The bridegroom spends part of his day in the mosque of the village in company with his wazdra. He feels bashful and, on leaving his refuge, sends some of his men to his mother to fetch a hdySk and four flags attached to bamboo canes. Covered up with the hdySk and accompanied by the wazdra and the musicians playing their instruments, the bridegroom now marches to a spring to be washed clean of his henna a ceremony called l-gsll del-hanna. The wazdra are singing : Qaddemnah ba qdamna, ya mlah 1 salliu 'eq is over the bride retires to her room with her girl-friends to have a short rest, the (abb&laf continuing to play and sing throughout the night and the guests remaining awake. About daybreak the ngtlgef place in the middle of the house a mtinbar^ or platform ascended by three steps, which has been brought from Sidi Fraj the day before. The bride mounts it and sits down, whilst a ngghfa is standing on each step and the others on the ground close to the mtinbar. The htatar, or female guests, now give presents, mostly consisting of clothing, to the bride. The present is handed to the nggftfa on the lowest step, who passes it to the one standing on the third, while the ngghfa between them has her hands occupied by holding two wax candles (mfaal, sing. 1 An iy,ar is a rectangular, seamless piece of material worn by women. On this garment see Dozy, Dictionnaire detaille des norm des -vetements c/iea les Arabes (Am- sterdam, 1845), P- 2 4 S 11- > Doutte, Merrakech (Paris, 1905), p. 250 sq. 2 Supra, pp. 25, 27 sq. I 4 o MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. mtlTdl). When the third ngg&fa receives the gifts she cries out the names of the donors and calls down bless- ings on them, especially asking God to reward their children on similar occasions. Presents are given not only by the women, including the bride's mother, but also by male relatives and by friends of her father, who send their gifts by female proxies. While the presents are being given the women make a quivering noise. This ceremony is called l-mtinbar, and the giving of presents is called l-grdma ft l-m&nbar. The clothes are enveloped in an izar by the ngfigefznd handed over to the bride's mother. After the m&nbar has come to an end the tabbftlaf go away, but the htatar remain. From her elevated place the bride retires to her room and spends the remainder of the day in the company of her girl-friends till about midnight, when she goes to the bridegroom's house. This day is called bit? r-raha, "the room of rest," but it is also called nhar l-ors, because the wedding proper is then celebrated in the bridegroom's house. In the afternoon all the women, including the bride, go upstairs leaving the ground-floor for the men. The male relatives of the bride's parents and other male friends of the father come there as invited guests ; they are entertained with music of aliyen, tea, and nice food, and remain sitting there till the bridegroom's party come to fetch the bride. At Tangier the bride is, in the evening of the fourth day before she leaves her old home, taken to the hot iv IN THE BRIDE'S HOME 141 bath by female friends, both girls and married women. This evening is called l-lila del-hammam, " the evening of the hot bath." In the evening of the next day, which is nhar d-dbehaj- the girl is carried by a black woman (fyd'dtm), called the nggftfa t to the room in the house where she is now going to be painted with henna. The nggafa holds up a little table on which there is a bowl with henna covered with a kerchief. A fqira^ or female musician, mixes the henna with water, and while stirring sings a song, accompanied by her six assistants on their instruments. The henna-mixture is then applied to the girl's hands and feet by a married woman who must have been married to a bachelor and not been married more than once. 2 This evening is called l-lila s-sgera, 1 See supra, p. 78. 2 The Shareefa of Wazan (My Life Story [London, 1911], p. 126 i^.) gives the following description of the painting of a bride with henna at Tangier : "The leaves are dried and ground to a very fine powder, then sifted, and next put into a large basin. Hot water is stirred in until it becomes the consistency of a batter. For the feet, sandals are simulated by first arranging calico straps on the foot and round the base of the big toe. The henna paste is applied with care so as not to mar the symmetry of the straps ; once the foot is well covered with paste, white cloths are wrapped round, and over that thick woollen ones. These coverings are not removed for some hours, when the paste generally comes off with the coverings. The rolled calico is removed, and a red-brown sandalled foot is presented. Some- times the simulated shape received a decoration by a lace-work pattern being painted on the lines in ' Harkos,' a kind of Indian ink, which lasts for a long time. This is applied with a pointed cane pen. The process is long, as I can personally testify 5 nevertheless it is most effective when well done. The hands to be henna-stained are treated in several ways, according to individual fancy. You may rub them well in the paste and dry them over the fire, or they may be carefully anointed, special care being taken to have no cracks. The nails receive an extra dose of paste, and are then wrapped in cloths. Sometimes a professional stainer will be summoned, and patterns will be designed with henna paste, which must be dried over a charcoal fire. This takes a very long time, and one can but admire the effect produced afterwards, especially when the design is interwoven with the delicate tracing of ' El Harkos.' " 142 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. "the little evening." The next day is l-lila l-kbira, " the great evening," when the painting of the bride with henna is repeated at the feast which is then given in her house with a large number of invited guests. Nowadays the henna-ceremony is mostly omitted on the former occasion, l-ttla s-sgera^ though there is still a small feast attended by relatives and intimate friends. The day after l-tila l-kbira is called d ' d jwari, " the neighbours." On this day there is giving of money (grama] for the benefit of the/^r^z, the bride's mother being the first donor, and the other women following her example. There is no general feasting on this occasion, but food is given to the fqira and her assist- ants, and tea and buns (fqdqas) to all young married women present who have not yet been to a wedding since their own. They have come there dressed in their bridal costumes and are called l-arais^ " the brides." Among the country people certain ceremonies like- wise take place in the bride's home before the wedding proper. In Andjra these ceremonies commence with the occasion called l-bdtt u l-tiqld del-Mytk del-arusa, " the bride's beginning and tying of the Mytk" three days before she is fetched by the bridegroom's people. Her girl-friends, the so-called wazara or wdzra, make a canopy of blankets in the yard. Underneath it is placed a mattress on which the bride seats herself, with covered face and dressed in the new MySk which she has this same day received from her betrothed. The wazdra sit down round her, and a married woman who iv IN THE BRIDE'S HOME 143 is her husband's first and only wife, much beloved by him and blessed with children, plaits the fringe of the My2k. A fqira and her assistants are singing and playing on tambourines (the btndlr and d8rb&ga) t and the wazdra join in the singing, while the bride is weeping. When this has been going on for a couple of hours, a meal is served to the wazdra. The hdySk is the same day sent back to the young man, together with a big white turban, a silk cord (meXmar) to tie round it, two shirts, a qdftanj- and a pair of trousers as presents from his fiancee. As we have seen, he subse- quently wears this hdySk on the occasion when he pro- ceeds to his house before he has the first intercourse with the bride. I was told that the ceremony of tying the fringe of the hdySk is intended to make the bride as fortunate as the married woman by whom it is per- formed a mother of children and dear to her husband ; and this well agrees with what I take to be the object of the act of tying itself, namely, to strengthen the marriage tie. 2 After the wedding the husband gives the hdySk as a present to his wife, who keeps it in her box, though she may use it at any time she likes. The suggestion was made that by keeping the hdySk the baraka of the wedding is preserved in the house. In the evening there is a feast in the girl's house, with only women as guests. Sitting on her bed, the 1 A qaff&n is a garment of coloured material which is worn by men and women over the shirt or chemise ; it has wide sleeves and is buttoned all down the front. On this garment see Meakin, An Introduction to the Arabic of Morocco (London, 1891), p. 51 j Idem, The Moors (London, 1902), p. 61 stj. ; Lerchundi, Vocabulano espanol-arabigo del dialecto de Marruecos (Tanger, 1892), p. 158. 2 Cf. infra, p. 260 sq. I 4 4 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. bride weeps and wails, mentioning by name every member of her family whom she is now going to leave. Then the wazdra dance. The bride's mother brings a bowl of henna and four candles in it, as also a water- bottle. One of the wazdra takes the bowl and mixes the henna with water, whilst four others take hold of the candles, which they light. The bride is lifted from her bed and has henna smeared on her hands and feet, the wazdra standing round her. After this is done she is again carried to her bed, and the wazdra resume the dancing. They must remain awake all night long lest the married women should get an opportunity to steal anything from the bride. This occasion is called l-ftla s-sgera del-arfisa, " the bride's little night." After a short sleep in the morning the wazdra have their breakfast and the bride also, but custom requires that she should eat only a little just an egg and a piece of bread. She is then washed with warm water and dressed in fine clothes and weeps, as she did the day before. The wazdra sing and dance till the after- noon when l-gda, or lunch, is served out of food brought from other households. It is the custom that on this day women from all the houses in which there is an unmarried girl bring to the bride a dish of kusksu with meat or milk, hence the day is called la-gdiya del-ar&sa. A portion of the food is sent to the fql and scribes in the mosque, whilst another portion, a particularly nice dish, is taken to the bride- groom, if he lives in the neighbourhood ; otherwise only bread is sent to him. This is regarded as iv IN THE BRIDE'S HOME 145 'ahd, or an act of covenanting, between bride and bridegroom. 1 He has meanwhile ordered tabbdla and gaiydda to go to his betrothed's house to play there at night. While they are playing the bride is weeping in her room, and so are her wazdra, who are sitting with her. After supper the bride and the wazdra go together on a tour from house to house, accompanied by the young men of the village, who at short intervals fire off their guns ; and wherever they go they are received with milk and food as " hospitality " (fadvef} given to the bride. When they come back she is carried by her wazdra through the door of her house and placed on her bed. After this the wazdra leave her alone, and have a dance outside the house, one of them balancing on her head a bowl containing henna, a raw egg, and four burning candles. The bowl is then passed on to the head of another girl, and so forth ; and anybody who should allow it to fall down and break would be obliged to entertain the other wazdra with a feast at the expense, however, of the bride since it is believed that otherwise that girl would never marry. The raw egg is eventually eaten by one of the girls who wants to get a husband soon. When the dance is over the wazdra enter the room where the bride is lying, and she is now a second time painted with henna, with ceremonies similar to those of the evening before, but 1 The Moorish l ahd derives its binding force from the idea that the covenanting parties transfer conditional curses to one another by a material medium, such as, e.g., food (Westermarck, ' L-ar, or the Transference of Conditional Curses in Morocco,' in Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor [Oxford, 1907], p. 373 sq.}. See infra, p. 259. L 146 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. with more feasting. This occasion is called l-lila l-kbira del-tir&sa, " the bride's great night." The next morning the bride is washed and dressed in a new costume, and the musicians give her a morn- ing serenade (keisdbbhu f dln l-Hrusa}. On this day the bullock is sent by the bridegroom, as said before. The married women, both of the bride's own village and of neighbouring villages, assemble in her house. They give grdma to her mother, who afterwards gives the money to her daughter, and to the fqira as well, and are entertained with meat of the bullock. This day, on which the festivities in the bride's house come to an end, is called nhar d ~ d jw-' ' ' is painted with henna in the presence of both men and women, sitting on her bed inside the tent. There is the usual money-giving, swords are crossed over her head, and when the painting is finished there is the same dancing with the bowl as at the bridegroom's feast. Like the latter, the bride in many cases has a bath before the henna-ceremony, though this is not obligatory ; and she has the backs of her slippers pulled up. If she has her home far away from the bridegroom's village, she is only painted with henna at the same time as he on her arrival there. Among the Ait Yusi a feast called tag y rurt is held in the bride's home on the evening when the bride- groom's party have come to fetch her. About mid- night henna is slowly pounded by a sister of the bride- groom or bride, or some other female relative, while songs are sung by all the people present. The woman 150 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. who pounds the henna must be a married woman, but one who has been married only once, as it is believed that if she had been divorced by a former husband the same thing would also happen to the bride. She mixes the pounded henna with water and paints with the mixture the bride's legs below the knee and her feet on both sides. The new slippers (rrehif) sent by the bride- groom are then put on her feet ; but before this is done some salt, a needle, a silver coin, and a date or raisin are placed in the right slipper the salt and needle presumably to protect her against jnun? the silver in order that she shall be " white " like silver, and the date or raisin that she shall become " sweet " or dear to her husband's family. For this purpose she puts the date or raisin, as also the salt, into the food eaten by them for supper a week afterwards, when she for the first time removes her slippers from her feet. Until then she wears them with the backs pulled up, so as to prevent them from falling off ; it is believed that anybody who should get hold of earth trodden upon by the naked foot of a bride might work magic with it, whereas there is no such danger in footprints made by her slippers. 2 When she removes them she also care- fully shakes out the henna-powder and throws it into water, in order that it shall not be used for magical purposes against her. 1 The old Ait Yusi woman who told me of this pretended at first that she did not know the object of the salt and needle, but subsequently, when I again asked her about it, said that they were put there as charms against the evil eye. I have little doubt that she gave these answers because she was afraid of mentioning thejnOn. 2 On the " sympathetic power " of footprints see Sartori, ' Der Schuh im Volks- glauben,' in Zeitschrift da Verelns fur Folkskunde, iv. (1894), p. 41. iv IN THE BRIDE'S HOME 151 After henna has been smeared on the bride's feet the same is done to her hands, arms, hair, and face. An egg enveloped in a kerchief (ahtnbuT) is tied round her forehead ; it is then broken by the woman who painted her, and is left there till the next morning when the bride is washed. This is done in order that her hymen shall be broken by her husband as easily as was the egg. 1 After the woman has painted the bride she sprinkles henna on some bachelors or married young men, even as many as five or six, who are thereby appointed to be the bride's imsneln ; these young men are chosen with regard paid to their wealth, since they are expected to give money to the bride when the wedding is over. Next morning the woman who painted the bride washes her with water containing some henna, while she is seated on a weaving -stool (ifiggtig y en) and a pack-saddle (tabilrda). By riding the latter the bride is believed to gain power over her husband, as a person rules over the donkey or mule he is riding, whilst the washing on the weaving-stool is intended to remove the dtqqfif (the Arabic t s qaf] which was imposed on her in her early childhood. Among the Ait Yusi it is the custom for every little girl to be taken on one occasion three times underneath the two upper cross-bars 1 Cf. Customs and Manners of the Women of Persia, trans, by James Atkinson (London, 1832), p. 71 : " Dadeh Bazm Ara says, the bride should take a hen's egg in her hand, and on getting up throw it against the wall to break it, keeping her face towards the Kibleh, or in the direction of Mecca. Kulsum Naneh thinks that a useless proceeding, and recommends a needle to be presented to her on her marriage." Addison (The Present State of the Jews [London, 1676], p. 52) says that among the Jews of Morocco the bridegroom on the marriage-day " takes a raw Egg, which he casts at the Bride ; intimating thereby his desire that she may have both an easie and joyful Child-birth." 152 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. (tigdwln^ sing, tdguda) of a weaving-stool after the web is ready, in order that no man shall be able to destroy her virginity, and the magical effect of this ceremony must naturally be cancelled before her wedding. After the bride has been washed she is dressed in the clothes sent to her by the bridegroom. The lizar (the Arabic izar) is not put on her in the ordinary way, but thrown over her left shoulder as if she were a man, whilst over her right shoulder is slung a dagger (asariy} hanging down on her left side. This dagger, which belongs to some unmarried young man, and is said to serve as a protec- tion against magic, 1 and also the lizar and the tamSn- ;#r7/ 2 underneath, remain on her till the occasion when she is girdled. Her hair is covered with the ahSnbuf, over which is put the tastbnit falling in front of her face as. a veil. On the top of these kerchiefs is drawn the lizar, which is tied round the crown of her head with the Ih&zdm (belt) and on which is painted with zz'afran (saffron) a broad circle called dyyur, " moon." Over the lizar is put a tahtddunt, or mantle, presented to her by her parents, who also give her a carpet (tarrhalf] and an ahrud (in Arabic mezwud}. She is then ready to be taken away by the bridegroom's party. Among the Ait Sadden, some days before the wedding, the young man sends to his bride a small sum of money, called tatdat. She puts this money under- 1 Cf. supra, p. 150 n. i. 2 A tamSnsurlt (the Arabic mansSriya) is a kind of chemise with sleeves, which opens in front down to the waist. On this garment see Meakin, The Moors, p. 61 ; Doutte, op. at. p. 313. iv IN THE BRIDE'S HOME 153 neath the handmill when she performs the ceremony called iztid 6hrir> " the flour of the ahrir" consisting in her grinding some wheat with the handmill placed so that the flour falls over her uncovered right thigh. The grinding is subsequently continued by other women, and out of the flour is made dhrir, a kind of gruel prepared with salt butter, on the day before the bride leaves her old home. It is made with water brought early in the morning from a spring or well by seven girls who have gone there each with her aiddid, or goatskin bottle, in company with the bride. The latter fills all the bottles with water, after which she undresses herself and gets into the spring, or, if. the bottom is too muddy, sits down on its edge ; and the seven girls pour water over her and wash her body, hoping that by so doing they will get married themselves. On the evening of the 'same day after sunset the bride's hands, feet, and head are smeared with henna, her lips are painted with walnut bark or root (lmswdh\ her eyes with antimony (fdz<\ her cheeks with ochre (l ( dkk v ar\ and on her face is made a design with saffron (zz'afran\ consisting of two lines, resembling whiskers, which are extended over the eyebrows and joined with a third line drawn along the ridge of the nose. The painting with saffron, which is called izriran, is, like the other kinds of painting just mentioned, applied not only to the bride but to other women as well, married and unmarried, who take part in the wedding. Next day the bride is dressed in the clothes brought 154 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. by the bridegroom's party, who have now come to fetch her, though they have been previously bought by her own parents with the ssdaq paid for her. The bride- groom's mother and sisters take in the clothes and dress the bride in them, and when this has been done the mother sings : Affag barra ttarut ihniun, affag barra tthrut ihnlun ; agdu fardl refj. aditttirut, agdu far 4 i reh adlttarut, Go out may you give birth to male twins, go out may you give birth to male twins ; even one [son] I wish you to give birth to, even one [son] I wish you to give birth to. Before the bride leaves the room she has a broad line painted with saffron on the tizar round the top of her head. The reason for this was not stated, but con- sidering that charms for persons who are troubled with instlmgn (jnun) are frequently written with saffron, it seems probable that the custom in question was originally intended to protect the bride against these spirits. So much importance is attached to it that it is practised even in the case of a widow bride, although she is not painted with henna. While the bride is being dressed the men are entertained with ahrir (a kind of porridge), no tttfdm (sifksu) being served on this occasion. Dressed in her bridal attire she goes out of the room and sits down on a mat to be painted with henna. Her mother or sister slips a silver leg-ring (tis8gn?st) round the top of her Iizar, and from a bowl in which has been put a silver bangle her sister slowly smears some henna on the palm of her right hand, while the other women are singing antiphonally : iv IN THE BRIDE'S HOME 155 Go out may you give birth to male twins, go out may you give birth to male twins, and, Even one [son] I wish you to give birth to, even one [son] I wish you to give birth to. They are also making their usual quivering noise. The men give lagramt (the Arabic grama), and the women are meanwhile partaking of a meal of ahrir. When the money sent by the bridegroom with the imsnein is presented as the first gift, the two iberrahtin, who are crossing their swords over the bride's head, cry out, Allah m'a mulai ssltan, " God be with my lord the Sultan." Two men of the bride's family are watching the amount contributed by each donor, all the money given on this occasion becoming her property. Among the At Ubahti the bride is painted with henna on the evening before the wedding. This act, which is performed by a woman of her family, must not be witnessed by men, nor is any giving of money connected with it ; but a substantial supper is served to the assembled people. Before the henna-ceremony the bride, like the bridegroom, has a bath. Among the Ait Waryagal it is the custom not only for the bridegroom but also for the bride to make a tour every day for a whole week before the wedding. Accompanied by the unmarried girls of the village, the so-called $uztrin t she pays visits to her relatives in her own and neighbouring villages, but the nights they all pass together in her house. Every evening the bride 156 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. has her hands and feet painted with henna by a girl of her family, a niece or cousin, who is a first-born child and has not yet had any brothers or sisters, whose parents are alive, and whose name is Fatima ; and at the same time the diuzirin likewise daub their hands and feet with henna. Like the bridegroom's party the bride and her friends are entertained with food in every house they visit, and are obliged to eat a little of everything offered them. Should the two parties happen to meet in the same house, they do not mix together but sit in different rooms. The bride, also, must all this time affect great bashfulness ; she has her head covered with a haytk, and the backs of her slippers are pulled up. The last evening there is a feast in her father's house with relatives and villagers as guests an occasion which, like the feast simultaneously given in the bridegroom's house, is called rhdnni amdqqtiran. On this day the bride washes herself thoroughly with hot water. Among the Shl5h of Aglu the bride stays in her room for two days before she is taken to her new home, doing nothing but eating and talking with her girl-friends. Previous to her departure she is painted with henna by her luzira, a black woman who, like the ngg&fa at Tangier, throughout the wedding acts as her attendant. The palms of her hands are smeared all over with it, designs are painted on their backs, and a line is drawn round the sides of her feet and over the toes. She is also dressed in her bridal costume, which iv IN THE BRIDE'S HOME 157 includes the lizar brought by the bridegroom's people ; and while she is being dressed, custom requires that she should weep. Among the Ait Tamgldu it is the custom that, after the henna has been brought by the inddlabtn to the girl's father, she stains her hands and feet with it over and over again, and her example is followed by her girl-friends. Subsequently, on the evening of the third day after she has moved to the bridegroom's house, she again paints herself with it, and so do all the other women present. This evening is called ud ng-lhdnna. Among the Igliwa the bride is confined in her house for three days before she leaves her home. During this time she has her hands and feet painted with henna on both sides every morning and evening, and a little of it is smeared on her arms. At Amzmuz I was told that the bride's brother puts her slippers on her feet after he has placed a silver coin in the right one, and then taps her three times with his own slipper ; but her girl-friends beat him in return so that he runs away. Here also the bride is crying aloud while she is being dressed. Among the Arabs of the Uld Bu-'Aziz the cere- monies of the evening before the bride's departure differ from those hitherto mentioned in so far that the bridegroom then has intercourse with her. A feast called l-b&tta is given by her parents with the people of the village as guests. Before the slaughter of the ram which is to provide meat for the supper, the bride 158 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. mounts it and boxes its ears in order that she shalJ rule over her husband, the latter being represented by the ram. After dismounting, she plucks out from it some eyelashes, so that her husband shall not get angry with her, and she hangs on it a necklace of glass beads (mdtjja) with a view to making her husband weak and harmless like a woman. Before the ram is killed the necklace is removed by the slaughterer the bride's brother or some other man, who hangs it round his own neck, returning it to the girl after he has cut the animal's throat. Its stomach is taken out and placed in a wooden dish (gds'a~), and the bride puts her right foot on it, again for the purpose of making herself the ruler of the home. Lastly she takes the animal's heart and eats the whole of it the same evening, in order that the husband shall have a loving heart. The slaughter of the ram takes place in the afternoon. Later on the same day the bride has the palms of her hands and the tops of her feet painted with henna by her maiden friends ; she puts on a clean chemise (qmfyja) and goes, accompanied by her friends, into a tent or straw-hut (nwala] prepared for this occasion. There she finds the bridegroom sitting alone ; he had previously entered with one or more bachelor friends, but the latter went away after the supper of stksu and meat was offered them. The bridegroom gives some dates, walnuts, and almonds to the bride to make her friendly, and also to the other girls, after which the couple are left alone. They now have sexual inter- course. Before the connection the bridegroom gently iv TN THE BRIDE'S HOME 159 smacks the bride, " in order that she shall always be afraid of him " ; and after it the more beautiful of the two performs the usual ablution before the other, since it is believed that the children will resemble the parent who on this occasion washes first. If there is blood on the chemise of the bride, the bridegroom makes her a present of some dollars, called hull an l-h&zam, " the loosening of the belt," whereas in the opposite case he flogs and abuses her by calling her a Mjjtila, " widow " or " divorced wife." The absence of blood may indeed lead to an annulment of the marriage contract, a restora- tion of the presents given by the bridegroom, and an additional flogging of the bride by her parents ; but it may also happen that the bridegroom after the thrashing forgives her for her lost virtue and marries her all the same. If the bride is found to be a virgin, the bride- groom pulls up the backs of his slippers and wears them in that fashion for seven days, whilst the bride wears her slippers with pulled-up backs only till she has arrived at her new home. The blood-stained garment is taken round the village by the women, and is also exhibited in the bridegroom's village if near. All the people come and look at it and rub their eyes with the red stains ; for this blood, which is called s-sbah, " the morning," is supposed to contain baraka and be wholesome for the eyes. The people bless the bride, saying : Flana llah ytirdi afleha, jdbSt s-sbah mSzian, u May God be gracious to so-and-so, she has brought a nice morning." But whether the bride was found a virgin or not, the bridegroom does not remain 160 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. long with her in the tent or straw-hut, but goes home for the night. The custom of painting the bride with henna is extremely prevalent in the Muhammedan world, even more so than the application of henna to the bride- groom ; 1 and there can be no doubt that it is universal in Morocco. Its real object is to purify her and pro- tect her from evil influences ; for the bride, who like the bridegroom is regarded as holy, is likewise held to be very susceptible to harmful supernatural influences, either magical forces or evil spirits. There is a j$nn called hdttaf Iti-rdis, whose speciality is to steal brides. 2 As we have seen, the henna is applied not only to the bride's hands and feet, but sometimes also to her legs below the knees, her arms, face, and hair. The painting is performed either by her maiden friends or 1 Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Les Ceremonies du mariage chea les indigenes defAlgerie (Paris, 1901), pp. 17, 26; Robert, Voyage a tra-vers I'Algerie (Paris, s.a.), p. 226 ; de Calassanti-Motylinski, Le Djebel Nefousa (Paris, 1899), p. 112; Biarnay, tude sur le diahcte berbere de Ouargla (Paris, 1908), p. 458. Mrs. Todd, Tripoli the Mysterious (London, 1912), p. 97. Lane, Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians (London, 1896), p. 178 sq. ; Idem, Arabian Society in the Middle Ages (London, 1883), p. 234 (Cairo) j Klunzinger, Upper Egypt (London, 1878), p. 198. Snouck Hurgronje, Mekka, ii. (Haag, 1889), p. 165. D'Arvieux, Travels in Arabia the Desart (London, 1718), p. 231. Wortabet, Syria and the Syrians, i. (London, 1856), p. 286. Klein, ' Mittheilungen fiber Leben, Sitten und GebrSuche der Fellachen in Pala'stina,' in Zeitschrift des Deutschen Pal'dstina-Vereins, vi. (1883), p. 95 ; Van-Lennep, Bible Lands (London, 1875), p. 547 (Palestine). LCbel, Hoch%eitsbr'duche in der Turkei (Amsterdam, 1897), p. 46 (Baghdad). Meer Hassan Ali, Observations on the Mussultnauns of India, i. (London, 1832), p. 384. Skeat, Malay Magic (London, 1900), p. 375 sqq. Tremearne, Hausa Superstitions and Customs (London, 1913), pp. 85, 87 sq. Among the Hausas "the henna is doubtless a Mohammedan introduction ; formerly it would seem that oil or grease was used instead." 2 For a similar belief in Algeria, see Gaudefroy-Demombynes, op. cit. p. 49 j Idem, in Revue des traditions populaires, xxii. (1907), p. 54. iv IN THE BRIDE'S HOME 161 by one or the other of the following persons : her mother, aunt, or sister, a first-born girl of her family bearing the name of the Prophet's daughter Fatima, the bridegroom's married sister, a married woman who must have been married to a bachelor and not been married more than once, or a female professional. The bride is painted privately or publicly, sometimes on two festive occasions, but in most tribes in the presence of women and children only. Henna is, moreover, used by her girl-friends 1 and even the married women present, and they may also, like the bride herself, 2 be painted with other purifying or protective stuffs, such as antimony, walnut bark, and saffron. The bride is further purified by bathing or water- pouring, 3 to which much importance is attached by 1 Cf. Biarnay, op. cit. p. 458 (Ouargla) ; Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 179. 2 Cf. Lane, Arabian Society, p. 234 (Cairo) ; D'Arvieux, op. cit. p. 231 ; Wortabet, op. cit. i. 286 (Syria) 5 Klein, loc. cit. p. 95 (Palestine); Meer Hassan Ali, op. cit. i. 384 (Muhammedans of India) ; Skeat, op. cit. p. 375 sqq. (Muhammedans of the Malay Peninsula). Arabic writers say that the bride should brighten her face, put on the best of her apparel, adorn her eyes with antimony, and stain her hands and feet with henna (Lane, Arabian Society, p. 234 sq.}. 3 Cf. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, op. cit. p. 44, Villot, Moeurs, coutumes et institutions des indigenes de I'Algerie (Alger, 1888), p. 107, and Robert, op. cit. p. 226 (Algeria) ; Menouillard, ' Un Mariage dans le Sud Tunisien (Matmata),' in Revue Tunisienne, ix. (1902), p. 372 j Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 177 sq., Idem, Arabian Society, p. 233 sq., and Klunzinger, op. cit. p. 197 (Egypt) ; D'Arvieux, op. cit. p. 231 ; Guys, Un Derrick alge'rien en Syrie (Paris, 1854), p. 200, and Wortabet, op. cit. i. 286 (Syria) ; Klein, loc. cit. p. 95, and Van-Lennep, op. cit. p. 547 (Palestine) ; Label, op. cit. p. 24 sq. (Muhammedans of Turkey) ; Jaffur Shurreef, S^anoon-e-islam (Madras, 1863), p. 89, and Meer Hassan Ali, op. cit. i. 384 (Muhammedans of India). According to Arabic writers, " it is a sunneh ordinance that the bride wash her feet in a clean vessel, and sprinkle the water in the corners of the chamber, that a blessing may result from this " (Lane, Arabian Society, p. 234). Among the Bedouins of Sinai the girl is on her betrothal sprinkled with the blood of a sheep sacrificed for the occasion, and remains for three days in the tent erected for her in front of her father's habitation ; at the end of this period " she is conducted by a procession ol women to ' a spring of living water ' (that is, a perennial spring), and after performing her ablutions is led home to the house of her husband " (Palmer, The M 1 62 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. townsfolk. Her grinding of wheat over her bare thigh may be a ceremony of purification, or, perhaps, a fertility charm. 1 The taps which her brother gives her with his slipper may have the same object as the beating of the bridegroom, that is, to drive away evil influences, and it is not impossible that a similar idea really under- lies the bridegroom's gentle smack, though it is now said to have the purpose of making the bride afraid of him. To the same class of ceremonies, as we have seen, belong the dancing with the henna bowl 2 and the breaking of it, which occur at the feasts of both parties, although at the bride's feast the bowl is not generally allowed to drop and break. At the henna-ceremony of the latter we also meet with burning candles, a bottle of water, salt, steel in the shape of a needle, the crossing of swords, 3 loud music and singing, the quiver- ing noise of women, and occasionally powder-play ; and in one case a silver coin is said to be tied round her Desert of the Exodus [Cambridge, 1871], p. 90). In his description of the marriage customs of the Jews, particularly those of Morocco, Addison (The Present State of the Jews [London, 1676], p. 46) says that the bride bathes daily for eight days before the wedding. Among the ancient and modern Hindus, as also among other Indo- European peoples, it has been, or still is, considered an essential preparation for a wedding that the bride should have a bath (Colebrooke, Miscellaneous Essays, i. [London, 1837], p. 208; Haas, 'Die Heirathsgebrauche der alten Inder,' in Weber's Indlscke Studien, v. [Berlin, 1862], pp. 198, 278, 294 sqq., 304, 381, 382, 41 1 j Winternitz, ' Das altindische Hochzeitsrituell,' in Denkschriften der Kaiserl. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philos.-hlstor. Classe, xl. [Wien, 1892], p. 43 sqq.). 1 Cf. infra, p. 195 sq. n. 2 In Syria, after being painted with henna, the bride, supported by two of her relatives, makes as if to dance ; after which " the ladies take their turn at dancing " (Wortabet, of. cit. i. 286). 8 In other Muhammedan countries there are in the bridal procession two men with drawn swords escorting the bride. See Mornand, La Vie arabe (Paris, 1856), p. 58 (Constantine, in Algeria); Van-Lennep, Bible Lands (London, 1875), p. 551 (Palestine) ; Lynch, Narrative of the United States' Expedition to the Ri-ver Jordan and the Dead Sea (London, 1850), p. 448 (Jaffa). iv IN THE BRIDE'S HOME 163 wrist as a protection against jnun. The custom of her imitating the appearance of a man by wearing her /tzar thrown over her left shoulder and a dagger slung over her right, or by having designs resembling whiskers painted on her face, has already been discussed in a previous chapter. 1 She has her face and eyes covered, 2 both as a shelter for herself and because her own gaze is considered dangerous. 3 She is confined in her house for two or three days before the wedding. She has the backs of her slippers pulled up ; and sometimes she is carried to and from the place where she is painted with henna. The carrying of the bride, however, may not only be meant as a prophylactic, but may be a ceremonial expression of her bashfulness or pretended reluctance to marrying, as is the case with the crying which is expected from her during the preparations for her departure. 4 1 Supra, p. 27. 2 The veiling of the bride is not only universal in the Muhammedan world but has also been common in Europe (v. Schroeder, Die Hochxeitsbrauche der Esten und tiniger andrer finnisch-ugrischer Volkerschaften, in Vtrgleichung mil denen der indogermanhchen V'dker [Berlin, 1888], p. 72 sqq. ; Samter, Familienfeste der Grlechen und Romer [Berlin, 1901], p. 47 sqq.}. The importance which the ancient Romans attached to this custom appears from the ordinary use of the word nubere or obnubere to denote a woman's marrying. The veiling of the bride is referred to in Genesis, xxiv. 65. 3 Among the Touareg of the Ahaggar the bride is not allowed to look at the fantasia of the horsemen, because, " si, par malheur, elle regardait un des cavaliers, celui-ci tomberait et un accident se produirait " (Benhazera, Six mois chex Us Touareg du Ahaggar [Alger, 1908], p. 15). 4 Cf. Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins and Wahabys (London, 1830), p. 151. For the customary weeping and crying of the bride among Indo-European peoples, see Haas, loc. cit. p. 327 sq. j Winternitz, loc. cit. p. 42 sq. 5 v. Schroeder, op. cit. p. 86 sqq. 5 Rossbach, Untersuchungen uber die rSmische E/ie (Stuttgart, 1853), p. 329. There is no ground for Winternitz' suggestion that this custom is a survival of an earlier marriage by capture (cf. Westermarck, The History of Human Marriage [London, 1894], p. 388). Among some South Arabian Bedouins the bridegroom and his bachelor friends have to search for the bride when they come to fetch her ; 164 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP, iv At the same time there are also connected with the bride's henna-ceremony things and actions which are intended to have a favourable influence on her future. There is the giving of grdma, but not so frequently nor on so large a scale as at the bridegroom's feast. 1 Besides the coins there are other objects of silver, and eggs and milk, to make her life bright and happy, and the eating of dates to make her prosperous. There are various magical practices intended to make the husband obedient to his wife or to make her dear to him or his family. And there are, finally, certain ceremonies performed with a view either to facilitating the first intercourse between the young couple or to promoting fecundity. and when they find the cavern into which she has fled, they are received by her girl-companions with a shower of stones (v. Wrede, Rene in Hadhramaut [Braun- schweig, 1870], p. 262 sq.). Among the Bedouins of Sinai, should the girl get an inkling of her betrothal, " it is considered etiquette for her to make a show of escaping to the mountains " ; nay, in one tribe she actually " runs off to hide in the mountains for three days, instead of remaining in a tent near her father" (Palmer, op. at. p. 90 sq. ; cf. Burckhardt, op. cit. p. 153). " Chez les Beni Saher, la femme s'enfuit . . . le premier soir du mariage " (Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab [Paris, 1908], p. 55). Among the Nestorians of Syria the bride remains in a corner of the apartment, or the church, during the greater part of the nuptial ceremony ; " when they have reached a part where hands are to be joined, several women catch hold of the bride, veiled as she is, and pull her by main strength half across the room towards her intended husband, who is at first equally resolute in his modest reluctance, but finally yields and advances towards the bride. A smart struggle ensues in his effort to secure her hand ; but he at length succeeds " (Van-Lennep, op. cit. p. 552 sq.). CJ. v. Schroeder, op. cit. ch. xxiii. : ' Das Entlaufen oder Entfliehen der Braut,' p. 141 sqq. 1 In. Egypt, " a large quantity of henna having been prepared, mixed into a paste, the bride takes a lump of it in her hand, and receives contributions (called ' nukoot ') from her guests. Each of them sticks a coin (usually of gold) in the henna which she holds upon her hand ; and when the lump is closely stuck with these coins, she scrapes it off her hand upon the edge of a basin of water" (Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 178). At Mecca the sticking of coins to the forehead of the bride is called nassah (Snouck Hurgronje, op. cit. ii. 181). CHAPTER V THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE ON the day when the wedding proper begins the bride is taken to her new home. The fetching of her is connected with various ceremonies, which will be now described. At Fez, when the bridegroom has been shaved, the men of his family, with the exception of his father, together with some female relatives and a crowd of boys, go to fetch the bride. If there is living in her house any unmarried woman or girl, the women say to the bride when she leaves, Jurr rJjtek, " Drag your foot," so that the unmarried one shall get a husband. The bride is accompanied not only by the bridegroom's party, but also by some men of her family, including her brothers (but not her father), a large number of boys, the ng&gef, and some perhaps six or eight women relatives, who are dressed like herself, so that no one can distinguish between them ; this is to protect her from magic and the evil eye. The men and boys of the bridegroom's party head the procession, behind them walk the women, including the bride, and last 165 1 66 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. come her male relatives, both men and boys. The ng&gef and boys carry candles in their hands. When they walk along the streets the boys of the bridegroom's party sing : "Abbaha l abbaha u llah ma fallBha, He (that is, the bridegroom) took her, he took her, and God did not leave her behind. The boys of the bride's party again sing : "Abbafu'abbafu, luwwafuja kshfu, She took him she took him, she wrapped him up in his ksa. 1 When the procession comes to running water, one of the women places herself between the bride and the water and throws salt into it before she passes, as a protection against jnttn ; and the crossing of any open bridge from which water can be seen is carefully avoided. If the bridegroom is a shereef or belongs to one of the old Arab families of Fez, the bride is brought to his house in a box with a pointed roof (like that of many a saint's tomb), nicely draped, and decorated with pearl bands. This box, which is called gubba, is pro- 1 Mr. Meakin (The Moon [London, 1902], p. 51) gives the following descrip- tion of the ks3 : " Its cream-white, gauze-like texture surmounts the turban and shields the sides of the head from sun and wind, this ample head-piece being perhaps the most effective part of it all : other folds form abundant skirts and liberal sleeves, while the whole is held in place by a silk-striped, long-fringed end which crosses the breast and hangs gracefully down the back. It is surely the survival or descendant of the famous Roman toga. When taken off, this costume, complete in itself, is found to be but a plain piece of hand-woven woollen material, about six and a half yards by one and three-quarters, with a fringe at each end, and a few silk stripes, also white, at one end." The ksa is often called haySk (see supra, p. 96 n.). On the ksa, see also Dozy, Dictionnaire detaille des noms des vfaements chez. les Arabes (Amsterdam, 1845), p. 383 sqq. ; Bel, ' La djazya,' in Journal Asiatique, ser. ix. vol. xx. (1902), p. 2IO sq. ; Doutte, Merrakech (Paris, 1905), p. 249 sqq. v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 167 cured by so-called shhafa^ that is, men whose principal occupation is to carry the dead to the grave, and they also carry the box with the bride to her new home. The bridal box is mentioned by Leo Africanus in his description of Fez, dating from the early part of the sixteenth century. He writes as follows : " The bridegroom being ready to carry home his bride, causes her to be placed in a wooden cage or cabinet eight-square covered with silk, in which she is carried by porters, her parents and kinsfolk following, with a great noise of trumpets, pipes, and drums, and with a number of torches ; the bridegroom's kinsmen go before with torches, and the bride's kinsfolk follow after : and so they go unto the great market place, and having passed by the temple, the bridegroom takes his leave of his father-in-law and the rest, hying him home with all speed, and in his chamber expecting the presence of his spouse." 1 At Tangier the bride is transported to the bride- groom's house in a box called 'ammariya? on the back 1 Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa, trans, by Pory, ii. (London, 1896), p. 450. 2 The Shareefa of Wazan (My Life Story [London, 1911], p. 131 sq.) gives the following description of an 'ammgrtya : " It is of plain wood, more like a huge meat-safe, with a conical roof. There is a doorway, naturally, but no door, although the woodwork in front of the entrance is raised some few inches. As a general rule the bridegroom's family undertake to decorate the litter, and before assembled guests, musicians, and cries of " zahrits " the work commences. Take a large sheet, double it, and drape it round, leaving the entrance a little loose. This is securely pinned over the knobs at each corner, and flounced up to the summit of the cone, where it is fixed with a stout string. This covers the woodwork entirely, and serves as a foundation to secure the rest of the decorations. Next, take a length of gauze or muslin, which must be at least eight yards long by one and a half yards wide, and drape it over the sheet, fixing the gauze with pins, or sometimes with needle and cotton. Next, a belt is arranged on the sloping part of the cone-shaped roof, and the cords used by the women for holding up their voluminous sleeves are disposed. The cone itself is dressed with handkerchiefs like a woman's head-dress, and many have asked me if it was the bride's head emerging from the top of the litter ! On very rare occasions pearl necklaces have been added, but few people are inclined to use such a display for fear of accidents of an unpleasant kind." 1 68 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. of a mule. She is lifted into it by a brother or uncle and is taken a roundabout way to her new home, where the ngg&fa lifts her down and puts her on the bed. In the seventeenth century, according to Addison, the " almaria," with the bride in it, was carried through the streets by Christian captives, " and for want of these by Negro's, or by a meaner sort of Whites." l In the north of Morocco the 'ammgriya is found in the country as well as in towns. 2 In the Garblya it is placed not on a mule but on a stallion, so that the woman shall give birth to male offspring ; but formerly a camel was used for the purpose. In Andjra the 'ammartya is made of oleander branches, which are draped with new cloths of different colours, the oleander being supposed to afford particularly good protection against the evil eye. The box is put on the pack-saddle of a mule, and a boy is shut up inside it, as it is said, to keep it steady ; or an unmarried youth may take his place so as to get married soon. It is then transported to the bride's house in a long proces- sion of men, women, and children. A brother of the bridegroom leads the mule ; but the bridegroom himself 1 Addison, West Barbary (Oxford, 1671), p. 184. 2 See also Salmon, 'Une Tribu marocaine,' in Archi-ves marocaines, i. (1904), p. 209 sq. (Fahs) ; Michaux-Bellaire, ' Quelques tribus de montagnes de la region du Habt,' ibid. xvii. '(191 1), p. 131^.; Michaux-Bellaire and Salmon, 'El-Q9ar el-Kebir,' ibid. vol. ii. no. ii. (1904), p. 701^. In the fjlot and Tllq, according to Messrs. Michaux-Bellaire and Salmon ('Les Tribus arabes de la valle du Lekkous,' ibid. vi. (1906), p. 229), the 'ammSriya is used only by very rich and powerful families, who get one from Alcazar. For the word 'ammgriya, cf. Dozy, Supplement aux dictionnaires arabes, ii. (Leyde, 1881), p. 171^.5 Marcais, Textes arabes de Tanger (Paris, 1911), p. 391. According to Lerchundi (Vocabulario espanol-arabigo del dialecto de Marruecos [Tanger, 1892], p. 74) the bridal box is also called boja. v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 169 and his mother stay at home, whilst his father may go if he likes. The procession is headed by the fma, or huntsmen, who fire off their guns while walking along ; after them comes the bridegroom's brother leading the mule ; then two married sisters or other married female relatives of the bridegroom the so-called haddayin ; then eight prominent men of the village, among whom is the fqJ, or schoolmaster, riding on mules with the articles belonging to the sdaq ; then a large crowd of people ; and last of all the musicians (tabbdla and gaiydda]. When they arrive with music and powder- play in the yard of the bride's house, her father welcomes them ; they are all served with a meal of kusksu, and the principal men, who are invited inside the house, are also entertained with tea. They have a friendly con- versation with the bride's father, promising him that his daughter will be well treated in her new home. Mean- while the bride herself is sitting in her room together with her wazdra, very lightly dressed and with her hair loose, and is weeping all the time since the arrival of the procession. A strong woman of her kin lifts her from the bed and carries her on her back into the 'ammariya, which has been placed close to the door and covered with blankets in such a manner as to make it impossible for any outsider to see the bride ; it is believed that anybody who should see her would get blind. Her brother receives the hlawa due to him, as has been said before ; but even now the procession is not allowed to leave in peace : the married women who remain behind tell the little boys to throw stones at the i yo MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. 'ammanya^ and then follows a shower of stones thrown by men and boys of the village. Of this custom a twofold explanation was given : it was said to make the husband love his wife and prevent his sending her back to her old home, but I was also told that it would cause her to take her evil with her instead of leaving it behind. The procession is again headed by the huntsmen, who all the way fire off their guns ; then comes the mule with the ^ammanya and the bride, led by the brother who received the money, and guarded on each side by two other brothers or male relatives ; then the bride's haddayin, who are two married women of her family, followed by her female relatives or friends with the exception of her mother and unmarried sisters, who remain at home ; then two mules out of those which were brought from the bride- groom's place, this time loaded with bread and figs presented by the bride's family to be used as provisions on the way ; then the general crowd ; and last the musicians playing their drums and oboes. The six other mules, ridden by prominent men of the bride- groom's village, were sent in advance to his house laden with the bride's luggage and accompanied by the bride- groom's haddbyin^ whose business is to see that nothing is stolen from them. If the procession passes a village on its way, a woman comes out and offers the bride some milk, which is supposed to make her a good wife. It is given to one of the hqddayin^ who hands it to the bride inside the box ; she drinks a few drops of it and blows on the v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 171 rest so as to impart to it a little of her holiness. The haddhyin and other persons round her then moisten their lips with it, and what is left is taken back to the house, where it is drunk or poured into the churn in order to make the butter plentiful. Among the Tsui, on the day of the second henna- ceremony of the bridegroom, people from his village, including his brother but not his mother, go to fetch the bride, taking with them a mare ridden by the brother. This is done even if the bride is living in the same village ; in such a case she leaves her home about sunset, otherwise earlier in the day, according to the distance between the bridegroom's village and her own. She is mounted on the mare by a brother or cousin, and is accompanied by a sister or a daughter of her father's brother, or by a paternal aunt, but not by her mother. She has with her two sacks, one of which is filled with t s rld^ that is, very thin large round cakes made of wheaten flour, water, and butter, whilst the other contains raisins ; both the frid and the raisins are the next morning distributed among the men in the bridegroom's village as z-zerda dyfil t-tirfisa, " the feast of the bride." When she leaves her parents' house her relatives throw stones after her and her party, which is said to relieve her of her has and make her happy in her marriage. But before this is done it may happen that her father or brother, if displeased with her, flings at her a sooty piece of an old broken earthenware pan, in order that her husband shall soon die and she return 172 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. to her old home. She has on her head a conical hat made of cane, bound round with silk cords, from which are hanging two or three silk kerchiefs to conceal her face. She must not look at anybody ; if she did there would be fighting and manslaughter at the wedding that very day. Nor must she turn her head lest her husband should die. If the procession passes a village on its way, women come out and sprinkle milk on the bride so as to make her future white. In the Hiaina the bride is fetched by a crowd of women and men, including the bridegroom's mother and brothers, but not his father, unless, indeed, some- thing still remains to be settled with the bride's parents. They take with them a saddled mare which is ridden by a little boy, since an empty saddle would be a bad omen. When the women enter the bride's house they sing : "Jeinak a mmu l-arus, gul llnna marhaba, We have come to you O mother of the bride, say to us welcome. They are sometimes entertained with a meal and sometimes not. A brother of the bridegroom lifts the weeping bride from the door of the house into the saddle. She has her face covered, so that nobody can see it and she can see nobody, and her hair is loose. A little boy rides behind her, not only to keep her in the saddle but in order that she shall give birth to male offspring. The mare is led by the bridegroom's mother, whilst the bride's mother goes behind holding the tail so as to make it impossible for any wicked v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 173 woman to bewitch the bride by pushing her finger into the vulva or anus of the mare. When the bride and her party leave the village, the children and young folk of the place throw stones after them, and are then them- selves pelted with stones by the boys in the procession. There is powder-play all the way, and milk may be offered the bride when passing a village. The procession arrives at the bridegroom's place at night, shortly after he has had his hands rubbed with flour, as described before. The men and women guests, who assemble there about midday, have been entertained with tea, ttfdm (s$ksu) and meat, and bread and meat ; and there has been powder-play on horseback as well as music on tambourines (the bfadfr and fareja*} performed by women and men. This is the wedding proper, l-'ors. Among the Arabs of the Ulad Bu-'Aziz the ( Vrs (or *&rs} takes place in the bridegroom's tent on the evening following l-batta. The men of his village are practising powder-play, and both they and the other villagers are entertained with stksu and the meat of a sheep or bullock which has been slaughtered the same afternoon. After this meal a crowd of men, women, and children go in a big procession, some riding but most of them on foot, to fetch the bride from her home, taking with them a camel, on which one or two children ride. The men are firing off their guns, and the women are making their usual quivering noise. When they arrive at the bride's tent they are welcomed by her family and entertained in the open air with s$ksu and 174 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. meat of the sheep which was slaughtered the day before. The women then enter the tent where the bride is waiting. Her hair is combed and perfumed ; she and her mother weep, and the other women are making a quivering noise. Dressed in a cloak (s&htim) belonging to some man of her family, with her head and face well covered by the hood, she is lifted out of the tent by her brother or, if she has no grown-up brother, by her cousin. She is then put down in a standing position outside the entrance, where a brother or friend of the bridegroom gives her a silver coin, which she hands over to her mother ; the object of this is to make her " white " like the silver, that is, a good wife. Her brother or cousin lifts her on to the camel, which besides is loaded with her clothes, some chickens, salt butter, and flour. Custom requires that she should weep on this occasion, otherwise it is said that she does not care for her parents. When she is riding, a boy of her family is sitting in front of her and another behind. The camel is surrounded by her relatives only, while the bride- groom's party walk at some distance from it. The procession advances amidst the quivering noise of women and powder-play on the part of the men ; and if they pass a village the inhabitants offer the bride milk, fresh or sour, and a silver coin. From Arabic-speaking tribes we shall pass to tribes belonging to the various Berber groups. Among the Braber of the Ait Sadden, on the wedding day (ass n-tmagra), a large crowd of people from the bridegroom's v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 175 village go to fetch the bride. If she is living far away, the procession starts in the morning, otherwise later in the day ; and if she is from the bridegroom's own village, she is only fetched about an hour before sunset ; it is considered a good omen for the people of her new home if she arrives there at the same time as the flocks and herds return from the pastures. The bridegroom's mother, sisters, and other female relatives must be in the procession, and if the bride lives in the neighbour- hood even the bridegroom himself may go, though well covered up. Indeed, it may happen that hardly any other living beings but the dogs remain behind. The people take with them a mare, which is ridden by a little brother or male cousin of the bridegroom ; and the boy holds in his hand a flag, which is afterwards given to the bride. The mare is led by the bride- groom's mother, while his sister or sisters keep hold of the tail, and the two imsnein 'walk on either side with their hands on the stirrups. The beast on whose back the bride is going to be carried away may not be a horse or mule, but must be a mare, which is a fruitful animal, and the person who rides it must be a little boy. When the procession has reached its destination, the bridegroom's mother and sisters take in the bride's clothes, which they have brought with them ; and after she has been dressed in them she is painted with henna, as said before. Her little brother or a paternal cousin then removes his taqbbut (jZllaV} and places it in front of her, or, if he wears an dslham (s$lMm) or d'ban (My2k\ spreads a part of it on the ground. As a present to 1 76 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. him she puts on it the money called tdtyat, which was sent by the bridegroom on a previous occasion. She takes a step or two on the cloak or d'ban in front of her, one of the imsntin lifts her up on the mare which is standing close by, and the other hmsn&i places behind her a little brother or paternal cousin of hers, who is the same as the one just mentioned in case he is a young boy. Sitting behind the saddle the boy keeps his arms round her waist ; the bridegroom's mother again leads the mare, his sister or sisters keep hold of the tail, and the two imsnein walk, as before, on either side with their hands on the stirrups. Any suspicious person, such as a scribe or an old woman, that comes near the mare is driven away by the imsntin and the bridegroom's sisters, who are concerned with protecting the bride from witchcraft (sshor or iharg y fin, the latter being the name given to witchcraft practised by women). In the procession there are also people from the bride's village, including her mother, who carries with her the so-called I'dda (literally, " custom ") dried fruit put into an ahred (the Arabic mezwud} or tahrett (diminu- tive of ahred}, as also a small box (asfad} containing two or three looking-glasses, antimony, walnut root or bark, and hdrrHqsus, a sweet stuff eaten to prevent hoarseness, which is subsequently given by the bride to the bachelors. The bride's father, on the other hand, cannot go with her, nor her grown-up brothers, who must avoid their sister during the wedding period. When they have proceeded a few steps from the house, the boys and bachelors of the village begin to throw v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 177 stones at the bride and the people round her, so that they shall carry away with them all the evil (ainn&ihhan) of the village. A similar ceremony, though on a smaller scale, takes place if the bride and bridegroom are from the same village ; and in either case the stone-throwing is returned by the people in the procession. I was told that the object of this ceremony could not be to prevent the bride from coming back either on account of divorce or of her husband's death, since the young men do not like the girls of their village to be taken away from them, and are only too happy if a woman who has been married to a man of another village soon returns. The bride is holding in her hand the white flag brought by the boy who rode the mare. The men of the bride- groom's party discharge gunpowder at it to burn it to ashes, and try to break the cane to which it is fastened, by loading their guns with bent twigs. The bride makes fruitless attempts to prevent the destruction of the flag and cane by waving them round. When successful in their efforts the men laughingly say, " Now she is no longer a virgin," or, " This evening she will be broken like the cane." When the procession amidst volleys of gunpowder passes a village, the women come out and sprinkle the bride and the people accompanying her with milk or, if they have no milk, with a mixture of henna and water. This was represented to me as a safeguard against evils which would otherwise result from the dis- charge of gunpowder it prevents enemies coming to attack the village with their guns ; for the milk or henna N 178 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. brings security and peace. It is to be noticed that the same ceremony took place when the bridegroom's party went to fetch the bride, on that occasion also amidst volleys of gunpowder, and that among the Ait Sadden no milk is offered to the bride to drink. Among the Ait Yusi a brother or some other male relative of the bridegroom walks in the centre of the procession of people who go to fetch the bride. He carries on his back a variety of goods : a tamZnsftrtt, a llzar, a belt (IXt&zdm), an ordinary head-kerchief (ahtnbuT) and another one made of silk (/&##), a pair of slippers (rrehif), a comb (tim$t\ and a looking-glass (timrit\ as also some henna (Ih&nna), saffron (zz'afrati), and cloves (nnwar] all presents sent by the bridegroom to his bride. There is music, singing, and dancing, but no powder-play during the march. If the bride's village is far away, the people take with them the mare on which the bride is going to ride ; otherwise it is sent the following day. Neither the father nor, in some places, any grown-up brother of the bridegroom must go with the procession, since it would be regarded as shameful if they saw his bride ; but his mother may go if she is not too busy. The procession arrives at the bride's home in the evening, and both men and women are entertained there with tea and afttnl (stksu) and meat. About midnight the bride is painted with henna, and the next morning she is dressed in her bridal costume. She then goes to the entrance of the tent or threshold of v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 179 the house, where a brother or, if she has none, a paternal cousin is standing with a part of his d'ban spread on the ground. She takes three steps on it and lets a silver coin, a quarter or half a dollar, drop down as a present to the brother or cousin, to whom it is supposed to bring good luck on account of the baraka of the bride. With her face covered she is then lifted into the saddle (tariht) by one or two of the imsnein appointed by the bridegroom from among his relatives or friends (he may appoint from two to four), and behind her is placed a little boy who puts his arms round her waist. The mare is led by a woman of the bridegroom's family, whilst women of the bride's family walk behind keeping hold of the tail. The sexual organ of the mare is covered with a kerchief for the purpose of preventing any man or woman from pushing a finger into it, as it is believed that this would deprive the bride of her virginity, and thereby perhaps lead to a speedy divorce. The bride's mother may or may not accompany her daughter, but it is not the custom for her to take dried fruit with her if she goes. There is music, singing, dancing, and powder-play as the procession moves along. The bride holds in front of her a cane, with or without a flag, which she waves to and fro in order to save it from being broken by the men firing at it. They want to blow it to pieces so that the bridegroom shall be able to break the hymen of his bride that night, but out of bashfulness she makes some efforts to prevent it. There is no general stone-throwing at the departure of the bride from her old home, but it may happen i8o MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. that some person who is angry with her throws after her seven stones in succession, saying, " May God prevent you from coming back." When they pass a village some woman comes out and sprinkles the bride and her company with milk to give them good luck ; but if the year is dry and rain is wanted, the bride is sprinkled with water instead of milk. The imsnein capture sheep from the flocks seen on the road, though not more than one animal from each village. The shepherds try to keep the sheep out of the way ; but when one is caught it becomes the property of the bride, who decides whether it shall be slaughtered or not, and no compensation can be claimed by its owner. Among the Ait Nder the bridegroom's mother takes new clothes to the bride, either carrying them on her back or riding with them on a mule, when she goes with the others to fetch the bride. The father may also go if he likes, but more often, it seems, he remains at home. For the same reason as in other tribes the animal on which the bride is brought to her new home must be a mare, and when it is taken to her place it is ridden by somebody, as here also an empty saddle would be looked upon as a bad omen. When the procession arrives at the bride's village it is met with a shower of stones thrown by men and women, as if it were a troop of enemies ; but this is only a joke, which soon gives way to a friendly reception. The value of the clothes brought by the bridegroom's mother is written down by two scribes, as it is counted in the v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 181 ssdaq ; and a meal of afft&l (siksu) is served to them and two or three other persons of importance. The bride is lifted into the saddle by a man belonging to the bridegroom's family, and if she is afraid of falling down a boy is placed behind her. She is well covered up ; the Ait Nder, like the Tsui, believe that there would be fighting the same evening if she looked at anybody on the way. If the bridegroom's village is at some distance the bride's mother accompanies her there, taking with her butter, flour, bread, dried fruit, salt, and sugar ; whereas, if the bridegroom lives in a village close by or in the same village, she goes there early next morning. Other women also, but no men, of the bride's family go with the procession. In front of the bride, over the mare's head, the men of the bridegroom's party are firing off their guns at short intervals as they proceed. Among the Ait Warain the people who go to fetch the bride include the bridegroom's mother and brothers, but not his father. They bring with them nothing else but a mule with an empty pack-saddle (Iberda't) and a saddle-cloth (tdhlttst}. On their arrival they are entertained with tdhrirt left from the previous evening. The bridegroom's brother lifts the bride from the doorway of the house and puts her on the mule, which is then led by her young sister or some other girl of her family. The mother always goes with her daughter to the bridegroom's house, but returns at once escorted by two or three men ; it is believed that if she should stay there she would take away her daughter's 1 82 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. beauty. The procession further includes many other persons from the bride's village, both women and men, among whom may be her brothers but not her father. They take with them a mat (djertil), a tdhlttst, some five or six kmdud of roasted barley (turiff), together with raisins, almonds, pomegranates, figs, and honey, as also a skin-sack (tamziti] filled with figs, raisins, almonds, and walnuts. All this is put on the mule on which the bride is riding, seated on a new taberdfrt, or mantle, which has been placed over the saddle- cloth. In front of her men with guns are discharging volleys of gunpowder, while the female members of the procession are playing the tambourine (dllun). When they pass a village the women come out making a quivering noise, and offer the bride some milk in a bowl, which she takes in both hands and sips from, the women themselves drinking what is left. Among the At Ubahti the wedding is celebrated in the bridegroom's home with much eating, powder-play, and tlmufit, or quivering noise of women. Among the people who go to fetch the bride there are all the bachelors of the village except the duzir, and many other men and women besides ; but the parents of the bride- groom stay at home. They start early enough in the day for the bride to arrive at the village in the after- noon, at the time for the 'dsar prayer, and they take with them a mare or a mule, which must be ridden by some- body so as not to go with an empty saddle. From the entrance of the tent the bride is lifted on to the animal v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 183 by one of the islftn ; and she is accompanied on her journey by her mother, who takes with her salt butter, flour, raisins, figs, and dates for the meal she is going to serve the following day at the bridegroom's place. Among the Ait Waryagal four or five married men from among the bridegroom's relatives, but not his father, go to fetch the bride from her home. After they have been entertained with food she is carried out by her brother or, if she has no grown-up brother, by her paternal or maternal uncle, and is placed on a mule which is led by a boy a brother or cousin. She is accompanied by men, women, and children from her village, but not by her parents, who remain at home. The women sing and make a quivering noise, and the men fire off their guns. When they pass a village milk is brought to the bride, who dips the little finger of her right hand into it ; the milk is afterwards mixed with other milk, so as to give it the benefit of the bride's baraka and thus serve as a charm against witch- craft, which is much feared. This day is called damtigra^ " wedding." Among the Shloh of Aglu the bride is fetched by a crowd of people, including musicians with drums and women who make a quivering noise. They take with them a camel bearing a so-called ar&gn^ that is a frame made of four wooden posts with a strong network stretched between them, as also a liztir for the bride and several pairs of slippers for the men and women of 1 84 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. her family. The bride, with her face covered, is carried out of her room by a brother or some other male relative and placed on the ariign on the back of the camel. Four other girls seat themselves there, two on either side of her. 1 The camel is led by a black man, on both sides of it walk two other men, and in front of it goes the /uztra, carrying on her head a flower-pot with a sweet-scented plant called Ihltbdq. The women of the procession sing : Ttgimmi lajwad as aittawi ugaras, ig tllan lajwad Hint tigausiwin, A house of good people whereto the road will take her ; if there are good people, there are all kinds of good things. Among the Ait Tameldu the bride is fetched by a large number of men with guns and a few women of the bridegroom's family, but his parents are not among them. On their arrival at the bride's home they are entertained with a meal of bread and meat, or sifksu with meat. Well covered up, the bride walks out into the yard (tdgrurt). Her brother, uncle, or cousin lifts her on to the back of the mare or she-mule which the bridegroom's party brought with them, mounts the animal himself, and rides seated in front of her. They are accompanied by a large number of women and children and a few men from the bride's village, but o ' not by her parents. Her mother goes to the bride- groom's house three days afterwards, in the evening, and her father, in the company of a few friends, only 1 At country weddings in Egypt, when the bride is conveyed to the bridegroom's dwelling seated on a camel, " sometimes four or five women or girls sit with her on the same camel, one on either side of her, and two or three others behind" (Lane, Modern Egyptians [London, 1896], p. 184). v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 185 when the wedding is over, taking with him the liqqdma. Here, also, it is the custom that, if the procession passes a village on its way, women come out and offer the bride milk to drink for good luck. Among the Igliwa the bride is taken from her home on a mule, to which she is carried by a brother or cousin, or other strong male relative, unless she is so big that she has to walk there herself. Her face is well covered up, and behind her sits a boy called mummti. n-islan. The mule is led by one of her male relatives, whilst the woman who painted her with henna keeps hold of its tail with a cloth so as not to touch the hair with her bare hand ; I was told that this custom has a magical foundation, though my informant was unable to explain it. In front of the bride go men discharging volleys of gunpowder, and after her follow women and children. The procession first goes to a river, which the bride crosses on her mule three times to and fro, while the others are waiting on the bank. At Amzmuz the bride is taken to her new home on a saddled mare. When she is about to mount it she first walks on a blanket which has been spread over the floor and threshold of her room, in order to prevent her treading on the ground, and is then carried to the mare by a strong man, who may or may not belong to her family. Her young brother or, if she has none, some other boy from among her relatives rides behind her. If she has to cross a river on her way, her family claim money from the bridegroom's family because they are taking her so far away ; and, if the procession passes a 1 86 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. shrine, the bride on the mare is taken three times round it a.ndffitka is made. To sum up: The bride is fetched by relatives of the bridegroom or by other people from his village as well, generally persons of both sexes, though in one case she is fetched by a few men only. The bridegroom himself almost invariably stays at home, 1 and so does, as a rule, his father, and in several tribes his mother, whereas in others the latter frequently or always goes with the procession. In one instance not only the bridegroom's father but also his grown-up brothers are prevented by custom from fetching the bride. The party are generally well received by the bride's family, and in many cases entertained with a meal ; but in one tribe stones are thrown at them when they arrive, probably as a sham opposition to their taking away the girl, 2 but perhaps also with a view to preventing their bringing evil with them. Sometimes the bride's brother does not allow them to take away his sister until they have paid him some money, and a similar claim may be made by the bride's family on the road. In country places the bride is carried to her new home on the back of an animal, on to which she is lifted 1 In some parts of the East the bridegroom goes himself to fetch the bride. See Van-Lennep, Bible Lands (London, 1875), p. 551 .ty. (Palestine) ; Lynch, Narrative of the United States' Expedition to the River Jordan and the Dead Sea (London, 1850), p. 448 (Jaffa) ; v. Wrede, Reise in Hadhramaut (Braunschweig, 1870), p. 262 sq. The same, as we have seen, was the case at Fez in the days of Leo Africanus. 2 In Palestine, when the bridegroom and his friends come to fetch the bride, " a show of resistance, and sometimes quite a struggle, ensues, when she is surrounded by the bridegroom's friends, taken possession of, and borne away " (Van-Lennep, op. cit. p. 552). v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 187 in some tribes by her brother, male cousin, or uncle, or 'a strong woman of her kin, but in others by a man belonging to the bridegroom's family or some bachelor friend of his. The animal is sometimes led by a relative of the bride, such as her brother or unmarried sister, sometimes by a woman of the bridegroom's family, especially his mother, and in one instance by a black man. The bride is often accompanied by her mother, whereas her father always, and in some tribes her mother also, stay at home. The same may even be the case with her grown-up brothers ; and in one of the tribes no men at all from her village go with her. Various precautions are taken to protect her against jnUn, the evil eye, or other harmful influences. At Fez she walks in company with some women who are dressed like herself, 1 and there are burning candles, 2 salt, and an avoidance of open bridges. 3 In the 1 In Palestine the bridegroom leads by the hand a little boy dressed precisely like himself and called " the mock bridegroom," who imitates his slightest movements and thus diverts the company (Van-Lennep, op. at. p. 551 sq.]. In Egypt, when the bridegroom goes to the mosque before meeting the bride, he walks between two friends dressed like himself (Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 180 sq.]. See also supra, p. 26 sq. 2 Among the ancient Jews, when the bridegroom, attended by a company of young men (Judges, xiv. n), brought home his bride from her father's house, the young female friends of both parties joined the train, lighting their torches (St. Matthew, xxv. i sqq.}. In modern Palestine lanterns and torches are held aloft in front and along the flank of the bridal procession (Van-Lennep, op. cit. p. 551). In ancient Greece and Rome the bride was always taken to her new home with torches (Sticotti, ' Zu griechi- schen Hochzeitsgebra'uchen,' in Festschrift fur Otto Benndorf [Wien, 1898], p. 182 ; Rossbach, Untersuchungen uber die rSmische Ehe [Stuttgart, 1853], p. 335 sqq. ; Samter, Geburt, HocAzeit und Tod [Leipzig & Berlin, 1911], p. 72 sqq.}. In Rome one of these torches was made of whitethorn, which was believed to keep away evil influences. Plutarch (S^uaestiones Romanae, 2) asks why the Romans "light at nuptials five torches, neither more nor less." This custom might well be imitated by the Moors, who look upon the number five as a charm against the evil eye. 3 In Syria, where the bridal procession also, as at Fez, takes place in the early part of the night, " it is reckoned a very bad omen to pass with the bride before 1 88 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. country she is dressed in a man's cloak, 1 guns are repeatedly fired off in front of the animal on which she rides, 2 and there is loud music 3 and singing 4 and the quivering noise of women. 5 Perhaps the sweet-scented plant which in one place is carried ahead of her is also meant as a charm against evil influences. She is well guarded on her way so that nobody shall be able to harm her by magical tricks ; it is for this reason that her mother or other women of her family or the bride- groom's sister or the woman who painted her with henna go behind the animal, keeping hold of its tail. The object of the blanket or garment spread in front a public bath, and therefore those streets are carefully avoided into which the baths open " (Burckhardt, Arabic Pro-verbs [London, 1830], p. 115 n. j see also Wortabet, Syria, i. [London, 1856], p. 287). 1 Among the Bedouins of Mount Sinai, if the bride belong to another camp than the bridegroom, one of her relatives throws over her an 'abba, or man's cloak, before she is placed upon the camel which is going to carry her to her new home ; but this is not done if the bride is a widow or divorced wife (Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins and Wahdbys [London, 1830], pp. 150, 152). Among the peasants (fellatiTn) of Palestine the bride is likewise covered with an 'abs when she is taken to the bridegroom's place (Klein, ' Mittheilungen fiber Leben, Sitten und Gebrauche der Fellachen in PalSstina,' in Zeitschrift des Deutschen Palaestina-Vereins, vi. [1883], p. 98). 2 Cf. F6raud, ' Moeurs et coutumes kabiles," in Revue africaine, vi. (1862), p. 430; Falls, Drei Jahre in der Libyschen Wuste (Freiburg i. B., 1911), p. 277} Wilson, Peasant Life in the Holy Land (London, 1906), p. in ; Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab (Paris, 1903), p. 535 v. Wrede, op. cit. p. 263 (Hadramaut). 3 Cf. Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 177 sqq. j Wortabet, op. cit. i. 287 (Syria) ; Van-Lennep, op. cit. p. 551 (Palestine) ; Meer Hassan Ali, Observations on the Mussulmauns of India, i. (London, 1832), p. 388. According to one tradition the Prophet approved of the beating of tambourines at the celebration of a marriage, but in another tradition this practice is condemned (Lane, Arabian Society in the Middle Ages [London, 1883], p. 233). 4 Cf. Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 184 (country weddings in Egypt). 5 Cf. Falls, of. cit. p. 277 (Libyan Desert) ; Lane, Modern Egyptians, p. 178 sq. ; Trumbull, Studies in Oriental Social Life (Philadelphia, 1894), p. 49 sq. ; Conder, Tent Work in Palestine (London, 1885), p. 323 ; Jaussen, op. cit. p. 53 (Moab) ; v. Wrede, op. cit. p. 263 (Hadramaut). v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 189 of her is to prevent her stepping on the ground or the threshold, 1 and a similar idea no doubt underlies the lifting of the bride. 2 She has her face well covered or is, in some parts of the country, shut up in a box on the animal's back, 3 so as to be sheltered from the evil eye, but also because her own look, or even the sight of her, is considered injurious to others. She must not even turn her head, lest her husband should die. This, like many other taboos, seems to have originated in the feeling that a person who is in a dangerous state or is a source of danger to others should do as little as possible and especially avoid doing anything unusual which is not directly intended as a means of warding off the threatening evil ; but at the same time the supposed consequence of the bride's breaking the taboo in question may have been suggested by an association between her turning her head and her returning to her old home in the case of the death of her husband. 4 The dangers to which the bride is exposed and those 1 Cf. Emily, the Shareefa of Wazan, op. cit. p. 136: "A bride would be unlucky to put her foot to earth at this period." 2 Cf. infra, p. 219 sq. 3 At Constantine, in Algeria, the bride is carried on a horse " dans une sorte de cage entouree de gazes epaisses qui la voilaient aux yeux de tous " (Mornand, La Vit arabe [Paris, 1856], p. 58). "In the towns of Palestine and Egypt the bride walks under a canopy, escorted on either side by a man with a drawn sword " (Van-Lennep, op. cit. p. 551 ; see also Lynch, Narrative of the United States' Expedition to the River Jordan and the Dead Sea [London, 1850], p. 448 [Jaffa]). 4 " In vielen Teilen von Deutschland ist der Glaube verbreitet, dass sich ein Brautpaar auf dem Wege zur Kirche nicht umsehen diirfe. Als Grund hierfiir wird angegeben, wer von den beiden sich umsehe, sehe sich nach einem andern Gatten um, werde also bald verwitwet" (Samter, of. cit. p. 147). After mentioning other ideas connected with the prohibition of turning the head, Dr. Samter (ibid. p. 148 sf.) suggests I think without sufficient reason that the original object of this prohibition is to prevent the person to whom it refers from seeing evil spirits which, if looked at, would do mischief. Cf. infra, pp. 231, 250, 255. 190 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. to which she exposes others lead to ceremonies of purification. She is taken three times across a river to and fro, or round a shrine, or she is pelted with stones when she leaves her home a custom which sometimes is said to rid her of evil, sometimes to cause her to take her evil with her or to remove all the evil from the village, but sometimes also to be a safeguard against divorce. In one instance the sprinkling of milk on the bride and other members of the procession is said to have the purpose of averting evil, namely, the fighting which would otherwise result from the discharge of gunpowder ; and the same effect is attributed to the sprinkling with water and henna, perhaps because water is " safety " l and Ihdnna phonetically resembles Ihtina^ " quietness." But more commonly the widespread custom of sprinkling the bride with milk or offering milk to her is looked upon as a means of making her future " white " or lucky, whilst the bride in her turn is supposed to impart to the milk a little of her baraka^ which is then utilised in some way or other by those who offered it ; and in one case she is said to be sprinkled with water in order that rain shall fall. Yet I am inclined to believe that the idea of protecting the village which the bride passes from misfortune is a more primitive motive for the customs in question than the intention to benefit her or to derive benefits from her baraka. A bridal procession is in Morocco con- sidered to be a cause of ill-luck to anybody who meets it .on the road ; among the Ait Waryagal it is the 1 See supra, p. 136. v THE FETCHING OF THE BRIDE 191 custom that if two bridal processions meet, the women of both parties throw stones at each other to drive away the evil, and in Andjra I was told that such a meeting will cause the death of one of the brides. It should also be noticed that milk or water is offered to strangers who come as guests, and, as we shall soon see, to the bride herself when she arrives at the bridegroom's village, side by side with other ceremonies intended to neutralise the evil influences which she might carry with her to her new home. In one tribe the women on the road give to the bride not only milk but a silver coin, and a similar gift has previously been made to her by a brother or friend of the bridegroom in order to make her a good wife ; whereas in other tribes the bride presents her brother or cousin who spreads his cloak or hdySk on the ground for her with some silver money to give him the benefit of her baraka. The animal on which the bride rides is not infre- quently considered to exercise a magical influence on her. In mountainous districts it is commonly a mule, and among the people of the plains it is often a camel ; but in some tribes near Fez it is invariably a mare on account of its fruitfulness, and in a tribe in Northern Morocco a horse, in order that the bride shall give birth to male offspring. So also the riding of a boy behind her is, sometimes at least, supposed to make her a mother of boys, and it seems that a similar idea underlies the custom which requires that the animal should also be ridden by a little boy when it is taken 192 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP.V to the bride's place ; l anyhow it would be a bad omen if it went there with an empty saddle. There is, finally, a practice prevalent in some Berber tribes which is intended to make it easy for the bridegroom to deprive the bride of her virginity. 1 At Constantine, when the bridal litter is ready, "une mule la conduit chez la femme et y transporte, jusqu'au seuil de sa maison, deux jeunes enfants, garjon et fille, qui attirent sur les 6poux la faveur divine, et par leur presence leur assurent une post6rit6 " (Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Les Ceremonies du manage cAea les indigenes de I'Algerle [Paris, 1901], p. 37). CHAPTER VI THE ARRIVAL AND RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE AT Fez, when the procession arrives at dar t-$rs, the men and boys of the bride's party at once go back to her parents' house, from which they came, whilst those of the bridegroom's party proceed to dar isIMn, where he himself is passing the time with his male friends. Only the women of the procession enter dar l-'drs, together with the bride, whom they accompany to the door of the nuptial chamber. Her own relatives then return to her old home, while the women of the bride- groom's party go upstairs. The ng&gef^ on the other hand, conduct the bride into the nuptial chamber, but remain in its outer compartment when she retires into the d&$&fa. After a little while, however, they also enter the ditti$u$a^ and paint her eyes with antimony, her under-lip with walnut root, and her cheeks with ochre ; and on the cheeks they besides make black spots with a pigment called hdrqos (prepared from wood ashes, pitch, and spices), 1 and white spots with a prepara- tion called bidd l-uj&h mixed with water. They then 1 Cf. Meakin, The Moors (London, 1902), p. 70. 193 O 194 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. dress her in her bridal costume and take her out into the open space in the middle of the house, where she is carried round on a small table in the same manner as she was the night before in her own home. The ceremonies of the fateq are now repeated in the presence of the women of the bridegroom's family or kin, his mother taking the same part as her mother on the former occasion ; but in the singing of the ngfigefthe words h& z-zln m-messus and h% hiya m&rhona are now omitted, as the bride's face has been painted with cosmetics and she no longer is a pawned." After this performance is over the bride retires to the dUhH^a and remains there alone, while the mistress of the ngftgef sits in waiting in the outer compartment, and the other ng&gef are sent by the bridegroom's mother to dar Isl&n with a bundle of new clothes for her son. In Andjra, when the bride and her company approach the bridegroom's village, the women receive them on the road with their usual quivering noise, and accompany them to the bridegroom's house. On their arrival at the yard his mother offers the bride some milk, a little of which is drunk by her and the hadddytn, whilst the rest is returned to the mother, who subsequently gives it to her son to partake of just before he enters the room in which he will meet the bride. His mother also receives her daughter-in-law with a raw egg and a cloth filled with little pieces of different kinds of bread, raisins, figs, and walnuts. She dips the egg into the milk and then into some flour, and after pro- vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 195 nouncing a blessing, breaks it by throwing it at the forehead of the mule, " in order that the bride shall be white and red like the egg and bring no evil (bas} with her, but be lucky and a blessing to her husband." She then throws the bread and dried fruit over the 'ammanya, so that the married couple shall have much to eat. What falls on the ground is picked up and eaten by the children, or is taken by persons who want to impart the bride's baraka to their corn by putting it underneath the heap (dba) on the threshing-floor. The bride's brother takes her out of the box and puts her on the back of a strong woman belonging to the bridegroom's family, by preference one of his haddayin, who carries her into the room. All this is done in the shelter of blankets, so that nobody else can see the bride, while the assembled women fill the air with their quivering noise. The f ammanya is now undraped, the covering being taken into the room where the bride is sitting. There is much music and powder-play in the yard, and the bridegroom's parents entertain the people with kusksu and meat. This day is called nhar l-ammanya. Among the Tsui, when the bride arrives at the bridegroom's house, she is received there by his mother carrying on her back a sieve (g&rbtil}^ covered with her tzar ; the meaning of this custom is that the young wife shall give birth to children, the sieve representing a baby. 1 While the bride is still on the mare, the 1 Among the Ait Waryagal, when a person buys sheep or goats, he puts a sieve at the entrance of the yard and makes the animals step over it so that they 196 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. bridegroom's mother hands to her a tray containing barley with frld on the top of it. She takes hold of the tray, throws the fnd in all directions over the people, thus conferring on them the benign virtue of her baraka, and then returns the tray with the barley. A brother or cousin of the bridegroom lifts her down from the mare. The bridegroom's mother pours the barley into the bride's izar, which she holds up with her hands, and the bride gives a little of it to the mare to eat, throwing the rest of it in its face, u so that the year shall be blessed and the mare give birth to foals." One of the bachelors mounts the mare and rides on it in order to get married soon. The bridegroom's brother or cousin lifts the bride into the house and puts her down on the nuptial bed, after which she kisses his head. The women, married and unmarried, enter the room and eat a meal there, while the men are having their supper outside in the yard. The bride is all the time sitting on the bed with covered face, partaking of nothing. After the meal the women go away, and she remains alone in the room waiting for her husband. In the Hiaina the procession goes seven times round the bridegroom's house, after which the mare with the shall multiply. At Tangier, according to the Shareefa of Wazan (My Life Story [London, 1911], p. 306), "a woman who has had the misfortune to lose all her children except the first one at birth, takes a sieve and rolls it behind this surviving child, whom she burns on the heel with a spoon-handle every time another child is born, so that its brother or sister may live." For the use of a sieve in wedding ceremonies, see Mannhardt, Mytholognche Forschungen (Strassburg, 1884), pp. 357, 358, 360, 361, 364; Samter, Familienfeste der Griechen und RSmer (Berlin, 1910), p. 99. Mannhardt looks upon it as a symbol of fecundity. vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 197 bride is halted at the door. While she is still mounted, the bridegroom's mother offers her a palmetto tray containing some fffam (stksu], wheat, flour, or tftta ; she takes the tray with both hands and throws it with its contents backwards over her head, thereby throwing away the has. She is then lifted off by the bride- groom's brother and put down at the entrance of the house, from which she walks to her bed. When she is carried from the animal, the men fire off their guns and the women make their quivering noise and sing : Nezzelha ya hmaka, yenal bak u baha, Set her down O her brother-in-law, curse your father and her father. The bride remains in the room in the company of the unmarried girls, who only leave her alone shortly before the entering of the bridegroom. In the Garbiya the bride on her animal is taken three times round the bridegroom's house or tent from right to left. Outside its entrance a woman belonging to her family throws on the 'ammariya dried fruit, which the people pickup and eat. Thz'ammariya is then taken down and placed close to the entrance. The bride's brother or cousin lifts her into the house or tent and puts her on the nuptial bed, but he first pricks the bed several times with the point of his dagger as a precaution against witchcraft. Among the Ulad Bu-' Aziz, also, the procession, on the arrival at the bridegroom's tent, goes three times round 198 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. it, after which the camel is made to kneel down before the entrance. The bridegroom's mother or sister hands to the bride some water, which she sprinkles on the people round her in order that there shall be sufficient rain during the year. The mother also offers her some barley or wheat, which she likewise throws on the people so as to make the year good. The bridegroom's brother lifts her from the camel into the tent and puts her down on the bed. Her female friends enter with her and hang up a hdy$k as a curtain (h&jba) to prevent others from seeing her. Behind the curtain they all have a meal of stksu together, while the men and boys who have come from the bride's village are entertained outside the tent. Meanwhile the bridegroom, dressed in a se/Mm with the hood drawn over his forehead, is sitting in another place with some friends. A band of scribes come and sit down with them, and they all have a meal. They then stand up and the scribes recite something from the Koran, the bridegroom standing in the centre together with two other men who are dressed like himself, so that the people and especially the bride shall not be able to recognise him. The whole group proceed slowly towards the tent, the scribes all the time continuing their recita- tion. When they come near the tent the bridegroom and the two men who are dressed like him rush inside it. As soon as they begin to run, the men and boys of the bride's village beat them with sticks ; and when they enter and pass through the tent the bride smacks one or more of them with her slipper (rahiya), while the other vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 199 women inside the tent strike them with sticks. If the bride succeeds in hitting the bridegroom she is supposed to become his mistress ; but it may also be that she, not recognising him, hits one of the other men. After this ceremony is completed the bridegroom, together with the scribes, enter the compartment behind the curtain, from which the bride and her women com- panions have previously moved to the other part of the tent. The scribes ask the bridegroom for " a chicken," and after receiving from him a small sum of money and sugar, recite something from the Koran. The bride- groom's mother brings them dates and incense; the latter they burn and the dates they distribute to the bridegroom, to each other, to the bride and her mother, and to anybody who comes and asks for some and is willing to pay a little money for the gift and the blessing accompanying it. Persons who are desirous of offspring, or suffer from some illness, are particularly anxious thus to secure the blessings of the scribes, who first spit on the dates which they give them to eat. The scribes make/^/^tf on behalf of the bridegroom, and then go away with him, after which the bride and her female friends enter the division behind the curtain and remain there while the bridegroom is painted with henna out- side the tent, .as has been said before. The same evening, for some hours, the bridegroom's mother carries on her back a g&rbal^ as if it were a baby. Among the Ait SaddSn the bridal procession, on 200 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. arriving at the bridegroom's village, goes three times round the mosque, from right to left. While this is being done the bride mutters some words like these : " O Lalla Jebrin (the name given by women to a mosque), bless me with sons who will become scribes." The bride and her company then proceed to the temporarily erected tent, into which she is to be taken, 1 and go round it three times. At the commencement of this tour the men of the party take by force the headgears of the bridegroom's mother and sisters and those of the imsnein, as also the slippers of the bride, which must afterwards be redeemed by the I'ada brought by her mother. After the three circuits round the tent the procession stops outside its entrance. Turned towards the tent the bride, still on horseback, moves her head and hands as if she were praying, and says by herself four times : Lldhti kbar, " God is most great." She then beats the tent three times with the remains of the cane which was broken by the men of the bridegroom's party on the road, and throws it at the tent ; if it falls down on or behind the tent it is considered a good omen, whereas it is regarded as an evil foreboding if the stick does not reach the tent. This ceremony is intended to remove any evil which may be in the bridegroom's family and to expel death from the domestic animals ; it would be very unpleasant for the young wife if a child or animal should die shortly after her marriage, as its death would naturally be 1 Among the Ait Sadden weddings are celebrated in small tents pitched for the occasion. vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 201 associated with her presence. The bridegroom's mother sings : Arend aharfi ahammi, ansers Bring a ram with black rings round its eyes 1 (this being addressed to the bride), let us set down the excellent woman. This song is repeated by the other women. The imsntin take down from the mare the saddle with the bride sitting in it, and thus carry her into the tent, which is filled with men, women, and children. A woman of the bridegroom's family puts into the bride's hand some butter, with which she smears the ahftmmar, or horizontal pole supporting the roof of the tent ; this is done that there shall be an abundance of "grease" butter, oil, and honey. The bridegroom's sister, or some other woman of his household, pours barley into the bride's lap ; the latter gets up and, with her face covered as before, goes to the mare outside the tent, lets it eat three times of the barley, and throws the rest over its head, so that there shall be much corn in the household. When she is back again the bridegroom's mother throws a silk kerchief round her neck and leads her by it to the four corners of the tent, saying at each corner one of the following sentences : HUy dzig y ltil nZ-lwdtun, " Here is the threshold of boys " ; HMy dzig y lal n-wulli d-izzyttrn, " Here is the threshold of sheep and cattle " ; HMy azig v M nS-lmftn d-lh&na, " Here is the threshold of safety and quietness " ; 1 An aharfi ahfimmi, that is, a ram with black rings round its eyes, is considered to possess much baraka ; it is therefore looked upon as the most suitable animal that can be chosen for sacrifice (Westermarck, ' The Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco,' in Folk-Lore, xxii. [1911], p, 141). 202 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. H&y azig y lal nfr-rrha^ " Here is the threshold of cheap- ness." In former days, when the Ait Saddgn lived in tents, the bridegroom's mother used to take the bride to the fireplace, but in this provisional tent there is no such place. The bride now sits down on a mat. A bachelor lifts up one of the tirrsftl (sing, tdrrself), or vertical tent- poles, and puts it into her lap, in order that she shall remain in her new home and support it by becoming a mother of sons, as the tdrrselt supports the tent. While she is sitting with the tent-pole in her lap she is sur- rounded by the bachelors, to whom the imsnein distribute the dried fruit brought by the bride's mother as also the antimony and walnut-root, with which they paint their eyes and lips, and the hdrrtiqsus, with which they clear their voices. The bridegroom's mother comes and sings : A jbafrhjfm a tislit; a Idlla "semm aggan amm Iqandil^ iss'idd uhamtnritm Oh good morning to you O bride ; O lady you became like a lamp, your tent became very bright. All the bachelors and women repeat the song to the accompaniment of tambourines. This ceremony is called asftbbdh it is " the morning salutation " of the bachelors, although other persons join in it. The time when it takes place depends upon the hour when the bride arrives, and in case the weather is bad it may be postponed till the following morning when the guests who went away in the evening have returned. It is only after the astibbdh that the bachelors are entertained vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 203 with a meal, although the other people may already have been served with food on the arrival of the proces- sion. The bride has her meal alone or with her mother or sister only, either in the tent after the people have left it, or in the house to which she retires to meet the bridegroom. She must not eat in the presence of the people nor speak to anybody nor be spoken to, and she has her face covered all the time. Among the Ait Yiisi, when the bride and her com- pany come near the bridegroom's village, they are sprinkled with milk or, if rain is wanted, with water, by villagers who come to receive them. The bride is not allowed to enter the village until she has been taken three times round it ; but if, as is often the case, there are several brides whose weddings are celebrated on the same occasion they must wait for each other so as to perform this ceremony all together, and if any of them is from that village itself she also comes out and joins them, riding on a mare. In case there is in the village a woman who was married within a month previously, she leaves the place before the brides are taken round, since it is believed that otherwise all the evil would fall on her ; this obviously shows that the ceremony in question is performed for the purpose of ridding the brides of the evil influences which they are carrying with them. If the village contains a mosque the brides also ride round it three times, and it may be that in such a case the tours round the village are dis- pensed with. While the bride is being taken round 20 4 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. the village or mosque, volleys of gunpowder are dis- charged, and the bachelors and other young men try to rob her of something ; this results in a fight between them and the imsnein, who are armed with sticks and swords, and the women as well, who all do their best to defend the bride. What is taken away from her is afterwards returned, but the robbers have to be com- pensated with a meal of aftwl (stksu] with salt butter offered them by the bridegroom's mother, or with dried fruit brought by the mother of the bride. After her tour round the village or mosque the bride is taken to the entrance of the bridegroom's tent ; in some parts at least of this tribe, weddings are always celebrated in tents. She stands up in the stirrups with her face turned towards the entrance, and the bride- groom's mother or sister, or some other woman of his family, gives her a palmetto tray (dmidun) with red raisins, which she receives with both hands and throws over her head ; the raisins, which are supposed to bring good luck on account of their sweetness, are picked up and eaten by the children. A lamb is handed to the bride by the bridegroom's mother or, if she has no lamb, by some other person, after which the bride hurls the animal over the tent so that there shall be many sheep in the village. She beats the tent three times with the cane in her hand, in order that the evil shall go away from it ; if shortly after the bride's arrival a death or some other unhappy event takes place in the village, it is attributed to her unlucky fringe (faunza), whereas good events indicate that she has a lucky fringe. vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 205 When she has beaten the tent she flings the cane at the top of it. It is believed that if it falls down on the top the evil will go from the tent only, whereas if it falls down behind the tent the whole village will be cleared of the evil ; but I have also heard that in the former case the husband will rule over his wife, whereas in the latter the wife will rule over her husband. The bride then stands up on the saddle, the Imsnein keeping hold of her feet to prevent her from slipping, and moves both hands three times towards the East, each time repeating the words, Lldhu kSbdr, " God is most great " ; this is called tdzallit n-tslit, " the prayer of the bride." She sits down in the saddle, and is in this position carried into the tent by one of the imsnein, who subsequently replaces the saddle on the back of the mare. The bridegroom's mother puts some afttal^ made without butter, into the lap of the bride, who walks out and three times gives the mare a little of it to eat, then throwing the remainder in its face. The object of this ceremony is said to be to remove from the mare the evil influences with which it is affected on account of having been ridden by the bride and which would otherwise cause its death or barrenness ; for there is baraka both in the bride and the mare, and if baraka comes into contact with baraka it may lead to disastrous consequences. When the bride is back again in the tent, one of the Imsnein takes her on his right shoulder and the bridegroom's mother gives her some salt butter to smear on the horizontal pole supporting the roof of the tent, in order that there shall always be butter in 206 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. the larder. The amsn&i dances a little with the bride seated on his shoulder and then sets her down on her bed. Meanwhile the guests have been entertained with afttal and salt butter, neither bread nor meat being served on this occasion. If several weddings are cele- brated simultaneously, the people who have assembled outside the wedding-tents come together to be counted and divided into groups of equal numbers, to be treated by the families of the various bridegrooms, the divisions being made on the principle that people from the same village shall eat together. After the meal there is music, singing, and dancing outside and inside the tents. When most of the guests have left the tent where the bride is, the bridegroom's mother offers her some aftt&l on her uncovered right thigh, and the bride snaps up a little of it three times, slightly biting the mother-in-law ; this is supposed to make the two women friendly to each other. Among the Ait Nder the procession goes seven times round the tent in which the bride and bridegroom will meet. It is in most cases a small tent, provisionally pitched, where the bride spends the first seven nights and days and not infrequently the seven following nights as well ; but sometimes the meeting takes place in an enclosure (tuglili) in the middle of the tent occupied by the bridegroom's family. Persons belong- ing to the latter throw dried figs over the bride and the mare she is riding " so that everything shall be sweet," vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 207 like the figs. When the animal stops outside the entrance of the tent, the same man as previously lifted the bride into the saddle now lifts the saddle with her sitting in it inside the tent and puts it down on the bed, where it is left for seven days. The bride gets up and kisses the head of the man, who gives her a silver coin for good luck. A woman of the bridegroom's family pours some barley into a fold of her clothes ; she walks with it to the entrance of the tent where the mare is standing, gives the animal to eat of it, and throws the rest over its head. The woman also puts some salt butter into the bride's right hand and lifts her up so that she can reach the dkfimmar, or horizontal pole of the tent, on which she smears the butter. She then sits down on the bed, and other women, married as well as unmarried, keep her company, playing and singing. They all have supper there ; but when the bride eats she hides herself underneath her clothes, and when she has something to say to any of the women she only speaks in a whisper. The other women go away leaving the bride alone to receive the bridegroom. Among the Ait Warain the procession is met outside the bridegroom's village by the villagers. The bride throws over her shoulder her taberdfrt, which with its designs gives her a more picturesque appearance. The bridegroom's mother offers her milk, as also some flour in a palmetto or esparto tray (and& or tUndutf] ; of the former she drinks a little and sprinkles some on the people, and of the latter she takes a double handful and 208 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. throws it over her head to get rid of all the evil influ- ences attached to her. She stands up on the pack- saddle making f&tha with both hands without saying anything, and the people round her likewise hold out their hands calling down blessings on themselves. Still standing on the mule, she takes some dried fruit from the skin-sack (famzitf) and throws it on the people, who are so anxious to eat of it that persons who have not been able to catch any even buy some from others who have been more successful ; on account of the bride's baraka it is supposed to remove evil from those who partake of it. The mule is now led seven times from right to left round the little mosque outside the village ; this was said to be a salutation to the ditmort (contrac- tion of ait tmort\ that is, the spiritual masters of the place, including both saints and _/##. The procession enters the village and stops outside the bridegroom's dwelling. His brother lifts the bride from the mule and carries her inside the house or tent, where she goes and sits down on the bed. The un- married girls keep her company, playing and singing, and they all have a meal together. The bridegroom's mother enters and, after the bride has kissed her hand, takes her to the fireplace (tlmssi) and washes her right foot and hand over one of the three fire-stones (iny&n}, in order that she shall be as permanent in the house as these stones, which the Ait Warain, unlike many other Berbers, never change. The water is then sprinkled on the cattle, so as to make her fond of them. The bridegroom's mother also takes the bride's silk kerchief vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 209 (t&sebnftfy or cotton kerchief (t8nb$t(^ and ties it very firmly on the head of a donkey ; if it remains there till the following morning, it is a sign that the wife, too, will remain with her husband, whereas, if the kerchief has come off before then, it is believed that they will soon separate. In one division of this tribe, the Ait Hassan, it is the custom for the bride, when she arrives at the bridegroom's village, to be taken to a tdrga y or little watercourse made for the purpose of watering the soil, where she dismounts. There she meets the bride- groom, standing on the other side of it. He pushes a piece of cane over the surface of the water towards the bride opposite him. If it floats straight across to her it is a good omen, indicating that the husband himself will be straight, whereas the opposite will be the case if it takes another course. The bride then returns the cane in the same manner towards the bride- groom, and now it is her future conduct that is indicated by the way in which it floats over the water. Among the At Ubahti the bride is taken seven times round the bridegroom's tent from right to left and then stops outside the entrance. His mother throws over her figs, dates, or raisins, which the people pick up and eat ; the object of this ceremony was said to be to make the bride " sweet " to the bridegroom's family. His mother then sprinkles water on her, which is supposed to produce a rainy season and make the year good. The bride makes no f&t$a t as is done 210 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. in other tribes. The bachelor who lifted her on to the animal now takes off the saddle (trtbf) with her in it, and carries her thus into the tent, where he puts his load on the bed prepared in an enclosure (tuglZlt) in the middle of the tent. But before they enter the tent two or three bachelors fire off their guns so close to the bride that she is quite en veiled in the smoke ; this was said to be done in order to prevent her evil influences from affecting the h/3n. The saddle remains in the tent till the following morning, and the bride- groom's mother smears on it henna, or some blood of the sheep or goat slaughtered by her husband, so that it shall cause no harm ; I was told that the slaughter of the animal for the purpose of providing the wedding party with food serves at the same time the object of removing the danger attached to the saddle in which the bride has been riding. Sitting on the bed she takes off her belt ; for contrary to the custom of many other tribes she has come there with her belt on. She is attended by a young married woman friend, who, however, leaves her alone before the bridegroom enters. Among the Ait Waryagal the bride, on her arrival at the bridegroom's house before sunset, is welcomed by his mother with milk, into which she dips the little finger of her right hand. The man who lifted her on to the mule her brother or uncle has a sham-fight with the bridegroom : he takes a flag which the women have brought with them and goes to the door of the bride- groom's house, inside which the latter himself is stand- vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 211 ing, likewise holding a flag in his hand, and the two men, on either side of the threshold, now knock the flag-staffs together. The bridegroom's father, or some other member of his family, gives to the bride, still sitting on the mule, some barley, which she throws on the people round her ; they catch of it what they can and mix it with their own barley so as to give it the benefit of the bride's baraka. The man who had the fight with the bridegroom lifts the bride from the mule into the house, where he passes with her between the bridegroom's legs so as to make her a good wife. The bridegroom then takes her in his arms and puts her down on the bed, removes her headgear, kisses her on her cheeks, and leaves the room. Outside the house he is attacked by all the women assembled there, who strike him with their fists ; but he makes his escape through the crowd with a dagger in his hand, without hitting anybody. He goes and sits down with the iuzirttn in the yard, and then has his supper with them in a room, spending the night in their company. His own room is after his departure invaded by the women, including his mother, who have their supper with the bride and also spend the night with her ; but before they go to sleep they dance and sing in the yard, while the men are firing off their guns in the air. It should be added that after the bride is lifted into the bridegroom's room, the boy who led the mule rides on it three times round the house ; he then removes the bridle and hides it somewhere, or gives it to somebody to keep for him, the bridegroom having 212 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. to buy it back for a peseta or two. Next morning a meal is served to the guests, after which they go away ; but before the women leave, the bridegroom must give each of them a silver coin as a present. Among the Shloh of Aglu, when the procession arrives at the bridegroom's house in the evening, the camel is made to kneel down, and the bride is carried into the house by her brother or some other male relative. While she is taken there the people of the procession protect her with a blanket against the bride- groom, who is throwing down dates, almonds, and raisins from the roof where he is sitting with his luzir. The women sing : L'ddarilk a multii, " Your custom, O my lord." The dried fruit is shaken off the blanket and picked up and eaten by the people. The bride is put down on a bunk, to which she must be carried, as it would be bad for her to walk. While she is sitting there the bridegroom's mother takes to the door two small pails (thlmarjlin, sing. tdlm&rjSlf), one filled with milk and the other with water, which are handed to the bride by the girls attending her ; she drinks three times from each, only uncovering her mouth. She hardly eats anything that evening, so that she shall not be obliged to leave her bed, nor does she speak much. The bridegroom, who spends his time out-of-doors in company with his male friends, only comes to her in the evening of the following day, which she passes on her bed, without treading on the floor. It should be added that in Aglu all the young men of a village who vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 213 marry in the same year have their weddings on the same day in the autumn. If shortly after the weddings there should come locusts instead of the expected rain, the newly married people are taken outside the village and told to make sacrifices at a saint's tomb so as to put a stop to the plague, which is supposed to have been caused by their weddings. Among the Ait Tameldu the same man as lifted the bride on to the mare or mule also lifts her down when she arrives at the bridegroom's place. She walks into his house accompanied by other women, and in this tribe also it is the custom for the bridegroom, sitting on the roof or upper floor of the house, to throw down dried fruit dates, walnuts, and figs, as well as bread, on the blanket held over the bride and on the people round her. This ceremony was said to serve the object of averting the evil eye from the bride, as the things thrown would attract the looks of the people. After she has entered the house the bridegroom's mother gives her milk to drink ; and she spends there the night in the company of other women. This evening is called Ud n-tmgra, " the night of the wedding." Among the Igliwa the procession makes a halt at a little distance from the bridegroom's house, at the door of which his family are standing, crying out their welcome. The bride's brother, or some other man of the party who is a good speaker, answers that they will not enter until the things agreed upon are given them. He is asked, "What do you want?" to which he replies, "We want slaves for the wife, a male and a 2i 4 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. female." This and the rest of the dialogue, however, is only a sham one. The bride is received with dates, flour, henna, and milk. After she has bowed her head three times towards the East, she dips the little finger of her right hand into the milk and wipes it on the mane of the mule. Her people ask, " Where are the dates ? " The bridegroom and his friends, who are sitting with him on the roof of the house, reply, " They are coming with camels from Sahara." They then begin to throw dates on the blanket with which four men are protecting the bride from the bridegroom's attempt to strike her with the cane he holds in his hand. Her people ask for more and more dates, and at an opportune moment the man who lifted her on to the mule takes her down and rushes with her into the house. If he does this so cleverly that she escapes the blow intended for her, the bridegroom is put to ridicule. At Amzmuz, when the bride arrives at the bride- groom's house, a man fires a shot inside the room she is going to occupy, after which she is taken down by the man who lifted her on to the mare and carried straight to the bed. As she approaches the door the bridegroom, who is sitting on the roof, throws on her head walnuts, dates, almonds, and grit removed from the wheat on the day when it was cleaned ; l and the fruit is picked up and eaten by the children. It appears from these descriptions that the cere- monies which are connected with the bride's arrival at 1 See supra, p. 95. vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 215 the bridegroom's place are largely intended to prevent her from carrying evil with her to her new home. For this purpose she is taken either three or seven times round the bridegroom's house or tent or the mosque of his village or the village itself. 1 The milk or water which is offered her or sprinkled upon her 2 in all 1 Among the Bedouins of Mount Sinai the bride, mounted on a camel, is taken three times round the bridegroom's tent, while her companions utter loud exclama- tions (Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins and Wahabys [London, 1830], p. 150). Dr. Seligmann informs me that among the Kabbabish, an Arabic-speaking nomad tribe on the Kordofan-Darfur border, the slave or slaves who bring the bride to the tent where she is going to meet the bridegroom carry her three times round the outside of it. Among the Touareg of the Ahaggar " les hommes amenent le marie a la tente. On lui en fait faire le tour trois fois " (Benhazera, Six mois chex les Touareg du Ahaggar [Alger, 1908], p. 16). Cf. the Indo-European custom of taking the bride round the fireplace (Haas, 'Die Heirathsgebrauche der alten Inder,' in Weber's Indische Studien, v. [Berlin, 1862], pp. 316 sqq., 396 ; Winternitz, 'Das altindische Hochzeitsrituell,' in Denkschriften der Kaiserl. Akademie der JVissenschaften, Philos.- historische Classe, xl. [Wien, 1892], p. 57 sqq. ; Crooke, The Popular Religion and Folk-Lore of Northern India, i. [Westminster, 1896], p. 1 1 : " In India the bride and bridegroom are made to revolve round the sacred fire or the central pole of the marriage-shed " ; v. Schroeder, Die Hoch-zeitsbr'duche der Esten und einiger andrer Jinnish-ugrischer V'ilkerschaften, in Vergleichung mit denen der indo-germanischen V'tilker [Berlin, 1888], p. 127 sqq. ; Samter, Familienfeste der Griechen und RSmer [Berlin, 1901], p. 20 sqq.), which may also have been a purificatory rite ; in his description of the wedding ceremonies of ancient India Dr. Winternitz (loc. cit. p. 42) remarks : " Dass man B8ses von der ins Haus einziehenden Frau befiirchtete, geht aus verschiedenen Versen hervor." In Perthshire it is, or was, the custom for bridal processions to go round the church (v. Reinsberg-Diiringsfeld, Hochzeitsbuch [Leipzig, 1871], p. 236). Of the Jews in Morocco Addison (The Present State of the Jews [London, 1676], p. 52) writes : "At the Wife's first meeting of her Husband she walks thrice about him, because the Scripture saith, A woman shall compass a man, Jer. 31. 22. And the Man walks once round the Woman." 2 Among some Algerian Berbers, " des que la mariee a mis pied a terre pour penetrer dans sa nouvelle demeure, on lui fait boire du lait frais, du leben (lait aigri) et de 1'eau" (Feraud, ' Moeurs et coutumes kabiles,' in Revue africaine, vi. [1862], p. 430 sq.}. The peasants of Palestine place on a bride's head a jar of water, which she is to carry thus into the bridegroom's house ; and if she be too tall to pass under the doorway with the jar on her head, an egg is substituted for it (C. J. Wilson, Peasant Life in the Holy Land [London, 1906], p. 114). In Rome it was the custom to receive a bride " with water and fire " (aqua et igni acdpere) ; see Rossbach, op. cit. pp. 351, 361 sqq., and Samter, op. cit. p. 14 sqq. Water ceremonies have been practised at weddings in many other European countries (v. Schroeder, op. cit. p. 133 sqq.}, as well as in ancient India (Haas, loc. cit. pp. 341-342, 358, 365, 367, 373). 216 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. probability serves the same object, even though the sprinkling of water sometimes is said to bring about rain. She is also received with grain, flour, bread, stksu, tttta, frld^ or red raisins, and very commonly dried fruits raisins, figs, dates, walnuts, or almonds are thrown over her or the bridal box by the bridegroom's mother or other people of his family or the bridegroom himself or, in one case, by a woman of the bride's family. 1 The throwing of bread and dried fruit is in 1 Among some Algerian Berbers, after the bride has drunk the milk and water offered her, "on lui donne une poign^e de b!6, d'orge et de sel, qu'elle doit jeter, a droite et a gauche, par dessus ses 6paules ; c'est, disent-ils, pour faire descendre la benediction et 1'abondance dans la famille " (Feraud, loc. cit. p. 431). Among the Maronites "the bride, conveyed to her new home, is pelted with corn and raisins, and on arriving she flings a pomegranate amid the party, which is greedily seized and divided by the bridegroom's companions (Conder, Heth and Moab [London, 1885], p. 293). The custom of throwing grain, seeds, or dried fruit of one sort or another over the bride or Over the bridegroom as well, or sometimes over other persons present at the wedding, has been observed from India to the Atlantic Ocean (Winternitz, loc. cit. p. 75 sqq. ; Crooke, of. cit. ii. 26 sq. ; Mannhardt, op. cit. p. 354 sqq. ; Schroeder, op. cit. p. 112 sqq. ; Samter, op. cit. p. I sqq. ; Brand, Observations on the Popular Antiquities of Great Britain, ii. [London, 1849], P- IO1 "The English, when the bride comes from church, are wont to cast, wheat upon her head"). Mannhardt (op. cit. p. 365 sqq.) and Mr. Hartland (Primitive Paternity, i. [London, 1909], p. 109) think that this custom is intended to promote fecundity ; and so it obviously is in certain cases. Addison (of. cit. p. 52) states that, among the Jews of some countries, "the Guests bring with them handfuls of corn, which they cast at the New- Married, saying, Increase and Multiply. By which they also wish them Peace and Abundance.'" With reference to the present Jews of Morocco Dr. Jansen (' Mitteilungen liber die Juden in Marroko,' in Globus, Ixxi. [1897], p. 359) writes : " 14 Tage vor der Trauung wird an einem Donners- tage an der Tu'r des Brautzimmers ein Krug voll Getreide zerschlagen, mit der symbolischen Bedeutung, dass die Braut fruchtbar sein m5ge." Mr. Crooke (Things Indian [London, 1906], p. 319) says that rice or wheat is poured over the heads of the pair with the object "to annul the influences which would prevent the fertility of the union " j but he also observes (Popular Religion and Folk-Lore in Northern India, ii. 26) that one object of this rite "would seem to be to keep in the soul which is likely to depart at such a crisis in life as marriage." Dr. Samter (op. cit. p. 2), again, remarks that in Greece dried fruits were thrown not only over a bride but over a newly bought slave as well, and that the custom in question, therefore, must have had another object than that of ensuring fecundity. He suggests that it was originally meant as a food-offering to spirits which required propitiation (ibid. p. 7 tq. ; vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 217 one tribe supposed to increase the food-supply for the married couple and also to benefit others, who pick up what falls on the ground and use it to impart the bride's baraka to their corn ; whereas in another tribe this custom is looked upon as a method of averting the evil eye from the bride. 1 Sometimes the raisins, figs, or dates are said to bring good luck, or to make everything sweet, or to make the bride sweet to the bridegroom's family ; and the Frld, barley, or wheat which is offered her and then thrown by her on the people is said to give them the benefit of her baraka or to make the year good. But in two instances the wheat, flour, s$ksu, or titta which she throws over her head is represented as a means by which she rids herself of evil influences, and in one instance the dried fruit which she throws on the people is said to remove bas from those who partake of it. The offering of henna to the bride on her arrival at her new home no doubt serves a puri- ficatory object, and this may also be the case with the bridegroom's attempt to strike her with a cane, though it has the appearance of a ceremony by which he tries to get power over her. 2 It is for the express purpose of Samter, Geburt, Hoch-zelt und Tod [Leipzig & Berlin, 1911], p. 172 sqq-} ; and the same opinion has been expressed by M. Reinach (Cultes, mythes et religions, i. [Paris, 1905], p. 117) and Herr Sartori (Sitte und Brauch, i. [Leipzig, 1910], p. 91). This explanation gains no support from Moorish ideas. Professor Schroeder (op. at. p. 210 n. 1 ) thinks it probable that the Jews have borrowed the custom from Indo- Europeans, as it is not known to have prevailed among the ancient Hebrews ; and the same may have been the case with the people of Northern Africa. 1 In Palestine (Lydia Einszler, 'Das bb'se Auge,' in Zeitochrift des Deutschen Palaestina-f^ereins, xii. [1889], p. 208) and Syria (van Kasteren, "Aus dem ' Buche der Weiber,'" ibid, xviii. [1895], p. 49) the throwing of grain and salt at a wedding is likewise looked upon as a charm against the evil eye. 2 " It is said that as a Druze bride enters her husband's door he gives her a smart 218 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. expelling evil that the bride beats the bridegroom's tent ; and to the same class of ceremonies seems to belong the short religious rite she performs while still on the animal, nothing being more purifying than prayer. There is, moreover, the quivering noise of women, loud music, and the firing off of guns, 1 the purificatory or pro- tective character of which is particularly obvious when it is done so close to the bride that she is enwrapped in the smoke or when a shot is fired inside the room which she is going to occupy. In one instance the shots are said to prevent her evil influences from affecting the islUn. The animal which the bride has ridden must also be purified in some way or other : a boy rides on it three times round the house, or the bride wipes the finger which she has dipped in the milk offered her on the mane of the mule, or the bridegroom's mother throws an egg, which she has dipped into milk and flour at its forehead, partly, I presume, to purify the mule, 2 or the blow with a stick, to show that she is under his rule and authority " (Wilson, of. cit. p. 114). Among the Maronites the bridegroom, standing on the flat roof of the house over the door, holds a sword above the head of the bride (Conder, op. cit. p. 293). Among the Algerian Berbers already referred to, after the bride has thrown grain and salt over her shoulders, " le mari s'approche, a son tour, et lui tire, a hauteur de la te'te et presque a bout portant, un coup de fusil ou de pistolet qui, parfois, met le feu a sa coiffure. Cette grossiere galanterie est le prelude del'assujet- tissement de la femme, elle 1'avertit que son mari est desormais le maitre absolu de son existence" (F6raud, loc. cit. p. 431). 1 Among the Touareg of the Ahnet, at the moment when the bridal procession arrives at the bridegroom's tent, " on tire quelques coups de fusil " (Bissuel, Les Touareg de I'ouest [Alger, 1888], p. 105). 2 In Andjra it is also the custom that, when a person buys a horse, mule, or donkey, he breaks an egg against its forehead ; besides which he puts a dollar-piece or some other silver object on the ground and makes the animal walk over it. In the Hiaina, when a horse is bought, an egg is likewise broken against its forehead, and some white wool is tied to its right foreleg. Among the Igliwa a newly bought horse or mule is taken over a bowl of milk which has been placed on the threshold vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 219 bride gives the animal barley or stksu to eat, throwing the rest in its face or over its head. The object of the last-mentioned ceremony is sometimes said to be to remove from the mare evil influences which would other- wise cause its death or barrenness, sometimes to make the corn plentiful in the household, and sometimes both to make the year good and the mare fruitful ; but I think we have reason to believe that, whatever ideas may now be connected with this ceremony, it was first suggested by a feeling that the animal with which the bride had been in so close a contact was in need of purification. It is for a similar reason that the saddle is sometimes smeared with henna or blood. The custom of taking the bride into the bride- groom's house behind a cover of blankets may, like her veiled face, be intended to protect the people from her dangerous glance, at the same time as it shelters her from their looks ; as said before, she is both a source of danger to others and in a state of danger herself. For the latter reason she must be carried to the nuptial bed or across the threshold, 1 which of the house or on some flour strewn on it. It was pointed out to me that the good effects of the egg, wool, milk, and flour are due to their whiteness and, in the case of the wool, to its baraka also, which it possesses as coming from a holy animal. 1 In Palestine " a bride is often carried over the threshold that her feet may not touch it, to do so being considered unlucky" (Wilson, op. clt. p. 114) ; and in Cairo the bridegroom, who meets the bride when she arrives before the gate of his dwelling, " suddenly clasps her in his arms as if by violence, and running off with his fair prize carries her into the females' apartments up stairs (Burckhardt, Arabic Pro-verbs [London, 1830], p. 116). The custom of carrying a bride over the threshold has prevailed in Rome (Rossbach, op. dt. pp. 351, 359 sqq.} and many other countries both in Europe and elsewhere (v. Schroeder, op. cit. p. 88 sqq. ; Trumbull, The Threshold Covenant [New York, 1896], p. 36 sqq. ; Samter, Geburt, Hochzeit und Tod, p. 136 sqq.}. In ancient India a bride was not allowed to step on the threshold (Winternitz, he. dt. pp. 23, 72). 220 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. is considered haunted byjnttn, presumably on account of that uncanny feeling which superstitious people are apt to experience when they first enter a dwelling ; * although the carrying of the bride into her new home may, at the same time, be a ceremonial expression of the reluctance which a virgin pretends to feel against being given away in marriage. 2 Owing to her 1 In Morocco nobody is allowed to sit down on the threshold of a house or at the entrance of a tent ; should a person do so he would get ill himself or give has to the house. So also it would be unlucky for the house and its inhabitants if anybody should pull up the backs of his slippers on the threshold. Chenier (The Present State of the Empire of Morocco, i. [London, 1788], p. 277) says that when the bride enters the bridegroom's house, her relatives carefully observe that " she shall not touch the threshold of the door." Dr. Samter (Geburt, Hochzeit and Tod, p. 140 sqq."), following Dr. Winternitz (loc. cit. p. 72), maintains that the threshold is feared because it is believed to be haunted by the souls of dead people, and thinks that this belief may have originated in an earlier custom of burying the dead underneath the threshold, although he can adduce no evidence for this supposition. The Moorish jnSn, how- ever, are not the souls of departed men, nor can it be proved that the ancient Arabic jinn were souls. They seem to have been beings invented to explain or personify the mysteries of nature (see Westermarck, ' The Nature of the Arab Ginn, illustrated by the Present Beliefs of the People of Morocco,' in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxix. [1900], p. 252 sqq.} ; and as for the jnun haunting the threshold, I have little doubt that they simply owe their origin to that uncanny feeling mentioned in the text. 2 Cf. Crawley, The Mystic Rose (1902), p. 350 sqq. In Turkey, when the bride arrives at the bridegroom's house, " she is expected, for the sake of appearances, to show great reluctance to enter" (Hutchinson, Marriage Customs in Many Lands [London, r ^97]> P- 79)- With reference to the ancient Romans, Plutarch (op. cit. 29) writes : " Why do they not permit the new married woman herself to step over the threshold of the house, but the bridemen lift her over? What if the reason be that they, taking their first wives by force, brought them thus into their houses, when they went not in of their own accord ? Or is it that they will have them seem to enter into that place as by force, not willingly, where they are about to lose their virginity? " Many modern writers have likewise tried to explain this custom as a survival of marriage by capture, e.g. Rossbach (pp. cit. p. 360), Lord Avebury (The Origin of Civilisation [London, 1912], p. 102), Schroeder (op. cit. p. 92), and Jevons (in his edition of Plutarch's Romane Questions [London, 1892], p. xcv. sq.) ; but without success (cf. Samter, Geburt, HocAxeit und Tod, p. 137 sq. ; Zachariae, ' Zum altin- dischen Hochzeitsritual,' in Vienna Oriental Journal, xvii. [1903], p. 140 sqq.}. In many cases the man who carries the bride over the threshold is neither the bride- groom nor any of his friends, but a man of her own family (cf. Crooke, ' The Lifting of the Bride,' in Folk-Lore, xiii. (1902), p. 239) ; and side by side with the custom of lifting the bride, there is the custom which simply requires her to avoid stepping vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 221 dangerous condition the bride must be silent, 1 or only speak in a whisper, and avoid being seen eating ; and in one instance the man who carries her to her bed pricks it with his dagger to make it safe for her. Besides ceremonies which, though probably purifica- tory in their origin, are looked upon as means of positively promoting the welfare of individuals, the family, or the whole community, there are others which no doubt from the beginning have been practised with such objects in view. The bride hurls a lamb over the bridegroom's tent so that there shall be many sheep in the village. She smears the horizontal pole of the tent with butter so that there shall be an abundance of butter or " grease " in the household. 2 She is taken upon the threshold. Equally unsatisfactory is Zachariae's suggestion (loc. cif. p. 142 sq.) that the chief feature of the ceremony is the lifting-up of the bride, not her avoidance of touching the threshold with her feet. " Das Heben an sich," he says, " war augenscheinlich eine feierliche, bedeutsame Handlung. Personen, die man feiern oder ehren wollte, wurden in die H8he gehoben : so bei der Hochzeit die Braut und . . . auch der Brautigam." This may apply to some other ceremonies mentioned above, but does not explain why the bride is carried over the threshold (cf. Samter, op. at. p. 138 sqq.}. The Roman custom of lifting a bride over the threshold has been said to serve the object of preventing the bad omen which would be caused by her stumbling on it (Preller, RSmische Mythologie [Berlin, 1865], p. 585). According to Mr. Crooke (loc. cit. p. 242), " the lifting over the threshold may . . . be in some cases a fertility charm ; in others it may have been intended to protect the bride from some contamination, or to avoid ill-luck." 1 Cf. Customs and Manners of the Women of Persia, translated by Atkinson (London, 1832), p. 70 : "The bride 'herself must not speak to any one." See also Crawley, op. cit. p. 342. 2 In Algeria, says M. Villot (Masurs, coutumes et institutions des indigenes de VAlgerie [Alger, 1888], p. 105), "la jeune epouse est amenee jusque sur le seuil de sa nouvelle demeure ; la belle-mere 1'y re9oit et lui tend un pot de beurre. La jeune fille y plonge la main et, apres Ten avoir retiree, elle enduit de beurre les montants de la tente. Cette ceremonie, dont 1'origine se perd dans la nuit des temps, a pour but de faire descendre la benediction du ciel sur le jeune menage." In Palestine, again, " when the bride comes to her husband's house, she has, before entering, to place a piece of leavened dough on the doorpost. This act is a wish that as the leaven placed in a mass of dough increases till the whole of the mass is 222 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. to the four corners of the tent as representing the " thresholds " of boys, of sheep and cattle, of safety and quietness, and of cheapness. Other ceremonies are performed by her or her mother-in-law to make her fruitful l and, particularly, a mother of sons ; to make the two women friendly to one another ; 2 to make the bride a good wife ; to make her permanent in the house ; or to make her fond of the cattle. In this connection we should also remember the belief mentioned in the last chapter, that it is a good omen for the people of her new home if she arrives there at the same time as the flocks and herds return from the pastures. 3 leavened, so she may have a numerous family, and by her the clan may grow and be increased" (Wilson, op. at. p, 114). The same custom is mentioned by Abela, ' Beitrage zur Kenntniss aberglaubischer Gebrauche in Syrien,' in Zeitschrift der Deutschen Palaestina-Vereins, vii. (1884), p. 93 ; Conder, op. cit. p. 293 (Maronites) ; Trumbull, op. cit. p. 28 sq. (Upper Syria) j Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au pays de Moab (Paris, 1908), p. 54. In Rome the bride anointed the door-posts of the bride- groom's house with grease or oil and hung wool on them (Rossbach, op. cit. pp. 351, 356 sqq. ; Samter, Familienfeste der Griechen und RSmer, p. 80). For the use made of wool in magical practices in Morocco, see supra, p. 218 sy. n. 2 ; infra, p. 261. Among the Jews of Morocco the bridegroom dips some cotton-wool in a mixture of honey and henna and then fixes it together with a silver coin on the head of the bride, " als Zeichen ihres kiinftigen Wohlbefindens und Gedeihens " (Jansen, loc. cit. p. 360). 1 "A Kerak et a Madaba, lorsque 1'epouse entre pour la premiere fois dans la maison de son epoux, on ecrase une grenade dont on disperse les grains pour figurer les nombreux enfants attendus de ce mariage " (Jaussen, op. cit. p. 54). Eijflb Abela (loc. cit. p. 93) gives the following description of the manner in which a Syrian bride is received : " Wenn die Braut bei der Thiire des Hauses ihres Bra'utigams anlangt, giebt man ihr ein Stuck Sauerteig, damit sie es iiber der Thiire befestige. Auch legt man auf die Schwelle einen Granatapfel, auf welchen sie treten muss, so dass die K8rner auseinanderstieben. Dadurch gewinnt man die tJberzeugung, dass sie mit der Familie des Mannes in gutem Einvernehmen leben und viele Kinder bekommen werde." 2 At Aleppo, as soon as the bride has arrived at the bridegroom's house, his mother " rompt en deux avec elle une grosse pastille de Sucre, et ayant a la main un morceau de candi, elle le lui met dans la bouche pour qu'elle ait le parler doux avec sa belle-mere" (Guys, Un Der-vich algerien en Syrie [Paris, 1854], p. 202). 3 Among the Touareg of the Ahnet, on the other hand, " la marche est calculee de maniere a ce que le cortege arrive a la tente du mari a 1'instant du dohor " (duAr), i.e. at 1.30 P.M. (Bissuel, op. cit. p. 105). vi RECEPTION OF THE BRIDE 223 The bride is generally lifted into the bridegroom's house or tent by the same man as previously put her on the animal, but sometimes it is the bridegroom's brother or cousin that takes her in although it was her own brother or cousin that mounted her. In one case, where a woman of her kin has lifted her into the bridal box, and her brother has lifted her out of it, a woman of the bridegroom's family carries her into his house ; and in another case the bridegroom himself puts her down on the bed after her brother or uncle has carried her into his room. 1 There is a ceremonial fight between these two men, and the bridegroom is besides attacked by the women. In other instances the bridegroom and friends of his who are dressed like him are struck by the men and women of the bride's village, including the bride herself, who thereby hopes to become his master ; or the bridegroom tries to strike the bride ; or the men of the procession rob the bridegroom's mother and sisters and the imsnein of their headgears and the bride of her slippers ; or the bachelors and other young men try to take something from the bride, who is defended by the other women and the imsnein ; or the women curse both her and the bridegroom's father, as if the marriage were an offence against their sex ; and in one instance the bride's brother refuses to proceed to the door of the bridegroom's house. 2 In 1 Cf. Fraud, loc. cit. p. 431 (some Algerian Berbers). 2 Among the Touareg of the Ahaggar, at some yards' distance from the bride- groom's tent " le fils de la tante maternelle de la marine s'avance et veut retenir la marine, en lui disant : ' Je ne te laisserai pas partir avant d'avoir re9u mon cadeau, mes sandales.' . . . Le marie ou ses amis lui font alors passer une paire de sandales mises de c&t a son intention ou, a deTaut, un autre cadeau" (Benhazera, op. cit. 224 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP.VI these customs we find a ceremonial expression of the antagonism between different social groups represented at a wedding, and of the husband's and wife's desire to rule over one another. But at the same time it seems quite probable that they have a purificatory significance as well, as is the case with sham-fights on various other occasions in Morocco. p. 17). Among the Arabs of Moab, if the bride is brought from a neighbouring tribe, a curious scene takes place when the procession approaches a camp in the bridegroom's tribe : " Les femmes du campement se r^unissent, poussent des cris, ramassent des pierres, les jettent sur la fiancee, font accroupir son chameau, la tralnent par terre, se mettent a la frapper ; le sang coule ; mais les hommes ne tardent pas a mettre un terme a ce combat feminin. La me'me scene se renouvelle, parait-il, chaque fois que le cortege doit passer aupres d'un campement, avant d'arriver a celui du fianc6. Les femmes de la tribu ne veulent point recevoir cette etrangere, dont 1'arrivee parait etre une insulte a leur beaute ou a leurs attraits " (Jaussen, op. cit. p. 53). CHAPTER VII THE MEETING OF THE BRIDE AND BRIDEGROOM AND THE MORNING AFTER WE shall return to the bridegroom at Fez, whom we left in dar islan when we accompanied the bride to dar l-Qrs. On their arrival at dar islan the ngagef, sent there by the bridegroom's mother, remove his clothes and put on him the new ones which they have brought with them ; being black women they have no shame in doing so. On this occasion, however, the white farajiya y which is otherwise worn over the coloured qdffBn? is omitted, and he has no belt (hazam) put round him. With his ksa pulled over his face he walks to his house surrounded by the ngtigef and followed by his male friends. When they arrive at the door the ngagef make a quivering noise as a signal to the women inside to go upstairs. On entering the house his friends remain in its centre while he himself and the ngagef proceed into the nuptial chamber, where he mounts one of the lower steps of a ladder leaning against the pile of 1 Whilst the qaftan is buttoned all down the front, thefarajiya is only buttoned from neck to waist. 225 Q 226 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. mattresses opposite the entrance. A ngg&fa with a wax candle in her hand stands on either side of him, while the other ng&gefstop near the door. One of the latter holds in her hand an empty bowl, another a bowl with milk, and a third a bowl containing dates. The men come one by one and put into the empty vessel some money, which is taken by the ng&gef '; the second ngg&fa gives the donor some milk to drink, and the third one hands to him a date to eat. While this is going on the ngfigefsmg : Allah nta shab la-rus, May God be with the bridegroom's friends ; and the women upstairs make a quivering noise. When all the men present have thus given their tribute and been rewarded with some milk and a date, they go back to dar islnn and the women come down again. The bridegroom gets off the ladder and enters the dtthtuta accompanied by a nggtifa, who takes off his hdygk and removes the bride's ornaments, putting the latter in a box standing in the dtthMfa. After she has locked the box and given the key to the bride, she goes away and closes the door, leaving the bride and bride- groom alone. The other nghgef have already left the room. The bridegroom now passes a while with the bride. Before they part she gives him two cotton kerchiefs (drer^ sing, derrd] embroidered with silk, one of which he ties round his waist as a belt, using the other as a handkerchief, and a fdkka, or cord for keeping up the trousers, with embroidered and fringed ends to hang vii MEETING OF THE COUPLE 227 down in front ; and it is the custom that the bride herself should thread this cord through the trousers. The bridegroom then goes alone to dar islfin, after which one of the ngagef, the so-called gell&sa, enters the room and sits down near the door to attend on the bride. In the morning a band of tabbalin, some of whom are playing drums (tabbalin in the restricted sense of the word) and others (so-called gaiydtiri] oboes, come to dar l-Srs. When their music is heard at dar islan the bridegroom and all his friends go to join them. They enter the house, the bridegroom sits down in the nuptial chamber on a mattress opposite the door, the gaiyatin also seat themselves inside the room near the door, while the tabbalin remain standing in the centre of the house. The musicians with their music isdbbhti. ( a/ la-ris, that is, wish a good morning to the bridegroom. While they are playing all the men, including the bridegroom, pay a fee to the band by placing silver coins on the forehead of the chief of the gaiydtin, after which the musicians go away and the bridegroom and his friends return to dar islan. But about eight o'clock thegel/fisa comes to fetch him for his breakfast, which he has together with the bride in the dahSuSa ; his friends, on the other hand, are served with breakfast in dar islan, and thither he returns himself after a while. On the morning of this day, which is called nhar s-sbah, " the day of the morning," he no longer has his face covered. It should be added that if he has had intercourse during the night which is by no means always the 228 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. case he goes in the early morning to the hot bath, accompanied by his friends from dar hlnn ; and on his way back he buys a large quantity offdkya (dried fruit), fills a tdifor with it, and sends it, covered up with a mkeb, to the house of the bride's parents, distributing the rest of the fdkya to the bride and htdtar in his own house. The fdkya indicates that the bride was a virgin. A nggafa takes her drawers, folds them so as to show the blood, and ties them up in a sgbniya, or silk kerchief, with golden embroidery ; she then carries the bundle on the top of her head to the middle of the house, where she puts it down on a cushion near the door of the nuptial chamber, and opens it so , that the blood becomes visible. A quivering noise is made by all the women present, who one after the other put money on the top of the drawers. When this ceremony, which is called s-sdrwal, " the drawers," is finished, the money is removed and kept by the ng&gef as their fee, the drawers are again tied up, and the ngghfa^ accompanied by other ng&gef, carries the bundle on the top of her head to the house of the bride's family, where her female relatives are still assembled. When the nghgef arrive at the door of the house they make a quivering noise to advertise the event, though their arrival was foreboded by the fdkya sent in advance. After they have been entertained with tea and food, they exhibit the drawers on a cushion placed in the middle of the house, all the women make a quivering noise, and the htdtar put money on the top of the drawers. The ng&gef then return to dar l-Srs, leaving the drawers vii MEETING OF THE COUPLE 229 behind to be washed with other clothes, and the htdtar go away for good, the feast in the house of the bride's family having now come to an end. As already indicated, these ceremonies with the drawers do not necessarily take place on the day after the bride was fetched, but on the day after the first intercourse and the appearance of hymeneal blood, and the htdtar remain in the house of the bride's parents till the drawers are sent there, but only if they appear within seven days ; after the lapse of this period the htdtar go away in any case. If the bride is found not to be a virgin the wedding may come to a sudden end, the sdaq being returned, as also the clothing which the young man sent to his fiancee. But it may also happen that the bride's parents, in order to avoid a scandal, bribe the bride- groom to conceal the fact for the present, in which case the blood of a fowl or pigeon is used as a substitute for the lacking signs of virginity. If the bridegroom accuses the bride of not being a virgin, her parents send an aunt of hers to ask her if the accusation is true. If she denies it and her parents believe her, they send two qwabel, or professional midwives, and two 'adul, or notaries, to the bridegroom's house, the former to examine the bride and the latter to write down the result. If the bridegroom was wrong her parents accuse him before the governor, who orders him to be D ' flogged and put into prison, and in former days he was besides taken about in the streets of the town with his hands tied behind his back. When he then comes out of prison and breaks the hymen of his wife, a 230 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. accompanied by male musicians, takes the blood-stained drawers on her head to the house of the wife's family, where a feast is celebrated on this occasion. In his description of a wedding at Fez four hundred years ago Leo Africanus gives the following account of the meeting of bride and bridegroom : " The father, brother, and vncle of the bride lead her vnto the chamber-doore, and there deliver her with one consent vnto the mother of the bridegroome : who, as soon as she is entered, toucheth her foote with his, and foorthwith they depart into a generall roome by themselues. In the meane season the banket is comming foorth : and a certaine woman standeth before the bride-chamber doore, expecting till the bridegroome hauing defloured his bride reacheth her a napkin stained with blood, which napkin she carrieth incontinent and sheweth to the guestes, proclaiming with a lowd voice, that the bride was euer till that time a vnspotted and pure virgine. This woman together with other women her companions, first the parents of the bridegroome and then of the bride doe honourably entertaine. But if the bride be found not to be a virgine, the manage is made frustrate, and she with great disgrace is turned home to her parents." x In Andjra, after the bridegroom and wazdra have performed their evening prayer, the latter take him to the room where the bride is waiting. They all get up and walk with flags and candles to the door of the room. The hdjeb, or best-man, calls for the bride- groom's parents, who come out, the mother still carrying the bundle of clothes on her back. He tells the bridegroom to kiss their heads. The mother puts down the bundle, containing her son's shaved- off 1 Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa, ii. (London, 1896), p. 450. vii MEETING OF THE COUPLE 231 hair, and asks the hdjeb to tell him to step three times over it ; this is done in order to prevent the working of magic on him by any one who may have got hold of some hairs when he was shaved. The hdjeb says to the parents : Ardiu f &la wildkum, " Bless your son." He then throws the carpet, cushion, and flags into the room through the doorway, which is only closed by a curtain. The bridegroom enters the room, which is lighted up with four candles, and shuts the door behind him ; but he must take care not to turn his head back, as otherwise evil spirits may enter with him. He takes ofF his hdyttk, turns his face towards the East, and says a prayer. He eats of the food, consisting of two chickens, eggs, thin cakes of bread called rgaif y and dried fruit, which was brought from the bride's house and placed by her haddayin on a low table in the room. He addresses the bride, who is sitting behind a curtain, with the words : A dik fatty a, l&zem t s dkul m'dya, " O lady, you must eat with me."^ As she gives no answer he pulls back the curtain and sees his bride, perhaps for the first time in his life. He puts into her mouth a piece of rgaif, which she eats with downcast eyes. He then puts into her mouth a date with the stone removed, a raisin, a small piece of fowl, a piece of a walnut, a piece of a fig, and a small piece of an egg. He takes a new bottle filled with water and a new bowl, brought there among other articles from the bride's house, goes to the four corners of the room and sprinkles a little water in each corner, takes hold of the 232 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. bride's hands, first one and then the other, and dips the tips of her fingers into the water which he has poured out into the bowl. He drinks from the bowl and then holds it for the bride to drink from ; it is necessary that he should drink first, in order to become her master. Touching her temples with the thumb and middle finger of his right hand he recites the " sura of the d jinn" and, still keeping his hand in the same position, adds some words like these : " O lady, may God bless you and me and our house, may he give us children, and may he give us peace, and may he give us herds and flocks ; there is no god but God, and Muhammed is the Prophet of God." He undresses himself completely, takes hold of the bride, and re- moves her clothes. He has to untie seven knots made by her hadddytn in the cord (ffekd) of her drawers ; should he omit doing so, he would have to pay a fine to them. Before he has intercourse with the bride he puts his own and her slippers under her in the bed to serve as evidence of her virginity.. Should no blood appear he would at once go and tell his mother about it, and the bride would be sent back to her parents ; but let us assume that she is a virgin. The slippers are removed from the bed and the bride is left there to sleep. The bridegroom has a wash, called l-fidft s-sg?r^ " the little ablution," dresses, prays, and then has a short sleep on the ground. After awakening he has a second wash, l-ftdti, l-kblr^ " the great ablution," sits down, and recites a silra of the Koran. At daybreak some of the vii MEETING OF THE COUPLE 233 wazdra knock at the door asking him to make him- self ready. The bride's hadddyin, who have spent the night in a neighbouring room, tell them to wait a little, enter the room of the young couple, examine their slippers, make a quivering noise, and kiss the bridegroom's head, congratulating him with the usual phrase, Hniya f alik. When the wazdra hear the quivering noise they fire off some shots. The hadddyin take out to them four palmetto -trays (grdbel, sing. gdrbHl\ filled respectively with rgaif, ordinary bread, raisins and walnuts, and figs and dates, all of which have been sent by the bride's family. The wazdra knock once more at the door, informing the bride- groom that they are ready. He comes out well covered up and with his eyes painted with antimony, after which the hadddyin again enter the room and receive the money which he has put in one of the bride's slippers as a present for them. He now goes to the mosque with the wazdra, who are carrying the trays given to them by the hadddyin. He is received by the fqi, who kisses him on the head, saying, Hniya ( alik, " My congratulation to you " ; and the same is done by the wazara, who address him sidna, " our lord." The 'drab also come one by one and kiss him on the head, saying, Hniya 'alik a s-s<an, " My congratulation to you, O Sultan " ; but they have only been allowed to enter after they have had their hands tied behind their backs. They then leave the room but enter once more and this time all together, with their hands untied, for the purpose of robbing the Sultan of 234 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. his slippers and turban and other articles of his dress and carrying away the flags. A struggle commences between them and the wazdra ; if the latter are victorious the 'drab are tied and punished with sticks before the Sultan, and are only set free after they have asked for pardon. The wazdra^ the fql and school- boys, and the 'drab sit down and eat in three separate groups, whereas the Sultan partakes of nothing, sitting silent with downcast eyes. One of the wazdra brings a pail of water, and, after an ablution, the Sultan and others say the dha prayer. Meanwhile the musicians strike up a morning serenade at the bridegroom's house, where the bride is sitting with her hadddyin and other women of her family. The bridegroom and the wazdra go there and sit down on a carpet in the yard. The hdjeb conies and distributes silver coins to them, a peseta to the Sultan and a bilyun to each of the wazara money which was all previously handed to him by the Sultan. The latter gets up and gives his coin to one of the musicians, and the wazdra follow his example ; this is /-grama del-galydda^ after which follows l-grdma des- sd/tan, the men from among the young couple's relatives presenting the bridegroom with silver money, varying from a bilyun to a few dollars. At this ceremony there is nobody who cries out the donor's name and the sum given by him, as the bridegroom now himself can see everything going on. One of the bride's hadddyin comes out with a fine towel {futa} worth about a dollar, and hangs it on the shoulder of the vii MEETING OF THE COUPLE 235 chief of the tabbdla ; this is the bride's present to the musicians, who afterwards sell it and divide the money between themselves. The hadddytn then bring palmetto trays filled with various kinds of food from the bride's trunk and give one tray to the musicians, four to the Sultan and his wazdra, one to the schoolboys, and three to the 'drab. The musicians take their food to their room, the Sultan and wazdra go with theirs to the mosque, and the schoolboys and 'drab eat theirs in the yard. Among the Tsui, when the bride hears the bride- groom coming, she takes her right slipper in her hand and waves it seven times towards the door, in order that she shall rule over him. When he enters he cuts the rope supporting the curtain which hides the bride, and goes, without saying a word, to the bed where she is sitting. She kisses his hand. He re- moves the cover from her head, crushes its cane-work and throws it on the floor, thus destroying the bas, and taps her seven times on her head with the flat of his sword, so as to become her master. Only then does he begin to speak to her, and burns various kinds of incense to drive away evil spirits. If she makes resist- ance and he is not strong enough to overcome her, he calls for his uzlr, or best-man, who is standing outside the door, ready to step in and help him by tying the bride's wrists together or her arms to her legs. When the bridegroom is resting his head on her arm she may, if she is in love with him, say to herself in an inaudible 236 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. voice : FarraSt lek l-htibdr u gattit s ek be l-htibdr, dr&mni md ram l-mtyef l-qbar ; qaulel* alldh u qaulef r-rsul u qaule? Idlla Fatima bent* l-mkun jebbadSf s-shdr men seb'a bhtir, " I have made you a bed with [my] flesh and I have covered you with [my] flesh, may you be fond of me as the dead is fond of his grave ; the speech of God and the speech of the Prophet and the speech of Lady Fatima, the daughter of the [holy] places, who took charms from seven seas." When the bridegroom leaves the room the uzir fires two shots, and the women of the village assemble there. If they find blood on the bride's chemise (manstiriyd), which is on this occasion styled sdrwal, u drawers," they make a quivering noise and dance in the room, the bride's sister with the chemise on the top of her head. It is then hung up in the yard so that all the people shall see the marks of virginity. Should there be no such marks the bridegroom's family would exclaim, Ddi kelbftik 'tiliya, " Take away from me your bitch " ; and the bride's father or, in his absence, her brother would shoot her dead in the room or in the yard, besides which all the money and presents given would be returned. But it very rarely happens that a bride is found not to be a virgin. In the morning the bride's mother sends to the bridegroom's family a dish of stksu and meat, called l-gds'a dSs-s-vdh^ " the dish of the morning," to be eaten by them alone. In the yiaina the bridegroom, accompanied by the hlan, goes to the door of the house in which the bride vii MEETING OF THE COUPLE 237 is waiting. He is there left alone by his friends, and enters the house. He cuts with his sword the rope which has been tied from wall to wall in front of the bed ; this is to cut off the bas. He gently slaps the bride on her forehead and shoulders with the flat of his sword, so as to expel evil spirits. He takes off her right slipper, removes the needle which her mother has put into it as a protection against jnun^ and throws it away, at the same time throwing away the bas^ and then puts the slipper back on her foot. He plaits the hair on the right side of her head, opens her mamvriya or qafmn^ takes hold of her, and pulls her up to stand. She now removes his slippers ; there was said to be some magic in this, perhaps the bridegroom thereby hopes to become master. He gives her some money, which is called htilltln 18-hzam, " the opening of the girdle " ; but this is only a figurative expression as she has no girdle on her. They partake of some figs and buiiyar from the mezwud brought from the bride's house, and some incense is burned as a safeguard against jnun. I was told that, if the bride remains long alone before the bridegroom enters the room so that she dozes and is then awakened and frightened by the noise he makes, she may be struck by jntin and get a distorted face or lose her senses. D When the bridegroom is gone, his and the bride's mother, together with other women, enter the room and make a quivering noise when they see the stains of blood, whilst the men outside fire off their guns. The mezwud is taken out of the room and the is/an 238 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. have a fight about it with the unmarried women, the victorious party eating its contents. The bride's mother entertains the people with t$dm (stksu]. This morning is called sbah butiyar^ " the morning of bfaiyar" Among the Ul^d Bu-'Aziz, the bridegroom, after being smeared with henna, quietly goes behind the curtain in the tent where the bride is sitting, and takes her with him to a nwala, or straw-hut, to have connection with her, or, in default of a straw-hut, has connection with her in the tent or on the waste land outside the village ; but in any case they part before daybreak. As we have noticed, however, they already had intercourse the previous evening with ceremonies similar to those which in other tribes take place at the meeting of the bride and bridegroom after she has been brought to her new home. In the morning men of the bride's village kill the fowls sent the day before by her mother, while the women from her village make btiXiy&r of flour from the wheat belonging to the dhttz, together with salt butter. These cakes, thin like wafers, are torn into pieces, the gravy of the boiled chickens and melted butter are poured over them, onions are added, and then chickens are laid on the top. This dish, which is called rf$sa^ is served about midday, and is partaken of by the people from both the bride's and bridegroom's villages, the men having their meal in the mosque or in a large tent, and the women vii MEETING OF THE COUPLE 239 afterwards in the bridegroom's tent. After finishing this meal, which is called IZ-mmudda dyult l-mra (" the time of the woman "), all the men put some money in the empty dish, the bachelors giving more than the married men, and the bridegroom taking the lead with the most liberal gift a dollar or two ; he also partook of the meal, with the hood of his cloak drawn over his face. F&tha is made, and the men with the exception of the bridegroom and his unmarried friends go away. The money just referred to is taken by the mother of the bride. Among the Ait Saddgn the bride and bridegroom meet some time in the night between the hour for the evening prayer and daybreak. When one of them has arrived in the room, the imsnein go and fetch the other partner and remain themselves outside the entrance with the door shut, if there is a door, ready to come in and tie up the bride in case she makes difficulties and the bridegroom calls for them. Before the connection the bridegroom gives to the bride a small sum of money, from half- a- dollar to two dollars, which is called tiruyi n-uhtizzam, corre- sponding to the Arabic hdllUn 1%-hzdm. He removes the sword which he is carrying, but both he and the bride keep on their slippers not only that night but for seven days and nights. Very early in the morning, before sunrise, the bride's chemise is exhibited on the roof of the house by her mother or sister or the bridegroom's mother. 2 4 o MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. There is always blood on it, because, if the bridegroom suspects his bride of not being a virgin, or from his own experience knows that she is not so, he has a cock ready to kill, and then, if necessary, smears her chemise with its blood ; I was told that it never happens that a bride is sent away on account of lost virginity. A man of the bridegroom's household or some bachelor fires off" his gun once outside the house, and the bridegroom's mother or some other woman of his family makes three tig&r&tin. The women and other people, who assemble outside the house, take down the chemise from the roof, put it in the yard or inside the tent, and sing and dance round it, the men playing on tambourines. The dancing women are then entertained with breakfast consisting of tttfdm (siiksu'} with butter (jismmif) or ttfftim with meat. This breakfast is called ssbah n-tslit^ " the morning of the bride." Among the Ait Yusi the bride late in the evening walks with the imsnein from the tent where she has been sitting, either to another tent or to a lonely spot outside the village to meet the bridegroom. Here also the imsnein assist the latter, if he is in need of help, and subsequently take the bride back to the tent from which they came. There they and the bride together partake of a dish called ug y nu^ which consists of roasted wheat, pounded and mixed with melted butter. This dish, which has been prepared by the bridegroom's mother, is eaten by them under vii MEETING OF THE COUPLE 241 the cover of a woman's mantle (tahSddunf), and the same spoon is used by the bride and the imsnein, who may be as many as four, although in the case of a poor man's wedding there may be a single amsn&i only. It may also be, however, that the couple do not meet at all on the night after the bride's arrival. Next day in the afternoon the bridegroom and imsnein have a meal together off the so-called tihdit n-tslit^ " the present of the bride," consisting of meat and dates, which, covered up with a kerchief belonging to the bride, are taken to them on a palmetto tray (hmiduri) by a procession of men and women amid singing, playing, and dancing. When the bridegroom and imsnein have finished their meal, they put some Igrdma on the tray and send it back. The imsnein then go away, and another man, of the bridegroom's family, takes the bride to some place outside the village, where she meets her spouse ; this distant place is chosen in order that the voice of the bride shall not be heard in case she makes a noise. On this occasion the bridegroom pays her a small sum of money, half -a- dollar or less, which is called taruyi uhfizzam, " the opening of the girdle." After they have had connection she goes back to the tent to spend the rest of the night alone. The morning after the intercourse a woman who is an expert dancer takes the chemise of the bride stained with blood (the bride's or that of a fowl), puts it on her head, and dances with it before the people of the village, who also begin to dance and sing. The 242 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. bridegroom's family entertain all the villagers with ahrir, or porridge made of wheaten meal, which is served and eaten with salt butter ; and while eating they smear some of it on each other's faces. The same day the bride paints herself with antimony and walnut root ; at the tag y rurt she was painted with henna only, whereas the bridegroom on the day when she was fetched, before her arrival, not only had his hands painted with henna but also his eyes with antimony and his lips with walnut root. It may be added that the bridegroom carries neither sword nor dagger. Among the Ait Nder the bridegroom enters stealth- ily the place where the bride is waiting, kicks her lightly, so as to become her ruler, and puts his sword on the bed. If the bride makes resistance and the bridegroom cannot manage her, he calls in his " vizier," who is standing outside ready to come in and tie up her hands. Before they part he makes her a present of a dollar or two out of the money which he received when he was painted with henna ; this present is called Iflus n-ssbah, " the moneyiof the morning" or " hymeneal blood " (the word ssbah, " morning," being used to denote such blood). When he goes out, the vizier fires off his gun once or twice at the entrance, and they both retire to the tent from which they came. When the shot is heard the women of the village come and examine the bride's clothes, and if there are stains of blood on them one or two of the women make a quivering noise. Later in the morning they paint vii MEETING OF THE COUPLE 243 with saffron a line on the bride's forehead and along her nose and spots on her cheeks. As for the stains of blood, it does not matter whether they are genuine or come from a cock killed for the purpose of disguising lost virginity, or even if they are altogether wanting. Among the Ait Nder, as well as among other Briber, the girls are not noted for their chastity, and it is common for a young man to have intercourse with his fiancee even in her father's tent ; hence the absence of the marks of virginity in a bride is inter- preted as an indication that the bridegroom has previously had intercourse with her, and it is no disgrace for him to keep her. Indeed, it may happen that she is already with child or even a mother at the wedding. Only in rare cases is she sent away, and then she leaves the bridegroom's tent no longer dressed in her bridal costume but in the mat which her father gave her, and both the tamamt and ssdaq paid for her must be returned. When the bride's mother hears the quivering noise she gets up and makes bread of the flour which she brought with her, being assisted in her work by the women of the tent. With this bread and the butter and dried fruit which she also took with her she entertains the people who now come and salute and congratulate her, and receives money from them in return. This money she gives to her daughter, and goes back home. Among the Ait Warain, at the moment when the 244 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. bridegroom enters the room or tent, the bride, if she is acquainted with the proper custom and does not feel shy, throws at him one of her slippers in order to get power over him ; on the other hand, if she refrains from doing so, he taps her three times on the head or shoulder with his sword, so as to become her master. He hangs his sword on the wall over her head, as a safeguard against jnun. They partake together of a dish of bdzin, that is, stksu made of small lumps of flour with milk and salt butter. The bride- groom burns some gum-benjamin (jdwi mekkawi] " to please the spirits of the place," and while this is being done the couple refrain from speaking for fear of the spirits, who are then supposed to be about. He performs an ablution and says two rek'at, after which he makes fhtha^ asking God to bless him with good children ; this ceremony is considered so necessary for the production of good offspring that, even though he has never prayed before, he has to learn it for this occasion. Just before he lies down with the bride he gives her a dollar ; there is good luck in this present, which is called dkkfts ufi-ustau^ although she has no belt (astaii) on her. If she makes resistance he calls for the luzir, who is standing outside the door of the room or tent, ready to enter and tie the bride's hands to her legs ; indeed, it seems to be the custom that she should be obstinate on this occasion. Later on in the morning, after the young couple have had connection, they eat together some t&rffist^ that is, bread-crumbs kneaded with salt butter ; and vii MEETING OF THE COUPLE 245 it is considered necessary that the bachelors also should subsequently have a share of this dish owing to its baraka. When the bridegroom leaves the bride, the luzir comes in again and fires off his gun, after which he goes out, loads it afresh, enters, and fires a second shot. The object of this ceremony was expressly said to shoot the &as, and the shots are two in order to destroy the has of both the bride and bridegroom. The bride- groom and luzir then go together to the bachelors' room or tent, whilst the bridegroom's mother and a maternal aunt of the bride enter the nuptial apartment and make there a quivering noise. The former places a flag attached to a bamboo cane on the roof of the house or tent, and hangs on the wall the drawers of the bride to flutter in the air ; among the Ait Warain drawers are worn by women on this occasion only. The flag and the drawers, however, are only left there for a little while to serve as an advertisement of the bride's virginity ; one of the bachelors soon blows the flag to pieces by a shot from his gun, and two other bachelors do the same with the drawers a ceremony which was said to destroy the bas. The bride's mother then brings a dish of stksu to the yard, where a fight ensues between the bachelors and the women, married and unmarried, who hurl at each other stones, earth, slippers, and anything to hand ; nay, the defeated party still try to prevent the victors from eating the food by throwing into it the fresh dung of animals. This fight was said to have a beneficial effect. The drawers of the bride are of course only exhibited if 246 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. there are stains of blood on them, but here also the blood may be that of a cock. Among the Ait Warain, as among the Ait Nder, it is very common for a man to have connection with his future wife before marriage, and in such a case she often makes him solemnly promise to marry her. If the bridegroom unexpectedly finds that the bride is not a virgin, he may send her away dressed in an old piece of tent-cloth, or he may keep her on condition that her father returns to him half of the ssdaq, but then the father would compel him to swear that he has had no connection with her before the wedding. It may be added that also the bride herself advertises her virginity by dabbing a small spot of blood on either cheek, though even that may be the blood of a cock. The same morning the luzfr, with the assistance of some other men, distribute among the people present the turift which was brought the day before from the bride's home, and which is considered to contain much baraka. Among the Ait Hdssan, a division of the Ait Warain, the following ceremony also takes place on this morning. The bride's mother, who then comes to the bridegroom's place, is asked by the bachelors to give them Iftvr n is the same as that of the day before, with the omission of the gathering at dar islan and the procession of the Sultan with his court. The bridegroom now spends his day in the upper part of dar l-^rs or in the street, but he must come and look at the bride in the afternoon. The next day the fifth after nhar l- c ors is called nhar hall r-ras, because the hair of the bride is then opened. In the afternoon when she comes down from the sder, she goes to the door and sits on a cushion. A nggafa uncovers her head ; the bridegroom undoes the end of one of her plaits, puts on her hair a silver coin, which is taken by the nggftfa as her fee, and then leaves the room. The nggafa now opens all the little plaits viii END OF THE WEDDING 277 (dfayer^ or dd/rat*} into which the bride's hair was made on the day before she left her old home a head-dress called sell* a and the coiffure of grown-up women, consisting of a plait on either side of the head, takes their place. The same afternoon the bride's mother sends her daughter three tables (mi&dfy one loaded with small loaves of sweet spiced bread called qrdltel, another with hard-boiled eggs, and the third with Inz mdqli, that is, roasted almonds which have been put into salt water and afterwards dried. This gift is called l-hdmmam, on account of the hot bath which the bride takes on the evening of the same day. The contents of the tables are eaten by the bride, bride- groom, and httitar. Later on supper is served, and the bride goes to the hot bath in the company of some ng&gefi or she takes the bath in the house. On the sixth day after nhar l-'ors, which is called nhar la-gsil because she was washed the previous evening, the ceremony of climbing the sder is preceded by a change of headgear : on her head is placed the so-called hdntoz, a triangular pad covered with silk kerchiefs embroidered in gold a head-dress which is used only by married women. When she is sitting on the sder this day, she keeps her eyes open for the first time. After she has exhibited herself for a little while, she returns to the dtthSulta and then mounts the sder another time, dressed in different clothes, and this is repeated till she has successively shown herself on the sder in seven different costumes. On this day it is usual for the bride's parents to send 278 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. to the bridegroom's house some four or six mi&di, each loaded with a different kind of baking, besides one or two tables with sugar. There is the pastry called ka'b gzel crescents made of an icing of pounded almonds, sugar, and cinnamon, covered with an ex- tremely thin coat of paste. There are the griba buns made of flour, sugar, and butter. There is the mh&rita icing of pounded almonds, cinnamon, sugar, and butter, rolled out into a long strip which is enveloped in paste and twisted into a spiral. There is the pastry called brew^t 3 small triangles made of pounded almonds, cinnamon, and sugar, enveloped in a paste and then boiled in oil and, when still hot, poured into a vessel full of honey. There is, finally, the bstela a pie consisting of stewed pigeons placed between two round pieces of dough, which are closed up and baked. Each table, covered up with a mkeb and embroidered cloth, is taken to the bridegroom's house on a ngg&fas head. This gift is called l3-f$r, " the breakfast." The food on the tables is left to be eaten at a banquet, which some days afterwards is given in the bridegroom's house, and to which are invited the men of the bride's family as well as those of his own. About noon they assemble and drink tea with kab gzel and griba, while aliyen are playing and singing. Then a meal is served consisting of mutton boiled in oil and butter with the addition of saffron and peppercorns, fowls likewise boiled in butter and oil, mhdnta, bsfela, and brdwtit*. Both the bridegroom vin END OF THE WEDDING 279 and his father take part in the banquet ; it is the first occasion on which the latter is present since the commencement of his son's wedding. The day on which this feast is held is called nhar ti-ftbr^ but it takes place only if It-fttr has been sent by the bride's parents ; in the opposite case there is no gathering in the bridegroom's house in which the bride's family join before the next religious feast. When the tables are sent back they must not all be empty : on one of them is placed a fine new garment bought by the bridegroom's father or the bridegroom himself as a present for the bride, to whom it is afterwards handed over by her parents. On the day following nhar la-gsil the ngBgef and htdtar leave dar l-8rs, and the wedding has now come to an end. Two or three days afterwards some ngtigef come and take away the mattresses and all other things that do not belong to the house ; the day when this is done is called nhar twh 1-farS. In Andjra the day following the fetching of the bride is called s-sbah del-ar&sa u del-tirfts or also s-sdbti'dh del-tir&s. The 'drab, or married men, however, call it nhar t-fhwif^ " the day of ambulation." They are again very troublesome. After the meal spoken of above they seize hold of the male relatives of the bride, tie their hands behind their backs, and push them against or through the door of the room where the bride is staying. The 'drab complain of hunger ; the hadddyin give them bread and rgaif, 280 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. and set free the bound men. The 'drab now catch and bind men from among the bridegroom's relatives and push them into the room of his parents, who in their turn have to give them food to release the prisoners. The 'drab then tie up the bridegroom's brother and take him about in the village from house to house amid a continuous banging of guns, beating him at every house so that he cries, and receiving bread and rgalf from the people, who at last succeed in liberating him. After this the 'drab go to the room where the bride is sitting, discharge volleys of gunpowder at the door, and insist in a most insolent manner on having food, which is also given to them by the hadddyin ; and the same is repeated outside the room of the bridegroom's parents. In the afternoon the women of the village again visit the bride, and a woman from each house gives her a small sum of money. They are all served with kusksu and meat and entertained with singing and music by the fqira and her assistants, who in return receive a small gratuity from the women. The bridegroom's mother sends a large quantity of food to the mosque to be eaten by the unmarried scribes who are sitting there with the bridegroom, by the fql and schoolboys, and by the poor, who have their meal outside the mosque. After the sunset prayer the bridegroom leaves the place together with those of the wazdra who are scribes, goes to his parents, kisses their hands, and receives their blessing, Allah yerd 'alik. Then he goes to the bride, and the wazdra throw into the room the vin END OF THE BEDDING 281 flags, cushions, carpet, and handkerchiefs which were used for waving, and shut the door. The huntsmen among them fire off their guns outside the room, after which all the wazdra retire to the mosque carrying with them four or five dishes of kusksu presented by the bridegroom's mother. On the following day, which is called n-nhar l-mensi, " the forgotten day," the bridegroom remains in his room with the bride without going out at all, not even for necessities, his mother bringing the young couple food and also attending on them in every other respect. On this day she presents her daughter-in-law with a dollar. The following three days the bridegroom likewise remains with the bride ; if he went out then he would run the risk of being caught by the ( drab, who would not set him free until he entertained them with a good meal. On n-nhar l-mensi the bridegroom does not put on his girdle lest the offspring should be sickly ; but this is the only day when he is subject to such a taboo. Both in Andjra and among the Tsui the guests go away the day after the arrival of the bride, but in the latter tribe the young men remain with the " Sultan " for seven days. This assembly is called yisl&n. One day they go to the market with music and a white flag, the bridegroom riding and the others on foot. The people there give them henna, figs, raisins, oranges, and other things, but no bread ; and the butchers give them money instead of meat. 282 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. In the Hiaina, on the day following the wedding- night, the "Sultan" and islan make a walking tour from village to village, the Sultan with his sword hanging over his shoulder and the hood of his cloak drawn over his face. When they arrive at a house the " vizier " throws into it the white flag which they are carrying with them, saying : Ha 'tiwdid I- drab, " Behold the customs of the Arabs." This is a kind of '#r, which compels the owner of the house to give them both a meal and a sheep or goat or some money. So also when they meet people on the road they throw on them the flag, repeating the same phrase. A similar tour is made every day for seven days in succession, but in the evenings, about sunset, the party return to the bridegroom's village, where they have their supper together, the bridegroom then retiring to sleep with the bride. The sheep and goats are slaughtered and eaten in the village, while the money is kept by the bridegroom till the seven days have come to an end, when he divides it into two equal shares, keeping one share for himself and distributing the rest among the is/an. O Among the Ulad Bu-'Aziz the bridegroom and his bachelor friends, after they have partaken of IZ-mmiidda dyftlt l-mra and f&tha has been made, " make yisl^n " (idiru yislftn). The bachelors paint the bridegroom's and their own eyes with antimony and the lips with walnut root. The bride gives them her belt and a skin -bag (ddbyd] containing dates and a few silver coins, which she and her female friends present to vin END OF THE BEDDING 283 them for good luck. These things the young men take with them on the tour which they now make mounted on horses, mules, or donkeys, visiting the tents in their own and neighbouring villages, the bridegroom, or " Sultan," with his face covered as before. They first go to the tent of his family, who ask them, " Give us camels." The yisltin offer them dates and get money in return. This is repeated at the other tents where they call. When the dates come to an end they answer, " The camels are away to Marrakesh " ; but money is all the same given to them by the people. While the bridegroom and his friends are away the women both of his and of the bride's village make t-thzyina on their faces. They paint the bride's and their own eyes with antimony, the cheeks with ochre, and the teeth with walnut root, apply hargos (harqos) * to the eyebrows and the bridge of the nose, and paint with the same colouring matter a line along the nose, another round the cheeks and over the chin, and a third from the under-lip down- wards. The women of the bride's village then go home with the exception of her mother. When the bridegroom and his friends return from their tour and approach his tent, he and two or three others dismount and run fast to the division of it where the bride is sitting. There the bridegroom remains, whilst the bachelors go to amuse themselves with singing and playing, accompanied by the musicians, who have been with them all the time. The tour is 1 See supra, p. 193. 284 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. repeated for the following six days, but the bridegroom does not take part in it every day ; when he stays at home he is represented by one of his friends who imitates his dress. The party also visit the market- place, where they are presented with eatables and money, and in return call down blessings on the donors. With the money collected on these tours they buy a sheep, some sugar, and tea, as also cotton and silk goods for the bride ; and when they return from the market they have a feast in the bridegroom's tent. Among some of the Berbers the wedding ceremonies likewise include tours made by the bridegroom and his friends. Among the Ait Nder the bridegroom, or " Sultan," and islan start for their first tour in the morning of the second day after the consummation of the marriage, and, if the wedding is a big one, repeat it during the following four or five days, though not necessarily every day. They walk about from village to village. When a meal is wanted in a tent which they are going to visit, the Sultan sends there in advance two of the islan, one carrying a gun and the other one a cane with a red 1 silk kerchief belonging to the bride as a flag. The latter beats the tent with the cane, and this compels the inhabitants to prepare a meal, which has to be ready when the others arrive. The entertainment, however, must afterwards be returned in a similar manner, when there is a wedding in the tent of the 1 Cf. supra, p. 148. vni END OF THE WEDDING 285 host ; hence custom requires that it should only be asked of a family with an unmarried son. But the older married men, 1 representing rebellious Arabs (tirabZri], follow the islan and claim the meals for them- selves. This leads to wrestling matches between the parties, in which, however, neither the Sultan nor his " vizier " take part ; but whoever come off victorious, the defeated ones are also allowed to join in the meal. A little of the meat, eggs, and other food served on these occasions, but neither seksu nor bread, is every day preserved by the vizier and in the evening given to the bride ; and in one of the villages a hen is caught by the is/an, likewise to be given to her by the bride- groom, who pretends that it is a she-camel he now presents her with. This hen, which is a compulsory present, is not killed, nor are the eggs it lays eaten, and the chickens which come from them are the wife's property. In the villages which they visit the islan also receive money and presents of corn, fowls, eggs, and other articles, which are afterwards sold ; of the money the bridegroom keeps one-half for himself and distributes the other half among his companions. Every evening they come back to their village, and the bridegroom spends the night with the bride. In the daytime, while he is away, the bride is guarded by her vizier, as has been said above. She kisses the head of every grown- up person who enters the place where she is sitting, and receives some money in return. Among the At Ubahti similar tours, likewise on foot, 1 Among the Ait NrjeT the islan also comprise the younger married men. 286 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. are made by the bridegroom and his bachelor friends. Here also they start on the second day after the bride's arrival, and return every night ; but it may be that when the wedding week has come to an end they make another tour to more remote villages, staying away for seven days. They have constant fights with the so- called legwdUft, or married men both those from the bridegroom's village and those in the villages they visit but are themselves supported by all the bachelors. The legw&SVS try to rob the " Sultan " of his slippers and the bride's belt, which he wears round his head, and the " vizier " of his flag ; and the islftn have then to buy back the captured things. Among the At Ubahti, also, the money collected on these tours is divided between the bridegroom and the bachelors, who buy powder with their share of it. We have seen that among the Ait Waryagal and Ait Warain similar tours are made before the wedding. Among the former it is the custom that on the morning after the consummation of the marriage the bridegroom a second time enters his room, after the women who came to examine the bride's clothes have left ; and he now stays there till the wedding week has passed. When he comes out again, he no longer has his head covered with the hood of his cloak. On the next market-day he goes out and buys either a head-kerchief (d&stbnip) or a silver ring (dhdtend] as a present for his wife. Among the Ait Warain, on the other hand, the bridegroom and his bachelor friends, who sit together vin END OF THE BEDDING 287 the first day after the wedding-night, go out to hunt on the second morning, and stay away for the rest of the day ; and the same thing is repeated the two follow- ing mornings. If the bridegroom's family are not particularly well-off, the wedding festivities now come to an end, but otherwise they may last for another couple of days, which are spent in eating, singing, and playing. Among the Ait Sadden the wedding festivities come to a close with the following ceremony. A sister, paternal cousin, or other female friend of the bridegroom, either married or unmarried, takes to him a palmetto tray (iswi) with dried fruit figs, raisins, and dates and some silver money varying from a quarter to two dollars. Carrying the tray on her head she goes to him accompanied by a crowd of women and men, who are singing, playing, dancing, and discharging volleys of gunpowder. He is sitting in the house of a relative or friend, with the hood of his cloak drawn over his head, and when they arrive there the woman hands the tray to the imsnein, who put it down in front of him, remove the silk kerchief covering it, and pour out the contents. The bridegroom takes some money from his bag, ties it up in the kerchief, and puts it on the empty tray as a present to the woman, at the same time giving her his blessing just as the Sultan blesses his subjects. The sum which he presents to her may even amount to some ten dollars, if she is an old friend of his. In very many cases the same ceremony is then repeated by other 288 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. sisters, female cousins, or friends of the bridegroom, their number largely depending on his ability or willing- ness to give a handsome present in return for theirs ; whereas if he is a poor man who has no sister it may happen that nothing at all is offered him. The woman's present of dried fruit is called tiswit, diminutive of iswi, and is considered to bring good luck ; it is distributed by the bridegroom among the bachelors. In this ceremony, which is performed either on the first or second day after the fetching of the bride, only people from the bridegroom's village take part, the guests from other villages having already gone away. For some time the bridegroom still spends his days in the house of a friend, being shy of his parents, and visits the bride only at night, until, on the sixth day after her arrival, he is taken to his parents to kiss their heads ; and on the following day he for the first time after the wedding appears in public with uncovered face. Among the Ait Yusi the day after the pair have had connection is spent by the bride in the company of the imsnein in the tent, where the wedding is still continued. In the evening she is again taken away by the imsnein to meet the bridegroom, and on their return they eat together a dish of ug y nu, as on the night before. The following day the guests and imsnein leave the place, and henceforth the pair spend the nights together in a section of the tent behind a curtain, though secrecy is still preserved for some time. In other cases, again, the bridegroom, who had his first intercourse with the bride in a place outside the village, comes the next night viii END OF THE BEDDING 289 stealthily to his tent and disappears at daybreak ; and this is repeated the three following nights or longer. Among the Igliwa the bridegroom for a few days neither walks about in the village nor does any work, but spends his time sitting with his friends. The duration of the wedding festivities depends on the means of the bridegroom and his family, lasting some- times a night only and sometimes three or four days. Among the Ait Tameldu the guests are entertained by the bridegroom's family for three days after the evening of the bride's arrival ; on the fourth day they are served with food from other households in the village, and the next morning they go away. Mean- while the bridegroom is sitting in a special room together with his bachelor friends, without showing himself to the people. Even on the occasion when he threw dried fruit and bread on the blanket held over the bride and on the crowd around, he was not seen by them. It is not merely out of bashfulness but, no doubt, also for fear of evil influences that the bridegroom thus lives in retirement for some time or covers up his face. 1 He, as well as the bride, is still considered to be in a 1 Among the Berbers of Ouargla, in Algeria, "pendant les sept jours qui vont suivre la consommation du mariage, les nouveaux maries ne peuvent, sous aucun prtexte, sortir de la maison nuptiale " (Biarnay, Etude sur le dialecte berbere de Ouargla [Paris, 1908], p. 474). Among the Touareg of the Ahaggar, during the same period, " les nouveaux epoux ne quittent pas leur tente : on vient les y distraire et leur rendre visite" (Benhazera, Six mois chez les Touareg du Ahaggar [Alger, 1908], p. 18). Among the Bedawin of Palestine bride and bridegroom " remain in seclusion for eight days, or retire to the hills and live alone for a month " (Robinson Lees, The Witness of the Wilderness [London, 1909], p. 123). Cf. Genesis, xxix. 27 : "Fulfil the week of this one." U 290 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. more or less delicate condition and exposed to super- natural dangers. In the Hiaina he wears throughout the wedding week the charms which he assumed at his rtetf Among the Ait Warain, Ait Nder, and At Ubahti he carries his sword or pistol for the same period, every night hanging it up on the wall at the head of the bride or putting it on the bed or underneath the pillow. In various Arab and Berber tribes (Ulld Bu-'Aziz, At Ubahti, etc.) he keeps the backs of his slippers pulled up till the end of the same week, in some tribes (Ait Saddgn, Ait Yusi, Ait Ncjer) even leaving the slippers on his feet at night ; and the same is the case with the bride. There is fear lest some malevolent person should get hold of them and thereby be able to work magic on their owner. An old man from the Ait Yusi told me that once when he, as a bridegroom, removed his slippers (ik&rhsjbt\ some enemy took them away, with the result that he no longer loved his bride ; she now appeared to him like a black cow, and he divorced her soon afterwards. In the same tribe bride and bridegroom protect themselves against magic by putting a needle in their right slipper ; and it is the custom that the slippers worn by them should never be repaired. Among the Ait Nder and At Ubahti they must abstain from bathing throughout the week of the wedding, and the bridegroom is not allowed to have his head shaved. Among the Ait Warain he has his head shaved only when he goes to visit his parents-in-law a fortnight after the girdling 1 See supra, p. 104 sq. vin END OF THE WEDDING 291 of his wife. Among the At Ubahti and Ait Warain he must not change his clothes. In Andjra the bride has her hair open during the wedding, and among the Ulad Bu-'Azte the same is the case with the bridegroom's mother and the other women of his family as well. 1 The bride commonly remains in her seclusion till the sixth or seventh day after her arrival. 2 On this day there are certain ceremonies which indicate the end of the wedding and the beginning of ordinary married life. In Andjra the bridegroom on the sixth day saddles his mule and, accompanied by a married sister or some other married woman from among his relatives, goes to visit his parents-in-law ; he takes with him some rgaif> ordinary bread, cooked chickens, eggs, and dried fruit, to give to them a present called t-fdfin del-firfis, " the earthenware dish of the bridegroom." He kisses them on the head, and spends the night in their house. Next day he returns in the company of his mother-in- law, who takes with her on his mule the same kinds of food as he gave her and her husband ; and the un- married women and little girls of the village go with 1 The following taboo is mentioned by the Rev. C. T. Wilson in his book on Peasant Life in the Holy Land (London, 1906), p. 114 : "In some parts of the country neither bride nor bridegroom may cross a stream for a period of seven days after the wedding, as this would be most unlucky, and would mean the cutting off the succession, the Arabic idiom for crossing a stream being that of cutting it." 2 Cf, supra, p. 289 n. ; Jaussen, Coutumes des Arabes au fays de Moab (Paris, 1908), p. 54 : " Dans les campements, un endroit special dans la tente appele hullah est dispos pour la fiancee . . . ; c'est la qu'elle passera huit jours en comptant comme premier le soir de I'entre'e." The Bedouins of Sinai think it decent that a virgin bride should remain at least one fortnight in the interior of her tent, leaving it only at night (Burckhardt, Notes on the Bedouins and Wahabys [London, 1830], p. 152). 292 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. them, so that they also shall marry. On their arrival they are received by the bridegroom's parents, who kiss the bride's mother on the head. She enters the room alone where her daughter is sitting, and the latter, who now sees her mother for the first time after the beginning of the wedding, repeatedly kisses her head and hand and asks the mother to bless her. Sub- sequently the room is filled with the girls who came from the bride's village and the girls and little boys of the bridegroom's village, whose hands she kisses and who in return kiss her hand. But before the others enter, the bridegroom's mother takes into the room a palmetto tray with rgaif, ordinary bread, and dried fruit, out of the food brought from the bride's old home, as also eight candles provided by herself. She puts a loaf of bread on her daughter-in-law's head, and ties another loaf on her back, in order to give her baraka. Standing on the tray with the rest of the food at her feet and with her hands over her head, the bride has now her belt put round her waist by an uncircumcised boy, while the other little boys encircle her with the lighted candles in their hands. She then crosses her arms over her chest and in this position eats some bread and rgaif put into her hands by the boy who belted her. The loaves of bread which she had on her head and back are deposited in her trunk, as there is baraka in them. Food is given to all the people in the room, particularly the little boys, while the men of the village are enter- tained with a meal in the mosque, partly out of the pro- visions brought by the bride's mother. This day is called vin END OF THE WEDDING 293 n-nhar s-sdba* del-tirfts u del-tirfisa, "the seventh day of the bridegroom and bride." or nhar l-hazdm* " the day O J J of the girdle." The girdling of the bride takes place in the afternoon. At Tangier the bride is belted in the evening of the seventh day after her arrival by two little boys, to each of whom is given a raw egg and some dried fruit ; I was told that the object of this ceremony is to make her a mother of sons and her life white. 1 On the same day the bridegroom also resumes his girdle, 2 which he has not worn since he had his hot bath previous to the arrival of the bride ; and he celebrates this occasion with a garden party for his friends. Among the Tsui and Ait Warain the bride is girdled on the morning of the seventh day, among the former by a little boy for the same reason as in Andjra and Tangier and among the latter by the bridegroom. In other tribes (Hiaina, Ait Sadden, Ait Yusi, Ait Nder, At Ubahti) the girdling of the bride takes place on the sixth day after her arrival. In the Hiaina, where this ceremony is called lli-hzdm dytil tfi-rftsa, it is performed by some 1 The Shareefa of Wazan (My Life Story [London, 1911], p. 137 sq.) gives the following description of the belting of the bride at Tangier : " She stands on the bed over a dish containing dried fruits and sweetmeats, and two little boys wind the belt round her waist with the aid of a professional dresser, who in turn hands the dish and contents to the children. At the same time the bridegroom's mother gives a piece of silver to each boy. The toilette and belting being completed, the bride is assisted from the bed ; now she may open her eyes, and, with lighted candles, music, ' zahrits,' incense and scent sprinklers before and behind, the tour of inspection is commenced. The bride stops at the doorway of each room, and on arriving at the kitchen door a fish is produced, and a pretence is made of scraping it on her foot a symbol of plenty in the culinary department." For the use of fish in connection with weddings, see infra, p. 299. 2 Cf. Gaudefroy-Demombynes, Les CMmonies du mariage chez les indigenes de I'Algerie (Paris, 1901), p. 74. 294 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP, respectable elderly woman, .by preference a shereefa, but in no case by the bride's mother or mother-in-law. Among the Ait Sadden, who call the day in question ass uhtizzam, " the day of the girdle," or ssibtf n-tslit, " the seventh [day] of the bride," she is belted by her girl-friends, among the At Ubdhti by the woman who has been attending her, and among the Ait Yusi and Ait Nder by herself. 1 The girdling of the bride is evidently looked upon as a somewhat dangerous undertaking. Among the Ait Warain the bridegroom gives her a small sum of money as soon as he has tied the belt round her waist, just as he gave her money after plaiting her hair. In the Hiaina the ceremony is performed in the presence of women who are playing on tambourines (bnMer and farf) and making a quivering noise, and the same day there is a sacrifice, called dbeh? Ift-hzam, which reminds us of the little sacrifice made to destroy the has emanating from the loosened belt of a strange woman who spends a night in another person's house. I was told that among the Arabs of the Ulad Jama' in the neighbourhood of Fez the girdling of the bride is like- wise followed by the slaughter of a sheep or goat : she herself keeps hold of the animal when the bridegroom cuts its throat, and he then wipes the bloody knife on 1 Among the Beni Snus in Algeria the young woman resumes her belt when the seven days of marriage have passed (Destaing, Etude sur le dialects berbere des Beni- Snous [Paris, 1907], p. 290). At Mazouna, a small town in the same country, the bride is on the seventh day solemnly girdled by the women of her family ; "on fait, ce jour-la, de petits gateaux de semoule, therid, qui sont vendus un sou a chacune des femmes presentes " (Gaudefroy-Demombynes, in Revue des traditions populaires, xxii. [1907], p. 53). viii END OF THE WEDDING 295 her clothes. The burning candles and loaves of bread in the Andjra ceremony look like safeguards against evil influences, and so does the distribution of bread or dried fruit there and at Tangier, charity being a method of purification. 1 Among the At Ubahti the woman attending the bride not only puts the girdle round her but also on the same occasion paints her with henna, ochre, antimony, and walnut root. Among the Ait Yusi the bride, after girdling herself, smears her hair with henna and covers it with seven kerchiefs. Among the Ait Sadden the bride's girl-friends, after they have belted her, give her antimony and walnut root to smear on her eyes and lips, one of them paints the design called izrtran with saffron on her face, and they apply the same cosmetics to themselves and each other. Yet though these ceremonies of painting seem to have a purificatory origin, they may serve a wider purpose of purification than merely neutralising the dangers resulting from the girdling of the bride. This is undoubtedly the case with certain other ceremonies still to be mentioned. In Andjra, on the evening of n-nhftr s-sdba* the bride takes one of the loaves which she put into the trunk and goes to the spring which supplies the house- hold with water ; she goes there alone and in secret, without speaking to anybody or looking back. She drops some pieces of the loaf on her way, puts some 1 See Westermarck, ' The Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco,' in Folk-Lore, xxii. (1911), p. 135 sqq. See infra, p. 370. 296 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. round the spring, and throws others into the water, saying, Ana mtd dyaf Hah u mtd dydfkum, a mw&lin l-blnd y " I am [one] of the guests of God and of your guests, O owners of the land." Being a stranger, she thus places herself under the protection of the spirits and saints of the district. She also gives seven pieces of bread to the dog of the house, putting them one after the other on the top of her foot and letting the dog take them from there so as to make it friendly. From the spring she brings back a bottle of water to wash herself with, after putting salt into it as a protec- tion against jnun. Next morning before sunrise she goes secretly, accompanied only by a young brother of her husband, to the patron saint of the village or the siyid nearest the house, taking with her a cock, one- half of the other loaf in her trunk, a derham^ two candles, some gum- benjamin, a little charcoal for burning it, and matches. She addresses the saint with the words, Ana mZd dyaf llah u m?d dydfak, a sidi l-wftli, " I am [one] of the guests of God and of your guests, O my lord the saint ; " as a stranger she does not yet know, or is not supposed to know, the name of the saint. The cock is killed by the boy, and the knife with which it is done, and also the bread and derham, are left at the siyid. The other half of the loaf is kept for ever after in the trunk, so that there shall always be bread in the house. In the Hiaina the bride, as soon as she has been girdled, goes, with her face still covered up, to a river, spring, or well, in the midst of the women, who go on viii END OF THE WEDDING 297 with their music and quivering noise. Her mother-in- law takes with her some btiltiyar, which she breaks into pieces and gives to the bride and other women to eat a ceremony called k-ft'ftt 5 , meaning " the crumbs." The bride fills a large earthenware bottle (bftf) with water and carries it home on her back. With some of it the uzira washes her right foot ; and now she no longer keeps her face covered. It was said that the water washes away her " sins " (dnub}. Among the Ait Yiisi the bride, after belting herself, goes with the skin water-bottle (aiddid] of the house- hold to the place from which they generally get their water, and other women, married or unmarried, accom- pany her, likewise carrying with them their water- bottles. She fills her own bottle with water and then six others, in the hopes that by doing so she will give birth to seven sons. A similar custom prevails among the Ait SaddSn, where the procession consists of all the women and children of the village, who are singing and clapping their hands. In Aglu, when the week of the wedding is finished, the bride goes to a spring with other women and a boy whose parents are still alive. He gives her twice water to drink from his hands and, after filling them a third time, washes her face with the water. She then fills her bottle from the spring and carries it back on her shoulder. The procession is headed by the /uztra, who holds in her hand a pail (tdlmtirjttlf) containing tummit, a mixture of roasted corn and salt, and of this she gives a little to anybody they meet on the road. 298. MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP- It seems obvious that these water ceremonies, at least in part, are meant to rid the bride of the has still clinging to her ; and when they follow immediately on the girdling they are also perhaps intended as safe- guards against the particular dangers resulting from this act. I was told that among the Ulad Jama' bride and bridegroom, after the sacrifice spoken of above, have a bath in a river or spring with their clothes on and throw water over each other. The idea of purification may also underlie the distribution of btttiyar and tummit^ like that of bread and dried fruit at the ceremony of belting. The purifying character of water makes the fetching of it the most suitable beginning of the young wife's household duties. Among the Ait Yusi she also grinds some wheat and prepares the supper, which consists of aftt&l (stksu] with salt butter and milk. Among the Ait Saddgn the young wife goes alone to fetch some palmetto leaves, of which she makes a small rope ; this is the first handwork she does in her married state, and its object is to bring to the house many horses, mules, and cattle, each of which is, as usual, to be tied up with a small rope at night. Among the Tsui the young wife likewise goes and gathers some fresh palmetto leaves after she has been girdled, and this was said to make her days " nice and green " and the year blessed. In the evening she prepares the supper herself. Among the Ait Warain the girdling of the bride is followed by the following curious ceremony, to which she and her mother-in-law are subject. The bachelors vin END OF THE WEDDING 299 tie them each to a ttirkizt one of the vertical poles supporting the roof by twisting a rope round the woman's waist and the pole and pulling it at both ends in opposite directions so that it tightens. It is believed that she who first cries out will be ruled over by the other. Among the Ulld Bu-'Aziz the bride spends the week of the wedding behind the curtain in the tent, and only leaves her prison on the evening when that period comes to an end ; but she is still bashful and covers her face, except the eyes. On this occasion her mother, outside the tent, entertains the women of the place, including her daughter, with a supper consisting of btitiyftr and dates, and next morning she goes back to her home. At Fez on the ninth day after nhar l-'6rs the young wife must make bread, which, as usual, is sent to a public oven to be baked, and her husband buys some fish which he gives her to prepare. The bread is made in order that there shall always be much bread in the house, and the fish is supposed to bring prosperity ; to eat fish is generally considered to be lucky. In his description of the marriage customs of Fez some four centuries ago Leo Africanus writes : "So soone as the new married man goeth foorth of the house (which is for the most part on the seuenth day after the manage) he buieth great plentie of fishes, which he causeth his mother or some other woman to cast vpon his wiues feete ; and this they, from an ancient superstitious custome, take for a good boading." 1 1 Leo Africanus, The History and Description of Africa, ii. (London, 1896), p. 451. CHAPTER IX LATER CEREMONIES AND TABOOS WHEN the wedding and the ceremonies mentioned at the end of the previous chapter are over, the young wife may still for some time be subject to certain restrictions. At Fez she must remain inside the house for two months, or at least six weeks, not even being allowed to go on the roof. At Tangier she was formerly obliged to stay at home for a whole year, but this period has been reduced to three or four months. In Andjra and among the Ait Waryagal there seems to be a rule that she should keep to the house and its im- mediate neighbourhood for forty days, but in the former tribe at least the time, as a matter of fact, varies considerably according to the circumstances. As soon as the young wife is allowed to leave her new home she pays a visit to her parents, in certain tribes on the very day she has been girdled. In some places it is the custom for her to be accompanied by her husband, in others not ; but if he does not go with her he may afterwards make a formal call alone on his parents-in-law. 300 CH.IX LATER CEREMONIES AND TABOOS 301 At Fez the young husband does not accompany his wife when she goes to visit her parents, but two or three days afterwards he sends them the so-called riCfqa^ consisting of a lot of chickens, sugar, and tea. After another couple of days she goes to the hot bath, and a nggtifa then dresses her up as a bride, though not in any of the clothes she wore at the wedding. When she has spent a few days with her parents she returns home after sunset in the company of the ngg&fa, who holds a wax candle in her hand, and four black women, who carry the same number of mitldi, loaded with chickens, meat, ka'b gzet, and griba respectively. This present of food from her parents is called /J-7, " the supper." The following day, in the early afternoon, her husband gives a little feast, to which he invites his father- and brothers-in-law, as also some friends. The young wife is again dressed up in a new costume by the ngg&fa and then, for the first time, ascends to the roof of the house, where she remains till sunset ; and the same ceremony is repeated the two following days. At Tangier the occasion when the young wife for the first time leaves the house and goes to see her parents is called l-harja, " the going out." She takes with her some food as a present for her mother, who gives a feast with her friends as invited guests. Next day a feast is given for the girl-friends of the young wife. She remains with her parents for about four days or a week, and, before she leaves, presents her mother with materials for a dress. Afterwards her husband makes a call on her parents. 302 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. In Andjra the young wife visits her parents in the company of her husband and sister-in-law, and takes with her some bread, dried fruit, and other food. This is called z-zidra del-firfisa, " the reverent visit of the bride." Her mother gives of the bread, which is saturated with the baraka of the bride, to the people of the village, who bring food as hospitality to her daughter. This visit lasts for about a week. Among the Tsui, about a month after the girdling of the bride, she and her husband go to kiss the heads of her parents and other members of her family. He takes with him some flour and meat or, if his parents- in-law live near, a dish of kusksu and meat. Next morning after breakfast he again goes away, whereas his wife remains with her parents for five or six days, if they live at some distance from her new home. Among the Ulad Bu-'Aziz two or three months elapse before the young wife goes to see her parents, accompanied by her mother- and brother-in-law, but not her husband. She gives to her father a sheep as well as some flour and dates, and he in return presents her with a cow. This visit, which lasts for five or six days, is called dhpl 1-hdima, " the entering into the tent." In the Hiaina, on the other hand, the young wife pays her visit on the evening of the day after she has been girdled. Her mother- or sister-in-law accompanies her, and they take with them some flour and sugar and the meat of a sheep slaughtered for this occasion. On their arrival her mother washes her daughter's feet ix LATER CEREMONIES AND TABOOS 303 with milk, which was said to be a good thing to do. The daughter kisses her parents on the forehead and removes their slippers, which she kisses seven times ; and if there are brothers or sisters she kisses their hands. Other relatives soon assemble in the house and are received by the young wife with a kiss on the head. Supper is served, henna is pounded, and the wife and other women, with the exception of her mother, smear it on both sides of their hands. In the morning she goes out and sprinkles henna on the cattle, sheep, goats, and horses, which is supposed to be good for them, as there is still baraka in the young wife. This visit has from its chief feature, the kissing of the head, got the name h&bb r-rfis. The wife spends one night only in her parents' house, and then goes with her companion to visit other relatives in the village ; and all those who received r$wa when she was given in marriage now present to her money or articles of dress. These visits may take a week or more. Before she leaves the place her father gives her a bullock or cow, meat, flour, btitiyar, sugar, figs, and so forth. On her way back she is also accompanied by her own mother and her father- in-law, who have come after the others to pay the remaining portion of the sdaq so that the young wife shall not be detained but be allowed to return to her husband. Her homeward journey, too, is made in the evening, as she is still considered to be very susceptible to the evil eye. Her mother is, on her arrival at her daughter's new home, painted with henna, and the young husband comes and kisses her on the forehead and 304 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. cheeks and gives her some money ; this, however, he only does reluctantly, as he is much ashamed to meet her, and he goes away at once. She stays in his house for three days, and when she leaves she is presented with a silk kerchief, sugar, money, or a sheep. Some days afterwards the young husband quite empty-handed pays an evening call to his father-in-law. He is received by his mother-in-law, who offers him some milk to drink, and then kisses his father-in-law on the head without saying a word in answer to his greeting. He shows very great bashfulness and goes away as soon as he has had his supper. Later on the young couple together go to visit the wife's parents, but this visit is preceded by some in- teresting ceremonies which take place on the fortieth day after the arrival of the bride, nhar I -Ma in. Accompanied by her mother- and brother-in-law, the young wife goes in the afternoon of that day to the thicket to procure fuel. She removes her girdle and slippers and puts the former on the heap of cut wood, so that the last bas shall go there and subsequently be burned. She then belts herself again and carries away the wood barefooted. When they approach the village she passes her load on to her mother-in-law's back and puts on her slippers. On her entering the house her sister-in-law, or some other unmarried girl who lives there, sprinkles water over her and puts on her a pair of new slippers and a new girdle instead of the old ones, which she has been wearing since her wedding, and which are now given away to some poor woman, ix LATER CEREMONIES AND TABOOS 305 as they must never again be used by the wife. 1 I was told that the object of this ceremony, also, is to remove her bas. When her husband comes home in the evening she takes off his slippers and puts them over her own and thus goes and fetches a new pair for him, which she slips on his feet ; this is supposed to make the young couple friendly to one another and to prevent divorce. The old slippers are given away to some poor man. The husband now slaughters a sheep or goat in the presence of his wife only, who assists him by keeping her hand on the animal's throat, and with its blood they seven times paint the heels of their feet (which during the wedding were covered by the backs of their slippers), so that the bas shall go away from them. Half of the meat is served with ta'dm (seksu') at the supper, in which the schoolmaster and scribes and some shereef of the village partake as invited guests, and after the meal fafha is made. The same evening the husband goes and hangs the lungs and heart of the slaughtered animal at a styid near by, and brings from there some earth to be suspended at his wife's belt to keep it " clean." When the guests have gone, the girl who sprinkled water on the young wife opens her hair, washes it with hot water into which she has put pounded qronfil and stnbel^ combs it, and does it again into two plaits ; she then fumigates herself with hdrmel underneath her clothes, which reminds us of the earlier precautions taken when the hair of the bride was plaited. 1 Cf. Wuttke, Der deutsche Volksaberglaube der Gegenwart (Berlin, 1900), 570, p. 376 : " Die ersten Schuhe, welche die junge Frau abreisst, diirfen nicht weggegeben, sondern mu'ssen weggeworfen werden, sonst wird sie unglUcklich." X 306 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. She is accompanied to the door of her room by the young wife carrying a burning lamp or candle, and when she enters the room the young wife blows out the light "to blow out they'#5," as I was told and goes in darkness to her husband. Next morning the wife boils the other half of the meat in water which has been in the house over-night, and with fuel from the wood procured by her the day before, thereby boiling and burning away the has. This meat is then put into a dish (gds'a) of tff&m and taken by the young couple to the wife's parents, with whom they are now going to spend six days in succession. During the first three nights they do not sleep together. On the fourth day the wife's mother smears henna mixed with a little salt on her daughter's hands, feet, and hair, and paints her eyes with antimony, her lips with walnut root, and her cheeks with ochre ; and this painting with antimony, walnut root, and ochre is repeated the two following nights. She now sleeps with her husband for the rest of the time, and has every day a hot bath in a little enclosure made for this purpose, the so-called hammam n-nwdla. The mixing of salt with the henna, which is practised only on the present occasion and at weddings, shows that the young wife is still supposed to be in danger of being struck by jnun. Among the Ait Sadden the young wife is on the day after she was girdled taken to her father's house by her mother, who from the beginning of the wedding has been with her daughter during the day, and also spent the nights in the village if her own home is remote. ix LATER CEREMONIES AND TABOOS 307 The wife kisses her father on the head a ceremony called asudSn ihf- and gives him tftfdm (s/ksu) with meat or some kind of bread or pastry a present called t&rzzift. She stays in his house for a night or two, and when she leaves he gives her a sheep or cow, or perhaps even more than one, or a sum of money a gift which is named aseftid because she is a sent off" with it. If she has no mother she is accompanied by her mother- or sister-in-law. The young husband, on the other hand, waits a month or more before he visits his father- in-law, or does not call on him at all ; and if he goes he takes no present with him. Among the Ait Yusi the wife visits her parents the day she has been girdled if they live in the neighbour- hood, otherwise later on ; and she stays with them for a day or two. She gives them as tdrzzift some hartefa that is, pancakes made of flour and butter but without sugar or something else of the kind. She is accom- panied by her mother-, sister-, or brother-in-law, but not her husband, who neither visits nor speaks to his parents-in-law for a considerable time, perhaps a couple of years. Among the Ait Nder the husband and wife go together to the parents of the latter on the day after she has put on her belt or later ; if they live far away the visit may even be postponed till a much later date. The young couple give the old folk a tdrzeft of nice bread and dried fruit, kiss them on the head, and remain with them for a day or two or longer. A portion of the bread and fruit, however, is distributed 308 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. among the people of the village to give them the benefit of the baraka of the young wife. Before her departure her father presents her with a ewe or she -goat, or money to buy one the animal must be a female that it shall give birth to young ones, and thus increase her private property ; and her mother gives her some bread made with butter and dried fruit, if she has any a present which is also called tdrzeft. Among the Ait Warain the newly-married couple pay a visit to the wife's parents a fortnight after she has been girdled, taking with them as presents a slaughtered sheep, flour, and butter. On their arrival they are received by the mother with a bowl (tdqnuft) of milk, of which they drink, holding > the bowl with both hands ; this is said to bring good luck. The young husband kisses his father- and mother-in-law on the head and presents to the latter a dollar or two. A feast is given with other relatives as invited guests. This visit, which is called tdrrzeft, lasts for three days. Among the At Ubahti the visit to the wife's parents takes place as soon as she has been girdled, or on the young husband's return from his tour to other villages. They are accompanied by his mother and the duzir. The husband takes with him presents of sugar and tea and a live sheep, which he slaughters on their arrival ; and both he and his wife kiss the heads of her parents. Next morning he and the duzir go away, whereas his wife and mother remain with his parents-in-law for two or three days more. When they leave they are pre- ix LATER CEREMONIES AND TABOOS 309 sented with some tdtarqlt (thin bread made with salt butter) and a portion of the slaughtered sheep, raw or boiled, which they take away with them. This present is called tamdwilt. Among the Ait Waryagal, when the forty days men- tioned above have come to an end, the husband slaughters a goat, and the wife boils its meat in oil and makes a lot of bread. They then load the meat and bread on two mules and take it to the wife's parents. Of the bread they must give a loaf to every party of people, and half a loaf to every single person, whom they meet on the road. Should they refrain from doing so, the people they met would make a cairn, thrust a cane with a flag into it, and dung over the stones ; this is looked upon as a powerful curse, which will probably make the couple childless. Subsequently the wife's father gives a loaf of the bread to each household in the village, for there is baraka in it. The husband kisses his parents-in-law on the crown of the head ; he is very bashful, and only speaks to them in a low voice. After a couple of days he goes away, whereas his wife stays with her parents for a whole month, and then he comes back to fetch her. At their departure her parents present her with a cow or some goats and a lot of bread, of which she gives a loaf to each household in her husband's village. The present given to her parents is called ddrzeft, and so is also the bread which they give to her. Among the Ait Tameldu a whole year passes before the couple pay a visit to the wife's parents. They take 310 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. with them a present of bread, dates, and henna, and kiss the old folk on the head. The husband goes away in the evening ; the wife, on the other hand, remains with her parents for two or three days. There is commonly much reserve in a man's relations to his parents-in-law and other members of his wife's family. In Aglu he kisses his mother-in-law on the head when she comes to his house a few days after the fetching of the bride, but he refrains from speaking to her for some time ; and even in the future he generally avoids both her and his father-in-law, neither speaking to them much nor eating with them. Among the Igliwa, also, the bridegroom kisses his mother-in-law on the head when he first meets her after her arrival at his house, but shows much bashfulness in her presence. In the beginning he must not speak to her, and he can never eat with her, unless she comes and lives with her daughter in his house. So also he for some time refrains from speaking to his father- and brothers-in-law, and even later he never eats with them, nor is he seen together with them in public ; should any of them come where he is sitting with other persons, he at once gets up and leaves the company. If a man meets a friend whom he has not seen for a while, he jokingly says : Mah httrggult filli, isafc 1 gig bduggal^" Why have you been running away from me, am I your brother-in-law ? " Among the Ait Nder a married man does not eat with his father-in-law, and is also shy of his mother-in-law, though he is allowed to ix LATER CEREMONIES AND TABOOS 311 see her face. Among the Ait Warain, I was told, he is even shyer of his mother- than of his father-in-law. Among the Ait Waryagal he speaks to his parents-in- law but does not sit together with them if they meet outside their own houses, and when he meets them he pulls the hood of his cloak over his face. There are similar customs among the Arabic-speaking tribes. In Andjra, it is true, a man may both talk and eat even with his mother-in-law, but he is shy of her and the rest of her family, and must speak no improprieties in the presence of either his parents- or brothers-in-law ; and if an indecent conversation is carried on when his father-in-law is present, he must leave the company. Among the Ul&d Bu-'Aziz a man refrains from eating together with or in the presence of his father-, mother-, or grown-up brother-in-law, if they are of another village. If, on the other hand, his father- and brothers- in-law are of his own village, he is not ashamed to eat with them, but there must be no indecent talk in their presence ; in case anything indecent is said, he goes away at once, and if it has reference to himself he may even complain of it to his governor, with the result that the offender is compelled to pay a fine. He has much respect for his father-in-law ; there is a saying that, if a man has no saint in the place where he is living, his father-in-law is his saint Li ma *&ddu fqtr nsibu huwa fqeru. Between a man and his mother-in-law there is mutual shyness. They speak to each other, but not much, and only sensible words l-klftm l-ma*qdl\ if they are from different villages they avoid looking at each 312 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. other, while if they are from the same village she covers her face and refrains from eating in his presence, though he may eat in hers. In the Hiaina a man does not speak to his parents-in-law if his own parents are alive, otherwise he begins to converse with them when a month or so has passed. He is still shyer of his father-in-law than of his mother-in-law, and also avoids a grown-up brother-in-law. At Fez, on the other hand, the intercourse between a married man and his father- and brothers-in-law is not subject to any special restrictions, but for a couple of years after the wedding he avoids meeting his mother-in-law ; if she comes to his house to see her daughter he must retire, although he may speak to her from a distance. He is called the nslb of his father-, mother-, and brothers-in-law, and of his wife's paternal and maternal uncles ; each of these persons is also his nslb or, in the case of his mother-in- law, nsiba, and collectively they are his nsltb. Another name for them is ld-ht s ftn. In the Hiaina a husband is the nslb of all the persons, men and women, who belong to his wife's community, whether related by blood or not, and they on their part are his nsab. I was told that a man would naturally be shy of the persons with whose daughter or sister he has sexual intercourse, and this I take to be the true explanation of the restrictions in question. I believe that they ultimately spring from that feeling of sexual aversion which prevails between members of the same domestic circle, with the exception, of course, of husband and wife. This aversion, to which I trace the customs and ix LATER CEREMONIES AND TABOOS 313 laws prohibiting incest, 1 has also, in my opinion, been the chief cause of the feeling of sexual shame, which is particularly strong precisely inside the family but, owing to the influence of early sentiments and taboos, has ex- tended far beyond its limits, throwing a veil of secrecy over sexual relations in general. Especially in a country where the sexes are separated from each other to such a degree as they are in Morocco, the mutual relations into which a man and woman enter by their marriage are looked upon as something to be ashamed of, and this feeling of shame would naturally display itself very acutely in the presence of persons who would not only at once come to think of those relations but feel aversion to the very idea of them. It seems to me quite clear that the young man's shyness of his parents-in-law is psycho- logically connected with his shyness of his own parents in all matters relating to his marriage. This shyness shows itself from the moment when the marriage is first thought of till the wedding has passed and even longer. We have seen that there is no conversation on the subject between the young man and his parents, or at least his father, and that he sometimes entirely avoids the latter from the day when the arrangements for his marriage commence. 2 At Fez the father keeps away 1 See infra, p. 370 sqq. 2 Cf. Menouillarcl, ' Un Mariage dans le Sud Tunisien (Matmata),' in Revue Tunisienne, ix. (1902), p. 372 : "Le fiance est mis au courant huit jours avant la calibration du mariage, par des amis de son age, des dispositions arre'te'es entre parents j il quitte alors la maison paternelle, car des ce moment, par pudeur et par respect, il ne doit pas se montrer a ses parents, et cette interdiction dure encore pendant plusieurs mois apres son mariage. II va cacher dans les jardins, ou ses amis lui apportent a manger et viennent lui tenir compagnie." At Qala' of the Beni Rached, in Algeria, it is an old custom that " le fils nouveau mari evite son pere durant les 3H MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. from his son's wedding ; on the great occasion when the bridegroom, after the arrival of the bride, comes to dnr l-^rs to meet her, his father hides himself some- where in the house or in another house, or stays in the street. Sometimes the bridegroom puts off his first intercourse with the bride till all the guests have gone away, or till the evening of that day, because he is shy of his parents. 1 Among the Ait Yusi, if he lives in the same tent as his parents or one of them, he will, out of bashfulness, stay away during the day even for a whole month, taking his meals somewhere else and visiting his wife only at night ; and here, as in many other tribes, he resumes his intercourse with them by a special ceremony, that of kissing their heads. Among the Ait Saddgn, on the day when the bride has been girdled, he is taken to his parents' house by a procession of men and women, who are playing on tambourines, singing, and dancing ; accompanied by the two imsnein, he enters the house with the hood of his cloak still drawn over his face, and kisses them on the head. Among the Ait Nder, after the young husband has returned from his excursion on the evening of the day when his wife has belted herself, he enters his parents' tent in the company of his "vizier" and another bachelor, all deux ou trois mois qui suivent son mariage " (Gaudefroy-Demombynes, in Revue des traditions populaires, xxii. [1907], p. 55. Cf. Idem, Les Ceremonies du mariage chez les indigenes de I'Algerie [Paris, 1901], p. 75 [Tlemcen]). Among the Beni Snus, whilst the young wife sees her parents-in-law as soon as she has resumed her girdle, her husband " reste encore trois ou quatre jours sans oser parattre devant son pere et devant sa mere. Puis il vient les embrasser a son tour " (Destaing, Etude sur le dialecte berbere des Beni Snous [Paris, 1907], p. 290). 1 Supra, pp. 249, 252 sq. ix LATER CEREMONIES AND TABOOS 315 three with the hoods of their cloaks pulled over their faces, and one after the other they kiss the parents' heads ; he is too bashful to appear alone, nay for some days afterwards he still shows great shyness of his parents. Among the Ait Warain it is the custom that the young husband does not show himself or speak to his parents till some three weeks have passed, when he kisses their hands. This custom is not always observed, but as a rule a son is so shy of his father that he avoids him for a considerable time, " even as long as forty days," after his wedding ; and when his wife becomes a mother he never holds the child in his arms in the presence of his father. He is less shy of his mother than of his father, whereas he is more shy of his mother- in-law than of his father-in-law. There is also bashful- ness in the relations between the bride and her parents. 1 In Andjra she does not see them as long as the wedding lasts. Among the Ait Sadden and at Fez, as we have noticed, the "girl avoids her father at the time of the betrothal, and nowhere in Morocco does the father go to his daughter's wedding. In some places her mother also stays at home, and the same may even be the case with her grown-up brothers. If, as I believe, the husband's avoidance of his parents-in-law is ultimately based on the sexual shame felt inside the domestic circle, it may be asked why his avoidance of his own parents should be of a much 1 Cf. D'Arvieux, Travels in Arabia the Desart (London, 1718), p. Z35 : "All the relations assist at the wedding, except the bride's father, who leaves the house that evening out of an odd piece of niceness that will not suffer him to be at home whilst they are putting his daughter to bed with a man. The fathers make this a point of honour." 316 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. shorter duration, although it is a more direct expression of the feeling which is at the bottom of both customs. The answer, however, is not difficult to find. There is no feeling which is more easily influenced by habit than shame, and it would be difficult for the son to avoid his own parents for long, living as he does in their vicinity, if not under the same roof, and having so many interests in common with them. It is worth noticing that there is much less restraint in a man's relations to his parents-in-law if they live in his own than if they live in another village, and that his avoidance of them soon ceases if his own parents are dead, and there con- sequently is more inducement for him to attach himself to his wife's family than would otherwise be the case. 1 It 1 These facts are at variance with Sir E. B. Tylor's conclusion that the avoidance between a man and his wife's family is intrinsically connected with the custom of the husband taking up his abode with the latter. He argues as follows : " If the customs of residence and the customs of avoidance were independent, or nearly so, we should expect to find their coincidence following the ordinary law of chance distribution. In the tribes where the husband permanently lives with his wife's family (sixty-five out of three hundred and fifty), we should estimate that cere- monial avoidance between him and them might appear in nine cases, whereas it actually appears in fourteen cases. On the other hand, peoples where the husband at marriage takes his wife to his home (one hundred and forty-one out of three hundred and fifty), would rateably correspond with avoidance between him and her family in eighteen cases, whereas it actually appears in nine cases only " (Tylor, ' On a Method of Investigating the Development of Institutions," in The "Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xviii. [1889], p. 247). This argument, however, suffers from a very serious defect. The fact that the avoidance in question has been noticed in a comparatively large number of tribes where the custom is for a man to reside in his wife's family, by no means proves that it really is less common in tribes whose habit it is for the husband to take her to his own home ; for it would natur- ally be much more conspicuous in the former cases than in the latter. Hence I do not think Sir E. B. Tylor has successfully interpreted the custom of avoidance by saying that, " as the husband has intruded himself among a family which is not his own, and into a house where he has no right, it seems not difficult to understand their marking the difference between him and themselves by treating him formally as a stranger" (ibid. p. 248). Nor is there any foundation for Lord Avebury's hypothesis that the avoidance between parents-in-law and son-in-law is a conse- ix LATER CEREMONIES AND TABOOS 317 is true that his avoidance of his parents-in-law may also have something to do with the fact that he has deprived them of their daughter ; but many of the statements all the same show that this avoidance is essentially con- nected with sexual shame. The same is obviously the case with the mother-in-law's avoidance of her son-in- law, whose presence is apt to call forth associations of ideas that make her blush both as a woman and as a mother. There is no special avoidance noticeable in the relations between a wife and her parents-in-law. In some places at least it is the custom that she, as soon as she has been girdled, kisses them on the head. Among the, Ait Warain after the girdling she kisses her father- in-law's head and hands and he gives her a silk ker- chief, whereas her husband, as we have seen, avoids him for another couple of weeks. She addresses her father-in-law sidi, " my lord," and her mother-in-law Idlla, " my lady " ; but when she becomes more familiar with them she calls the former amgartnfl, " my sheik," and the latter tamgartlnft) " my mistress." Among the quence of marriage by capture (Avebury, The Origin of Civilisation [London, 1912], p. 103) ; this form of contracting marriage has played a much more prominent part in the imagination of anthropologists than in the life of savages. According to Mr. Fison, the mutual avoidance of mother-in-law and son-in-law is due to a fear of intercourse which is unlawful and to the consequent idea that the slightest famili- arity between them would be indecent (Fison and Howitt, Kamilaroi and Kurnai [Melbourne, &c., 1880], p. 103 si}.} ; whilst Mr. Crawley (The Mystic Rose [London, 1902], p. 408) thinks that this avoidance is "causally connected with a man's avoidance of his own wife," being part of the system of sexual taboo, which contains " amongst other things mutual avoidance between engaged couples, and between the married man and his wife." The most obvious weakness in these two explanations is that they do not take into account the frequent avoidance between a man and his father-in-law. 3i 8 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP, ix At Ubahti a married woman, in speaking to her father- in-law, calls him 'dmmi, " my paternal uncle," and her mother-in-law she addresses hdlti, " my maternal aunt." Among the Arabs of the Hiaina the husband's father is his wife's &$, " sheik," and his mother is called by her Id-'-guza^ " the old woman," but when she speaks to them she addresses them sidi and Idlla respectively ; they on their part call her their bent\ " daughter." At Fez the husband's father is his wife's hmft, his mother is her hma, his brother her lus, and his sister her lusa. CHAPTER X SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS WE have noticed a great variety of superstitious beliefs and practices connected with Moorish marriages. Sometimes divination is resorted to by the young man's mother in choosing a suitable wife for her son. 1 Sometimes the girl prevents a betrothal which she finds objectionable by making use of bad and ominous words or by behaving like a woman at a funeral. 2 The trans- ference of conditional curses by means of '^r-sacrifices is a common method of bringing about a betrothment ; 3 and even when no such sacrifice is made it is considered bad if the girl's father or parents persist in refusing a proposal. 4 In some Berber tribes the fear of l-ar has led to a custom which makes it possible for a married woman to run away from her husband and, by taking refuge in another man's dwelling, compel the latter to marry her. 5 The wheat which is to be used for the wedding, and which has been cleaned in the bridegroom's house, 1 Supra, p. 32. 2 Supra, p. 37. 3 Supra, pp. 35, 38, 42, 45, 46, 51. 4 Supra, pp. 28, 45. 5 Supra, p. 60 sqq. 3'9 320 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. must not be taken to other houses to be ground ; for it would be bad to do at a wedding what is regularly done at a funeral * a feeling which also prevents honey being served at a wedding. 2 On the other hand, it is supposed to bring good luck if the bachelors who are present on the occasion when the wheat is cleaned and ground now and then take part in the grinding and singing. 3 A superstitious importance is attached to the grit which has been removed from the wheat ; it is put in a clean place so as not to be defiled, 4 or it is thrown on the floor of the bridegroom's dwelling in order that the wedding shall be attended by many guests, 5 or the bridegroom casts it together with dried fruit on the bride when she approaches the door of his house, 6 or it is disposed of in some other manner still to be mentioned. Marriages are avoided in certain periods, 7 and are by preference or invariably celebrated on certain days of the week. 8 In one tribe it is considered a good omen if the bride arrives at her new home at the same hour as the flocks and herds return from the pastures. 9 There is much omening at weddings. When the bride has been painted with henna, it is an evil foreboding if the painted parts become very red when they are rubbed clean the next morning. 10 When the animal which is going to bear her to her new home is taken to her parents' dwelling, it would be a bad omen if it went 1 Supra, p. 91. 2 Supra, p. 23 n. 3 Supra, pp. 92, 94. 4 Supra, p. 89. 6 Supra, p. 95. 6 Supra, pp. 95, 214. 7 Supra, p. 86. 8 Supra, p. 86 sq. 9 Supra, p. 175. 10 Supra, p. 137. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 321 there with an empty saddle ; l and empty dishes, trays, or tables, are likewise avoided at weddings, 2 as on certain other occasions. 3 When the bride has arrived at the bridegroom's place, there are omens indicating whether the husband will rule over his wife or the wife over her husband, 4 whether their conduct will be straight, 5 whether the wife will remain with her husband or there will be speedy separation, 6 whether she will be domineered by her mother-in-law or vice versa? and so forth. 8 A very large number of marriage ceremonies spring from the feeling or idea that bride and bridegroom are in a state of danger, and therefore stand in need of purification and of special protection against magical influences and evil spirits. To this class of customs belong avowedly or presumably, at least in part, the bathing and washing of bride or bridegroom, 9 and other water ceremonies ; 10 the shaving of the bride- groom, 11 and the dishevelling of the bride's hair ; 12 the assumption of new clothes and slippers ; 13 the painting 1 Supra, pp. 172, 180, 182, 192. 2 Supra, pp. 24, 25, 34, 239, 241, 249, 279, 287. 3 Westermarck, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, certain Dates of the Solar Year, and the Weather in Morocco (Ofversigt af Finska Vetenskapssocietetens FSrhandlingar, Bd. liv. 1911-1912, Afd. B. N:o. i), p. 38. 4 Supra, pp. 205, 252. 5 Supra, p. 209. 6 Supra, pp. 208, 209, 247 sq. 7 Supra, p. 299. 8 Supra, pp. 2OO, 205. 9 Supra, pp. 118, 120, 126, 127, 136, 140, 141, 144, 146, 149, 153, 155, 156, 161, 162, 228, 232, 266, 277, 296-298, 301-303, 305 sq. 10 Supra, pp. 97, 121, 122, 126, 128, 144, 162, 231, 232, 255, 304. 11 Supra, pp. 102, 106, 120, 127, 130, 131, 133. 12 Supra, pp. 148, 169, 172, 247, 261, 264, 291. 18 Supra, pp. 102, 120, 128, 146, 148, 150, 152-154, 156, 175, 194, 225, 275, 304. Y 322 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. with henna, 1 antimony, 2 and walnut root or bark, 3 and, in the case of the bride, with saffron as well ; 4 the purification with flour, 5 bread, 6 wheat, st'ksu, or tTrta ; 7 the use of candles ; 8 the burning of incense ; 9 the firing off of guns ; 10 the loud music n and singing, 12 and the quivering noise of women ; 13 the use of salt, 14 needles, 15 steel-weapons like daggers 16 and swords 17 and pistols ; 18 the wearing of various other charms, for example, silver coins ; ]9 the making of the bridal box of oleander branches ; 20 the hiding or covering of the face ; 21 the shutting up of the bride in a 1 Supra, pp. 95, 97-102, 105, 107-120, 136, 137, 141, 142, 144-151, 153-158, 160, 161, 242, 295, 303, 306. 2 Supra, pp. 105, 153, 193, 233, 242, 266, 282, 283, 295, 306. 3 Supra, pp. 105, 153, 193, 242, 266, 282, 283, 295, 306. 4 Supra, pp. 152-154, 242, 243, 266, 295. 5 Supra, pp. 103, 104, 119, 153, 162, 194, 195, 197, 207, 208, 214, 216 sq. 8 Supra, pp. 292, 295. 7 Supra, pp. 197, 217. 8 Supra, pp. 97, 98, 121, 122, 130, 132, 136, 139, 144, 145, 162, 166, 187, 226, 231, 248, 252, 292, 295. 9 Supra, pp. 235, 237, 244, 255, 305. 10 Supra, pp. 41, 44. 45, 48, 50, 78, 89, 92-96, 108, 109, in, 112, 114, 115, 117, 122, 123, 128, 130, 131, 145, 162, 169, 170, 173, 174, 177, 179, 181-183, !85> 188, 195, 197, 204, 210, 211, 214, 218, 281 ; shots fired on the consummation of the marriage, supra, pp. 233, 236, 237, 240, 242, 245, 249, 251, 253, 266 sq. 11 Supra, especially pp. 122, 162, 188, 218, 294, 297. 12 Supra, especially pp. 162, 188, 267. 13 Supra, pp. 25, 33, 35, 41, 44, 45, 48, 50, 67, 78, 89, 103, 104, 107, 109, 112, 122, 129, 136, 138, 140, 148, 155, 162, 173, 174, 182, 183, 188, 194, 195, 197, 2 1 8, 226, 294, 296 sq. ; quivering noise made on the consummation of the marriage, supra, pp. 228, 233, 236, 237, 240, 242, 245, 249, 253, 267, 269. 14 Supra, pp. 89, 90, 103-105, 123, 147, 150, 162, 166, 187, 251, 256, 296, 306. 15 Supra, pp. 150, 162, 237, 256, 290. 18 Supra, pp. 89, 123, 152, 163, 197, 211, 221. 17 Supra, pp. 97 n., 99, 102, 104, 106-109, lll i II2 I2 3> *49 r 55> J ^2, 235, 237, 239, 242, 244, 251, 255, 282, 290. 18 Supra, pp. 112, 123, 248, 255, 290. 19 Supra, pp. 104, 105, 123, 147, 162, 163, 290. 2 Supra, p. 168. 21 Supra, pp. 97, 102, 105, 106, 108, in, 112, 114, 123, 128, 131, 137, 138, 142, 147, 148, 152, 156, 163, 172, 174, 179, 181, 184, 185, 189, 196, 198, 203, 212, 219, 225, 233, 239, 250, 254, 266, 282, 283, 287, 289, 296, 299, 314 sq. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 323 box ; * the dressing-up of the fiance as a bride, 2 and the bride's imitating the appearance of a man ; 3 her walking with women dressed like herself ; * the pulling- up of the backs of the slippers ; 5 the keeping-on of the slippers at night ; 6 the beating, smacking, or tapping of the bride or bridegroom ; 7 their throwing of a slipper at each other ; 8 the destroying or removing l-bas by blowing to pieces, 9 breaking, 10 crushing, 11 cutting, 12 burning, 13 boiling, 14 or throwing away 15 some object ; the pelting with stones ; 16 dancing ; ir incanta- tions against the devil ; 18 prayers, 19 recitations from the Koran, 20 the singing of religious songs, 21 and the per- formance of other ceremonies of religious import ; 22 and various abstinences, such as from leaving the dwelling, 23 from eating much, 24 from eating and drink- ing in public, 25 from speaking or speaking aloud, 26 from 1 Supra, pp. 166-168, 189. 2 Supra, p. 25. 3 Supra, pp. 27, 152, 153, 163, 174, 187 sq. 4 Supra, pp. 27, 165, 187 ; cf. p. 198. 5 Supra, pp. 102, 109, in, 112, 114, 123, 124, 147-150, 156, 159, 163, 251, 253, 254, 266, 290. 6 Supra, pp. 239, 290. 7 Supra, pp. 104, 107-109, I2O, 121, 157-159, 162, 198, 199, 214, 217, 223, 2 3S> 237, 244, 248, 250, 252, 256 sqq. 8 Supra, pp. 251, 256. 9 Supra, pp. 91, 245, 267. 10 Supra, pp. 99, 101, 108, 109, 121, 131, 149, 162. 11 Supra, pp. 235, 256. 12 Supra, pp. 235, 237, 256. 13 Supra, pp. 304, 306. 14 Supra, p. 306. 15 Supra, pp. 197, 237,256. 16 Supra, pp. 129, 171, 190. 17 Supra, pp. 98, 101, no, 121, 137, 145, 149, 162, 206 ; dancing on the con- summation of the marriage, supra, pp. 236, 240, 241, 251-253, 267 sq. 18 Supra, p. 98. 19 Supra, pp. 130, 231, 232, 244, 250, 251, 255/266. 20 Supra, pp. 198, 199, 232, 255, 266. 21 Supra, pp. 98, 100, 126, 129. 22 Supra, pp. 129, 186, 2OO, 205, 208, 214, 218. 23 Supra, pp. 117, 123, 156, 157, 163, 281, 286, 289, 291, 300. 24 Supra, pp. 99, 123, 144, 196, 212. 23 Supra, pp. 99, 123, 130, 203, 207, 221, 234, 240, 241, 273. 26 Supra, pp. 129, 203, 207, 212, 221, 234, 244, 253. 3 2 4 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. falling asleep, 1 from turning the head and looking back, 2 from bathing or washing 3 or having the head shaved 4 or changing clothes 6 for a certain length of time, from wearing a girdle, 6 from sitting on the ground, 7 from treading on the ground or the threshold, 8 and, in the case of the bride, from the crossing of open bridges. 9 As a protection against magic the grit removed from the wheat which is to be used for the wedding is thrown into a river, water-course, or spring, or buried in the ground ; 10 the bridegroom steps three times over the bundle of old clothes con- taining his shaved -off hair; 11 the bride is carefully guarded by women on her way to the bridegroom's place, particularly for fear lest some malevolent person should in a magical manner deprive her of her vir- ginity ; 12 she shakes out the henna-powder from her slippers and throws it into water ; lz and when the young wife pays her first visit to her parents she goes and comes back in the evening, being still very sus- ceptible to the evil eye. 14 Superstitious fear is also at the bottom of the rules that the bride must not be spoken to, 15 that the bridegroom should put his right foot twice over the threshold of the nuptial chamber 1 Supra, pp. 237, 254. 2 Supra, pp. 172, 189, 231, 250, 255. 3 Supra, pp. 114, 115,290. 4 Supra, p. 290. B Supra, pp. 115, 291. 6 Supra, pp. 146, 148, 225, 237, 263, 264, 281, 293. 7 Supra, pp. 25, 27, 100, 102, 103, 105, 106, 115, 123, 130, 132, 139, 142, 227. 8 Supra, pp. 109, no, 123, 130, 132, 133, 141, 144, 145, 148, 163, 168, 169, 172, 174-176, 179, 181-189, 195-198, 201, 205, 207, 208, 210,212, 214, 219 sq. 9 Supra, pp. 166, 187. 10 Supra, p. 91 sqq. 11 Supra, p. 230 sq. 12 Supra, pp. 172, 173, 175, 176, 179, 185, 188. 13 Supra, p. 1 50. 14 Supra, p. 302 \q. 15 Supra, p. 203. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 325 before he makes his entrance by a third step, 1 that the candle or candles burning there must not be extin- guished by anybody, 2 that the slippers worn by the bride or bridegroom must never be repaired, 3 and that the slippers and girdle which the bride has worn since the wedding must be removed on the fortieth day, and never again be used by her. 4 The sacrifice performed on the girdling of the bride, 5 and the money which the bridegroom gives her immediately before or after their first intercourse, 6 or on plaiting her hair r or on undoing the end of one of her plaits 8 or on girdling her, 9 seem to have a prophylactic origin ; and I am further inclined to ascribe a purificatory significance to the ceremonial fights and sham robberies which take place at the wedding and in some cases centre round the bride or bridegroom. The bride, however, is considered to be not only herself in danger but also a source of danger to others. Customs that have direct reference to her may at the same time be looked upon as safeguards against evils which threaten the bridegroom, as is evidently the case with various ceremonies which immediately precede the con- summation of the marriage. Moreover, customs that are supposed to protect or purify the bride may also be practised for the purpose of protecting other persons less intimately connected with her than is her husband. Thus she has her face well covered, or she is shut up in 1 Supra, pp. 251, 254 sq. 2 Supra, p. 252. 3 Supra, p. 290. 4 Supra, p. 304 sq. 5 Supra, p. 294 sq. 6 Supra, pp. 113, 159, 237, 239, 241, 242, 244, 248, 251, 253, 262 sq. 7 Supra, pp. 248, 261. 8 Supra, pp. 261 n. I, 276. 9 Supra, p. 294. 326 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. a box, not only to be sheltered from the evil eye, but also because her own glance or the sight of her is considered injurious to others. 1 The pelting of her with stones when she leaves her old home is sometimes said to rid her of her evil, 2 and sometimes to cause her to take her evil with her, 8 or to remove all the evil from the village. 4 The sprinkling of the bride with milk or a mixture of henna and water, when the bridal procession passes a village, is in one instance explained as a method of averting evil from the village ; 5 and the ceremonies which precede or are connected with the bride's arrival at the bridegroom's place are largely intended to prevent her carrying evil with her to her new home. It is presumably for this purpose that she, on her way thither, is taken to a river which she has to cross on her mule three times to and fro, 6 and that, if the pro- cession passes a shrine, she has to ride round it three times and f&tha is made. 7 For a similar purpose she is taken three or seven times round the bridegroom's house or tent 8 or the mosque of his village 9 or the village itself ; 10 purifying substances, like milk, 11 water, 12 and henna, 13 are offered her or sprinkled on her ; an egg which has been dipped into milk and flour is thrown at the forehead of the mule ridden by her in 1 Supra, pp. 148, 163, 169, 172, 181, 189, 219. 2 Supra, pp. 171, 190. 3 Supra, pp. 170, 190. 4 Supra, pp. 176, 177, 190. 5 Supra, pp. 177, 178, 190 sq. 6 Supra, pp. 185, 190. 7 Supra, pp. 185, 186, 190. 8 Supra pp. 196-198, 2OO, 206, 209, 215. 9 Supra Supra 12 Supra 13 Supra pp. 199, 200, 203, 208, 215. 10 Supra, pp. 203, 215. pp. 194, 203, 207, 210, 212 sqq. pp. 203, 209, 212, 215 sq. pp. 214, 217. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 327 order that " she shall bring no evil with her ; " l and the wheat, flour, stksu, or tiita which is given her and which she casts over her head is represented as a means by which she rids herself of evil influences. 2 For the express purpose of expelling evil she beats the bride- groom's tent three times. 3 The animal which she has ridden is purified in some way or other, 4 and the saddle used by her is smeared with henna or blood. 5 Before she is carried into the bridegroom's tent guns are fired off close to her in order to prevent her evil influences from affecting the isldn^ that is, the bridegroom's bachelor friends. 6 The ceremonial wedding fights may serve a prophylactic or cathartic object for all who engage in them ; 7 and as for the dung of animals used in one of these fights, 8 and the porridge which the wedding guests smear on each other's faces, 9 it is worth remembering that purifying qualities are attributed to these substances. 10 It should also be noticed that the same kinds of purifying or protective matters as are applied to the bride or bridegroom are made use of by persons who come in close contact with them : the bridegroom's best-man or his bachelor friends in general smear henna on their hands or clothes, 11 and paint their eyes with antimony and their lips with walnut root ; 12 and the same things, as well as saffron, are used by the 1 Supra p. 194 sq. 2 Supra, pp. 197, 207, 208, 217. 3 Supru pp. 200, 204, 205, 217 sq. 4 Supra pp. 194-196, 2OI, 205, 207, 211, 214, 218 sq. 6 Supra pp. 2IO, 219. 6 Supra pp. 210, 218. 7 See supra, pp. 128, 224, 245, 261, 268. 8 Supra p. 245. 9 Supra, p. 242. 10 Supra, pp. 267, 269. 11 Supra pp. 98, 113, I2O. 12 Supra, pp. 105, I2O, 2O2, 282. 328 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. bride's girl-friends, and even by all the women who are present at the wedding. 1 And in one tribe not only the bride, but the bridegroom's mother and the other women of his family, have their hair open during the wedding. 2 Why are bride and bridegroom supposed to be in a dangerous condition, and why is the bride considered dangerous to others ? In order to answer these questions it will be necessary for us to compare the ceremonies described above with those practised in cases where either bride or bridegroom or both have been married before. Such marriages are much more common in Morocco than in Europe, owing to the frequency of divorces and remarriages and the practice of polygamy. I once had in my service an elderly Berber from Sas who had had twenty- five wives, though never more than two at a time, and of these he had divorced twenty- two, and two had died. And divorced wives and widows have also a great chance of remarrying, as they are generally much cheaper than virgin brides, and there is a great demand for marriage- able women especially in Berber tribes where polygamy is much practised, owing to the prevalence of the blood- feud, which makes it highly desirable for a man to have many sons. 3 1 Supra, pp. 153, 156, 157, 161, 283. 2 Supra, p. 291. 3 I was told that among the Ait Warain the desire for offspring even overrules male jealousy. A man who has no children is quite pleased if other men have intercourse with his wife or wives ; he pretends to know nothing about it, and is assumed to be the father of any child resulting from such a union. So also a son whose father is dead is glad if his mother gives birth to a boy, even though she has no husband. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 329 At Fez, if the bride is a hajj&la? that is a widow or divorced wife, whilst the bridegroom is an 'dzri, or bachelor, the feasting and ceremonies which in the case of a virgin bride take place in the house of her family are omitted, a meal only being served there with some relatives as guests. But from the moment when she is taken from her old home to dar l-Ors the ceremonies to which she is subject are essentially the same as they would be if she had not been married before, and so far as the bridegroom is concerned the wedding is not at all influenced by her being a httjjftla. If, on the other hand, he has another wife or is a hdjjttl'* 1 that is, a man who has been married but is so no longer, either because his wife has died or because he has divorced her and she is an 'dfaq that is, a grown-up woman who neither is nor has been married, the marriage ceremonies are, in everything that has reference to her, exactly the same as if the bridegroom were a bachelor ; whereas there is no dttr islfin nor any sham court, as he is not now regarded as a sultan. If, finally, the bride- groom is not an 'dzri, and the bride is not an 'dfaq, there are no ceremonies at all, not even a festival meal ; he simply sends a woman or two to fetch the bride at sunset. Among the Ulld Bu-'Aziz, if the bride is a widow or divorced wife, she does not pull up the backs of her slippers, nor is she brought to her new home on a camel, but goes there on foot, nor has she to pass three times round the bridegroom's tent before entering it. But 1 At Tangier pronounced ha dd jala. 2 At Tangier pronounced h'd^j'dl. 330 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. a camel is nevertheless brought to the bride's place, and a girl of her village is mounted on it. This girl is called " the bride," and is taken to the bridegroom's abode with the same ceremonies as if she were the real bride : she has her face covered, rides three times round the bridegroom's tent, is received there by his mother in the manner of a virgin bride, and is at last carried into the tent. She leaves it, however, soon after, and when the bridegroom and his two friends pass through the tent, as said above, it is the real bride that tries to smack them with the slipper. This, indeed, is only what may be expected, whether the ceremony in question is looked upon as a means of purifying the bridegroom or as an attempt on the part of the bride to become his ruler ; it should be noticed that in her old home also she had performed those magical acts by which brides endeavour to gain influence over their husbands. 1 But, unlike a virgin bride, she only spends three or four days behind the curtain in the bridegroom's tent. The fact that the bride is a h&jj&la does not affect the ceremonies to which the bridegroom is subject, in case he is a bachelor ; but if he has another wife, or has had one before, these ceremonies are omitted, whether the bride has been married or not. He then neither covers his face with the hood of his cloak, nor pulls up the backs of his slippers, nor has his hand painted with henna, nor runs through the tent to be smacked by the bride ; nor is there any recitation from the Koran made by 1 Supra, p. 157*7. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 331 scribes, nor does he go on a tour with his bachelor friends. His mother does not carry a sieve on her back, and neither she nor the other women of his family loosen their hair, even though the bride has dishevelled hers. But he must stay with the bride for seven days, whether he has another wife or not. It may be added that if a man takes a second wife without divorcing the one he has, he must give to the latter the same dhftz as to the bride ; and although the old wife is said to be very sorry, she entertains her female friends with a " wedding-feast." Among the Briber of the Ait Sadden a woman who has been married before (jd dd jalf) does not, like a virgin bride, perform the ceremony called iziid bhrir, consist- ing in her grinding wheat over her uncovered right thigh, nor is she painted with henna. She goes to her new home on foot, but is accompanied by a crowd of people, including men who are discharging volleys of gunpowder. On her arrival she goes round both the mosque of the village and the tent where she will meet the bridegroom, and beats the tent with a bamboo cane ; but she does not smear the tent-pole with butter, nor does her mother-in-law take her to the four corners of the tent, as her baraka has remained with her first husband. She wears her slippers with pulled-up backs and sleeps in them at night. She has no belt round her waist till the sixth day after her arrival, but then she girdles herself without ceremony ; and she makes no palmetto rope on that day, as does a virgin bride. If the bridegroom is a bachelor the ceremonies which 332 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. have direct reference to him are observed just as if she were a virgin ; and, on the other hand, if the bride is a virgin it makes no difference, so far as she is con- cerned, whether the bridegroom be a bachelor or an d dd jal (the Arabic hdjjal, or hd^jul}. In the latter case there is no ass ufran, nor is he painted with henna, nor does he pull up the backs of his slippers. Among the Ait Yusi a bride who has been married before smears herself with henna on her hands, feet, hair, and face, but no " moon " is painted with saffron over her head. When she leaves her home her brother does not spread his d'ban in front of her, and she does not ride, but goes on foot to the bridegroom's place. She wears her belt as any ordinary woman, but she has the backs of her slippers pulled up. She is not sprinkled with milk on the way, nor does she walk round the bridegroom's village before she enters it. If there is a mosque in the village, however, she walks three times round it, but not in company with any virgin bride. No tray with raisins is offered her by her mother-in- law, and she neither beats the bridegroom's tent with a cane nor smears butter on the pole supporting its roof. Among the Ait Nder, if the bride has had a husband before, she smears her hands, feet, and hair with henna, as women often do, but there is no ceremony connected with it. She walks to the bridegroom's place with the backs of her slippers pulled up, but already the next day she wears them in the usual manner. She does not make the seven circuits round the bridegroom's tent, x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 333 and no figs are thrown over her. If she is still young, she spends the first seven days inside the enclosure in the tent where she meets the bridegroom ; otherwise it is removed in the morning, to be put up again for the nights only. She wears her belt as usual, and if she is the only woman in the tent, she begins to work on the day after her arrival. If the husband has not been married before, he and his bachelor friends make the ordinary wedding tours to neighbouring villages, just as he has performed all other ceremonies incumbent on a bridegroom ; but the case is different if this is not his first marriage, whether the bride be a virgin or a widow or divorced wife. Then no henna is smeared on his hands and feet ; he neither covers his face nor pulls up the backs of his slippers, nor carries a sword; he is not regarded as a sultan and has no vizier, and there is no assembly of is/an round him. Nor are among the Ruafa of the Ait Waryagal a bridegroom who is not a bachelor and a bride who has been married before subject to the ceremonies mentioned in previous chapters. They make no tours before the wedding, and are not painted with henna in the manner described above. But the bride smears henna on herself a couple of days before she goes to her new home, whither she goes on foot ; and on this day the bridegroom slaughters a sheep or goat. From these facts it appears that the ceremonies of a purificatory or protective kind to which the bride or bridegroom is subject depend on the circumstance whether she or he, but not both parties, have been 334 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. married before. A bridegroom who is a bachelor is subject to the same ceremonies whether the bride be a virgin, a widow, or a divorced wife, whereas these ceremonies are omitted in the case of a bridegroom who has or has had another wife, quite independently of the state of the bride ; and a bride who has not been married before is subject to the same ceremonies whether the bridegroom be a bachelor, a widower, or a polygamist, whereas these ceremonies are, if not altogether done away with, at all events much reduced, in the case of a bride who is a widow or a divorced wife, quite in- dependently of the state of the bridegroom. From all this I conclude that, even though some of the purificatory and protective marriage ceremonies have sprung from fear of hymeneal blood or from the idea that the bride may carry evil with her both as a newcomer into the bridegroom's household and in her capacity of being a woman, the bulk of these ceremonies are due to the fact that the person who is subject to them is bride or bridegroom for the first time. She or he enters into a new state, the wedding is a rite de passage ; and to pass into a new condition or to do a thing for the first time is not only in this, but in many other cases, considered to be attended with danger. But it must in addition be noticed that in the present instance the nature of the act itself is apt to increase the supposed peril. Sexual intercourse is looked upon as defiling and under certain circumstances as a mysterious cause of evil. As evidence of this many facts may be adduced. No sexual act must be committed in a holy place, a x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 335 mosque or a shrine, nor is a person who has been polluted by any discharge of sexual matter allowed to enter such a place before he has washed himself. Should he do so he would suffer some misfortune ; he would get blind, or lame, or mad, or he or some member of his family would become ill or die, or he would lose some of his animals, or his corn-crop would be bad. I was told that if a person who is not sexually clean visits the tomb of the Aglu saint Stdi Baud, which is situated on an island, he will find that the water in the sea has suddenly risen to such a height that he cannot go back to the mainland, but has to wait till it has gone down. Nor is a person who is sexually unclean allowed to pray ; once when I was -staying in Haha and the water supply had become extremely scarce, my Berber teacher, who had always before most regularly said his daily prayers, refrained from doing so for a couple of days because his clothes had been defiled by a pollution. Owing to its injurious effect upon holiness, an act generally looked upon as sacred would, if performed by an unclean individual, lack that magic efficacy which is otherwise ascribed to it. The Moors say that a scribe is afraid of evil spirits only when he is sexually unclean, because then his reciting of passages of the Koran the most powerful weapon against such spirits would be of no avail. Sexual cleanness is required of those who have anything to do with the corn ; for such persons are otherwise supposed to pollute its holiness, and also, in many cases, to do injury to themselves. In most parts of Morocco it is considered necessary for the 336 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. ploughman to be sexually clean ; otherwise there will be no baraka in the seed, or there will grow mostly grass and weeds on the field. 1 So also the reapers 2 and anybody who comes to the threshing-floor 3 when the corn is there must be clean ; and the same is the case with the women who clear the crops of weeds in the spring, lest their work should be without result and they should become ill themselves. 4 If an unclean person goes into a granary, it is believed not only that the grain will lose its baraka^ but that he himself will fall ill ; a Berber from the Ait Warain told me that he once got bad boils because he entered a granary in a state of sexual uncleanness. 5 Nor must an unclean individual enter the vegetable garden, as such a visit would do harm both to the garden and to the person who went there (Ulad Bu- Aziz, Andjra, Ait Warain). 6 When a woman is grinding corn she must be clean, lest the flour should be bad (Andjra). 7 Among the Ait Warydga"! a menstruating woman is allowed to milk the cows, sheep, and goats, but not a woman who has refrained from washing after she has had connection with her husband. In the same tribe it is held that if an unclean person goes among the sheep they will die, because they are holy animals and in consequence easily hurt by defilement. The Ulzld Bu-'Azlz, again, maintain that under similar circumstances the person himself will suffer some misfortune ; and in the yiaina 1 Westermarck, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected loith Agriculture, etc., in Morocco, p. 17. 2 Ibid. p. 23. 3 Ibid. p. 28. * Ibid. p. 22. 8 Ibid. p. 46. 6 Ibid. p. 54. 1 Ibid. p. 47. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 337 an unclean individual who comes to the place where the sheep are sheared is supposed to get diseased on account of their baraka. It is a universal belief in Morocco that if a person who is sexually unclean rides a horse another holy animal some evil will happen either to the horse or the rider, or both : the horse will get sores on its back or fall down with its rider, and the latter will have boils, or become ill or die, or be late in arriving at his destination or not succeed in his business. So also the person who robs the bees of their honey must be clean, lest they should leave the place or die, or the person himself be stung by them. Sexual intercourse, moreover, destroys the magical efficacy of a charm if it is not removed before the act, and I have also heard that in such a case the person who wears it may become ill. The Ait Saddn believe that the wound of a circumcised boy gets inflamed if an unclean person looks at it ; and among the Ulad Bu-'Aziz such a person must keep out of sight of any one who has been bitten by a mad dog, so as not to cause the rabies to break out. Blood-letting should be followed by three days' continence (Tangier, etc.) ; and it would be bad to have sexual intercourse the night before starting on a journey (Fez). He who is not clean sleeps badly, being haunted by jnttn or abandoned by his guardian angels. That a polluting effect is ascribed to the discharge of sexual matter seems, largely at least, to be due to its mysterious propensities and the veil of mystery which surrounds the whole sexual nature of man. But the idea that sexual intercourse is defiling is also, no 338 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. doubt, connected with the notions held about the female sex. Islam does not look upon women with friendly eyes. It pronounces their general depravity to be much greater than that of men. 1 According to Muhammedan tradition the Prophet said: "I have not left any calamity more hurtful to man than woman. . . . O assembly of women, give alms, although it be of your gold and silver ornaments ; for verily ye are mostly of Hell on the Day of Resurrection." 2 The Moors say that women are defective in understanding and religion N-nsa naqisdfft (or qillht s ti) 'dqhn wet din ; and God has excluded them from his mercy N-nsa nsdhum llah mSn rahdmtu. They are friends of the devil ; indeed, an old woman is worse than the devil L-aguza %kt s dr m$n 3-fitan. They are possessed with jniin, who help them to practice witchcraft, nay, many women are really jnun in human disguise. When Shgm Harush, the sultan of thejnun, died, he left behind him a daughter who is still alive and assists her own sex in doing evil ; hence women are even better versed in magic than scribes. Their looks are dangerous. At feasts they are allowed to eat first, since otherwise they might injure the men with their evil eyes. Once when I was sitting at my writing-desk, one of my servants rushed into my room and quickly closed the window-shutters ; and when I, somewhat surprised, asked him why he thus shut out 1 Lane, Arabian Society in the Middle Ages (London, 1883), p. 219 ; Doughty, Travels in Arabia Deserta, i. (Cambridge, 1888), p. 238 sq. 2 Lane-Poole, The Speeches and Table-Talk of the Prophet Mohammad (London, 1882), pp. 161, 163. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 339 the light from me, he answered that some women had come to fetch water from the garden outside my cottage, and that he could not allow me to be exposed to their glances while I was writing. The curses of women are greatly feared ; it is considered an even greater calamity to be cursed by a shereefa, or female descendant of the Prophet, than to be cursed by a shereef. Closely connected with these beliefs is the custom .according to which a woman may serve as an asylum. Especially among the Berbers and Jbala a man who takes refuge with a woman by touching her or sucking her breast or sitting down in front of her or going behind her or running into her house and taking hold of the handmill, is for the moment safe from his persecutor and must afterwards be protected by her husband or family. 1 He is in the woman's f ar, and the protection given by women is particularly strong owing to the belief in their magic power and the great efficacy of their curses. 2 The Shloh say, Tamgart zud .agurram, " A woman is like a saint." In times of fighting or uproar the women are left in peace ; for a woman is htrma or, in Shelfra, Ihor&m she must not be touched. But, owing to their uncleanness, women are also subject to many taboos. They are not allowed to enter on the threshing-floor when the corn is there, lest 1 The same custom is also found in some of the Arab tribes of the plains, e.g., the Beni Ahsen and Hiaina, but in most of these tribes, I think, it is dying out, probably owing to their subjection under the Sultan's government. Among certain Asiatic Bedouins, the tribe of Shammar, " a woman can protect any number of persons, or even of tents " (Layard, Discoveries in the Ruins of Nine-veh and Babylon [London, 1853], p. 318). 2 Westermarck, ' L-'&r, or the Transference of Conditional Curses in Morocco,' in Anthropological Essay s presented to E. B. Tylor, p. 366 sq. 340 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. they should spoil its baraka. 1 They are commonly, though not everywhere, 2 forbidden to go into the granaries. In Andjra it is said that if an unmarried woman goes into a mtitmur, or subterranean granary, she will never marry, that a married woman who does so will never have a child, and that a woman with child will have a miscarriage. 3 Among the Ait Warain women do not work in the vegetable garden (tdbhzrf), nor do they gather vegetables from it ; among the Ait Yusi, I was told, a woman can go there only by force, if she is more powerful than her husband ; 4 and the Ait Waryagal believe that a woman's presence in the vegetable garden (d&bher?) would make it dry. Women are also supposed to be injurious to the bees ; according to the Ait Warain the bees would die if a woman approached their nests, and everywhere the robbing is done by men. In the Hiaina no woman, except the farmer's wife and anybody she takes with her to help her in her work, must go among the sheep in the after- noon. Among the Ait Nder there are people who do not allow a woman to ride on their animals, not even on mules or donkeys, for fear lest the animal should suffer by it. In some places, at least, a woman is prohibited from entering a shop, even though she be the wife of the shopkeeper ; should she do so, the 1 Westermarck, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected "with Agriculture, etc., in Morocco, p. 28. The Igliwa make an exception for such women as are in the habit of praying, hey are not numerous. In the Hiaina women are allowed to enter the granary - but they but not t 3 Wes p. 46. 4 Ibid. p. 54. . but not to tread on the threshing-floor. 3 Westermarck, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, etc., in Morocco, 4 x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 341 baraka would go away from the shop and there would be no sale. There are shrines that must not be visited by women. Thus for example, Sidi 'Abdrr^hman lhanbubi, Sldi Bunwar, and Sidi Luafi all in Aglu do not permit women to enter the domed buildings in which they are buried. Should a woman see the grave of the Glawi saint Sidi 'Ali Musa, at Arg, who died a bachelor, she would get blind ; hence if the door of the room where he is buried is open, any woman who passes it has to hide her face. From the feasts of mujahtdln, or hero saints who have died in fighting the Christians, women are, often at least, excluded. I was told that once when a woman went to the feast of the mujahedln called r-Rwadi, on the seashore between Cape Spartel and Azila, which is celebrated in August, the big pot which is there for the use of visitors fell over her with its contents scalding her to death. There are certain occasions on which woman is regarded as more unclean than usual, namely, after sexual intercourse until she has washed herself, when she has her monthly courses, and for some time after childbirth. She is then prohibited from visiting mosques and shrines, praying, and fasting in the month of Ramadan ; and for forty days after the birth of a child the husband should abstain from his wife, though this rule is by no means always observed. The defiling effect ascribed to menstruation and child- birth is no doubt due to the marvellous nature of these processes and, especially, to the appearance of blood ; and it is probably this frequent temporary 342 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. defilement of a specifically feminine character that has led to the notion of the permanent uncleanness of the female sex. Now it seems obvious that, even though any discharge of sexual matter is considered to pollute a man, the intimate contact with an unclean being like a woman must increase the defilement of sexual inter- course nay, it may be that this notion itself is more or less caused by the uncleanness of woman, who is the normal centre of the sexual life, and therefore may be supposed to have influenced the conception of its various manifestations. The dangers to which the bride and bridegroom are believed to be exposed may be other persons' magical tricks or evil looks, or the attacks of jnun, or that impersonal mysterious cause of evil which is denoted by the term l-bas. They all have more or less the same origin. Thus the jnun or spirits haunting the young couple are no doubt only vague personifications of the supernatural dangers threatening them on account of the new state of life into which they are about to enter, and of the particular character of the act by which marriage is consummated. I think that Dr. Samter, in his recent book, Geburt, Hochzeit und Tod, has some- what misinterpreted the nature of the spirits which so commonly are supposed to be active at weddings, by regarding them mostly, though not exclusively, as the souls of dead people, 1 and that he and others have exaggerated the influence which the belief in spirits generally has exercised upon the marriage ceremonies 1 Samter, Geburt, HocAxeit und Tod (Leipzig & Berlin, 1911), pp. 207, 211 sqq. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 343 when, e.g., the breaking 'of earthenware vessels, 1 or the casting of corn or rice or salt on the people or on the bride, 2 or the throwing of an old shoe, 3 or the use of some red colouring matter assumed to be a substitute for human blood, 4 is represented as an offering to the spirits. This is surely to under- rate the importance attached to impersonal magical forces ; at all events I can confidently say that such assumptions derive no support from the customs and beliefs of the Moors. The jnun, which form a special race of beings created before Adam, are generally supposed to be active on occasions or in places which give rise to superstitious fear, and in many cases they are personifications of some mysterious qualities in persons or lifeless objects. They haunt unclean substances like blood and human excrements, they live in places of strange appearance, they cause sudden and unusual diseases. 5 Corn, which is looked upon as a seat of magical energy not exclusively, though chiefly, of a beneficial kind, is at the same time con- stantly in danger of being stolen by jnun ; 6 a holy man is likewise particularly liable to be troubled with these irksome beings, and so is often his tomb. What else could the jnun in all these cases be if not personifications of the mysterious qualities of the persons or things in question ? I have been told 1 Samter, op. cit. p. 60 n. 4. 2 Ibid. pp. 172-174, 201. 3 Ibid. p. 20 1 sqq. * Ibid. p. 1 86 sqq. 5 Westermarck, ' The Nature of the Arab Ginn illustrated by the Present Beliefs of the People of Morocco,' in Journal of the Anthropological Institute, xxix. (1900), p. 253 sq. 6 Idem, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, etc., in Morocco, p. 32 sq. 344 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. that there are so many dangers at weddings because the devil wants men and women to indulge in lust- fulness, and is therefore displeased when they marry ; but this explanation cannot be primitive. I have previously emphasised that similar cere- monies may be practised from different motives in different cases, and that also the same ceremony in a given case may have a mixed origin. This is obviously true of many of the marriage ceremonies which I have classed as prophylactic or purificatory. 1 certainly do not maintain that they in every case or exclusively are, or have been, intended to avert or expel supposed dangers or even to serve any definite object at all. Ceremonies which once had a purpose may, in the course of time, become entirely meaningless, and yet continue to be practised ; and ceremonies may also be direct expressions of emotional states, whether combined with a special purpose or not. Just as funeral rites and mourning observances, even when they are intended to protect the survivors against the dead man's ghost or the contagion of death, are very largely similar to or identical with natural expressions of sorrow or grief, 1 so the precautions taken at a wedding readily assume the shape of joyful performances, such as dancing, music, singing, the quivering noise of women, and the powder -play of men, which well agree with the mood of persons 1 See Westermarck, The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas, ii. (London, 1908), pp. 308, 528. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 345 attending a wedding - feast. Again, the extremely reserved behaviour of the bride and bridegroom, many of the abstinences which they have to observe, the covering up of their faces, the shutting up of the bride in a box, and the carrying of her out of her old home or into the bridegroom's dwelling, are not only means of averting supernatural dangers but also express or symbolise sexual bashfulness a feel- ing which may easily be combined with superstitious fear ; whilst in the wedding fights we clearly notice the antagonism which exists between different groups of people. A marriage is, as M. van Gennep puts it, " une perturbation sociale." l It deprives the bride's family of one of its members, hence her relatives show themselves unwilling to give her up. Her brother does not allow the bridegroom's people to take her away until they have paid him some money ; 2 or he refuses to proceed to the door of the bride- groom's house unless " the things agreed upon " are given as a compensation for his sister ; 3 or, if the bride has to cross a river on her way to her new home, her family claim money from the bridegroom's relatives because they are taking her so far away. 4 But the feelings of the bride's people also express themselves in ceremonies of a more violent character. When the bridegroom's party come to fetch the bride, stones are thrown at them ; 5 the bridegroom and two other men dressed like him are in one case beaten 1 Van Gennep, Les Rites de passage (Paris, 1909), p. 198 ; cf. ibid. p. 169. 2 Supra, pp. 80, 81, 169, 186. 3 Supra, pp. 213, 214, 223. 4 Supra, p. 185 sq. 5 Supra, pp. 1 80, 1 8 6. 346 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. by the men and women of the bride's village ; l and her brother or uncle, before he carries her into the nuptial chamber, has a sham-fight with the bride- groom. 2 Sometimes the latter is attacked by all the women assembled outside his house, 3 or they curse both his and the bride's father, 4 as if the marriage were an offence against their sex ; and sex antagonism is also conspicuous in the fights between the bachelors and the unmarried women 5 or the women in general, 6 in the young men's attempts to take something from the bride, who is defended by the other women and the imsnein? and in the robberies which the men of the bridal procession commit on the bridegroom's mother and sisters as well as on the bride. 8 The bridegroom is all the time surrounded by the bachelors of the village, who protect him against the married men's attempts to catch him or rob him of some of his belongings ; 9 whilst the bride is surrounded by the unmarried girls, who must never leave her alone, lest the married women should interfere with her property. 10 But sometimes the bachelors also beat the bridegroom, who is defended by his best-man, and although this is said to rid him of evil influences it may at the same time be a ceremonial punishment inflicted on him by his bachelor friends because he is deserting their class. 11 1 Supra pp. 198, 199, 223. 2 Supra, pp. 2IO, 211, 223. 3 Supra pp. 211, 223. 4 Supra, pp. 197, 223. 6 Supra pp. 237, 238, 269. 6 Supra, pp. 245, 247, 261, 268. 7 Supra pp. 204, 223. 8 Supra, pp. 2OO, 223. 9 Supra pp. 126, 128, 131, 233, 234, 269, 285 tq. 10 Supra p. 144. 11 Supra, pp. 104, 107-110, 120. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 347 Side by side with prophylactic and cathartic ceremonies there are others which are supposed to confer more positive benefits on bride or bridegroom or both. To this class belong blessings and good wishes ; l the use of white things eggs, 2 milk, 3 white clothes, 4 silver coins, 5 and other objects of silver, 6 which are in many cases expressly said to make their lives bright and happy or to bring good luck or prosperity ; and the giving of grtima? which also seems to have a magical significance. 8 Dates are eaten in order to make the couple wealthy, 9 and the young husband buys fish to become prosperous. 10 Various ceremonies are practised with the idea of increasing the live-stock, 11 or of making butter or " grease," 12 or corn, 13 or bread, 14 abundant in the household, or, generally, of making the year good. For the last- mentioned purpose attempts are made to ensure an adequate supply of rain, by throwing the grit removed from the wheat which is to be used at the wedding into a spring, river, or water-course, 15 or by sprinkling 1 Supra, pp. 95-98, 104, 125, 128, 129, 138, 155, 159, 194, 195, 199, 200, 202, 227, 231-233, 244, 248, 250, 258, 269, 275, 280, 292. 2 Supra, pp. 89, 90, 97, 101, 113, 115, 124, 131, 145, 164, 194, 195, 260, 293. 3 Supra, pp. 25, 27, 28, 139, 145, 164, 170, 172-174, 180, 182, 183, 185, 190, 194, 226, 302-304, 308 ; cf. supra, p. 326 nn. 5 and n. 4 Supra, pp. 99, 106, in, 124, 128. 5 Supra, pp. 33, 107, 146, 150, 152, 153, 157, 164, 174, 191, 207, 250, 258, 262 n. 2, 280-283, 2 ^7 S J- 5 / su p ra i PP- 3 22 n - 1 9> 3 2 5 n - 6 sqq. 6 Supra, pp. 72, 73, 91, 100, 103, 106, 107, 112, 124, 154, 164, 250, 286. 7 Supra, pp. 25, 28, too, 103-105, 107, 109, 111-113, 116, 124, 125, 132, 138, 139, 142, 146, 148, 149, 155, 164, 226, 234, 254, 269. 8 Supra, p. 125. 9 Supra, pp. 25, 27, 28, 139, 164. 10 Supra, p. 299 j cf. supra, p. 293 n. I. 11 Supra, pp. 196, 201, 204, 219, 221, 222, 232, 298. 12 Supra, pp. 201, 205-207, 221. 13 Supra, pp. 2OI, 219. 14 Supra, pp. 195, 216, 217, 292, 296, 299. 15 Supra, pp. 90, 93 sq. 348 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. the bride with water, 1 or by offering her water which she sprinkles on the people round her ; 2 and sometimes she is said to cast corn on the people, 8 or in the face of the mare she has ridden, 4 in order to make the year good. When the young wife has been girdled, she goes and gathers some fresh palmetto leaves to make her days " nice and green," and the year blessed. 5 In one instance an egg is used " to give good luck to the bridegroom and a good year to the community ; " 6 whereas in another instance the use of an egg is said to make the weather fine during the wedding, as well as to make the bridegroom's life bright. 7 Other ceremonies are meant to promote cheapness, 8 safety, quietness, or peace. 9 There are further ceremonies which have reference to the relations between bridegroom and bride or husband and wife. Some of them are intended to facilitate the consummation of the marriage, 10 though a sham attempt to prevent it, likewise by magic, seems sometimes to be made by women of the bride's family. 11 Many ceremonies are practised with a view to making the wife fruitful, and, particularly, a mother of male offspring. When the bride has been dressed in her wedding -costume, the bridegroom's mother, and subsequently the other women also, sing : " Go 1 Supra, pp. 1 80, 190, 203, 209, 2 1 6. 2 Supra, pp. 198, 2 1 6. :! Supra, pp. 198, 217. 4 Supra, pp. 196, 219. 5 Supra, p. 298. 8 Supra, pp. 113, 124. 7 Supra, p. 89. 8 Supra, pp. 2OI, 2O2, 221 sq. 9 Supra, pp. 201, 202, 221, 222, 232. 10 Supra, pp. 151, 152, 164, 177, 179, 192, and, presumably, 232, 264 sq. 11 Supra, pp. 232, 264. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 349 out may you give birth to male twins, even one son I wish you to give birth to ; " l or she carries a sieve, 2 or a bundle of her son's old clothes, 3 on her back, as if it were a baby ; or the bride's mother is put into a net by the bachelors, and swung to and fro in the same manner as a child is rocked to sleep. 4 The ceremony of the " tying of the hdySk " must be performed by a married woman who is blessed with children, so that the bride also shall become a mother. 5 When the bride is taken to the bridegroom's place the animal on which she rides must sometimes be a mare, on account of its fruitfulness, 6 and sometimes a stallion, that she shall give birth to male offspring. 7 It is, in certain cases at least, for the same purpose that a little boy rides behind her on the mare ; 8 and the custom which requires that the animal should also be ridden by a little boy when it is taken to the bride's place 9 seems partly to serve a similar object. 10 While the bridal procession goes round the mosque in the bridegroom's village, the bride asks Lalla Jebrin to bless her with sons who will become scribes ; u when she has been carried into his tent, his mother leads her to " the threshold of boys ; " 12 and a bachelor lifts up one of the tent-poles and puts it into her lap, in order that she shall remain in her new home and 1 Supra p. 154 sq. 2 Supra, pp. 195, 199. 3 Supra pp. 127, 128, 230. 4 Supra, p. 246 sq. 5 Supra p. 143. 6 Supra, pp. 175, 180, 191. 7 Supra pp. 168, 191. 8 Supra pp. 172, 174, 176, 179, 181, 185, 191. 9 Supra pp. 172, 175, 191 sq. 10 Cf., however, supra, p. 321 n. I. 11 Supra p. 2OO. 12 Supra, pp. 201, 221 sq. 350 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. support it by becoming a mother of sons. 1 Just before the consummation of the marriage the bridegroom prays to God for offspring, 2 or says two rek'at followed by f&tha, which is considered essential for the production of good children ; 8 and after the intercourse the more beautiful of the couple performs the usual ablution before the other, since it is believed that the children will resemble the parent who on this occasion washes first. 4 Certain precautions are also taken to prevent the offspring getting diseased : some bridegrooms do not allow the semen to come into contact with the hymeneal blood ; 5 others simply take care not to clean themselves with the same towel as is used by the bride ; 6 and on the second day after she was fetched the bridegroom does not put on his girdle. 7 When the week of the wedding has come to an end, there are again some ceremonies which are supposed to help the wife to become a mother of sons : the belting of her is performed by one or two little boys ; s when she for the first time goes to fetch water, accompanied by other women, she fills with it her own and six other bottles in the hopes that by doing so she will give birth to seven sons; 9 or a boy whose parents are still alive gives her twice water to drink from his hands and, after filling them a third time, washes her face with the water. 10 It may be that in the last-mentioned case not only 1 Supra, p. 2O2. 2 Supra, pp. 232, 258. 3 Supra, pp. 244, 255. 4 Supra, pp. 159, 269 sq. 5 Supra, p. 265 sq. 6 Supra, p. 266. 7 Supra, p. 281. 8 Supra, p. 292 sq. 9 Supra, p. 297. 10 Supra, p. 297. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 351 the boy but the water as such is supposed to promote fecundity in the newly - married wife. In the same tribe it is the custom for a married woman, who is anxious to know if she will be blessed with a child or not, to go to the sea-shore on I'dnsart, or Midsummer, day, and the two following days as well, and let seven waves go over her body ; then she knows that if she does not have a child soon, she will have none at all. 1 That magic has here dwindled into divination is obvious from a similar custom practised in Andjra, where the young wife goes to the sea on the fortieth day after her arrival at her new home, and, while the seven waves are going over her body, says to the sea : A *dmmi l-bhar^ ana merydha, a'teni l-aulad u s-sdhha, " O my uncle the Sea, I am troubled with spirits, give me children and health." Nor is it only in the case of women that water is supposed to influence fecundity : in Andjra animals are taken to the sea and bathed on Midsummer day in order to get fertile, and if a hen does not lay eggs, it is hung up in a tree while it is raining and a strong wind is blowing. It is well known that in various countries bathing 2 and the drinking of water 3 are practised as methods of obtaining children, and these practices have been traced to the ancient belief " that pregnancy was caused otherwise than by sexual intercourse." * But in Morocco, at least, the effect which water is held to have on the fecundity of women or female animals is only indirect, that is, it is 1 Westermarck, Ceremonies connected with Agriculture, etc., in Morocco, p. 86. 2 Hartland, Primitive Paternity, i. (London, 1909), pp. 67, 75 sqq. 3 Ibid. i. 64 sqq. 4 Ibid. i. 154. 352 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. supposed to remove the evil influences which cause sterility. This appears from the idea that the infertile woman or animal is merydha, or troubled with evil spirits, and from the fact that the very same procedure as is adopted as a cure for barrenness, is also supposed to remove or prevent sickness or misfortune in general. 1 Besides water, eggs are used for the purpose of pro- moting fecundity, in Morocco as elsewhere. 2 Thus in Andjra a woman who is anxious to become a mother sits down over a new bowl in which she has put a raw egg and some ma dS-ldisan, that is, rain-water which has fallen on 2yth April (Old Style) the so-called nhar Idisan which is held to contain much baraka, and, therefore, is used for a variety of purposes ; 3 but in order to be efficacious this water must neither have touched the ground nor been exposed to the sun. After she has been sitting over the bowl for a while, she drinks the water and puts the egg underneath a hen to be hatched ; and it is believed that if the peeper is a cock she will give birth to a boy, and if it is a hen to a girl. In the same tribe a man who wants to increase his capacity of reproduction eats the yolk of an egg every morning before breakfast for forty days in succession, and after eating it fills the shell with oil, which he drinks. We have seen that eggs are pro- minent objects at Moorish marriage ceremonies, and the idea readily suggests itself that they are fertility 1 Westermarck, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected "with Agriculture, etc., in Morocco, p. 85 sq. 2 Hartland, op. cit. i. 57 sqq. 3 Westermarck, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected with Agriculture, etc., in Morocco, p. 74 sqq. x SUMMART AND EXPLANATIONS 353 charms on these occasions also ; but I have found no confirmation of this in the explanations given by the people. Nor have I heard that the fish which figure in ceremonies connected with marriages in Morocco are supposed to secure fertility, as is the case in some other countries ; 1 but perhaps an idea of this kind was at the bottom of the custom of casting fish on the young wife's feet, spoken of by Leo Africanus as " a good boading." 2 It may be worth mentioning that among the At Ubahti a fish is sometimes buried in a vegetable garden which does not thrive. The practice of receiving the bride with dried fruit, grain, or food made of corn, is not, to my knowledge, regarded by the Moors as a means of ensuring fertility ; and that the bride's grinding of wheat over her bare thigh 3 may be meant to serve such an object is only an inference on my part, to which I have been led by the use made of sieves in Moorish marriage ceremonies. There are customs that have reference to the dura- bility of the union, besides the one just mentioned, which is intended to secure male offspring as well. The bride is painted with henna by a married woman who has been married only once, as it is believed that if she had been divorced by a former husband, the same thing would also happen to the bride. 4 The pelting of the bridal box with stones, when the bride leaves her parents' house, is sometimes represented as a safeguard against divorce. 5 On her way to her new home she 1 Hartland, op. cit. i. 48 sqq. 5 Supra, p. 299. 3 Supra, pp. 153, 162. 4 Supra, pp. 141, 149, 150, 161. c Supra, pp. 169, I/O, 190 ; cf. supra, p. 179 sq. 2 A 354 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. must not turn her head lest her husband should die. 1 When she has arrived at the bridegroom's place, his mother washes her right foot and hand over one of the three fire-stones, in order that her daughter-in-law shall be as permanent in the house as these stones. 2 The marriage tie is also strengthened by ceremonies referring to dress or food, which serve to seal the union or make it more intimate. The bridegroom sends his betrothed a new hdygk, and while she is dressed in it a married woman, who is her husband's first and only wife and much beloved by him, plaits its fringe ; and this hdyZk, as also other clothes which have been pre- sented to the young man by his fiancte, are worn by him when he proceeds to his house to meet the bride. 3 After they have had connection, the belt of the bride is, in one case, tied round the bridegroom's haytk over the crown of his head ; 4 and in another case the bride gives him two handkerchiefs, one of which he ties round his waist, and a cord, which she threads through his trousers. 5 At the ceremony called r-rb?t the bride- groom has on his feet a pair of slippers bought with money out of the bride's share of the dowry ; c and on the fortieth day after her arrival the young wife takes off her husband's slippers, puts them over her own, and slips a new pair on his feet, which is supposed to make the couple friendly to one another and prevent divorce. 7 It is also undoubtedly with a view to establishing a 1 Supra, pp. 172, 189. 2 Supra, p. zo8. 8 Supra, pp. 127, 142, 143, 260 sq. 4 Supra, pp. 249, 260. 6 Supra, pp. 226, 227, 260. 6 Supra, pp. 102, 260. 7 Supra, p. 305. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 355 more intimate union between them that the bridegroom plaits the hair on one side of the bride's head. 1 While the bride is still in her old home, a portion of food is sent from there to the bridegroom, as 'ahd between the parties. 2 Before they have intercourse they partake of food together, and the intimate character of this ceremony is increased by the bridegroom putting food into the bride's mouth, or by both of them pushing a little food into each other's mouths. 3 This common meal may be followed by another after the connection ; 4 and in one instance there is a ceremonial meal the second night, when bride and bridegroom eat together the liver of the sheep slaughtered at " the great henna " and the egg which was in the bowl containing henna, the former for the express purpose of becoming dear to one another. 5 There are other ceremonies performed by the bride or her friends with a view to making the husband fond of her or promoting domestic peace. 6 But the aspira- tions of the bride may go further than this : she tries to make herself the ruler. For this purpose she mounts the ram which is to be slaughtered for the occasion when she is painted with henna and boxes its ears, the ram representing the husband ; 7 she hangs on it a necklace to make him weak and harmless like a woman ; and when its stomach has been removed, she puts her right 1 Supra pp. 237, 247, 261. 2 Supra, pp. 144, 145, 259. 3 Supra 4 Supra Supr 7 Supra pp. 231, 237, 244, 250, 251, 253, 258 iq. pp. 244, 253. B Supra, pp. 101, 259 sq. pp. 136, 143, 147, 158, 164, 170, 235, 236, 258. pp. 146, 157 sq. 356 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. foot on it. 1 The morning after the bride has been painted with henna, she is washed while seated on a weaving-stool and a pack-saddle, the riding of which is supposed to give her power over her husband. 2 She tries to smack the bridegroom when he, together with two other men, is running through the tent, so as to become his mistress. 3 She waves her right slipper seven times towards the door of the nuptial chamber when she hears his steps outside ; 4 or she throws at him one of her slippers when he enters ; 5 or she beats him three times on his body with her slipper when he is going to have connection with her, but in this case it is said that she will be the ruler of the house only if he cries out, whereas otherwise he will rule over her. 6 The bridegroom on his part also tries in various ways to gain power over his wife. We are told that he for this purpose taps her three or seven times on her head or shoulder with his sword, 7 or beats her three times between her shoulders with the cord of his dagger, 8 or smacks 9 or kicks 10 her gently, or drinks first from the bowl which he then holds for her to drink from ; u and a similar idea is perhaps connected with his tapping her seven times between her shoulders with his right slipper, 12 his attempt to strike her with a cane when she arrives at his house, 13 her removing the slippers from his feet, 14 1 Supra, p. 158. 2 Supra, p. 151. 3 Supra, p. 198 sq. 4 Supra, pp. 235, 256. 6 Supra, pp. 244, 256. 6 Supra, pp. 252, 256 sq. 7 Supra, pp. 235, 244, 256. 8 Supra, pp. 250, 256. 9 Supra, pp. 158, 159, 162, 256. 10 Supra, pp. 242, 256. 11 Supra, p. 232. 12 Supra, pp. 248, 256 j cf. supra, p. 251. 13 Supra, pp. 214, 217. 14 Supra, pp. 237, 258. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 357 and her kissing his hand. 1 In order to make her a "good wife," a brother or friend of the bridegroom gives her a silver coin when she has been lifted out of her parents' tent to be taken to her new home ; 2 or the man who carries her into the bridegroom's house for the same purpose passes with her between his legs. 3 Other ceremonies are supposed to make the bride " sweet " or dear to the bridegroom's family ; 4 or to put her on good terms with her mother-in-law ; 5 or to make her fond of the cattle ; 6 or to make the dog of the house friendly with her. 7 It should be added that it is impossible in many cases to make a definite distinction between protective or purificatory ceremonies and such as are held to result in more positive benefits. The same substance or action may sometimes be looked upon as a means of averting or expelling evil, sometimes as a source of good, and sometimes as both at once. This is avowedly or in all probability the case with the milk or water which is sprinkled on the bride or offered her ; the corn which is handed to her and then thrown by her over her head or on the people ; the silver coins which are used in some way or other ; the white clothes worn by the bridegroom or those who are near him ; the beating, smacking, or tapping of the bride or bride- groom ; and the pelting of the bride with stones. The egg which the bridegroom's mother dips into milk and flour and throws at the forehead of the mule bearing 1 Supra, pp. 235, 258. 2 Supra, pp. 174, 191. 3 Supra, p. ZH. 4 Supra, pp. 23, 147, 150, 164, 209, 217. 6 Supra, pp. 206, 222. 6 Supra, pp. 208, 222. 7 Supra, p. 296. 358 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. the bridal box is said not only to prevent the bride from bringing evil with her but also to make her " white and red like the egg " and " a blessing to her husband." l The throwing of bread and dried fruit over the bride or bridal box is in one tribe regarded as a method of averting from her the evil eye, 2 and in another tribe as a means of increasing the food-supply for the married couple ; 3 and the dried fruit offered her or thrown over her is sometimes said to bring good luck, 4 or to make everything sweet, 5 or to make the bride sweet to the bridegroom's family. 6 And when she gives the animal which she has ridden barley or stksu to eat and throws the rest in its face or over its head, she thereby removes injurious influences from it, 7 or makes the corn plentiful in the household, 8 or makes the year blessed and the animal fruitful. 9 We have reason to believe that in the last-mentioned case and some other cases the prophylactic or purificatory motive is the original motive. But a rite performed for the purpose of averting or expelling evil may easily be regarded as a source of positive benefits, at least if it is a ceremony which contains baraka ; and 'vice versa such a cere- mony, when in the first place meant to bring benefits, may come to be looked upon as a rite of purification. Now baraka, or holiness, is a quality which plays an extremely important part in the ceremonies connected with a Moorish marriage. Many of the substances 1 Supra, p. 195. 2 Supra, pp. 213, 217. 3 Supra, pp. 195, 216 sy. * Supra, pp. 204, 217. 5 Supra, pp. 206, 207, 217. 6 Supra, pp. 209, 217. 7 Supra, pp. 205, 219. 8 Supra, pp. 201, 219. 9 Supra, pp. 196, 219. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 359 or objects used in them are saturated with it ; certain ceremonies are performed by persons who have baraka in them, such as a shereef l or shereefa, 2 or a first-born boy with the holy name Muhammed, 3 or a first-born girl bearing the name of the Prophet's daughter Fatima ; 4 and, above all, bride and bridegroom are themselves regarded as holy persons. Though Islam considers marriage a civil contract, it nevertheless enjoins it as a religious duty " incumbent on all who possess the ability." 5 " When a servant of God marries, verily he perfects half his religion." 6 It is related in the Traditions that the Prophet once asked a man if he was married, and being answered in the negative, said, "Art thou sound and healthy ? " When the man replied that he was, the Prophet said, " Then thou art one of the brothers of the devil." 7 The Moors maintain that a married man is blessed in this life and goes to Paradise after death, whereas a grown- up man who dies a bachelor does not find the road to Paradise, but will rise again with the devil : I/a maf had 'dzri> inK&ar m'a 3-titan. No wonder then that baraka^ which is a blessing from God, is ascribed to bridegroom and bride, especially as there is something supernatural about them anyhow, on account of the 1 Supra, p. 24; shereefs and scribes as mediators at betrothals, supra, pp. 21, 22, 29-33, 35, 3 8 5 42, 43, 45-47, 50, 52. 2 Supra, p. 293 sq. 3 Supra, pp. 113, 119. 4 Supra, pp. 156, 161. 5 The Sayings of Muhammad, edited by Abdullah al-Mamun al-Suhrawardy (London, 1910), p. 55. 6 Quoted by Lane, Arabian Society in the Middle Ages, p. 221. 7 Mishkdt, book xiii. ch. i., quoted by Hughes, A Dictionary of Islam (London, 1896), p. 313. 360 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. new state of life into which they are about to enter and the mystery of its functions. There is no contradiction between their baraka and their dangerous condition or even the bas y or evil, seated in the bride. On the contrary, as has been noticed above, holy individuals or objects are very susceptible to all kinds of harmful influences, especially those of a supernatural kind. This I take to depend upon an association of ideas or, rather, a confusion of thought ; the attribution of supernatural energy to the holy person or object has led to, or been confounded with, the idea that that person or object is in great danger of being hurt by other supernatural energy. And this idea is the more easy to understand as baraka itself implies not only beneficial energy but also a seed of evil or an element of danger. 1 The baraka of the bride and bridegroom makes a wedding an occasion from which persons who take part in it, and even other people, expect to derive certain benefits. It is no doubt their baraka that is supposed to give efficacy to the ceremonies practised with a view to producing rain for the good of the crops. The henna which the bachelors smear on their hands and clothes is said to partake of the bridegroom's baraka? The dancing with the henna bowl and the passing of it from head to head may be supposed to have not only a 1 See Westermarck, Ceremonies and Beliefs connected ivith Agriculture, etc., in Morocco, p. 32 sq, ; Idem, 'The Popular Ritual of the Great Feast in Morocco,' in Folk-Lore, xxii. (1911), pp. 132, 156 sqq. 2 Supra, p. 113. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 361 purificatory effect, but also to give those who dance with it the benefit of the baraka of the bridegroom or the bride. 1 There is the holiness of " the Sultan " in the bullock which supplies the guests with meat, and particularly in its liver, a small piece of which is given to every man and boy ; 2 and a little of his holiness is also transmitted to the spring into which he is pushed. 3 When the bride leaves her old home she presents her brother or cousin, who spreads his cloak or hdygk on the ground for her, with some silver money, which is supposed to give him good luck on account of her baraka* When milk is offered to the bride on her way to the bridegroom's place, she dips her finger into it or drinks a few drops and blows on the rest, so as to impart to it a little of her holiness, and the milk is then mixed with other milk to serve as a charm against witchcraft, or poured into the churn to make the butter plentiful ; 5 or when, on her arrival at the bridegroom's place, his mother welcomes her with milk, she drinks of it herself and sprinkles some on the people. 6 She hurls the lamb which is handed to her over the bridegroom's tent, so that there shall be many sheep in the village. 7 The bread and dried fruit which is thrown over the bridal box and falls on the ground is picked up by people who want to benefit their corn by putting it underneath the heap on the threshing-floor ; 8 or the bride throws the barley which is offered her on the 1 Supra, p. 121. 2 Supra, p. 125 sq. s Supra, p. 126 sq. * Supra, pp. 175, 176, 191. 5 Supra, pp. 170, 171, 183, 190 j cf. supra, p. 210. 6 Supra, p. 207. 7 Supra, pp. 204, 22 1. 8 Supra, p. 195. 362 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. people, who catch of it what they can and mix it with their own barley ; l or she throws the fnd given her over the people as a blessing ; 2 or she throws the dried fruit which she has herself brought with her on the people, who by partaking of it are said to rid themselves of evil on account of the bride's baraka? After the couple have eaten together some tarffist, the bachelors must necessarily have a share of the same dish owing to the holiness with which it is saturated ; 4 and for a similar reason the turift brought from the bride's home is distributed among the people. 5 When they come to look at the blood-stained garment of the bride, they rub their eyes with the stains, which are supposed to contain baraka and be wholesome for the eyes. 6 When the young wife for the first time goes to visit her parents, taking with her bread and other food, she must give some bread to everybody whom she meets on the road ; 7 and of the bread which she presents to her parents a portion is distributed among the people of their village. 8 The domestic animals, again, are sprinkled by her with henna, so that they also shall profit by the baraka which still remains in the young wife. 9 Among the benefits expected from a wedding we have still to notice some which are closely connected with the event it celebrates. Owing to a natural association of ideas, a wedding is looked upon as a potential cause of other weddings. Before the bride is 1 Supra, p. 2ii. 2 Supra, p. 196. 3 Supra, p. 208. 4 Supra, p. 244 sq. 5 Supra, p. 246. 8 Supra, p. 1 59. 7 Supra, p. 309 ; cf. 297. 8 Supra, pp. 302, 307 iqq. 9 Supra, p. 303. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 363 painted with henna, seven girls pour water over her at a spring and wash her body, hoping that by doing so they will get married themselves. 1 The egg which is put into the henna bowl is subsequently eaten by one of the bride's girl-friends who wants to get a husband soon. 2 If any unmarried woman or girl is living in the house of the bride's parents, the bride is told to " drag her foot " when she leaves it, so as to help the unmarried one to a husband. 3 When the bridal box is taken to the bride's village on the back of a mule, an unmarried youth sits inside it in order to get married soon ; 4 or when the bride, on her arrival at the bridegroom's house, has been lifted down from the mare which carried her thither, a bachelor for the same purpose mounts the animal and has a ride on it. 5 When the bridegroom returns from his visit to his parents-in-law, in the company of his mother-in-law, the unmarried women and little girls of the village go with them, so that they also shall marry. 6 In this connection it is perhaps worth remembering that at a wedding the bachelors are gathered round the bride- groom, and the unmarried girls round the bride. I have not heard that this is thought to facilitate their own marriage, but I am inclined to believe that an idea of this kind is not far from their minds. The bachelors, together with the bridegroom, are often collectively called " bridegrooms," and the girls' relations to the bride bear resemblance to the married women's attitude 1 Supra, p. 153. 2 Supra, p. 145. 3 Supra, p. 165. 4 Supra, p. 168. 5 Supra, p. 196. 6 Supra, p. 291 sq. 364 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES CHAP. towards a child-bed woman ; when a child is born, all the married women of the village assemble in the room or tent where the event takes place, partly to assist the mother by their blessings, and partly, as I was expressly told, to get a little of her baraka so as to become mothers themselves. At a wedding, also, the presence of friends and guests is held to benefit bride and bride- groom, both by the protection they give them against supernatural dangers, and by ceremonies which are sup- posed to make their lives bright and happy. It is, for example, considered obligatory on the women relatives of the bride to take part in the ceremony of t s a f Jeq, when milk is drunk and dates are eaten, because their presence is thought to bring good luck to her ; l and a similar idea underlies perhaps the prescription that an invitation to a wedding shall be accepted by everybody who receives it. 2 The ceremonies connected with a Moorish marriage are thus partly individual and partly social in char- acter. Among the ceremonies of a distinctly social kind should still be mentioned those which have a tendency to unite the families of the couple : the feasts and banquets in which members of both groups partake, the giving of presents, and the visits which precede and follow the wedding. Their social importance must be particularly great in a country like Morocco where a common meal is looked upon almost as an act of covenanting. If a Moor does harm to another with whom he has shared food, it is said that God and the 1 Supra, p. 139 ; cf. supra, pp. 25, 28. 2 Supra, p. 85. x SUMMARY AND EXPLANATIONS 365 food will repay it Rabbi ti t-ttfam ihall&s ; the eaten food embodies, as it were, a conditional curse. 1 But although there is a strong social element in the Moorish marriage ceremonies, although some of them might be classed among M. van Gennep's rites de separation and others among his rites cT agregation^ it is beyond dispute that they in the first place have reference to the welfare of the two individuals who enter into the married state and therefore form the centre of the whole ritual. I need hardly say that the explanations given in this book of marriage ceremonies in Morocco make no claim to be applicable to similar ceremonies in other countries. But, at the same time, I venture to believe that they may perhaps provide ethnologists with a few points of view which may be of general usefulness, and even make it worth their while to reconsider some of their old conclusions. 1 Cf. Westermarck, in Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Ty!or, p. 373 sq. ; Idem, The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas, i. 587. ADDENDA WHEN the larger part of this book was already in type I became acquainted with the recent work Recherches anthropolagiques dans la Berberie orientals Tripolitaitie, Tunisie, Algerie (Lyon, 1913), by Messrs. Bertholon and Chantre. An anthropological investigation of over 8000 natives has led the authors to distinguish three chief types of man in Eastern Barbary, namely : (i) short, dark-complexioned, long- headed people, members of the Mediterranean race j (2) short, dark-complexioned, brachycephalic people of less certain affinities j and (3) tall, long-headed, rather fair people, probably descendants of a North European stock. Besides these three there is an important fourth type, the negro or negroid 5 and there are also minor types which the authors suspect to be due to intermixture of the chief types (see Dr. Keith's notice in Man, 1913, p. 165). As regards their silence about an Arab type they write (i. 347) : " Dans 1'Afrique du Nord, il n'y a plus d'Arabes vrais qu'a 1'etat sporadique. Dans aucun groupement que nous avons examine^ nous n'avons rencontr6 de sujets au type arabe suffisamment nombreux pour imposer leurs carac- teres a la masse. La Berberie est un pays arabis6 moralement par 1'importation d'un culte, qui se double d'une organisation spciale theocratique ; mais ce n'est pas une region, r6ptons-le, comportant des populations de race arabe proprement dite. Une forte erreur commise par les anthropologistes, a commencer par Broca, a consiste a dcrire sous le nom d'arabes des tribus berberes plus completement islamisees . que d'autres. Nous croyons avoir, dans cet ouvrage, tant dans la partie anthropo- metrique que dans la partie craniomdtrique, fait justice de cette erreur. Les tribus elites arabes du nord de 1'Afrique prsentent les memes caracteres somatiques que d'autres tribus berberes sans conteste." I desire to emphasise that, in applying the name " Arabs " to certain tribes in Morocco, I have not meant to express any opinion as regards their racial affinities, but have simply made use of a term (l-'drab) by which the people themselves denote the Arabic-speaking inhabitants of the plains 5 and by " Berbers " I mean Berber- speaking people. P. 10. Messrs. Bertholon and Chantre have devoted some pages (op. cit. i. 5.75- 586) to Tunisian and Algerian marriage ceremonies, and have there endeavoured to show that the differences in these ceremonies correspond with the racial differences of the people who practise them j but the evidence they have brought forward in favour of this assertion seems to me to be very scanty. There are no doubt many points of resemblance between North African and European marriage ceremonies this I have myself shown in the present book; and the new strength which Messrs. 367 3 68 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES Bertholon's and Chantre's anthropometric and craniometric investigations have given to the theory of a racial affinity between Berbers and Europeans naturally increases our inclination to trace their customs to a common root. But we must remember, on the one hand, that similar customs may grow up independently among peoples of the same race as well as among peoples of different races, and on the other hand, that various marriage customs which prevail or have prevailed both in Northern Africa and Europe have also been found among Semitic peoples. Messrs. Bertholon and Chantre have certainly not given the Semitic influence its due share of attention. They write, for example (i. 585): " L'exposition de la chemise de la marine a encore lieu dans toute la pninsule des Balkans. Nous ne connaissons pas de documents sur ce sujet concernant 1'ancienne Grece. On peut croire que cependant ce rite a pu, a une pe>iode antique, etre rpandu parmi les populations de la presqu'ile hellenique." Not a word is said of the prevalence of the same custom among Semites, past and present (see supra, p. 268 n. I, and, in addition, Burton's translation of The Book of the Thousand Nights and a Night, i. [London, 1894], p. 373 n. 3, as also Deuteronomy, xxii. 15 sqq.}. P. 17 n. 2. See also Hanoteau and Letourneux, La Kabylie et hi coutumes kabyles, ii. (Paris, 1873), pp. 213, 214, 216 sq. 5 Bertholon and Chantre, op. cit. i. 576 (Tunis). P. 25. Among the Algerian Kabyles the fance, on the day of his betrothal, entertains the people of his village with figs and nuts, the figs being offered them " comme un presage de la douceur de la nouvelle union " (Hanoteau and Letourneux, op. cit. ii. 213). P. 31 n. At Tunis " le fianc ne manque pas d'envoyer a sa future des petits cadeaux i 1'occasion des fetes" (Bertholon and Chantre, op. cit. i. 576). P. 55 sq. n. 2. At Tunis "le cousin germain, du cote paternel, a le droit de preemption sur sa cousine germaine du cote du pere, meme si elle est deja fiancee. II a meme le droit de la prendre de force, si elle a 6te deja mariee a un autre. Le pere et la mere de la fille ne peuvent s'y opposer " (Bertholon and Chantre, op. cit. 575)- P. 118 n. i. See also Hanoteau and Letourneux, op. cit. ii. 214 (Algerian Kabyles). P. 118 n. 3. See also Bertholon and Chantre, op. cit. i. 578 (Tunis). Pp. 1 20 n. 2, 161 n. 3. See also Bertholon and Chantre, op. cit. i. 578 (Tunis). Pp. 125, 162 sq. Among the nomads of Eastern Barbary, when henna is applied to the hands and feet of the bride, " on colle avec du henn6 une piece d'or dans chacune de ses mains, une piece d'argent sous chacun de ses pieds. C'est un presage de bonheur" (Bertholon and Chantre, op. cit. i. 584). P. 1 60 n. i. See also Bertholon and Chantre, op. cit. i. 578 (Tunis), 584 (nomads of Eastern Barbary). P. 187. Among the Algerian Kabyles the bride "est hissee sur la mule par un negre, s'il en existe un dans le village" (Hanoteau and Letourneux, op. cit. ii. 217). Pp. 191, 196. Among the Algerian Kabyles it is the custom that, when the bride descends from the mule on which she has been taken to the bridegroom's place, " mais avant qu'elle ait touchd le sol, un jeune gar9on s'elance en selle a sa place. Dans les prejuges kabyles, cette pratique assure a la femme un male pour premier-ne " (Hanoteau and Letourneux, op. cit. ii. 218). P. 215 n. 2. Among the Algerian Kabyles, when the bride has arrived at the ADDENDA 369 bridegroom's place, " on lui apporte un vase rempli d'eau, dont elle rpand le contenu a droite et a gauche sur les assistants" (Hanoteau and Letourneux, op. cit. ii. 218). At Tunis, on the same occasion, " une femme lave parfois les pieds de la fiancee. C'est un rite de purification au moment ou elle pnetre dans un nouveau foyer " (Bertholon and Chantre, of. cit. i. 579). P. 220 n. i. Dr. Frazer thinks that the superstitions which have gathered round the threshold may be explained by the idea that it is an abode of spirits, and then asks why spirits should be supposed to have their seat at the threshold. " One possible answer," he says, " is suggested by a Russian custom. The peasants bury still-born children under the threshold ; hence the souls of the dead babes may be thought to haunt the spot. But again we may ask, Why should the bodies of still-born infants be buried under the threshold? An answer comes from northern India. 'When a child dies it is usually buried under the house threshold, in the belief that as the parents tread daily over its grave its soul will be reborn into the family.' A similar belief probably explains the custom, common in Central Africa, of burying the afterbirth at the doorway or actually under the threshold of the hut ; for the afterbirth is supposed by many peoples, for example the Baganda, to be a personal being, the twin brother or sister of the infant whom it follows at a short interval into the world. By burying the child or the afterbirth under the threshold, the mother apparently hopes that as she steps out of and into the house the spirit of the child or of its supposed twin will pass into her womb and be born again. On this hypothesis the widespread belief in the reincarnation of the dead would explain the sanctity of the threshold. But it is possible, and indeed probable, that other causes still unknown to us have contributed to shed a glamour of mystery over that part of the house " (Frazer, ' Folk-Lore in the Old Testament,' in Anthropological Essays presented to E. B. Tylor [Oxford, 1907], p. 172 sq.}. Dr. Frazer has thus, some years before Dr. Samter published his book, given actual instances of burials made under the threshold ; but these instances are so few and of so exceptional a character that, in my opinion, no general theory as regards the world-wide fear of the threshold can be based on them. P. 221 n. i. On the silence and immobility of a Tunisian bride Messrs. Bertholon and Chantre (op. cit. i. 579) observe, " Ce silence et cette immobilite doivent etre imposes par la crainte qu'a la nouvelle famille de voir cette dtrangere apporter des mal6fices par ses regards, ses gestes ou ses paroles." P. 221 sq. n. 2. At Tunis the bride is on her arrival at the bridegroom's house presented with some yeast as an "emblem of prosperity" (Bertholon and Chantre, op. cit. i. 579). P. 256. Cf. Hanoteau and Letourneux, op. cit. ii. 219 : " Reste seul avec sa femme, le man', avant de la conduire a sa couche, la frappe legerement trois fois sur les epaules, avec le dos d'un sabre ou d'un poignard, pour conjurer les effets du mauvais ceil " (Kabyles). P. 258 n. 3. At Tunis "les deux poux doivent boire une mixture composee de tamarin et de sirop de violette : puis ils 6changent leurs tasses " (Bertholon and Chantre, op. cit. i. 580). P. 261. At Tunis "les cheveux de la mariee ne doivent pas etre tresses. La coiffeuse les divise en deux parties par une raie placee generalement sur le c6t6 droit de la tte. Une portion flotte sur le devant de la poitrine " (Bertholon and Chantre, of. cit. i. 578). 2 B 370 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES P. 263 n. i. At Tunis " la fiancde ne doit pas porter de ceinture jusqu'au mariage " (Bertholon and Chantre, op. tit. i. 578). P. 263 sq. n. 3. At Tunis "lajeune epouse doit, le lendemain, trouver sous son traversin une bourse, contenant une somme d'argent variable selon les ressources du mari" (Bertholon and Chantre, op. at. i. 580). Among the nomads of Eastern Barbary "au moment ou il fait passer la chemise hors de la tente, le mari doit poser son pied sur celui de sa femme. II lui remet en me'me temps une somme d'argent (4 ou 5 douros) " (ibid. i. 584). Pp. 266 n. i, 267 n. i, 268 n. i. Cf. Hanoteau and Letourneux, op. at. ii. 219: "Si la nouvelle Spouse est vierge, les femmes attendent le moment ou le mari sort de la chambre, et, fier de sa victoire, 1'annonce en tirant un coup de feu. A ce signal repondent des cris de joie, et les femmes se prcipitent dans la chambre pour constater de -visa la ralit de son triomphe " (Kabyles). Cf. also Bertholon and Chantre, op. tit. i. 584: " L'exposition de la chemise est accueillie par des youyou et des coups de fusil" (nomads of Eastern Barbary) ; and ibid. i. 580 : "La chemise de la marine est presentee aux parents et aux invites. Des youyou celebrent rvnement " (Tunis). In the Arabian Nights (the 39th Night, Burton's transla- tion, i. 373) we read that on the night of consummation the throat of a pigeon- poult was cut and the blood sprinkled on the bride's shift. With reference to this passage Burton remarks (ibid. i. 373 n. 3) that the ancient practice of inspecting the marriage-sheet is still religiously preserved in most parts of the East, and that in old-fashioned Moslem families the sheet is publicly exposed in the harem. P. 283. At Tunis harqos is applied to the bride after she has had her bath and before she is painted with henna (Bertholon and Chantre, op. cit. i. 578). P. 284. "Dans les villages du Sahel Tunisien, il est d'usage que pendant la semaine qui suit la noce, le mari, accompagne de ses amis, aille se poster sur la route. II jette le foulard de sa femme sur les divers passants. Chacun est tenu de rapporter 1'objet qui 1'a louche. II doit y ajouter une somme d'argent, si minime soit-elle" (Bertholon and Chantre, op. tit. i. 581). P. 295 n. i. On my last journey to Morocco, when Chap. VIII. was already in type, I was told in the Fahs that dried fruit, rgaif, an egg, and a silver coin are given to each of the two boys who girdle the bride in order to make them happy and the act they perform auspicious. P. 299 n. i. At Tunis, "dans la maison du futur, on confectionne des gateaux en pate feuilletefi reprsentant surtout des poissons ou des serpents enroulds " (Bertholon and Chantre, op. cit. i. 578 ; cf. ibid. i. 584). P. 313 n. i. See Westermarck, The Origin of Human Marriage (London, 1891, 1894, 1901), p. 319 sqq. ; Idem, The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas, ii. (London, 1908), p. 368 sqq. In the latter work I replied to various objections raised against my attempt to explain the prohibition of marriage between kindred and exogamy, but since its publication new attacks have been made on my theory. Thus Dr. Frazer has criticised it in his work Totemism and Exogamy, vol. iv. (London, 1910), p. 96 sqq. I shall here insert the reply to his criticism which I published in Folk-Lore, vol. xxii. (1911), p. 86 sqq., especially because Dr. Frazer has drawn my attention to a point with which I ought to have dealt more fully in my previous books. I wrote as follows : " My own belief is that there is an innate aversion to sexual intercourse between persons living very closely together from early childhood, and that, as such persons ADDENDA 371 are in most cases related by blood, this feeling naturally displays itself in custom and law as a horror of intercourse between near kin. Dr. Frazer admits that there seems to be some ground for believing in the existence of ' a natural aversion to, or at least a want of inclination for, sexual intercourse between persons who have been brought up closely together from early youth ' 5 but he finds it difficult to under- stand how this could have been changed into an aversion to sexual intercourse with persons near of kin, and maintains that, till I explain this satisfactorily, the chain of reasoning by which I support my theory breaks down entirely at the crucial point. For my own part, I think that the transition which Dr. Frazer finds so difficult to understand is not only possible and natural but well-nigh proved by an exactly analogous case of equally world-wide occurrence and of still greater social importance, namely, the process which has led to the association of all kinds of social rights and duties with kinship. The maternal and paternal sentiments, which largely are at the bottom of parental duties and rights, cannot in their simplest forms be based on a knowledge of blood relationship, but respond to stimuli derived from other circumstances, notably the proximity of the helpless young, that is, the external relationship in which the offspring from the beginning stand to the parents. Nor is the so-called filial love in the first instance rooted in considerations of kinship ; it is essentially retributive, the agreeable feeling produced by benefits received making the individual look with pleasure and kindliness upon the giver. Here again the affection is ultimately due to close living together, and is further strengthened by it, as appears from the cooling effect of long separation of children from their parents. So also fraternal love and the duties and rights which have sprung from it depend in the first place on other circumstances than the idea of a common blood ; and the same may be said of the tie which binds together relatives more remotely allied. Its social force is ultimately derived from near relatives' habit of living together. Men became gregarious by remaining in the circle where they were born 5 if, instead of keeping together with their kindred, they had pre- ferred to isolate themselves or to unite with strangers, there would certainly be no blood-bond at all. The mutual attachment and the social rights and duties which resulted from this gregarious condition were associated with the relation in which the members of the group stood to one another, the relation of kinship as expressed by a common name j and these associations might last even after the local tie was broken, being kept up by the common name. Even we ourselves are generally more disposed to count kin with distant relatives who have our own surname than with relatives who have a different name ; and still greater must be the influence which language in this respect exercises on the mind of a savage, to whom a person's name is part of his personality. " Here we have an immense group of facts which, though ultimately depending upon close living together, have been interpreted in terms of kinship. Why, then, could not the same have been the case with the aversion to incest and the prohibitory rules resulting from it ? They really present a most striking analogy to the instances just mentioned. They have been associated with kinship because near relatives normally live together. They have come to include relatives more remotely allied who do not live together, owing to an association of ideas, especially through the influence of a common name ; clan exogamy has its counterpart, for instance, in the blood feud as a duty incumbent on the whole clan. But there are also cases in which marriages between unrelated persons who have been brought up 372 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES together in the same family, or who belong to the same local group, are held blamable or are actually prohibited ; and so there are, even in early society, social rights and duties which are associated not with a common descent but with close living together. Dr. Frazer asks, ' If the root of the whole matter is a horror of marriage between persons who have always lived with each other, how comes it that at the present day that horror has been weakened into a mere general preference for marriage with persons whose attractions have not been blunted by long familiarity? . . . Why should the marriage of a brother with a sister, or of a mother with a son, excite the deepest detestation, . . . while the origin of it all, the marriage between housemates, should excite at most a mild surprise too slight probably to suggest even a subject for a farce, and should be as legitimate in the eye of the law among all civilised nations as any other marriage ? ' For my own part, I believe that marriage between a man and his foster-daughter, or between a foster- brother and a foster-sister, in case the social relations between them have been exactly similar to those of blood-relatives of corresponding degrees, would cause more than a mild surprise, and appear unnatural and objectionable. I do not deny that unions between the nearest blood -relatives inspire a horror of their own, but it seems quite natural that they should do so, considering that from earliest times th.e aversion to sexual intercourse between persons living closely together has been expressed in prohibitions against unions between kindred. Such unions have been stigmatised by custom, law, and religion, whilst much less notice has been taken of intercourse between unrelated persons who may occasionally have grown up in the same household. Nor can it be a matter of surprise that the prohibitory rules so commonly refer to marriages of kindred alone. Law only takes into account general and well-defined cases, and hence relationships of some kind or other between persons who are nearly always kindred are defined in terms of blood- relationship. This is true not only of the prohibitions of incest, but of many duties and rights inside the family circle. " Dr. Frazer raises another objection to my theory. He argues that, if exogamy resulted from a natural instinct, there would be no need to reinforce that instinct by legal pains and penalties ; the law only forbids men to do what their instincts incline them to do, and hence we may always safely assume that crimes forbidden by law are crimes which many men have a natural propensity to commit. I must confess that this argument greatly surprises me. Of course, where there is no trans- gression there is no law. But Dr. Frazer cannot be ignorant of the variability of instincts and of the great variability of the sexual instinct ; nor should he forget that there are circumstances in which a natural sentiment may be blunted and overcome. Would he maintain that there can be no deep natural aversion to bestiality because bestiality is forbidden by law, and that the exceptional severity with which parricide is treated by many law books proves that a large number of men have a natural propensity to kill their parents ? The law expresses the feelings of the majority and punishes acts that shock them. " Dr. Frazer accuses me of having extended Darwin's methods to subjects which only partially admit of such treatment, because my theory of the origin of exogamy attempts to explain the growth of a human institution 'too exclusively from physical and biological causes without taking into account the factors of intelligence, deliberation, and will.' This, Dr. Frazer adds, is 'not science but a bastard imitation of it.' What have I done to incur so severe an accusation ? I have ADDENDA 373 suggested that the instinctive aversion to sexual intercourse between persons who have been living very closely together from early youth may be the result of natural selection. I am inclined to think, and so is Dr. Frazer also, that consanguineous marriages are in some way or other detrimental to the species. This fact would lead to the development of a sentiment which would be powerful enough, as a rule, to prevent injurious unions, a sentiment which would not, of course, show itself as an innate aversion to sexual connections with near relatives as such, but as an aversion on the part of individuals to union with others with whom they lived closely together from early childhood. These, as a matter of fact, would be blood- relations, and the result would consequently be the survival of the fittest. All that I have done, then, is that I have appealed to natural selection to explain the origin of a primeval instinctive sentiment ; and I can never believe that this is to transgress the legitimate boundaries of Darwinism. " Dr. Frazer himself thinks that ' we may safely conclude that infertility is an inevitable consequence of inbreeding continued through many generations in the same place and under the same conditions,' and in support of this view he quotes the valuable opinions of Mr. Walter Heape and Mr. F. H. A. Marshall. He thus finds that the principles of exogamy present ' a curious resemblance ' to the principles of scientific breeding, but he rightly assumes that this analogy cannot be due to any exact knowledge or far-seeing care on the part of its savage founders. How then shall we explain this analogy ? Dr. Frazer's answer is that ' it must be an accidental result of a superstition, an unconscious mimicry of science.' In prohibiting incest the poor savages ' blindly obeyed the impulse of the great evolutionary forces which in the physical world are constantly educing higher out of lower forms of existence and in the moral world civilisation out of savagery. If that is so, exogamy has been an instrument in the hands of that unknown power, the masked wizard of history, who by some mysterious process, some subtle alchemy, so often transmutes in the crucible of suffering the dross of folly and evil into the fine gold of wisdom and good.' I hope it will not be considered uncalled-for impertinence on my part to ask if this reasoning is a specimen of what Dr. Frazer regards as science proper in contradistinction to my own ' bastard imitation of it ' ? "In any attempt to explain the origin of exogamy there are, in my opinion, three parallel groups of facts of general occurrence which necessarily must be taken into consideration : Firstly, the prohibitions of incest and rules of exogamy themselves 5 secondly, the aversion to sexual intercourse between persons living together from early youth ; thirdly, the injurious consequences of inbreeding. As for the facts of the first group, Dr. Frazer and I agree that they all have the same root, exogamy being in some way or other derived from an aversion to the marriages of near kin. As for the facts of the second group, Dr. Frazer at all events admits that ' there seems to be some ground ' for believing in them. As for the facts of the third group, there is complete agreement between us. I ask, Is it reasonable to think that there is no causal connection between these three groups of facts ? Is it right, as Dr. Frazer does, to ignore the second group altogether, and to look upon the coincidence of the first and the third as accidental ? I gratefully acknowledge that Dr. Frazer's chapter on the Origin of Exogamy has strengthened my belief in my own theory ; and, considering on the one hand the nature of his objections to it and on the other hand our agreement in many essential points, I cannot help cherishing the hope, although I apologise for expressing it, that the last 374 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES differences of opinion will disappear some day when Dr. Frazer is reconsidering the whole question with that fair impartiality which is one of the finest qualities of his genius." Other objections to my theory have been made by Messrs. Hose and M'Dougall in their recent work on The Pagan Tribes of Borneo, vol. ii. (London, 1912), p. 197 n. They observe that intercourse between a youth and his sister-by-adoption is not regarded as incest in these tribes, and that they know at least one instance of marriage between two young Kenyahs brought up together as adopted brother and sister. " This occurrence of incest between couples brought up in the same household," they say, " i^, of course, difficult to reconcile with Professor Westermarck's well-known theory of the ground of the almost universal feeling against incest, namely that it depends upon sexual aversion or indifference engendered by close proximity during childhood." They moreover maintain that " the occurrence of incest between brothers and sisters, and the strong feeling of the Sea Dayaks against incest between nephew and aunt (who often are members of distinct communities)," are facts which are fatal to this theory. When I made my attempt to explain the rules against incest I did not, of course, overlook the fact that these rules very frequently have reference to persons who are, .or may be, members of different communities. I wrote (Human Marriage, p. 330 sq.} : "In a large number of cases, prohibitions of intermarriage are only indirectly influenced by the close living together. Aversion to the intermarriage of persons who live in intimate connection with each other has provoked prohibitions of the intermarriage of relations ; and, as kinship is traced by means of a system. of names, the name comes to be considered identical with relationship. . . . Generally speaking, the feeling that two persons are intimately connected in some way or other may, through an association of ideas, give rise to the notion that marriage or inter- course between them is incestuous." How could anybody deny the operation of the law of association, for instance, in the Roman Catholic prohibition of marriage between co-sponsors, or in the rule prevalent in Eastern Europe, according to which the groomsman at a wedding is forbidden to intermarry with the family of the bride, or in laws prohibiting marriage between relatives by alliance? Why, then, might not the same law have acted upon other relationships also, such as those constituted by a common descent or a common name? As for the influence of the name, I may mention the fact that the Chinese Penal Code punishes with sixty blows any one who marries a person with his own surname, although among the entire Chinese population of the Empire there are said to be only about 530 different surnames. Messrs. Hose's and M'Dougall's own attempt to solve the problem is, if I understand them rightly, based on the supposition that the prohibitions of intermarriage originally referred to persons who belonged to the same community. They write : " If we accept some such view of the constitution of primitive society as has been suggested by Messrs. Atkinson and Lang (Primal Laiv), namely, that the social group consisted of a single patriarch and a group of wives and daughters, over all of whom he exercised unrestricted power or rights ; we shall see that the first step towards the constitution of a higher form of society must have been the strict limitation of his rights over certain of the women, in order that younger males might be incorporated in the society and enjoy the undisputed possession of them. The patriarch, having accepted this limitation of his rights over his daughters for the sake of the greater security and strength of the band given by the inclusion of ADDENDA 375 a certain number of young males, would enforce all the more strictly upon them his prohibition against any tampering with the females of the senior generation. Thus very strict prohibitions and severe penalties against the consorting of the patriarch with the younger generation of females, i.e. his daughters, and against intercourse between the young males admitted to membership of the group and the wives of the patriarch, would be the essential conditions of advance of social organisation. The enforcement of these penalties would engender a traditional sentiment against such unions, and these would be the unions primitively regarded as incestuous. The persistence of the tendency of the patriarch's jealousy to drive his sons out of the family group as they attained puberty would render the extension of this sentiment to brother-and-sister unions easy and almost inevitable. For the young male admitted to the group would be one who came with a price in his hand to offer in return for the bride he sought. Such a price could only be exacted by the patriarch on the condition that he maintained an absolute prohibition on sexual relations between his offspring so long as the young sons remained under his roof." I should like to know how Messrs. Hose and M'Dougall, on the basis of this theory, would explain " the strong feeling of the Sea Dayaks against incest between nephew and aunt (who often are members of distinct communities)," and, generally speaking, the rules prohibiting the intermarriage of persons belonging to different local groups. For the rest, I must confess that the assumptions on which their whole theory rests seem to me extremely arbitrary. Brothers are pro- hibited from marrying their sisters because the old patriarch drove away his grown- up sons out of jealousy ; but his jealousy was not strong enough to prevent other young males from joining the band. On the contrary, he allowed them to be incorporated in it, because they added to its strength ; nay he gave them his own daughters in marriage, and refrained henceforth himself from intercourse with these young women so rigorously that ever since a father has been prohibited from marrying his daughter. But the young men had to pay a price for their wives. It may be asked : why did not the old patriarch accept a price from his own sons or let them work for him, instead of mercilessly turning them out of their old home, although they would have been just as good protectors of it as anybody else ? And why did he give the young men his daughters ? He might have kept the young women for himself and let the young men have the old ones. This is what is done by the old men in Australia, where the young girls are, as a rule, allotted to old men, and the boys, whenever they are allowed to marry, get old lubras as wives (Malinowski, The Family among the Australian Aborigines [London, 1913], p. 259 sqq.). Yet, in spite of this custom, there is no country where incest has been more strictly prohibited than in Australia. Messrs. Hose and M'Dougall maintain that the occurrence of incest between brothers and sisters and the feeling of the Sea Dayaks against incest between nephew and aunt are facts which seem "to point strongly to the view that the sentiment has a purely conventional or customary source." I ask : is it reasonable to suppose that, if this were the case, the feeling against sexual intercourse between the nearest relatives could have so long survived the conditions from which it sprang without showing any signs of decay? The prohibited degrees are very differently defined in the customs or laws of different peoples generally speaking, they are more numerous among peoples unaffected by modern civilisation than they are in more advanced communities ; but I think it can be shown that the extent to which MARRIAGE CEREMONIES relatives are prohibited from intermarrying is closely connected with the intimacy of their social relations. Whilst among ourselves cousins are allowed to intermarry, there is still a strong sentiment against intercourse between parents and children and between brothers and sisters, who in normal cases belong to the same family circle. Why should the feeling against incest have survived in this case but not in others, if it had a purely conventional origin? And how could any law based on convention alone account for the normal absence of erotic feelings in the relations between parents and children and brothers and sisters ? Although law may forbid a son to marry his mother, a father to marry his daughter, and a brother to marry his sister, it could certainly not prevent his desiring such a union ; has any law yet been able to suppress, say, adulterous inclinations ? Plato (Leges, viii. 838) observed that an unwritten law defends as sufficiently as possible parents from incestuous inter- course with their children and brothers from intercourse with their sisters, and that " not even the thought of such a thing ever enters at all into the minds of most of them." It is true that cases of intercourse between the nearest relatives do occur, but they are certainly quite exceptional. Messrs. Hose and M'Dougall say them- selves (p. 198) that "incest of any form is very infrequent" among the tribes of Borneo, and they seem to know of only one instance of marriage between young Kenyahs brought up together as adopted brother and sister, although such marriages are allowed. Considering the extreme variability to which the sexual impulse is subject, it is not astonishing that cases of what we consider incestuous intercourse sometimes occur ; it seems to me more remarkable that the abhorrence of incest should be so general and the exceptions to the rule so few. To maintain that these cases are fatal to my theory seems to me as illogical as it would be to assume that the occurrence of a horror feminae in many men disproves the general prevalence of a feeling of love between the sexes. INDEX OF ARABIC WORDS aliyen, 131, 133, 140,274, 276, 278 dmitn, 136 aulad, 351 awwddin^ 117 a'tiya, kemlet l-a'tiya^ 23 bdba, bdha, bak> 100, 197 bdgla, 41 baraka, 21, 24, 113, 118, 120, 121, 126, 127,143, 159, 179, 183, 190,191, 195, 196, 205, 208,211, 217, 219 ., 245, 246, 261,265,292,302,303, 340,34i>35 2 >35 8 -3 62 > 3 6 4 bas, 91,99, 101, 103, 121, 171, 195, 197,217,220 n.\ 235, 237, 245, 256, 261-264, 267, 294, 298, 304-306, 323, 342, 360 btitta (/-), 157, 173 btizin, 244 bdu (/-) u l-Zqid del-hdytk del-tirfisa, 127, 142 41 ) plur. bn&der, 143, 2 94 J , plur. ^J/ f , 54, 90, 236, 318 ; bent* l- mkun, 236 ; ^^/ (bint\ plur. ^J/^, 'z^, 54, 55, ^56 n.\ 90 berrah, bttrrtih, berrtth, 100, 105, 132 bhar^ plur. ^5r, 236, 351 bidd l-ujtth, 193 bilyun, 69, 116, 146, 234 56 w. 1 'amm, 54, 55, bismilldh, bismilldh, 98,255 />?/' r-rdha, 140 , mw&lin l-blad, 296 bn&der. See btndlr bnftt 5 . See brewttt*, 278 , 278 , 1 68 w. 2 297 butty ar, butty 'Mr, 237, 238, 297-299, 303 ; btttiyar, 238 377 378 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES 134, 135, 193, 194, 226, 227,275-277 , 131-133* i3 8 J 93> 194, 225-228, 274- 276, 279, 314; dar is/an, 131-133, 193, 194, 225-228, 274- 276, 329 ; dar t-8rs, 131, 132, 193, 225, 227,228,274-276, 279, 3H> 329 j, 83 dbefaf la-hzdm, 294 ; nhar d-dbeha, 78, 141 dSmm, 55 demllj, 103 derra, plur. drer, 226 dZrbuga, 143 derham, 261, 262, 296 ; derham 1-ffSh, 262 dhaz, 82, 83, 238, 331 ^, 338 282 ddfraf, 277 ^//, ^/, plur. ^ 29, 32, 40, 296 dfdyer, 277 234 101 21, See See fdkya, 228 farajiya^ 225 /r/, 134, 279 ; ^ 134 ; tiohl-fatf, 279 ffisoh, 104 fttha, fftfha, 17, 22-25, 27 3i> 33> 35' 38, 39 43, 45, 46, 50, 52, 53, 68, 69, 78, 129, 186, 199,208,209,239,244, 250, 282, 305, 326, 350 ; Hlgff&ffa, 25 , 28 Sy 142 M 2 9-3 J > 38, 46, 5' 5 2 > 68, 77, 127, 129, 130, 144,169,233,234,261, 280 fqira, 141-143, 280 ff&f (le-\ 297 ffdh (/ 2 93 dyalti-r&sa, 293 ; dbfhf ld.-hz&m, 294 ; hnllhn l- h$z$m, Milan Iti-hz&m, 159, 237, 239 ; nhar l- hdzdm, 293 ib^ plur. hbtib y 55 hjub, 138 hldwa, 8 1, 169 $;, $w I 93> 1 94 225- 228, 274-276, 329 ryJw, 98 1 A Berber word used by Arabic- speaking people. izar, izar y 139, 140, 152, 195 sq. 97 i mekkdwi, 83, 244 Wjglldb, d j8ll$ba, 99 #., 114, 175 jttnn, d jinn, 160, 232, 255 (d) jnttn> 103, 105, 112, 119, 122,123,136, 147, 150, 154,163, 166, 187,208, 220,237,244,254,256, 296, 306, 338, 342 sq. d jw%ri (*), 78, 142, 146 ; nhar d ' d jwari del-ar&sa, 78, 146 kalf, 66 n* kamalftlttl (/-), 97 ka'b gzel, 24, 278, 301 l?pl n/l O O f\ K,CiUi4^ J* \ \J kemlet l-a'tiya, 23 kgnbut) 82 kl&m (/-) l-ma'qvl, 3 1 1 kmal, nhar l-kmal, 31, 70 kmam^ 98 79 :, 96 n.\ 166, 225 : ,3 I > 8 996, 99,125, 130,144,169, 195,280, 281, 302 kutfab, 274 kutflyat, 83 Idisan, 352 ; l-ma d2-ldisan, 352 ; nhar Idisan, 352 ** 3 T 7 INDEX OF ARABIC WORDS 133 libra, 138 lila (/-) del-hdmmam, 141 ; , 117; /- l-khtra, 142 ; /- l-kbira del-arftsa^ 146 ; 7-/z/# s-sgra, 141 Jj'. ; /-/z/^ s-sgera del-arftsa, 144 (/-) del-ar&s, 95 ; Mitt* fifha, 25 limftn d-daqq, 132 luliya, 231 /for, 318 , 318 , 277 , 136; l-mad^-laisan^ 352 ^ 65, 74 . 2 mdkla, 77 mansvriya, mans&riya, 152 w. 2 , 236 57. marhon, 138, 194 marhabdj mdrhaba, mar- haba^ marhaba, 29, 30, 32, 40, 172 T^J/tf, 83 mti?al, plur. mWal, 139 j-^. matmur, 340 md'mla^ nhar l-md'mla, 3 1 mbdrak, 24 mdejja, 158 mddrrba, 31 meiduna, 103 ^'M/, 138 mmellek) mm^llka, 20 (l-}l-hdyya, 105 mmellka. See mmellek mdnsi, n-nhar l-mensi, 281 meryaha^ 351 j^. messus, 138, 194 , m'ds f fiud) 24, 95 j mfimar, 143 mhqal, 66-68 mSzi&n, 159 mezwud, 100, 102, 106, 152, 176, 237, 269 mganniat) 105 mhar, 66 mhakma (/^-) del-qddi, 28 mhdnfa, 278 /, 24, 277, 278, 301 /, 83 , 132, 228, 278 mkun, benf l-mkttn, 236 , 126 (/-), 31 , IS-mmudda dyalt l- ^ 239, 282 31 l. See mmti, 172 30, 43, 47, 79 mmudda (/ 132 ; m'dllmal-hanndya, 137 naqa (n-; nqa\ 90 naqd, ndqda, 66, 82 . 3 nas^ nas, 54, 138 nd'ja, 41 nd f na\ 24 nbdrak (mbdr$k\ 95 j^. /' (-), 126, 129 P lur - 27, 28, 132-134, 137- 141, 156,165, 166, 168, 193,194,225-229, 275- 279, 301 ; l-wfdllma den- nhar l-drba'in, 304 ; nhar d-dbeha^ 78, 141 ; nhar l-far$, 134 ; Ar /, 312 311 sq. nsiba, 312 w^jj mqdddam, 66 ; ^/5 mwdhhar> 66 v v * nwala, nw&la, 158, 238, 306 ; hdmmam n-nwdla, 306 ^/, U-mhakma del-qddi, 28 , 1 6 qdftan, qdftan, 143, 225, 237 qdTa, 30 qdulef, 236 ^^wf, l-hdtya den-nqa del- qauf, 77 ^^r, 236 ^w, 126 qlmar, qmar^ 98, 138 a^ 158 133 , 277 ?/, 305 100 qw&bel, 229 INDEX OF ARABIC WORDS 383 qwdleb kbar, 137 ; qwdleb sgar, 137 raha, blf r-rdha, 140 rahlya, 147, 198 rdjel, 55 ras y 90, 276 ; $ 22?' 236, 238, 265, 274, 279 ; s-sbah, 159 ; sbah btifiyar, 238 ; s-sbah del-firfisa u del- 'tirfis, 279 ; l-gds'a dh- svak, 236 ; nhar s-sbah, 227, 274 275 sq. ; rto* ;^^', 276 ; t s ani sbthi, 276 j^^, sdaq, 30, 31, 52, 53, 64-67,69-71,73-75,77, 82,83,84^, 102, 133, 169,229,260,265,303; $daq ma'yufa, 66 shab, 25, 226 shhafa, 167 som'a, 28 s'dnd&q, 31 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES s<an, 97, 233 sq. ; /- grama des-s<an, 234 ; l-hdjeb des-s<an, 97 . See Hanbttr, 82 &zrr, 136 tarbiya, 82 && #& 32, 262, 318 ; uqiit $-Xeh, 262 (/-), fifan (/-), #/ (H 98, 338, 359 ^ 82 132 , 84 t s abhera y 133 (/-), 34 145 r^, 88 j^^/, 276 falmefa, plur. tldmat, 134 ^/, 276 133 jy. fdqqab, tqqab, 271 J^. faqblb, nhar t s aqblb^ 136 ^77, 294 fasyar, ttisyer, 88 /*ar, l-hdiya det-faur, 78 tftzytna, 283 ta'rtfa, fa'rfy'a, 105, 173 /V%, 139, 194, 364 , 138 , ffkka, 226, 232 t 95 (/-), 279 fgdrbll, 91 tldmat. See falmfya fmar (/-) t-mgjhM, 138 tqqab. See fdqqab r?*f> 151 fqwisa, l-hdnna bS t-t s qwisa^ 137 , 171, 196, 216, 217, 362 , 197, 216, 217, 322, 3 2 7 fargiba, 60 ta^/rf, 95, 145, 169, 235 tabbhlat\ 27, 133, 137- 140, 274-276 fabbtttin t 227 fdifor, plur. fidfar, 132, 133, 228 /4/7 (;-) del-arfis, 291 takkuk, 32 fan d jiya, 30 132 r^, 91, 173, 197, 238, 305, 306, 365 91 tidfar. See /^z/or 279 232 ; - j-;^r, 232 /'aA, bidd l-ujtih, 193 40 // /-J^, 262 97, 102, 235 uzira, 148 , 15, 1 6, 86 . 3 ; 296 INDEX OF ARABIC WORDS 385 wazdra, 97, 98, 118, 125- 128, 130, 142-145, 169, 230, 233-235, 280 J?. wild, 231 wftzara, 274 7, 142 yiblis, 127, 129 yidd, id, 98, 100, 103 yisldn, ytslan. See /-$/ zarbiya, 31, 102 zdwia, 23 zebbdla, 54 zein. See zln zerda (z-) dyal l-arfisa, 171 zfytat, 8 1 zgdm s , zgdrtt, zg&nt, 22 ^ 2 ? 33, 35 ' muzunt z-zgdm, 33 zidra (z-) del-arusa, 302 /, 129, 138, 194; z-zma, 134 j^. zldfa, 103 %///#, 101 ' ?i , 41 /, 52, 67, 69, 70, 229 , 301, 338 145, 259, 260, 355 Jr, 83 'ti/am, 126 . 'ammfdmmak, ' dmmi^dmmu, 54, 55> 9, 35 J (bint\ plur. , amm, 54, 55, 56 a. 1 , 9 'amdma, *am&ma, 77, 129 ^ 129, 167-170, 129, 195 "timbr, 275 en-mkah) 1 5 (/-) del-hdytk del- 'ttr&sa, 142 w, 338 , 38, 42, 45, 46, 51, 60, 61, 63, 282, 319, 339 , 126-128, 233-235, 279-282, 367 'Xrdis (plur. of'tirfisa), 138, 142, 1 60 ; h&ttaflti-rais, 1 60 ( &ris, 86, 132, 227 ; /- grama 'alla-ns ft-Sulya, 132 , 85, 90, 173 r, 25, 86, 117, 226 ; / del-ar&s, 1 1 7 , 86 f ar&s, 86, 95, 129, 172, 279, 291, 293 ; l-mst* del-ar$s, 9 5 ; nhar n-nqa del-arfis, 78, 89 ; n-nhar s-sdba* del- arils u del- 'arfisa, 293 ; r-rkub del- 'arfis, 129 ; s-sdbM ~del- ( arfts, 279 ; s-sbah del- e arusa u del-arfis, 279 ; t-tdjin del-ariis, 291 'ariisa, 86, 127, 142, 144, 2 C 3 86 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES 146, 171,259,279,293, 302 ; l-bdu u l-aqid del- hdySk del-arfisa, 127, 142 ; Iti-gdiya del-ttrusa, 144, 259 ; Ift-hzdm dydl l&-rnsa, 293; l-lila l- kbira del-fir&sa, 146 ; /- tila s-sg 346 am'drqab, 60 sq. andalb^ plur. inddlabttn, 52, 157 dnd&y 207 dqsri, 43 ?**,* X83 5?. #55 n-tm&gra, 174 ; #55 n-yizud, 92 ; w ufran, 92, 332 ; #55 uh&zzam, 294 asariy, 152 aseffid, 307 , 176 /, 22 . 2 , 39, 41, 44, 80, no dslham, in, 175 115, " 202 , 38, 109 ; rrma, 38 , 80 ssdaq, 65, 72 j^. sstrwal, sstrwal, 246, 251 Iflus n-sstrwal, 251; ^/o nS-sserwal, 246 , 176 , 294 sslfan, 155 250, ssrflm, rfrus n 262 . 2 sriwHwfn, 22 n. z , 50 ^, 202, 240, 242, 248 sq. ; ssbah n-tmtm^ 249 ; ^ n-tslit, 240 ; n-ssbah, 242 , 45, 65, 71, 72, 80, 246 fffrfr 3 8 . 39> 4 1 . 6 5 6 9> ?i, 75. 76, 79>8o, no, 154, 181, 243 fieh nti-rrma, 38 taberdtft, 182, 207 tdbhm, 340 tdgrurt y 184 tagurit, taugritt, 22 #. 2 , 253 , 181 tdhrirt, 149, 181 t&idurt) 45 tdkust, 253 ; afssai ' n-tdkust, 253 ' tdlmarjglt, plur. tdlmarjlin y 212, 297 tamgart, 339 ; tamgartinft, 317 tdmgra, 85, 213 ; ud n- tmgra, 213 lamzitty 1 06, 182, 208 t&ndutt, 107, 207 tdqbilt, 57 tdqnuft, 107, 308 /^JA 244, 362 tdrga, 209 tdrkizt, 246, 299 tdrrzeft, 308 tdsebntft, 107, 209 /&//'/, 86 t, 209 taugritt. See tagurit tigimmi, 184 tigausiwin, 184 tihSrkusin^ 148 tilitau, 22 . 2 , 45, 71 INDEX OF BERBER ITORDS timssi, 208 tislit, 86 ttffimtr, 40 tuggas, 84 tummit, 297 sq. thrift, 182, 246, 362 tada, 57-59 ; ait-tdda, ist- tdda, u-tada, ult-tad,a^ 59 tafant, 37 w. tag v rurt, 149, 242 tagrart, 75 taguda, plur. tigdwin, 152 tahtddunt) 152, 241 tahlttst, 6 1 tahrett, 176 /^>//, 331 talmSfttiht, 37 . titllunt) 91 tdmdwilt, 309 tamgmtiflt) 152, 178 tamgra, tamhgra, 85, 86, 174 ; <.$ n-tmdgra, 174 tamfffit, ssbah n-tmtttt, 249 tdqbilt, 58 . tdqbutt, 47 taqbbut, 175 tarrhalt, 152 tariht, 179 tdrrselt, plur. tirrsttl, 202 taruyi uhfizzam, 241 ttirzeft, 307 j^. tdrzzift, 307 titsftrutt, 37 n. tdsSbniht, plur. tisSbntyin, 69, H3 39 1 t, 152, 178 /, 86 f, 249, 309 ^ 152, 176 taunza, 204 tdzallit n-tslit, 205 t&zftlt) 153 td'mamt, 69, 75-77, 79, 243 tigdwin. See tdguda tiguratin, tig&ratin, 22 . 2 , 41, 240 timrit, 178 timsutrin, 37 j^. /zW;, 178 flmutit, 22 . 2 , 48, 75, 182 tiqordiyin, 47 tirrsal. See tdrrselt tiruyi n-uhtizzam, 239 tisibntyin. See tdsSbniht tislit, 86, 202, 205,^240, 241, 294 ; /Wz/ n-ts/it, 241 ; jj/M' n-tslit, 294 ; ;;^^ n-tslit, 240 ; tdzal- lit n-tslit, 205 tismmit, 240 tistignSst, 154 tiswit, 288 /r?///, 210 t&gltft, tuglilt, 206, 210 tumlilt^ 37 #. /////, 77 ;W^, 57 tf^w, 36,92, 1 54, 240,307 trdttfa, 246 J^. 392 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES > IJ 7 157, 2I 3> 252 ; tid n-lhdnna, 117, 157, 252 ; W n-tmgra^ 213 , 240, 288 , 20 1 ult-tdda, 59 37 . , 86 a, 59 whrssbah, 37 . zz e a/ran, zz'afran, 152, 153, i?8 GENERAL INDEX 'Abd-el-'Aziz Zenagui, 17 n? Abd-es-Salam el-Baqqali, Shereef, 5 'Abdullah al-Ma'mun Suhrawardy, 1 6 w. 4 , 64 n. 1 , 66 n. 1 sq., 85 n. 1 , 359 n. 5 Abela. See Eijub Abela Ablutions, 115, 159, 232, 234, 244, 250, 251, 255, 266, 269, 270, 335 Abrahams, Israel, 26 n. 1 Abreu de Galindo, Juan de, 272 n. Accentuation, 13 Addison, Lancelot, 87 . 4 , 121 n. 1 , 151 /?., 162 n., 1 68 w. 1 , 215 n. 1 , 2l6 . Adultery, 73, 328 n. 3 Aeneze, 18 n. 2 , 59 n. 1 , 74 . 2 , 268 . J Afra, 67 sq. Agal-wood, 133 Aglu, 3, 4, 86, 125, 335 ; dowry in, 68 sq. 5 payment to the bride's brother in, 8 1 ; fetching of the bride in, 8 1, 183 sq. ; painting of the bridegroom with henna in, 117; ceremonies in the bride's home in, 156 sq. ; arrival and reception of the bride in, 212 sq. ; meeting of the couple and the morning after in, 250 sqq. ; end of the wedding in, 297 ; later taboos in, 310 Ahaggar, 163 . 3 , 215 n. 1 , 223 . 2 , 255 H. 1 , 289 n. Ahl el Shemal, 74 n? Ahnet, 218 n. 1 , 222 n? Aid Daud, 58 Ait Arrba', 67 Hassan, 57, 209, 246 Tamfildu, 3, 86, 125 ; betrothal among the, 51 sq. ; dowry among the, 68 ; nn6qra among the, 83 ; liqq&ma among the, 84, 185 ; fetching of the bride among the, 87, 184 sq. ; clean- ing of the corn which is to be used for the wedding among the, 94 ; painting of the bridegroom with henna among the, 117; painting of the bride with henna among the, 157 ; arrival and reception of the bride among the, 213 ; meeting of the couple among the, 252 sq. ; continua- tion and end of the wedding among the, 289 ; later ceremonies among the, 309 sq. Ait Ugdat, 67 Warain, 3, 4, 22 . 2 , 86, 261-263, 298, 299, 328 it. 3 , 336, 340 } be- trothal among the, 44 sq. ; runaway wives among the, 61, 63 ; dowry among the, 65, 71, 72, 80, 246 ; pay- ments to other members of the bride's family than her father among the, 80 ; fetching of the bride among the, 80, 87, 181 sq. ; the bridegroom's henna- ceremonies among the, 105 sqq. ; tours made by the bridegroom and his bachelor friends among the, 108, 109, 286 ; the bride's henna-ceremony among the, 148 sq. j arrival and re- ception of the bride among the, 207 sqq. ; meeting of the couple and the morning after among the, 243 sqq. ; chastity of girls among the, 246, 328 n? ; continuation and end of the wedding among the, 286, 287, 290, 291, 293 sq. 5 later ceremonies and taboos among the, 308, 311, 315, 317. See Ait HSssan Ait Arrba', 58, 62 Brahim, 58 sq. Frig w u, 62 - Ha-lli, 58, 62 Hand u'Ali, 58 MShluf, 58, 59, 62 Mes^Sud u 'Ali, 62 Nder, 3, 5, 60, 86, 262, 263, 340 ; betrothal among the, 41 sqq.; brother- hood among the, 57 sq. ; runaway wives among the, 61 sq. ; tamamt among the, 76, 243 ; dowry among the, 76, no, 180, 181, 243 . 393 394 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES cleaning and grinding of the wheat which is to be used for the wedding among the, 92^-5 the bridegroom's henna - ceremony among the, no; the bride's henna -ceremony among the, 149 ; fetching of the bride among the, i$o sq. ; arrival and re- ception of the bride among the, 206 sq. ; meeting of the couple and the morning after among the, 242 sq.$ chastity of girls among the, 243 ; relations between the bride and her "vizier" among the, 273 ; continua- tion and end of the wedding among the, 284, 285, 290, 293 sq. ; later ceremonies and taboos among the, 307, 308, 310, 311, 314 sq, j second marriages among the, 332 sq. See Ait Walla'l Ait Sadden, 3, 4, 12,22 . 2 , 37 ., 86, 3 I 5i 3375 betrothal among the, 35- 41, 80 5 dowry among the, 38, 39, 41, 71, 80, 154 ; brotherhood among the, 57-59 ; runaway wives among the, 60 sqq. 5 rrsut, among the, 80 ; fetching of the bride among the, 87, 174 sqq. ; cleaning and grinding of the wheat which is to be used for the wedding among the, 91 sq. ; painting of the bridegroom with henna among the, no sqq. ; ceremonies in the bride's home among the, 152-155, 175 ; arrival and reception of the bride among the, 199 sqq. ; meeting of the couple and the morning after among the, 239 sq. ; continuation and end of the wedding among the, 287, 288, 290, 293, 294, 297 sq. ; later ceremonies among the, 306, 307, 314; second marriages among the, 331 sq. Wallal, 58 WaryagSl, 3, 22 . 2 , 86, 190, 191, 195 sq. n., 336, 340 ; betrothal among the, 49 sqq. ; dowry among the, 50, 65, 72, 73, 79 ; gifts sent to the girl's father among the, 78 sq. ; dax&ttat among the, 81 ; fetching of the bride among the, 87, 183 ; grinding of the wheat which is to be used for the wedding among the, 94 ; painting of the bridegroom with henna among the, 113, 115 ; ceremonies and taboos to which the bridegroom is subject among the, 113-116, 130 sq. ; tours made by the bridegroom and his bachelor friends among the, 114, 286 ; meeting of the couple and the morning after among the, 114, 115, 249 sq. ; ceremonies in the bride's home among the, ' 155 sq. ; arrival and reception of the bride among the, 210 sqq. ; continuation and end of the wedding among the, 286 ; later ceremonies and taboos among the, 300, 309, 311 ; second marriages among the, 333 Ait YShya u Yusf, 58 Yusi, 3, 5, 22 H. 2 , 6 1 n., 85, 86, 95, 125, 340 ; brotherhood among the, 57"59 > runaway wives among the, 6 1 sq. ; ceremonies in the bride's home among the, 149-152, 178, 242 ; chastity of girls among the, 151 sq. ; fetching of the bride among the, 178 sqq. j arrival and reception of the bride among the, 203 sqq. ; meet- ing of the couple among the, 240 sqq. ; intimacy between the bride and the imsnein or amsnai among the, 240, 241, 273 ; painting of the bridegroom with henna among the, 242 ; continuation and end of the wedding among the, 288-290, 293-295, 297 sq. ; later ceremonies and taboos among the, 3145 second marriages among the, 332. See Aid Daud, Ait Arrba', Ait Brahim, Ait Frig w u, Ait Halli, Ait Hand u'Ali~Ait MShluf/Ait Ms Sud u 'Ali, Ait YShya" u Yusf, Ait Zz'Sihum, Ehinajgn Zz'Sihum, 59 Albania, 255 n. 1 Alcazar, 6, 20 n., 117 . 2 , 168 n. 2 Aleppo, 17 n. 2 , 84 n., 118 n. 1 , 125 ., 222 . 2 Algeria, 17 n?, 18 n. 2 , 56 n., 59 n. 2 , 76 ., 77 n. 1 , 118 n. 1 and . 3 , 124 n. 3 , 1 60 n. 1 sq., 161 . 3 , 1 88 n.-, 215 n?, 216 n., 218 ., 221 n. 2 , 223 n. 1 , 255 n. 1 , 264 ., 266 n. 1 sq., 267 n. 3 , 268 .* sq., 293 . 2 , 313 sq. n. 2 , 367 sqq. See Beni Snus, Constantine, Mazouna, Tlemcen, Ouargla Al-Hijaz, 74 n. 2 'All, 122 Al-Meydanl, 55 n. 1 Almonds,i58,i82, 212, 214,216,250,277 Alvise Cadamosto, 272 n. Ameer Ali, 15 n. 1 , 16 n?, 17 n. 1 sqq., 30 n., 64 n? sq., 65 n. 2 , 84 n,, 86 .* Amzmiiz, 3 ; dowry at, 67 ; arrival and reception of the bride at, 95, 214 ; ceremonies in the bride's home at, 157 ; fetching of the bride at, 185 sq. ; meeting of the couple and the morning after at, 254 GENERAL INDEX 395 Ancljra, 3-5, 191, 218 n. 2 , 261, 263, 265, 291, 315, 336, 351 sq. ; betrothal in, 29 sqq. ; dowry in, 30, 31," 52, 70, 169 5 kdiya in, 30, 77 i^. ; written contract of marriage in, 31, 52; marriages between cousins in, 53, 55 ; hld'wa in, 81, 169; fetching of the bride in, 81, 87, 168 sqq. ; sivar in, 83 sq. ; cleaning of the corn which is to be used for the wedding in, 88 sq. j the bridegroom's henna-ceremony in, 95 sqq. 5 other ceremonies to which he is subject in, 125 sqq. ; ceremonies in the bride's home in, 142 sqq. ; painting of the bride with henna in, 144 sqq. ; arrival and reception of the bride in, 1945^. j meeting of the couple and the morning after in, 230-235, 257, 258, 260, 265, 266 ; continuation and end of the wedding in, 279-281, 291-293, 295 sq. ; later ceremonies and taboos in, 300, 302, 311 Animal ridden by the bride, the, subject to certain ceremonies, 194-196, 201, 205, 207, 211, 214, 218, 219, 327, 348, 357 sq. See Camel, Mare, Mule, Stallion Antagonism between different social groups, 224, 345 sq. See Fights Antimony, 105, 120, 153, 161, 176, 193, 202, 233, 242, 266, 282, 283, 295> 3 6 > 3 22 > S^? *?' Arabia, 120 n? and . 4 , 160 /z. 1 , 161 n. 2 sq., 163 sq. . 4 , 315 n. See Al-Hijaz, Bedouins, Hadramaut, Mecca, Medina, Mount Sinai Arabic sounds, .rendering of, 1 1 sqq. Arabs, the ancient, 10, 18 . 2 , 19 ., 59 n. 1 , 220 n. 1 ; marriages between cousins among, 53 n. 2 , 54 ., 55 .*, 55 sq. $ mahr and sadaq among, 65 "Arabs" of Morocco, 2-4, 56, 57, 62, 166, 167, 339 n. l , f 367. See Beni Ahsen, Dukkala, Garbiya, Hiaina, Hlot, Rahamna, Tliq, UlSd Bu-'Aziz, Ulad Jama, UlSd Rafa Ardeshlr, 56 . 2 Arg, 341 Arvieux, Chevalier d', 120 n? and . 4 , 160 n. 1 , 161 n. 2 sq., 315 n. Asylums, women as, 339 At 'Amar, 2 Buzeggu, 2 ; tamamt among the, 76 Lmedi, 2 Shbgl, 2 Ubahti, 2, . , ,3, 22 ., 86, 318, 353 ; betrothal among the, 45 sqq. j amamt among the, 47, 69, 75, 76, 79 5 dowry among the, 69, 79 ; lihra among the, 79 ; cleaning and grinding of the wheat which is to be used for the wedding among the, 93 sq. ; the bridegroom's henna-ceremony among the, 112 sq. ; meeting of the couple and the morning after among the, 113, 248 sq. ; the bride's henna- ceremony among the, 155 ; fetching of the bride among the, 182 sq. ; arrival and reception of the bride among the, 209 sq. ; chastity of girls among the, 249 ; curious behaviour of the best-man among the, 273 ; continuation and end of the wedding among the, 285, 286, 290, 291, 293 sqq. ; later ceremonies among the, 308 sq. At Yala, 2 Yiznasgn, 2 ; tamamt among the, 76 Zihri, 2, 7 n. ; early marriages among the, 48 sq. ; endogamy of the, 57 ; defloration of the bride among the, 272 Atkinson, J. J., 374 Atkinson, James, 151 ., 221 .*, 255 n? Attica, 124 . 2 Aubin, Eugene, 6 . 2 Avebury, Lord, 220 . 2 , 317 n. Avoidance customs, explanations of, 312 sqq. of brothers-in-law, 310 sqq. of parents, 22, 40, 48, 288, 313 sqq. of parents-in-law, 307, 310 sqq. Azila, 341 Bb 1-Gisa, 54 Bachelor friends of the bridegroom, the, take part in the grinding of the wheat which is to be used for the wedding, 92, 94, 320 ; accompany the bride- groom, 96-99, 102, 106-110, 113-1 15, 118, 126, 128, 130-132, 148, 211, 230, 233, 236, 239, 281-287, 346, 363 ; beat the bridegroom, (104), 107- 109, 120, 121, 346 ; paint themselves with antimony and walnut root, 105, 120, 202, 282, 327 ; make tours with the bridegroom, 108, 109, in, 114, 281-286, 333 ; beaten by the best- man, no, 346; smear henna on their hands and clothes, 113, 120, 327, 360 ; have fights with the married (or older married) men, 126, 396 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES 128, 131, 234, 269, 285, 286, 346 ; with the imsnein and women, 204, 223, 346; with the unmarried women, 237, 238, 269, 346 ; with the women, 245, 247, 261, 268, 346 ; the evil influences of the bride prevented from affecting, 210, 218, 327 ; put the bride's mother into a net, 246, 247, 349 ; must have a share of a certain dish partaken of by bride and bride- groom, 245, 262 ; receive dates and silver coins from the bride and her girl-friends, 282 sq. See Index of Arabic Words, islan j Index of Berber Words, islan Baganda, 369 Baghdad, 75 ., 160 n. 1 Bajar, 121 n. 1 Balkans, the, 368 Bangles, 100, 103, 106, 112, 124, 154 Barber, the family, 25, 132 Barley, 47, 67, 79, 182 ; cleaning of the, which is to be used for the wedding, 89 ; offered to the bride, 196, 198, 211, 216, 217, 361 ; given to the mare ridden by her, 196, 201, 207, 219, 348, 358; thrown by her on the people, 198, 211, 217, 348, 357, 361 sq. Bashfulness of the girl or bride, 22, 23, I5 6 > l6 3> 253, 254, 265, 299, 315, 345 ; of the young man, 22, 29, 32, 36, 42, 46, 48, 114, 117, 123, 126, 249, 252, 253, 271, 289, 309-317, 345 Bath, a public, earth from the entrance of, 28 ; haunted by jnun, 136 " Bath, the evening of the hot," 140 Bathing or washing of thejiance'e, bride, or young wife, 27, 136, 140, 141, 144, 146, 149, 151, 153, 155, 156, 161, 162, 208, 277, 296-298, 301- 303, 305, 306, 321, 351, 354, 356, 363 ; abstinence from, 114, 115, 290, 324; of the bridegroom, 118, 120, 126, 127, 155, 228, 266, 321 j as a cure for sterility, 351 sq. See Ablutions Beans, 50, 79 Beating, smacking, or tapping, of the bridegroom, 104, 107-109, 120, 121, 198, 199, 223, 252, 256-258, 323, 356 sq. ; of the bride, 157-159, 162, 214, 217, 223, 235, 237, 244, 248, 250, 256, 323, 356 sq. ; of the bride- groom's tent, 200, 204, 218, 327 Bedouins, 55 n. 2 , 56 n. 1 , 74 . 2 , 161 sq. n. 3 , 163 sq. n.*, 1 88 n. 1 , 215 n. 1 , 265 n? sq., 289 ., 291 . 2 , 339 n. 1 See Aeneze, Ahl el Shemal, Al-Hijaz, Beni Saher, Hadramaut, Moab, Mount Sinai, Shammar Bees, 337, 340 Bel, A., 166 . Belt, 69, 82, 84, 178 ; the bride wearing no, 146, 148, 237, 244, 263, 264, 324, 331 5 the bride's, 152, 210, 249, 253, 260, 282, 286, 325, 354 j the bridegroom wearing no, 225, 264, 281, 293, 324, 350; opening of a woman's, 262 ; the young wife's, 304 sq. " Belt, the day of the," 293 sq. " , the opening of the," 159, 237, 239, 241, 244, 253, 262 sq. Belting of the bride, 292-295, 298, 325, 331, 348, 350; of the bride- groom, 293 Benhazera, Maurice, 163 n. 3 , 215 n.\ 223 . 2 , 255 n. 1 , 289 n. Beni Ahsen, 339 w. 1 Mgild, 6 1 n. Mter. See Ait Nd.er Saddgn. See Ait Sadden Saher, 164 . SnQs, 118 n. 1 , 256 n. 2 , 263 n. 1 , 266 >;. 2 , 294 ., 3 14 . Ultd, 271 sq. Warain. See Ait Warain Waryagal. See Ait Waryagal Berber sounds, rendering of, 12 sq. Berbers, 2-5, 10, 59, 60, 328, 339, 367 sq. ; marriages between Arabs and, 56 sq. ; marriage by purchase among the, 77. See At Buzeggu, At Zihri, At 'Amar, At Shbel, At Lme'di, At" Yiznasen, At Ya'la, At Ubahti, Briber, Drawa, Ruafa, ShlBh Bertholon, L., 367 sqq. Best-man, the, 94, 97-99, 102-104, J 6- no, 113, 119, 120, 127, 128, 130, 182, 230, 234-236, 242, 244-246, 248, 249, 251, 265-267, 272, 273, 282, 285, 286, 308, 315; smears henna on his own hands, 98, 113, 120, 327, 346 Betrothal, Chap. I. p. 15 sqq. Bhafa. See At Ubahti Biarnay, S., 1 60 .*, 161 n.\ 265 n. 2 , 289 n. Bissuel, H., 19 ., 218 H. 1 , 222 . 3 Black cloak, the b-idegroom dressed in a, 114; assuming a, 253 man, the animal on which the bride is taken to her new home led by a, 184, 187. See Negroes GENERAL INDEX 397 Black woman, the bride attended by a, 141, 156, 194, 227, 276 sq. See Index of Arabic Words, nggtifa Blessings, 24, 25, 31, 43, 44, 48, 103- 105, 107, 112, 132, 138, 140, 199, 208, 226, 284, 287, 364 ; pronounced on the bridegroom, 95-97, 128, 129, 155, 199, 231, 232, 244, 248, 258, 275, 280, 347} on the bride, 159, 194, 195, 199, 200, 232, 248, 250, 258, 292, 347. See Index of Arabic Words, fatha Blood, as a prophylactic or means of purification, 210, 219, 262, 263, 294, 295, 305, 327 ; of a fowl or pigeon, as a substitute for hymeneal blood, 229, 240, 241, 243, 246, 248, 270; haunted by jr,Bn, 343. See Hymeneal Blood, Menstruation, Virginity letting, 337 revenge^ 44, 80, 116 ; a cause of early marriages, 49 ; of polygamy, 328 Boulifa. See Sai'd Boulifa Boy, a, paints the bridegroom with henna and accompanies him, 113, 114, 119; ceremonies supposed to promote the birth of, 154, 155, 168, 172, (I74-I7 6 . '79. l8l > l8 S) J9 1 , (192), 2OO-2O2, 221, 222, 292, 293, 297 j shut up inside the bridal box, 168 ; riding the animal on which the bride is going to be taken to her new home, 172, 175, 191, 192, 349 ; riding behind or in front of her on the same animal, 172, 174, 176, 179, 181, 185, 191, 349 ; leading the animal on which she rides, 183 ; riding on it alone round the bride- groom's house after the bride has been lifted down, 211, 218 $ or boys, belting the bride, 292, 293, 350 ; gives her water to drink and washes her face, 297, 350 "Boys, the threshold of," 201, 221 sq. Braber, 2-5, 65 j marrying women from Arab tribes or Fez, 57 ; runaway wives among the, 60 sqq. j chastity of girls among the, 243. See Ait Warain, Ait Nder, Ait Sadden, Ait Yusi, Beni Mgild, Zemmur Bracelets, 83, 91 Brand, John, 216 ., 257 . 2 Bread, 46, 50, 88, 90, 170, 181, 194, 231, 233, 243, 250, 251, 253, 277, 291, 292, 295, 296, 299, 302, 307- 310, 322, 323, 347, 362 ; thrown on the bridal box or the bride, 195, 213, 216, 217, 358, 361 ; applied to her when girdled, 292 j offered to her and other women when she goes to fetch water, 297 sq. " Breakfast, the," 278 " of the drawers, the," 246 sq. Breaking, of an egg, 8, 131, 151, 195, 218, 218 sq. n. 2 ; of the henna bowl, 99, 101, 108, 109, 121, 149, 162, 323 ; of earthenware vessels, 121, 343 ; of a mug, 131, 323 Bridal box, 53, 70, 81, 129, 166-170, 189, 195/197. 3 2 2, 323. 3.25, S 26 , 345. 363 j bread and dried fruit thrown over the, 195, 197, 216 procession, 165 sqq., 326 ; con- sidered a cause of ill-luck, 190 sq. "Bridal box, the day of the," 129, 195 Bride, the fiance dressed up as a, 25-27, 323 ; Arabic and Berber names for, 86 ; the young wife dressed up as a, 301 , the, haunted by evil spirits, 26, 27, 160, 187, 188, 237, 255, 256, 321, 342 ; imitating the appearance of a man, 27, 152, 153, 163, 174, 187, 188, 323 5 protected from the evil eye, 27, 138, 150 n. 1 , 165, 168, 187-189, 213, 217, 321-323, 326, 358 ; accompanied by women dressed like herself, 27, 165, 187, 323 5 taken to the bridegroom's place in a bridal, box, 53, 70, 81, 129, 166-170, 189, 195. !97, 3 22 > 323. 325. 326, 345 5 if not found to be a virgin, 71, 73, 159, 229, 230, 232, 236, 240, 243, 246, 248-250, 252-254, 270 j silver coins worn by or offered to, 72, 73, 146, 147, 150, 157, 162-164, 174, 191, 207, 250, 258, 262 . 2 , 322, 347, 357 j days for fetching, 86 sq. ; her dress, 92, 142-144, 146, 148, 152-154, 156- 158, 163, 174, 175, 178, 187, 188, 194, 250, 261, 275-277, 321, 323; grit thrown on, 95, 214, 320 ; cere- monies supposed to make the husband fond of or prevent him from quarrelling with, 101, 136, 143, 147, 158, 164, 170, 235, 236, 258, 260, 355 ; receives money from the bridegroom imme- diately before or after the connection, "3, 159, 237, 239, 241, 242, 244, 248, 251, 253, 262, 263, 325 j after he has coiffed her, 248, 261, 3255 when he meets her, 250, 258, 262 . 2 ; after he has girdled her, 294, 325 ; on other occasions, 148, 152, 155 (261 n. 1 , 276, 325) ; ceremonies supposed 398 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES to make her fruitful, 127, 128, 143, (53) !54, i55,( l62 ), l6 4, 168,172, ('74), i75 ( J 76, i79)> l8o > (8i, 185), 191, (192), 195, 200-202, 221, 222, 230, 232, 244, 246, 247, 255, 258, 269, 292, 293, 297, 348-35I. (353) 5 ceremonies in her home, Chap. IV. p. 136-164, 329; bathing or washing of, 136, 140, 141, 144, 146, 149, 151, 153, 155, 156, 161, 162, 208, 277, 296-298, 321, 354, 356, 363; painted with henna, 136, 137, 141, 142, 144-151, 153-158, 160-164, 175, 178, 185, 188, 242, 252, 295, 320-322, 332, 333, 353, 355 ; accom- panied by unmarried girls, 137, 139- 142, 144, 145, 155, 156, 158, 169, 184, 197, 208, 346, 363 ; has her face covered, 137, 138, 142, 147, 148, 152, 156, 163, 172, 174, 179, 181, 184, 185, 189, 196, 203, 212, 219, 296, 2 99> 3 22 ' 3 2 5> 3 26 345 5 danced about on a small table, 137, 138, 194; keeps her eyes closed, 138, 194, 275 ; ceremonial giving of money (grama) in her home, 138, 139, 142, 146, 148, X 49> *55? 1 ^4"> 347 5 kissed by her mother, 138 sq. ; the presence of women guests supposed to bring good luck to, 139, 364; mounted on a platform receives presents from guests and relatives, 139 sq. ; carried, 141, 1 44. H5> J 48, 163, 168, 169, 172, 174, 181-1X5, 188, 189, 195-198, 2OI, 205, 2O7, 2O8, 210, 212, 214, 219, 220, 220 sq. n. 2 , 223, 324, 345 ; attended by a black woman, 141, 156, 194, 227, 276 sq. ; ceremonies and observances supposed to make her remain in her new home, 141, 149, 150, 161, 169, 170, 172, 179, 189, 190, 202, 208, 222, 349, 353 sq. j seated on a mattress, 142 ; dressed in the haytk sent by her betrothed, while its fringe is being plaited, 142, 143, 260, 265, 354 ; crying, 143-145, 149, 157, 163, 169, 172, 174, 354; liable to be robbed by the married women, 144, 346 ; does not eat much, 144, 196, 212, 323 ; dressed in fine or new clothes, 144, 146, 148, 152-154, 156, 157, 175. "78, 194, 2 5. . 2 75' 2 77, 32 1 j sends food to the bridegroom, 144, 355 ; makes tours with her girl- friends, 145, 155 sq j milk offered to or sprinkled on, 145, 164, 170-174, 177, 1 80, 182, 183, 185, 190, 194, 203, 207, 210, 212-216, 218, 326, 347, 357, 361 ; hospitality given her in the houses she visits with her girl- friends, 145, 156 ; wears no belt, 146, 148, 237, 244, 263, 264, 324, 331 (cf., on the other hand, 210) ; mounts the sheep which is to be slaughtered and boxes its ears, 146, 157, 158, 330, 355 ; ceremonies performed with a view to making her dear to the bride- groom's family, 147, 150, 164, 209, 2I 7> 357 s q-'y has the backs of her slippers pulled up, 147-150, 156, 159, 163, 290, 323, 331 sq. j her glance dangerous to others, 148, 163, 172, 181, 189, 219, 326; has her hair dishevelled, 148, 169, 172, 247, 261, 264, 291, 321, 328, 331 j her head- gear, 148, 172, 211, 235, 256, 277; swords crossed over her head, 149,155, 162, 322'; new slippers put on her feet, 150, 321 j a needle put into her right slipper, 150, 162, 237, 290, 322 ; an egg tied round her forehead, 151 ; ceremonies intended to facilitate the defloration of, 151, 152, 164, 177'. i79> J 9 2 ( 2 3 2 26 4 *?)> 348 j appoints her imsnein, 151 ; ceremonies supposed to give her power over her husband, 151, 157, 158, 164, 198, 199, 223, 235, 244, 252, 256, 257, 330, 355 sq. ; dressed in clothes sent by the bridegroom, 152-154, 156, 157, 175, 178, 261 ; carries a dagger, 152, 163, 322 sq. ; a circle painted with saffron on her lixar, 152, 322 ; grinds wheat over her uncovered right thigh, 153, 162, 353 ; painted with saffron, 153, 154, 161, 242, 243, 266, 295, 322 ; with antimony and walnut root, 153, 161, 193, 242, 266, 275, 2 83> 2 95> 3 22 J with ochre, 153, 193, 275, 283, 295 ; ceremonies practised with a view tp making her a mother of sons, 154, 155, 168, 172, (174-176, 179, 181, 185), 191, (192), 200-202, 221, 222, 292, 293, 297, 348 sqq . ; appears bashful, 156, 163, 253, 254, 265, 299, 315, 345 ; con- fined to her dwelling, 156, 157, 163, 291, 323 ; tapped by her brother with his slipper, 157, 162, 323; smacked, tapped, or beaten by the bridegroom, 158, 159, 162, 235, 237, 244, 248, 250, 256, 323, 356 sq. 5 performs a ceremony intended to prevent her husband getting angry with her, 158 ; marks of her virginity, 159, 228,230, 232, 233, 236, 237, 239-243, 245, GENERAL INDEX 399 246, 248-254, 266-268, 362, 368 ; the defloration of, announced by the bridegroom pulling up the backs of his slippers, 159, 251, 253, 254, 266 ; by his sending dried fruit to her parents, 228 ; by a quivering noise, 228, 233, 236, 237, 240, 242, 245, 249, 253, 267, 322 ; by shooting, 233, 236, 237, 240, 242, 245, 249, 251, 253, 266, 322 ; by her dabbing a small spot of blood on either cheek, 246 ; aimed at by witchcraft, 172, 173, 179, 324 ; performed by somebody else than the bridegroom, 271 sqq. ; blessings pronounced on, 159, 194-, J 9S> X 99> 200, 232, 248, 250, 258, 292, 347 ; ceremonies intended to purify or protect, 160-163, 2 9> 2 9 l i 3 21 *?? 5 baraka attributed to, 160, 171, 179, 183, 190, 191, 195, 196, 205, 208, 211, 217, 245, 246, 302, 331, 359 sqq,', held to be very susceptible to harmful supernatural influences, 160, 289, 290, 321, 342, 360 ; fetching of, Chap. V. p. 165 sqq. ; dragging her foot, 165, 363 ; guarded against witchcraft, 165, 172. i73> i7S *7 6 *79> l8 5, 187, 188, 324; avoids the sight of water, 1 66, 187, 324; the sight of her dangerous to others, 169, 189, 326 ; stones thrown after, 169-171, 173, 176, 177, 179, 180, 190, 323, 326, 353, 357 ; ceremony said to cause her to take her evil with her, 170, 190, 326 ; ceremonies said to make her a good wife, 170, 174, 191, 211, 222, 357 ; ceremonies supposed to rid her of evil influences, 171, 177, 190, 191, 194, 195, 197, 203, 207,208, 214-218, 321 sqq., 357 sq. ; ceremony said to make her happy in her marriage, 171 ; ceremony intended to make her husband die and cause her to return to her old home, 171 sq.-^ must not turn her head, 172, 189, 295, 324, 353 sq, ; the proper time for her arrival at the bridegroom's place, 173, 175, 182, 222, 320 ; dressed in a man's cloak, 174, 188 ; gives money to the person who spreads his cloak or h&y/fk in front of her, 175, 176, 179, 191, 361 ; avoids stepping on the ground, 176, 179, 185, 188, 189, 212, 324; ceremony said to make her and the people round her carry away the evil of the village, 176, 177, 190, 326 ; sprinkled with a mixture of henna and water, 177, 190, 326 ; receives presents from the bridegroom, 178, 276, 279 ; sprinkled with water, 180, 203, 209, 215, 216, 326, 347, 348, 3575 her beauty liable to be taken away by her mother, 181 sq. ; sweet-scented plant carried in front of, 184, 188 ; must not tread on the threshold, 185, 189, 219, 220 sq. . 2 , 324 ; crosses a river three times to and fro, 185, 190, 326 ; taken three times round a shrine. 185, 186, 190, 326; regarded as a source of danger to others, 191, 200, 201, 203, 204, 208, 210, 215-217, 219, 325 sqq., 360 ; arrival and re- ception of, Chap. VI. p. 193 sqq. ; painted with hdrqos, 193, 275, 283 ; with biad I-ujnA, 193, 275 ; kissed by the bridegroom's mother, 194 ; the animal ridden by her subject to certain ceremonies, 194-196, 201, 205, 207, 211, 214,218,219, 327,348,357^.; ceremony said to make her a blessing to her husband, 194, 195, 357 sq. ; bread thrown on the bridal box or, 195, 213, 216, 217, 358, 361 ; dried fruit thrown on the bridal box or, 195, 197, 206, 209, 212-214, 216, 217, 320, 353, 358, 361 ; must not be seen, 195, 198, 219 ; barley offered to, 196, 198, 2n, 216, 217, 353, 357> 3*> : j throws it on the people, 198, 211, 217, 348, 357, 361 sq. ; t s rld offered to, 196, 216, 217, 353, 362 ; throws it on the people, 196, 217, 362 ; kisses the head of the person who lifts her into the nuptial chamber or tent, 196, 207 ; taken round the bridegroom's house or tent, 196-198, 200, 206, 209, 215, 326, 331 ; round the mosque of his village, 199, 200, 203, 208, 215, 326, 331, 332, 349; round his village, 203, 215, 326 ; taam offered to, 197, 216, 322, 327, 353 ; throws it over her head, 197, 217, 322, 327 ; wheat offered to, 197, 198, 216, 217, 322, 327, 353, 357; throws it over her head, 197, 217, 322, 327, 357 ; on the people, 198, 217, 348, 357 ; flour offered to, 197, 207, 214, 216, 322, 327 ; throws it over her head, 197, 207, 208, 217, 322, 327 ; tsisa offered to, 197, 216, 322, 327, 353 ; throws it over her head, 197, 217, 322, 327 ; sprinkles water on the people, 198, 216, 348 ; smacks or tries to smack the bridegroom with 4OO MARRIAGE CEREMONIES her slipper, 198, 199, 223, 252, 256- 2 58 323* 33, 356; robbed, 200, 204, 223, 325, 346; performs a re- ligious ceremony, 200, 205, 208, 214, 218, 349 j beats the bridegrooms tent with a cane, 200, 204, 218, 327, 331 ; flings the cane at it, 200, 205 j smears butter on the horizontal pole supporting its roof, 201, 205, 207, 221 y performs a ceremony said to make the corn plentiful in the household, 201, 219, 358 ; taken to the four corners of the bridegroom's tent, 2OI, 2O2, 221, 222, 348 sq. ; one of the tent-poles put into her lap, 202, 349 sq. j must not eat publicly, 203, 207, 221, 240, 241, 273, 323; must refrain from speaking or speak- ing aloud, 203, 207, 212, 221, 244, 253, 295, 323 j must not be spoken to, 203, 324; red raisins offered to, 204, 216, 353, 358; throws them over her head, 204 ; hurls a lamb over the bridegroom's tent, 204, 221, 361 ; omens indicating whether she will rule over her husband or vice versa, 205, 252, 321 ; the amsnai dancing with her seated on his shoulder, 206 ; the bridegroom's mother offering her aftt'dl on her uncovered thigh, 206 ; ceremony supposed to make her and her mother- in-law friendly to one another, 206, 222, 357 ; receives a coin from the man who lifts her into the bride- groom's tent, 207 ; sprinkles milk on the people, 207, 361 ; throws dried fruit on the people, 208, 362 ; kisses her mother-in-law, 208 ; her right foot and hand washed over one of the fire-stones, 208, 354 ; ceremony in- tended to make her fond of the cattle, 208, 222, 357 ; her kerchief tied round the head of a donkey, 208 sq. ; omens indicating whether she will remain with her husband, 208, 209, 247, 248, 321 j whether her and her husband's conduct will be straight, 209, 321 ; henna or blood smeared on the saddle in which she has ridden, 210, 219, 327 ; taken between the bridegroom's legs, 211, 357 ; kissed by the bridegroom, 211 ; water offered her to drink, 212, 215 ; henna offered to, 214, 217, 326 ; the bridegroom attempting to strike, 214, 217, 223, 356 ; pretends to feel reluctance against marrying, 220 ; gives the bridegroom two kerchiefs and a cord for keeping up the trousers, 226, 260, 261, 354; threads the cord through his trousers, 227, 260, 354 ; money put on her drawers, 228, 269 ; knots made in the cord of her drawers, 232, 264 ; waves her slipper toward the door of the nuptial chamber, 235, 256, 356 j kisses the bridegroom's hand, 235, 258, 357 ; the cane - work of her headgear crushed by the bridegroom, 235, 256, 323 ; if obstinate tied up, 235, 239, 242, 244, 248, 265 j evil spirits ex- pelled from, 237, (251), 256 ; one side of her hair plaited by the bride- groom, 237, 247, 248, 261, 355 ; removes his slippers, 237, 258, 356; must not doze, 237, 254, 323 tq. ; keeps on her slippers at night, 239, 290, 323, 331 ; eats with the imsnein or amsnai, 240, 241, 273, 288 ; kicked by the bridegroom, 242, 256, 356 ; throws her slipper at him, 244, 251, 256, 323, 356 j makes resistance, 244, 250, 251, 253, 265 j her drawers blown to pieces, 245, 267, 323 5 ceremony relating to the ribbon with which her hair is fastened, 247, 248, 261 ; her belt tied round the bride- groom's head, 249, 260, 354; the bridegroom throwing his slipper at, 251, 256, 323; her hair arranged in the fashion of married women, 252, 276 sq. ; joins in the dance of the people, 253, 268 ; beats the bride- groom with a piece of rock-salt, 258 ; the end of one of her plaits undone by the bridegroom, 261 w. 1 , 276, 325 ; the relations between her and her "vizier," 273; placed on a pile of mattresses, 275 sqq. ; her headgear changed, 277 ; receives money from the women of the bridegroom's village, 280 ; from her mother-in- law, 281 j gives dates and silver coins to the bridegroom and his bachelor friends, 282 sq. ; receives presents of food and a hen from him, 285 5 kisses the people visiting her on the head., 285 5 receives money from them, 285 5 her slippers not to be repaired, 290, 325 ; must abstain from bathing, 290, 324 ; remains in her seclusion till the sixth or seventh day after her arrival, 291, 333 j ceremonies to which she is subject on this day, 291 sqq. ; avoidance between her GENERAL INDEX 401 and her mother, 292, 3155 kisses her, 292 ; belting of, 292-295, 298, 325, 331, 348, 350 ; ceremonies fol- lowing upon the belting of, 295-299, 325, 348, 350; shy of her parents, 315 ; if she is a widow or divorced wife, 328 sqq. 5 the casting of corn, rice, or salt on the people or on, 343. See Fiancee, Young Wife Bride, mock-, 330 and bridegroom, eat together, 101, 227, 231, 237, 244, 250, 251, 253, 258-260, 275, 276, 281, 355, 362; covenanting between, 144, 145, 259- 261, 355 ; meeting of, and the morning after, 158-160, 171, Chap. VII. p. 225 sqq. ; the more beautiful of them per- forms the usual ablution before the other, 159, 269, 270, 350 ; their intercourse postponed, 227, 228, 241, 249, 250, 252, 253, 270, 271, 275 ; drink water together, 232, 257, 258, 356 ; avoid cleaning themselves with the same towel, 266, 350 ; have a bath together, 298 " Bride, the," 330 " , the feast of the," 171 " , the morning of the," 240 " , the prayer of the," 205 " , the present of the," 241 " , the reverent visit of the," 302 " , the seventh [day] of the," 294 Bride's brother, the, money paid to, 79- 82, 169, 1 86, 345 ; puts a silver coin in her right slipper, 157; puts her slippers on her feet, 157 ; taps her with his own slipper, 157 ; beaten by her girl-friends, 157 ; lifts her on to the animal on which she is taken to the bridegroom's place, 168, 171^ 174, 183 sqq. ; leads the animal, 170, 183, 187; rides with her on the same animal, 174, 176, 184 sq. ; spreads his cloak or Ifaylk on the ground for her to step on, 175, 176, 179, 191 ; receives money from her, 175, 176, 179, 191 ; if grown-up, avoids her during the wedding period, 176, 187, 315 ; lifts her out of the bridal box, 195, 223 ; lifts her into the bride- groom's house or tent, 197, 211-214, 223 ; has a fight with the bridegroom, 210, 211, 223, 3465 rides on the animal round the bridegroom's house, and keeps the bridle, 211, 212, 218 ; refuses to proceed to the door of the bridegroom's house, 213, 214, 223, 345 Bride's father, the, does not go to the wedding, 176, 181-185, l ^7i 3*5 5 cursed by the women, 197, 223, 346 ; avoids his daughter, 315 mother, the, kisses her daughter, 138 sq. ; drinks milk and eats a date, 139 ; gives presents to her daughter, 140 ; gives money to the fqira, 142 ; paints her daughter with henna, 147- 149, 161 ; does not accompany her to the bridegroom's place, 170, 171, 179, 181, 183, 184, 187, 315 ; accompanies her to the bridegroom's place, 172, 176, 179, 181, 183, 187; goes there afterwards, 181, 184, 291, 292, 310 5 crying, 174 ; may take away her daughter's beauty, 181 sq. ; gives a meal, 183, 204, 236, 238, 239, 243, 245-247, 249, 268, 269, 292, 299 ; receives money in return, 239, 243, 249 ; put into a net, 246, 247, 349 j subject to a ceremony intended to make her daughter fertile, 246, 247, 269 ; sends her daughter tables loaded with food, 277 sq. ; kissed by the bridegroom's parents on the head, 292; by her daughter, 292 ; by the bride- groom, 310 ; blesses her daughter, 292 ; avoidance between her and her daughter, 292, 315 " Bride's beginning and tying of the fl&ylk, the," 142, 143, 260, 349 " day of the neighbours, the," 146 " great night, the," 146 " little night, the," 144 Bridegroom, Arabic and Berber names for, 86 , the, sends a bullock or calf to the bride's house, 78, 146 ; ceremonies in his home previous to the fetching of the bride, Chap. III. p. 85 sqq.^ painted with henna, 90, 95, 97-102, 105, 107- 122, 124, 125, 171, 199, 238, 242, 248, 260, 321 sq. ; throws grit on the bride, 95, 214, 320 ; blessings pro- nounced on, 95-97, 128, 129, 155, 199, 231, 232, 244, 248, 258, 275, 280, 347 j his face covered up, 96, 97, 102, 105, 106, 108, in, 112, 114, 123, 126, 128, 131, 175, 198, 225, 233, 239, 250, 254, 266, 282, 283, 287, 289, 314, 315, 322, 345 ; accompanied by his bachelor friends, 96-99, 102, 106-110, 113-115, 118, 126, 128, 130-132, 148, 211, 230, 233, 236, 239, 281-287, 333, 346, 363 ; regarded as a sultan, 97, 102, 106, 113, 118, 274; carries a sword, 2 D 402 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES 97 ., 99, 102, 106, 108, in, 123, 2 3S, 237, 239. 242, 244, 251, 255, 282, 290, 322 ; must not eat much, 99, 123, 323 ; must not eat or drink in public, 99, 123, 130, 234, 323; dressed in a white cloak, 99, 106, in, 124, 253, 347, 357; his dress, 99, 102, 106, in, 114, 115, 120, 124, 126-128, 225, 227, 253, 260, 261, 291, 321, 324, 347, 354, 357 ; swords crossed in front of him or over his head, 99, 104, 106-109, 112, 123, 322 ; seated on a skin-sack, 100, 102, 103, 106, 123 ; on a carpet, 102, 106, 123, 130 ; on a saddle, 105, 115, 123; on a chair, 132; on a mattress, 227 ; ceremonial giving of money (gr&ma) in his home, 100, 103- 105, 107, 109, 111-113, ll ^i I2 4' 125, 132, 226, 227, 234, 254, 269, 347 ; subject to the ceremony called r-rfof, 102-104, 119, 3225 has his head shaved, 102, 106, 120, 127, 130- X 33> 321 j dressed in new clothes, 102, 120, 128, 225, 321 ; wears new slippers, 102, 120, 321 ; wears slippers bought with money out of the bride's ihare of the dowry, 102, 260, 354; pulls up the backs of his slippers, 102, 109, in, 112, 114, 123, 124, 159, 251, 253, 254, 266, 290, 323 ; beaten by his bachelor friends, (104), 107- 109, 120, 121, 323, 346 ; by men and women of the bride's village, 198, !99> 223, 323, 345 sq. ; by the bride, 198, 199, 223, 252, 256-258, 323, 330, 356; by the women assembled outside his house, 211, 223, 323, 346 ; charms worn by, 104, 105, 123, 290, 322 j painted with antimony, 105, 233, 242, 266, 282, 322 ; with wal- nut root, 105, 242, 266, 282, 322 ; makes tours with his friends, 108, 109, in, 114, 281-286, 333 ; carried or lifted, 109, no, 123, 128, 130, 132, 133, 324 j gives money when painted with henna, in; carries a pistol, 112, 123, 248, 255, 290, 322 ; baraka attributed to, 113, 118, 121, 125-127, 359 iqq. ; gives money to the bride immediately before or after the connection, 113, 159, 237, 239, 241, 242, 244, 248, 251, 253, 262, 263, 325 ; after he has coiffed her, 248, 261, 325 ; when he meets her, 250, 258, 262 . 2 ; after he has girdled her, 294, 325 ; on other occasions, 148, 152, 155, (261 n. 1 , 276, 325) ; appears bashful, 114, 123, 126, 289, 310, 345 ; dressed in a black cloak, 114, 124; praying, 114, 115, 130, 230-232, 234, 244, 250, 251, 255, 266, 280, 323, 350; ab- stains from bathing or washing, 114, 115, 290, 324; performs an ablution, "5 159. 232, 234, 244, 250, 251, 255, 266, 269 sq. ; abstains from changing his clothes, 115, 291, 324 ; confined to his house, 117, 123, 281, 286, 289, 323 j shy of his parents, 117, 249, 252, 253, 271, 288, 313 sqq. ; bathing or washing of, 118, 120, 126, 127, 155, 228, 266, 321 ; purified or protected from evil in- fluences, 118-124,289-291,321 sqq. ; surrounded by supernatural dangers, 118, 119, 289, 290, 321, 334,342, 360; carries a dagger, 123, 211, 250, 256, 322 ; wears a k&yik, the fringe of which has been plaited in the bride's home, 126, 127, 143, 260, 354 ; washed clean of his henna, 126 sq. ; attacked by the married men, 126, 128, 131, 233, 234, 269, 286, 346; his shaved-off hair, 127, 230, 231, 324; wears clothes presented to him by the bride, 127, 354; accompanied by scribes, 128, 130, 198, 199, 280, 357 ; by shereefs, 128 ; performs a religious rite, 129, 323 ; must not speak aloud, 129, 323 ; breaks a mug and an egg with a kick, 131, 323 ; food sent to him from the bride's house, 144, 259, 355 ; sends clothes to the bride, 152- 154, 156, 157, 175, 178, 261, 276, 279; gives her dried fruit, 158 ; smacks, taps, or beats her, 158, 159, 162, 235, 237, 244, 248, 250, 256, 323, 356 ; tries to get power over his wife, 158, 159, 162, 217, 232, 235, 237,242,244, 250, 256, 258, 356; his presents to the bride returned if she is not found to be a virgin, 159, 229, 236 ; goes to fetch the bride, 167, 175, 186 n. 1 ; almost invariably stays at home when the bride is fetched, 168, 169, 186 ; sends various presents to her, 178 ; milk given to, 194 ; rushes through his tent together with two men dressed like him, 198, 330, 356; givei money to scribes, 199 5 omens indicating whether his and his wife's conduct will be straight, 209, 321 ; sham-fight between the bride's brother or uncle and, 210, 211, 223, 346 ; the bride taken between GENERAL INDEX 403 his legs, 211, 357 ; puts her down on the bed, 211 5 kisses her, 211 ; gives a silver coin to every woman guest at the wedding, 212 ; throws dried fruit on the bride, 212-214, 216, 3205 throws bread on her, 213, 21 6 j attempts to strike her with a cane, 214, 217, 223, 356; wears no belt, 225, 264, 281, 293, 324, 350 ; mounts a ladder, 225; receives from the bride two kerchiefs and a cord for keeping up the trousers, 226, 260, 354; sends dried fruit to her parents, 228 ; if he falsely accuses her of not being a virgin, 229 sq. 5 kisses his parents' heads or hands, 230, 280, 288 ; steps over the bundle of old clothes con- taining his shaved-off hair, 231, 324 ; must not look back, 231, 250, 255, 324; performs certain water cere- monies, 231, 232, 255, 321 j makes a recitation from the Koran, 232, 255, 266, 323 j blesses the bride and himself, 232 ; asks God to bless him with children, 232, 244, 258 ; unties seven knots made in the cord of the bride's drawers, 232, 264; kissed on the head by the bride's haddayln, 233 ; gives money to them, 233 5 robbed, 233, 234, 269, 286, 325, 346 ; does not speak, 234, 244, 255, 323 ; cuts a rope, 235, 237, 256, 323 ; kissed by the bride, 235, 258, 357 ; crushes the cane-work of her headgear, 235, 256, 323 ; burns incense, 235, 237, 244, 255, 322 ; expels evil spirits, 237, (251), 256 ; throws away the needle which has been put in the bride's slipper, 237, 256, 323 ; plaits one side of her hair, 237, 247, 248, 261, 355 5 the bride removing his slippers from his feet, 237, 258, 356 ; keeps his slippers on his feet at night, 239, 290, 323 ; has a meal with the imsnein, 241 ; kicks the bride, 242, 256, 356 ; the bride throwing her slipper at, 244, 251, 256, 323, 356 ; makes fdtha, 244, 250 ; the bride's belt tied round the crown of his head, 249, 260, 286, 354 ; greets the bride, 250 ; puts his right foot over the threshold of the nuptial chamber before he makes his entrance by a third step, 251, 254, 255, 324 sq. ; throws his right slipper at the bride, 251, 256, 323 j fires off his gun, 251, 253, 266, 322 ; joins in the dance of the people, 251-253, 268, 323 ; if he finds the bride to be a virgin, 251-254, 266, 268 ; if he finds her not to be a virgin, 252-254, 270; puts on a black cloak, 253 ; undoes the end of one of the bride's plaits and puts on her hair a silver coin, 261 H. 1 , 276, 325 j takes care that no offspring can result from the defloration of her, 265, 266, 350 ; the defloration of her performed by somebody else than, 271 sqq. ; gives a banquet, 278 sq. ; remains with the bride, 281, 286, 3315 and his bachelor friends receive dates and silver coins from the bride and her female friends, 282 sq. 5 one of his bachelor friends imitating his dress, 284 ; and his bachelor friends go out to hunt, 286 sq. ; receives dried fruit and silver money from his sisters and female cousins and friends, 287 sq. ; gives the donors money and blessings in return, 287 sq, j does no work, 289 ; has a needle in his right slipper, 290, 322 ; his slippers must not be repaired, 290, 325 ; must not have his head shaved, 290, 3245 resumes his belt, 293; gives a garden party for his friends, 293 ; kisses the bride's mother on the head, 310; if he is not a bachelor, 328 sqq. ; slaughters a sheep or goat, 333. See Fiance, Young Husband " Bridegroom, the earthenware dish of the," 291 " , the evening of the," 117 sq. " , the ride of the," 129 " and bride, the seventh day of the," 293 Bridegroom's brother, the, goes to fetch the bride, 168, 169, 171, 172, 181, 182, 184 j lifts her on to the animal on which she is taken to her new home, 172, 181, 187 ; gives her a silver coin, 174, 191, 207, 357 ; if a little boy, rides the animal on which she is going to be taken to her new home, 175 ; if grown-up, must not see her, 178, 186 ; lifts her into the bridegroom's house or tent, 196-198, 207, 208, 223 ; kissed by her on the head, 196, 207 ; tied up by the married men, 280 father, the, avoided by his son, 48, 313 ; distributes wheat to be ground for the wedding, 94 ; takes the money given at his son's henna-ceremony, too, 104, 109 ; receives presents of food from guests, 101 ; avoids his son, 106, 279, 3 1 3 sq. j does not go to fetch 404 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES the bride, 165, 169, 172, 178, 180- 184, 1 86 ; goes sometimes to fetch her, 169, 172, 180; cursed by the women, 197, 223, 346; gives barley to the bride on her arrival, 211 ; kissed by his son on the head or hand, 230, 280, 288 ; blesses him, 231, 280 ; examines the ribbon with which the bride's hair is to be fastened, 248 ; takes part in a banquet with his son, 279 ; kisses the bride's mother on the head, 292 Bridegroom's mother, the, blesses her son, 97, 231, 280 ; carries a bundle of her son's old clothes with his shaved-off hair inside, 127, 128, 230, 247, 349 ; performs ceremonies supposed to make the marriage fruitful, 127, 128, 154, 195, 199, 222, 230, 247, 269, 348 sq. j dresses the bride, 154 ; does not go to fetch her, 169, 171, 182, 184, 186 ; goes to fetch her, 172, 175, 178, 180 sq. ; leads the animal ridden by her, 172, 176 (cf. 179); kisses her, 194; drinks milk and eats a date, 194; ceremonies with which she receives the bride, 194-198, 201, 202, 204- 210, 212, 213, 2I6-2I9, 221, 222, 357 S 1- 5 carries a sieve on her back, 195, 199, 247, 349 ; gives dates and incense to scribes, 199 ; robbed of her headgear, 200, 223, 346 j ceremony intended to make her and her daughter- in-law friendly to one another, 206, 222, 357 ; kissed by the bride, 208 ; by her son on the head or hand, 230, 280, 288 ; sups with the bride, 211 ; gives a meal, 280 ; gives a dollar to the bride, 281 ; has her hair dis- hevelled, 291, 328 j kisses her mother on the head, 292 ; gives busiyar to the bride and other women, 297 ; subject to a curious ceremony together with the bride, 298 sq. sister, the, keeps hold of the point of her brother's hood when he is smeared with flour or henna, 103, 106 ; makes a quivering noise on the same occasion, 103, 107 ; takes the money which is knocked on his head, 103 ; paints him with henna, 105, 112, 119; receives money from the people when he is painted with henna, 107, 112 ; paints the bride with henna, 149, 150, 161 sisters, the, go to fetch the bride, 169, 175 ; keep hold of the tail of the animal on which the bride is taken to her new home, 176 ; robbed of their headgears, 200, 223, 346 ; give their brother a present of dried fruit and money, 287 sq. ; receive money and blessings in return, 287 sq. " Bridegroom's night, the," 95 Bride-price, 42-44, 47, 75 sqq., 243, 270. See Dowry Bridle, the, of the animal on which the bride is taken to her new home, 91, 211 sq. Brotherhood (tada or (ado), 57 sqq. Brothers-in-law, avoided, 310 sqq. Buhan, el-, 85 n.\ 86 n. 3 , 256 n. 1 Bullocks, 30, 33, 77, 78, 82, 125, 146, 303, 361 Buns, 24, 142 Burckhardt, J. L., 1 8 . 2 , 19 ., 55 . 2 , 56 n., 59 n. 1 , 74 . 2 , 87 n. 1 , I2O . 6 , 163 . 4 , 164 n., 188 . and n. 1 , 215 a. 1 , 219 n. 1 , 258 . 2 , 263 . 3 , 265 . 2 sq., 268 n. 1 , 291 . 2 Burton, Sir Richard F., 17 n. 2 , 56 n. and -\ 74 - 2 > 3 68 > 37 Butter, 24, 29-31, 33, 40, 43, 45, 47, 67, 77, 78, 82, 88, 171, 181, 183, 243, 251, 308 j methods of making it plentiful, 171, 201, 205-207, 221, 347, 361 j smeared by the bride on the horizontal pole supporting the roof of the bridegroom's tent, 201, 205, 207, 221 Buttermilk, 261 Cadamosto. See Alvise Cadamosto Cairns, 129, 309 Cairo, 19 ., 74 n. 2 , 120 . 2 , . 4 , and n. 6 , 160 . x , 161 n. 2 , 219 n. 1 , 258 . 2 , 263 H. 3 , 268 n. 1 Calassanti-Motylinski, A. de, 160 n.\ 266 . 2 Camel, the bride taken to the bride- groom's place on a, 168, 173, 174, 183, 184, 191 Canary Islands, the, 272 n. Candles, 29, 40, 43, 47, 78, 97, 98, 104, 121, 122, 130, 132, 136, 139, 144, 145, 162, 166, 187, 226, 230, 231, 248, 252, 292, 295, 296, 301, 322, 3 2 5 Cape Spartel, 341 Cattle, ceremonies supposed to increase the, 201, 204, 221, 222, 232, 298, 347 ; sprinkled with water to make the bride fond of them, 208, 357 ; with henna, 303 Celebes, 26 n. 1 Central Africa, 369 GENERAL INDEX 405 Ceremonies, motives for, 7-9, 344 ; the historical origin of, 9, 10, 367 sq. " Chamberlain, the Sultan's," 97. See Best-man Chantre, E., 367 sqq. Charity, a method of purification, 295, 298 Chastity of girls, 243, 246, 249 Cheapness, 202, 222, 348 Chemise, hoisted at a minaret, 28 ; a woman dancing with the bride's, 236, 241, 267 ; dancing round or in the presence of it, 236, 240, 241, 267. See Virginity Chenier, 56 . 4 , 220 n. 1 Cherbonneau, E., 64 n. 3 , 65 n. 2 Childbed woman, 363 sq. Childbirth, knots avoided at, 264 j defiling effect ascribed to, 341 sq. ; attended by all the married women of the village, 364 Children, custody of, 17. See Boys, Offspring Cleaning of the wheat or corn which is to be used for the wedding, the, 88-95, 39*?- " Cleaning of the corn, the day of the," 92 Cloves, 178 Cock. See Fowl Coin or coins, silver, 347, 357 ; sent by the fiance and put underneath a hand- mill, 33, 152 sq. ; worn by or offered to the bride, 72, 73, 146, 147, 150, 157, 162-164, X 74> I 9 I > 2O 7, 2 5> 258, 262 . 2 , 322, 357 j painted with henna, 107, 125 ; given by the bride- groom to the women guests at the wedding, 212 ; walked over by newly bought animals, 218 n? j given by the bride and her female friends to the bridegroom and his bachelor friends, 282 sq. 5 given to the bridegroom by his sisters and female cousins or friends, 287 sq. See Money Colebroows* T. E., 162 n. Combs, 83, 178 Compensation for marrying a runaway wife, 60 sqq, Conder, C. R., 1 88 . 5 , 216 n., 218 ., 222 n. Congratulations, 31, 233, 243, 248, 269 Consent, a woman's, to her marriage, 15, 1 6, 18, 19, 37, 42, 44, 45, 52, 59 sq. ; a son's, to his marriage, 18, 19, 2 9 34, 35, 37, 4i, 4 2 , 44, 46, 5 2 Consonants, transliteration of, n sq. Constantine, 162 . 3 , 189 n. 3 , 192 n., 263 sq. n. 3 Consummation of the marriage post- poned, 227, 228, 241, 249, 250, 252, 253,270, 271, 275, 314. See Bride and Bridegroom, meeting of ; De- floration of the Bride Contract of marriage, Chap. I. p. 15 sqq. ; written, 17, 52, 53, 69, 76 sq. Corn, may be used in ceremonies for a variety of purposes, 7 ; as hdiya, 30, 77 sq. j ceremonies supposed to in- crease the supply of, 195, 201, 216, 217, 219, 347, 358, 361, see Good Year, Rain j as a prophylactic, 261 ; must not be polluted, 335, 336, 339 sq. ; cast on the bride or the people, 343, 353 ; in danger of being stolen by jnBn, 343. See Barley, Durra, Wheat Cos, 26 n. 1 Cousins, marriages between, 21, 23, 49, 53 sqq- Covenanting, 144, 145, 259-261, 354 sq. Cowdung, 37, 269 Cows, 84, 303, 307, 309, 336 Cox, M. R., 257 n? Crawley, Ernest, I, 26, 27, 220 . 2 , 221 n. 1 , 270, 271, 317 n. Criers, 100, 105-107, 112, 132 Crooke, W., 27 ., 123 . 2 , 215 n.\ 216 ., 22O n. 2 , 221 n., 255 K. 1 , 258 n. 3 Crossings of streets, earth from, 28 " Crumbs, the," 297 Crying of the bride, 143-145, 149, 157, 163, 169, 172, 174 Cuckoo, 32 Curses, 28, 54, 180, 197, 223, 309, 339, 346 ; conditional, 38 n., 63, 259, 319, 364 sq. See Index of Arabic Words, 'a/- Customs, local influence on, 4 ; motives for, 7-9, 344 ; the historical origin of, 9, I0 , 3 6 7 sq. Dadeh Bazm Ara, 151 . Daggers, 89, 123, 152, 163, 197, 211, 221, 250, 256, 322, 356 Dancing, 36, 50, 90, 92, 94, 96, 114, 144, 178, 179, 206, 211, 251, 253, 268, 287, 314, 323, 344; with the henna bowl, 98, 99, 101, no, 121, 145, 149, 162, 360 sq. ; of ngSgef with a table on which the bride is seated, 137 sq. ; of the amsn&i with the bride seated on his shoulder, 206 ; of a woman with the blood-stained 406 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES 146 garment of the bride on her head, 236, 241, 267 ; round or in the presence of this garment, 236, 240, 241, 267 j the bridegroom joining in the, 251-253, 268 ; the bride joining in the, 253, 268 Dancing-boys, 96 girls, 96 Danger attaching to the sexual act, conception of, i, 26, 27, 271, 334 sqq. Dates, 25, 28, 34, 52, 83, 147, 150, 158, 164, 183, 194, 199, 209, 212-214, 216, 217, 226, 231, 233, 241, 249, 251, 253, 282, 283, 287, 299, 302, 310, 364; represent wealth, 25, 27, 28, 139, 164, 347 j of Tafilelt, 138 " Day of ambulation, the," 279 " of the bridal box, the," 129 " of the cleaning of the corn, the," 92 " of finishing, the," 31 ' of the flour, the," 92 " of the girdle, the," 293 sq. " of the morning, the," 274 of the neighbours, the bride's," of pouring, the," 136 " of the wedding, the," 140, 274 Days, for the celebration of marriages, 86 sq. j for the beginning of the autumn ploughing, 87 Dead people, the souls of, 342, 344 Death, the dowry in the case of the husband's, 65-68, 70-73, 76 j practices supposed to cause the husband's, 171, 172, 189, 353 sq. ; contagion of, 344 Defloration of the bride, the, ceremonies intended to facilitate, 151, 152, 164, 177, J79, !9 2 > ( 2 3 2 > 264, 265, 348) : announced by the bridegroom pulling up the backs of his slippers, 159, 251, 253, 254, 266 ; by his sending dried fruit to her parents, 228 ; by a quivering noise, 228, 233, 236, 237, 240, 242, 245, 249, 253, 267, 322 ; by shooting, 233, 236, 237, 240, 242, 245, 249, 251, 253, 266, 322 ; by the bride dabbing a spot of blood on either cheek, 246 ; aimed at by witchcraft, 172, 173, 179, 324 ; sham attempt to prevent, 232, 264, 348 ; the bride- groom taking care that no offspring can result from, 265 ; performed by somebody else than the bridegroom, 271 sqq. See Consummation of the Marriage, Virginity Demnat, 2, 6, 117 n. 3 , 252, 258 Descos. See Aubin Destaing, E., 118 n. 1 and . 3 , 256 . 2 T 263 n. 1 , 266 . 2 , 294 ., 314 n. Devil, the, 98, 122, 127, 129, 255, 256, 323, 33 8 > 344, 359 Diseases, curing of, 261, 262, 352 j caused by jnun, 343 Disguises at marriages, 25-27, I5 2 , '53' 163, 165, 174, 187, 188, 198, 199, 284, 3 2 3, 33 " Dish of the morning, the," 236 Divorce, easy, 19 5 the dowry in the case of, 65-73, 76, 79 ; practices supposed to prevent, 141, 149, !5> 161, 169, 170 (cf., however, 177), 179, 190, 202, 208, 222, 305, 349, 353 sq. j omens relating to, 208, 209, 247,248,321 ; of frequent occurrence, 328 Divorced wife, allowed to dispose of her own hand, 59 5 in her father's power, 59 sq. ; dowry given for a, 66-69, 7 1 * 73, 328 ; remarriage of a, 328 sqq. ; the wedding of a, 329 sqq. Dog of the house, the, ceremony to make it friendly with the young wife, 296, 357 Domestic animals, ceremonies supposed to increase the, 196, 201, 204, 219, 221, 222, 232, 298, 347 ; ceremony supposed to expel death from the, 200 ; sprinkled with water, 208 j with henna, 303, 362 Donkeys, 209, 340 Doughty, C. M., 338 n. 1 Doutte, Edmond, 6 . 8 , 7 ., 23 n. 1 , 53 n. 1 , 59 n. 1 , 96 ., 117 ii. 1 , Il8 H. 3 , 139 w. 1 , 152 n. 2 , 166 n. 1 Dowry, 17, 30, 31, 38, 39, 41, 45, 50, 52, 53, 64-77, 79, 8o ' 8z > 8 3> I02 i no, 154, 169, 180, 181, 260, 303, 354 ; for widows or divorced wives, 66-69, 7 I ~73, 3 z8 j returned if the bride is found not to be a virgin, 71, 73, 229, 236, 243, 246, 270 ; one- half of it returned, 246, 270 Dozy, R., 96 n., 139 n.\ 166 ., 168 n? Drawa, 2 sq. " Drawers, the," 228, 229, 275 " , the money of the," 251, 262 Dress, the bride's, 92, 142-144, 146, 148, 152-154, 156-158, 163, 174, 175, 178, 187, 188, 194, 250, 261, 275-277, 321 ; the bridegroom's, 99, 102, 1 06, III, 114, 115, 120, 124, 126-128, 225, 227, 253, 260, 26l, 291, 321, 324, 347, 354, 357; cere- monies referring to, 260, 261, 354 j GENERAL INDEX 407 the young wife presenting her mother with materials for a, 301 Dress, articles of, given by the young man or his parents to his future wife, 24, 25, 3 1 , 39. 40, 52, 82, 83, 159, 229 ; given as bride-price, 30, 31, 69, 70, 75, 76, 78 ; given by the girl to her betrothed, 31, 127, 143, 354; bought with money out of the bride- price, 70 sqq. 5 given to other members of the girl's family than her father, 80 ; given her by her father, 84 ; given to the bride by guests and relatives, 139 sq. ; to the young wife by her husband, 143, 286 ; to the bride by the bridegroom, 152-154, J 56, i57 ? 175, 178, 261, 276, 279 ; to the bridegroom by the bride, 226, 260, 261, 354; taken from the bridegroom by force, 233, 234, 269, 286 ; exchanged, as a form of 'ahd, 260 sq. ; given to the young wife by members of her family, 303. See Belt, Disguises, Hair, Headgear, Slippers Dried fruit, 7, 176, 179, 181, 202, 228, 231, 243, 288, 291-293, 295, 298, 302, 307 sq. ; thrown on the bridal box or the bride, 95, 195, 197, 206, 209, 212-214, 216, 217, 320, 353, 358, 361 ; offered to her, and thrown by her over her head, 204, 216, 358 ; thrown by her on the people, 208, 362 ; sent by the bridegroom to her parents as an announcement of her virginity, 228. See Almonds, Dates, Figs, Walnuts Druzes, 217 sq, n? Dukkala, 3, 82 . 2 , 86, 263 n? See Ulad Bu- Aziz Dung of animals, 245, 268, 269, 327 Durra which is to be used for the wedding, cleaning of the, 88 sq. Early marriages, 34, 35, 44, 48 sq. Ear-rings, 83 Earth, from seven different places, 28 j from a shrine, 305 " Earthenware dish of the bridegroom, the," 291 Eating ceremonies. See Meals Eggs, 7, 8, 88-90,97, 101, 113, 115, n6, 124, 131, 145, 151, 164, 194, 195, 2l8, 2l8 sq. n. 2 , 231, 250, 260, 261, 277, 285, 291, 293, 326, 327, 347, 34-8, 352, 353. 355. 357, 3 6 3 Egypt, 17 H. 2 , 20 ., 56 n., 82 n. 3 , 83 sq. n., 86 tf. 2 , 87 n.\ 120 . 2 , 123 n. 1 and . 3 , 160 n.\ 161 n. 1 and n. 3 , 164 n. 1 , 184 ., 187 n.\ 188 n. 3 sqq., 189 n. s , 255 . 4 , 267 .*, 268 . 2 ; Jews of, 26 n. 1 . See Cairo Egyptian privet. See Henna Ehinajgn, 58 Eijub Abela, 222 n. and n. 1 Einszler, Lydia, 217 n. 1 El-Buharl. See Buharl Elopements, 36 Emancipation of a daughter from her father's power, 16 Emily, Shareefa of Wazan, 6 n. a , 141 n. 2 , 167 . 2 , 189 n. 1 , 196 ., 293 n. 1 Emotional states, ceremonies as direct expressions of, 344 sqq. Empty dishes, tables, or trays, avoidance of. 24, 25, 34, 239, 241, 249, 279, 287, 321 saddle, avoidance of an, 172, 180, 182, 192 (cf. on the other hand, 181), 320 sq.- Endogamy, 57 England, 216 ., 257 n? " Entering into the tent, the," 302 Euripides, 124 n? Europe, 10, 19 ., 26 n. 1 , 86 n. 1 , 87 n. 1 , 121 n. 1 , 163 . 2 , 164 ., 215 n. 1 sq., 216 ., 219 w. 1 , 258 n. 3 , 268 . 2 , 328, 3 6 .7 *? "Evening, the great," 142 " , the little," 141 sq. " of the bridegroom, the," 95, 117 sq. of the hot bath, the, 141 Evil eye, the, 27, 119, 123, 124, 138, 150 n. 1 , 165, 168, 187, 189, 213, 217, 33, 326, 338, 339, 342, 358 influences, avoidance, expulsion, or destruction of, 91, 99, 101-103, 108, 118-124, I 3 I , 160-163, 170, 171, 177, 178, 186, 188, 190, 191, 194, 195, 197, 200, 203-205, 207, 208, 210, 214-221, 235, 237, 245, 255, 256, 261-267, 289, 294, 295, 298, 304-306, 321 sqq., 351 sq. spirits, 26, 27, 89, 99, 103, 119, 122, 123, 160, 231, 235, 237, 255, 256, 321, 335, 342, 343, 351, 352, 357, 358, 362. See Devil ; Index of Arabic Words, Wjnttn Excrements, human, 343 Exogamy, the origin of, 370 sqq. Fahs, the, 4, 6, 97 ., 117 n. 1 , 118 . 3 , 168 . 2 , 370 Falls, J. C. E., 188 n? and n? Farnell, L. R., 26 n. 1 Fasting, 341 408 Father, avoided by his daughter, 22, 40, 315 ; avoidance between a son and his, 22, 48, 106, 279, 288, 313 s-qq. ; arranging his son's marriage, 34 sqq. j a son making no mention of his love to his, 36 ; opposed by his son, 44 ; kissed by his son, 48, 230, 280, 288, 314 sq. ; by his daughter, 302, 303, 307, 308, 310; receives presents from her, 302, 307 } gives presents to her, 302, 303, 307 sqq. ; his slippers kissed by his daughter, 303. See Bride's father, Bridegroom's father, Parents Father's power, the, 15, 16, 18 sq. Fatima, Fstima, Fatima, 156, 161, 236, 359 " Feast of the bride, the," 171 Feasts, religious, 31, 34, 73, 118 Fehrle, E., 26 n. 1 Feraud, L., 188 n. 2 , 215 n. 2 , 216 ., 218 n., 223 n. 1 , 255 n. 1 , 266 n. 1 , 268 n. 2 Fertility, ceremonies supposed to pro- mote, 7, 127, 128, 143, (153), 154, 155, (162), 164, 168, 172, (174), 175, (176, 179), 180, (181, 185), 191, (192), 195, 196, 199-202, 219, 221, 222, 230, 232, 244, 246, 247, 255, 258, 269, 292, 293, 297, 348-353, 358, 364 Festus, 264 . 3 Feud, in the case of a runaway wife, 61. See Blood-revenge Fez, 3-6, 57, 60, 86, 92, 122, 264, 299, 312-315, 318, 337; betrothal at, 20 sqq. j marriages between cousins at, 21, 23, 54 sq. ; dowry at, 21, 22, 66, 69, 83, 229 ; mit'Slat, 83 ; ceremonies to which the bridegroom is subject at, 131 sqq. ; preparations for the wedding at, 133 sqq. ; ceremonies in the bride's home at, 136 sqq. ; fetching of the bride at, 165 sqq. ; arrival and re- ception of the bride at, 193 sq. ; meeting of bride and bridegroom and the morning after at, 225-230, 260, 269 ; continuation and end of the wedding at, 274 sqq. ; later cere- monies and taboos at, 300, 301, 312 ; second marriages at, 329 Fiance', the, Arabic name for, 20 ; avoids his father, 22,48, 313 ; gives presents to his betrothed, 24, 25, 31, 33, 34, 52, 82, 83, 152, 159, 229, 236, 270 ; receives from her presents of food or clothing, 24, 31, 34, 127, 143, 354 ; feasts in the home of, 25, 31, 48, 88 sqq. j dressed up as a bride, 25-27, 323 ; seated on cushions, 25 j milk and a date offered to, 25 ; silver coins stuck to his forehead, 25 ; presents given by his father or parents to those of his betrothed, 30, 33, 39, 40, 43, 45> 47, 5. 77-79, 82 sq. ; money given by his father to be distributed among the women of her village, 33 ; blessings bestowed on, 48 j kisses ex- changed by his and the fancee' s_ father, 50 ; small presents given to his mother, 88, 94 Fiancee, the, Arabic name for, 20 ; hides herself, 22 sq. j avoids her father, 22, 40, 315 ; feasts in the home of, 23, 27, 28, 33-35, 38-41, 43, 45, 48, 50, 83 ; receives presents from her be- trothed, 24, 25, 31, 33, 34, 52, 82, 83, 152, !59. 229. 236, 270; gives him presents of food or clothing, 24> 3 1 , 34, 127, 143, 354 ; goes to the hot bath, 27 ; dressed up in a fine costume, 27 ; seated on cushions, 27 ; milk and a date offered to, 27 sq. ; silver coins stuck to her forehead, 28 ; presents received by her parents from those of her betrothed, 30, 33, 39, 40, 43, 45. 47, 5, 77*79. 82 sq. ; grind- ing of wheat in her home with a silver coin underneath the handmill, 33 (cf. 152 sq.} ; money given by the fiance's father to be distributed among the women of her village, 33 ; kisses ex- changed by the Dance's father and her own, 50 Fight between the men of the bride's village and those of the bridegroom's party, 80 Fights, sham-, between the married men and the bachelors, 126, 128, 131, 234, 269, 285, 286, 346 ; as means of purification, 128, 224, 245, 261, 268, 325, 327 ; between the bachelors and other young men on one side and the imsnein and women on the other, 204, 223, 346 ; between the bride's brother or uncle and the bridegroom, 210, 211, 223, 346 ; between the women and the bridegroom, 211, 223, 346; be- tween the bachelors and the unmarried women, 237, 238, 269, 346 ; between the bachelors and the women, 245, 247, 261, 268, 346; between the *arab and the male relatives of the bride and bridegroom, 279 sq. ; be- tween the older married men and the islan, comprising the younger married men as well as the bachelors, 285. See Beating, Robbing GENERAL INDEX 409 Figs, 90, 170, 182, 183, 194, 206, 207, 209, 213, 216, 217, 231, 233, 237, 249, 281, 287, 303 Fire, a means of purification, 122 Fireplace, 202, 208, 354 First-born child, 113, 119, 156, 161, 359 Fischer, A., 53 n. 1 Fish, scraped or cast on the bride's feet, 293 n. 1 , 299, 353 5 bought by the young husband, 299, 347 j buried in the vegetable garden, 353 Fison, L., 317 . Five, the number, a charm against the evil eye, 187 . 2 Flags, 88-91,93, 97, 108, no, 126, 128, 130, 175, 177, 179, 210, 211, 230, 231, 234, 245, 267, 281, 282, 284, 286, 309 Flour, 40, 43, 181, 183, 302, 303, 308, 322, 336 ; smeared on the bride- groom's right hand or the kerchief round it, 103, 104, 119; falling over the bride's uncovered right thigh, 153, 1625 e SS which is to be thrown at the mule ridden by the bride dipped into, 194, 195, 218, 326, 357 ; offered to the bride, 197, 207, 214, 216, 327 ; thrown by the bride over her head, 197, 207, 208, 217, 327; newly bought animals taken over, 219 n. See Grinding " Flour, the," 91 " , the day of the," 92 " of the ahrir, the," 153 Flower-pot with a sweet-scented plant carried in front of the bride, 184, 188 Food supply, ceremonies supposed to increase the, 195, 201, 216, 217, 219, 296, 299, 358. See Good Year, Rain Footprints, 150 "Forgotten day, the," 281 Fortieth day after the arrival of the bride, ceremonies on the, 304-306, 325, 35 T > 354 Forty days, 300, 309, 315, 341, 352 Fowl, the lacking signs of virginity sub- stituted for by the blood of a, 229, 240, 241, 243, 246, 248, 270 Fox, 37 n. Fraenkel, 121 n. 1 Frazer, J. G., I, 26 n. 1 sq., 27 n., 264 n. 1 , 369 sqq. Friday, 28, 87 Fringe, lucky or unlucky, 204 Fruit. See Dried Fruit Ftuaka, 57 Fumigation, 199, 235, 237, 244, 255, 29 6 . 305> 3^2 Funerals, honey at, 23 ., 320 ; cere- monies at, 37, 91, 319, 344 Garbiya, the, 3, 4, 126 n. 1 ; cleaning and grinding of the wheat which is to be used for the wedding in, 88 ; fetch- ing of the bride in, 168 ; arrival and reception of the bride in, 197 Gaudefroy-Demombynes, 17 . 2 , 19 ., 56 n., 118 n. 1 and n. 3 , 120 n? sq., 124 n. 3 , 1 60 n. 1 sq., 161 . 3 , 192 ., 264 n. and H. 2 , 267 n. 3 , 293 n. 2 , 294 ., 314". Gennep, A. van, 86 n. 1 , 345 n. 1 , 365 Germany, 120 . 6 , 121 n. 1 , 123 . a , 189 . 4 , 305 . Gibraltar, the Straits of, 3 Girdle, Girdling. See Belt, Belting Girl-friends of the bride, the, accompany her, 137, 139-142, 144, 145, 155, 156, 158, 169, 184, 197, 208, 346, 363 j make tours with her, 145, 155 sq. ; paint themselves with henna, 156, 157, 1 6 1, 327 sq. ; with antimony, walnut root, and saffron, 295, 327 sq.; beat her brother, 157 ; fights between the bachelors and, 237, 238, 245, 247, 261, 268, 269, 346 ; give dates and silver coins to the bridegroom and his bachelor friends, 282 sq. See Women Glawi, 3, 4, 341. See Igliwa Goats, 78, 282, 308, 309, 336 " Going out, the," 301 Goldmann, E., 257 n.\ 258 n. Goldziher, I., 53 n. 2 , 54 ., 55 H. 1 , 56 n. 1 sq., 122 n. 3 Good luck, 7, 33, 92, 94, 107, 113, 124, 139, 179, 180, 185, 204, 207, 217, 244, 262, 283, 288, 308, 320, 347> 348, 358, 361, 364 wishes, 31, 43, 95-98, 100, 104, 125, 138, 202, 227, 269, 347. See Blessings, Congratulations year, ceremonies supposed to pro- duce a, 113, 124, 196, 198, 209, 217, 219, 298, 347, 348, 358. See Rain Grain. See Barley, Corn, Durra, Wheat Granaries, 336, 340 Great Atlas, the, 2, 3, 5, 55, 66. See Amzmiiz, Demnat, Glawi, Igliwa, Infduak "Great Feast, the," 31, 118. See Greece, ancient, 23 ., 26 n. 1 , 124 . 2 , 187 n. 2 , 216 ., 368. See Attica, Cos, Sparta Greeks of Turkey, 255 n. 1 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES " Greeting, the money of," 250, 262 n. z Grief, expressions of, 344 Grinding of corn, 336 ; of wheat in the fiancee's home, with a silver coin under- neath the handmill, 33 ; in theJSance's home, to be used for the wedding, 88, 91-94, 319 sq. ; over the bride's un- covered right thigh, 153, 162, 353 Grit, removed from the corn which is to be used for the wedding, 89-95, 214, 320, 324, 347 Ground, the, the bridegroom avoiding to sit on, 100, 102, 103, 105, 106, 115, 123, 130, 132, 227, 324; the bride avoiding to step on, 176, 179, 185, 188, 189, 212, 324; water which must not touch, 352 Gruppe, O., 26 n? Guardian angels, 337 Guardianship, 15 sq. ; of property, 16 . 4 Guests, the presence of female, at the feast in the bride's home supposed to bring good luck to her, 139, 364; milk or water offered to strangers who come as, 191 Gum-ammoniac, 105. See Index of Arabic Words, fdsoh benjamin, 83, 244, 296 Guns, firing off of, 31, 41, 44, 45, 48, 50, 78, 88, 89, 91-96, 108, 109, in, 112, 114, 115, 117, 122, 123, 128, 13. I 3 l > H5 l62 > l6 9> J 7, i?3 174, 177-179, 181-183, 185, 188, 195, 197, 204, 210, 211, 214, 218, 280, 281, 287, 322, 327 ; on the consum- mation of the marriage, 233, 236, 237, 240, 242, 245, 249, 251, 253, 266, 267,322, 331, 344 Guys, Henri, 17 n. 2 , 84 ., 118 u. 1 , 125 ., 161 n. 3 , 222 n? Haas, 19 n., 1 2O . 6 , 162 ., 215 n. 1 sq., 262 n. 1 Habt, the, 6, 57 n., 84 n, 1 , 117 n. 1 , 1 68 n? Hadramaut, 186 n.\ 188 n? and n. 5 Haha, 335 Hair, the bridegroom's, shaved off, 102, 106, 120, 127, 130-133, 321, 324; put inside a bundle of clothes, 127, 230, 231, 324; the bride's, dishevelled, 148, 169, 172, 247, 261, 264, 291, 321, 328, 331 ; smeared with henna, iS 1 . !53. 160, 252, 295, 332; one side of it plaited by the bridegroom, 237, 247, 248, 261, 355 ; ceremony relating to the ribbon with which it is fastened, 247, 248, 261 ; arranged in the fashion of married women, 252, 276 sq. ; the end of one of its plaits undone by the bridegroom, 261 n. 1 , 276, 325 ; the young wife's, opened and plaited, 305 ; smeared with henna, 306 ; the bridegroom's mother and the other women of his family going about with dishevelled, 291, 328 " Hair, the loosening of the," 252 Hanafls, 16, 64 Handmill of the household, a runaway wife or other refugee taking hold of the, 60, 63, 339 Hanoteau, A., 59 . 2 , 76 n., 77 n.\ 368 sqq. Hartland, E. S., 216 ., 257 n. a , 351 . 2 sqq., 352 n.\ 353 n. 1 Hausas, 118 n. 1 , 123 n. 2 , 160 n. 1 Headgear or headgears, 82, 200, 223 j the bride's, 148, 172, 211, 235, 256, 277 Heape, W., 373 Hedgehog, 37 n. Henna, 31, 34, 40, 52, 78,83, 150, 178, 190, 281, 310, 324; the bridegroom painted with, 90, 95, 97-102, 105, 107-122, 124, 125, 171, 199, 238, 242, 248, 260, 321 sq. ; used by the best-man and other bachelors, 98, 113, 1 20, 327, 360 ; silver coin painted with, 107, 125 ; baraka attributed to, 118; used at religious feasts, 1185 the bride painted with, 136, 137, 141, 142, 144-151, 153-158, 160-164, 175, 178, 185, 188, 242, 252, 295, 320-322, 333, 353, 355 ; sprinkled by her on some young men who are thereby appointed to be her imsnein, 151; used by the women who take part in the wedding, 153, 157, 161, 327 sq.; by the bride's girl-friends, 156, 157, 161, 327 sq. ; the bride sprinkled with a mixture of water and, 177, 190, 326 ; smeared on the saddle in which she has been riding, 210, 219, 327 ; the bride received with, 214, 217, 326 ; applied to the ribbon with which her hair is fastened, 247, 261 ; used by the young wife and other women, 303 ; sprinkled on the domestic animals, 303, 362 j the young wife's mother painted with, 303 j smeared on the young wife by her mother, 306 " Henna, the great," 101, 109, 115, 119, 130, 260, 355 " , the little," 101, 105, 119 Hiaina, the, 3, 86, 218 n. 2 , 261, 263, GENERAL INDEX 411 312, 318, 336, 337, 339 n.\ 340 n? ; betrothal in, 34 sq. ; resiua in, 35, 79, 303 ; dowry in, 70, 71, 102, 260, 303 ; mdkla in, 77 5 cleaning and grinding of the wheat which is to be used for the wedding in, 91 ; the bridegroom painted with henna in, 102 ; ceremonies in the bridegroom's home previous to the wedding in, 102-105, 260 5 tne bride's henna- ceremony in, 147 sq. j fetching of the bride in, 172 sq. ; arrival and reception of the bride in, 196 sq. ; meeting of bride and bridegroom and the morning after in, 236 sqq. 5 continuation and end of the wedding in, 282, 290, 293, 294, 296 sq. ; later ceremonies and taboos in, 302-306, 312 Hidayah, 30 n. Hlot, the, 6, 57 ., 117 n. 1 , 118 . 3 , 168 . 2 5 mdkla in, 77 Holiness, the nature of, 119, 265, 343, 360 5 protected from pollution, 334- 337, 339 sqq. See Index of Arabic Words, baraka Honey, 23, 29, 114, 182,201,251, 278, 320, 337, 340 Horses, 337, 340. See Mare, Stallion Hose, Charles, 374 sqq. Hospitality, in connection with the institution of brotherhood, 58 Host, G., n8 n? Houdas, O., 85 n.\ 256 n. 1 Household duties, beginning of the young wife's, 295 sqq. Howitt, A. W., 317 . Hughes, T. P., 255 K. 1 , 359 . 7 Huntsmen, 38, 109, 128, 130, 169, 170, 281 Hurgronje, Snouck, 17 re. 2 , 18 n. 2 sq., 22 n.\ 74 n. 2 , 1 60 H. 1 , 164 n.\ 268 n. 1 Husband's death, dowry in the case of the, 65-68, 70-73, 76 ; practices supposed to cause the, 171, 172, 189, 353 *J- Hutchinson, H. N., 220 n. 2 Hymeneal blood, medicinal virtue ascribed to, 159, 265, 362; sub- stituted for by the blood of a fowl or pigeon, 229, 240, 241, 243, 246, 248, 270, 370 ; regarded as a seat of danger, 265, 266, 334. See Virginity Igliwa, 3, 4, 86, 218 H. 2 , 340 n? ; brotherhood between the Infduak and, 57 ; dowry among the, 67 sq. ; clean- ing of the corn which is to be used for the wedding among the, 94 ; the bridegroom painted with henna among the, 1 1 6 sq. ; ceremonies in the bride's home among the, 157 ; fetching of the bride among the, 185 ; arrival and reception of the bride among the, 213 sq. ; meeting of the bride and bridegroom and the morning after among the, 253 sq. ; continuation and end of the wedding among the, 289 5 later ceremonies and taboos among the, 310. See Afra, Ait Arrba, Ait Ugdat, Arg, Glawi, Isirs, Tafga Incantation, against the devil, 98, 122, 323 ; at curing a patient, 261 Incense, 83, 104, 105, 133, 199, 235, 237, 244, 255, 296, 305, 322 Incest, the prohibition of, 212, 213, 370 sqq. India, ancient, 19 n., 120 n. 6 , 148 ., 162 ., 163 . 4 , 215 n. 1 sq., 216 ., 219 n.\ 255 n. 1 , 262 n. 1 ; modern, 123 n. 2 , 162 ., 215 n. 1 , 21 6 n., 258 n. 3 , 369; Muhammedans of, 17 . 2 , 20 ., 31 ., 84 ., 118 n. 1 , 123 n. 3 , 1 60 H. 1 , 161 n. 2 sq., 1 88 n. 3 , 260 n. 1 Indo-European peoples, 10, 162 ., 163 . 4 , 2 1 5 tt. 1 , 2 1 7 K. Infduak, 57 Inheritance, the right of, denied to a woman who leaves her village, 56 Inn, earth from the entrance of a public, 28 " Inoculation," Mr. Crawley 's theory of, 26 sq. Invitations to weddings, no sq. ; must be accepted, 85, 364 Isirs, 67 Islam, 10, 59 n. 1 , 65, 77, 338, 359. See Muhammedan Law Isle of Man, the, 257 n. 2 Jaffa, 162 n. 3 , 186 n.\ 189 n? Jaffur Shurreef, 17 n. 2 , 123 n. 3 , 161 . 3 , 260 n. 1 Jansen, H., 22 . 2 , 121 .*, 216 ., 222 n. Jaussen, A., 18 n?, 56 ., 59 n. 1 , 75 ., 164 ., 1 88 n. 2 and n. 5 , 222 n. and n. 1 , 224 ., 291 n. 2 Jbala, 2-4, 7 n., 118 . 3 , 339. See Andjra, Beni Ulid, Habt, Jbel la-Hbib, Tsui Jbel la-Hbib, 32, 88 Jealousy, overruled by the desire for off- spring, 328 .* fevons, F. B., 220 n? Jews, ancient, 163 n. 2 , 187 . 2 , 217 ., 289 n. ; of Egypt, in the Middle Ages, 4 I2 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES 26 H. 1 ; modern, 121 n.\ 162 ., 216 sq. n. ; of Morocco, 121 .', 151 ., 215 n. 1 , 216 n., 222 ., 368 Joy, expressions of, 267, 344 Judea, 75 . Judge, guardianship of the, 16 ; earth from the entrance of the room where sentences are pronounced by the, 28 Kabbabish, 215 n. 1 Kasteren, van, 217 w. 1 Keith, A., 367 Kerak, 222 n. 1 " Kerchief, the," 50 Kettle, 37 H. Kicking of the bride by the bridegroom, 242,256, 356 Kidnapping of women, 61, 80 sq, Kissing, 48, 50, 138, 139, 194, 196, 207, 208, 211, 230, 233, 235, 258, 280, 285, 288, 291, 292, 302-304, 307-310, 314, 315, 317, 357 Kitab al-aganl, 53 . 2 , 54 n. 1 Klein, F. A., 18 . 2 , 56 ., 75 n., 82 n. 3 , 120 n. 3 , 1 60 n. 1 , 161 n? sq., 1 88 n. 1 Klunzinger, C. B., 56 n., 120 . 2 , 123 n. 1 , 160 n. 1 , 161 n. 3 Knots, in the cord of the bride's drawers, 232, 264 sq. ; as impediments, 264 Koran, the, recitations from, 198, 199, 232, 255, 266, 323, 335 Kordofan-Darfur border, the, 215 n. 1 Kulsum Naneh, 151 n. 1 Lalla Jebrin, 200, 349 Lamb hurled by the bride over the bride- groom's tent, 204, 221, 361 Lane, E. W., 17 n. 2 , 20 ., 56 ., 74 . 2 , 82 n. 3 , 84 n., 85 H. 1 , 86 . 2 , 87 n. 1 , 1 20 . 2 and . 4 , 123 n. 3 , 160 n. 1 , 161 n. 1 sqq., 164 n. 1 , 184 n., 187 H. 1 , 1 88 n? sqq., 255 H. 4 , 263 . 3 , 267 n.\ 268 . 2 , 338 n.\ 359 w. 6 Lane-Poole, S., 338 n. z Lang, Andrew, 374 Language, 4, 1 1 sqq. Laivsonia inermh. See Henna Layard, A. H., 25 n., 339 n. 1 Lees, G. Robinson, 18 n. 2 , 56 ., 289 n. Leg-rings, 154 Lennep. See Van-Lennep Leo Africanus, 6 n. 1 , 83 ., 167, 186 n. 1 , 2 3> 299. 353 Lerchundi, J., 143 n. 1 , 168 . 2 Letourneux, A., 59 n. 2 , 76 H., 77 n. 1 , 368 i^y. Levirate, 59 sq. Libyan Desert, the, 188 . 2 and . 5 | Light, spirits terrified by, 122 Liver, the, of the sheep slaughtered at " the great henna " of the bridegroom, 101, 259, 260, 355 ; of the bullock, which he presents to his bachelor friends, 126, 361 L8bel, D. Th., 87 n. 1 , 160 n.\ 161 n. 3 , 255 n. 1 , 263 n. 3 Looking back, prohibition of, 172, 189, 231, 250, 255, 295, 324, 353 sq. glasses, 83, 176, 178 "Loosening of the belt, the," 159 " of the hair, the," 252 L-Qsar 1-Kblr. See Alcazar Luck. See Good Luck Lynch, W. F., 162 n. 3 , 186 n. 1 , 189 n. 3 M'Dougall, William, 374 sqq. M'Lennan, J. F., 257 w. a Madaba, 222 n. 1 Malay Peninsula, the, Muhammedans of, 118 n. 1 and n. 3 , 120 . 4 , 121 sq. n. 3 , 1 60 n. 1 , 161 n. 2 Malikis, 15-18, 64, 86 Malinowski, B., 375 Mannhardt, W., 120 . 6 , 196 n., 216 . Mar9ais, W., 22 n.\ 85 n.\ 168 . 2 , 256 n. 1 Mare, the bride taken to the bride- groom's place on a, 171, 172, 175, 178-180, 182, 184-186, 191, 348 sq. ; baraka ascribed to a, 205. See Animal ridden by the bride Marindin, G. E., 264 n. 3 Maronites, 216 ., 218 ., 222 n. Marquardt, J., 264 n. 3 Marrakesh, 5, 252 Marriage, by purchase, 19, 65, 73 sqq. ; with a deceased brother's widow, 59 sq. ; with a runaway wife, 60 sqq. ; by capture, 80, 81, 163 n. 4 , 220 . 2 , 257 n. 2 , 316 sq. n. ; time for the celebration of a, 86-88, 320 ; cere- monies supposed to promote unmarried people's, 145, 153, 165, 168, 196, 291, 292, 362 sq. ; regarded as a religious duty, 359. See Consent, Consummation of the Marriage, Con- tract of Marriage, Defloration of the Bride, Divorce, Dowry tie, practices (presumably) supposed to strengthen the, 101, 102, 127, 136, 141-147, 149, 150, 157, 158, 161, 164, 169, 170, 190, 2O2, 208, 222, 226, 227, 231, 235-237, 244, 247, 249-251, 253, 258-261, 305, 349, 353 m- GENERAL INDEX Marriages between cousins, 21, 23, 49, 53 sqq. ; disguises at, 25-27, 152, 153, 163, 165, 174, 187, 188, 198, 199, 284; early, 34, 35, 44, 48 sq.; contracted inside the same village, 56 ; between members of different villages, 56 ; between members of different tribes, 56 sq. ; between Berber- and Arabic-speaking people, 56 sq. ; prohibited between certain tribes, subdivisions of tribes, or villages, 57 sqq. ; second, 328 sqq. ; displeasing to the devil, 344. See Endogamy, Exogamy, Incest Marshall, F. H. A., 373 Masai, 26 . 1 Mat, a father obliged to provide his daughter with a, 75 Match-makers, professional female, 20 Matthes, B. F., 26 H. 1 Mazagan, 4 Mazouna, 294 . Meakin, Budgett, 6 . 8 , 96 n., 99 ., 114 ., 117 n. 2 , 143 H. 1 , 152 . 2 , 166 ., 193 H. Meal or meals, served in the fiancee's home, 23, 34, 35, 38-40, 43, 45, 46, 48, 50, 83 j in the fiance's home, 31, 48, 88 sqq. ; in the bridegroom's home, 36, 88-94, 96, 99, 102, 106, 109, 125, 130, 131, 133, 134, 173, 182, 195, 196, 198, 202-204, 2 6> 2o8, 211, 212, 227, 230, 234, 235, 240-242, 245, 247, 251, 274, 275, 277-281, 284, 289, 292 ; bride and bridegroom having a common, 101, 227, 231, 237, 244, 250, 251, 253, 258-260, 275, 276, 281, 355, 362 ; given to the bridegroom and his party, 108, in, 114, 282, 284 sq. ; in the bride's home, 140, 142-144, 146, 149, 154-158, 169, 172-174, 178, 181, 183, 184, 1 86, 228, 329 ; given to the bride and her party in the houses they visit, 145, 156; given by the bride's mother, 183, 204, 236, 238, 239, 243, 245-247, 249, 268, 269, 292, 299 ; partaken of by the bride and the imsnein or amsnai, 240, 241, 273, 288 ; by the bridegroom and the imsnein, 241 ; a compact of friendship sealed by a common, 259, 364 sq. ; served with food from other house- holds in the bridegroom's village than his own, 289 ; served in the young couple's home, 301, 305 ; in the young wife's parents' home, 301, 303 ; given to the young husband by his parents-in-law, 304 ; the social im- portance of, at weddings, 364 sq. Mecca, 17 n 2 , 18 n. 2 sq., 56 ., 74 . 2 , 160 n. 1 , 164 n. 1 , 268 H. 1 Mediators at a betrothal, 19-21, 29, 32, 35> 37-39. 42, 43' 45 -47. 5 *?? Medina, 17 . 2 , 74 . 2 Mediterranean origin of the Berbers, 10, 367 Meer Hassan Ali, Mrs., 20 ., 31 ., 118 H. 1 , 160 n.\ 161 n? sq., 188 n. 3 Meeting of the bride and bridegroom and the morning after, 158-160, 171, 225 sqq. Menouillard, 161 . , 313 . Menstruation, 336, 341 sq. Mercier, E., 82 n? Michaux-Bellaire, E., 6 . 3 and . 6 sq., 20 ., 57 ., 77 n. 2 , 82 n. 3 , 84 H. 1 , 117 H. 1 sq., Il8 n. 3 , 125 ., 1 68 n. 2 Midsummer, 351 Milk, 7, 24, 194, 214, 218, 326, 347, 357 ; offered to the fiance, 25 ; to guests, 25, 28, 139, 194, 226, 364; to the fiancee, 27 sq. ; drunk by the bride's mother, 139 ; offered to or sprinkled on the bride, 145, 164, 170- 174, 177, 180, 182, 183, 185, 190, 194, 203, 207, 210, 212-216, 218, 326, 357, 361 ; offered to strangers who come as guests, 191 ; drunk by the bridegroom's mother, 194 ; by the bridegroom, 194; sprinkled by the bride on the people, 207, 361 ; newly bought animal taken over a bowl of, 218 sq. n. 2 ; the young wife's feet washed with, 302 sq. ; offered to the young husband, 304 ; to the young couple, 308 Mill, earth from the entrance of a, 28. See Handmill Milliot, L., 15 n. 1 , 1 6 n.\ n. s , and . 5 " Ministers." See Index of Arabic Words, iva-zdra, wuzdra, ivu%ra ; Index of Berber Words, iuzirgn Mint, 24 Mishkat, 359 . 7 Moab, 1 8 n. 3 , 56 ., 59 n. 1 , 75 ., 1 88 . 2 and n. 5 , 222 ., 224 ., 291 n. 2 Mock-bride, 330 Mogador, 2, 5, 252 Moharram, marriages avoided in, 86 Money, fixed on the fiance's forehead, 25 ; on the fiancee's forehead, 28 ; sent by thefance and put underneath a handmill, 33, 152 sq. ; given by his father to be distributed among the women of the fiancee's village, 33 ; by 414 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES the fiance and his friends to be spent on the bride's trousseau, 34 ; put in an empty dish or on an empty tray, 34, 239, 241, 249, 287 ; paid to other members of the girl's family than her father, 43, 79-82, 169, 186, 345 j to the husband of a runaway wife, 60 sqq.^ worn by or offered to the bride, 72, 73 H 6 H7 i5 J 57 162-164, 174, 191, 207, 250, 258, 262 n?, 322, 347, 357 ; presented to thejiance's mother, 88 j ceremonial giving of, (grama], in the bridegroom's- home, 100, 103-105, 107, 109, 111-113, 116, 124, 125, 132, 226, 227, 234, 254, 269, 347 ; in the bride's home, 138, 139, 142, 146, 148, 149, 155, 164, 347 ; given to musicians, 105, 142, 227, 234, 274, 276 ; the best- man buying his post with, 106 ; painted with henna, 107, 125 ; given to the bridegroom and his party, 108, 109, 281 sqq. ; given by the bride- groom when he is painted with henna, in; by the bridegroom to the bride immediately before or after the con- nection, 113, 159, 237, 239, 241, 242, 244, 248, 251, 253, 262, "263, 325 $ after he has coiffed her, 248, 261, 325 ; when he meets her, 250, 258, 262 n. 2 j after he has girdled her, 294, 325 ; on other occasions, 148, 152, 155 ; given by the bride to the person who spreads his cloak or Aayik in front of her, 175, 176, 179, 191, 361 ; claimed by the bride's family if she has to cross a river, 185, 1 86, 345 ; given by the bridegroom to scribes, 199 ; by the bride to the man who lifts her into the bride- groom's tent, 207 ; by the bridegroom to the women guests at the wedding, 212 ; walked over by a newly bought animal, 218 n. 2 ; put on the bride's drawers, 228, 269 ; given by the bridegroom to the bride's hgddayJn, 233 j given to the bride's mother in return for a meal, 239, 243, 249 ; put by the bridegroom on the bride's hair when he has undone one of her plaits, 261 n.\ 276, 325 j given to doctors, 261 sq. ; to the bride by the women of the bridegroom's village, 280 ; by her mother-in-law, 281 ; by visitors, 285 ; given by the bride and her girl-friends to the bridegroom and his bachelor friends, 282 sq. ; to the bridegroom by his sisters and female cousins or friends, 287 sq. ; by the bridegroom to the donors, 287 sq. ; left by the young wife at a shrine, 296 ; given to her by relatives, 303 j by her father, 307 sq. ; by the young husband to his mother-in-law, 303, 304, 308. See Bride-price, Coin, Dowry " Money of the drawers, the," 251, 262 " of greeting, the," 250, 262 n. 2 " of the morning, the," 242 " Moors," the meaning of the word, 3 Mornand, F., 162 n. 3 , 189 n. 3 " Morning, the," 159, 248 " , the day of the," 274 " , the dish of the," 236 " , the money of the," 242 " , the woman's," 249 " of the bride, the," 240 " salutation, the," of the bachelors, 202 Mosque, the chemise of a girl hoisted at the minaret of a, 28 ; earth from the entrance of a, 28 ; the bride taken round the, in the bridegroom's village, 199, 200, 203, 208, 215, 326, 331, 332, 349 5 sexual acts prohibited in a, 334 sq. j unclean individuals pro- hibited from entering a, 335, 341 Mosul, 25 . Mother, the marriage of a girl arranged by her, 29 sq. ; a young man asking advice of his, 32 ; speaking about his love to his, 36 ; hearing about his future marriage from his, 37 ; the result of a proposal influenced by the girl's, 37 sq. ; money or a garment given to the girl's, 43, 79 sq. ; choos- ing a wife for her son, 45 sq. ; small presents given to the Dance's, 88, 94 ; the young couple visited by the wife's, 291, 292, 303 sq. j presents given by the young wife to her, 301, 302, 307, sqq. ; the young wife's feet washed with milk by her, 302 sq. ; henna smeared on the young wife's, 303 ; the young wife painted with henna, antimony, walnut root, and ochre by her, 306 ; the young couple received with milk by the wife's, 308. See Bride's mother, Bridegroom's mother, Parents Motion, a means of purification, 121 Mouette, G., 217 n. Moulieras, A., 7 n., 49, 57 n. 1 , 118 n. 3 , 272 Mount Sinai, 74 n?, 161 sq. n. 3 , 164 n., 1 88 n. 1 , 215 n. 1 , 265 n? sq., 291 n. 2 Mourning observances, 344 GENERAL INDEX Muelinen, E. von, 75 n. Muhammed, the name, 113, 119, 359 Muhammedan law, concerning the betrothal and marriage contract, 15 sqq. ; concerning the dowry, 64 sqq. ; concerning the celebration of the marriage, 85 sq. Muhammedans outside Morocco, 10, 17 n. 2 , 1 8 n. 2 sq., 19 n., 20, 21 ., 22 H.\ 23 ., 25 ., 31 n., 55 * ? ., 59, 74 sq. n. 2 , 76 j^., 82 n. 3 , 83 sy. ., 86 n 2 , 87 jz. 1 s^., 118 n. 1 and . 3 , 120 . 2 " 4 and n. 6 , 121 H. 1 and . 3 , 122, 123 n. 1 and .*, 124 w. 3 , 125 ., 151 n., 1 60, 161 w. 1 sqq., 162 w. and . 2 sq., 163 n. 2 sqq., 164 . and n. 1 , i84., 1 86 n. 1 sq., 187 H. 1 , 187 i. n. s , 1 88 n. 1 j., 189 n. 3 , 192 ., 215 H. 1 iy., 216 j^. n., 217 n. 1 , 218 n. and w. 1 , 263 n. 1 , 263 j. . 3 , 264 . 2 , 265 . 2 j^., 266 n. 1 sq., 267 n. 1 and . 3 , 268 n. 1 J., 289 n., 291 H. 1 i., 293 n. 2 , 294 n., 313 i ? . H. 2 , 315 ., 338, 339- 1 3S9. 37 J ??' Mulai 'Abdsslam, 129 Idris, 23 Mule, the bride taken to the bridegroom's place on a, 170, 182-185, 191 ; a woman not allowed to ride a, 340. See Animal ridden by the bride Music, Musicians, 25, 27, 78, 91, 92, 94-99, 102, 105, 117, 122, 125-128, 'So. I3 1 . !33> i37-!43> HS. J 48, 162, 169, 170, 173, 178, 179, 182, 183, 188, 195, 202, 206-208, 218, 227, 234, 240, 274-276, 278, 280, 281, 283, 287, 294, 297, 314, 322, 344 Myrtle twigs, 132 Needles, 37 ., 150, 162, 237, 256, 290, 322 Negresses. See Black Woman Negro type, 367 Negroes, carrying the bridal box, 168. See Black Man " Neighbours, the," 142 Nestorians of Syria, 164 n. Net made of rope, 246, 247, 349 " Night." See " Evening " " of the wedding, the," 213 Nilsson, M. P:n, 26 n. a Notaries, 52, 67, 69, 70, 229 Numbers, magical. See Five, Seven, Three , unlucky, 71 Ochre, 83, 153, 193, 283, 295, 306 Ockley, S., 20 . Offspring, desire for, 44, 49, 328 ; cere- monies supposed to promote the birth of male, 154, 155, 168, 172, (174- 176, 179, 181, 185), 191, (192), 200- 2O2, 221, 222, 292, 293, 297, 348 sqq. ; of good, 244, 255, 350 ; practice supposed to influence the looks of the, 159, 269, 270, 3505 practices in- tended to prevent the production of sickly, 265, 266, 281, 350. See Fertility Oil, 30, 50, 67, 78, 201, 352 Oleander, 168, 322 Omens, 32, 92, 137, 172, 175, 180, 192, 200, 205, 208, 209, 222, 247, 248, 252, 256, 257, 299, 319-321, 351, 352, 356 Ominous numbers, 71 words, 37, 319 " Opening, the," 262 " of the belt," 159, 237, 239, 241, 244, 253. 262 sq. Ouargla, 160 n. 1 , 161 n. 1 , 265 n. 2 , 289 n. Oven, earth from the entrance of a public, 28 Palestine, 17 . 2 , 18 n. 2 , 21 n., 56 ., 75 n., 82 n. 3 , 1 20 n. 2 sq., 125 n., 160 n. 1 , 161 n. 2 sq., 162 n?, 1 86 w. 1 sq., 187 n. 1 sq., 188 n. 1 , n. z , and n. 5 , 189 . 3 , 215 . 2 , 217 n.\ 219 n. 1 , 221 sq. n.\ 268 n. 2 , 289 ., 291 n. 1 See Jaffa, Jews (ancient), Judea, Kerak, Madaba, Moab Palmer, E. H., 161 sq. n. 3 , 164 n. Palmetto leaves, 298, 348 Pan, earthenware, 37 n. Parents, arranging their children's mar- riage, 20-24, 29, 34, 41, 42, 45, 46, 48 sqq. ; shyness of, 22, 29, 36, 40, 42, 46, 48, 117, 249, 252, 253, 271, 288, 313 sqq. ; presents given by the young man's father or parents to his fancee's, 30, 33, 39, 40, 43, 45, 47, 50, 77-79, 82, 83, 146 j respect for, 36 ; the young husband kissing the heads or hands of his, 48, 314 sq. ; the young wife visiting her, 300-304, 306 sqq. ; receiving presents from them, 301-303, 307 sqq. ; giving presents to them, 302, 306-310, 362 ; kissing their heads, 302, 303, 307, 308, 310; removing and kissing their slippers, 303. See Bride's father, Bride's mother, Bridegroom's father, Bridegroom's mother, Father, Mother 416 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES Parents-in-law, the young husband pay- ing a visit to his, 291, 300-302, 304, 306 sqq. } giving them presents of food, 291, 301, 302, 306 sqq. ; kissing one or both of them on the head, 291, 302-304, 307 sqq. ; shy of them, 304, 307, 309 sqq. 5 avoidance of, 307, 310 sqq. ; terms applied to, 312, 317 sq. ; the young wife kissing the heads of her, 3 1 7 Payments. See Money Pearls, 133 Peganum Harmala. See Index of Arabic Words, harmel Persia, 56 n. 2 , 151 ., 221 n.\ 255 n? Perthshire, 215 n. 1 Pigeon, the lacking signs of virginity substituted for by the blood of a, 229, 270 ., 370 Pilgrimage, 86 Pillow, a father obliged to provide his daughter with a, 75 Pistol, 79 ; carried by the bridegroom, 112, 123, 248, 255, 290, 322 Ploughing, days for the beginning of the autumn, 87 Ploughman, 335 sq. Plutarch, 26 n. 1 , 87 . 4 , 187 n. 2 , 220 n?, 252 ., 261 n. 2 Pollution. See Sexual Uncleanness Polygamy, 328 Pomegranates, 182 Porridge, 242, 267, 327. See Index of Arabic Words, tstsa ; Index of Berber Words, ahrir ' Pouring," i 36 " , the day of," 136 Powder, spirits afraid of, 123 play. See Guns Prayer, 114, 115, 130, 230-232, 234, 244, 250, 251, 255, 266, 280, 323, 335, 340 . 2 , 341, 350 " Prayer of the bride, the," 205 Preller, L., 221 n. Present or presents, given by the fiance to his betrothed, 24, 25, 31, 33, 34, 39, 40, 52, 82, 83, 152, 159, 229, 236, 270 ; by the fiancee to her be- trothed, 24, 31, 34, 127, 143, 354; by the young man's parents to those of the girl in connection with a be- trothal, 30, 33, 39, 40, 43, 45-47, 50, 77-79, 82, 83, 146 ; to other members of her family, 35, 79 sqq- ', to the girl by her father, 83 sq. ; to the fiance's mother by women of her village, 88, 94 ; to the bridegroom's father by guests, 10 1 ; to the bridegroom and his party, 108, 109, 281 sqq. ; to the bride by guests and relatives, 139 sq. ; to the young wife by her husband, 143, 286 ; to the bride by the bride- groom, 152-154, 156, 157, 175, 178, 261, 276, 279, 285; to the bride- groom by the bride, 226, 260, 261, 354; to the musicians, 234 sq. ; to the young couple or the young wife by her parents, 277, 278, 301, 302, 304, 307 sqq. ; to the bridegroom and his bachelor-friends by the bride and her girl-friends, 282 sq. ; to the bride- groom by his sisters and female cousins or friends, 287 sq. ; by the young husband to his parents-in-law, 291, 301, 302, 304, 307 sqq.; by the young wife to her parents, 301, 302, 307 sqq. ; to the young wife by the people of her own village, 302 ; by relatives, 303 ; the social importance of the giving of, 364. See Money " Present, the," 30, 70, 77 sq. " of the bride, the," 241 Pretium virginitatis, 263 Prophylactic ceremonies, 118 sqq., 128 sq., 160 sqq., 187 .sqq., 214 sqq., 254 sqq., 289 sqq., 294 sqq., 304 sqq., 321 sqq., 334, 344*??-, 357 *? Proposal, 17, 19, 21, 22, 28-30, 32, 35, 37 m- 5 refused, 28, 32, 33, 45, 319 Purchase, marriage by, 19, 65, 73 sqq. Purification, ceremonies of, 118 sqq., 128 sq., 160 sqq., 190 sq., 214 sqq., 254 sqq., 295 sqq., 304 sqq., 321 sqq., 334, 344 *??> 357 *?, 3 6 * Quivering noise made by women, 22, 25, 33, 41, 44, 45, 48, 50, 67, 78, 80, 89, 103, 104, 107, 109, 112, 122, 129, 133, 136, 138, 140, 148, 155, 162, 173, 174, 182, 183, 1 88, 194, 195, 197, 218, 225, 226, 228, 233, 236, 237, 24, 242, 243. 245, 249, 253, 267, 269, 294, 296, 297, 322, 344 Rabies, 337 Rahamna, 6, 117 n\ 118 n. 3 Rain, ceremony supposed to prevent, 89, 348 ; ceremonies supposed to ensure, 90, 93, 94, 180, 190, 198, 203, 209, 216, 347, 348, 360 Raisins, 150, 171, 182, 183, 194, 204, 209, 212, 216, 217, 231, 233, 249, 250, 281, 287 Ramadan, 341 Reapers, 336 Red, use of, 148, 284, 343 ; raisins, 204 GENERAL INDEX Refugee, inviolability of a, in connection with the institution of brotherhood, 57 sq. 5 taking hold of the handmill of the household, 60, 63, 339. See Asylums Reinach, S., 26 . 2 , 217 n, Reinsberg-Diiringsfeld, O. von, 215 n. 1 Remarriages, 328 sqq. " Reverent visit of the bride, the," 302 Ribbon with which the bride's hair is fastened, 247, 248, 261 Rice, casting of, at weddings, 343 " Ride of the bridegroom, the," 129 Rlf, the, 2, 3, 7 n., 53, 56. See Ait Waryagal, Ruafa Ring, silver, 286 Rites d'agregation, 365 de separation, 365 River, crossed by the bride, 185, 190, 326, 345 Robberies, sham, at weddings, 200, 204, 223,233, 234, 269, 286, 325, 346 Robert, G., 160 n. 1 , 161 . 3 Rome, ancient, 87 . 4 , 163 . 2 and . 4 , 187 . 2 , 215 n. 2 , 219 n.\ 220 sq. . 2 , 222 ., 252 ., 261 H. 2 , 264 n. 3 " Room of the rest, the," 140 Rossbach, A., 187 . 2 , 215 w. 2 , 219 n.\ 220 . 2 , 222 n. Ruafa, 2 sq. See Ait WSryagal, Rlf Runaway wives, 60-63, 3 J 9 Russell, A. D., 15, l6n.*, 64. 1 ,66 n. 1 sq., 85 K. 1 Russia, 369 Rwadi, r-, 341 Sacrifice, 60, 61, 78, 141, 213, 296; made to bring about a betrothment, 35, 38, 42, 45, 4 6 , S 1 , 3 X 9 > made when a strange woman spends a night in a house, 262 sj. 5 at the belting of the bride, 294, 325 "Sacrifice, the day of the," 78, 141 Sacrificial victims, 201 n. Saddle, as an instrument of l-'ar, 61 j the bridegroom seated on a, 105, 115, 123 ; the bride seated on a, 151, 356 j avoidance of an empty, 172, 180, 182, 192, 320 sq. (cf., on the other hand, 181); smeared with henna or blood, 210, 219, 327 Saffron, 152-154, 161, 178, 243, 266, 295, 322, 327 * 3 6 3 Seventh (or sixth) day after the bride's arrival at her new home, ceremonies on the, 291 sqq. " Seventh [day] of the bride, the," 294 " day of the bridegroom and bride, the," 293 Sexual intercourse, conception of danger attaching to, I, 26, 27, 271, 334 sqq. ; ceremonies supposed to facilitate, 8, 151, 152, 164, 177, 179, 192, (232, 264 sq.}, 348 ; prohibited in holy places, 334 sq. shame. See Bashfulness uncleanness, taboos connected with, 334 *qq- Shammar, 339 n. Shareefa of Wazan. See Emily Shaving, of the bridegroom, 102, 106, 120, 127, 130-133, 321 ; the bride- groom prohibited from, 290, 324 Sheep, 31, 33, 40, 43, 45, 47, 67, 77, 2 E MARRIAGE CEREMONIES 78, 8z, 84, 101, 108, 109, 146, 147, 157, 158, 180, 204, 221, 259, 282, 284, 302, 304, 307, 308, 336, 337, 34, 355 3 61 "Sheep and cattle, the threshold of," 201, 221 sq. Shelha, 4, 22 . 2 , 86 Shem Harush, 338 Shereefa, belting the bride, 293, 294, 3595 curses of a, 339 ; the, ofWazan, see Emily Shereefs, 21, 22, 24, 35, 37 ., 38, 42, 43, 45, 53, 60, 86, 128, 166, 167, 261, 305. 339> 359 Shl'ahs, 17, 64, 122 ShlGh, 2-5, 22 n. 2 , 84. See Aglu, Ait Tamgldu, Amzmtiz, Demnat, Glawi, Great Atlas, Igliwa, Infduak, 80s Shoes, throwing of, at weddings, 257 sq. . 2 , 343. See Slippers Shops, 340 sq. Shrines, 23, 28, 29, 51, 73, 186, 190, 2i ( 3> 296, 305, 326, 334, 335, 341 Sidi 'AbdrrShman lhanbubi, 341 ' 'AH Musa, 341 Bunwar, 341 (Sim) Buteyib, 58 Daud, 335 Fraj, 139 (Sidi) Halll, 15 n. 1 sq., 16 n. 1 and . 5 , 1 8 n. 1 , 64 n. 1 and n?, 65, 74, 85, 86 n. 3 Luafi, 341 Mbarjik ben 'Ababa, 54 sq. Sieves, 195, 195 sq. n., 199, 247, 349, 353 Silver things, 52, 72, 73, 83, 84, 91, 100, 103, 106, 107, 112, 124, 150, 154, 164, 218 n. 2 , 250, 286, 347. See Coin Singing, 89-92, 94, 96-98, 100-103, 105, 112, 126, 128, 129, 137-139, 141, 143, 144, 148, 149, 154, 155, 162, 166, 172, 178, 179, 184, 188, 197, 2OI, 2O2, 2O6-2O8, 212, 226, 240, 241, 267, 271, 272, 278, 280, 283, 287, 297, 320, 322, 323, 344 Sixth. See Seventh Skeat, W. W.', 118 n. 1 and n. 3 , 120 . 4 , 122 n., 1 60 n. 1 , 161 . 2 Skin-sack, 100, 102, 103, 106, 123, 152, 176, 182, 208, 237, 269, 282 Slaves, 41, 44, 83, 213 sq. Slippers, 30, 69, 78, 82, 83, 102, 120, 150, 178, 183, 232, 233, 235, 237, 256-258, 260, 290, 303-305, 321, 325, 354> 35*> > worn with their backs pulled up, 102, 109, in, 112, 114, 123, 124, 147-150, 156, 159, 163. 251, 253, 254, 266, 290, 323, 331 sq. ; smacking with, 157, 162, 198, 248, 252, 256-258, 330, 356; the bride robbed of her, 200, 223 ; the bridegroom robbed of his, 233, 234, 269, 286 5 kept on at night, 239, 290, 323, 331; throwing of, 244, 251, 2.5 6 323. 35 6 Smith, W. Robertson, 56 a. 1 , 59 n. 1 , 65 . 3 Smith, William, 264 n. 3 Snouck Hurgronje. See Hurgronje Son-in-law, avoids his parents-in-law, 310 sqq. 5 term applied to a, 312. See Young Husband Sorrow, expressions of, 344 Sparta, 26 n. 1 Spirits, evil, 26, 27, 89, 99, 103, 119, 122, 123, 160, 231, 235, 237, 255, 256, 321, 335, 342, 343, 351, 352, 357> 35&> 3^2, see Devil; the, of the place or district, 208, 244, 296. See Index of Arabic Words, ( d \jnOn Spitting, 199 Stallion, the bride taken to the bride- groom's place on a, 168, 191, 349 Steel, 123, 162. See Daggers, Needles, Swords Sterility, supposed to be caused by evil spirits, 352. See Fertility Sticotti, P., 187 n. 2 Stones, saintly cairn pelted with, 129, 323 ; thrown over the bride, 169-171, 173, 176, 177, 179, 180, 190, 323, 326, 353, 357 ; at the bridegroom's people when they come to fetch her, 180, 186, 345 ; at bridal processions when they meet, 191 Straits of Gibraltar, the, 3 Sugar, 24, 29, 40, 43, 47, 78, 104, 181, 199, 261, 284, 301-304, 308 Suhrawardi. See 'Abdullah al-Ma'mun Suhrawardy Sultan, the bridegroom regarded as a, 97, 102, 106, 113, 118, 274, 361 Sun, water which must not be exposed to the, 352 Sunnls, 17, 64. See Hanafls, Malikls " Supper, the," 301 Sus, 2, 3, 66, 92, 252, 328. See Aglu, Ait Tamfildu Swords, 97, 99, 102, 104, 106-109, !II 112, 123, 149, 155, 162, 235, 237, 239, 242, 244, 251, 255, 256, 282, 290, 322, 356 Syria, 118 n. 3 , 160 n,\ 161 n. 2 sq., 162 GENERAL INDEX 419 n' 2 , 187 sq. n. 3 , 1 88 n?, 217 n. 1 , 222 n. sq. ; Nestorians of, 164 n. See Aleppo Tafga, 67 , Tafilelt, 138 Tangier, 4, 6, 20 n., 196 ., 264, 329 n. 1 sq., 337 ; nhar d-dbeha at, 78, 141 ; fetching of the bride at, 86, 87, 167 sq. j ceremonies in the bridegroom's home previous to the wedding at, 117 sq. ; in the bride's home at, 140 sqq. ; end of the wedding at, 293, 295 ; later ceremonies and taboos at, 300 sq. Tangles, as impediments, 264 Tar, 37 . Tent, the bride taken round the bride- groom's, 197, 198, 200, 206, 209, 215, 326, 331 ; beating it with a cane, 200, 204, 218, 327, 331 ; fling- ing the cane at it, 200, 205 j smearing butter on the horizontal pole support- ing its roof, 20 1, 205, 207, 221 j taken to the four corners of it, 201, 202, 221 sq. 5 hurling a lamb over it, 204, 221, 361 cloth, as an instrument of l-'&r, 61 pole, embraced by a runaway wife, 60, 63 j smeared with butter by the bride, 201, 205, 207, 221 ; put into her lap, 202, 349 Tents, weddings celebrated in, pitched for the occasion, 200 n., 204, 206 Tetuan, 2 Thomson, Joseph, 26 n. 1 Three, 41, 109, 151, 157, 179, 185, 186, 190, 197, 200, 20 1, 203-206, 211, 212, 214, 215, 218, 231, 240, 244, 250-252, 254-256, 297, 306, 324-327, 33> 33 2 - 35. 35 6 Threshing-floor, 336, 339, 340, 361 Threshold, the, 218 sq. . 2 ; an egg buried underneath, 89 sq. ; must not be stepped upon by the bride, 185, 189, 219, 22O sq. n?, 324 ; considered haunted by jnun, 219 sq. ; fear of, 220 n. 1 , 369 ; blood sprinkled on, 262 "Threshold of boys, the," 201, 221, 222, 349 " of cheapness, the," 202, 221 sq. " of safety and quietness, the," 20 1, 221 sq. " of sheep and cattle, the," 201, 221 sq. "Time of the woman, the," 238 sq. Tlemcen, 17 n. 2 , izo n. 2 sq., 264 n. 2 , Tllq, 57 n., 117 n. 1 , 118 n. 3 , 168 n. 2 ; mdkla among the, 77 Todd, Mrs. M. L., 87 n. 1 , 160 n. 1 Torches, 167 Torres, Diego de, 85 n? Touareg, 19 n. See Ahaggar, Ahnet Tours, made by the bridegroom and his friends, 108, 109, in, 114, 281-286, 333 ; by the bride and her girl-friends, H5, 155 *? Train, Mr., 257 . 2 Transliteration of Arabic and Berber words, 1 1 sqq. "Transportation," the, 133 sq. Tremearne, A. J. N., 118 n. 1 , 123 w. 2 , 1 60 n. 1 Tripoli, 87 n. 1 , 160 n. 1 , 367 Trousseau, the bride's, 34, 83, 84, 185. See Dowry Trumbull, H. C., 84 ., 87 . 2 , 188 n. 5 , 219 n. 1 , 222 n. Tsui, 3, 4, 263 ; fetching of the bride among the, 87, 171 sq. j cleaning and grinding of the wheat which is to be used for the wedding among the, 90 sq. ; the bridegroom's henna- ceremonies among the, 90, 99 sqq. j ceremonies in the bride's home among the, 146 sq. ; arrival and reception of the bride among the, 195 sq. ; meet- ing of bride and bridegroom and the morning after, among the, 235 sq. ; continuation and end of the wedding among the, 281, 293 ; later cere- monies among the, 298, 302 Tunis, 1 8 n?, 161 n. 3 , 313 n. 2 , 367 sqq. Turcomans, 25 n. Turkey, 87 n. 1 , 161 n. s , 220 . 2 , 257 n?, 263 w. 3 ; Greeks of, 255 n. 1 Turning the head, prohibition of, 172, 189, 231, 250, 255, 295, 324, 353 sq. Twins, 154, 155, 349 " Tying of the haylk, the bride's begin- ning and," 142, 143, 260, 265, 349, 354 Tylor, Sir E. B., 316 n. Ujda, 2 s. Ulid Bu-'Aziz, 3, 4, 261, 336 sq. ; be- trothal among the, 32 sqq. ; marriages between cousins among the, 53^; dowry among the, 66, 67, 82 ; dti'd* among the, 82, 83, 331 ; time for weddings among the, 87 sq. ; the bridegroom's henna-ceremony among the, 105, 199 j ceremonies in the bride's home among the, 157 sqq. ; meetings of bride and bridegroom and 420 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES subsequent ceremonies among the, 158, 159, 238 sq. ; fetching of the bride among the, 173 sq. ; arrival and reception of the bride among the, 197 sqq. j continuation and end of the wedding among the, 282-284, 290, 291, 299 j later ceremonies and taboos among the, 302, 311 sq. 5 second marriages among the, 329 sqq. See UlSd Rafa UlSd, Jama', 294, 295, 298 Rafa, 66 Unlucky numbers, 71 Untying of knots, 232, 264 sq. Van-Lennep, H. J., 75 ., 120 , 2 , 1 60 a. 1 , 161 H. 3 , 162 H. 3 , 164 ., 1 86 H. 1 sq., 187 H. 1 sq., 1 88 n?, 189 H. 3 Vassel, Ph., 22 n. 1 Vegetable gardens, 336, 340, 353 Villot, E., 1 8 n. 2 , 161 . 3 , 221 . 2 , 264 ., 268 n. 1 Virginity, marks of the bride's, 159, 228, 230, 232, 233, 236, 237, 239- 243, 245, 246, 248-254, 266-268, 362, 368. See Defloration of the Bride " Vizier, the." See Best-man Vowel sounds, rendering of Arabic and Berber, 12 sq. Wad Dra, 2 Walnut root or bark, 83, 105, 120, 153, 158, 161, 176, 182, 193, 194, 202, 213, 214, 216, 231, 233, 242, 250, 266, 282, 283, 295, 306, 322, 327 sq. Washing. See Bathing and Washing Water, from the sanctuaries of seven saints, 28 sq. ; the grit removed from the wheat which is to be used for the wedding thrown into, 90, 91, 93 sq. j used in various ceremonies, 97, 121, 122, 126, 128, 136, 144, 162, 185, 190, 231, 232, 255, 297, 298, 321, 351 sq. ; the sight of, avoided by the bride, 166, 187 ; sprinkled on her, 177, 1 80, 190, 203, 209, 215, 216, 326, 347, 348, 357 ; offered to strangers who come as guests, 191 ; sprinkled by the bride on the people, 198, 216, 348 ; sprinkled on the cattle, 208 ; offered to the bride or young wife to drink, 212, 215, 297, 326, 350; drunk by bride and bride- groom, 232, 257 sq. ; fetched by the young wife, 295-298, 350; sprinkled on her, 304. See Bathing and Washing Waves, seven, 351 Wayte, William, 264 n. 3 Weather, ceremonies supposed to in- fluence the, 7 sq. See Rain Weaving-stool, 151, 152, 356 Wedding, Arabic and Berber names for, 85 sq. ; time for the celebration of a, 86 sqq. ; baraka ascribed to a, 143 ; the, celebrated in tents pitched for the occasion, 200 ., 204, 206 ; knots avoided at a, 264 " Wedding, the day of the," 140, 274 " , the house of the." See Index of Arabic Words, dcir l-Brs " , the night of the," 213 Wed ding -feast, the, should be held in the bridegroom's home, 85 ; duty to accept an invitation to, 85 Weddings, several, celebrated on the same occasion, 203, 206, 212 sq. Weeping. See Crying Weinhold, K., 19 . Wellhausen, J., 18 . 2 , 19 n., 54 n., 56 n. 1 and n. 3 , 59 n.\ 65 n? Westermarck, E., 38 ., 61 ., 82 . 2 , 87 . 3 , 1 1 8 H. 2 , 1 19 n., 120 n. 1 and n. 6 , 121 . 2 , 122 n. 1 sq., 123 . 2 , 138 ., 145 ., 163 n. 4 , 201 ., 22O H. 1 , 254 n., 258 n. 3 , 259 n.\ 260 H. 4 , 267 . 2 , 269 ., 295 ., 321 . 3 , 336 w. 1 sqq., 339 n ?i 34 "- 1 an d n - 3 S 1-i 343 n - 5 *?> 344 ., 351 n. 1 , 352 n. 1 and n. 3 , 360 w. 1 , 365 n.\ 370, 374 Wetzstein, J. G., 118 n. 3 Wheat, 33, 45, 47, 67, 77, 79, 82, 322 ; ground in the fiancee's home with a silver coin underneath the handmill, 33, 152 sq. ; cleaning and grinding of the, which is to be used for the wedding, 88-95, 319, 3 2 3 2 4> 3475 ground by the bride over her uncovered right thigh, 153, 162, 353 ; offered to the bride, 197, 198, 216, 217, 327, 348, 357 ; thrown by her over her head, i97> 217, 327, 357J n the people, 198, 217, 348, 357; ground by the young wife, 298 White objects used in ceremonies, 7, 8, 25, 33, 89, 99, 106, in, 124, 128, 218 sq. H. 2 , 253, 261, 347, 357. See Eggs, Milk, Silver Things Widow, marriage with a deceased brother's, 59 sq. ; allowed to dispose of her own hand, 59 ; in her father's power, 59 sq. ; liable to be sold by her deceased husband's family, 60 ; dowry given for a, 66-99, 71-74, 328 j wedding ceremonies in case the GENERAL INDEX 421 bride is a, 154, 329 sqq. j remarriage of a, 328 sqq. Wilken, G. A., 55 n.\ 56 n. 1 Wilson, C. T., 17 n. 2 , 21 n., 56 ., 75 >!., 125 ., l88 H. 2 , 215 . 2 , 2l8 ., 219 H. 1 , 222 ., 268 . 2 , 291 H. 1 Winternitz M., 19 n., 162 ., 163 .*, 215 .*, 216 ., 219 H. 1 , 220 H. 1 , 255 S. 1 "Wish of a good evening, the," 95 Witchcraft, 91-94, 123, 124, 150, 165, 172, 173, 176, 179, 183, 188, 197, 231, 290, 324, 338, 342, 361 Witnesses at the conclusion of a mar- riage, 17, 1 8, 52 " Woman's morning, the," 249 Women, kidnapping of, 61, 80 sq. ; fear of old, 176 ; opening their belts, 262 ; as guests, 262 sq. $ notions regarding, 338 sqq. $ as asylums, 339 5 taboos to which they are subject, 339 S W- , the, related to the bride must take part in the ceremony called fa'seq, 139; who take part in a wedding paint themselves with henna, anti- mony, walnut root, ochre, saffron, or harqos, 153, 157, 161, 283,327^.5 curse the fathers of the bride and bridegroom, 197, 223, 346 ; attack the bridegroom, 198, 199, 211, 223, 345 sq. j defend the bride against the young men's attempts to rob her, 204, 223, 346 ; have fights with the bachelors, 245, 247, 261, 268, 346 ; belonging to the bridegroom's family have their hair open, 291, 328 ; living in the village of the young wife's parents smear their hands with henna, 303. See Girl-friends of the Bride Wool in magical practices, 218 sq. n. 2 , 222 ., 261 Wortabet, G. M., 160 w. 1 , 161 n? sq., 162 . 2 , 1 88 n. and n. 3 Wrede, A. von, 164 ., 186 n. 1 , 188 n. 2 and n. 5 Wuttke, A., 305 n. Yiblis. See Devil Young couple, the, perform a sacrifice, 213 ; visited by the wife's mother, 291, 292, 303 sq. ; visit the wife's parents, 300, 302, 304, 306 sqq. ; receive food from them, 301, 308 sq. ; kiss them on the head, 302, 307, 308, 310; give them presents, 302, 306 sqq. 5 ceremony supposed to make them friendly to each other, 305 ; paint the heels of their feet with the blood of a sheep or goat, 305 ; give a feast, 305 ; abstain from sleeping to- gether, 306 ; received with milk by the wife's mother, 308 j give bread to the people whom they meet on the road, 309 husband, the, kisses the heads or hands of his parents, 48, 314 sq. 5 gives to his wife a haygk, 143 ; a head- kerchief or a ring, 286 ; pays a visit to his parents-in-law, 291, 300-302, 304, 306 sqq. ; gives them a present of food, 291, 301, 302, 306 sqq. ; . kisses one or both of them on the head, 291, 302-304, 307 sqq. ; buys fish, 299, 347 5 gives a feast to his father- and brothers-in-law, 301 ; gives money to his mother-in-law, 304, 308 ; shy of her, 304, 311 sq. ; of his parents-in-law, 304, 307, 309 sqq. 5 of his brothers-in-law, 310 sqq., of his own parents, 314 sqq. j receives milk from his mother-in-law, 304 5 his wife putting new slippers on his feet, 305, 354 wife, the, receives a present from her husband, 143, 286 ; goes to fetch water, 295-298, 350; places herself under the protection of the spirits and saints of the district, 296 ; gives bread to the dog of the house, 296, 357 ; makes offerings to the saint whose shrine she visits, 296 ; certain water ceremonies to which she is subject or performed by her, 297, 298, 3505 grinds wheat and prepares the supper, 298 ; fetches palmetto leaves and makes a rope, 298, 348 $ together with her mother-in-law subject to a curious ceremony, 298 sq. ; makes bread, 299 ; fish cast on her feet, 299, 3535 must keep to the house, 300 ; visits her parents, 300-304, 306-310, 324, 362 ; has a hot bath, 301, 306 ; dressed up as a bride, 301 ; gives presents to her parents or one of them, 301, 302, 306-310, 362; receives presents from them, 301-303, 307 sqq., baraka ascribed to, 302, 303, 308, 309, 362 ; receives hospitality from the people of her own village, 302 ; kisses her parents on the head, 302, 303, 307, 308, 3105 kisses the heads or hands of other relatives, 302 sq. ; her feet washed with milk by her mother, 302 sq. ; removes and kisses her 422 MARRIAGE CEREMONIES parents' slippers, 303 ; smears henna on her hands, 303 ; sprinkles henna on the domestic animals, 303, 362 ; receives presents from relatives, 303 ; considered very susceptible to the evil eye, 303, 324 ; her mother painted with henna, 303 ; ceremonies to which she is subject on the fortieth day, 304-306, 325, 351 5 water sprinkled on her, 304 ; her slippers and girdle changed, 304 sq. j puts new slippers on her husband's feet, 305, 354 ; charm suspended at her belt, 305 ; her hair plaited, 305 ; painted with henna, antimony, walnut root, and ochre by her mother, 306 j still in a state of danger, 306 ; kisses her parents-in-law on the head, 317 ; kisses her father-in-law's head and hands, 317; has a bath in the sea, Zachariae, Th., 148 ., 220 n.~, 257 so. n? Zemmur, runaway wives among the, 62 Zkara. See At Zihri THE END Printed by R. & R. CLARK, LIMITED, Edinburgh. BY THE SAME AUTHOR Second Edition. Tivo Vols. 8 w. 1 4^. net each. THE ORIGIN AND DEVELOPMENT OF THE MORAL IDEAS SOME PRESS OPINIONS VOL. I. ATHENALUM. " This book remains an achievement unsurpassed in its own kind, a perpetual monument of the courage, the versatility, and the amazing industry of its author." R. R. MARETT in MIND. "Dr. Westermarck's work fills me with pro- found admiration. . . . There is no book in any language that deals concretely with the evolution of morality on so grand a scale or in so authoritative a way.' HAVELOCK ELLIS in THE JOURNAL OF MENTAL SCIENCE. "Throughout marked by an extraordinary degree of erudition which never becomes pedantic, by an invariably fair-minded and well-balanced attitude towards difficult problems, and by a power of broad and lucid presentation which recalls Buckle." W. R. SORLEY in THE BOOKMAN." A standard work on a subject of first-rate importance. It is distinguished alike by breadth of view and mastery of detail, by skilful marshalling of evidence and by sound judgment." VOL. II. A. E. TAYLOR in NATURE. "Dr. Westermarck's work is likely to remain for a long time a standard repertory of facts, which the moralists of every school will, no doubt, set themselves to interpret, each after his own fashion." ATHENAEUM. " By dint of a singular combination of virile qualities pluck, resolution, and common sense Dr. Westermarck has accomplished a monumental work that places him in the first rank of living anthropologists. " R. R. MARETT in MAN. "Dr. Westermarck is to be heartily congratulated on having brought to its full realisation a work designed on the most generous lines. The amount of erudition compressed into these two volumes is simply vast. . . . Of the book as a whole anthropologists can have but one opinion, namely, that in respect of reach and grasp alike it is masterly. " LONDON: MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD. BY THE SAME AUTHOR Third Edition, 8vo. 1 4$. net, THE HISTORY OF HUMAN MARRIAGE SOME PRESS OPINIONS SPECTA TOR " By far the most important contribution to our know- ledge of a profoundly interesting chapter in human history that has yet appeared. " ACADEMY. "Notable not only for its origin, but for its independence of thought. ... At once takes an important place in the much -debated problem of primitive society." SA TURD A Y RE VIE W." No brief notice can well give an idea of the field over which Mr. Westermarck ranges, and of his extensive learning in his subject." WESTMINSTER REVIEW. " All who are interested in the study of sociology will welcome the publication of Mr. Westermarck's really important studies. . . . Mr. Westermarck has written a very able volume on the subject of human marriage, which, in our opinion, is calculated to set the world think- ing again with a view to correcting preconceived ideas. 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