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 Volume XXI 
 
 New York, N. Y., October 19, 1918 
 
 Number 1072 
 
 Contents 
 
 Editorial Notes 1299 
 
 The President and Peace 1301 
 
 Rampant Imperialism 1302 
 
 Protecting Profits 1303 
 
 The End of " Progressivism " 1304 
 
 California's Misfortune 1306 
 
 Politics in Minnesota 1306 
 
 Charles N. Macintosh 1307 
 
 A Woman for Senator, W. M. Rannells 1308 
 
 Landmarks and Horizons, Georges Darien 1310 
 
 Correspondence 1312 
 
 Books 1314 
 
 News Notes 1310 
 
 There has not yet been time to learn the full 
 nature of the reception accorded by our Allies to 
 President Wilson's reply. We have, however, 
 cabled reports giving the editorial comment of the 
 two principal exponents of British liberalism, the 
 Westminster Gazette and the Manchester Guard- 
 ian. There seems to be unqualified satisfaction 
 in all quarters with the strength and directness 
 of the President's statement. The Gazette shows 
 a comprehension of its full meaning when it says : 
 " We must stand resolutely behind the President 
 when he demands the destruction of the Prussian 
 military power as a necessary condition of peace, 
 but while we do this we must also back his ap- 
 peal to the German nation and make it clear that 
 when they can present their credentials as a free 
 people we shall be ready for peace on terms which 
 can be honorably accepted by honest men every- 
 where." In regard to an armistice, the Guardian 
 believes that security of a severe order should be 
 exacted so that the enemy may not build up 
 afresh his means of resistance or attack. It sug- 
 gests the temporary occupation of Essen, the 
 evacuation of the whole of Alsace-Lorraine, and 
 the surrender of the German U-boat fleet. It 
 adds : " We shall not exact vengeance. We shall 
 
 not impose needless humiliation. We shall cer- 
 tainly require of Germany to do whatever is nec- 
 essary for expiation and reparation and the 
 safety of the world." French opinion appears to 
 focus upon the question of .an armistice rather 
 than the general conditions of peace. This is 
 easily understood in view of the senseless van- 
 dalism being practiced by the retreating German 
 armies. The Temps says regarding the reply: 
 " It will not consolidate the authority of the 
 Prussian staff, nor the personal prestige of the 
 Kaiser, nor the popularity of the dynasty or im- 
 perial regime. The directors of Germany sought 
 public debate. They have it. The first result is 
 that they appear in the eyes of their people, gasp- 
 ing for peace, as the principal obstacle to peace." 
 
 * * * 
 
 It may be expected that the President's prom- 
 ise of a separate reply to Austria-Hungary will 
 provide a document no less interesting and im- 
 portant than that to Germany. Events have 
 reached a point where skillful direction may def- 
 initely break the Dual Alliance. The Germans 
 themselves seem generally to recognize the hope- 
 lessness of Austria before the tide of insistent 
 nationalities. Whatever the Dual Monarchy 
 may become in the future, the end of the Haps- 
 burg regime is in sight. Even if President Wil- 
 son's reply should drive away hope of saving 
 itself by sacrificing the Alliance and securing a 
 separate peace, it will make little difference in 
 
 the end. 
 
 * * * 
 
 It is related that when Croesus, king of Lydia, 
 at the height of his power in 546 B. C., made 
 war upon Cyrus, he first consulted the oracle of 
 Delphi. Being told that if he marched against 
 the Persians he would overthrow a great em- 
 pire he set forth and was defeated and captured 
 by Cyrus. It is not known whether the German 
 Kaiser consulted any other oracle than his own 
 vanity or not. But otherwise his course closely 
 
1300 
 
 The Public 
 
 Twenty-first Year 
 
 parallels that of the Lydian king. William II, 
 master of the greatest military organization ever 
 created in time of peace, and head of an empire 
 rapidly growing in power and wealth, was in a 
 fair way to become the mightiest man of the 
 world. But, intoxicated by ambition, and car- 
 ried away by inordinate conceit, he set forth to 
 conquer the world, and was himself overthrown. 
 Possibly the chastened Kaiser may reflect upon 
 another incident associated with the life of the 
 ancient king. It will be recalled that Croesus, 
 who was said to be the richest of men, having 
 entertained Solon by exhibiting his innumerable 
 treasures, asked the Greek law giver if he was 
 not the happiest of mortals. Solon's answer 
 was, " Account no man happy before his death." 
 * * * 
 
 Reports of waste and inefficiency in the new 
 shipyards and other plants engaged in war work 
 continue to come in from college professors and 
 others who have volunteered for manual labor 
 in the national emergency. The most common 
 story is that the men are not kept continuously at 
 work, and that foremen encourage either loafing 
 or a pretense at keeping busy that is just as bad. 
 On their face, these stories indicate mismanage- 
 ment rather than labor slacking, although that is 
 always encouraged by inefficiency at the top. 
 The Department of Labor is conducting an in- 
 vestigation, and the flood of criticism is sure to 
 have its effect. Yet it is to be doubted that the 
 situation is much worse than the best wc could 
 expect. Anyone who has been part of a new 
 industrial organization, thrown together almost 
 over night, realizes how inevitable it is that for 
 a considerable period there shall be maladjust- 
 ments and friction and waste motion and lack of 
 coordination. Good foremen, who know their 
 men, are as important in industry as good ser- 
 geants in the army. The labor turnover in any 
 brand-new industrial enterprise is always large, 
 and there are always a plentiful crop of " kicks." 
 Our industrial organization is such that the men 
 themselves are helpless under inefficient manage- 
 ment. Anything like a voice in the direction of 
 operations has always been denied them, and 
 criticism is too often taken as evidence of un- 
 due " freshness." There is no calculating the 
 economic waste of our normal peace-time indus- 
 try, in which the employment office can count 
 on an inexhaustible supply of applicants, so that 
 there is no incentive to enlist the real interest 
 
 and genuine cooperation of the men. Under 
 these conditions, superintendents and foremen 
 tend to become unduly touchy and arrogant. It 
 lies within their power to deprive any workman 
 under them of the means of earning a liveli- 
 hood, and with jobs as scarce as they are in 
 normal times, this constitutes as arbitrary a 
 power as any that exists in the world. And 
 arbitrary power always has been fatal to effi- 
 ciency. We cannot rid ourselves of the old in- 
 dustrial evils overnight. We cannot kill the 
 spirit of initiative and cooperation in our work- 
 ers and then invoke it instantly at will. 
 * * * 
 
 Some of the speculation as to whether or not 
 the Government's efforts to revive the use of the 
 Mississippi River as a commercial highway will 
 cause old boatmen to smile. The demise of the 
 Mississippi steamboat was not due to lack of 
 Government assistance, nor to any inherent 
 weakness in the business itself. It was due to 
 unfair railroad competition, aided and abetted by 
 the Government. The practice of the railroads, 
 sanctioned by the Interstate Commerce Law, of 
 carrying freight at losing rates from competitive 
 river points, while recouping themselves by high 
 rates from interior points compelled unremuner- 
 ative rates to all river points. Another means of 
 strangling the boats was the power of the rail- 
 roads to withhold accommodations to shippers 
 to interior points if they patronized the boats. 
 Still another, was to ship western grain all the 
 way by rail, instead of sending it down the river. 
 It will be a simple matter now that the Govern- 
 ment is in direct control of the railroads to re- 
 adjust rates, and to stop discrimination between 
 shippers. It will also be possible to reship by 
 water, if that method proves to be the more effi- 
 cient, produce brought to the river by rail. The 
 whole situation is merely another illustration of 
 the evils that were inflicted upon the country by 
 the privately managed railroads. The same rate- 
 making power that enabled railroad managers to 
 build up or destroy cities, and to make or unmake 
 private business, had the power to destroy a great 
 boating industry upon a navigable stream. And 
 it did destroy that business at the very time 
 that other countries — and even our own — were 
 building canals at enormous expense. One of the 
 benefits of public ownership of railroads will be 
 the restoration of water transportation, so far as 
 it may be found profitable. 
 
•ctober 19, 1918 
 
 A Journal of" Democracy 
 
 1301 
 
 In these days of outraged righteousness, when 
 the heart is wrung by successive atrocities fol- 
 lowing each other in such rapid order as almost 
 to rob one of the power to distinguish parts in a 
 monstrous whole, it is difficult to set apart in the 
 imagination any nationality or body of people as 
 a. special object of compassion. The bleeding 
 Balkans, devastated Belgium, wasted France, 
 prostrate Armenia, helpless Russia, and all the 
 cruelties great and small that have been inflicted 
 upon the world during the past four years tend to 
 make us indifferent to suffering nearer home. 
 Nevertheless, we should not forget our own af- 
 flicted. When in all history can be found men in 
 such a plight as the present Republican leaders? 
 The nation is prosecuting a successful campaign 
 in a popular as well as a righteous war ; the party 
 in power is led by a man of unexampled popu- 
 larity ; and the November elections are only a few 
 days off. What wonder that the minority leader 
 solitary and alone vehemently denounces the 
 President's course one day, explains his opposition 
 the next, and joins in the universal acclaim on 
 the third day. Minority leaders simply must 
 have an issue; and if the opposition leader per- 
 sists in doing nothing wrong he may be de- 
 nounced in advance for not doing what he is cer- 
 tain to do, and then be praised for having done 
 what the minority leader demanded he should do. 
 This may appear to some as small politics to fit 
 narrow minds; but the generous will recognize 
 the sad plight of the little band led by Lodge, and 
 backed by Penrose, Weeks and Wadsworth, 
 standing resolutely with their backs to the future, 
 and valiantly opposing the oncoming forces of 
 progress. What was Horatius' stand at the 
 bridge when compared with these ? 
 
 The President and Peace 
 
 Once more it has been given to the Presi- 
 dent to do what is beyond peradventure the 
 right thing — the big, elemental, simple thing, 
 which goes with absolute directness through a 
 world of confused cross-currents, to the result to 
 which he and America unflinchingly aim. In the 
 past week events have moved with as great rapid- 
 ity, and to as great transformation in the political 
 world, as did the military events of the end of 
 July. The center of gravity, of interest and sig- 
 nificance of the war has shifted from the mili- 
 tary to the political field. And there can be no 
 
 shifting back, unless so great a check should be 
 presented to the Allied advance as to bring into 
 question the power of the Allied countries to en- 
 force their political demands. Meanwhile the 
 tide has turned to victory in the world of political 
 conceptions. And it is important to grasp the 
 fact that this too is a movement involving large 
 and complicated factors ; that its problem is also 
 to carry a whole line forward, and to compel an 
 enemy readjustment. President Wilson has dur- 
 ing these months since America entered the war, 
 made it his special task to shape an army of 
 opinion, to train his shock troops of moral pur- 
 pose, and place his reserves of principles and 
 ideals so that the Allies might reap the fruits of 
 military victory. The most critical moment was 
 when the German note of October 8 arrived. 
 There was a double need; first, to test the good 
 faith of Germany's proposal,- to shake it free 
 from the suspicion of trickery, and secondly, to 
 move the Allied position beyond the first childish 
 reaction, which thinks in terms of vindictiveness 
 and knockout blows. The German reply to this 
 note of inquiry made it clear that the proposal 
 was a matter of the utmost seriousness, that it 
 viewed the German cause as having suffered 
 military defeat, and that the German nation de- 
 sired to make peace on President Wilson's 
 terms. But the matter had to be carried to a 
 further stage. There . was already the clamor 
 of little voices, and the louder Senatorial babble, 
 seizing, in a parrot chorus, upon the phrase " un- 
 conditional surrender," as if all the problems of 
 peace-making could be solved by the assertion of 
 overwhelming force. And a further lesson had 
 to be carried to the Germans. They had in 
 the main adapted themselves to Solf's reply, and 
 were accepting the commitment to discuss the 
 disposition of present German territory. Now 
 they must face an issue that cuts to the very 
 roots of their system. It is pointed out to them 
 that they agree, in accepting the fourteen prin- 
 ciples, to a radical transformation of their mode 
 of government, one which ends for all time the 
 irresponsible power of Kaiserism. President 
 Wilson makes it clear that beyond all other ob- 
 jectives, the war is being fought to destroy any 
 power which can on its own initiative use a na- 
 tion to precipitate another similar struggle. The 
 Germans are thus brought face to face with their 
 ultimate governmental problem. It has nothing 
 to do with William II, the Crown Prince, or any 
 
1302 
 
 The Public 
 
 Twenty-first Year 
 
 other person. It has to do with the subjection 
 of governmental functions to the will of the peo- 
 ple. Prince Maximilian said in his speech that 
 the Federal Constitution was to be amended in 
 a way to make the ministry responsible to the 
 legislative body. This must be carried through 
 before the Entente Allies can know that the 
 regime they are fighting has definitely and finally 
 passed away. Will it be done? No one holding 
 in view all the elements of the situation can for 
 a moment doubt it. Germany faces not only 
 military defeat, but economic ruin. The pros- 
 pect of boycott in raw materials, and general 
 limitation of trading privileges is for her a denial 
 of national existence, which she finds herself 
 powerless to avert. What President Wilson 
 wants to bring about is a world arrangement in 
 which the German people can participate on an 
 equality with all others. It is because he can in- 
 sure this, that the Germans will drop overboard 
 their medieval dynasty, and with it their cult of 
 the sword. 
 
 Arrangements for an armistice stand in a dif- 
 ferent field. The military and political are in- 
 teracting, but still two separate factors. Terms 
 of peace are imposed on the basis of military 
 victory. This victory is either actual or poten- 
 tial. It results in the end, in either case, in the 
 disarmament of the foe. If the foe sees the in- 
 evitable result of further -fighting, and desires to 
 avoid it, he will naturally concede the situation 
 that would have been brought about by a con- 
 tinuation of conflict. He must surrender his 
 power of renewing the struggle. And the de- 
 gree of this surrender, whether it takes the form 
 of demobilization of men, of giving up muni- 
 tions, or conceding frontier strongholds, is a 
 purely technical military matter. In all proba- 
 bility the Germans have not yet reached the full 
 measure of persuasion. Their military machine 
 requires a further beating. Kaiserism and the 
 military machine are almost synonomous terms. 
 And Germany's new political task will be facili- 
 tated just in proportion to the degree in which 
 her armaments have disappeared. 
 
 Among ourselves the principal task is now to 
 rise above the vindictiveness of war. There will 
 be many who can think only in terms of penal- 
 ties. Surely these great sacrifices deserve some- 
 thing better. President Wilson can carry out 
 his purpose only if we support 1 im in the en- 
 forcement of his principle of impartial justice, 
 
 with " no discrimination between those to whom 
 we wish to be just and those to whom we do 
 not wish to be just." 
 
 Rampant Imperialism 
 
 I most earnestly hope that the Senate of the United 
 States and all other persons competent to speak for 
 the American people will emphatically repudiate the 
 so-called fourteen points and the various similar ut- 
 terances of the President. — Theodore Roosevelt. 
 
 As a protectionist, I cannot accept the fourteea 
 points of President Wilson. — Senator Sherman. 
 
 Here, in these utterances of men who have 
 come to stand for American imperialism and all 
 that it involves of privilege, we have a warning of 
 the formidable character of the opposition which 
 President Wilson must meet from now on in his 
 efforts for a lasting peace. As to Colonel Roose- 
 velt and Senator Sherman in their own persons 
 the explanation of politics and partisan jealousy 
 and antagonism might suffice. It will not suffice 
 for the men who provide funds for Republican 
 campaigns, for the National Security League and 
 its associated organizations. These men have a 
 definite program. They want protective tariffs, 
 Government subsidies, a State Department sub- 
 servient to their foreign investments, an aggres- 
 sive foreign policy, a heightened cult of bellicose 
 nationalism, and huge armaments, with universal 
 military service. It is not that they fear German 
 trickery and an indecisive ending. What they 
 fear is that President Wilson will rob imperialists 
 in the Allied Governments of such a victory as 
 would do for them what German victory would 
 have done for the German imperialists. They 
 understand plainly enough that the Wilson pro- 
 gram looks toward the removal of privilege in 
 international affairs, and that its success involves 
 the eventual removal of privilege in domestic 
 affairs as well. For the same business practices 
 which breed discontent at home, breed wars when 
 they are extended to foreign fields. What these 
 men seek is the prostitution of patriotism to the 
 service of ruthless and unfair economic exploita- 
 tion, — unfair to our people at home and to the 
 people of other lands. They want a national 
 psychology that will give the humblest citizen a 
 thrill of pride when he reads that a Rooseveltian 
 President has sent a battleship to some far-away 
 little Republic that has dared to interfere with 
 " American " investments. The best way to pro- 
 duce such a psychology is to maintain a pre- 
 
October 19, 1918 
 
 A Journal of Democracy 
 
 1303 
 
 carious peace. For their purpose, a German 
 people smarting with humiliation and burning 
 with revenge would serve better than a democrat- 
 ized Germany living in reconciliation within a 
 league of peaceful nations. 
 
 The most casual survey of President Wilson's 
 fourteen points will give us the measure of re- 
 actionary opposition to his program. No. IV de- 
 mands " adequate guarantees given and taken 
 that national armaments will be reduced to the 
 lowest point consistent with domestic safety." 
 The domestic safety of America might conceiv- 
 ably demand a large navy. It probably will be 
 held to demand a navy of considerable size for 
 some time to come. But under no reasonable 
 construction could it demand a large army, and 
 the demand for reduction in armaments to the 
 point of domestic safety therefore runs directly 
 counter to the demand for universal military 
 service. That circumstance alone is enough to 
 earn for the Wilson program the determined, 
 aggressive, organized opposition of America's 
 privileged interests. For they have decided that 
 the American people is rapidly getting out of 
 hand, — their hands, — and that the only hope of 
 bringing them back lies in inculcating in succes- 
 sive generations of boys the cult of blind and un- 
 questioning obedience. They have not yet adopted 
 the goose step, and that particular symbol of per- 
 sonal subordination to an imperialist state can 
 never be popularized here. But they will think 
 of something as good, or better, and wish it on us 
 if we give them the chance. Equally unpalatable 
 to them is the President's demand, in Point No. 
 Ill, for " the removal, so far as possible, of all 
 economic barriers and the establishment of an 
 equality of trade conditions among all the nations 
 consenting to the peace and associating them- 
 selves for its maintenance." The organized 
 propaganda for a protective tariff was never 
 stronger in this country than it is now. It is 
 being paid for by the same men who are financing 
 the agitation for universal military service, and 
 it is part of the same scheme. In all this they 
 are sincere patriots. They are no more engaged 
 in a conspiracy against the public welfare than 
 the I. W. W. was engaged in such a conspiracy. 
 Each have their conception of what America 
 should be, and the interests that demand protec- 
 tive tariffs and universal service are convinced 
 that in serving their own interests they are serv- 
 ing the interests of the country. It is a reflection 
 
 on our state of progress that while we put the L 
 W. W. in jail, we shall be lucky if we do not put 
 this infinitely more dangerous group in control of 
 the White House and of Congress at the next 
 election. Yet The Public is confident that we 
 shall not, thanks to the leadership of President 
 Wilson and the growing popular appreciation of 
 what constitutes real democracy. 
 
 Protecting Profits 
 
 Senator Lodge made out rather a poor case 
 in attempting to explain why the Senate could not 
 finish the revenue bill in time to let prospective 
 bond purchasers know the amount of taxes they 
 will have to pay next year. The time was 
 short, it is true, but discussion of the bill began 
 months ago; and there is reason to believe that 
 had the Senate devoted more attention to pre- 
 liminary work on the revenue bill, and less to- 
 hunting mare's nests in Administration preserves, 
 it would have been in better shape to meet the 
 emergency. It did begin hearings on the bill 
 before it had passed the House, and it might 
 equally well have begun the work it is now under- 
 taking at the time the House began. The Senate 
 never accepts the House bill, but treats as fiction 
 the Constitutional requirement that revenue bills 
 must originate in the House. It has been known 
 to amend the House bill by striking out all that 
 follows the enacting clause. 
 
 But it is the reason given by the Massachusetts 
 Senator that arrests attention. Speaking of the 
 objectionable feature of the bill, the " enormous 
 rates placed by the House upon excess profits 
 and war profits," he says : " They are so large 
 that it seems inevitable that they will tend to 
 reduce profits to a point which will dry up the 
 sources of income taxes as applied both to cor- 
 porations and individuals and leave the business 
 organizations of the country in a position where 
 they will have little money for dividends, no 
 money for proper reserves, and their funds to 
 take Liberty Bonds will be so depleted as to have 
 a very serious effect on placing the loans." 
 
 Senator Lodge's words sound suspiciously like 
 a revamped protective tariff argument. " Protect 
 us from foreign competition," said the manufac-' 
 turer, " and we will pay high wages." " Give the 
 moneyed interests, large profits," says the Sen- 
 ator, " and they will buy bonds." His argument 
 may have a plausible sound to those whose divi- 
 
1304 
 
 The Public 
 
 Twenty-first Year 
 
 dends he seeks to protect; but to the common 
 man it looks as though he were merely offering 
 the Government the alternative of paying for the 
 war out of money derived from taxes, or the 
 same money secured by means of bonds. Wealthy 
 persons and corporations doubtless would prefer 
 in ordinary times to lend their available incomes 
 to the Government, rather than to have them 
 taken in taxation ; but it would be little less than 
 maligning a class to suppose that at a time of uni- 
 versal sacrifice like the present, there were more 
 than a few individuals who would harbor the 
 thought. 
 
 One wonders whether the Senator's position is 
 dictated by the fear that the Government will 
 not have as much money under the heavy rates 
 of the revenue bill as drawn by the House, or 
 that the rich will pay too much. The immediate 
 effect would appear to be the same whether a 
 man of great income gave it to the Government 
 in the shape of a heavy tax, or bought bonds. 
 The mediate effect can only be conjectured. Sen- 
 ator Lodge appears to incline to the opinion of 
 those who say industry will stop unless there be 
 goodly profits. But no sufficient reason has yet 
 been given for such a prediction. Industry is a 
 going concern. It cannot be stopped and started 
 at will. If it is to run unimpaired next year it 
 must keep on this year; hence, selfish reasons 
 alone would prompt the owner to continue oper- 
 ation. 
 
 But there is a better reason why the absorption 
 of excess profits to pay for the war will not stop 
 industry: it is honor; or, more concretely ex- 
 pressed, patriotism. The same thing that keeps 
 the laborer from slacking on his job prevents the 
 rich man from shirking his duty. Individual 
 failures may be found among either; but surely 
 Senator Lodge does not mean to intimate that 
 the rich as a class must be bribed or paid for 
 doing what the poor do from a sense of duty. 
 That would be to shake one's faith in humanity. 
 And if his inference were true, if it were a fact 
 that moneyed men would continue production 
 only upon compliance with their own demands, 
 then the Government should lose no time in 
 taking them in hand, and showing them the 
 straight and narrow way in which they should 
 go. If civilization and all that is involved in 
 progress has reared up a body of men who feel 
 no obligation to the institutions under which 
 they acquire, their wealth, the conditions and in- 
 
 stitutions that created them cannot be too 
 quickly changed. 
 
 The surtaxes, excess profits and war taxes 
 laid by the House bill are not too high. Rather 
 are they less than what they should be. Had 
 they been placed at one hundred per cent, in- 
 stead of seventy or eighty, there would have 
 been ample left for reasonable needs. To re- 
 duce these rates in the Senate will be to mark 
 that body as the millionaire's friend, and renew 
 the irritation between classes that was so evi- 
 dent when we entered the war. Senators should 
 not forget that they are now chosen by popular 
 vote, and not by submissive legislatures. 
 
 The End of " Progressivism " 
 
 The political situation in this country is being 
 rapidly clarified as Republican leaders, no longer 
 groping for an issue, group themselves in a solid 
 phalanx against the policies of President Wilson. 
 The campaign is on in full force, and the roar 
 of the guns is heard from Montana, where 
 Colonel Roosevelt anathematizes the organized 
 farmers of the West, to Washington, where Sen- 
 ator Henry Cabot Lodge appeals to the passions 
 of hatred and revenge in an effort to capitalize 
 the baser elements of wartime popular emotion. 
 Even the amiable Taft is recruited for this at- 
 tempt to break down the President's prestige just 
 when it is needed most, — this attempt that would 
 appear shameful and treacherous if those who 
 make it were not blinded by class and partisan 
 prejudice. 
 
 Colonel Roosevelt has cast off utterly the 
 mantle of " constructive radicalism " which he 
 conveniently wore in 1912. Like a belligerent 
 Government that seeks to woo a powerful neutral, 
 and then turns on it with deeper fury when it 
 joins the enemy, so Colonel Roosevelt's resent- 
 ment against democratic movements in America 
 mounts higher and higher as it becomes ever 
 more apparent that Wilson is their leader. The 
 farmers and the wage earners and the liberals 
 will not follow me? Very well. So much the 
 worse for them. They are traitors and poltroons. 
 And he turns as naturally ta the Chambers of 
 Commerce, to the hard and mean little men every- 
 where, as the sunflower to the sun. He is a hero 
 today among the copper mine owners and man- 
 agers under indictment for the Bisbee deporta- 
 tions; in the clubs of Minneapolis and St. Paul 
 
October 19, 1918 
 
 A Journal of Democracy 
 
 1305 
 
 and Chicago where gather the hard-faced sons of 
 privilege who stand between the farmers and 
 their markets; in every circle of the rich and 
 powerful who hold title to mines and forests and 
 water powers and vast stretches of lands. He 
 stands for them as a bulwark against the rising 
 tide of the cheated and the dispossessed. They 
 have a blind faith in his popularity, and they are 
 exploiting it to the limit. The Nonpartisan 
 Leader, aggressive spokesman of the organized 
 farmers, has exposed the method. A telegram 
 and letter from the alleged Washington agent 
 of a great Minneapolis lumber corporation to 
 his chief at Minneapolis shows how the Colonel 
 is being used as a ballyhoo to bring the crowd 
 into their tent. " Has a great speech, meeting 
 the Nonpartisan issue. Streets of Baltimore 
 crowded; park where he spoke jammed with 
 thousands," telegraphs A. A. D. Rahn at Wash- 
 ington to F. H. Carpenter at Minneapolis. The 
 Colonel was to speak at Billings, Montana, on 
 Saturday, Oct. 5, and in Minneapolis on the fol- 
 lowing Monday. Writing on Sept. 29, Mr. Rahn 
 directs preparations for the Monday perfor- 
 mance. There is to be a great rallying of " the 
 boys," and " especially those boys from Duluth," 
 where Republicanism is a synonym for the in- 
 terests of the Steel Corporation's mining depart- 
 ment. " See Adjutant General W. F. Rhinow 
 and Governor Burnquist and arrange to have 
 them turn out the national guard for parade 
 Monday afternoon," read the instructions. " See 
 if you can not get the regulars up from Fort 
 Snelling to take part also. We must have as 
 big a military display as possible. Talk to Ad- 
 jutant-General Rhinow and see if all draftees can- 
 not be in the parade. This is a good basis for 
 loyalty." Mr. Rahn is careful to veneer the real 
 intent. " Mr. Roosevelt would much prefer to 
 talk on the Liberty Loan, and this should be 
 arranged if possible. However, if the date for 
 his appearance is too late, or if for any other 
 reason he cannot talk on the loan, he will put 
 up the ' loyalty ' question, especially with refer- 
 ence to the activities of the Nonpartisan League. 
 Get as much data together as you can on the 
 Nonpartisan League, especially the photographic 
 copy of Mr. Gilbert's letter to Mr. Haywood. . . . 
 If possible, however, a talk on the Liberty Loan 
 should be arranged." The Sunday morning 
 papers of October 6 told us how satisfactorily 
 the Colonel had performed at Billings. Presum- 
 
 ably he repeated his denunciation of the farmers 
 on Monday, to the delectation of " the boys from 
 Duluth " and the banking, land-speculating, mill- 
 ing, and packing interests of the Twin Cities. 
 
 There is no longer any schism in the Repub- 
 lican ranks. Senator Lodge at Washington is in 
 perfect accord with the Colonel ; so is Poindexter 
 the Progressive; and Mr. Lissner, Progressive- 
 Republican leader of California, tells an inter- 
 viewer in New York that Hiram Johnson will 
 not oppose the Colonel if the latter wants the 
 nomination in 1920. Of this we prefer to be 
 doubtful. Also there are still Borah, Norris, and 
 a few others who surely cannot be prepared to 
 follow their Party's present leadership. Yet the 
 lines are now drawn clearly enough to bring us 
 within sight of a development for which we have 
 long stood in need, — the separation of the sheep 
 from the goats, — the division of the country on 
 political lines that really mean something, with 
 reaction on one side and progress on the other. 
 It is not a matter of parties. It was not the 
 Party Democrats of California, North Dakota, 
 Kansas, and Ohio that elected Wilson in 19 16. 
 Our politics were never freer from blind tradi- 
 tional partisanship. Yet there is danger as well 
 as virtue in this. Progressive citizens of what- 
 ever party have adopted President Wilson as their 
 leader. But they have not in the same degree 
 adopted the Democratic Party. Its machinery 
 still imperfectly follows the new alignment. 
 Much of it is still in the hands of narrowly par- 
 tisan Democrats who are capable of using the 
 President's prestige for their own purposes. This 
 may be unimportant now, but the time will come 
 when all the voters who meet on the basis of 
 Wilson leadership will need an organization in 
 which they can have the same confidence as they 
 have today in the President. It is an opportunity 
 for young men and for new women voters to 
 enter the Democratic Party ranks and make it 
 their own. It is an opportunity for older voters, 
 and even for men who have been prominent in 
 the progressive movement within the Republican 
 ranks, to follow the example set by Kent, Heney, 
 Murdock, and others and so to complete the 
 democratization of the only party that offers hope 
 of accomplishment. We should not then need to 
 worry about the Party's tories. They can 
 weaken it and cripple its usefulness only to the 
 extent that it must depend on them for success, 
 and that dependence will cease as soon as pro- 
 
1306 
 
 The Public 
 
 Twenty-first Year 
 
 gressives of the North and West overcome their 
 prejudices and enter its ranks. 
 
 California's Misfortune 
 
 The machinery of popular government has 
 seldom miscarried to worse effect than in the 
 recent California primaries. The Public has 
 been reluctant to believe that neither Mr. Rolph 
 nor Mr. Heney, who came out respectively first 
 and second in the Democratic primary for Gov- 
 ernor, would be allowed to take the nomination 
 and oppose Governor Stephens, Republican in- 
 cumbent, at the November election. Yet that is 
 the result, under decisions by the State Supreme 
 Court that Mr. Rolph is ineligible because he 
 ran also in the Republican primary and was de- 
 feated, and that Mr. Heney is ineligible because 
 Mr. Rolph defeated him. This leaves the Demo- 
 crats without a candidate except for Theodore 
 A. Bell, who has got himself on the ticket by 
 petition as an independent. Either Rolph or 
 Heney would have made an excellent Governor. 
 Rolph is Mayor of San Francisco, a successful 
 ship owner and operator, originally nominated 
 in 191 1 by a business men's committee and now 
 bitterly opposed by the Chamber of Commerce 
 and all it represents. He had the hearty support 
 of organized labor in his campaign for Gov- 
 ernor. Mr. Heney's record is well known. His 
 latest service was the conducting of the Federal 
 Trade Commission's investigation of the packing 
 industry. Few men have so persistently escaped 
 adequate recognition by the voters for distin- 
 guished, courageous public service. As between 
 Governor Stephens and Mr. Bell, most progres- 
 sive citizens will favor the Governor, a mild and 
 canny " progressive " who excels at compromise. 
 He refused to sign an anti-injunction bill and has 
 dodged* the Mooney issue. He represents the 
 greatly diluted and weakened organization which 
 came into existence around Governor Johnson. 
 The more fundamental democrats of the Johnson 
 regime supported Heney or Rolph. As for Bell, 
 he began life as a boy orator and reformer, and 
 in 1906, as Democratic candidate for Governor, 
 made an honest and effective fight against South- 
 ern Pacific domination. In 1910, Johnson and 
 the Progressives had stolen his thunder, and Bell, 
 embittered, turned to the reactionary water power 
 and public utility interests for support. Since 
 then he has been an attorney for these interests 
 
 and others, and his star long ago set as a cham- 
 pion of democratic causes. That California 
 should have to put up with Stephens and Bell, 
 with Rolph and Heney eliminated, is a great piece 
 of hard luck and a serious reflection on the elec- 
 tion machinery. The situation is a strong argu- 
 ment for the reform urged by Governor Johnson 
 in 1915, and indorsed by the Legislature in that 
 year, to abolish party designations in state elec- 
 tions and substitute one free-for-all primary that 
 would eliminate all except the two receiving the 
 highest and next highest number of votes. The 
 constitutional amendment to this effect was de- 
 feated by the voters in an apathetic special 
 election. 
 
 Politics in Minnesota 
 
 It is good to hear that there is no foundation 
 for the report that President Wilson had in- 
 dorsed Senator Knute Nelson of Minnesota for 
 re-election, and that instead the Wilson Democ- 
 racy of Minnesota is working actively to replace 
 this arch reactionary with a man whose under- 
 standing of what democracy means is that of 
 the President himself. The land-grant railroads 
 and the water power monopoly of the Northwest 
 never had a more faithful friend in Congress 
 than the aged Senior Senator. He is a man after 
 the late Jim Hill's own heart. His latest service 
 was his attempt to amend the railroad Control 
 bill so as to guarantee the return of the railroads 
 to private ownership within six months after the 
 conclusion of the war, an attempt which belies 
 his claim to recognition as a staunch supporter of 
 the President, who wished no specific time limi- 
 tation in the bill and who reluctantly accepted 
 the eighteen months' proviso on which Congress 
 finally compromised. 
 
 The failure of the Minnesota Democratic Party 
 organization to name a candidate to oppose Sen- 
 ator Nelson is now explained as one of those 
 practical alliances between the bi-partisan agents 
 of reaction which are common enough in states 
 where the true public interest is but feebly repre- 
 sented in the controlling machines of the two 
 big parties. The situation has been saved by the 
 new National Party, which nominated Mr. W. G. 
 Calderwood of Minneapolis for Senator and has 
 now got him accepted by organized labor, the 
 farmers of the Nonpartisan League, and such 
 Wilson Democrats as Ex-Governor John Lind 
 
October 19, 1918 
 
 A Journal of Democracy 
 
 1307 
 
 and Chairman William B. Colver of the Federal 
 Trade Commission. Mr. Colver's influential St. 
 Paul newspaper, the Daily News, is urging Mr. 
 Calderwood as the only candidate who stands 
 for the Wilson policies, not only of war but of 
 reconstruction, and Mr. Lind, who is probably 
 closer to the President than any other Minne- 
 sotan, is also an active worker in the Calderwood 
 camp. They are facing with the greatest energy 
 and enthusiasm the difficulties of improvising a 
 state-wide campaign organization. Organized 
 labor and the organized farmers each will con- 
 duct their own campaign for Calderwood, while 
 the most active liberals in the State are appealing 
 to voters in general through the Citizens Sena- 
 torial Committee. Mr. Sinclair, the Chairman, is 
 a Minneapolis banker whose views on politics 
 and economics will never make him popular 
 among the leaders of the Bankers' Association. 
 But his energy and organizing ability are giving 
 Minnesotans something to talk about, and 
 whether Mr. Calderwood wins or loses, the cam- 
 paign will be worth more than it costs as educa- 
 tional propaganda in the interests of true democ- 
 racy. The candidate himself is a Minneapolis 
 real estate broker who has never held public 
 office, but has devoted much of his time to public 
 work in the interest of tax reform and prohibi- 
 tion. Prohibition is not now an issue, as Senator 
 Nelson is also its advocate, and the campaign is 
 being fought largely on the issues of reconstruc- 
 tion. The Calderwood platform, which is also 
 the platform of the National Party of Minne- 
 sota, declares for public ownership of public 
 utilities, terminal markets, packing plants, flour 
 mills, mines, oil fields, forests, and water power ; 
 taxation to make immediately available " land 
 held uselessly idle for the profit of speculators ;" 
 an extension of federal control of banks and 
 banking in order to render monopoly in com- 
 mercial credits impossible; an executive budget; 
 and industrial democracy based on the declara- 
 tion that " equality of economic opportunity is 
 fundamental to the liberty for which we are at 
 war." 
 
 Mr. Calderwood's war record offers no oppor- 
 tunity to the political agents of the banking, mill- 
 ing, packing, and Steel Corporation interests who 
 have instigated the contemptible persecution 
 •f farmers belonging to the Nonpartisan League. 
 Even the amusing snobs who try hard if un- 
 wittingly to make Revolutionary descent ridicu- 
 
 lous could not complain of his record, for 
 he is of Whittier's family, and he has been a 
 staunch supporter of the President's war policy. 
 He is said to be an excellent campaigner, with a 
 wide acquaintance reaching into almost every 
 village in the State. Among those who are 
 working for him is the picturesque group of 
 practical democrats on the Iron Range, led by 
 Victor Power and Claude Atkinson of Hibbing, 
 the men who wrested political control of the 
 iron mining towns from agents of the Steel 
 Corporation and then taxed the Corporation 
 to provide their towns with such schools, 
 libraries, parks, and public utilities as few cities 
 enjoy. 
 
 The Calderwood men are greatly handicapped 
 by the lack of any state-wide political machinery, 
 except that which they have improvised, and by 
 the other difficulties common to every campaign 
 for real democracy — the opposition of the great 
 newspapers and all the other interests that benefit 
 from privilege and injustice. Yet the fight is 
 worth while in itself. And some very shrewd 
 politicians are confident of winning it. 
 
 Charles N. Macintosh 
 
 The Singletax cause has lost, through the 
 death of Mr. Charles N. Macintosh on Sep- 
 tember 17, its ablest and most active supporter 
 in South America. Mr. Macintosh was born 
 a New Zealander, went to Buenos Aires about 
 thirteen years ago, and in spite of the novelty 
 of the country, its language, and economic con- 
 ditions, and the constant struggle oi a business 
 man making his way, he carried the Singletax 
 to every part of the River Plate Valley and 
 Southern Brazil. Later on, in connection with 
 Mr. Balmer and Dr. Felix Vitale of Montevideo 
 and Dr. Herrera y Reissig, a Singletax league 
 was formed. This organization was extended 
 to all the Argentine provinces as well as Uru- 
 guay and the Brazilian province of Sao Paulo. 
 And before his death Dr. Macintosh saw his 
 movement a real power in the city of Buenos 
 Aires. Nowhere in the world is the economic 
 remedy proposed by the Singletax so much 
 needed as in Latin America. The whole eco- 
 nomic system is one of privilege intrenched in 
 the possession of natural resources. The old 
 Spanish estate system provides the universal 
 method of land tenure. Added to this in Argen- 
 
1308 
 
 The Public 
 
 Twenty-first Year 
 
 tina were all the evils of speculation, due to the 
 rapid growth of prosperity. The native Ar- 
 gentines, poor gauchbs, with worthless land, 
 found themselves made wealthy by railways, 
 wheat and alfalfa. They became, and are still, 
 a race of land speculators, leaving the industry 
 in the hands of foreigners. National revenues 
 
 A Woman 
 
 / By W. M. 
 
 If one has followed the general run of the 
 campaign speeches this year, it would seem as if 
 the war and its necessities of national cohesion 
 and concentration had blotted out the rising ideal- 
 ism of the betterment of the individual and the 
 weakling — the very spirit that gave the war pur- 
 pose of the United States birth. The one thing 
 hammered on is the winning of the war, without 
 regard to the things that must be won with it, 
 or the purposes of the newer civilization of hu- 
 manitarian democracy which were threatened by 
 things Prussian. 
 
 It has hardly been recognized, as far as the 
 campaigning candidates have carried their ideas 
 before the voters, that the forceful growth of 
 American principles is a serious factor both in 
 the winning of the war and in the reconstruction 
 that will come with peace. In most instances it 
 has been ignored with the sole idea of getting be- 
 fore the people the idea that the particular can- 
 didate is behind the war — a matter of common 
 loyalty. 
 
 In fact, it has been regarded almost as se- 
 ditious to give expression to the fact that 
 economic conditions in this country can still be 
 changed for the better, and that indeed this is 
 the one thing of primary importance connected 
 with war aims. 
 
 A different note has been struck in the 
 speeches and platform of Anne Martin, the 
 woman now running in Nevada for the United 
 States Senate. The determination with which she 
 has placed the ideal of humanitarian democracy 
 to the fore has been most striking. She has given 
 expression to the needs of the workers and the 
 need of change in the economic structure of the 
 nation as has no other candidate. 
 
 Very boldly she has emphasized the fact that 
 the struggle between the profiteer and the pro- 
 ducer is growing mightier every year, and will 
 come to perhaps a definite climax in the period 
 
 are almost exclusively derived from tariffs. It 
 was into a field of this sort that Mr. Macintosh 
 came, and it was because of him that every coun- 
 try in Latin-America is now contemplating the 
 imposition of a land tax, which will end the old 
 system and make Latin-American democracy a 
 possibility. 
 
 for Senator 
 
 Rannells 
 
 airectly following peace and the return of the 
 armies to civil life. 
 
 " Many corporations, which have in the past 
 controlled the lives of workers," she states again 
 and again, " are determined to elect men to the 
 Senate who will protect their interests in the 
 coming reconstruction. 
 
 " If they succeed, the sacrifices made by the 
 workers will be in vain. They will lose the things 
 they have fought for and continue to be the prey 
 of profiteers." 
 
 She applies her doctrine of a stake in industry 
 for all the workers to her own state. 
 
 Nevada is peculiarly situated in many re- 
 spects. The land question is the dominant is- 
 sue. Its area is tremendous, the population in- 
 significant. There is too much land and there 
 is too little water. Much of it must always re- 
 main range for stock and cattle, and the value of 
 range land depends entirely on who owns the 
 sources of water on it. Practically all of the 
 land not reserved for Indians or as public do- 
 main is in the hands of a few land and cattle 
 companies or of individuals. The water is al- 
 most absolutely in the hands of the few, and 
 if the small independent is not given access 
 to the water, the public range is practically 
 useless to him, though abundantly supplied 
 with bunch grass and other valuable stock 
 fodder. 
 
 It is the state's problem to bring land and 
 water and settlers together. After, it is again the 
 problem of the state to keep that land and the 
 water in the hands of the small farmer. Settling 
 land in Nevada is a job of many years — years 
 that cannot be anything but fraught with the 
 severest hardship to the man with a family and 
 but little capital. On account of the sparsely set- 
 tled condition of the country and the paucity 
 of transportation agencies, markets for grow» 
 crops are distant and inaccessible. 
 
October 19, 1918 
 
 A Journal of Democracy 
 
 1309 
 
 Miss Martin believes that heavy taxes on un- 
 developed land holdings is the only available 
 method, outside direct confiscation, of throwing 
 open the land to bonafide settlers, as far as the 
 land is available for farming purposes. If the 
 land is held by companies until the water ques- 
 tion is settled, the rabid exploitation of settlers 
 is a thing assured. The question of water for 
 range cattle will always be a source of bitter 
 dispute — it has ended before now in bloody bat- 
 tles and in the destruction of much stock — un- 
 til that water is absolutely under the control of 
 the government, to be distributed according to 
 the exigencies of the local situation. The laws 
 covering it are not explicit enough and work 
 along the old idea that possession is nine-tenths 
 of the law. 
 
 It is the definitely expressed intention of the 
 government to place such returning soldiers as 
 desire it on land similar to this. Indeed, Nevada 
 has been definitely considered as a vantage point 
 for this necessary work. It is evident, there- 
 fore, that the Nevada land problems are things 
 that must be settled immediately. 
 
 The struggle for irrigating water is common 
 over the whole state. Its rainfall is the lightest 
 in the country, its rivers the fewest. Conditions 
 vary greatly. 
 
 In land drained by the Humboldt, Walker, 
 Truckee, Carson and other streams, the problem, 
 as stated by Miss Martin, is to reservoir at the 
 heads and other convenient places and store the 
 flood waters of the spring and winter. The 
 farmers say that enough water goes to waste 
 during infrequent seasons of heavy rain to 
 water their crops for years. This has been true 
 this year in the middle northern portion of the 
 state, a section that draws its water from small 
 tributaries of the Humboldt. 
 
 A reservoir constructed by private initiative 
 in this region at a cost of $150,000 watered crops 
 the first year worth half a million dollars. 
 Farmers on the outside have barely water enough 
 to handle one crop. 
 
 In other portions of the state water is drawn 
 from springs and artesian projects privately 
 owned, with consequent unfair distribution. It 
 is a remarkable fact that water can be found 
 nearly anywhere in the state at a depth of from 
 three feet to two hundred feet, even in the most 
 barren alkali country. The alkali which satu- 
 rates the ground in some places is another source 
 
 of trouble, augmented by the fact that it no 
 sooner works out of the ground than spring 
 floods inundating the river country carry more 
 back. 
 
 These water problems must be settled either 
 by private concerns, which will insist on large 
 profits, or by the federal government, to the 
 benefit of all the settlers. 
 
 These problems are all recognized by Miss 
 Martin's platform. 
 
 She is determined that the land holdings shall 
 be thrown open to the people and that they shall 
 be developed by the federal government for the 
 benefit of the settlers. The sincerity of her pur- 
 pose is not to be doubted. A movement of this 
 kind is something that Nevada has waited hope- 
 fully for during long years. The war has placed 
 it among the things that must be done imme- 
 diately. 
 
 There are other industrial problems no less 
 complex. It is enough to say that the mining 
 industry of Nevada has been hard hit by the war, 
 at a time when metals are badly needed. High 
 cost of labor and materials in connection with 
 low-grade gold ore has caused a demand for 
 something that is, economically speaking, a 
 catastrophe. Serious men have demanded an in- 
 crease in the price of gold per ounce — something 
 that would involve the rebuilding of the world's 
 financial structure. Remedies are essential ; 
 among others proposed is the subsidizing of the 
 gold industry by the government. The suspected 
 monopoly of smelters, mills and other ore-reduc- 
 ing plants is causing the yell of " profiteer " to 
 be a constant and not unjust cry among the small 
 leasers. It is significant that with copper selling 
 at 26 cents a pound, leasers are not makiaj as 
 much as when it was 14. 
 
 Anne Martin is facing these problems bravely, 
 and is pointing out fearlessly in her speeches and 
 avowed platform the methods necessary to solve 
 them. 
 
 The fitness of a woman to handle problems 
 like this, where they must be settled according to 
 sound principles or prove a ruinous detriment 
 for years, is of course a matter constantly under 
 discussion. 
 
 Anne Martin was born in Nevada, has lired 
 there a great portion of her life. These things 
 were constantly discussed in her home. Both 
 her father and brother held seats in the state 
 legislature and the family was active in state af- 
 
1310 
 
 The Public 
 
 Twenty-first Year 
 
 fairs. Her people, by the way, came originally 
 from Ireland. 
 
 She graduated from the Nevada State Uni- 
 versity and Leland Stanford, being called the 
 " most brilliant woman graduate " of the latter 
 institution.- Courses in Columbia were followed 
 by several years of travel on the continent and 
 studies at the universities of Cambridge, London 
 and Leipzig. These courses dealt largely with 
 history and governmental problems, political and 
 economic. It was during her stay in England and 
 Scotland that the problems of the land became an 
 active interest with her. Besides actual contact 
 with conditions at country homes, she became in- 
 timate with such authorities as the Sidney Webbs 
 and Keir Hardy. 
 
 She has followed these problems actively and 
 keenly all her life. Whatever may be her knowl- 
 edge of things as they are in Nevada, and she has 
 gotten a great deal from direct contact with 
 farmers and miners in every section during her 
 numerous campaign trips, Miss Martin is un- 
 questionably a student and " digger " of great 
 attainment. It has been her hobby to go to the 
 bottom of the problems that she has set herself to 
 solve. 
 
 She was a professor of history at the state 
 university at Reno, 1897-01, and lecturer on art, 
 1901-3. Since then she has been chiefly occu- 
 pied in speaking, writing and working for na- 
 tional woman suffrage. She was the first woman 
 member of the Nevada Educational Survey 
 Commission in 19 15. She is recognized as an 
 authority on diverse subjects, and is a member 
 of many learned societies. 
 
 Miss Martin's great achievements, of course, 
 have been connected with the woman suffrage 
 movement. Her fine executive capacity was 
 shown in the well-organized and directed cam- 
 paign in Nevada which in 1914 won votes for 
 women in that state. It became apparent again 
 when she opened up in the national suffrage 
 fight and became first chairman of the National 
 Woman's Party. From December, 19 16, to 
 April, 1918, she was in full charge of the lobby- 
 ing work in Congress, and in the interim spoke in 
 every state in the union. 
 
 The grasp she had achieved on national af- 
 fairs at this time was recognized in the tribute 
 paid her by the late Senator Stone : 
 
 " Gentlemen, this little woman knows more 
 about politics than all of us put together." 
 
 It is certain that she has been a very strong 
 factor in bringing about national suffrage, now 
 well assured of success. 
 
 Her avowed object in running for the Senate 
 now is the logical end of the fight she has made 
 for votes for women. Since women are taxed 
 with men's responsibilities as the outcome of the 
 war, she believe^ they should have a direct voice 
 in the government. 
 
 And thus the question of her candidacy stands. 
 
 Related Things 
 Landmarks and Horizons 
 
 IV 
 
 " What was the proportion of liberal-minded 
 men in the National Assembly ? " asked Leblanc. 
 
 " About one-fifth," answered Lerouge; " there 
 were just over one hundred republicans. All the 
 remainder was monarchist to the core ; had they 
 been able to come to an agreement between them- 
 selves, France would have been at once saddled 
 with a crowned ruler. But the pretenders were 
 too many ; there was the Count of Chambord, of 
 the Bourbons elder line; there was the Count of 
 Paris, of the Orleans House; all of them ready 
 to devote themselves to the happiness of the 
 nation. The difficulty was, that they could not 
 wear the crown at the same time. So, their 
 several upholders concluded a sort of truce, ac- 
 cepting the Republic as a makeshift, a provisional 
 form of government to be overthrown as soon 
 as the right claimant to the throne would have 
 been agreed upon. How the honest scheme mis- 
 carried, we shall see." 
 
 " That reactionary majority had been returned 
 by the countryside; was not the peasantry, after 
 the horrible experiences they had just passed 
 through, alive to the utter wretchedness of dy- 
 nastic institutions ? " 
 
 " They were not," said Lerouge ; " and you will 
 ere long understand why. The French peasantry, 
 which then represented seventy per cent, of the 
 population, had come into possession of the land 
 scarcely eighty years before." 
 
 " A rather incomplete and precarious posses- 
 sion," said Leblanc; and he added sneeringly: 
 " all the historians and politicians are wont to 
 tell us that 1789 gave the land to the peasant." 
 
 " The peasant was given nothing. What he 
 got, he had to take himself. And that has been, 
 
October 19, 1918 
 
 A Journal of Democracy 
 
 1311 
 
 is, and always will be the only way of getting any- 
 thing. It has been shrewdly pointed out that the 
 great movement of 1789 would have been a sorry 
 failure had it been confined to Paris and to the 
 big towns; its success, so far as we can call it 
 by that name, is entirely due to the fact that, 
 while it was going on lamely enough in cities, 
 the peasants rose in the country, burning the 
 castles, making bonfires with title-deeds and 
 parchments, taking forcibly possession of the 
 fields and of the forests ; there were four Jacquer- 
 ies in succession; and it is these Jacqueries, and 
 nothing else, which did put an end to the ancient 
 regime." 
 
 " The end is not yet," sighed Leblanc. 
 
 " Granted," Lerouge continued ; '* the upas tree 
 has not been felled at one stroke; but it will be 
 brought to the ground; the axe is at it, and won't 
 let go. I am sure of the fact, because the peasant 
 handles the axe. Mark my words — it will be 
 tomorrow as it has been yesterday and before; 
 the great universal transformation will be carried 
 out by the man with the hoe. In Europe, in 
 America, anywhere, don't put your confidence 
 in city populations, in the workers of trade or 
 industry. They may be well-meaning; full of 
 sincerity; nay, heroic; but they lack the deep 
 unity of view which is necessary to bring a pro- 
 found social change to a successful conclusion. 
 It is not their fault, but it is so. Their minds 
 are solicited in too many directions; their life is 
 sadly complicated, and their interests are dark- 
 ened by the very number of them; they con- 
 stantly rub shoulders with Privilege, its pomps 
 and its feasts; they hate it, no doubt, but some- 
 how they take side in it; all its prestige is due 
 to their sweat and to their tears, they know it; 
 but for that very reason, they keep a soft corner 
 for it in their hearts — as a mother cannot help 
 having a special love for the wicked and un- 
 » grateful child she has suffered agony in bring- 
 ing forth. Add to this the vanity, the levity, the 
 mobility, the sickly sentimentality, which are in- 
 variably the result of the ever-changing, chame- 
 leon-like, aspect of big towns; don't forget that 
 they act on the spur of indignation and lack 
 tenacity of purpose — and spare yourself the 
 trouble of listening to any amplification of that 
 psychology." 
 
 " I see, your hopes, so far as anything revolu- 
 tionary is concerned, rest wholly on the peas- 
 antry? " 
 
 " Wholly. Of course, the cities can do good 
 work. But they must not be depended upon. The 
 peasant, on the contrary, can be trusted. Coun- 
 try fellow, clod-hopper, plowman, farmer, yokel, 
 call him as you like, he is the man of one idea. 
 This idea is, the possession of the land. I say 
 Possession, take note of it, and I am careful not 
 to use such sly phrases, as, free access to the soil, 
 and so on. I say Possession, because I am per- 
 fectly sure of two things: the first is, that the 
 man with the hoe wants to possess the land; I 
 mean, to have the property, the full ownership of 
 it; and that he rejects with hatred and contempt 
 all kinds of tenancy, be the owner a private indi- 
 vidual, or the municipality, or the state. And 
 the second thing is, that the man with the hoe is 
 completely right." 
 
 " What ! you uphold private property in land ! 
 But conservatives do nothing else." 
 
 " I am a conservative," said Lerouge coldly. 
 " Only, I am a conservative with common sense. 
 I want to conserve all that has a value, an ascer- 
 tained or ascertainable value ; life, to begin with. 
 The conservatives you allude to are the senseless 
 conservatives, the vulgar ruck of conservatism, 
 deaf, blind and hide-bound; they want to con- 
 serve all that is valueless, rotten ; Death under all 
 its forms, and the ashes of dead things. In 
 truth, what they wish to conserve, in land prop- 
 erty, is not its private character, but its uncondi- 
 tioned present state. They stick in our days to 
 private ownership because they have it; but, in 
 case of need, they would willingly accept tomor- 
 row land-nationalization as a second-best choice ; 
 they know that, by the application of that absurd 
 system, mankind would slowly but surely re- 
 trace her steps to feudalism, and that land mo- 
 nopoly would continue unabated. What they 
 are opposed to is the rank suppression of Privi- 
 lege; and that, you can obtain exclusively 
 through the taxation of land in proportion, first, 
 to its selling value; and, second, to the ascer- 
 tained needs of the community; which presup- 
 poses, unless logic be but a corpse, the existence 
 of private property in land." 
 
 " I think that I am beginning to understand 
 what you are driving at." 
 
 " Then, I have only one thing to tell you : 
 don't stop, go on fearlessly, and open your ears 
 as wide as you can the next time I speak of the 
 Singletax." 
 
 "What is that?" 
 
1312 
 
 The Public 
 
 Twenty-first Year 
 
 " Nobody knows as yet. But never mind : 
 everybody will come to know. Meanwhile, let 
 me add that, by the side of the financial or fiscal 
 consideration pointed out above as to the un- 
 avoidableness of private property in land, there 
 is another and as cogent consideration drawn 
 from the necessities of cultivation itself. Crowds 
 of writers have shed ink about the land question 
 without having themselves ever touched a spade 
 or driven a plow; agriculture, for them, is a 
 calling like another, and stands on a par with 
 industry or trade; they have never suspected, in 
 it, the existence of a soul. But I speak to you 
 as a peasant ; I mean, as a man who has tilled the 
 soil, and tills it as much as he can; who, amidst 
 the ups and downs of his checkered life, has 
 always kept the cottage and the field left him 
 by his fathers, and who has found in them, while 
 turning up the sod or tracing the furrows, not 
 only thoughts and consolation, but the con- 
 science of things — and, furthermore, his own 
 conscience. . . . Yea," said he after a 
 while, " it is there, when I came back, many a 
 time, baffled in my efforts, laughed at and bat- 
 tered down by all the forces of stupidity, that I 
 found, while tending that good earth who keeps 
 in her bosom the secret of our salvation, the 
 courage of weathering again that man-made 
 tempest which we call Life. The earth, as I 
 was tilling her, has given me the answer to 
 many riddles, and above all, has led me to un- 
 derstand myself. . . . And I can tell you 
 this, Leblanc: I like you; you are an obdurate 
 and self-opinionated old fellow. ..." 
 
 " I am not," protested Leblanc. 
 
 " You are," retorted Lerouge," and you know 
 it well enough; still, I like you very much all 
 the same; I would give a world for you, had I 
 it in my possession. But my humble cottage, 
 my field, my plow, my spade, no, would 't be to 
 save your life, I would not part with them. 
 That's the truth. I love the soil. I am a 
 peasant." 
 
 " You are something else besides," said Le- 
 blanc ; " but let that pass. Only, allow me to 
 tell you that you are somewhat rambling in your 
 statements. You had undertaken to tell me the 
 truth about the question of Alsace-Lor- 
 raine. ..." 
 
 " And what else am I doing ? " asked Lerouge. 
 " Have I not told you that the French peasantry, 
 in February, 1871, had sent to the National 
 
 Assembly a big reactionary majority? Had I 
 not, therefore, to explain why they did so ? " 
 
 " You had ; and I approve of your opening a 
 parenthesis; but. ..." 
 
 " You would like it closed now, wouldn't 
 you? " interrupted Lerouge. " Well, I am sorry, 
 but it must stand ajar for a while." 
 
 Georges Darien. 
 Paris. 
 
 {To be continued) 
 
 Correspondence 
 The Bolsheviki 
 
 To the Editor of The Public : 
 
 Permit me, in my blindly partisan way, to comment 
 briefly on the article, "The Bolsheviki," in your num- 
 ber of September 28. 
 
 No one who knows Russia today will object very 
 strongly to the generalizations about the nature of Rus- 
 sian Socialism — although they are extreme generaliza- 
 tions. But he will resent the author's whimsical con- 
 tempt for the intellect and originality of the Bolshevik 
 leaders, as instanced in anecdotes describing his witty 
 debates with the Bolsheviki. " Who knows," he says, 
 " but the writer may be responsible for some of the 
 ' logical ' policies of the Bolsheviki ? " 
 
 Your correspondent demonstrates again and again 
 that he does not know what the Soviet Government 
 signifies, when he says such things as, " If you want to 
 know .... why the peasantry of Russia is scarcely 
 allowed a word in Russian affairs," and " The peasantry 
 in Russia, economically isolated and not even practis- 
 ing barter exchange, have no political connection with 
 the central government." 
 
 In the light of the known facts, such statements are 
 absurd. The Russian peasantry has an absolutely equal 
 representation in the Soviet Government with the in- 
 dustrial workers of Moscow and Petrograd, who are 
 pictured in your article as being the sole bosses of 
 Russia. And Lenin, who is represented as being with- 
 out any knowledge of our interest in the peasantry, is, 
 in fact, the author of many large volumes upon the 
 question of agrarian reforms. 
 
 Another perversion of fact which is current in the 
 reactionary press, and to which you lend your favor, 
 or seem to, is the story of Russia split into many inde- 
 pendent and mutually hostile governments. Look at 
 your map of Russia. Nowhere — future histories will 
 bear me out — nowhere in Russia is there any other Gov- 
 ernment but the Soviet Government, unless it be sup- 
 ported by foreign bayonets. 
 
 The liberal press of Europe does not repeat these 
 absurdities. But the American " journals of democ- 
 racy " reiterate them month after month. 
 
 The Public, in particular, has consistently misun- 
 derstood the Russian situation. And there is nothing 
 
October 19, 1918 
 
 A Journal of Democracy 
 
 1313 
 
 left for us who know the facts, but to appeal to the 
 judgment of historians after the war. 
 
 John Reed. 
 New York. 
 
 The Dread of " Capitalism " 
 
 To the Editor of The Public: 
 
 As long ago as last December the writer urged 
 through some newspaper letters, and continued for 
 months so to urge, a relief (Red Cross?) mission 
 with supplies for the Russian people, having a need- 
 ful and sufficient composite " police " military force, 
 for charity's sake (no one knows what the awfulness 
 is to be of the coming winter), and to anchor Amer- 
 ica in the people's hearts. The Bolsheviki could not 
 well have opposed such an " intervention," and it 
 would have forestalled their antagonistic attitude, and 
 perhaps saved a horrible cataclysm. This scheme rec- 
 ommended itself to some of the President's advisers, 
 and its neglect was wholly due to the urgency of a 
 group of persons whose dread of " capitalism " made 
 them anxious that the United States should recognize 
 actually the Bolshevik " government." Your corre- 
 spondent seems to share such views, though the group 
 — perfectly well known — has been so much discredited 
 by the event. " Red radicalism " has no faith in the 
 " regenerative power of true democracy." It does not 
 in the least appreciate that the coordination and compre- 
 hension of the war are doing more to bring the 
 " classes " together than all the dark plots attributed 
 to the " plutocrats " can undo. 
 
 When the great enemy of democracy is destroyed, 
 it may chance to be seen that the chief hindrance to 
 the new birth which is hoped for, under Mr. Wil- 
 son's leadership, will be the hidden animosities cre- 
 ated or kept alive by the conceit of those who thought 
 everything depended upon untimely effervescence. 
 
 Erving Winslow. 
 
 New Haven, Conn. 
 
 The Reign of Terror 
 
 To the Editor of The Public: 
 
 The Bolsheviki are executing " enemies of the Soviet 
 Republic " in such large quantities, and have inaugu- 
 rated such a reign of terror in Russia, that President 
 Wilson has felt obliged to request that they be declared 
 outlaws. 
 
 May we not profitably draw a parallel between the 
 situation in Russia to-day, and the situation in France 
 at the time of the French Revolution? I quote from 
 Morse Stephens' " History of the French Revolution," 
 Vol. II., beginning on page 233. 
 
 " It is very obvious that it was the foreign war [1792] 
 which had developed the progress of the Revolution 
 with such astonishing rapidity in France. It was Bruns- 
 wick's manifesto which mainly caused the attack on 
 the Tuileries on August 10. [This manifesto cf the 
 Prussian general ordered the French people to submit 
 to their king.] It was the surrender of Verdun [to 
 
 the Prussians, September 2, 1792] which directly caused 
 the massacres of September. It was the defeat at Neer- 
 winden which established the Revolutionary Tribunal." 
 
 "With the death of the King [January 21, 1793] the 
 history of the Revolution deepens in gloom. No longer 
 are casual riots and loss of single lives of enough im- 
 portance to be mentioned. Men on the frontiers, in 
 Paris and in every provincial city, in the woods of La 
 Vendee and in the workshops of Lyons, now die in 
 hundreds, and owed their fate to the terrible swiftness 
 with which the Revolution progressed. This bitterness 
 in the revolutionary spirit was due to the foreign war. 
 While the country was at peace there might have been 
 riots, indeed, but there would have been a quiet devel- 
 opment of a new regime. But the foreign war had 
 introduced a fresh sentiment, and most Frenchmen 
 grew fiercer against royalty, and all idea of opposi- 
 tion to the Revolution. ... It was the foreign war 
 which caused the organization of the system of the 
 Terror." Perley Doe. 
 
 Denver, Colo. 
 
 Street Railway Fares 
 
 To the Editor of The Public: 
 
 Referring to the last editorial paragraph on page 1164 
 (September 14), you hardly give a fair impression. 
 Under the regulation made by Tom Johnson, the fares 
 in Cleveland have been raised, and whether transfers 
 were ever free under his system, they are now paid 
 for, so that carfares have hardly ever been more than 
 one cent cheaper than in New York and are now con- 
 siderably more. It does not do for us radicals not to tell 
 the whole truth and nothing but the truth. Incidentally, 
 the layout of Cleveland, in which practically all the 
 important streets converge to the Square, in the neigh- 
 borhood of which is concentrated practically all the 
 important retail and wholesale businesses, makes the 
 problem much simpler than it is in New York or 
 Chicago, for example. Certainly the recent reorganiza- 
 tions of both the great street car companies in New 
 York left them with very little, if any, water in the 
 stocks. Moreover, lower fares will only increase land 
 values and raise rents. They will not benefit the riders. 
 
 Sidney C. Lewi. 
 
 New York City. 
 
 Women Wanted 
 
 To the Editor of The Public : 
 
 There is much that seems to me praiseworthy in 
 Blanche Dismorr's criticism of " Women Wanted " 
 (Public, September 7), and perhaps it is simply awk- 
 ward phraseology which gives the passage : " Will the 
 vote and the pay envelop compensate the woman of the 
 generation that is just maturing for not being wanted 
 by lover or child as long as she lives?" its unpleasant 
 sound; but the rest of this article is clear enough. 
 There are few doubles entendres in it, so I cannot help 
 thinking that here, too, the authoress knows what she 
 is saying — for which reason I wish to criticize her. 
 
1314 
 
 The Public 
 
 Twenty-first Year 
 
 Why should s woman not be wanted as much as 
 under present conditions — more than under them — 
 when she is helping the family, serving it in just one 
 more way — financially and economically? I fear that 
 Miss Dismorr believes that industrialism will unsex 
 woman, remove her bloom, her charm, both of which 
 were so essential to her being " wanted " by her children 
 and her husband. She would probably assert that present 
 conditions are more favorable to the preservation of 
 glamour by reason of the accessibility of the rouge 
 stick, face powder, and the porch swing. But I am 
 inclined to think that well ventilated, sunlit factories, 
 with very little hard manual labor, dust, dirt and grease, 
 and regular intervals set aside for gymnastics, would 
 tend much farther in that direction, and thus diminish 
 her reason for woman not being " wanted." 
 
 Edmund Kiernan, Pvt. 
 
 Camp Greenleaf, Ga. 
 
 Books 
 Negro Education 
 
 Education for Life. The Story of Hampton Institute. By 
 Francis G. Peabody. Doubleday, Page and Company. Price 
 $2.50 net. 
 
 The fiftieth anniversary of the founding of Hamp- 
 ton Institute, which occurred this year, has been made 
 the occasion of issuing to the world a statement of its 
 work by Mr. Peabody, who, as a member of the Board 
 of Trustees, has had exceptional opportunities for ob- 
 serving its activities. Briefly stated, the book sketches 
 conditions at the close of the Civil War, the economic 
 prostration, the political confusion, the race antagonism, 
 and the sectional bitterness. Individual attempts were 
 made by philanthropists to aid the Negro by means of 
 schools, and political efforts found expression in the 
 Freedmen's Bureau and similar agencies. But philan- 
 thropy was sadly inadequate for such a stupendous 
 task; national endeavors were vitiated by partisan poli- 
 tics ; and the North and South became more estranged 
 during the period of reconstruction than by the Civil 
 War. But during those days of intense feeling agencies 
 were at work in modest and humble ways to bring about 
 better conditions. Among these agencies was Hampton 
 Institute and its founder, General Samuel Chapman 
 Armstrong. 
 
 Hampton cannot be understood until the reader knows 
 General Armstrong. It is not a prosy and perfunctory 
 biography, however, that the author sets forth, but a 
 sympathetic history of an exceptional man and his work; 
 for though many men and women have devoted their 
 lives to the same cause, it may be doubted if any has 
 shown greater wisdom and foresight in the work. It 
 was not a simple matter by any means, this problem of 
 educating the Negro. On the one hand was the impa- 
 tient and unappreciative North that thought all that was 
 necessary was to set up New England school houses, 
 and the work would be done; while on the other hand 
 the prostrate and suffering South felt that the Negro 
 was not fitted for education. Between the two lay the 
 unfortunate cause of the estrangement. The need was 
 
 for practical-minded men and women, who not only 
 could educate the Negro, but who could do it in a way 
 to make the whites appreciate that education. 
 
 General Armstrong was peculiarly qualified for that 
 work. The son of an American missionary living in 
 the Hawaiian Islands and educated with the natives, he 
 already had a fine appreciation of the race question 
 when as a young man he returned to this country to 
 finish his education. The example of his father's work 
 among the Hawaiians enabled him to grasp the Negro 
 problem better than our native born ; for he had seen 
 the handicap under which a backward, or perhaps one 
 should say neglected, race labors, and at the same time 
 he understood the feeling of the more advanced races. 
 To this he added deep religious convictions that enabled 
 him to appeal to the emotional nature of the Negro. So 
 that, taking everything into consideration, it may be 
 doubted if any man was better qualified for his work. 
 
 Character was of primal essence in all of General 
 Armstrong's thought. Education, as he conceived it, 
 was not for the purpose of making scholars or teaching 
 professions, but for making men and women, or, as 
 the author has phrased it, " education for life." As a 
 woman graduate afterward wrote : " I thought I was well 
 acquainted with the three R's, but I have found that the 
 three R's of importance are Religion, Respect for Rules 
 and Responsibility." But these again are merely words. 
 Religion to the great mass of the freedmen was but a 
 modified form of voo-dooism. Respect for rules was 
 associated with the fear of the lash rather than the 
 promptings of conscience. And responsibility was an 
 idea that had to be instilled into a mind associated with 
 ownership by another, now charged with ownership of 
 itself. These are easy words to say, but it is altogether 
 a different matter to make them real. As General Arm- 
 strong put it: "Ideas take root in a moment, habits 
 only in a generation." 
 
 But who was willing at that time to wait a generation 
 to see ideas grow into habits? The North thought the 
 teaching of the three R's would immediately transform 
 the Negro into a being equal in every way to the white 
 race ; while the South believed the Negro was physically 
 incapable of ever acquiring the attributes of the civilized 
 races. And of the two it may be doubted if the impa- 
 tience of the North did not in the end result in more 
 harm than the prejudice of the South. For it led to 
 an era of political debauchery, in which political ad- 
 venturers capitalized the ignorance and inexperience of 
 the Negroes, and confirmed the Southern whites in their 
 belief that the black man was incapable of assuming the 
 full responsibilities of the white man. 
 
 Some of the attempts made by zealous and self-deny- 
 ing missionary teachers utterly antagonized local opin- 
 ion, and did little more than create a condition of im- 
 potent unrest among the Negroes ; but a few grasped 
 the broader view, and possessed the patience to work 
 and wait. Of these General Armstrong may be placed 
 among the first. His was the practical mind. He re- 
 alized that however much learning an individual Negro 
 isolated from race and former environment might ac- 
 quire it would not convince the Southern whites that 
 the mass of black people could or should be so edu- 
 
October 19, 1918 
 
 A Journal of Democracy 
 
 1315 
 
 catcd. But he believed that if young men and women 
 could be given a course of social, religious, industrial 
 and intellectual training that would enable them to 
 go back among their people and live that life there 
 would be a positive and permanent gain. 
 
 This was the mission of General Armstrong. By his 
 twenty-five years of patient endeavor he built up an in- 
 stitution that trained and distributed among their peo- 
 ple Negroes who by their example convinced the better 
 class of whites not only that the Negro can be edu- 
 cated, but that there is nothing else that can be done 
 with him. To say that he did this great work, how- 
 ever, is not to fully measure his worth unless account 
 be taken of the obstacles he had to overcome. When 
 one considers the labor and self-sacrifice that such a 
 life involves, and realizes the rare qualities of the men 
 and women who dedicate themselves to the task, one 
 might suppose that unlimited means would be placed at 
 their disposal. This, however, was far from being the 
 case. The money contributed by Congress was pitiably 
 small. A member would feel insulted if offered the 
 yearly contribution to Hampton to build a postoffice in 
 one of the smaller towns in his district ; while the whole 
 amount of public revenue received from the date of 
 foundation down to the present time would not equal 
 appropriations made for rivers and harbors that never 
 have had any commerce. It is illustrative of our hap- 
 hazard way of doing things that the man who did this 
 great work was compelled to spend much of his time 
 and strength on begging tours to raise money to keep 
 the Institute running. 
 
 That, however, was not altogether time wasted. While 
 it limited the number of black students that he could 
 care for, it enabled him to educate the white people 
 among whom he went for money. "I was forced to 
 get money," he writes of a tour to New England, "to 
 pay the pressing way of the school or let it go to the 
 wall; and at it I went with all my might, and haven't 
 had a day's rest in two months. It is hard, this beg- 
 ging — it takes all one's nervous and physical strength 
 even when people are kind and polite, as they usually 
 are. It is never, and never can be, easy." Yet at that 
 time he deprecated Federal aid for such schools, lest 
 it lead to the evils that accompanied the Freedmen's 
 Bureau, and cause more harm than good. He did come 
 to see, however, toward the end of his life that care- 
 fully distributed Federal aid might be safely given in 
 the poorer districts of the South. 
 
 This question of Federal aid to education is one 
 that lingers after the book is closed. "Taking into con- 
 sideration," the author says, "sixteen Southern States, 
 the District of Columbia, and Missouri, with a popula- 
 tion in 1916 of 23,682,352 whites and 8,906,879 Negroes, 
 and of children between six and fourteen years of age 
 numbering 4,889,762 whites and 2,023,108 Negroes, it 
 appears that the average salary of a teacher in white 
 schools was $10.32 per pupil and in black schools $2.89, 
 and that the percentage of illiteracy in whites was 7.7 
 per cent and among colored 33.3 per cent." One of 
 the after-war problems is going to be education, and 
 it will be found of inestimable value that such institu- 
 tions as Hampton and Tuskegee, whose founder, Booker 
 
 Washington, was a product of Hampton, have prepared 
 the way for a getting together of whites and blacks to 
 work out their common destiny. 
 
 But General Armstrong, great as he proved himself 
 to be, was not all there was of Hampton. Hollis Burke 
 Frissell, who worked with Armstrong during his later 
 years, and who was head of the Institute during its 
 second quarter of a century, caught the old General's 
 enthusiasm and inspiration and upheld his ideals. 
 Lack of space prevents one from dwelling longer on 
 this fascinating story of human endeavor. Suffice it to 
 say that the author has done his countrymen and the 
 world a great service in setting forth the life and work 
 of the men and women who built up Hampton Insti- 
 tute, whose ideal has been "education for life." 
 
 American Ideals 
 
 Letters and Leadership. By Van Wyck Brooks. Published 
 by B. W. Huebsch, New York, 1918. Price, $1.00. 
 
 The Hive. By Will Levington Comfort. Published by George 
 H. Doran Company, New York, 1918. Prite, $1.50. 
 
 " To love life, to perceive the miraculous beauty 
 of life, and to seek for life, swiftly and effectively, a 
 setting worthy of its beauty — this is the acme of civili- 
 zation, to be attained, whether by individuals or by 
 nations, only through a long and arduous process." It 
 is in this saving perception that the author of " Letters 
 and Leadership " finds the American nation lacking, 
 and in this searching and stimulating book he voices a 
 profound concern for its creative life. At a time like 
 the present, when there is need and opportunity for 
 men of power and vision, no great cultural leaders 
 have arisen; creative desire exists, it is true, but it is 
 in a chaotic state, handicapped by the absence of a 
 vital tradition which would have provided high stand- 
 ards for emulation and a public capable of distinguish- 
 ing between what is great and what is merely clever. 
 In the European countries, where there is a higher level 
 of general culture and discrimination the artist can 
 find the cooperation that he needs in order to do his 
 best work, he can expect and exact recognition of its 
 quality as art and not as business, but in America 
 critics and artists alike are without standards by which 
 to measure their achievements, for old ones no longer 
 hold good and new ones are not yet formulated. 
 
 According to Mr. Brooks American cultural tradi- 
 tions have lost much of their value through their 
 divorce from the actual life and experience of the pres- 
 ent day; they are the legacy of the Puritan and the 
 pioneer and take the form of transcendentalism or 
 industrialism ; art is ethical, academic or commercial, 
 and devoid of human values. Religion, science, phil- 
 osophy, literature have become externalized, they are 
 considered merely as aids to practical life and quick 
 returns are demanded. Imaginative and emotional 
 expression is treated, not as a living and growing thing, 
 as something vital to experience, but as a kind of 
 drug that will help the weary and heavy-laden " to 
 forget." Industrialism, which is largely responsible 
 for this state of things, exists in Europe also, but there 
 the artists, supported by their national traditions, have 
 
1316 
 
 The Public 
 
 Twenty-first Year 
 
 rebelled against it, crying out for beauty and joy and 
 human values in existence which the Puritan tradition 
 in America has always discouraged. So we have an 
 easy satisfaction with our material success, and even 
 a pride in our social progress, instead of that fine 
 anger against the ugliness and sordidness of many of 
 our surroundings which was expressed by such men as 
 Carlyle and Ruskin and William Morris, inspired by 
 the vision of the joyous and beautiful thing that life 
 might be under other conditions. It is this vision that 
 is needed in America at the present day, this poetic 
 and humane approach to life that only art can give, in 
 order to counteract the acquisitive instinct and the 
 mechanistic point of view, and to impress on the nation 
 and particularly upon the rising generation, that the 
 most real and most beautiful thing is not the art of 
 getting on. 
 
 Mr. Brooks brings to the study of this vitally 
 interesting problem a tempered judgment, logical 
 thinking and restraint which make his book a most 
 valuable contribution to contemporary criticism. 
 
 As though in answer to Mr. Brooks' indictment of 
 American ideals comes " The Hive," by Will Levington 
 Comfort, which reveals a little idealistic community 
 devoted, only too obviously, to the pursuit of beaut} 
 in life and literature. The children who belong to the 
 group at Stone Study are encouraged to express them- 
 selves, especially in writing, and are helped to over- 
 come fear and sadness and selfishness by the sheer 
 weight of the courage and joy and sympathy that is 
 natural to them. The material things of life are rele- 
 gated to their duly subordinate position, while loveli- 
 ness, both physical and spiritual, is given its true value. 
 Racial ideals are inculcated and the necessity of a new 
 and finer social order. But the whole scheme is vitiated 
 by the strong strain of mysticism which pervades it, 
 and by the stress laid on the notion of " the inner life," 
 which lead to a mischievous habit of introspection, and 
 to vague habits of thought. Though it is true that too 
 few parents and educators trouble to discover the soul 
 quality of children, there seems something forced and 
 unnatural in the precocious development of soul which 
 the Stone Study method appears to obtain. One fears 
 that it is not from a community such as this that the 
 great leaders of thought and expression that America 
 needs will come, for there is no short cut to the appre- 
 ciation of beauty and " the long and arduous process " 
 of personal experience cannot be dispensed with if a 
 man's creative work is to have any weight in his 
 generation. 
 
 Blanche Dismorr. 
 
 News Notes 
 
 — The New York Board of Education has recom- 
 mended to the Board of Estimate that $50,000 be ap- 
 propriated for the establishment of a lunch system for 
 school children. 
 
 — The Land Bank of the Spokane district, according 
 to a report of D. G. O'Shea, president, has loaned 
 $19,359,695 to 8,300 farmers since April, 1917. Upwards 
 
 of 21,000 applications for loans, covering $55,000,000, 
 were received. 
 
 — A fleet of three barges and a towboat, the first of 
 the Government freight boats on the Mississippi, is 
 plying between St. Louis and New Orleans, a distance 
 of 1,200 miles. Thirty more boats have been ordered 
 built as the trade grows. 
 
 — Daylight saving by turning the clock ahead one 
 hour for seven months is estimated to have saved the 
 country 1,250,000 tons of coal and $2,000,000 in gas 
 bills. It contributed also to a large extent toward the 
 success of the war gardens. 
 
 — The Federal Government has begun a nation-wide 
 campaign for the total eradication of tuberculosis from 
 cattle and hogs, a disease that costs the country an 
 average of $40,000,000 a year, besides endangering the 
 lives of all who drink milk or eat pork. 
 
 The Tasmanian Government is developing large 
 
 amounts of electric power from the mountain lakes and 
 streams. The power is sold in large quantities as low 
 as £2-5s. per unit of horse power a year, which is ex- 
 pected to counteract the high cost of Australian labor. 
 
 — From July 1 of this year to September 28 the rail- 
 roads of the country handled 112,600 more cars of grain 
 than during the same period of 1917, according to fig- 
 ures just issued by Director-General McAdoo. This 
 year's figures were 399,770 cars, against 287,170 cars last 
 year. 
 
 — Michigan's jail population, according to Marl T. 
 Murray, secretary of the State Board of Corrections 
 and Charities, is just one-half what it was a year ago. 
 Many jails are without any inmates. This condition is 
 attributed to prohibition, which has been in force five 
 months. 
 
 — The refusal of the California State Board of 
 Control to approve certain expense accounts of the 
 Social Insurance Commission has interrupted the Com- 
 mission's campaign in behalf of the compulsory health 
 insurance constitutional amendment to be voted on at 
 the November election. 
 
 — American ship production for the twelve months 
 ending October 1 amounted to seventy per cent of the 
 world's greatest annual pre-war output. The greatest 
 amount was in 1913, when the dead-weight tonnage was 
 4,750,000 tons. The American production for the past 
 twelve months was 2,900,000 tons. 
 
 — Connecticut is unable, because of the war demand 
 for labor, to fill her rural schools with teachers at $15 
 a week. Many schools in consequence were without 
 teachers at the beginning of the fall term. There ap- 
 pears to be no escape from the necessity of putting the 
 teacher on the same footing as other workers. 
 
 — Discussing the action of the United States Steel 
 Corporation in advancing wages and granting the basic 
 eight-hour day while continuing its refusal to recognize 
 unions, Secretary Frank Morrison of the American 
 Federation of Labor said : " The trade union movement 
 insists that high wages and kind masters is not democ- 
 racy." 
 
October 19, 1918 
 
 A Journal of Democracy 
 
 1317 
 
 — The Canadian Government, which once thought the 
 forests of that country inexhaustible, finds it necessary 
 to conserve its resources. The Forestry Branch of the 
 Department of the Interior is recommending a survey 
 of the timber still standing in Eastern Canada, and an 
 examination of the cut-over lands with a view to re- 
 forestration. 
 
 —There are in the United States 5,000,000 automo- 
 biles. Allowing five passengers to a car, they could 
 carry 25,000,000 passengers. The 55,705 railroad pas- 
 senger cars represent a seating capacity of 3,500,000. 
 To handle as many passengers as the autos would re- 
 quire 60,000 new cars, costing $660,000,000, and 14,972 
 locomotives, costing $524,000,000. 
 
 — New Orleans has formed a War Labor Board after 
 the plan of the Taft- Walsh board, for the purpose of 
 settling local labor troubles. The board consists of 
 twelve members, six representing employers, three rep- 
 resenting white labor and three representing Negro 
 labor. The purpose is to adjust as many disputes as 
 possible without appealing to Washington. 
 
 — Town planning is receiving enthusiastic support in 
 South Australia in connection with the repatriation of 
 her soldiers. On the banks of the Murray a large train- 
 ing farm is turning soldiers into agriculturists, who are 
 given land of their own as soon as they obtain diplomas 
 of efficiency. Community centers in town and country 
 are provided for in the new plans of settlement. 
 
 — The War Labor Policies Board has abandoned its 
 widely heralded plan for standardizing wages, accord- 
 ing to Washington reports. A substitute plan has been 
 adopted by which wage adjustments, before being put 
 into effect by any Government Department or Wage 
 Board, shall be submitted to a new body composed of 
 two representatives from the wage adjustment board of 
 each Government department or agency. 
 
 — A committee has been appointed by the Common- 
 wealth Board of Trade to investigate the facilities for 
 raising cotton in Australia and thereby contribute to 
 Great Britain's needs for that commodity. Cotton rais- 
 ing, to a limited extent, has been tried in Queensland 
 with good success, the amount of cotton accepted by 
 
 The Public 
 
 A Journal of Democracy* 
 
 Founded and Edited, 1898-1913, by Louis F. Post 
 
 and Alice Thachee Post 
 
 Editors : 
 
 JOHN WILLIS SLAUGHTER GEORGE P. WEST 
 
 STOUGHTON COOLEY 
 
 Business Manager : STANLEY BOWMAR 
 
 Published Weekly by 
 
 The public Publishing Company, Inc. 
 
 122 East Thirty-seventh Street, New York City 
 
 Single Copy, Ten Cents 
 Canadian, $2.50 
 
 Yearly Subscription, $2.00 
 Foreign, $3.00 
 
 Entered as Second-Class Matter January 11, 1917, at 
 
 the Post Office at New York, N. Y., under the 
 
 Act of March 8, 1879 
 
 the Department of Agriculture in May, 1918, being 
 46,977 pounds, as against 10,163 pounds in May, 1917. 
 
 — In order that the voters of Massachusetts might 
 have no excuse for not understanding the nineteen 
 constitutional amendments to be submitted at the com- 
 ing election, 700,000 pamphlets have been published ex- 
 plaining them. Among the amendments submitted by 
 the Constitutional Convention are those establishing the 
 initiative and referendum, the acquisition by the State 
 of its natural resources, biennial elections, and the 
 regulation of billboard advertising. 
 
 — Able-bodied men over draft age can be made skilled 
 workers in training schools now maintained in many 
 large factories, says the United States Employment 
 Service Bulletin. " The war has proved that age is not 
 a bar to the attainment of efficiency in a new trade," 
 says the bulletin. " The man past fifty has come back 
 to renewed usefulness in lines of work never previously 
 tried, and from all parts of the country reports are 
 proving his great possibilities, including most lines of 
 essential industries." 
 
 — Dr. S. Josephine Baker of New York City quotes 
 statistics of the French army and the New York Health 
 Board to support her statement that " there is three 
 times as much danger in being a baby in a cradle in a 
 crowded city as in being a soldier in the trenches in 
 France." She attributes the high infant mortality rate 
 in the large cities to crowded living conditions, under- 
 nourishment both of babies and of mothers, lack of 
 proper medical attention, and the fact that the mothers 
 work too soon before and after the babies are born. 
 
 — The first conference of trade union women, called 
 by the United States Government, concluded its sessions 
 in Washington on the 5th. Twenty-five women repre- 
 senting national and international labor organizations 
 were present and adopted a platform of principles. It 
 calls for a rigid enforcement of the principle of equal 
 pay for equal work, the fixing of the minimum wage for 
 a woman with dependents the same as man, the appoint- 
 ment of women on all labor boards, the eight-hour day, 
 better pay for school teachers, the enforcement of sani- 
 tary regulations, and the principle of health insurance. 
 
 — After stating that the reports and rumors that he 
 had read in the daily press had aroused in him an in- 
 tense antagonism toward the Farmers' Nonpartisan 
 League, J. C. Cook, prosecuting attorney of Dodge 
 County, Nebraska, announced that after a thorough in- 
 vestigation he was convinced of the League's loyalty. 
 He had issued a warrant for the arrest of a League 
 organizer, and his investigation was for the purpose of 
 gathering evidence and preparing his case. When he 
 had concluded it he went into court and asked for- the 
 discharge of the defendant. " I find that, instead of 
 being a hindrance to the Government, the League has 
 been of invaluable assistance in spreading patriotic 
 propaganda," said Mr. Cook. 
 
 — Congressman Benjamin Hilliard of Denver, Colo., 
 an active member of the labor group in Congress, is 
 being opposed for re-election by the National Security 
 League on the ground that he did not vote for various 
 
1318 
 
 The Public 
 
 Twenty-first Year 
 
 preparedness bills and early resolutions looking toward 
 war. Speaker Clark and Majority Leader Kitchin have 
 sent to Denver a telegram saying : " Nobody in Wash- 
 ington questions his sincere motives and patriotism, and 
 all here admire his courageous qualities. No man in 
 either House of Congress has given more loyal and 
 industrious aid in the vigorous prosecution of the war. 
 It is unjust to question his loyalty. No member of 
 Congress questions it. He has the esteem and confi- 
 dence of the entire membership of the House." 
 
 — The I. W. W. movement is making great headway 
 in Australia, in spite of the losing of the general strike 
 in 1917, according to the Melbourne correspondent of 
 the Christian Science Monitor. The most powerful 
 unions of New South Wales met in July and decided to 
 organize along industrial lines, as advocated by the 
 I. W. W. The New South Wales Conference Board 
 adopted the I. W. W. preamble almost word for word. 
 A similar conference was to be held in Victoria, where 
 
 A 
 
 PERVERTED Prussia and 
 an Archaic Kaiser ! ' ' 
 Read Israel ZangwilTs 
 searching analysis of the ideals and 
 " national mission " of Germany, 
 England, America, Japan, Judaea — 
 in one of the most brilliant masterpieces 
 the war has brought forth : " Chosen 
 Peoples: The Hebraic Ideal versus the 
 Teutonic "—published in THE MENO- 
 RAH JOURNAL for October. Unless you 
 send for a copy immediately, your chance 
 of getting one will be slim (the last two issues 
 of the Journal were quickly exhausted). The 
 October number contains many other notable 
 features, including further contributions to the 
 Symposium on "Palestine Regained — What 
 Thenf" by Prof. Roland G. Usher, Dr. John 
 Haynes Holmes, Albert M. Hyamson, author of 
 " Palestine," and others. Send for it at once 
 (35 cts. ), or better still, subscribe for a year, 
 $2.00, and get all the other good things in 
 store for Menorah readers in the months to 
 come ! Address The Menorah Journal, 600 
 Madison Avenue, New York. 
 
 the labor movement is more conservative. The I. W. W. 
 of Australia preach both political and industrial ac- 
 tion, but faith in political action is said to have been 
 weakened by labor's experience with Premier Hughes, 
 who was elected as a laborite and then went over to 
 the opposition. In the last federal election Mr. Hughes 
 was re-elected as head of the Nationalist ticket. 
 
 NEWS-STAND distribution 
 for a paper like The 
 Public is the most waste- 
 ful item in its budget. 
 
 To live up to the ruling of the 
 War Industries Board that pa- 
 per must be conserved, The 
 Public will not be distributed to 
 news stands with the return 
 privilege after the issue of Oc- 
 tober 26 th. 
 
 Readers of The Public who 
 have been buying it at the bet- 
 ter news stands, should place a 
 definite order with the dealer, 
 or subscribe. 
 
 Special Offer. — A check for $2.10, sent direct to 
 us, will cover a subscription for 26 weeks and a 
 copy of "Co-operation" by Emerson P. Harris. 
 This new book is incomparably the best book on 
 the co-operative movement and sells regularly 
 for $2.00. Because we have ordered a special 
 edition we are able to offer it with The Public at 
 a greatly reduced price. The Public, 122 East 
 Thirty-3eventh Street, New York. 
 
 On the Enforcement of Law 
 In Cities By Brand Whit lock 
 
 This little book throws a flood of light on the problem of the saloon, the 
 
 social evil and gambling In cities. Public officials and those interested in 
 
 the true solution of this problem should distribute the book widely. 
 
 50c. a Copy, postpaid; 10 copies, S3. 50. 
 
 The Public Book Department, 122 E. 37th St., New York. 
 
 1111 
 
 The Complete Works 
 
 of 
 
 Henry George 
 
 in 
 
 Ten Volumes 
 
 Volume I — Progress and Poverty. II — Social Problems. Ill — The 
 Land Quttion. IV — Protection or Free Trade. V — A Perplexed 
 Philosopher. VI and VII — The Science of Political Economy. 
 VIII — Our Land and Land Policy. IX and X — The Life of 
 Henry George, by his son, Henry George, Jr. The ten volumes 
 handsomely bound in buckram, gilt tops, untrimmed edges, with 
 a lull set of portraits, will be delivered anywhere in the d>i o 
 
 United States or Canada for «P x *• 
 
 A Special Edition bound in Green Leather, $17. 
 
 The Public StS^SSL New York 
 
October 19, 1918 
 
 A Journal of Democracy 
 
 1319 
 
 ■in 1 
 
 Team Work 
 
 The ROLL of 
 WORKERS for 
 AUGUST and 
 SEPTEMBER 
 
 Eoeryone listed below sent in 
 August and September, one 
 or more new subscriptions to 
 The Public or has cooperated 
 in other ways. 
 
 TT ain't the individual, 
 
 Or the army as a whole, 
 But the everlasting team work, 
 Of every blooming soul. 
 
 — Kipling. 
 
 Affeld, W. C. 
 Allen, Mrs. H. L. 
 Allen, John H. 
 Anderson, A. L. 
 Bartlett, Gus. 
 Bascom, S. A. 
 Belknapp, Mrs. William 
 Belknapp, Hon. William 
 Bell, Chas. S. 
 Benedict, Ruth 
 Bernstein, W. 
 Blauvelt, J. G. 
 Bock, Otto 
 Brannin, Carl 
 Brown, Herbert S. 
 Brownlee, Janet L. 
 Buel, Lucy B. 
 Buffham, W. K. 
 Bullis, V. L. 
 Burnham, E. Lewis 
 Butler, F. D. 
 Campbell, W. N. 
 Capen, Wm. H. 
 Caroline, Mary 
 Carret, James R. 
 Carter, Howard 
 Chapman, W. B. 
 Clement, W. E. 
 Clifford, H. B. 
 Cochran, Wm. F. 
 Coleman, W. J. 
 Colwick, Hon. A. M. 
 Coonley, Mrs. 
 Coulter, F. E. 
 Culbertson, Joe W. 
 Cullman, Otto 
 Davis, Otto W. 
 de Haas, Mrs. J. 
 Delsing, Henry 
 DeMey, Emile J. 
 Dickey, L. S. 
 Dummer, C. H. 
 Dummer, Mrs. W. F. 
 
 Durkee, H. S. 
 Duvall, W. T. 
 Eberhard, Geo. H. 
 Eddy, Miss Sarah J. 
 Edwards, Marguerite 
 Engeleke, H. A. 
 Fels, Mrs. Joseph 
 Fitch, Marie B. 
 Fuchs, A. G. 
 Fuller, James C. 
 George, W. D. 
 Gerken, Edw. 
 Graham, J. S. 
 Gruenberg, Benj. C. 
 Grunewald, Carl F. 
 Hahn, H. V. 
 Hanley, Edw. J. 
 Harper, S. J. 
 Harrold, H. W. 
 Hartley, B. 
 Hatch, Harvey J. 
 Hawes, Edith 
 Heberling, W. L. 
 Heywood, H. 
 Hicks, Miss Amy Mali 
 Hill, Walter N. 
 Hockaday, M. W. 
 Hoffman, Wm. G. 
 Hooper, Ben. 
 Ingram, F. F. 
 Jackson, Amos 
 Jenkins, C. N. 
 Johnson, Wm. 
 Jordan, David Starr 
 Jordan, Hilda S. 
 Kane, Florence B. 
 Kent, Hon. William 
 Kiefer, Alfred 
 Klein, Emanuel M. 
 Knox, T. 
 Kreidler, A. G. 
 Krug, Julia 
 Leonard, Wm. E. 
 
 Lingham, C. A. 
 Loucke, H. L. 
 Macintosh, C. N. 
 Mack, Judge Julian W. 
 Maguire, H. C. 
 Mathews, Wm. 
 May, Marcus 
 McGuffey, John H. 
 Miller, J. D. 
 Moulton, C. Robert 
 Murphy, Louis S. 
 Murray, R. C. 
 Northrup, E. D. 
 O'Leary, R. D. 
 Otis, A. S. 
 Paulsen, G. M. 
 Pearson, John A. 
 Peter, Stephen 
 Peters, M. H. 
 Phelps, Mrs. L. L. 
 Pickrell, Mrs. M. 
 Playter, Geo. H. 
 Randall, Frances A. 
 Rice, Wallace 
 Robison, G. 
 Robison, L. 
 Rockwood, E. F. 
 Roehm, A. C. 
 Rosiko, J. 
 Russell, C. H. 
 
 Scofield, E. M. 
 Searle, R. A. 
 Shipman, Margaret 
 Sittig, Walter A. 
 Smith, W. K. 
 Smith, Cecil H. 
 Snodgrass, Wm. 
 Snyder, Chas. E. 
 Stary, Louis 
 Sternheim, Rabbi 
 Sullivan, P. H. 
 Thornton, R. W. 
 Toole, A. L. 
 Tulloch, S. W. 
 Turner, L. O. 
 TJ'Ren, W. S. 
 Warwick, W. W. 
 Westall, H. A. 
 Westerdahl, A. R. 
 Westrup, E. T. 
 White, C. A. 
 White, Laura R. 
 Whitney, O. C. 
 Wilcox, Jennie A. 
 Wilson, Henry H. 
 Wingate, Chas. H. 
 Woods, C. F. 
 Young, Fred 
 Zane, N. B. 
 
 THE PUBLIC, 
 
 122 Bast 37th Street, New York. 
 
 Please send The Public to the three introductory 
 subscriptions herewith, and send me a copy of 
 your special edition of " Co-operation,"* by Emer- 
 son P. Harris, bound in cloth. I enclose $2.45. 
 
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 ■ 
 
1320 
 
 The Public 
 
 Twenty-first Year ( 
 
 "You're Afraid" 
 
 "I ain't afraid" 
 "You are" 
 "I ain't" 
 
 ii 
 
 You 
 
 are 
 
 J9 
 
 What would have happened next if you were a boy? A Frightful mix-up — With the calm 
 unreasonableness of youth these two boys fought without even knowing each other — just as 
 you have fought many a time — just because you couldn't help it. 
 
 MARK TWAIN 
 
 25 Volumes — Novels — Boys* Stories — Humor — Essays — Travel — History 
 
 No wonder our soldiers and sailors like Mark Twain best. No wonder the boys at Annapolis told Secretary 
 Daniels that they would rather have Mark Twain than anyone else. To them, as to you, Mark Twain is the spirit 
 of undying youth — the spirit of real Americanism — for he who came out of that loafing-out-at-the-elbows-down-at-the- 
 heels Mississippi town — he has passed on to the world the glory of our inspiring Americanism — the serious purpose 
 that underlies our laughter — for to Mark Twain humor is only incidental — and he has made eternal the springs of its 
 youth and enthusiasm. 
 
 Take Huckleberry Finn and Tom Sawyer by the hand and go back to your own boyhood. 
 
 A Big Human Soul 
 
 Perhaps you think you have read a good deal 
 of Mark Twain. Are you sure? Have you 
 read all the novels? Have you read all the 
 short stories? Have you read all the brilliant 
 fighting essays? — all the humorous ones and the 
 historical ones? 
 
 Think of It — 25 volumes filled with the laugh- 
 ter and the tears and the fighting that made 
 Mark Twain so wonderful. He was a bountiful 
 giver of joy and humor. He was yet much 
 more, for, while he laughed with the world, his 
 lonely spirit struggled with the sadness of hu- 
 man life, and sought to find the key. Beneath 
 the laughter is a big human soul, a big phi- 
 losopher. 
 
 The Great American 
 
 He was an American. He had the Idealism 
 of America — the humor, the kindness, the 
 
 reaching toward a bigger thing, the simplicity. 
 Born poor — growing up in a shabby little town 
 on the Mississippi — a pilot — a seeker for gold — 
 a printer — Mark Twain was moulded on the 
 frontier of America. The vastness of the West 
 — the fearlessness of the pioneer — the clear 
 philosophy of the country boy were his — and 
 they stayed with him to the last of those 
 glorious later days — when Emperors and Kings 
 — Chinese Mandarin and plain American, all 
 alike, wept for him. In his work we find all 
 things, from the ridiculous in " Huckleberry 
 Finn " to the sublime of " Joan of Arc " — the 
 most spiritual book that was ever written in 
 the English language, of serene and lovely 
 beauty, as lofty as Joan herself. A man who 
 could write two such books as " Huckleberry 
 Finn " and " Joan of Arc " was sublime In 
 power. His youth and his laughter are eternal; 
 his genius will never die. 
 
 Low Price Sale Must Stop /'" h 
 
 Mark Twain wanted everyone in America to own a set of his books. So one of . ' & Brother* 
 the last things he asked was that we make a set so low a price that everyone „ p . t . «, 
 
 might own it. He said: "Don't make fine editions. Don't make editions to ' rranklin Square, 
 
 sell for $200 and $300 and $1,000. Make good books, books good to look at ' New ' ork 
 
 and easy to read, and make their price low." So we have made this set. ' Send me all 
 
 And up to now we have been able to sell it at this low price. Rising . ' charges prepaid a 
 
 costs make It impossible to continue the sale of Mark Twain at a low . ' set of Mark Twain's 
 
 price. New editions will cost very much more than this Author's ' Works in 25 volumes 
 
 National Edition. A few months ago we had to raise the price . illustrated, bound In 
 
 a little. That raise in price was a very small one. It does , handsome green cloth, 
 
 not matter much if you missed it. But now the price must / stamped in gold, with 
 
 go up again. You must act at once. You must sign and , trimmed edges. If not satis- 
 
 mail the coupon now. If you want a set at a popular / factory, I will return them at 
 
 price, do not delay. This edition will soon be with- / your expense. Otherwise I will 
 
 drawn, and then you will pay considerably more for / send you $1 within 5 days and $2 a 
 
 your Mark Twain. The last of the edition is in sight. ^ month for 14 months. For cash, de- 
 
 There will never again be a set of Mark Twain at 
 the present price. Now is your opportunity to save 
 money. Now is the time to send the coupon to get 
 your Mark Twain. 
 
 • duct 8 per cent from remittance. 
 Name 
 
 f f p Ty , 1 Established 1817 
 
 rlarper & DrOtnerS Franklin Square, New York 
 
 I Address 
 
 I To get the red, hall' leather binding, 
 I change terms to $2.50 w.thin 5 days, and 
 
 $4 a month for 15 months. 
 
 *£§><&*" 
 
 THE WILLIAMS POINTING COMPANY, NEW YOHK 
 
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