THE 
 INNEB LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS
 
 THE REFORMER'S BOOKSHELF. 
 
 Large Crown 8vo, cloth, 3s. 6d. each. 
 
 I. The English Peasant: His Past and Present. By Richard Heath. 
 
 2 The Labour Movement. By L. T. Hobhouse, M.A. Preface by R, 
 
 B. Haldane, M p. 
 
 3 & 4. Sixty Years of an Agitator's Life: The Third and Cheaper 
 
 Edition of Geo. Jacob Holyoake's Autobiography. 2 vols. Witli 
 Portrait by Walter Sickert. 
 
 5 & 6. Bamford's Passages in the Life of a Radical. Edited, and 
 with an Introduction, by Henry Dlnckley ("Verax"). 2 vols. 
 
 7. The House of Lords : A Retrospect and a Forecast. By T. A- 
 
 Spalding. 
 
 8. Titled Corruption : The Sordid Origin of some Irish Peerages. By 
 
 j. G. Swift MacNeill, M.P. 
 
 9 & 10. The Economic Interpretation of History: Lectures on Political 
 Economy and its History, delivered at Oxford, 1887-1888. By Prof. 
 Thorold Rogers. Third edition. 2 vols. 
 
 II & 12. The Industrial and Commercial History of England: Lectures 
 delivered to the University of Oxford. By Prof. Thorold Rogers. 
 Second Edition. Edited by his Son, Arthur G. L. Rogers. 2 vols. 
 
 13. Nihilism as it is. Being Stepniak's Pamphlet Translated by E. L. 
 VoYNiCH, and Felix Volkhovsky's "Claims of the Russian Liberals." 
 With an Introduction by Dr. Spenxe Watson. 
 
 14 & 15. Charles Bradlaugh : A Record of His Life and Work. By His 
 D;iuj;hter, Hypatia tJRADLAUGH Bonner. With an account of His 
 ParUamentary Strusigle, His Politics, and His Attitude to Religion, by 
 John M. Robertson. 2 vols. Third and Cheaper Edition. 
 
 16 & 17. The Inner Life of the House of Commons. By William 
 White. Edited with a Preface by JUSTIN McCarthy, M.P. With an 
 Introduction by the Author's Son. Second Edition.
 
 -t , ^ ( I' 
 
 THE INNER LIFE 
 
 OF THE 
 
 HOUSE OF COMMONS 
 
 3f 
 
 WILLIAM WHITE 
 
 Edited u'ith a Preface by 
 JUSTIN MCCARTHY, M.P. 
 
 AND WITH AN INTRODUCTION BY THE AUTHOR'S SON 
 VOL. I 
 
 LONDON 
 
 T. FISHER UNWIN 
 
 PATERNOSTER SQUARE
 
 ^^^. 
 
 f/-^ 
 
 '^c>H^ 
 
 ^'^f ir;nrjl92U ) 
 
 
 SECOND EDITION 
 
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 lo75 
 V\JSf -C 
 
 PEEFACE. 
 
 ^It has been a laboiir of love to me — one must nse these old 
 <^ famiUar phrases sometimes for the better expression of one's 
 oc meaning — to go over these records which INIr. White has 
 S left to the pubHc. My own recollections of the House of 
 '^ Commons extend over a great part of the time which is 
 covered by Mr. White's descriptions of Parliamentary hfe. 
 I first attended the House as a reporter in the Press Gallery 
 at the opening of the Session of 1860. But I had often 
 a before that time as a young man visiting London found 
 to an opportunity of hearing a debate in the House of Lords 
 ^ and in the House of Commons. I have a clear recollection 
 of all the principal figures which Mr. White describes. I 
 remember Brougham well, and had some sHght personal 
 acquaintance with him. I remember Lord Ljmdhurst and, 
 of com'se, I remember Lord Palmerston. I do not remember 
 Sir Eobert Peel — the great Sir Robert Peel. He died 
 before I ever saw London. But for the most part while 
 ^reading through Mr. White's columns I found myself in an 
 p assemblage of familiar forms. My own impressions of the 
 ^ men whom Mr. White describes are, with very few excep- 
 tions, entirely in accordance with the estimate he makes 
 and with the picture he paints. 
 
 One of these exceptions I make in the case of the late Sir
 
 VI PBEFACB. 
 
 George Cornewall Lewis. My impression of Sir George 
 Lewis is that he was one of the very ablest men of his time 
 in ParHament. Mr. White does not seem to give him any 
 credit for hmnour. I think he had a marvellous gift of keen 
 and ready humom:, a curious combination of wit, satire, and 
 common sense. I have heard it said by a long-experienced 
 Member of Parliament that Sir George Lewis delivered the 
 best speeches with the worst manner known to the House 
 of Commons of his time. I have written elsewhere that Sir 
 George Lewis began each of his speeches " by being nearly 
 inaudible, and continued to the last to be oppressed by the 
 most ineffective and unattractive manner and delivery." 
 But, I quote myself again, " it began to be gradually found 
 out that the monotonous, halting, feeble manner covered a 
 very remarkable power of expression ; that the speaker had 
 great resources of argument, humour, and illustration ; that 
 every sentence contained some fresh idea or some happy 
 phrase." " One who had watched parliamentary life 
 from without and within for many years said he had never 
 had his deliberate opinion changed by a speech in the 
 House of Commons but twice, and each time it was an 
 argument from Sir George Lewis that accomplished the 
 conversion." I think I can understand and explain the 
 difference of opinion between Mr. White and myself on the 
 subject of Sir George Lewis's capacity for debate. I fancy 
 that I had a much better opportunity of hearing Sir George 
 Lewis than that which his official occupation allowed to Mr. 
 White. I sat in the front row of the Keporters' Gallery, 
 just over Sir George Lewis's head, and after he had spoken 
 a sentence or two I could hear without effort or strain every 
 word that came from his lips. Therefore his most delicate 
 turns of humorous expression, his happiest touches of 
 literary illustration, were followed by me with ease and 
 enjoyment. I quite understand how different must be the
 
 PEEFACE. Vll 
 
 case of a listener who is stationed so far off that he loses 
 half what the speaker is sajang, and hears the other half 
 only with difficulty and doubt, and misses the connection 
 between one sentence and another. Men who listen nightly 
 to the parliamentary debates do not as a rule follow closely 
 every morning the reports in the newspapers. Therefore I 
 can thoroughly understand Mr. White's lack of appreciation 
 of Sir George Lewis as a parliamentary debater. What 
 might not such a man have done in the House of Commons 
 if he only had the voice and the articulation of Mr. Glad- 
 stone or Mr. Bright or Mr. Disraeli ? A cmious illustration 
 of the difference between the effect of words according to 
 their delivery is told in a parliamentary anecdote which I 
 believe to be perfectly true. Early in the 'Sixties there was 
 a great debate on foreign poHcy, chiefly relating to the 
 cession of Nice and Savoy to France, in which Mr. King- 
 lake, the author of "Eothen," took a prominent part. Mr. 
 Kinglake's speech was full of interest, and had, as might be 
 expected, a literary beauty all its own. It closed with a 
 remarkably eloquent and brilliant peroration, but unfortu- 
 nately Mr. Kinglake had a thin and feeble voice, and very 
 poor articulation. Most of the speech fell perfectly flat on 
 the ear of the House of Commons. The House of Commons 
 as a rule vsdll not be induced to strain its attention to any 
 speech unless it be a Budget speech of the Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer, or some important Ministerial statement on 
 foreign policy. Therefore the great majority of Members 
 soon dropped Mr. Kinglake out of notice altogether, and 
 his fine concluding sentences were absolutely thrown away. 
 The late Sir Kobert Peel intended to speak in the same 
 debate. He was very much of Mr. Kinglake's views on 
 the subject, and was greatly taken by Mr. Kinglake's pero- 
 ration, which he was near enough to hear, while also quite 
 conscious that it was utterly lost on the House. A bright
 
 Vlll PBBFAOE. 
 
 idea occurred to him. He asked Mr. Kinglake if he might 
 himself dehver the peroration which Kinglake had failed to 
 make impressive. The author of " Eothen " indulged in no 
 hallucination with regard to his effectiveness as a parlia- 
 mentary orator, and he most willingly and good-humouredly 
 granted the request. Sir Kobert Peel spoke in the following 
 night of the debate, and he wound up with Mr. Kinglake's 
 peroration. But if that peroration could have had life and 
 sense and hearing, what a difference it would have found in 
 the manner of its reception ! Sir Robert Peel, as we all 
 remember, had a commanding presence, a splendid declama- 
 tory power, and a magnificent voice, capable of all variety 
 of intonation and expression. He brought the House down, 
 if we may use that phrase, with the sentences which, 
 delivered by their real author the night before, had fallen 
 dead upon the audience. 
 
 I presume that is an explanation of the difference of 
 opinion between Mr. White and myself with regard to the 
 parliamentary speeches of Sir George Lewis. I was so 
 placed as to be able to hear all, or very nearly all, while Mr. 
 "White's official duties kept him rather out of range. With 
 his descriptions of Palmerston, Lord John Bussell, Glad- 
 stone, Cobden, and Bright, and even Sir Edward Bulwer- 
 Lytton, I thoroughly agree. I say, even Sir Edward 
 Bulwer-Lytton, because about him there was a great 
 difference of opinion among listeners of the more critical 
 order. He too suffered under some terrible disadvantages 
 of voice and articulation. Until your ear grew a little 
 accustomed to his way of speaking, it was sometimes impos- 
 sible to understand him. But he had, at all events, a 
 loud, strong voice, and when you had mastered his intona- 
 tion you had no difficulty in following the speech. Now I 
 am perfectly satisfied in my own mind that Sir Edward 
 Bulwer-Lytton was not a great orator in the higher sense.
 
 PEEFACE. IX 
 
 I am also satisfied that he was not a great novelist in the 
 higher sense. But I know that, whatever criticism and 
 satire might have said, the novels did take a tremendous 
 grip of the reading pubUc, and I know too that the speeches 
 took a tremendous grip of the House of Commons. The 
 speeches, no doubt, were often flashy ; the arguments were 
 very often sham which could have satisfied no creature ; 
 but the "phrasing" was superb, and phrasing goes a long 
 way with the House of Commons. You might try to 
 analyse away as long as you chose the reality and the 
 merit of Sir Edward Bulwer-Lytton's success as a speaker, 
 but you could not reason away the fact that he was for the 
 time a great success, and that he crowded and held the 
 House of Commons in a manner never surpassed by any 
 parhamentary orator within my recollection. Let us admit, 
 if you will, that the effect was evanescent, and that nobody 
 now would think of comparing Sir Edward Bulwer-Lytton as 
 a parliamentary speaker with Mr. Gladstone or Mr. Cobden, 
 or Mr. Bright or Mr. Disraeli. He was the comet of a 
 season, as in later days was Mr. Eobert Lowe. But the 
 comet of a season at all events has his season, and we can- 
 not deny that he blazed in his time. I have been much 
 interested in Mr. White's appreciation of Sir Edward 
 Bulwer-Lytton. Like myself, he is evidently puzzled as to 
 the reasons and the merits of the success ; but, like myself, 
 too, he sees that the success was there and makes no effort 
 to deny it. 
 
 I thoroughly agree in Mr. White's opinions also with 
 regard to another man of quite a different order — Mr. John 
 Stuart Mill. Nine out of every ten people would have told 
 you at the time that Mr. Mill was a dead failm-e in the 
 House of Commons. Mr. White was of quite a different 
 opinion. So was I at the time, and so am I now. As Mr. 
 White points out, you have to ask yourself when con-
 
 •X PEE FACE. 
 
 sidering whether a man was a failure or a success, what 
 you think the man set before himself to do. If Mr. Mill 
 had gone into the House of Commons with an ambition to 
 make rattling, declamator}- speeches which would call forth 
 salvoes of applause from one side and indignant protes- 
 tations from the other, then, indeed, we should have to admit 
 that he had not realised his ambition, and, in fact, that he 
 was an absolute failure. But Mr. Mill went into the House 
 of Commons for no such purpose. If you had foolishly tried 
 to flatter him by telling him that he had all the qualities 
 of a great parliamentary orator he would have smiled with 
 a benignant, pitying smile, and waved the whole subject 
 away. He went into Parliament at a peculiar time, when 
 some great public questions were stirring on which it was 
 felt that he could speak with influence and with authority, 
 and that he could lift the debate above the level of ordinary 
 partisan controversy. On this account he was pressed to go 
 into the House of Commons, and on this account he con- 
 sented to midertake the task just as he would have con- 
 sented to undertake any task to which it was shown him 
 that his duty called him. He accomplished his pm^pose. 
 More than once he turned the whole debate into the right 
 channel. Many of his phrases still vibrate in the memory 
 of the House, and are quoted again and again by people who 
 have forgotten to whom the phrases owe their authorship. 
 The curious half-poetic yet wholly truthful reply to the 
 cynical question, as to what posterity has done for us, 
 shovv^ing that posterity, by our natural longing to have its 
 approval, has stimulated most of the brave deeds done in 
 the world, enthralled the House of Commons by its literary 
 charm and its exalted purpose. I am glad to find myself in 
 such absolute accord as to Mill's parliamentary career with 
 so keen and sure an observer as Mr. White, a man to whom 
 it mattered nothing whether a speaker rose on this side of
 
 PEEFACE. XI 
 
 the House or on that, and who was as full of admiration 
 for genuine success as he was full of contempt for quackery 
 and sham, and of kindly mercy to commonplace mediocrit5^ 
 
 No finer or truer study of Cobden can be found anj^where 
 than is found in Mr. White's columns, I speak of Mr. 
 Cobden especially because his presence is no longer as fresh 
 in public recollection as it was a quarter of a century ago. 
 Gladstone we have still vAih us, and Bright has not very 
 long left us, and even young men can remember Disraeli's 
 parliamentary presence and style and methods. But 
 Cobden passed from among us more than thirty years 
 ago, and the younger generation cannot know of its 
 oTVTi knowledge anything about his style as a parliamentary 
 orator and debater. Eichard Cobden's name and services 
 will never be forgotten in our history, but Mr. White 
 enables younger readers to do what they might not other- 
 wise be able to do — to see the man in his habit as he lived. 
 Mr. White's are living pictures indeed. The world would 
 be ever so much the richer if only Vv^e could have had some 
 such descriptions of the House of Commons in the days of 
 Pitt and Fox and Burke and Sheridan — in the days of 
 Bolingbroke and Walpole and Pulteney. 
 
 I have not made any attempt at the arrangement of these 
 descriptive records with a view to the presentation of a 
 sort of historical diary of events as they occurred in Parlia- 
 ment. Of course I have preserved the natural sequence of 
 dates, and no description is taken out of its time and its 
 order of succession. What I mean is that I have alto- 
 gether abandoned the idea of giving anything like an equal 
 share of space to each succeeding week or month or 
 measure. A parHamentary diary would have many uses, 
 quite apart from what Hansard and the journals of the 
 two Houses can do for us, but Mr. White's work would 
 be thrown away upon a mere parliamentary diary, even if
 
 Xll PEEFACB. 
 
 the amount of space its contents must occupy did not make 
 it impossible as a book for popular reading. Therefore I 
 have sometimes left days and weeks of parliamentary work 
 quite unrecorded and without description. Mr. White had 
 to write his weekly contribution to the illustrated paper 
 with which he was connected, and each week's topics were 
 living and interesting then. Now we have to adopt a 
 totally different principle of arrangement in accordance with 
 the changed perspective. Many measures were passed in 
 each session which greatly interested the public then, but 
 are of little concern now even to students of parliamentary 
 history. I have always therefore picked out the subjects 
 which have still an interest for the public, and so endea- 
 voured to help the public to understand how and by whom 
 these questions were debated at the time. 
 
 I have endeavoured not to burden my readers with too 
 much explanation. Sometimes — as, for example, in the case 
 of the debate on the evacuation of Kars — I have thought 
 it necessary to give a short statement as to the whole 
 subject of controversy. I have had to do this in other 
 instances as well. But where a debate seems capable of 
 telling its own story I have allowed its own tale to be 
 enough even for the youngest of readers. Some of my 
 difficulty with regard to the inclusion of this debate and 
 the exclusion of that other lay in the fact that I found 
 myself rather apt, occasionally, to confound my own 
 personal interest in a parliamentary controversy vsdth the 
 probable interest of the reader of this day. Perhaps I 
 had listened to the whole controversy and it lived freshly 
 in my memory; and yet it may have been a matter of 
 no abiding interest whatever, and not in the least worth 
 the study of busy human beings in the world of to-day. 
 As with the controversies, so, too, with the controversialists. 
 There were men thirty years ago, to stretch no farther back,
 
 PREFACE. Xin 
 
 who managed for the time to engage the attention of the 
 public, and who seem to be now as forgotten as the hobby- 
 horse itself was in Hamlet's time. I have not thought it 
 worth while to endeavour to revivify, through Mr. White's 
 descriptions, these out-Hved reputations. Where there 
 was anything odd, or droll, or fantastic — and such curious 
 phenomena have been seen in most parliamentary generations 
 — I have usually allowed Mr. White to give us his ideas about 
 them. I have been particular, in many cases, to preserve 
 his description of any new member w^ho in his maiden 
 speech gave promise of real future success. Eeaders 
 who go through these volumes will be surprised and 
 pleased to find how often Mr. White foresaw what was 
 in a man destined to rise, and told his readers, if I may 
 say so, to "watch that square" and look out for a coming 
 success. Some of the then young men whose maiden 
 speeches he criticised and applauded have grown elderly 
 gentlemen, or old gentlemen, by this time ; and some have 
 given up parliament altogether — and some have given up life. 
 But it is interesting to find in the pages of these volumes 
 how many a time Mr. White has anticipated the final 
 judgment of parliament and of the public. It has to be 
 remembered, too, as Mr. White himself points out, that 
 it is very hard to judge one way or the other by a maiden 
 speech. Many a man has made a highly successful maiden 
 speech and never made a speech worth listening to after. 
 Many a man, on the other hand, has made an utter failure 
 with his maiden speech — as Sheridan did, and as Disraeli 
 did — who afterwards took a place in the very front rank of 
 parHamentary debate. Mr. Gladstone's maiden speech fell 
 so utterly unnoticed that, until some recent publications had 
 settled the question, he was almost invariably set down as 
 having made his first speech at a later date, and on a more 
 important subject. All the greater credit, therefore, must
 
 XIV PEE FACE. 
 
 we give to Mr. White for having so often got the right 
 appreciation, and so seldom missed it. " Sir," says Lucius, 
 in ' ' Cymbeline " , " the event is yet to name the winner. ' ' But 
 this is exactly what one cannot often do who has to describe a 
 maiden speech ; for the delivery of a maiden speech, successful 
 or otherwise, does not by any means name the winner. Mr. 
 White has all the honour of having several times named the 
 winner before the decisive event. 
 
 Not many very important changes have been made in the 
 rules or the ways of the House of Commons since the time 
 when Mr. White was describing parliamentary life. Still 
 there have been some changes which deserve a notice. 
 Amongst these are the alterations in the rules of the 
 House, which have for their object the control and 
 limitation of debate. The House of Commons is always 
 overstocked with business, and at one time an absolute 
 and unlimited freedom of discussion was allowed. Of 
 late years the defect of such a system was made especially 
 evident by the results of the obstruction which the Irish 
 Nationalist members started with a distinct purpose of 
 their own. Obstruction had always been a recognised 
 instrument in parliamentary controversy. The Reform 
 Bill of Lord Grey and Lord John Russell was obstructed 
 in the House of Commons at every stage. There was a 
 Committee appointed by the Tory members, of which Sir 
 Robert Peel himself was the Chairman, to make arrange- 
 ments for systematic obstruction. Mr. Gladstone obstructed 
 the Divorce Bill to the best of his extraordinary capacity. 
 Sir John Pope Hennessy, acting under the direct authority 
 and inspiration of Mr. Disraeli, kept the House sitting for 
 nearly all night on many occasions. Sir Charles Dilke and 
 some of his friends kept on debating and dividing more than 
 once, until even the sun of winter shone in tlirough the 
 painted windows of the House of Commons, No attempt,
 
 PBBFACB. XV 
 
 however, was made to limit the length of debate dm:ing all 
 this time. In every single instance the obstruction was 
 directed to one particular measm'e, and everybody knew 
 that when that particular measure had been disposed of 
 in one w^ay or the other, the obstruction would come to 
 an end. It was therefore not thought worth while to 
 introduce any new rules for the purpose of getting rid 
 of a merely casual and temporary difficulty. But Irish 
 obstruction was a totally different thing. Its aim was to 
 insist that if the House of Commons would not give its 
 attention to the Irish National claims and the Irish 
 agricultural grievances, the House should not be allowed 
 to go on with any other business. Now, it is not for 
 me to offer any opinion as to the justification of such a 
 policy. To me, of course, it must have seemed to be 
 justifiable, for othervnse I never could have taken part 
 in it. But it is certain that it turned the attention of 
 Parliament to the necessity for taking some measures to 
 limit the length of debate. 
 
 One of the measures was that which Mr. Gladstone 
 described as the devolution of business. Two Grand 
 Committees were formed, one on law and one on trade, 
 to which various measures might be referred after they 
 had passed the second reading, and where the Committee 
 stage could be got through much more satisfactorily than 
 in the House itself. This has proved to be on the whole 
 an ex3ellent arrangement ; but it would not of itself have 
 had much effect in the way of shortening debate in the 
 House when there was any strong motive for prolonging 
 it. Therefore a number of new rules were passed at 
 different times, introducing the principle of closure and 
 giving the leader of the House and the Speaker greater 
 power of dealing with irrelevant or manifestly obstructive 
 debate. Even still it seems to most persons that there
 
 XVI PREFACE. 
 
 is room for yet further restriction. Everybody knows 
 that the House of Commons is afflicted with the presence 
 of a number of what I may call professional talkers and 
 professional bores, who have not the Irish party's excuse for 
 obstruction, who have nothing to say that any one cares to 
 hear, who have no experience to contribute which could be 
 of the slightest use to the House and to whom nobody 
 listens. Some of these gentlemen speak on every question 
 brought before the House, and when they speak at all they 
 speak at portentous length. Now I do not know why some 
 reasonable rule might not be adopted which would set a 
 certain limit to speeches in general, making an exception, 
 of course, in the case of Ministerial expositions of policy, 
 of replies from the leaders of Opposition, and of speeches 
 delivered in moving or opposing the second reading of 
 important measures. At present, however, I am only 
 concerned to say that certain changes have taken place 
 in the rules of the House of Commons since Mr. "White's 
 time, and that these are likely to be the precursors of other 
 changes in the future. 
 
 The rules which regulate admission to the inner lobby 
 have also been greatly altered. At one time everybody 
 might pass through Westminster Hall and St. Stephen's 
 Hall and through the outer lobby to the inner lobby 
 without, as a rule, being challenged by anybody. If by 
 chance some policeman stopped the visitor and asked him 
 what his business was, the visitor had only to say that 
 he wished to see a certain member of the House and 
 mention the member's name, and he was then admitted 
 as a matter of course. It used to be a great delight to 
 me when a very young man, on a visit to London, thus 
 to enter the inner lobby and see Lord Palmerston, or 
 Lord John Kussell, or Mr. Cobden, or Mr. Bright come 
 out from the House and talk to his friends. At that
 
 PREFACE. XVll 
 
 time too the inner lobby was hardly ever overcrowded. 
 As anybody could go in there, few people really wanted 
 to go in. Charles Lever's Mrs. Dodd lays it down as a 
 principle of social Hfe that nobody wants to go anywhere 
 unless he or she is assured that there is no human 
 possibility of getting in. Now that the entrance to the 
 inner lobby is rigidly guarded by all manner of restrictions, 
 that lobby is often overcrowded, almost to suffocation. 
 Everybody wants to go in there, and a member can 
 always obtain permission for a constituent or any other 
 man who is a friend of his to pass through that lobby 
 and linger there a little in his company ; and so the life 
 of the poor member is embittered by incessant applications 
 for the privilege. The restrictions were put on at the time 
 of the dynamite explosions. Up to that period any member 
 might issue orders for admission to the Strangers' Gallery 
 any night and every night. For a long time it was a question 
 of first come, first served, for the holders of orders ; after- 
 wards it was the custom that those who held orders should 
 ballot for precedence. Obviously, this system reheved a 
 member of all responsibility. He gave an order to any- 
 body who asked for it ; it was no affair of his whether 
 the holder of the order succeeded or failed in finding a 
 place in the Gallery. But when the dynamite crisis was 
 on, it was thought necessary that some check should be 
 placed on the -issue of orders, and some responsibihty 
 attached to it. Now, therefore, a member has to ask for 
 an order, either from the Speaker's secretary or from the 
 Sergeant-at-Arms or, in certain cases, from the Speaker him- 
 self. Some change was, under all conditions, reasonable and 
 even necessary. But, curiously enough, it was left free to 
 every member to introduce any number of ladies into the 
 inner lobby without asking the permission of the Speaker or 
 the Sergeant or any one else. Every member in the course 
 VOL. I. 1*
 
 XVlll PREFACE. 
 
 of a session introduces to the inner lobby a number of ladies 
 whom he never saw or heard of in his life before. Perhaps 
 they are from his constituency ; perhaps they are strangers 
 who merely send in their cards. It is not much trouble to 
 bring them in, and most members are courteous enough to 
 undertake the duty. If a friend and his wife and daughters 
 come to ask any member for admission to the inner lobby, 
 the member may bring in the friend's wife and daughters 
 without asking any one's permission, but for the friend him- 
 self, whom perhaps he has known since his boyhood, he 
 must get a " pink ticket " of admission from the Sergeant-at- 
 Arms. Now I am considering all this for the moment in its 
 reference to the dynamite crisis. Why should there be more 
 danger of dynamite in my introduction of an old and intimate 
 friend to the inner lobby than in my introduction of half a 
 dozen ladies from, let us say, Chicago or New Orleans, whom 
 I had never seen or heard of before, and who, for aught I 
 know, may be carrying neatly done up packets of dynamite 
 under their skirts ? 
 
 In Mr. White's days, too, the institution of tea on the 
 Terrace in the early summer was practically unknown. If 
 he were living now it would much amaze him to see the 
 Terrace at certain hours on every day in the summer covered 
 almost all over by crowds of ladies treated by their friends 
 in Parliament to tea and strawberries, and waited on by 
 attendant girls. One evening a session or two ago, a 
 beautiful summer evening, while the Terrace was thus 
 crowded, an excursion steamer going up the river thronged 
 with people passed close by our river wall. Every eye in 
 the steamer was turned on our festive gathering, and at last 
 a stentorian voice from the steamer's deck cried out, " Why 
 don't, ye go into the 'Ouse of Commons and do your 
 business?" Some of us might have explained to him, 
 if time allowed, that perhaps the best chance of getting
 
 PREFACE. XIX 
 
 our business done was for as many members as possible 
 to sit on the Terrace and abstain from the House. Mr. 
 White would be astonished if he could see the inner 
 lobby literally crammed, as it often is now during summer 
 months, with ladies from all parts of the world who are invited 
 to have tea on the Terrace, and who, meanwhile, linger longer 
 in the lobby to see what is going on. Still more surprised 
 would he be, perhaps, if he could see what happens very 
 often on those Terrace evenings when the division-bell 
 suddenly rings. Then every member jumps up and makes 
 for the one available staircase — a narrow, twisted, and dark- 
 some ascent. Down this same staircase a stream of ladies 
 is pouring ; most of these ladies have not the faintest notion 
 why members should come rushing like madmen up the 
 stairs, and they never think of flattening themselves 
 against the wall or the balustrade to allow the struggling 
 members to get to their division-lobby. I am not finding 
 any fault with this free admission of ladies. I should be 
 very sorry to curtail their privilege of entrance or enter- 
 tainment. Only I think it might be as well to construct 
 another staircase or two, which should be sacred to the 
 upward flight of members summoned by the suddenly- 
 ending, shrilly voice of the division-bell. 
 
 At all events, it seems to me a matter of much interest that 
 here at least, if he could live again, Mr. "WTiite, with all his 
 parliamentary experience, would find something to surprise 
 him.
 
 INTKODUCTION. 
 
 William White was born at Bedford in the year 1807. 
 He was educated at the Grammar School, and for many 
 years was a bookseller in the town. He was also one of the 
 trustees of the schools, and it was mainly through his efforts 
 that this great institution did not become sectarian. For 
 this service his friends presented him with a handsome 
 testimonial. In 1854 he was appointed by Lord Charles 
 Eussell assistant-doorkeeper to the House of Commons, 
 and soon afterwards became doorkeeper. It then occurred 
 to him that something might be done to make the Parlia- 
 mentary debates more interesting, and a series of sketches, 
 pubhshed originally in the Illustrated Times, was the result. 
 Nowadays these descriptive reports are common enough, 
 but in 1855 the idea was new. They are written in pure, 
 idiomatic English, and not only do they represent the 
 transactions in the House with a pictorial fidelity which 
 is unattainable by the ordinary "graphic" style, but they 
 frequently supply a key to much that happened which, 
 without them, would be unintelligible. They are therefore 
 a real contribution to the history of the times. Naturally 
 they brought him into friendly relationships with many 
 members of the House. They valued his judgments on 
 political matters, but the oracles he consulted were simply
 
 XXll INTEODUCTION. 
 
 the plain integrity and common sense which were his guide 
 in private Hfe. It may be mentioned, by the way, that 
 he was an admirable public speaker, never wasting his 
 words, never attempting to delude his audience by an 
 easy attack on weak points which were unessential and by 
 neglecting what was central and important, but always 
 going straight to the heart of the controversy. He was a 
 student of the best English literature, and occasionally 
 lectured on literary subjects. When he did so, it was 
 apparent that, underneath the simplicity and directness 
 which externally were his most obvious characteristics, 
 there lay imagination and a singular capacity for being 
 moved by that which is genuinely sublime in Nature 
 and Art. 
 
 He retired in 1875, and a hundred members of the House 
 united to testify their "high appreciation" of him by a 
 most generous gift. 
 
 In 1882 he died, and was buried at Carshalton, where he 
 was then living. 
 
 Thanks are due to the present proprietors of the Illus- 
 trated London Neivs for permission to collect and publish 
 the "Inner Life." 
 
 W. H. W.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 Lord Palmerston — Mr. Hayter — Mr. Disraeli: in the Lobby — Six- 
 Edward Bulwer-Lytton 1 
 
 CHAPTER II. 
 Peace after the Crimean War — the Ears Debate . . , .11 
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 Mr. Edward Miall and his Motion for an Inquiry into the Revenues 
 
 of the State Church in Ireland and their Distribution. . . 18 
 
 CHAPTER IV. 
 
 The Canton Debate — The Division — The Defeat — The General 
 
 Election and the Retaliation — The Speaker's Retirement . 24 
 
 CHAPTER V. 
 
 New Men and New Manners — Some Celebrities in the Lobby — The 
 
 Divorce Bill— Mr. Roebuck— Sir E. Bulwer-Lytton . . .33 
 
 CHAPTER VI. 
 The " Conspiracy to Murder " BiU — Nemesis 43 
 
 CHAPTER VII. 
 
 The India Bill for the Reorganisation of the Government of India 
 after the Mutiny — It is brought in by Mr. Disraeli — Proves 
 an Utter Failure — Lord John RusseU's Resolution a Success — 
 Property Qualifications and Mr. Edward Auchmuty Glover — 
 An Extraordinary Story ........ 51
 
 XXIV CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAPTER VIII. 
 
 PAGE 
 
 The Debate on Lord Canning's Proclamation to the Landowners of 
 Oudh after the Indian Mutiny — Mr. CardweU's Speech — The 
 Success of Sir Hugh M. Cairns, Afterwards Lord Cairns — Mr. 
 Bright — Sir James Graham — Mr. Disraeli — Collapse of the 
 Attack on the Government . 60 
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 Lord Stanley — Professor Blackie — Baron RothschUd — Sworn at Last. 78 
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 The Opening of the Session of 1859 — Farewell of Mr. Samuel Warren 
 
 (Author of " Ten Thousand A- Year ")— " Eothen Kmglake " . 83 
 
 CHAPTER XL 
 
 Sir Edward Bulwer-Lytton on Reform — Mr. Sidney Herbert — Mr. 
 Bernal Osborne — Mr. Bright — Sir James Graham — Mr. Glad- 
 stone — Mr. Disraeli — Division — Defeat — Dissolution . . .88 
 
 CHAPTER XII. 
 
 Reappearance of Richard Cobden — A Spirited Debate — " Sam Slick ". 103 
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 Notables — Mr. Gladstone's Budget ....... 113 
 
 CHAPTER XIV. 
 
 Sir Robert Peel (The Third)— The Last Debate— Kinglake— Sir 
 Robert Again — Mr. Horsman — Mr. Wilfrid Lawson's and Mr. 
 Stansfeld's Maiden Speeches 129 
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 The Great Prize-Fight — Sir E. Bulwer-Lytton's Speech — Pumping 
 
 Thunder— Disraeh out of Temper— The Budget of 1861 . . 143 
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 Lord Robert Cecil .160 
 
 CHAPTER XVIL 
 Speeches of Mr. Disraeli and Lord Palmerston on the Death of the 
 Prince Consort — Mr. Lowe, as Vice-President of the Committee 
 of Council on Education, Introduces the Revised Education 
 Code — Sir Stafford Northcote 168
 
 CHAPTER I. 
 
 LORD PALMEESTOX — MR. HAYTER — MR. DISRAELI : IN THE 
 LOBBY — SIR EDWARD BULWER-LYTTON. 
 
 Lord Palmerston is " the foremost man in 
 Mar. 8, 1856.* 
 
 all the House." Strangers who enter the 
 
 House for the first time generally ask, " Which is the 
 
 Premier? " and especially is this the case with foreigners — 
 
 no sooner are they seated but they cast about for some one 
 
 to show them Palmer estong. Those strangers who cannot 
 
 get into the House, and who wish to see the Noble Lord, 
 
 should place themselves in the lobby. About five o'clock 
 
 any day, when the House sits, he may be seen crossing from 
 
 the members' staircase to the House ; but the strangers 
 
 must keep a sharp look out, or he will be gone before they 
 
 catch a glimpse of him — for the grass never grows near the 
 
 feet of the Noble Lord — he always moves at a quick pace. 
 
 When he arrives at the door his messenger, waiting there, 
 
 hands him his despatch-box ; he then swings through the 
 
 door, and passing along the left division-lobby enters the 
 
 House at the back of the Speaker's chair, and takes his seat 
 
 about the middle of the Treasury Bench ; and there he sits 
 
 with his hat on, his face in deep shadow, looking as if he 
 
 * The marginal dates throughout this work are those of the various issues 
 of the Illustrated Times, from which the editor's selection has been made. 
 
 VOL. I. 2 '
 
 2 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 were fast asleep through the whole of the sitting, excepting 
 for about half an hour, when he adjourns to the refreshment 
 rooms, or when he rises to address the House. But, as the 
 proverb says, "Catch a weasel asleep"; the Hon. Member 
 who may fancy that the Noble Lord is napping, and takes 
 the opportunity to say something smart touching his Lord- 
 ship, will certainly very soon discover his mistake. We 
 believe the Noble Lord seldom sleeps in the House, and 
 when he does he sleeps as the cats are said to do when they 
 watch at a mouse-hole. 
 
 Lord Palmerston is, we should say, about five feet ten 
 inches in height, looks about fifty-five years old — not more, 
 albeit he is turned seventy — walks upright as a dart, and 
 steps out like a soldier. He always, in the House, wears a 
 surtout coat, buttoned up close, dark trousers, and black 
 necktie. His Lordship does not affect preciseness or 
 fashion in dress, like his opponent Disraeli, or his colleague 
 Mr. Vernon Smith. We have seen Cabinet Ministers 
 frequently in full dress on the Treasury Bench, but 
 Palmerston never. Indeed, from the opening of the 
 Parliament to the prorogation, he seems to us to eschew 
 all pleasure, sticking to the House as a diligent tradesman 
 sticks to his shop. Further, after the day's labour, even 
 though the House sat far into the morning, we have heard 
 that he generally walks home. We passed him ourselves 
 one morning, in broad daylight, last session, in Parliament 
 Street ; he was chatting away as briskly as if he had freshly 
 risen from his bed ; and yet that day there had been a 
 morning sitting, and he was in his seat soon after one p.m., 
 and then it was past two a.m. 
 
 Lord Palmerston is not an orator — at least, not of the old 
 school. He never attempts lofty eloquence ; but he is a 
 clear and effective speaker, and very sagacious ; long 
 experience, of course, has made him so. He not only
 
 palmeeston's wit. 3 
 
 knows exactly what to say, but what also to leave unsaid. 
 And, of course, he is always listened to with profound 
 attention, not merely because he speaks as one having 
 authority, but also on account of his great talents, long 
 official career, and boundless knowledge. When some men, 
 even some Ministers, rise there is a rush of Members to the 
 door ; but if it is announced in the lobby, or in the dining- 
 room, on an important night, that " Pam." is up, the 
 House is filled as if by magic. 
 
 A good deal has been said about the joking propensities 
 of the Premier — far more than is due. The fact is, that the 
 Noble Lord, considering the number of speeches which he 
 makes, does not often launch a joke, and never, whatsoever 
 may be said to the contrary, on a serious subject. When he 
 indulges in v^it, it is in return for some wit that has been 
 thrown at him, and frequently those who have been the 
 losers at this game have been the men to preach seriousness 
 to their Noble Opponent. Mr. Bright used often to allude 
 to the Premier's levity, but we imagine he will not soon do 
 it again ; for the last lecture on this topic which he delivered 
 was met by such a happy retort that the House was con- 
 vulsed with laughter, in which the Hon. Member for 
 Manchester himself could not help joining. Mr. Bright, 
 during a long speech, had scolded the Premier for his witty 
 sallies and general levity ; but quite forgetting to apply his 
 sermon to himself, he had tried his hand at some rather 
 ponderous jokes. In reply the Noble Lord said, " The 
 Hon. Member has taken me to task for what he is pleased 
 to call my levity. Now, it is rather remarkable that in the 
 Hon. Member's speech there were no less than ten jokes. 
 I cannot, however, find fault with the levity of these jokes, 
 for there was no levittj in them." One peculiarity of Lord 
 Palmerston's wit ought not to be unnoticed — it seldom, if 
 ever, wounds. Indeed, the very man against whom it is
 
 4 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 directed may often be heard joining in the general chorus 
 of laughter, and the Premier himself laughs also — and laughs 
 heartily, too. There is this marked difference between him 
 and his opponent Disraeli : Palmerston's witty sallies are 
 evidently suggested by a love of fun, quite as much as by 
 a desire to hit an opponent ; Disraeli's shafts are too fre- 
 quently hurled with a spiteful intent. Palmerston laughs 
 with genuine merriment ; Disraeli seldom or never laughs, 
 either at his own or others' jokes — unless a sardonic curl 
 of the lip or the faintest ray of a smile may be called a laugh. 
 
 Who is the most powerful member of the 
 House of Commons ? Lord Palmerston ? 
 No ! Mr. Disraeli ? By no means. The most powerful 
 member of the House is unquestionably the Eight Hon. 
 William Goodenough Hayter, member for Wells, and 
 " Whipper-in " for Government. Palmerston and Disraeli 
 make long speeches.. Mr. Hayter flourishes figuratively a 
 long and formidable whip — and the whip is very much more 
 effective than the most eloquent harangues. A good speech 
 may possibly change the mind of some two or three members 
 during a debate, but Mr. Hayter, by his more effective logic, 
 brings up scores of sluggish members to the division. The 
 House of Commons is the most talkative assembly in the 
 world ; but victories there are not achieved by talk. Does 
 the reader doubt this? Let him, then, note the fact that, 
 on an average, not more than one-half of the members 
 whose names appear on the division-list ever hear the 
 debate. Just as at an election success does not, as old 
 electioneers well know, depend upon pot-house orations or 
 long addresses, but upon organisation, the activity of the 
 Committee and the scouts, so Ministerial measures are 
 seldom carried by oratory, but by the zeal, foresight, and 
 energy of the "Whip."
 
 DISEAELI. 6 
 
 On the occasion of the late Church-rate debate we met 
 in the lobby a Dissenting agitator against this obnoxious 
 impost, "Well," said we, "how goes the war? Shall 
 you win or lose?" "Doubtful!" was the reply. But we 
 soon saw that it was not doubtful, for, after we had been 
 m the lobby a short time, we observed some significant 
 movement which, to a practised eye, was decisive. The 
 fact was, that Government had determined to support 
 the measure, and Messrs. Hayter and Co. were busy 
 whipping for a division. And the result proved the correct- 
 ness of our conclusions, for the Bill was carried through 
 the second reading by a majority of 43, albeit some 40 
 or 50 Church-rate opponents were away. 
 
 Strangers who wish to see Disraeli must take their stand 
 in the lobby on any night when a party debate of con- 
 sequence is expected to come off ; and between four and 
 five p.m. let them place themselves by the side of some 
 friend who knows him, or some communicative policeman. 
 He comes up the members' private staircase, marches across 
 the lobby, solemnly and slowly, generally alone, and speak- 
 ing to no one as he passes. On his arrival at the door of 
 the House he always casts an upward glance at the clock, 
 passes into the division-lobby, takes off his hat, goes round 
 to the back of the Speaker's chair, then to his seat, and 
 carefully stows his hat under the bench. He then sits 
 down, folds his arms across his breast, and keeps immov- 
 ably in this position, with his eyes fixed upon the ground, 
 until he rises to speak. 
 
 It is a peculiarity of Disraeli that he never 
 April 5, 1856. . . ^ 
 
 wears his hat in the House. Most of the 
 
 members sit covered, as well as Government officials. It 
 is convenient for them to do so. The hat is a kind 
 of pent-house under which they can retire from the
 
 6 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 gaze of the members and of strangers ; for as the Hght 
 comes all from the ceiHng the brim of the hat throws 
 the upper part of the face into shadow ; and whether they 
 wince under an attack or are excited to a smile, nobody 
 can see their movements. But Disraeli needs no hat, for 
 he neither winces nor laughs, and seldom cheers ; in fact, 
 he sits like an imperturbable statue. His place is between 
 Napier and Walpole or Whiteside, but he seldom speaks to 
 his neighbours. Though in the midst of his party, he 
 appears not to be of them, but is as separate and distinct 
 as his race is from all the world. Sometimes he goes into 
 the division-lobby or a private room to consult with his 
 colleagues in opposition, but seldom to gossip. Last 
 session, indeed, the wondering members, as they passed 
 one of the recesses in the division-lobby, saw the Right 
 Hon. Leader of her Majesty's Opposition in close conversa- 
 tion with Mr. Bright ; and it was probably this circumstance 
 reported to the editor of the Morning Advertiser that led 
 that sagacious prophet to foretell a coalition between the 
 sturdy Quaker and the Jew. But it turned out to be only 
 one of those mare's nests which the " able editor " is so 
 often discovering. What the Right Hon. and Hon. Members 
 talked about it is impossible to say ; and whether they 
 agreed, and if so, on what curious subject two such men 
 could agree, must remain a secret. One thing is only 
 known, that these two men did once sit together and talk 
 about something for nearly an hour. 
 
 If strangers wish to hear Disraeli speak at any length 
 and no more, they must be contented to wait in the gallery 
 until eleven, twelve, or it may be one o'clock, for he 
 seldom harangues until the close of the debate. He rather 
 chooses to be last, after Lord Palmerston, but sometimes 
 he is obliged to speak before the Noble Lord. 
 
 It is not uncommon for persons to be very much dis-
 
 DISEAELI AS A SPEAKER. 7 
 
 appointed with Disraeli's speaking. They had heard a 
 great deal about his oratorical powers, and they expected 
 to hear lofty eloquence like that which, in classic times, 
 "shook the arsenal and fulmined over Greece." It is as 
 well, therefore, to inform all persons who have not been 
 to the House that we have no such oratory there — nothing 
 of the sort. The last of the orators was Harry Brougham, 
 and when he consented to place his light under a coronet 
 oratory in the House of Commons became extinct. Disraeli 
 can talk well, can be pungent, biting, witty. Gladstone 
 can pour out words by the hour together — a perennial 
 stream of words, and can reason closely. Cobden, when 
 in right order, and on a right subject, can deal logical blows 
 — these will shiver a fallacy to dust. Palmerston speaks as 
 one having authority, and can speak well, too ; and many 
 others can also talk reasonably well. But none are orators 
 of the old type. None can loftily declaim or utter grand 
 and abiding truths with that energy, force, and passion 
 which startle the hearers, and make even opponents cheer 
 against their will. Disraeli is a good speaker, according 
 to the modern House of Commons gauge, but he is not 
 a great orator. 
 
 When he rises he generally starts bolt upright, then leans 
 his hands upon the table, and casts his eyes downwards. At 
 first he not infrequently hesitates and stammers a good 
 deal, shambling like an old mail-coach horse who has got 
 stiff by standing in the stall, but, like the said coach-horse, 
 he soon warms up to his work. He then takes his hands 
 off the table, thrusts them it may be into his waistcoat- 
 pocket, and turns his face towards the House ; or else, 
 if he feels well up, he folds his arms across his breast. 
 Then he hesitates no more, but his sentences come out 
 in stately flow. Disraeli's sentences are specially remark- 
 able for their excellent English, and for the peculiar
 
 8 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 appropriateness of his words, especially of his adjectives. 
 If there is an adjective in the language specially suitable 
 to express his meaning, that he will be sure to use. But 
 still he generally disappoints, for the first three-quarters 
 of an hour, strangers who hear him for the first time. 
 There is nothing witty, nothing specially brilliant, for it 
 is his peculiarity that he reserves all his wit and brilliancy 
 until he is about to finish ; and those who are used to him 
 well know when it is coming. He shifts his position, turning 
 with his face towards the Treasury Bench, and heralds the 
 coming witticism by a slight curl of the mouth and twinkle 
 of the eyes. And then for about a quarter of an hour, if 
 he be quite himself and the occasion is favourable, it is 
 seen that he still possesses that power of sarcasm and wit 
 which so galled Sir Eobert Peel in the Corn Law struggle. 
 
 We have before said, or ought to have said, 
 
 April 12, 1856. . 
 
 that the lobby of the House is the best place 
 in the world to see the world's notabilities. No foreigner, 
 of course, comes to England during the session without 
 paying a visit to the House of Commons ; and everybody 
 in England — whether " known to fame " or " born to blush 
 unseen " — will like to see the House and hear the debates, 
 sometime during his life, or probably have some business to 
 transact with one or other of the members, A constant 
 attendance, therefore, in the lobby will be sure to bring 
 you into contact with all sorts of people. The officers and 
 policemen in the lobby probably have seen as many cele- 
 brities in their time as the Premier. Not long ago we were 
 lounging in this place when we were startled by hearing the 
 name of Eawlinson, and, on inquiry, we found that the tali, 
 handsome man with the moustache, who had for some 
 time been pacing up and down with Mr. Danby Seymour 
 was the learned Orientalist, whose name is as familiar to
 
 IN THE LOBBY. 9 
 
 every reader of Eastern travels as household words. At 
 another time a magnificent-looking fellow, in Eastern 
 costume — certainly one of the handsomest men we ever 
 saw — entered upon the scene. His noble port and manly 
 bearing attracted om' attention at once — we were certain 
 that he was "somebody"; and we soon discovered that 
 he was an Afghan chief — one of those splendid cavalry 
 officers whose prowess England has often had to acknow- 
 ledge. The man was a study, and kept our eyes riveted 
 for some time. It is by no means uncommon to see the 
 Indian costume in the Ambassadors' Gallery, and very 
 picturesque it looks there, contrasting with the plain and 
 unrelieved dress of our senators. And so let us take om' 
 stand in the lobby again. We shall be sure to see somebody 
 of greater or lesser note. 
 
 Here is one. Do you see that gigantic man in the centre, 
 talking to a cluster of members, and overtopping all by head 
 and shoulders ? That is "Jacob Omnium" of the Times. 
 His real name is Higgins. Some military matters are to 
 be discussed to-night, and he has come to learn whether 
 any of his suggestions are likely to be carried out. He 
 will find no difficulty in getting under the gallery, and there 
 he will sit below the bar, but having more real power, 
 perhaps, over the decision than many that sit above it. 
 
 The tall gentleman with the silver hair is Mr. Dallas, 
 the new American Minister. And there goes another 
 celebrity. Do 3'ou see that strange-looking man with the 
 bushy moustache, imperial, and aquiline nose? That is 
 the famous novelist. Sir Edward George Earle Lytton 
 Bulwer-Lytton. He certainly is, as you say, a very remark- 
 able-looking man. He always walks about in that abstracted 
 manner, rather stooping, his hat on the back of his head, 
 his hands thrust into his trouser pockets, and his eyes cast 
 downwards — looking for all the world as if he fancied that
 
 10 THE INNEB LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 he had lost something, and was searching on the ground 
 and feehng for it in his pockets at the same time. It is 
 generally known about the House when he is going to speak, 
 as he then wanders about more abstractedly than usual. 
 The Hon. Baronet is not an effective speaker ; not, however, 
 because his matter is not good, but because his action spoils 
 all. It is well known that he studies his speeches carefully 
 beforehand — would that he would, under proper guidance, 
 study how to deliver them ! His manner is this : He begins 
 a sentence, standing upright, in his usual tone ; as he gets 
 to the middle he throws himself backwards, until you would 
 fancy that he must tumble over, and gradually raises his 
 voice to its highest pitch. He then begins to lower his 
 tone and bring his body forwards, so that at the finish of 
 the sentence his head nearly touches his knees, and the 
 climax of the sentence is lost in a whisper ; and yet, not- 
 withstanding this serious drawback, there are but few 
 members whose speeches are comparable to Sir Edward's. 
 Strange that a man who thinks it worth his while to get 
 up his matter carefully should pay so little attention to his 
 manner.
 
 CHAPTEK II. 
 
 PEACE AFTER THE CRIMEAN WAR — THE KARS DEBATE. 
 
 [The fortress of Kars, in Armenia, held out against the 
 Kussians to the very close of the war. Kars was defended 
 by Colonel Fenwick Williams, an English officer, afterwards 
 Sir Fenwick Williams of Kars, who was sent out to re- 
 organise the Turkish troops in Armenia after they had 
 undergone a terrible defeat by the Russians. Kars, under 
 Williams, held out so stubbornly and so splendidly that 
 when it had to surrender to famine, the garrison was allowed 
 to march out with all the honours of war. There was a 
 strong conviction on the part of the Opposition that the 
 surrender would never have taken place but for the want 
 of foresight and of energy in the Government at home ; 
 and Mr. Whiteside's motion was a vote of censure on that 
 ground.] 
 
 „ We have had an old-fashioned party-fight — 
 May 10, 1856. , ^ , i .> o 
 
 such a fight as the House has not mdulged 
 
 itself with during this session — a crack debate, and more 
 than 500 members in a division. The debate was opened 
 by Mr. Whiteside, continued through three nights, and 
 ended at 12.30 on the third, with a division giving 123 
 majority to her Majesty's Government. 
 
 Lord Palmerston has, in fact, stood a fierce siege, like 
 
 11
 
 12 THE INNER LIFE OP THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 General "Williams at Kars ; with this difference — General 
 Williams was neglected, failed to get money, provisions, 
 and troops, and was at length obliged to surrender to the 
 enemy. The Premier was not thus deserted, but, on the 
 contrary, by skilful policy and the energetic zeal of his 
 subalterns, men were brought up from all directions, and 
 he won a splendid but an easy victory. Much of this was 
 owing to his own generalship. That meeting of his in his 
 own dining-room was a capital manoeuvre, and it was there 
 that he raised the enthusiasm of his followers and placed 
 himself at their head. His " whips," too, were also on the 
 alert. Circulars were sent to the fom- winds of heaven, 
 every man of the party was summoned to his post, and the 
 effect was, that though numbers were scattered in every 
 direction, when the battle came no fewer than 303 good men 
 and true divided with the Noble Lord, and gave to him a 
 crushing majority. 
 
 Mr. Whiteside, the Hon. Member who led the attack, is 
 an Irish barrister. He was for a short time, in 1852, Irish 
 Solicitor -General when Lord Derby was Premier and 
 Disraeli Chancellor of the Exchequer, and hopes to be so 
 again, or something higher, in "the good time coming," 
 when his friends shall again return to power. Hence his 
 zeal for Williams and his country's honour. Mr. Whiteside 
 in person is very tall and thin, partly bald-headed, has 
 unusually long arms, rather stooping shoulders, and is, on 
 the whole, a fine-looking man, though somewhat ungainly 
 in his carriage. The Hon. Member is brother to the Kev. 
 Dr. Whiteside, vicar of Scarborough, and the two brothers 
 may often be seen walking together in the lobby — interesting 
 studies, as each is a type of the class to which he belongs. 
 Both are very tall, but the lawyer is pale, thin, and looks over- 
 worked, while the parson is portly, rubicund — a jolly specimen 
 of a class of men who live well and work little. The Hon,
 
 Whiteside's eruption. 13 
 
 Member is said by his admirers to be a great man, and the 
 speech with which he opened the debate has been declared, 
 by no less an authority than Mr. Disraeli, to be equal to 
 anything that was delivered in the eighteenth century, when 
 Bui'ke and Chatham were at the zenith of their fame. But 
 then it must be remembered that Disraeli spoke as a partisan, 
 and, moreover, is strongly suspected sometimes of indulging 
 in what is called flamming. That it was an extraordinary 
 speech cannot be questioned — it took more than four hours 
 to deliver it. It was passionate and fervid, as all Irishmen's 
 speeches are, and Mr. Whiteside's especially — sometimes, 
 indeed, quite volcanic — and was spoken with a physical 
 energy and extravagance of action that made the hearers 
 fear lest the speaker should break a blood-vessel or fall 
 down in a fit. But a great speech it was not — except upon 
 the principle that he is a gxeat artist who uses a great brush. 
 Lord Palmerston happily and wittily described it as a speech 
 long to be remembered by all who saw it ; and a dry old 
 member who has been in the House for thirty years, in 
 answer to a question whether he did not greatly admire it, 
 said, in his usual quiet way, " It certainly was a remarkable 
 specimen of physical power." Mr. Wliiteside always speaks 
 with passion, whether his subject is a vulgar road Bill or the 
 impeachment of a minister ; and yet in conversation and 
 private life the Hon. Member is quiet, amiable, and gentle- 
 manly. Out of the House he reminds us of a beautiful hi]l 
 covered over with greensward, and all the signs of peace; in 
 the House he is the same hill — but grown volcanic. 
 
 With the exception of some four or five speeches the 
 debate was dull and vapid as spent soda-water. There was 
 a very large number of members " about," but they would 
 not stay in the House. When Mr. Whiteside began he 
 had an audience of some 300 members, but even his fiery 
 declamation could not keep them together, for in half an
 
 14 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 hour at least 100 had gone away — some to dine, some to 
 write their letters, and a goodly number to smoke and 
 gossip below. The Hon, Member began at 5.20 and finished 
 at 9.25 ; and it was amusing to see the surprise and dismay 
 of Hon. Gentlemen when they returned, after three hours' 
 or so absence, and found Mr. Whiteside still on his legs. 
 " What, not down yet ! why, he will speak for ever." One 
 incident in the speech deserves to be recorded, as it was a 
 cause of no little merriment to those who stopped. About 
 7.30 the Hon. Member delivered what seemed to be a very 
 fervid peroration, and as it was confidently expected and 
 hoped that the end was come, the members of the Opposition 
 cheered long and vociferously ; but, lo ! instead of sitting 
 down, as it was expected he would, the Hon. Member quietly 
 said, " And noic to business ! " and the House found that all 
 that had gone before was only preliminary; " the business " 
 was yet to come. A shout of laughter broke from the 
 Government side, and, indeed, from all parts of the House 
 at this " sell." Time wdll, however, beat even an Irish lawyer 
 at last, and at 9.25 the Hon. Member finished, and the 
 House was all but deserted. And during all that night and 
 the next, and part of the third, the debate " dragged its 
 slow length along" in the most uninteresting, tiresome, 
 and even painful manner. On the second night, as, a 
 division was confidently expected, the House was very full 
 at 12 o'clock. But how the Noble Lord at the head of her 
 Majesty's Government determined to finish the night, 
 divided the House, gained a large majority, and subsequently, 
 in the exuberance of his joy over his victory, graciously 
 gave way, is all too well known to be dwelt upon here. 
 On the third night the debate was duller than ever. Indeed, 
 in the middle of the evening it really seemed as if the 
 House would " faint away." When Mr. Liddell sat down 
 there were exactly 35 Members present, and some minutes
 
 DISEAELI EISES. 15 
 
 elapsed before any speaker would rise. And when Sir 
 James Graham began the nmnber had only increased to 
 40. "Why did they not comit out?" Why, because 
 the Government did not wish it, as they were certain of 
 a majority; and the Opposition knew that it was no use 
 to try "a count," for though only 35 were in the House 
 there were within the sound of bell enough members to make 
 four or five Houses. 
 
 It was a good piece of diplomacy after all of Lord 
 Palmerston to allow the debate to go on to the third night, 
 for during the interval the "whip" was so effectually used 
 that there were many more Members present on the third 
 than there had been on the second night. For on the adjourned 
 division only 416 voted, and the Government majority was 
 but 70, but on the next night 503 voted on Mr. Seymer's 
 amendment, and on the main question 479, and the final 
 majority for Ministers was 127. Take this instance to show 
 the exertions which were made : An Hon. Member was 
 down at his seat in North Wales. He received the summons 
 at 2 p.m. on Thursday; he started off immediately, drove 
 seven miles to the rail, arrived at the House at 11.35, and 
 voted for the Government. 
 
 Mr. Disraeli rose about 10 o'clock ; there were not more 
 than 250 members to hsten ; but when it became known 
 throughout the building that he was up the House filled 
 rapidly, and long before he closed was crowded with 
 members. Every part was full. The body of the House, 
 the side-galleries, and the standing room below the bar 
 were all crammed. We have often been asked whether 
 the House will hold all the 654 Members ? Well, we should 
 say, from its appearance on Thursday, that it will not. It 
 appeared to us to be then uncomfortably full ; and yet there 
 were at least 150 Members not there : 500 is an unusually 
 large number. There have been 600 present, but that was
 
 16 THE INNEE LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 at a contested election for a Speaker. After Disraeli came 
 Lord Palmerston. 
 
 The indomitable pluck of the Noble Premier was never 
 more shown than on this debate. For a week past he had 
 been racked with the gout, so as to be obliged to clothe one 
 of his feet in a woollen shoe and hobble upstairs with a 
 stick ; but still his Lordship was at his post during the 
 whole of the three nights. Other Members, and Cabinet 
 Ministers too, slunk away to eat, and drink, and smoke ; 
 but, excepting for a few minutes, the Noble Lord, from 
 "dewy eve to early morn," sat as if fastened to the bench. 
 At 11.30 on Thmsday he arose, limped to the table, and, 
 with the weight of his body resting on one limb to save 
 his gouty member, he spoke for an hour as merrily and 
 with as much freedom as he ever did in his life. It is true 
 that there was a good deal in the scene to cheer him and 
 make him for a time "o'er all the ills of life victorious." 
 For a month or two past his position had been doubtful. 
 In several skirmishes he had been worsted. Divisions and 
 strife had prevailed in his camp. But now his old party 
 had concentrated its forces, closed its ranks, and he knew 
 that the pitched battle he was fighting would be crowned 
 with a decisive triumph. Still it must be acknowledged 
 that he is, for physical power and animal spirits, a remark- 
 able man. We question whether there is another man in 
 the Queen's dominions who, at the age of seventy-two and 
 tormented with the gout, could sit seven hours watching a 
 debate and then get up and make a lively and forcible speech 
 of an hour's length. 
 
 Mr. Whiteside replied, but of what he said or how he 
 said it we have no knowledge. The House was excessively 
 crowded, the Members impatient ; and though they did not 
 attempt to put the Hon. Member down, the buzz of conver- 
 sation was so great, and the whole scene so distracting,
 
 Whiteside's fiasco. 17 
 
 that we could pay no attention to the learned orator. 
 And now the time has come. See, the Speaker is up. All 
 oratory is over. He puts the amendment first — Mr. Ker 
 Seymer's amendment : " That the House postpone the con- 
 sideration of the fall of Kars until after the discussion on 
 the Treaty of Peace." The form in which the amendment 
 was put was this : Mr. Seymer proposed that all the words 
 after "that" in Mr. Whiteside's motion be left out, and 
 that his (Mr. Seymer's) words be inserted. The Speaker 
 said, " The question which I have to put is — that the words 
 proposed to be left out stand part of the question. All they 
 that are for it, say ' Ay ' ; they that are against it, say 
 'No.'" All, therefore, who did not wish to have the 
 amendment shouted "Aye"; and Mr. Seymer's friends 
 " No." In this case the " Ayes " preponderated, and the 
 Speaker declared — " the ' Ayes ' have it." He then turned 
 to the mover, Mr. Seymer, and said, "Do you divide?" 
 The Hon. Member took off his hat, in token of assent. 
 " Strangers withdraw," cried the Speaker, and the division 
 proceeded. For Sejoner there were 52 ; against him, 451. 
 After the division was announced the Speaker put the 
 original motion, and another division took place ; when 
 there were : for Whiteside, 176 ; against, 303 — majority, 
 127. Loud and long-continued cheers followed, and a 
 stream of crowding, scuffling, pushing, hurrying, scurrying 
 Members poured out of the House, all anxious to get down 
 stairs to secure cabs and go home. The great fight is over, 
 in five minutes the House has no more than thirty or forty 
 Members in it, and the Clerk is reading " the Orders of the 
 Day." 
 
 VOL. I.
 
 CHAPTER III. 
 
 MR. EDWAED MIALL AND HIS MOTION FOR AN INQUIRY 
 INTO THE REVENUES OF THE STATE CHURCH IN 
 IRELAND AND THEIR DISTRIBUTION. 
 
 We have had no attractive debate in the 
 June 7, 1856. „ ^ , ... 
 
 House 01 late, unless we except the discussion 
 
 on Mr. Miall's motion for overhauling the revenues of the 
 Irish Church, and that only kept together for a length of 
 time about 150 members. There were more at first, but 
 many went away, and did not come back until the time 
 drew on for the division, when the number rose up to 260, 
 viz., 95 for the resolution, and 165 against. It was expected 
 by some that there would be no House, or if a House should 
 be made, that it would certainly be counted out at dinner 
 time. But Mr. Miall's supporters had managed matters 
 better than was supposed, for at four o'clock the House was 
 unusually full for Tuesday. And even during the dangerous 
 dinner time there were always present over a hmidred 
 members. The fact was, that it became known that the 
 supporters of the motion had been very active with the 
 " whip," and so the opponents were obliged" to "whip " too, 
 and thus, between the two, all danger of a count-out dis- 
 appeared. 
 
 18
 
 MIALL OF " THE NONCONFORMIST." 19 
 
 Mr. Edward Miall, the Hon. Member for Eochdale, is 
 well known throughout a large circle as an earnest and 
 zealous advocate of anti-State Church principles. He was 
 formerly a dissenting minister of Leicester, but in 1841 gave 
 up his charge to establish the Nonconformist newspaper, 
 for the express purpose of promoting more extensively his 
 cherished opinions. This was considered at the time, by 
 some of the " stricter sects," a very questionable step, and, 
 moreover, the Dissenters, at least the dissenting ministers, 
 were not prepared for Mr. Miall's advanced views, and so 
 for a long time he had not onlj' to contend against the 
 Church party, who, of course, abused him virulently enough, 
 but also against the half -hear tedness, and in not a few cases 
 positive opposition, of those who might naturally have been 
 expected to render him their cordial support. But there were 
 two things which sustained Mr. Miall, and made him con- 
 queror at last, viz., his faith and his great ability. Whether 
 he is right or wrong we do not here discuss, but that he 
 believes in the bottom of his soul that he is right no man 
 can doubt ; nor can any one question that greater ability 
 has never been shown in the advocacy of any cause than 
 that with which Mr. Miall has preached, in the columns of 
 his paper and in his innumerable speeches, the principles 
 which he holds ; and now his paper stands at the head of 
 the dissenting press, and he is a Member of Parliament. 
 xVnd he, whose doctrines were once, and that not long ago, 
 denounced by the Church people as revolutionary, and 
 thought so ultra by dissenters that ministers refused to lend 
 their places of worship for his meetings, and counselled their 
 flocks not to attend, can now expound them to the British 
 Senate, and get 95 members to vote that they are worthy 
 the consideration of the House. Is it not still true, then, 
 that " faith can move mountains " ? We could not help 
 thinking so as we Hstened to Mr. Miall whilst, for an
 
 20 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 hour and a half, he expounded and enforced his principles, 
 eliciting the hearty cheers of his friends, and compelling the 
 respectful attention of even his bitterest foes. 
 
 Up to the night of this debate Mr. Miall has scarcely 
 been appreciated in the House. He has had much to con- 
 tend with. In the first place, his antecedents were not such 
 as to secure him favour in the eyes of members of Parlia- 
 ment. " A Radical parson turned politician," " a fellow who 
 has come to upset the Church," was hardly likely to get a 
 hearing from Noble Lords, Gallant Officers, and Country 
 Squires, on the Tory benches. Nor could it be expected 
 that the Whigs would give him much encouragement ; for 
 neither do they like " men who come to turn the world 
 upside down." And, further, Mr. Miall's want of physical 
 power will always be a hindrance to him. His voice is thin 
 and weak, and unless the House is predisposed to listen he 
 never can command its attention. All this Mr. Miall is 
 quite conscious of ; and therefore it is that he does not often 
 attempt to speak, although his silence sometimes brings 
 down upon him the censure of thoughtless friends outside. 
 But Mr. Miall has succeeded at last, if he never did before ; 
 for, by the testimony of friends and foes, it is settled that he 
 not only fully obtained and kept the attention of the House 
 on the occasion of this debate, but delivered a remarkably 
 able and effective speech. We also heard the speech, and 
 fall in with the general opinion. And we can further say 
 that we never saw the House more attentive. The Members 
 were not only quiet, but earnestly listening, that a link in 
 the reasoning might not be dropped, or even a word be lost. 
 And, when the Honourable Member finished, a hearty cheer 
 told him that if he could not carry his motion, he had con- 
 quered for himself a new and far higher position in the 
 House of Commons than he had ever attained to before. 
 But really and truly, though the motion was defeated by a
 
 A SUCCESSFUL SPEECH. 21 
 
 majority of seventy, Mr. Miall had achieved a success. In 
 the first place, he had got the House to listen, and, con- 
 sidering the subject and the character of the British Senate, 
 that of itself was no mean achievement. But, when we 
 consider what it was that Mr. Miall proposed to do — 
 nothing less than to lay the axe to the root of the " Protes- 
 tant Church of Ireland, as by law established " — and that 
 ninety-three, or, inclusive of pairs, about 130, had sanc- 
 tioned this daring proposition, the result of the debate must 
 be considered an extraordinary circumstance in parlia- 
 mentary history, and one which foreshadows more extra- 
 ordinary things in no very distant future. 
 
 Much of the success is, no doubt, owing to Mr. Miall's 
 prudent and judicious conduct. For a long time after he 
 became a Member of Parliament there can be no question 
 that he disappointed the expectations of some of his friends. 
 They had heard him speak at public meetings, and had felt 
 his power whilst from the platform he eloquently expounded 
 his views ; and they expected that he would carry 
 everything before him in the House, as he had been wont 
 to do in more popular assemblies. But Mr. Miall knew 
 better than even to attempt this ; he was well aware that 
 the House of Commons was not a public meeting, and that 
 to speak there effectively on such a subject was altogether 
 a very different matter from writing in the columns of 
 the Nonconformist or addressing an assembly of willing 
 listeners at Crosby Hall ; and, therefore, notwithstanding 
 the expressed disapprobation of some of his too zealous 
 followers, the sneer of his old dissenting opponents, and the 
 frequent deprecatory remarks which were made in dissenting 
 circles — to wit, " that he had found his level," " that he 
 had promised great things and done nothing," " that he was 
 like all the rest, he had attained his object, got M.P. tacked 
 to his name, and put his principles in his pocket" — he
 
 ^2 THE INNEE LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 bided his time, never attempted to bully the House, nor 
 obtruded himself and his opinions upon it when it was 
 unwilling to listen. In short, like a wise man, he waited 
 until his turn should come, regardless alike of the sneers of 
 foes and the impatience of friends ; and he has now got his 
 reward. 
 
 Hitherto we have been very dull. The 
 
 Feb. 14, 1857. ^ , . , , , -, ,• 1- 1 . -,, 
 
 first night we had some iivelmess, but still 
 
 there was nothing like the excitement which we have seen 
 
 on such occasions. Mr. Disraeli meant to deliver a great 
 
 speech, but he certainly failed. The greater part of his 
 
 harangue was delivered in a confused and bungling manner 
 
 for a speaker of his reputation. He hesitated, stammered, 
 
 and at times seemed quite at a loss either for ideas or for 
 
 language to express them. He spoke early in the evening, 
 
 when the House was shifting and restless ; and these 
 
 circumstances don't suit Mr. Disraeli. He seldom speaks 
 
 well before dinner, and never unless the House is full. 
 
 Midnight is the time to. hear the leader of the Opposition. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone spoke, of course, well, and so did Lord John 
 
 Russell. Indeed, it was generally admitted that the Noble 
 
 Lord delivered the most statesmanlike speech of the evening. 
 
 Lord Palmerston was, as ever, ingenious, clever, and witty. 
 
 His retort upon Disraeli was in his happiest vein, and made 
 
 the House ring with laughter. " The Right Hon. Member," 
 
 he said, " charges me with cleverly getting my party into 
 
 difficulties, and cleverly getting it out of them. Well, at 
 
 all events, I balance the account ; but if the Right Hon. 
 
 Gentleman had inquired on his own side of the House, 
 
 he might have heard of a gentleman who, last session, 
 
 repeatedly got his party into difficulties, and — could not get 
 
 it out again." It is amusing to watch Lord Palmerston 
 
 when he is about to bring forth a joke ; you may always
 
 LOED PALMEKSTON'S JOKE. 23 
 
 know that something witty is coming. His face suddenly 
 changes — it seems to get broader and shorter ; and as he 
 approaches to the actual moment of birth, you would hardly 
 know it as the face of the Noble Lord. And doesn't he 
 enjoy the joke ! When Disraeli makes the House laugh, he 
 never condescends to laugh himself — a sardonic smile is all 
 that he indulges in ; but Palmerston laughs outright, and 
 evidently has some difficulty in pulling down his face to due 
 statesmanlike gravity when he resumes his discourse. He 
 certainly is a most marvellously tough man ; time, and gout, 
 and labour seem to have no effect upon him.
 
 CHAPTEE IV. 
 
 THE CANTON DEBATE — THE DIVISION — THE DEFEAT— THE 
 GENEEAL ELECTION AND THE EETALIATION — THE 
 speaker's RETIREMENT. 
 
 [The Canton Debate was one of the most important that 
 had come up for years in the House of Commons. The 
 Chinese authorities at Canton had boarded the Arrow, a 
 small vessel which professed to be British, but really was 
 not so, and had carried off from her twelve of her crew 
 on a charge of piracy. The Arrow was not, in fact, a 
 British vessel, but only a Chinese vessel which had obtained 
 by fraud the temporary possession of an English flag. 
 Our Plenipotentiary at Hong-Kong, Sir John Bowring, 
 acted in a most high-handed fashion, and demanded the 
 surrender of all the men, an apology from the Chinese 
 Government, and a further assurance that nothing of the 
 kind would ever be done again. The Chinese authorities 
 refused, and Canton was thereupon bombarded by the 
 English fleet. Mr. Cobden brought forward a motion in 
 the House of Commons declaring " that the papers which 
 have been laid upon the table fail to establish satisfactory 
 grounds for the violent measures resorted to at Canton in 
 the late affair of the Arrow." He was supported by 
 Gladstone, Disraeli, Lord John Kussell, Lord Eobert Cecil 
 (now Lord Salisbury), Mr. Koebuck, Sir E. Bulwer-Lytton, 
 
 21
 
 A CROWDED LOBBY. 25 
 
 afterwards the first Lord Lytton, and a number of other 
 leading men of all parties.] 
 
 The great and all-absorbing parliamentary 
 ' * topic of the week has been the Canton debate. 
 The excitement in the House and the Lobby has been 
 intense — unequalled by anything of the sort that has occurred 
 since the great Corn-Law contest. The Lobby has been so 
 crowded, that it has been only with the greatest exertion 
 that the police could keep a clear passage to the House for 
 the Members ; and all the galleries, from four o'clock until 
 the House broke up, have been on every night of the debate 
 filled ; and there have been besides hundreds of eager and 
 anxious expectants w^aiting about the House for admittance ; 
 and then, many of them — indeed most of them — did wait 
 all the night, and went home disappointed at last. Mem- 
 bers' orders they could get, and seemed astonished that, 
 though they had this talismanic paper, they could not get 
 in, forgetting that though, when there is room, this slip of 
 paper is a veritable "open-sesame," yet there is one thing 
 that it cannot do — it cannot make space. An order is a good 
 thing to have when there is room, but when there is not it 
 is as useless as a cheque upon a bank at which there are 
 "no effects." Poor fellows! we could not help pitying 
 them as we saw them jammed together, knowing, as we 
 did, the utter hopelessness of their case. Many of them 
 had come up from the country on purpose to hear the 
 debate, relying upon the omnipotence of their Members, 
 and some, perhaps, had never been in the House in their 
 lives. "What, cannot you get me in?" we heard one say to 
 his Member. " Oh, do try ! I never heard a debate, and 
 I have come to town on purpose to hear this." " My dear 
 fellow, what am I to do? " was the answer, " every place 
 is full." " Can't you ask the Speaker to put me some-
 
 26 THE INNER LIFE OP THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 where / " " Impossible ; the Speaker himself couldn't put 
 his own brother in where there is no room." 
 
 Nor was the excitement amongst the members less 
 marked, and, crescit eundo, it increased as the debate went 
 on. It is true that in the early part of the first evening the 
 members did not seem to be awake to the importance of the 
 crisis. That there was to be a stout fight, everybody knew ; 
 but it was generally considered that a majority for Government 
 was secure. But when Mr. Cobden had delivered his masterly 
 speech, and in his quiet but telling way had unrolled before 
 the House his terrible indictment, and when it was made 
 known by the cheering which came from all parts of the 
 House what nmnbers of Members, of all parties, were pre- 
 pared to support the Hon. Member for the West Riding, 
 then a change came over the spirit of the House, and 
 especially over the Government side. It became apparent 
 that this contest was no child's play, and that if the 
 Government meant to resist successfully this formidable 
 attack, they not only had not a moment to lose, but that 
 every art and manoeuvre which the science and skill of the 
 "Whips" could bring to bear must be put in requisition. 
 Everybody accustomed to political contests in the House 
 was aware of this change. It might be seen in the looks 
 of the Ministers on the Treasury Bench ; Hayter's face 
 betrayed it — all calm and imperturbable as it generally is ; 
 and the knots of members about the lobbies and in the 
 waiting-rooms — some quietly, and some violently discussing 
 the subject — showed that a crisis of no ordinary importance 
 was at hand. 
 
 But the excitement was at its height when Lord John 
 Eussell delivered his remarkable speech. During the whole 
 of the evening there had been anxious questionings about 
 the way in which Lord John would vote, and but few 
 seemed to be quite decided upon the point until he arose in
 
 LORD JOHN RUSSELL'S SPEECH. 27 
 
 the House. His Lordship did not, however, leave the 
 House long in doubt ; he very soon showed that he not only 
 meant to support Mr. Cobden, but that he intended also 
 to carry all his followers with him ; and when he sat down, 
 after having delivered one of the most telling speeches that 
 we have heard for some years past, things looked very 
 gloomy indeed for the Ministry, and many an Under- 
 Secretary and junior Lord began to shake in his shoes. 
 Indeed, there can be no doubt that if the division had come 
 off on that night Government would have been defeated by 
 a large majority. But that was not to be — trust Palmer- 
 ston and Hayter for that ! Nor was it to be on Friday, the 
 next night. Before Friday night many a message had 
 been despatched by post and by telegraph, and the large 
 increase in the number of members on Friday showed 
 that all this had not been done without effect. But still 
 further time was required to make things at all pleasant, 
 and the long interval between Friday and Monday night 
 would be invaluable to the Government. In the first place, 
 it would give still further time for members to come up 
 from a distance, and then, secondly (and this is even more 
 important), it would afford opportunity for the appliance of 
 those mysterious arts and powerful incantations at which 
 your Ministerial " Wliips " are such adepts. Exactly what 
 these Circean arts are no one knows but the initiated, but 
 that they are of wondroiis power is certain and not to be 
 disputed. Many a fond dream of independence have they 
 dissipated, and many an indignant patriotic feeling have 
 they damped down, but how it is done must ever remain 
 a mystery to all but those who are behind the scenes. And 
 so on Friday the debate was again adjourned. 
 
 On Monday — and the change was apparent — the Govern- 
 ment had recovered from its panic — and the troublous 
 nervousness observable in Hayter's face had passed away
 
 28 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 — letters had been received, books examined, and it had 
 become apparent that things were not so bad as they seemed 
 — Mr. Hayter was himself again, and the Lords of the 
 Treasury and the Admiralty began to see prospects of 
 salaries beyond the coming quarter-day. 
 
 The most extraordinary speech during the debate was 
 unquestionably Mr. Whiteside's. We have heard the 
 learned gentleman deliver many wonderful harangues, but 
 this was the most wonderful of all. We don't mean as to 
 matter, but manner. The matter was reported duly in 
 the morning papers ; but who can describe the manner? As 
 we witnessed the gesticulations, how we longed for Cruik- 
 shank or Leech to be there, that the orator might be pre- 
 sented in one, even if only one, of his wonderful positions ; 
 but, alas ! no artist is allowed in the House, and words are 
 altogether powerless. We remember Edward Irving, and 
 we have seen many an actor " tearing a passion to tatters," 
 but nothing comes up to Whiteside. 
 
 Since the above was written the smash has come. In a 
 House of 510 Members, at half-past two o'clock on the 
 morning of Wednesday, the Government was beaten by a 
 majority of sixteen. Up to the last the event was un- 
 certain ; such was the confusion of parties, that no one 
 could calculate accurately who would win. As the moment 
 for dividing came the excitement throughout the House 
 grew more intense than ever, and so crowded were the 
 Peers' Seats and Diplomatic Galleries, that it was with 
 the utmost difficulty they were cleared in time. In fact, 
 the Diplomatic Gallery was not cleared, for one unfortunate 
 foreigner was shut in, and very perplexed he looked when 
 he was made to understand that he was in custody, and 
 not less so when, after due consultation held with the 
 Speaker, the Sergeant opened the door and drove him to 
 the outer Lobby. The Duke of Cambridge and members
 
 THE DEFEAT — THE SPEAKER. 29 
 
 of the diplomatic corps, the Russian, American, Austrian 
 Ministers, &c., not only sat patiently listening to the 
 debate, but waited outside until the numbers were declared. 
 The great speech of the debate was Gladstone's. Some 
 went so far as to say that it was the greatest harangue 
 that he ever delivered. The cheers whilst he spoke were 
 almost incessant. Palmerston's speech evidently produced 
 but little effect. Poor old man ! it was painful to see him 
 hobbling upstairs on two sticks to fight such a battle. It 
 is bad enough at seventy-four years of age to sit from five 
 o'clock till one, and then to rise and reply in a speech of 
 an hour to such opponents as Gladstone and Cobden, 
 Eussell and Graham, but to have to contend with the gout 
 as well must be anything but pleasant. Well, we suppose 
 that the Palmerston Ministry is at an end, unless the plucky 
 Premier should dissolve. And now, Mr. Cobden, "What 
 next? and next?" 
 
 In three weeks from this time, or there- 
 Mar. 14, 1857. 
 
 abouts, the Eight Hon. Charles Shaw Le- 
 
 fevre, who has for eighteen years occupied the Chair 
 
 of the House of Commons as its Speaker, wiU vanish 
 
 from the scene which he has so long adorned, and " the 
 
 place which knows him now will know him no more for 
 
 ever." For a long time past rumours have been afloat 
 
 that this would be his last Parliament, but it was not until 
 
 last Monday that he formally announced that he really 
 
 intended to retire. As soon as this announcement had 
 
 been made. Lord Palmerston gave notice that on the 
 
 following day he should move a vote of thanks to the Right 
 
 Hon. Gentleman, and also an address to the Crown, 
 
 praying that a suitable acknowledgment may be made for 
 
 his long and faithful services. It was no wonder, then, 
 
 that on Tuesday afternoon, at half-past four, the House was
 
 30 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OP COMMONS. 
 
 unusually full ; for what Member of the House who could 
 possibly get down would fail to be present to show his 
 respect to so old and faithful a servant ? 
 
 " My Noble Lords and Gentlemen, 
 May 9, 1857. Once more we're met together again, 
 
 When last we met I said so then." — Punch. 
 
 To one unaccustomed to parliamentary life the scene on 
 Thursday, the 30th of April, when the new Parliament 
 assembled after the general election, was strange and 
 ludicrous. It was one o'clock when we arrived at the 
 House, and though it wanted a full hour to the time fixed 
 for the assembling of the Members, it was evident to us 
 that a number of the "new 'uns," as the policemen call 
 those who have not been in Parliament before, were already 
 loitering about the palace. It was clear that they were 
 not " strangers," as they had been, after due questioning, 
 suffered to go into parts of the building where no strangers 
 are allowed to go, and it was also equally certain they were 
 not old Members. They had not yet got the parliamentary 
 air and bearing, and, moreover, were evidently puzzled to 
 find their way about, rushing into all manner of out-of-the- 
 way places into which they did not want to go, and 
 altogether unable to discover the places to which they did 
 want to go. One old man we found peeping into a washing- 
 room, and on politely inquiring whether we could be of any 
 service we discovered that he was hunting for the library, 
 which was some hundred yards off. Another seemed to us 
 to be regularly surveying the building, for there was not a 
 door that he did not open on his waj^ nor a recess that he 
 did not look into, but as he was wholly unacquainted with 
 the plan of the " Mighty Maze," twice he came round to 
 the spot whence he started ; and, when we ceased watching 
 him, he was just blundering into the private room of one of
 
 THE NEW PAELIAMENT. 31 
 
 the officers of the House. At half-past one there were 
 some thirty or forty " new 'uns " in the House, and from a 
 quarter before two to the time fixed they came up in such 
 a stream that the doorkeepers must have been perfectly 
 bewildered. At ten minutes past two the scene in the 
 House, from the reporters' gallery, was very odd to those 
 who are old attendants upon the House. The few old 
 Members who were present, and some of the new who 
 had personal friends to show them where to go, quietly 
 took their seats, but the bulk of the "new 'uns" stood 
 hustling about the bar, and all with their hats on, to the 
 great discomfort and disgust of the sergeant and deputy- 
 sergeant, who were both on duty, vainly striving to reduce 
 the chaos to something like order. Amongst the old 
 Members Sir James Graham was conspicuous, stalwart 
 and fresh as ever — but how changed was all around him 
 since he last sat there ! Cobden, Bright, Gibson, Cardwell, 
 Phillimore, Layard, Fox, and Miall, who sat in that neigh- 
 bourhood, are all gone. The Eight Hon. Baronet did not 
 seem, however, to be much affected by his bereavement, for 
 we never saw him look better, and he appeared to enjoy 
 the contemplation of the surging crowd below him 
 amazingly. Soon afterwards Sidney Herbert came in and 
 Gladstone, but they could not take their wonted seats, as 
 they had long been occupied by "nobody knows who." 
 Palmerston was in his usual place, but his Lordship is not 
 much the better for the relaxation of the recess. He has 
 lost all his springiness, still wears shoes made more for 
 ease than show, looks pale, and shows unmistakable signs 
 of a disposition to stoop. "Ah! it's no use," said an 
 Honourable Member, shaking his head, " if the Opposition 
 can't beat him old age and the gout will." Lord John 
 Eussell was there ; but, as his place was occupied, he dropped 
 down at the extreme end of the Treasury bench. The
 
 32 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 Noble Lord is quite up to the mark. We should guess that 
 he has been breathing the country air since his election; for, 
 instead of that chalky paleness which is almost invariably 
 the mark of an old Member of Parliament, he has the bronzed 
 look of a country gentleman fresh from his estate. Mr. Eobert 
 Lowe looked, as he sat on the step of the gangway, fresh as 
 he always has looked since the hour of his birth, and as he 
 will look until the day of his death. His is a face that 
 nothing can change. Sir Charles Wood was also present ; 
 still the same jaunty gentleman, with hat stuck aside 
 and hands in his breeches' pockets ; always the same, 
 " whether he win or lose the game." On the Opposition 
 benches there were very few old Members. Walpole was 
 there in his usual place, but Disraeli was not — he mistook 
 the hour of meeting ; nor was Henley, Whiteside, Pakington, 
 or Bulwer-Lytton present. Amongst the "new 'uns" known 
 to us, conspicuous above all was the burly, corpulent Sir John 
 Potter, Mr. Bright's substitute, unquestionably the " greatest 
 man" in the House. We should lay him at eighteen 
 stone, and should not be surprised to hear that twenty will 
 not "fetch him up." He looked about for a long while for 
 Mr. Kinglake, and at last discovered him amongst the 
 crowd. But we will say nothing of him here ; the author of 
 " Eothen " must have a special notice. The grey head of 
 the veteran political warrior. General Thompson, the man 
 who opened fire against the Corn Laws before many of the 
 League were born, was easily discovered. The old General 
 must be far on the shady side of seventy, and yet how 
 active he is ! Query — Is it wise of him, unless he wishes to 
 die on his shield, to come again into the stormy arena of 
 politics? We know not whether any more "gods" were 
 among the crowd ; but if there were they must be " Dii 
 minores," unknown to us.
 
 CHAPTEE V. 
 
 NEW MEN AND NEW MANNEES — SOME CELEBEITIES IN THE 
 LOBBY — THE DIVORCE BILL — MR. ROEBUCK — SIR E. 
 BULWER-LYTTON. 
 
 Let us take our stand in the outer lobby, and 
 ' for a short time notice the parliamentary and 
 other notables, great and small, as they pass by. We can 
 see them better here than in the House. It requires a 
 practised eye to know members in the House, especially 
 when they have their hats on, as the light descending from 
 the ceiling throws the face into shade. We have known 
 honourable members look half an hour for a friend in the 
 House without success, although the said friend has been there 
 all the while ; but in the lobby there is no such difficulty. 
 Who is that tall, manly fellow with collar turned down and 
 a strong walking-stick in his hand ? That is the Honourable 
 Charles Sumner, the member of the American Senate who 
 was assaulted by Brooks. He is a constant attendant here. 
 Through the favour of the Speaker he has the entree when 
 he chooses. To-night the debate on the Divorce Bill is to 
 come on and he hopes to hear Gladstone speak. He is a 
 very fine-looking man, and has the reputation of being an 
 orator himself. He has a large circle of acquaintance in 
 London amongst the men of the Shaftesbury school. He 
 was introduced to the Speaker by Lord Ebrington. The 
 
 VOL. I. 4 23
 
 34 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 Bishop, who is striding across the lobby, is Samuel Wilber- 
 force, of Oxford. It is the Divorce debate that has attracted 
 him. He is not an infrequent attendant upon the House. 
 You see he also marches in without question by the door- 
 keeper. All bishops who are peers of Parliament have a 
 right to go in. Other bishops have to seek permission like 
 common folk. You see there are no signs of fasting and 
 maceration about the right reverend father, albeit he is a 
 member of the school which patronises such things. On 
 the contrary, he is inclined to be corpulent in person, has 
 a jolly, good-hmnoured face, and, as we can testify, is fond 
 of launching a joke, and can laugh heartily at the jokes 
 of others. But here comes my Lord Derby : the gentleman 
 there in spectacles. You are disappointed by his appearance? 
 Well, most people are at first sight. We were ourselves. 
 Our imagination had painted the representative of the house 
 of Stanley as a tall, stalwart, broad-shouldered baron ; but 
 yoii see he is nothing of the sort. The fact is that but few 
 of the members of our oldest families are large men. There 
 are about a dozen men in the House of Commons of the 
 height of six feet, but v^th one or two exceptions they are 
 all of plebeian origin. The Stanleys, the Gordons, the 
 Kussells, the Duffs, the Lennoxes, &c., are none of them 
 above the average, and some of them below it. 
 
 But let us call your attention to the old gentleman who is 
 coming from the library, for he is a special favourite of ours, 
 and, indeed, of all those who know him. We mean the 
 short, white-headed old man without his hat — that is Major- 
 G-eneral Perronet Thompson, member for Bradford. "And 
 who is General Thompson ? " Ah ! it is a sign you are 
 but a youth, or you could not have failed to hear of 
 General Thompson ; for perhaps, on the whole, there is no 
 more remarkable man in the House of Commons. First, he 
 may be said to be the Father of Free Trade — for when
 
 "GENEEAL THOMPSON." 35 
 
 Bright was only a boy of fifteen, and Cobden a youth of 
 twenty-one, General Thompson had worked out the theory, 
 and settled it upon so firm a basis in his famous "Catechism 
 of the Corn Laws," that from that time the principle was 
 settled — and all that had to be done was to agitate for its 
 adoption. All due honour to Cobden and Bright and the 
 rest of the League ; but, after all, they were only the 
 workers — the thinker was unquestionably Thomas Perronet 
 Thompson. "Did you ever read the 'Catechism of the 
 Corn Laws?'" said an eminent member of the League 
 to us some twenty years ago. "No." "Then read it, for 
 there you will find all the arguments that our agitators have 
 ever used, and many more that they could not use, because 
 they did not understand them." Nor is this the only thing 
 that the good old General has done. He was first a mid- 
 shipman — then became a soldier — was once Governor of 
 Sierra Leone, and it is said that he is the only governor who 
 came home uninjured in health — and further, he was for a 
 time in the thick of the Napoleonic wars — has been to India 
 — is a great mathematician — profound musical theorist — has 
 written innumerable articles, pamphlets, &c. ; and as to 
 languages, can talk in most of the tongues of the babbling 
 earth. Not a foreigner comes to the lobby but may have 
 a chat vvdth the old General — tm^baned Turk, strangely tiled 
 Parsee, Hindu Eajah, or swallow-tailed European — it is all 
 the same to General Thompson. The Honourable and 
 Gallant Gentleman does not often speak now, but when he 
 does he generally utters something that cleaves into the 
 very heart of the question. Take, for instance, his saying 
 about the Chinese poisonings — " Three hundred poisoned 
 and not one dead ? Why, I will defy all the physicians in 
 Europe to poison three hundred people, mid not hill one.''' 
 The old gentleman shakes his head over this Indian mutiny. 
 "Ah," said he to a friend of ours, "there must have been
 
 36 THE INNEK LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 something wrong going on ; for those sepoys, if they had 
 been kindly treated, would much rather have nursed the 
 babies than shot the fathers and mothers." And then he 
 went on to tell the following story as an illustration of the 
 danger of interfering with the religious feelings of the 
 natives : — " When I was in India, I was going one day to 
 my tent, and seeing a circle of earth with a fire in the 
 middle, I jumped over it ; and what was my surprise to 
 receive soon after a deputation of sepoys to inform me that 
 by so doing I had so polluted their dinner which was cooking 
 that the whole of it had been thrown away. ' Well,' said I, 
 * what am I to do ? ' ' Oh ! ' said the speaker, ' the sahib 
 must give us money to buy us another dinner,' which request 
 of course I immediately complied with." The old General 
 is now seventy-four years, but Time has laid his hand lightly 
 upon him. He can attend the house from four till three in 
 the morning, and then walk home. We saw him creeping 
 along Parliament Street last week, in the broad daylight, 
 when the hands of the Horse Guards clock were pointing to 
 3.45 a.m. 
 
 The old gentleman whom you see walking with slow and 
 stately pace across the lobby is Sir Eichard Bethell, M.P. 
 for Aylesbury, and her Majesty's Attorney-General. He has 
 a stern battle to fight to-night, for he has to take the lead in 
 working his Divoice Bill through Committee against a host 
 of powerful and bitter foes. And, further, he will have to 
 fight almost alone. Sir George Grey may occasionally come 
 to his help, and Lord Palmerston may now and then throw 
 in a shot, but as it is a " legal measure," the principal 
 burthen must fall upon our Attorney-General. Sir Henry 
 Keating, the Solicitor-General, ought to be a good auxiliary ; 
 but he is new to his office, and, between ourselves, does not 
 seem to be a very efficient addition to the debating power of 
 the Government. But Mr. Attorney, though opposed by all
 
 SIR RICHARD BETHELL. 37 
 
 the talent of the Opposition, having Henley, Lord John 
 Manners, Disraeli, Malins, &c., on his front, and Mr. Glad- 
 stone on his right flank, will be found quite a match for 
 them all ; for on such questions as this there is not a man 
 in the House comparable in debate to Sir Richard 
 Bethell. When you first hear him speak you will pro- 
 bably be disappointed, for there is a good deal of affecta- 
 tion in his manner, and he has a lisp in his utterance which, 
 if you were to shut your eyes, would make you think you 
 were listening to an affected young lady ; but give him your 
 attention, and you will soon find that you have no ordinary 
 man before you. His knowledge is amazing, his dexterity 
 in unravelling a legal entanglement is unrivalled. Nor is he 
 wanting in quickness of retort, as you will soon perceive. 
 And as to his style, though he makes no pretensions to the 
 flowing oratory of Gladstone, yet in " choosing the right 
 word for the right place" he is Gladstone's superior. Indeed 
 it may be said of the Hon. Member for the University of 
 Oxford and Sir Eichard, as was said by Fox of Pitt and 
 himself : Gladstone never wants a word, but Bethell never 
 wants the word. Of course, Gladstone is far away the greater 
 orator of the two ; but give Bethell his subject, and in a 
 close, sharp fight in Committee he is at all times the great 
 orator's match. You see the Learned Gentleman has under 
 his arm a bundle of briefs. He always walks into the House 
 thus loaded, that he may employ the intervals between the 
 debates in which he is not wanted in preparing, in some 
 snug recess in the division-lobby, for his Chancery duties. 
 The Learned Gentleman is said to be one of the hardest 
 workers in the House ; and it is clear that he cannot be an 
 idler, or he never could keep abreast of the heavy duties 
 which, while Parliament is sitting, are laid upon him. 
 Sixteen hours a day for labour, and eight for meals and 
 sleep, we imagine is some;thi3n.g like the division of his time.
 
 38 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 Recreation, as it is called, he cannot dream of until the 
 vacation comes; and yet, like all really hard workers, Sir 
 Eichard never seems to be in a hurry. 
 
 Mr. Roebuck has come out in fine feather 
 Feb. 13, 1858. ^, . -r^ , ^ i. i. 
 
 this session. For several years past he has 
 
 looked like a moulting bird, and when he attempted to 
 
 speak he painfully reminded us of a sickly game-cock 
 
 trying to crow. Two years ago it will be remembered 
 
 that, on his moving for a committee on Crimean matters, 
 
 he could not go on with his speech, but after about 
 
 ten minutes' trial he sank into his seat exhausted with 
 
 the effort ; and the Honourable Member, who had before 
 
 been long ailing, had not recovered his pristine vigour 
 
 until this session. His voice last session, though improved, 
 
 was still feeble, and his whole bearing and manner were very 
 
 different from those of the Roebuck of former years. But 
 
 now Roebuck " is himself again." Of course he looks older 
 
 than he did before his illness. His hair is thinned and grey, 
 
 his features are sharper, and his shoulders are rounder; but 
 
 all this may be traced to age, for he is fifty-seven. The 
 
 sickness under which the Honourable Member so long 
 
 languished appears to be entirely gone. He walks now 
 
 without support ; his voice rings through the House as it 
 
 used to do when he was the pet Radical member for Bath ; 
 
 and his action is just as dramatic as it was a dozen years ago. 
 
 We are sincerely glad to see the renewal of his strength ; 
 
 for whatever opinion we may hold of the Honourable 
 
 Member's prudence at times, we should sorely feel John 
 
 Arthur Roebuck's absence from the House. Amongst the 
 
 circumlocutionist trash which is now the fashion of the 
 
 House, it is refreshing occasionally to listen to the direct, 
 
 manly, vigorous denunciations of the olden time. He hits 
 
 hard — no doubt often harder than is necessary — and his
 
 JOHN ARTHUR ROEBUCK. 39 
 
 asperity of language, intensified into an appearance of 
 malignity by the tones of his voice, his scornful looks, and 
 his emphatic action, we could sometimes wish to be a little 
 softened down ; but he tells plain truths which need to be 
 told, and is the able organ in the House of feelings and 
 opinions held by a large portion of the community which 
 ought to have utterance. The conduct of Louis Napoleon 
 in giving sanction to the addresses of the gasconading 
 colonels by publishing them in the Moniteur was a fine 
 theme for Mr. Eoebuck, and it was capital fun to hear him 
 in his "unadorned," but biting, eloquence denounce the 
 quondam refugee, and to see the dismay on the faces of 
 Ministers as he remorselessly trampled down all the delicate 
 precautions which Lord Palmerston and his colleagues had 
 carefully spun to make everything ' ' pleasant and agreeable 
 to all parties." His reply to Mr. Bowyer, "the Pope's 
 advocate" in the House, was capital. Mr. Eoebuck was 
 telling the House how Louis Napoleon had restored the 
 pension which had been awarded by the Great Napoleon to 
 the man who attempted to assassinate the Duke of Welling- 
 ton, when he was interrupted by an emphatic cry of "No, 
 no." "Yes, j'^es," replied Mr. Eoebuck. "No, no," the 
 voice repeated ; when, turning round, and seeing that the 
 voice was Mr. Bowyer's, Mr. Eoebuck looked at him for a 
 moment, and then, in his bitterest manner, said: "The 
 Honourable Member is an advocate of the King of Naples. 
 I won't answer him.'' The House was uproarious with 
 delight at this terrible "facer," and it was a long time 
 before it resumed its quietude. 
 
 Mr. Bright took his seat on Tuesday night, greeted, as he 
 marched up to the table between Mr. J. B. Smith and Mr. 
 Louis Eicardo, by the loud cheers of the House. The Hon. 
 Member looked healthy, though he is not nearly so bulky as 
 he was. When he retired from the table he was heartily
 
 40 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 shaken by the hand by all sorts of members. Even the 
 solemn Mr. Newdegate congratulated his old opponent on 
 his reappearance. 
 
 Thursday night was the last of the debate on 
 Feb. 27, 1858. . . . 
 
 the first readmg of the India Bill, and the most 
 
 important, for the great guns opened fire, and the division 
 took place, which gave the Government the large majority 
 of 145. Colonel Sykes led off the evening with a long busi- 
 ness-like speech in favour of the Company, which if it did not 
 win votes was listened to with profound attention by a crowded 
 House, and gained the speaker great credit. It was the first 
 real defence of the Company which had been offered. It took 
 nearly three hours to deliver, and must have employed the 
 Gallant Colonel as many days to get up. Colonel Sykes is 
 an " Old Indian." He joined the Bombay army in 1804, 
 and did not finally leave India until 1831. He has been a 
 Director many years, and has also been Chairman and Vice- 
 Chairman of the Company. He had therefore a claim to be 
 heard. Mr. Willoughby, another Director, followed on the same 
 side, and Sir Charles Wood and Lord John Eusselljper contra; 
 but the most attractive speech was one delivered by our famous 
 novelist. Sir Edward George Earle Lytton Bulwer-Lytton. 
 We all know when the Honourable Baronet means to speak. 
 He enters the House early in the evening, to reconnoitre — 
 wanders out again — meanders through the lobbies, down the 
 corridors into the library, &c., evidently ruminating and study- 
 ing his speech, and when the time approaches generally 
 settles down on the front bench on the Opposition side, near 
 Mr. Disraeli. Sir Bulwer-Lytton' s speeches as compositions 
 are not excelled by anything that the House listens to. The 
 topics are well chosen ; the matter is admirably arranged ; 
 the style is thoroughly English, and the composition is 
 faultless ; but the whole is marred and rendered ineffective
 
 SIR EDWARD BULWER-LYTTON. 41 
 
 by the strange voice in which it is uttered, and the extrava- 
 gant action by which it is accompanied. The voice of the 
 Honourable Baronet is not naturally unmusical, but it is 
 spoiled by a singularly inartistic modulation, and by a habit 
 of clanging out certain words ore rotundo, as if the speaker 
 meant to imitate the blast of a trumpet, by which they are 
 broken up into echoes, and as intelligible words are entirely 
 lost to the listeners. If you sit near the Honourable 
 Baronet, apply your hand to your ear to concentrate the 
 sounds, and listen attentively, you may possibly catch every 
 word in his sentences, but not otherwise. Of com'se this 
 defect is a fatal drawback to the effect of his speeches. Let 
 us give an instance. On Thursday night the Baronet had 
 been arguing that the councillors would not be free from the 
 control of the president and the Government, and, in short, 
 they would be little more than clerks. "Now," said the 
 speaker, " if they are to be clerks, call them so ; but if they 
 are to be councillors, they must be free." A very good 
 climax this, and one which, if it had been well delivered, 
 would have told well upon the House ; but unfortunately 
 the word "free," which is the key to the whole sentence, 
 was lost. It was a mere noise — might have been "fra," or 
 "bah," or " yah ; " but what it really was meant to be no 
 one could guess, excepting those who sat very near. Those 
 who did catch it cheered, and then others cheered also ; but 
 for some time afterwards we could see and hear that the 
 bulk of the Members had lost the key- word of the passage, 
 and when the Honourable Baronet was progressing with his 
 speech, instead of listening they were anxiously asking 
 "what was the word ? " And if the voice of the Honourable 
 Baronet is strange, his action is equally so. It is not quite 
 so extravagant as Mr. Whiteside's, for there is a method 
 discernible in Sir Bulwer-Lytton's gesticulation, but Mr. 
 Whiteside's movements partake largely of the character of 
 St. Vitus's dance. Still Sir Bulwer-Lytton's are extravagant
 
 42 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 enough, and quite beyond all our powers of description with- 
 out a series of diagrams to help us. And now, before we part 
 with Sir Bulwer-Lytton, we must say a word or two upon his 
 personal appearance. Reader, did you ever see the worthy 
 Baronet? If not, you have yet an extraordinary sight to 
 see, for Sir Bulwer-Lytton' s face is a wonder. It is not 
 naturally deformed, or even ugly, or we would not comment 
 upon it, for we have never dwelt in these articles on natural 
 personal defects. Sir Bulwer-Lytton's face, it is true, is a 
 marvel, but it is a marvel of his own making ; and all that is 
 strange about it might be removed in half an hour by a vil- 
 lage barber. It is simply a case of bad cultivation, A comb, 
 a pair of scissors, and a razor would, in skilful hands, meta- 
 morphose him into a personable man, which at present he 
 certainly is not. He has a capital forehead, a prominent, 
 but not a bad nose, and we suspect that he has good features 
 generally, but we cannot vouch for this, for they are for 
 the most part entirely concealed by an extraordinary growth 
 of hair. Indeed Sir Bulwer-Lytton seems to be a Nazarite, 
 for certainly no scissors or razor, nor, as we imagine, even a 
 comb, is ever allowed to come near his head. His hair 
 proper is all dishevelled and unkempt, and his beard and 
 moustache grow according to their own will. We have 
 many extraordinary beards and moustaches in the House : 
 we have flowing beards, and stubby beards, and curly 
 beards ; we have moustaches light and delicate like a lady's 
 eyebrow, long and pendant like a Chinaman's, bushy and 
 fierce like a brigand's. Some men wear beard, whiskers, 
 and moustaches ; others shave the whiskers and beard and 
 leave the moustache ; whilst others preserve the moustache 
 and part of the beard, but eschew whiskers ; but in all these 
 varieties, and a great many more, there are marks of design. 
 But Sir Bulwer-Lytton despises all art, and lets Nature take 
 her own way, and the result is probably the most astonish- 
 ing human face in the world.
 
 CHAPTEE VI. 
 
 THE " CONSPIEACy TO MURDER " BILL — NEMESIS. 
 
 [The Bill to increase the punishment for conspiracy to 
 murder was brought in by Lord Palmerston in 1858. It 
 was a consequence of Orsini's attempt on the life of the 
 Emperor of the French. The Imperial Government, in an 
 almost vehement despatch, called upon England to make 
 her laws more severe against conspiracy to murder. Lord 
 Palmerston brought in the Bill, which was condemned by 
 public opinion as a truckling to the demand of Louis 
 Napoleon. The Bill was rejected in the House of Commons 
 on the motion for its second reading by a majority of 19, 
 and Palmerston and his colleagues resigned office.] 
 
 The week ending the '20th of February was 
 eventful. At the beginning the Government 
 seemed "firm as Ailsa Bock"; at the end it was in ruins. 
 Up to Friday night its majorities on all occasions this session 
 had been overwhelming. The Church-rate division, on the 
 preceding Wednesday, which at first sight seems to be an 
 exception, was not really one, for the Church-rate matter has 
 for several years been an "open question" with the Govern- 
 ment, many Members of the Government always voting on 
 the popular side. But on Friday night the division on the 
 " Conspiracy to Mm-der Bill " was a " floorer," and it was 
 
 43
 
 44 THE INNEE LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 seen at once that the Government, after such a defeat, must 
 resign. We do not beheve that before the middle of the 
 evening on Friday there was any widely extended suspicion 
 that the Ministry would be in a minority. It was about 
 eight o'clock that the possibility loomed upon us. It was 
 clear then there was fear on the side of the Govern- 
 ment, and it was equally clear that hope was animating 
 and swelling the hearts of the Opposition ; for Mr. Hayter 
 and Mr. Brand on the Government side, and Colonel Taylor 
 and Mr. Whitmore for the Conservatives, were at work like 
 slaves. And there were evident signs also of the coming 
 event in the hilarity of the Opposition " whips," and the 
 silence and anxious looks of their opponents. Mr. Hayter's 
 face seldom betrays his feelings, but he certainly looked un- 
 comfortable that night. And yet, recollecting that remark- 
 able majority on the first reading, a defeat seemed to be 
 impossible. How could a majority of 200 be turned into a 
 minority? But it was done. And we will now in a few 
 words describe how it came to pass. First, then, let it be 
 remembered that a division on the introduction of a 
 measure is not an accurate criterion of the feehng of the 
 House, because it is considered by many only courteous to 
 allow, as a matter of course, the introduction of a measure, 
 and especially is it considered so with respect to Govern- 
 ment Bills. It is argued thus : " This measure is not yet 
 before us. We have only had the outhne of it ; let it be 
 introduced and printed in regular form, and then we shall 
 see what it really is, and be able to arrive at a correct judg- 
 ment upon it." To throw out a Government measure on 
 the first reading, or rather to refuse to allow it to be intro- 
 duced, is an exceptional case. It will be seen, therefore, 
 that the members who voted for the first reading of the Bill 
 were not committed to its approval. Still there can be no 
 doubt that on the first reading the great majority of the
 
 "nemesis." 45 
 
 supporters of the measure on this occasion meant to vote 
 for it in all its stages ; and we have reason to know that 
 the Government thought it quite safe ; and so it would have 
 been safe, but for one influence which was brought to bear 
 upon the members, the strength of which the Government 
 had not accurately gauged. They did not dream of the stir 
 that this measure would make in the country. The House 
 received the Bill favourably, and, at the time, meant to pass 
 it ; but before the second reading came on there arose 
 from below such an ominous growl that members grew 
 alarmed for their seats. One Honom'able Member told us 
 that he had received a letter from his political agent 
 warning him not to give any further support to the measure, 
 for that at least four-fifths of his constituents were furiously 
 against it. Another said that " his people " had sent him a 
 very decided requisition. In short, there can be no doubt 
 that it was " the people that did it." 
 
 Our readers have of com'se noticed the remarkable fact 
 that Lord Palmerston, who, not a year ago, was rejoicing 
 when Parliament assembled that the men who had led on 
 the attack upon his Chinese policy were all out, is now 
 dethroned by those very men. That phalanx on the flank of 
 the Government below the gangway is becoming a very 
 formidable body, and, whether for good or evil, will make 
 itself heard and its power felt more than it has done. 
 Lord Palmerston affected contempt for it, which was not 
 wise. 
 
 Great was the excitement, in and out of the House, to 
 learn how the division would go ; and when the burst of 
 cheering inside announced to the outsiders that the Ministry 
 were defeated, everybody rushed down and away to spread 
 the intelligence abroad. The Foreign Ambassadors, who 
 were anxiously waiting in the lobby for the news, seemed to 
 be stunned, and could hardly realise the great fact. Lord
 
 46 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 Palmerston's closing speech, it is said, showed that the 
 Noble Lord's temper failed him ; but we did not notice 
 this. He spoke forcibly — and perhaps something more than 
 forcibly ; but we saw no indication of temper. But that he 
 was not received with that respect which has always been 
 paid to him cannot be doubted. It was, perhaps, the first 
 time that the Noble Lord's remarks were received with 
 derisional " Oh, oh's " — may it be the last ; for whatever 
 may have been his mistakes, this venerable statesman de- 
 serves better than that from an English House of Commons. 
 The crowd in the lobby was greater on Monday night 
 than we ever saw it before. It was a compact mass of 
 men. And the capacity of Sir Charles Barry's chamber 
 was severely tried, and found wanting. It would not hold 
 the Members ; and the peers' seats and the ambassadors' 
 galleries were overflowing, and numbers had to stand in 
 the passages. And yet there was nothing to hear. When 
 the business of the evening really came on, it was all over 
 in two minutes. It consisted in little more than a motion 
 of adjournment until Friday. The House will then meet, 
 and if meanwhile the Ministry be formed, the writs will be 
 moved, and the House adjourned again. 
 
 For six years the Liberal party in the House 
 ^^^ ' ' of Commons have occupied the seats on the 
 right of the Speaker without interruption ; but on Friday 
 evening we saw another sight — a sight to which we are so 
 unaccustomed that the House appeared to our practised eye 
 a scene of strange confusion and disorder. In the main 
 every man in the House has a place, but now every one was 
 out of place, and it will be a long time before we shall feel 
 accustomed to this sudden and unexpected change. Indeed 
 we very much question whether we shall be allowed time 
 enough to get used to it, for it is next to impossible that the
 
 PERPLEXED PARTISANS. 47 
 
 Conservatives can hold for any length of time their position 
 with that formidable Opposition in the van. On entering 
 the House we fomid a goodly number of the Opposition in 
 their places, while only a small body of the Government 
 party had settled down in theirs. Many of the Members 
 were wandering about the body of the House undecided 
 where they should alight. These, for the most part, were 
 independent members who voted against the Govern- 
 ment in the late decisive division, and had helped to throw 
 the Ministry out. Were they now to settle themselves 
 among the supporters of the party which they had so lately 
 helped to defeat ? — that seemed an anomalous course. Or 
 were they to join themselves with the Conservatives, to whom, 
 on most subjects, they are entirely opposed ? However, in 
 a short time these floating atoms all settled down, and the 
 two parties concreted by natural gravitation and attraction, 
 much as they were before, with the exception that the 
 Liberals and Tories changed sides. 
 
 There were, however, a few of the Liberals, or those who 
 have ranked as such, who refused to budge. For instance, 
 Sir James Graham, as soon as the house opened, planted 
 himself resolutely, and without hesitation, in his old place ; 
 soon afterwards Eoebuck and Drummond also took their 
 accustomed seats. Then Gladstone came in, and every eye 
 watched him to see where he would settle, but his move- 
 ments showed no hesitation ; he had evidently made up his 
 mind, for he went straight to his old seat by the side of Sir 
 James The next man of note that came in was Lord 
 Palmerston, but his course was straight and unwavering. 
 For six years, and indeed, with very few and very short 
 intervals, ever since the year 1809, the Noble Lord has sat 
 on the right of the Speaker ; but on that night he walked 
 with his usual rapid and firm step into the left division- 
 lobby, came into the House at the back of the Speaker's
 
 48 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 chair, and sat down exactly opposite his old post — as nearly 
 as possible in the very seat from which Disraeli used for so 
 long a time, and until very recently, to hurl his sarcasms and 
 philippics against the " Noble Lord opposite." As soon as 
 Lord Palmerston was seen his adherents cheered voci- 
 ferously. The rest of the late Ministers, as they came in, 
 joined their old chief. Mr. Hayter made his appearance, 
 but did not stop. He just looked round, and then, without 
 a word or smile for any one, buttoned up his coat, went 
 straight out of the House, and vanished. For the present 
 his occupation is gone. Eeport says that he was found 
 wanting in the Premier's hour of need, and that if he had 
 used his accustomed energy in "whipping" the catastrophe 
 might have been averted. The Saturday Beview, on the 
 contrary, hints that the defeat was courted by Lord Palmer- 
 ston, and that Hayter had received his orders not to " whip " 
 very earnestly. It is said that a more ignominious defeat 
 on the "great Clanricarde question" was certain, and that 
 Lord Palmerston preferred dying in a nobler struggle. 
 But all this we do not give credence to for a moment. Mr. 
 Hayter did " whip " ; but, to his great dismay, many of the 
 members would not answer, and many of those that did 
 "went against us." Well might the Eight Honourable 
 Gentleman (Baronet, it is said, now) gloomily fly from the 
 House on Friday night. He had nothing to do there. But 
 let no one suppose that Hayter's occupation is utterly gone. 
 Wait a fortnight and you shall see him in the lobby, busy as 
 ever; and, unless the auguries deceive us, he will be there as 
 " Government Whip " before many months have passed 
 over his head. 
 
 Lord John Eussell — or, as he is familiarly and almost 
 universally called in the House, "Johnny" — came in rather 
 late, and for a time he stood below the bar, with glass at 
 eye, evidently reconnoitring as from a height the position of
 
 LORD JOHN. 49 
 
 the forces. Being small of stature, he was not observed by 
 the House generally, but those who were near him showed 
 manifest signs of interest in his movements. And " where 
 will he go ? " though you did not hear it, was evidently the 
 question which Members were whispering into their neigh- 
 bours' ears. For a time he seemed to be undecided. Should 
 he take the corresponding position to that which he lately 
 occupied — " three pair back ? " That would be undignified; 
 or should he perch upon the front bench of the Opposition, 
 amongst those whom he had so lately helped to fork out of 
 office ? That would scarcely be good taste. To place him- 
 self amongst the Tories was of course out of the question. 
 Lord John amongst the Tories ! Why, it would almost 
 justify a special sermon from Dr. Gumming, to prove that 
 the last days are really come. After a few minutes the 
 point was settled, and Lord John took his seat in the front 
 ranks of the Opposition, but below the gangway. 
 
 Of course the Conservative leaders were not there : they 
 are all out of Parliament. Having accepted office, they ipso 
 facto had vacated their seats. But all the subalterns who 
 were present were in high glee — they could not disguise their 
 exultation. To be once more on the sunny side of the 
 House — once more to handle the despatch-boxes, and to be 
 everywhere recognised as belonging to the Government — 
 seemed to have imparted new life to them ; but we appre- 
 hend they must have had some twinges of misgiving when 
 they went into the House and saw that compact and 
 formidable body of foes which crowded the Opposition 
 benches, and then looked at their friends on the other side ; 
 for we never saw the Liberals in greater force, excepting on 
 some " great night." Every bench was crowded; the steps 
 of the gangway were occupied by squatters ; a crowd 
 clustered behind the Speaker's chair, and not a few were 
 obliged to mount into the gallery above, while on the 
 
 VOL. I. 5
 
 50 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 Government side there was ample room for all, and gaps of 
 unoccupied seats to spare. We know not how the few 
 gentlemen on the Treasury benches felt as they faced this 
 array, and looked back at their own thin ranks ; but we 
 could see no other prospect before them than a speedy 
 return to the cold shade of Opposition ; for let it be 
 remembered that the state of the House on that Friday 
 night was a type of the real proportion of the two 
 parties; or, in other words, that the Opposition, when they 
 are all agreed, are two to one stronger than the party of the 
 Government. 
 
 Every one knows that Lord Palmerston has 
 fallen, but no one who has not mixed with 
 the parties in the House and heard the conversation of 
 the Honourable Members can conceive to what a depth 
 he has fallen. But lately he was the most popular 
 Minister that England has had for many years ; when 
 he arose in the House cheers, long and loud, greeted 
 him, and at his bidding 400 men at least would rush from 
 all quarters of the kingdom to give him their support ; 
 but now he seems to be virtually deserted. The Tories of 
 course rejoice, though with trembling, at his fall. The 
 Whigs are sulky, and the Kadicals are spitefully exultant. 
 "We are in, it's true," say the Conservatives; "but! (with 
 a significant shrug) it is all Palmerston's own fault," say 
 the Whigs; whilst — "He is out, and serve him right," is 
 the language of Kadicals; and the "Great Minister," who 
 but yesterday Tode on the topmost crest of the waves of 
 popularity, is sunk so low that there is hardly a man of his 
 former friends to say, " God save him." Nor do men think 
 of him in their speculations as to the future. That further 
 changes are ahead every one believes, but nobody seems to 
 imagine that Lord Palmerston can be reinstated.
 
 CHAPTEE VII. 
 
 THE INDIA BILL FOE THE REORGANISATION OF THE GOVERN- 
 MENT OF INDIA AFTER THE MUTINY — IT IS BROUGHT IN 
 BY MR. DISRAELI — PROVES AN UTTER FAILURE — LORD 
 JOHN RUSSELL'S RESOLUTION A SUCCESS — PROPERTY 
 QUALIFICATIONS AND MR. EDWARD AUCHMUTY GLOVER — 
 AN EXTRAORDINARY STORY. 
 
 On Friday night Mr. Disraeli brought in 
 the India Bill. The House was crowded 
 by members, and every available place for strangers was 
 occupied. "Under the gallery" was filled by East India 
 directors, and the peers were down in unusual numbers. 
 Lord Ellenborough sat in the front. His Lordship 
 rarely appears in the House ; indeed, we never saw him 
 there before. Mr. Disraeli began his speech about five 
 o'clock, and we have seldom found the House so silent 
 and attentive. Every word was distinct and clear as a bell 
 in the night. And no wonder. Mr. Disraeli had severely 
 criticised the Bill of the noble Lord opposite, little thinking 
 then that he would so soon occupy his great antagonist's 
 place, and himself be called upon to substitute a measure 
 for the one which he handled so unmercifully. And the 
 question, What will he do with the great Indian matter? 
 naturally excited the deepest interest. And, moreover, 
 though Mr. Disraeli introduced the measure into the House 
 
 51
 
 52 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 of Commons, of coarse it was known that my Lord Ellen- 
 borough was the framer of the measure — the same Lord 
 Ellenborough who was once Governor-General in trying 
 times, who is generally considered a high authority on Indian 
 matters, and who has been held up by the late Sir Charles 
 Napier and others as an eminent statesman and one of the 
 few really great men who have been called to rule over our 
 Eastern possessions. But lately his Lordship was a severe 
 critic of the management of our Indian government ; and to 
 the question. What will he do ? men of all parties naturally 
 looked vidtb great anxiety for an answer. It is not our 
 intention here to analyse the measure which has resulted 
 from the incubation of Lord Derby's Government. All we 
 can do is to show how it was received in the House. For 
 the most part, then, we have to report that it was received 
 with grim silence, and the only cheers came from the 
 Conservatives, who of course, as in duty bound, encouraged 
 their leader. But there was one exception, and that was 
 very laughable. We can easily conceive that there was 
 great anxiety in the Cabinet whilst the measure was under 
 consideration to give it a popular character. My Lord 
 Derby and his friends are Conservative, it is true, but the 
 cue is now to show that Conservatives are really the true 
 Liberals, and here was a fine opportunity to prove this to 
 the sceptical world, and it was vsdth this view no doubt that 
 the principle of popular election was introduced. Lord 
 Palmerston's Bill gave the appointment of the Council to 
 the Crovioi, and caused great dissatisfaction in certain 
 quarters ; let us step in advance of the noble Lord, and 
 show that loe are not afraid of the application of the 
 representative principle even to the government of India." 
 At all events, it was quite clear by his manner of approach- 
 ing this part of the measure that Mr. Disraeli thought that 
 he was about to offer to the House and the country a
 
 "the bepeesentative principle." 63 
 
 valuable bonne bouche, and it was clear that he expected 
 to be interrupted by loud cheers of delight as he unrolled 
 this part of the Indian charter. But, alas ! it was not so — 
 for when he told the House that London would return one 
 member, instead of cheers there was solemn silence ; when 
 he said Liverpool would send another, there was a low 
 murmur ; when he proceeded to unfold the scroll further, 
 and reveal Glasgow returning another, the murmm's in- 
 creased, mingled with signs of merriment ; and when he 
 mentioned Belfast the House broke out into a regular 
 chorus of laughter. At this the Bight Honourable Gentle- 
 man was evidently surprised, and we could fancy him 
 soliloquising thus: "Why, what would you have? When 
 I was a Conservative, I did not please you — and now that I 
 am ' coming the Liberal,' you laugh at me." Verily it is a 
 perverse generation. " I mourned vsdth you, and you would 
 not lament ; I pipe to you, and you will not dance." And 
 then there came another funny incident — certain gentlemen 
 are to be named in the Bill as members of the Council, and 
 the names of these the Chancellor of the Exchequer went 
 over with real solemnity, and when he came to Sir James 
 Hogg he paused, not being quite ready with the name of 
 the next, and at length said, to fill up the time, " the next 
 is a gentleman," and then paused again. At this the House 
 laughed uproariously. Sir James Hogg sat for many years 
 in the House, and was not remarkable for his urbanity, but 
 on the contrary ; and this inference, which the words would 
 bear, that Sir James was not a gentleman, but that the next 
 was, tickled the House amazingly, and Mr. Disraeli added 
 to the fun by his unconsciousness of the cause of the 
 merriment. He seemed to think that the House was 
 laughing at the announcement of Sir James Hogg, and 
 began a defence of the Honourable Baronet ; and then, of 
 course, to the surprise of the Eight Honourable Gentleman,
 
 54 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 the House Jaughed still more. But we must leave off ; the 
 general opinion in the House of the Bill is that "it won't 
 do." This introduction of the principle of popular election 
 into the appointment of the executive is quite a new thing, 
 and at present no one seems to admire it. And the question 
 of what the Government will do begins to agitate the Clubs ; 
 will they alter the Bill — withdraw it — or press it to a division 
 and be defeated? Perhaps the latter, and then go to the 
 country upon the measure. 
 
 Edward Auchmuty Glover, late Member 
 
 April 2i, 1858. 
 
 of Parliament for Beverley, in Yorkshire, 
 has come to grief in a somewhat singular manner. At 
 what time Mr. Glover first felt the stirrings of ambi- 
 tion to become a member of Parliament we have no 
 means of ascertaining, but he first came forward as a 
 candidate at the general election in 1857, when he defeated 
 Mr. William Wells by a majority of 42. Beverley is an 
 open borough — one of those few places in the empire in 
 which there is no "predominant influence," and, therefore, 
 liable to the incursions of adventurers of the Glover sort. 
 What induced Mr. Glover to select Beverley, and how he, 
 without money or friends, succeeded in persuading the 
 worthy and independent electors thereof to elect him, is 
 unknown to us. Suffice it to say that he was duly and truly 
 elected, and on the first day of the new Parliament's history 
 walked into the House of Commons a British senator. It 
 was on that day he was pointed out to us as a somewhat 
 singular legislator, and one who our informant prophesied 
 would not for very long grace the House with his presence. 
 He is not a bad-looking man, this Mr. Glover, rather tall, 
 stoutly made, and, on the whole, of passable appearance. 
 He affected rather the swell — wore a hat with a curled brim, 
 and a rather ponderous watch-chain; but still there was
 
 THE STRANGE STORY OF MR. GLOVER. 55 
 
 nothing especially singular in his appearance to make him a 
 prominent object among the crowds of new members who 
 pom:ed into the House on that day. Eeports, however, soon 
 began to be freely whispered that all was not right, and that 
 attempts would be made to oust him from a position which, 
 it was said with something of mystery, he was not worthy 
 to hold ; and, when the time came, a petition was lodged 
 against him, complaining that Mr. Glover had obtruded 
 himself into this august assembly without the necessary 
 qualification — not the necessary qualification of mental and 
 educational fitness and experience, for of these matters the 
 Legislature takes no account. It makes candidates for 
 clerkships in the excise and other offices undergo a com- 
 petitive examination, but a legislator is not subjected to any 
 such test. One Mr. Livesay, of Preston, lately presented a 
 petition to the House, praying that all candidates for seats 
 in the House of Commons should undergo an examination ; 
 but though it seems to be irrefragable in logic that if an 
 excise officer is required to prove that he is sufficiently 
 educated to gauge a cask or a malt-cistern, a man who 
 aspires to make our laws should prove, before competent 
 examiners, that he is educationally qualified for this some- 
 what more important duty. We have not come to that yet, 
 and Mr. Livesay' s petition was only laughed at. At present, 
 if an Englishman be elected by the people, and have the 
 necessary property qualification — to wit, for a county £600 a 
 year, and for a borough £300 — in every other particular he 
 is considered to be qualified to make our laws. The com- 
 plaint against Mr. Glover was that he had not the necessary 
 sum of £300 a j'ear, and on this issue being heard before a 
 committee of the House, the decision was against him, and 
 his election was declared void. Now, in ordinary cases no 
 further proceedings are taken. The object is to get rid of 
 the sitting member, and, this being done, his opponents are
 
 56 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 satisfied. But Mr. Glover seems to have fallen into rough 
 hands, for, not satisfied with ousting him from Parliament, 
 they determined to prosecute him for making a false decla- 
 ration, or, in other words, for swearing he was worth d6300 
 a year, when he knew all the while he was not, and in due 
 time he was so prosecuted. The fact was proved against 
 him to the satisfaction of a jury, and, alas ! instead of lifting 
 up his head in Parliament, he is now in Newgate prison. 
 Poor Mr. Glover ! when he set sail for the palace of West- 
 minster with a fair wind, he little thought of landing 
 ultimately and so soon on such an inhospitable shore. 
 About twelve months ago he was chaired through the 
 streets of Beverley, and rapturously cheered by enthusiastic 
 crowds, and now he is in durance vile, with no man to do 
 him reverence. 
 
 Mr. Glover, then, is in Newgate, not for entering into 
 Parliament without a qualification, but for making a false 
 declaration, in that he declared before the authorities of the 
 House that he was possessed of ^£300 a year, whereas, at 
 the time that he so declared, he knew that he was not. 
 "But," it will probably be asked, "are there not many of 
 the other members who have made the declaration, who, 
 nevertheless, are really and truly and bojid fide no more 
 qualified than Mr. Glover was? " Well, probably there are; 
 ndeed, unless rumour lie, there certainly are ; but then, if 
 they had not a real qualification when they signed the 
 declaration, they had the show of one — they had one on 
 parchment if they had not the reality. And this is the 
 difference between those gentlemen's cases and Mr. Glover's. 
 They, when they signed the declaration, had a deed in their 
 possession, for the time, which conveyed to them certain 
 lands or rent-charges, or other real or personal property, 
 and, if required, this deed was produced and stopped all 
 questioning ; but Mr. Glover had no such deed. It is true
 
 THE DEATH-BLOW TO PROPERTY QUALIFICATION. 57 
 
 that these conveyances are all a sham ; that really they do 
 not invest the possessor with a single farthing; that he 
 cannot take a penny of the estate so conveyed ; and that, 
 in short, he is under solemn promise, and perhaps under a 
 bond, to re-convey as soon as the occasion has passed ; but 
 still, according to the custom of the House, these deeds are 
 never questioned ; and however notorious it may be that, 
 really and bond fide, the member has no other income than 
 that which he earns, if he produce one of these deeds he is 
 allowed to pass. " But is not this moralhj as bad as the 
 conduct of Mr. Glover?" Perhaps so, though into this 
 question we need not enter; but then as the law stands 
 it is not a crime, and we know the distinction between vice 
 and crime. Lord Lilburne, in Sir Bulwer-Lytton's novel of 
 " Night and Morning," admirably puts it : " Dykeman," said 
 he, "I know the law better than you can, for my whole life 
 has been spent in doing what I please without ever putting 
 myself in the power of Law. You are right in saying 
 violence would be a capital crime. Now, the difference 
 between vice and crime is this : vice is what parsons write 
 sermons against — crime is what we make laws against. 
 Vices are safe things. I may have my vices like other men, 
 but crimes are dangerous things, illegal things, things to be 
 carefully avoided." Whether he who presents one of these 
 sham deeds is guilty of a vice we are not prepared to decide ; 
 indeed, we decide nothing ; but he is not guilty of a crime, 
 and Mr. Glover was. If Mr. Glover had borrowed a con- 
 veyance of a friend, he might have declared safely that he 
 was worth £300 a year and escaped Newgate, although 
 really he would not have been a penny richer than he is 
 now. 
 
 It is generally believed in the House that this prosecution 
 will prove the death-blow to property qualification. Mem- 
 bers, especially those who got in by means of loaned
 
 58 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 qualifications, evidently feel ashamed of this anomalous 
 state of things. Here is a man in gaol for saying that he 
 had i03OO a year when he had not. There is a man who 
 did the same in a different form, and he is addressing the 
 House amidst rapturous cheers. 
 
 .., .«„« In an article which we published three weeks 
 May 15, 1858. ^ 
 
 ago, we sketched the unfortunate career of 
 Mr. Edward Auchmuty Glover, who, at the last general 
 election, started for Beverley, was elected its represen- 
 tative in Parliament, unseated on petition alleging want of 
 qualification, prosecuted for perjury by order of the House 
 of Commons, and sentenced to imprisonment. Since the 
 publication of this sketch we have received a communi- 
 cation from a relative of Mr. Glover on this subject, the 
 substance of which we feel bound in justice to this unfortu- 
 nate gentleman to lay before our readers. Mr. Glover, it 
 appears from the communication, is not a mere adventurer, 
 but a gentleman of an ancient and highly respectable 
 Kentish family, tracing back to one John Glover, who bore 
 the canopy as Baron of the Cinque Ports at the coronation 
 of Henry VIII. He is also a Barrister-at-Law, Justice of 
 the Peace for the county of Middlesex and city of West- 
 minster, and F.G.S., F.S.A. And it is further stated that 
 he is "an accomplished scholar, an eloquent speaker, and 
 an elegant writer." With respect to his means and prospects, 
 our correspondent tells us that his income " is never less 
 than i01,500 a-year, derived from his own intellectual pur- 
 suits," that he has an estate in Ireland worth ^6,000, mort- 
 gaged only for j91,400, and that he is heir to an estate valued 
 at ^647, 000, and mortgaged for only ^616,000. We have no 
 time, space, or inclination to test or comment upon this 
 statement. We leave it to make its own impression upon 
 the minds of our readers — merely saying that we always
 
 GLOVEE THE SCAPEGOAT. 59 
 
 thought, and think still, that Mr. Glover was hardly dealt 
 with. 
 
 [The property qualification was immediately afterwards 
 abolished.]
 
 CHAPTEK VIII. 
 
 THE DEBATE ON LORD CANNING'S PROCLAMATION TO THE 
 LANDOWNERS OF OUDH AFTER THE INDIAN MUTINY — 
 MR, CARDWELL'S SPEECH — THE SUCCESS OF SIR HUGH 
 M. CAIRNS, AFTERWARDS LORD CAIRNS — MR. BRIGHT — 
 SIR JAMES GRAHAM — MR. DISRAELI — COLLAPSE OF THE 
 ATTACK ON THE GOVERNMENT. 
 
 The excitement in the House and in the 
 May 14, 1838. 
 
 Lobby, on Friday, the 14th, when the great 
 
 debate on Mr. Cardwell's motion began, was beyond 
 anything that we have seen in our time. That which 
 prevailed on the occasion of the Chinese debate, and the 
 battle for office when the Conspiracy Bill was discussed 
 and rejected, certainly did not come up to this. At half- 
 past three o'clock there was a large number of members 
 in the House, though the Speaker did not come in to 
 prayers until ten minutes to four ; and at five o'clock, when 
 Mr. Cardwell rose to move his resolution, there could not 
 have been less than 550 members present. They filled all 
 the seats below, crowded the side galleries, and even then 
 many were obliged to stand clustering at the bar and behind 
 the Speaker's chair. For be it known that, notwithstanding 
 some million and a half of money has been spent on the 
 "Westminster Palace, and the building covers several acres 
 of ground, " the House " is not large enough to seat all the 
 members. What is wanting is more room ; and, if possible, 
 
 60
 
 ME. CAEDWELL. 61 
 
 more room must be made, but as the Chamber is surrounded 
 by sohd stone walls some three feet in thickness, which 
 form the main support of this part of the building, it will be 
 exceedingly difficult, without incm-ring an enormous expense, 
 to enlarge the area. In the outer Lobby there was so dense 
 a crowd of strangers that the free ingress and egress of the 
 members was seriously impeded, and access to the various 
 offices in the Lobby was all but impossible. About 5.30, 
 therefore, it was found necessary to clear the Lobby and 
 drive all the strangers, much to their annoyance, into the 
 distant Central Hall, where they waited and waited for 
 hours in the vain hope of getting in to hear the debate, or, 
 if that were impossible, to learn something of its progress 
 and its probable results. 
 
 It was about five o'clock when Mr. Cardwell arose in his 
 usual position below the gangway to bring forward his 
 resolution, so portentous to the Derby Government. Mr. 
 Cardwell is well known in the House, and has a high repu- 
 tation there. He is the son of a Liverpool merchant, was 
 educated at Oxford, where he took a double-first, and acted 
 in Sir Robert Peel's Government as Secretary for the 
 Treasury, and in the Earl of Aberdeen's as President of the 
 Board of Control. Mr. Cardwell has been of late years 
 ranked among the Peelites, but his prominence in the attack 
 upon the Conservative Government seems to augur that if 
 occasion offer he will join a Palmerstonian Ministry, what- 
 ever his old associates, Gladstone and Graham, may do. 
 The perturbed spirit of Sir Eobert Peel, represented by his 
 followers, still haunts Mr. Disraeli with purpose of venge- 
 ance. In 1852, Gladstone, by his powerful speech upon the 
 Budget, overthrew the Ministry, bhghted Disraeli's opening 
 prospects, and sent him back to the cold regions of Oppo- 
 sition. And now another Peelite confronts him, threatens to 
 cut short his career of office, and nip in the bud his hopes of
 
 62 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 at least attaining his pension of .£2,000 a-year, which a few 
 more months' service would give him for life. Mr. Cardwell's 
 speech was not a grand display. The Right Hon. Gentle- 
 man, indeed, is not capable of anything of the sort. He is 
 an able reasoner, but nothing more ; he never attempts to 
 excite his audience ; and his speech on Friday night, as the 
 opening speech in such a momentous debate, was hardly a 
 success. His statements were clear, his reasoning cogent, 
 but he caused little excitement, and elicited little cheering. 
 Mr. Cardwell is imquestionably an able man, would make a 
 capital financial statement as Chancellor of the Exchequer, 
 and can expose and lay bare a fallacy as well as any man in 
 the House ; but he is not an orator, and can hardly be called 
 eloquent. 
 
 " But see. Cairns is up ; we will just stop and hear what 
 line of defence the Government mean to take, and then we 
 will go." Such was the resolve uttered or silently made by 
 scores of honourable members, but it was not fulfilled — for 
 through another hour they sat in their places in spite of all 
 calls and cravings of appetite, however urgent, chamed and 
 riveted by Sir Hugh's masterly speech. The Eight Honour- 
 able Gentleman took everybody by surprise that night. He 
 has been in Parliament since 1852, when he was returned 
 for Belfast, and during this short parliamentary career he 
 had gradually come to be looked upon as a rising man, and 
 "booked certain" for a place if the Conservatives should 
 come into power. As a speaker he had the reputation of 
 being a clear and able debater in legal matters, but nothing 
 more. But now it appears that he only wanted the occasion 
 to show he could be more than that. On Friday he had the 
 occasion. He no longer stood below the gangway of the 
 Opposition of the House, but on the Ministerial bench, her 
 Majesty's Solicitor-General, and selected by his colleagues 
 to lead the van in the defence of the Government in peril.
 
 SIB HUGH CAIEXS. 63 
 
 And it is saying but little that he was equal to the occasion, 
 for he was more than that. His speech, for these degenerate 
 days, was a great and successful effort, and for the time Sir 
 Hugh was completely master of the situation, and all that 
 Cardwell and Deasy had uttered was forgotten for the time 
 and clean gone from our minds. The cheering of the Con- 
 servatives was vociferous, almost bej^ond all precedent ; 
 many of the Radicals joined in the applause, and not even 
 the oldest of the Whig opponents could refuse to award to 
 him their meed of praise. But it could not be said of Sir 
 Hugh as it was once said of Fox, after one of his orations : — 
 
 " So charmiug was his voice, that wo awhile 
 Thought him still speaking, still stood fixed to hear." 
 
 For no sooner had the Eight Hon. Gentleman sat down 
 than the House arose, as if impelled by some common 
 motive power suddenly brought to bear, and rushed off to 
 dinner ; and in three minutes from the time that the 
 Solicitor-General sat down, fom* hundred members had 
 streamed out, leaving only some hundred or less behind to 
 doze upon the benches under the soothing eloquence of Mr. 
 Robert Lowe. And now for two hours, as usual, all was 
 quiet. No cheers or noise of any kind arose, but solemn 
 silence reigned. A few minutes ago the House was a vortex 
 of excitement, now it is like a city church on a Sunday 
 afternoon, when a dull, prosy preacher addresses a sparse 
 and somnolent congregation. We confess om'selves to a 
 comfortable nap on the occasion. For some time we kept 
 our eyes upon the white head of the Right Hon. Member 
 for Kidderminster, and our ears open to listen to his argu- 
 ments, but gradually our winking eyelids closed, our senses 
 wandered. We thought we were looking at a dissolving 
 view. The House seemed to change into a leafy wood, and 
 then we were lying by the side of a trickling stream on a
 
 64 THE INNEE LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 hot summer day. How long we continued in this Elysium 
 we know not, but when we awoke the House was rapidly 
 filling, and Mr. Vernon Smith was upon his legs. Of course 
 we roused ourselves at once, and called back our scattered 
 senses, for we knew that there was fun to be expected. 
 
 Mr. Vernon Smith is not generally a commanding speaker; 
 and on ordinary occasions we should have been quite con- 
 tented to sleep on ; but we knew that on this occasion 
 he would be worth listening to, for he had to explain how 
 it was that a certain letter which he had received from Lord 
 Canning had not been sent on to his successor, Lord Ellen- 
 borough. The history of this notable letter is of course 
 known to our readers. It came by the same mail which 
 brought over Lord Canning's celebrated proclamation, and 
 contained a paragraph referring to that proclamation, and 
 promising all explanations by the next mail. The procla- 
 mation went to the President of the Board of Control, and 
 the letter which promised the explanation Mr. Vernon 
 Smith kept in his pocket ; and it was alleged that if Lord 
 Ellenborough had known that such a promise had been 
 received he would not have sent his questionable despatch 
 until this explanation had been forthcoming. The Minis- 
 terial side of the House was uncommonly excited when Mr. 
 Vernon Smith arose, for a suspicion had become prevalent 
 that this letter was purposely withheld — that, in fact, the 
 keeping it back was an artifice planned by Mr. Vernon 
 Smith and Lord Palmer ston to embarrass the Government. 
 "When, therefore, Mr. Vernon Smith alluded to this letter, 
 it was no marvel that the Ministerial side of the House was 
 in an uproar. For a time the Bight Hon. Member could 
 hardly be heard. Shouts of "Oh! oh!" "Bead! read!" 
 met every attempt at explanation ; and when he became 
 excited, and defiantly cried out, " No, I cannot read it," the 
 storm was terrific, and for a time you could no more hear
 
 A FRACTIOUS MEMBER. 65 
 
 what the Eight Hon. Gentleman was saying than you could 
 hear a bird piping near the Niagara Falls. We tried to 
 analyse the noise, but found it impossible. There were 
 shouts of "Read! read! " long-drawn groans of contempt and 
 execration, and sharp cries of " Oh ! oh !" as if the utterers 
 were astounded, whilst others expressed their feelings by 
 cries which are not repeatable on paper, simply because we 
 cannot spell them. But the climax came when Mr. Vernon 
 Smith denounced the charge that he had been influenced 
 by factious motives in withholding that letter as " a false- 
 hood." Matters began to look serious then. In the House 
 of Commons you may insinuate that an opponent has told a 
 fib, and you may prove it by the most convincing logic, so 
 that every man in the House may see that there is no escape 
 from the deduction that he has really been guilty of untruth ; 
 all this is parliamentary — but you must not give the lie 
 direct. When, therefore, Mr. Vernon Smith used the word 
 "falsehood," as we have said, matters looked serious. The 
 groans and other noises were changed at once into shouts 
 of "order," and Mr. Lygon, a young Conservative, leaped 
 up to demand an explanation of the word. Mr. Disraeli 
 also arose, and for a minute or so there were three members 
 on their legs at once, confronting each other. This, of 
 course, was extremely disorderly ; and in the late Speaker's 
 reign he would have risen, put down Mr. Lygon and Mr. 
 Disraeli, and called upon Mr. Smith to retract ; but the 
 present Speaker seemed disposed to allow the members " to 
 fight it out" among themselves, for he neither arose nor 
 made sign. Mr. Lygon, when he saw the Leader of the 
 House was up, sat down. Mr. Disraeli " was sure the 
 Right Hon. Gentleman," &;c., &c. ; Mr. Vernon Smith, of 
 com'se, " did not intend to use the word offensively," &c., 
 &c., and so the matter passed off. But we must leave Mr. 
 Vernon Smith, perhaps never to notice him again ; for if 
 VOL. I. 6
 
 66 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 the auguries are to be relied upon, the official career of the 
 gentleman is closed. At all events, he did not add to his 
 reputation nor brighten his prospects by this display. 
 
 We had no speaking after this worth notice until Lord 
 John Eussell arose. Lord John's rising was the signal for 
 every member to take his place and attentively listen. For 
 though rumour had for several days foretold that on this 
 occasion the noble Lord would "go against the Govern- 
 ment," yet all were anxious to have assurance made doubly 
 sure by his Lordship's own avowal. For Lord John still 
 has a tail of followers, somewhat shortened, perhaps, of late, 
 but sufficiently long to make his decision in such a battle as 
 this a matter of great importance. The noble Lord did not 
 leave the House long in doubt, if any doubt had been enter- 
 tained. He supports Mr. Cardwell's motion, and if the 
 Government fall there can hardly be a question that Lord 
 John will be a prominent member of the next Cabinet. 
 When the noble Lord sat down the House had evidently 
 "had enough of it." For seven hours it had been in debate, 
 and when Mr. Eoebuck moved the adjournment all parties 
 joyfully assented. Mr. Speaker put the question, and again 
 the members rushed out like a torrent, and in a few minutes 
 all this wild scene had vanished like a phantasmagoria. 
 
 On Monday night the desire to get into the House was as 
 strong as ever, for it was thought that this would be the 
 great night, but it did not prove so. The great night, when 
 Gladstone, Graham, Bright, Palmerston, and Disraeli will 
 address the House, will be Thursday or Friday. On Mon- 
 day we had Koebuck (who opened the ball), Sir Charles 
 Wood, and Mr. Whiteside. Eoebuck did not speak with 
 his usual vigour; he has been an invalid of late. Sir 
 Charles Wood, under the influence of the bracing air of the 
 Opposition side of the House, was unusually lively ; and Mr. 
 Whiteside " performed," as he always does, with immense
 
 A DOUBTFUL ISSUE. 67 
 
 energy. Oh ! there was Sir Eobert Peel ; we must not 
 ignore the gay and gallant Sir Eobert. The House does 
 not, for whenever it is known that he is about to speak the 
 House always fills, for if there is not much to be learned 
 there is always something to be laughed at. And it is, 
 moreover, worth something to see Sir Eobert address the 
 House of Commons. His fine commanding person, his 
 perfect ease, and his appropriate and elegant action, are 
 what you do not see often, and certainly cannot be found 
 united in any other speaker. Of his speeches themselves 
 we have not much to say of a laudatory kind, but the 
 "settings" are certainly very remarkable. 
 
 Never in our time has there been so much uncertainty 
 about the result of a fierce parliamentary battle. Usually 
 the "Whips" can make up their books w^th tolerable 
 accuracy, but we do not believe that in this instance any 
 one can calculate where the end will be. At first there 
 seemed to be no doubt that the Government would be 
 beaten, but its prospects have certainly brightened within 
 the last forty-eight hours. The attack upon Mr. Vernon 
 Smith has been exceedingly damaging to the Opposition. 
 Private letters, too, it is said, have been received from Sir 
 Colin Campbell and General Outram condemning Lord 
 Canning's proclamation, and Saturday's provincial papers 
 have shown to many Liberal members that their con- 
 stituencies are not so zealous to bring back a Palmerston 
 Government as they were supposed to be ; and on the 
 whole we are disposed to estimate the chances of a Govern- 
 ment victory much higher than we did at the close of the 
 debate on Friday night. On Tuesday night a change had 
 manifestly come over both parties. The Liberals looked 
 apprehensive, the Conservatives looked hopeful, and to- 
 wards the close of the night it was confidently stated that 
 the Opposition would make a merit of necessity and follow
 
 C8 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 the example of the Government, and accept Mr. Dillwyn's 
 amendment. The debate, it is said, will not finish until 
 Friday night, or rather Saturday morning. Graham and 
 Gladstone and Bright and Palmerston and Disraeli have yet 
 to speak. How^ it will all end it is impossible to say, but 
 there are certainly signs of the storm passing over. 
 
 The great fight is over. It was a drawn 
 May 29, 1858. . 
 
 battle, equivalent to a disastrous defeat of the 
 
 Whigs, and better than a victory to the Government. We 
 resume our account of " the great debate." Lord Goderich 
 by right opened the ball on Thursday night. The Noble 
 Lord moved the adjournment on Tuesday, and by parlia- 
 mentary rule it devolved upon him to begin the debate on 
 Thursday. Lord Goderich is the eldest son of the Earl of 
 Ripon (the Prosperity-Robinson of former daj'-s), and heir to 
 the earldom. He came into Parliament in 1852 for Hull ; 
 he afterwards sat for Huddersfield, and last year succeeded 
 Cobden as member for the West Riding. The Noble Lord 
 holds Radical opinions — believes in extension of the suffrage, 
 short parliaments, and vote by ballot ; hence his success in 
 his electioneering career, for, as Coppock used to say, " a 
 lord is always formidable, but a Radical lord is irresistible." 
 But, in addition to these sources of the noble Lord's popu- 
 larity, he possesses considerable ability, and in private life is 
 > a very estimable character. He is the intimate friend of 
 Carlyle, an active coadjutor of Maurice in all his projects for 
 the elevation of working men, and takes a deep interest in 
 the social questions of the day. It will be remembered 
 that in a dispute between the "Amalgamated Engineers" 
 and their employers he was chosen by the working men 
 to represent their interests. Lord Goderich is a good 
 speaker — always gets up his case carefully, and but for a 
 fatal defect in his voice, w^hich is thin, and wants power.
 
 JOHN BRIGHT TO THE FORE. 69 
 
 would be able to address the House with great effect. His, 
 speech on Thursday night was a very successful effort. It 
 was highly praised by the Opposition, and listened to with 
 great respect by the adherents of the Government. If the 
 Whigs had succeeded in overthrowing the Ministry, it is 
 more than probable that Lord Goderich would have been in- 
 cluded in the next administration. Some people have argued 
 from this that Lord Goderich has narrowed his views of late, 
 thrown over the Kadical and adopted the Whig formula; but 
 we do not know that we have any right to infer this, for it 
 was acknowledged that the expected Liberal Ministry was to 
 be formed upon a wider basis than the last ; was to be, in 
 short, what has been humorously called a " Broad-bottomed 
 Government." Lord Goderich spoke before dinner, and 
 when he sat down there were the usual symptoms of a 
 break-up ; members looked at the clock ; some rose to go ; 
 others were actually on the move ; but in the midst of the 
 bustle and noise, the cheers for Lord Goderich, and the 
 movements of those who were anxious for dinner, a portly 
 form is seen to arise from the second seat below the gang- 
 way on the Opposition side of the House and front the 
 Speaker. It was John Bright, and at once the buzzing 
 and shuffling and distm-bance were quelled. Those who 
 had risen sat down ; those who had left their places sidled 
 noiselessly back again ; and every man prepared himself to 
 listen with attention to what was coming. But much effort 
 to listen is not required when Bright is speaking. There 
 needs no stretching out of the neck, no sheltering the ear 
 with the hand to concentrate the sound ; every man may 
 sit at his ease, whether he be behind or above, or at a dis- 
 tance from the orator. Bright's voice, strong, clear, and 
 musical, will be sure to reach the listener wherever he is, 
 and every word will fall upon the ear distinct and well 
 defined. Blight has the best voice in the House of Com-
 
 70 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 mens. Its keynote is about lower G in the tenor clef, and 
 he seldom modulates it more than half a note higher or 
 lower. Some speakers in the House, Sir Bulwer-Lytton, 
 for instance, take the range of an octave — at one time 
 shrieking in alto and the next moment groaning in the 
 bass ; but Bright never rises or falls more than half a note, 
 and seldom so much as that — hardly enough, we should 
 say, to give due force and expression to what he utters. 
 This slight fault arises, we have no doubt, from Bright's 
 early practice of speaking to large assemblies out-of-doors in 
 the great Anti-Corn Law struggle, when it was absolutely 
 necessary to keep the voice up to a certain pitch in order to 
 make the people hear. Indeed, we are not sure that the 
 same necessity is not felt in the House of Commons, for 
 when this chamber is full it is not a good place to speak in. 
 Very few of the prominent speakers are successful in the 
 modulation of their voices. Whiteside and Bulwer-Lj^on 
 are extravagant ; Disraeli is perhaps the most accomplished 
 in the art ; and next to him Gladstone. 
 
 But enough of this. Bright's speech was a startler; 
 there has been nothing like it in the House in our time. 
 On the Indian subject he said but little more than had been 
 said by others ; it was when he came to look at this battle 
 from another standpoint that he produced the most effect. 
 When he exposed the attack upon the Ministry as a party 
 move ; audaciously laid bare the arca7ia of the Opposition ; 
 the charms and the incantations practised by the hiero- 
 phants of ^^Hiig mysteries ; called attention to the indirect 
 offers of places ; showed how " beautifully engraved cards, 
 inviting doubtful Liberals to splendid mansions, had been 
 scattered wide, but with a discriminating hand/' and con- 
 trasted the efforts of Earey, who, in taming horses, appeals 
 to the nobler instincts of the animal, wath the leaders of the 
 Opposition, who, in taming the refractory Liberals of No.
 
 feOUGH ON TOADIES, ?! 
 
 11, appealed to instincts of quite a contrary nature. There 
 was one part of Bright's speech on this subject which pro- 
 duced an uproar positively frightful. And well it might, for 
 surely nothing more scathing was ever uttered in Parha- 
 ment. "If," said the Honourable Member, " those cards 
 of invitation could give to the honom-able members who 
 received them the exact meaning of the senders, they would 
 say, ' We have measured your heads, we have gauged your 
 souls, and we believe that your character in this House will 
 go for nothing la your estimation if you do but receive this 
 miserable ' " invitation, we suppose the Honourable Gentle- 
 man said, but the last word was lost in the wild storm of 
 oil's ! and groans which broke from the Opposition, and the 
 laughter and uproarious cheering with which the Conserva- 
 tives replied, and at length overwhelmed the indignant cries 
 of the Whigs. For several minutes the storm raged. Not 
 even when he ventured into the agricultural districts to 
 advocate Free Trade did the Honourable Member for Bir- 
 mingham ever invoke a more furious tempest. But calm 
 and unmoved he stood until it subsided. We may here 
 remark that the Conservatives beat the Liberals all hollow 
 at a cheer. The reason, we fancy, is, there are more genuine 
 country gentlemen in their ranks — men used to give the 
 halloo in the hunting-fields. Your successful manufacturer 
 and merchant hunts occasionally, no doubt, but such men are 
 only amateurs, and not " to the manner born " ; while that 
 middle-aged gentleman opposite, with the broad chest and 
 wiry limbs, narrow-brimmed hat, and closely fitting coat, 
 rode to cover when his legs could scarcely reach the bottom 
 of the saddle flap, and see with what a will and how scien- 
 tifically, with hand to his mouth, he is cheering. Perhaps, 
 too, the firmness with which he holds to his political creed 
 accounts for the heartiness of his cheering, for we have 
 noticed, or think we have, that the Conservative gentleman
 
 72 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 believes in his formula with a stronger faith than the 
 Liberal does in his. Your Liberal is generally a mere 
 dilettante in politics. His creed is often assumed for a 
 purpose, or is at best an opinion formed upon logical deduc- 
 tions ; but the Tory country gentleman's has been received 
 from his ancestors, and is part of his very being. 
 
 Sir James Graham did not rise immediately after Bright, 
 for the dinner-hour had come, and the bulk of the members 
 rushed out of the House, leaving it to third-rate orators to 
 try their powers ; just as we have seen at Lord's Cricket- 
 ground, when the " Marylebone " and " All England " go to 
 the tent to dine, the bat and ball are taken by standers-by 
 or underlings, who get up a little game amongst themselves 
 by way of practice. But about nine o'clock the House was 
 once more full, and then, having a "fit audience," the old 
 " Knight of Nethcrby " arose. Nothing could be a greater 
 contrast than Sir James's speech was to that of Bright. 
 The Honourable Member for Birmingham's was dashing ; 
 the Eight Honourable Member for Carlisle's was smashing. 
 Lord Derby, when Lord Stanley, was called the " Eupert of 
 debate " ; Sir James may be likened to Cromwell's L:on- 
 sides — somewhat slow, heavily armed, but irresistible, clear- 
 ing his way as he marched on with ponderous strength, and 
 bearing down all before him. Sir James never essays 
 oratorical flights, uses no rhetorical ornaments or flourishes, 
 is neither witty nor humorous, and seldom provokes a 
 laugh, but sets calmly to work to demolish his opponent's 
 arguments, and overwhelm him by a concentrated force of 
 facts. In person Sir James is tall and bulky, with strongly 
 marked features, and his style is singularly terse and clear. 
 "We should say that, as a debater, he is supreme in the 
 House of Commons, and there is no man whom we would 
 rather have on our side than Sir James. He talked on this 
 occasion of his " shattered nerves," but he manifested no
 
 THE WHIPS AT WOEK. 73 
 
 signs of either mental or physical failure. On the contrary, 
 we thought this speech was one of his most vigorous and 
 characteristic efforts. The effect that it had upon the 
 House was very powerful. Sir Eichard Bethell arose when 
 Sir James sat down, but with all his acknowledged talents 
 in debate, stimulated by the hope of the Great Seal, which 
 appeared to be within his reach, he was no match for the 
 stalwart Knight of Netherby. When Sir Eichard finished 
 the debate closed, with the understanding that it was to 
 come to an end on the morrow. But who can ever know 
 what will be on the morrow? Prophecies without num- 
 ber had been uttered about the event of to-morrow, and 
 thousands of pounds had been laid upon the division, but 
 the prophecies all failed, and the bets were all off. 
 
 And yet on Thursday night we got some inkling of what 
 was coming. The coming event certainly sent its shadow 
 before, though that shadow ^^'as faint and undefined. It 
 was about eleven o'clock, or it might be half-past, when a 
 sagacious M.P. whispered in our ears, " It will all end in 
 smoke." "How?" said we. "I know not," he replied, 
 " but there seems to be some solvent at work that is rapidly 
 disintegrating the Opposition." And on close observation 
 we discovered something of this sort ourselves. Liberal 
 members were discoursing anxiously in knots, and indecision 
 and perplexity were marked in their faces. The Palmer- 
 stonian thermometer was evidently falling, and every one 
 acknowledged that the prospect of success was nothing like 
 so bright as it had been. At one time the Palmerstonians 
 boasted of a majority of 80, but now they only " hoped to 
 have at least 25." The activity of the " Whips " had been 
 extraordinary, and especially on the Government side. It 
 was said that there were 620 members in town. Faces 
 were seen in the House that had not appeared for months. 
 Bearded gentlemen, tanned by travel in foreign climes, had
 
 74 THE INNEE LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 heard the bruit of war in Germany, Italy, and France, and 
 hurried home as fast as steam could bring them. Gentlemen 
 who had been long confined at home by some accident 
 hobbled into the House on crutches, and old men, who it 
 was thought would never show up again, suddenly made their 
 appearance. Still, on reflection, we could hardly see where 
 the Government majority was to come from. And so 
 matters stood when we retired from the House on Thursday 
 night. 
 
 On Friday night the House met as usual at four o'clock. 
 And never were members more devotional than on that 
 occasion, for there were at least two hundred at prayers. 
 {Mem. Unless a member be in the House at the time of 
 prayers he cannot secure his seat for the evening.) About 
 five o'clock, when the private business was finished, the 
 House was densely crowded with members, as was also the 
 lobby with strangers. The great, important day was come, 
 big with the fate of the Derby Government. Within the 
 next twelve hom*s much was to be decided. The question 
 whether a Tory Government in England is possible was to 
 be settled, and other questions of no mean importance to 
 those immediately concerned — questions of salary, pen- 
 sions, and patronage. "Will my quarter's salary come in 
 full?" "Shall I attain to that comfortable pension?" 
 " Will my brother get his step in the Guards ? or my cousin 
 his living?" &c. It was an agitating time, but not for 
 lonsf, for at 5.30 there arose from his seat below the 
 gangway a member named .Clay, the Eadical member for 
 Hull, to speak on the motion for the adjom-nment of the 
 House. At first he attracted but Httle notice, and was 
 scarcely heard amidst the buzz of conversation which was 
 going on. But gradually the House became silent, for it 
 discovered that Mr. Clay w^as making a singular request to 
 Mr. Cardwell to withdraw his motion. Young and inex-
 
 Disraeli's teiumph. 75 
 
 perienced members of the Liberal party laughed at the pro- 
 position, and cried indignantly, "No! no! Withdraw? 
 Why should he withdraw when he has a large majority at 
 his back?" But the "old birds" saw at once that "the 
 beginning of the end" was come, and that Mr. Clay was 
 only opening a farce, the programme of which was pre- 
 arranged. Nor did Mr. Cardwell's refusal surprise them. 
 " Of course, like a coy lady, he must refuse at first. But 
 you will see," said one of these old birds, " Palmerston will 
 arise soon and ask him to withdraw, and then he will con- 
 cur. It is settled, you may depend upon it." And so it 
 tm-ned out. One after another hon. members arose and 
 reiterated the request, and then Mr. Cardwell sat still until 
 at length the time had come. Lord Palmerston slid into his 
 place from behind the Speaker's chair, and said, " that as 
 the despatches which had been laid upon the table had 
 somewhat changed the aspect of affairs, &c., and as the 
 House seemed to wish it, he would recommend his Eight 
 Hon. Friend to withdraw his motion." And then Mr. 
 Cardwell arose, and, of course, " in compliance with the 
 wishes of the House, reluctantly consented." And. the 
 battle which for a fortnight past had agitated the nation was 
 over, and nothing now remained but that Mr. Disraeli should 
 perform his part in the farce, and give his consent to the 
 withdrawal ; and so, when Mr. Cardwell sat down, Mr. 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer arose. 
 
 This was really, perhaps, the proudest moment of Dis- 
 raeli's life. Only last night he was hemmed in by an army 
 of fierce and apparently relentless foes, determined upon 
 his destruction. And now that army is all broken up, 
 demoralised, and sueing at his hands for permission to 
 depart. 
 
 And if Disraeli's position was a proud one, how mortify- 
 ing must have been Cardwell's and Palmerston's I They
 
 76 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 confidently reckoned upon victory, and had, in anticipation, 
 divided the spoil, and lo ! instead thereof they are obliged to 
 surrender w^ithout a battle. In " Tancred " Mr. Disraeli 
 makes his hero say, when he meditates a journey to Jeru- 
 salem :" I go to a land which has never been blessed with 
 tliat fatal drollery, a representative government." As the 
 noble Lord walked moodily home on that night we should 
 not be surprised if he were disgusted with this "fatal 
 drollery." Oh, for the old days of party, when there were 
 no "independent members who cannot be depended upon." 
 
 Touching the excise duty on paper, let us 
 relate a remarkable fact germane to the matter. 
 Some years ago there was a duty on paper-hangings of 25 
 per cent. : that is to say, on paper-hangings at 6d. a yard 
 the duty was l^d., on paper-hangings at Is. per yard the 
 duty was 3d. Well, when the duty existed, and up to the 
 time when it was abolished, the lowest-priced paper that 
 was manufactured was sold at 4d. per yard, and it might 
 have been supposed that the removal of this duty would 
 reduce the common paper-hangings about Id., or say l^d. 
 But what is the fact ? Why, you can buy now a far 
 better paper at Id. per yard. The cause of this extraordi- 
 nary fall in price is, first, the removal of the duty from 
 the paper; but, secondly, and chiefly, the removal of the 
 exciseman from the premises of the manufactm'er. Let 
 statesmen ponder this remarkable fact. Mr. Milner Gibson 
 has once more brought the odious paper-tax mider the 
 consideration of Parliament, and this time he has suc- 
 ceeded in obtaining its condemnation from the House of 
 Commons. If the Whigs had been in power it is ques- 
 tionable whether he would have attained his object ; for 
 Lord Palmerston would have resisted the motion, and at the 
 ring of the bell some hundred members, albeit they had not
 
 DISEAELI'S POWER. 77 
 
 heard a word of the debate, would have rushed up from the re- 
 freshment-rooms wiping their hps, or from the smoking-room 
 all redolent of tobacco, to support their chief. But the bonds 
 of party are happily, for a time, broken. The great Liberal 
 body no longer look through party spectacles, but with 
 unglazed eyes ; they vote according to the dictates of reason, 
 and not as they are bidden, Mr. Disraeli knows this. He 
 can, in a measure, command the minority — he cannot, 
 however, command it as despotically as Palmerston ; but he 
 cannot rule the majority opposite, and so on this subject, as 
 he has done on many others, he wisely gave way. A weak 
 Government doubtless has its evils ; but it is questionable 
 whether a strong Government, with a blind unreasoning 
 majority at its back, does not lead to worse.
 
 CHAPTER IX. 
 
 LORD STANLEY — PROFESSOR BLACKIE — BARON ROTHSCHILD 
 SWORN AT LAST. 
 
 During the last week or two Lord Stanley 
 June 10, 1858. 
 
 has been the real leader of the House, for 
 
 the business of the House has been the discussion of 
 the India Bill, and of course Lord Stanley, as President 
 of the Board of Control, has taken the lead in this 
 discussion. It had long been a settled point in the 
 House of Commons that Lord Stanley must soon take 
 some high office. It did not seem possible that a 
 nobleman of such high birth and connections and un- 
 questionable talents should remain much longer out of 
 power. But though this was settled, it illustrates the 
 curious state of parties in the House ; these men had by 
 no means made up their minds as to which section of the 
 House the noble lord would join. He sat on the Conserva- 
 tive side, below the gangway ; but every speech that he 
 delivered seemed to prove that he was more of a philosophic 
 Radical than a Conservative. Some of his speeches were 
 denounced by Spooner and Bentinck, et hoc genus omne, as 
 positively shocking for their latitudinarian spirit ; and we 
 confess that if Lord Stanley had eschewed office altogether
 
 LORD STANLEY. 79 
 
 for the present, and placed himself at the head of the 
 Eadicals, we should not have been siu'prised. Lord Pal- 
 merston, it is clear, did not consider that the noble Lord was 
 irrevocably pledged to the Conservative party, for in 1855, 
 on the death of Sir William Molesworth, he invited Lord 
 Stanley to succeed Sir William as Secretary for the 
 Colonies. But, however, here he is sitting, not as the leader 
 of the Radicals, nor as Secretary for the Colonies with the 
 Wliigs, but as President of the Board of Control in a 
 Conservative Ministry. Nevertheless, though he has 
 joined the Conservative Government, and sits on the 
 Ministerial bench, we venture to say that Lord Stanley 
 is not a Conservative. Neither is he a Whig ; certainly not. 
 Nor do we think that we can designate him as a Eadical. 
 Lideed, we doubt whether he holds to any well-defined 
 political formula. He is, in om' opinion, a calm, philo- 
 sophical statesman, and will not be found, in the long run, 
 giving to party what is meant for mankind. Under the old 
 political regime, when every member of a ministry was 
 obliged on all questions to follow the leader, we doubt 
 whether Lord Stanley could have joined any ministry, and 
 certainly not a Conservative Government. But the old 
 political regime has passed away ; the despotism of the 
 Prime Minister is nothing like what it used to be ; strict 
 party questions have become much fewer in number ; much 
 greater latitude of action is allowed ; and " open questions " 
 are every day growing more common. Hence it is that 
 men of many different opinions on important political 
 subjects find it possible to serve in the same Cabinet. 
 Lord Stanley is a young man to take so high an office as 
 President of the Board of Control. He is thirty-two years 
 old this year. In person he is rather tall, and he is very 
 different m appearance from the bearded and moustached 
 scions of noble houses who lounge about the lobby. He
 
 80 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 wears no hair on his face, dresses neatly, and affects no 
 finery. His associates seem to be few in number, for he is 
 seldom seen in company with any one, but marches through 
 the lobby alone, unnoticed by any one, and noticing no one 
 as he passes — evidently, a silent, retiring man. The noble 
 Lord has a good forehead, prominent and lofty, and a re- 
 markably serious and thoughtful face. The speeches of 
 Lord Stanley are always good and always listened to, and 
 he frequently throws out thoughts which are worth re- 
 membering ; but his delivery is ineffective, and always must 
 be so, owing to some fault in his voice, the cause of which 
 we have never been able to discover. Some say that he has 
 a defective roof of the mouth, others say that he is what is 
 popularly called short-tongued ; but we do not think so. 
 The defect is simply a thickness of utterance, but whether 
 this arises from some faulty construction of the speaking 
 organs, or from a bad habit early contracted, we are not able 
 to say. 
 
 In the Lobby of the House of Commons one morning, 
 when the Scotch University Bill was on, there appeared a 
 stranger, who not only received considerable attention from 
 the Scotch members, but attracted a good deal of observa- 
 tion generally. He was rather a short man, with a sharp, 
 lively, restless face, closely shaven, long white hair which 
 almost reached his shoulders, and a merry, twinkling eye, 
 which age has not yet dimmed. His dress was not singular, 
 excepting his broad-brimmed hat. In his hand he carried a 
 formidable cane with a heavy ivory hook. This gentleman 
 was Professor Blackie, Professor of Greek, we beheve, in 
 the Edinburgh University, who was elected some time ago 
 by the Town Council, by a majority of one, to succeed 
 Professor Dunbar, just then deceased. Professor Blackie 
 had, of course, come up to town to watch this new Bill, 
 which is intended to shake up the seats of learning in the
 
 BABON ROTHSCHILD TAKES THE OATH. 81 
 
 North from the lethargy into which they had fallen, and 
 reform them altogether. But the Professor had not come, 
 like some of his brethren, in fear of the measmre, but rather 
 in hope that it may open up a new era for Scottish educa- 
 tion ; for Mr. Blackie is an ardent reformer, and by his 
 lectm'es and writings has loudly proclaimed the fact that the 
 Scottish Universities have dropped behind the age, and 
 warmly preached the necessity of reform. 
 
 The great event came off on Monday — the 
 July 31, 1858. ... . 
 
 admission of Baron Kothschild to take his 
 
 seat at last as a member of the House of Commons. It 
 
 was managed in the manner following : — The Bill 
 
 received the Royal assent on Friday, and, as no 
 
 notice appeared on the paper on Monday that Lord 
 
 John Russell would move the necessary resolution to 
 
 enable the Baron to take his seat, only a few who were 
 
 in the secret knew that the Honourable Member would 
 
 present himself on that day. But the fact is, as was 
 
 satisfactorily settled by a conclave of authorities, this is a 
 
 case of privilege and therefore no notice is necessary. 
 
 And so on Monday morning, as soon as the House opened, 
 
 Baron Rothschild presented himself at the bar, flanked on 
 
 one side by Lord John Russell and on the other by Mr. 
 
 John Abel Smith; and Mr. Speaker seeing them, called out, 
 
 "Members who wish to be sworn come to the table." 
 
 Whereupon the Baron, attended as aforesaid, marched to 
 
 the bar, and the clerk presented to him the usual oath, 
 
 when up rose Mr. Warren, who was determined to protest 
 
 once more against this profanation of the House ; but he 
 
 was rebuked by the Speaker, who ruled that no interruption 
 
 to a member's taking the oath could be allowed. The 
 
 Baron, of course, refused to take the customary oath, and 
 
 was ordered by the Speaker to withdraw below the bar, and 
 
 VOL. I. 7
 
 82 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 Lord John Kussell immediately arose and proposed the 
 following resolution : — 
 
 " That it appears to this House that Baron Lionel Nathan de Eothschild, 
 a person professing the Jewish religion, being otherwise entitled to sit and 
 vote in this House, is prevented from so sitting and voting by his conscien- 
 tious objection to take the Oath which by an Act passed in the present 
 session of Parliament has been substituted for the Oaths of Allegiance, 
 Supremacy, and Abjuration in the form therein required." 
 
 And here Mr. Warren, impatient not to lose his chance, 
 once more attempted to speak, but on its being pointed out 
 ^ to him that this resolution was only declaratory, he again 
 curbed his impatience and sat down, and the resolution 
 passed nem. co)i., and Lord John proceeded to propose 
 resolution No. 2, to wit : — 
 
 " That any person professing the Jewish religion may henceforth, in taking 
 the Oath prescribed in an Act of the present session of Parliament to entitle 
 him to sit and vote in this House, omit the words, ' and I make this 
 declaration upon the true faith of a Christian.' " 
 
 On the question being put, Mr. Warren unburthened his 
 conscience. He was followed by Mr. Newdegate and Mr, 
 Spooner, who also opposed the resolution, and by Mr. 
 Walpole, who refused to offer any further opposition, and 
 the House having divided and passed the resolution by 69 to 
 37, the Baron again, amidst loud cheering, walked to the 
 table, and was sworn on the Old Testament in the manner 
 prescribed. And so this great question, which has been 
 agitated for eleven years, was settled. In conclusion, let 
 the reader note that Lord John Kussell's resolution does 
 not merely cover Baron Rothchild's admission, but the 
 admission of all Jews, and is therefore a standing order of 
 the House. The House was thinly attended, and no Jews 
 were present but Baron Eothchild's family. Even Alder- 
 man Salomons was not present. He meant to be there, but 
 knew nothing about the matter until he arrived in London 
 from his country seat at Tunbridge. He jumped into a 
 hansom as soon as he heard of it, but arrived too late.
 
 CHAPTER X. 
 
 THE OPENING OF THE SESSION OF 1859 — FAREWELL OF 
 MR. SAMUEL WARREN (AUTHOR OF "TEN THOUSAND 
 A-YEAR ") — " EOTHEN KINGLAKE." 
 
 It is impossible to let the episode of Mr. 
 
 Warren's farewell pass by without notice. It 
 was so characteristic of the House and the man. Mr. 
 Samuel Warren is an egotist of somewhat inflated propor- 
 tions. When he entered the House in 1856 he was 
 solemnly impressed by the greatness of the event. When 
 he began life he little thought of being a member of 
 Parliament ; and lo ! here he is. He can enter that sacred 
 door without let or hindrance. His letters are addressed 
 "Samuel Warren, Esq., M.P." He is an " honom*able 
 member," has a voice in the Imperial Legislature, and 
 through that voice can influence the policy of the world. 
 Nor, perhaps, did he deem the event less important in 
 parliamentary history than it was in his own. He was the 
 author of " Ten Thousand a-Year," " The Diary of a 
 Physician," which had sold by thousands, a work on 
 elections, &c., and Recorder of Hull. If he received honour 
 he also conferred it. And when, through dire necessity, he 
 was obliged to retire from the House, he felt it to be 
 impossible that his retirement should pass without notice. 
 Ordinary members in considerable numbers leave the
 
 84 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 House as quietly as a cloud dissolves, but he was not an 
 ordinary member. He must explain, bid the House and 
 Speaker farewell, and, in short, have a scene — or, as an 
 Plon. Member expressed it, go off, like a firework, with 
 a bang. And then, in addition to Mr. Warren's egotism, 
 we must also remember that Mr. Warren is a novelist, 
 and that it is natural for novelists, and especially that class 
 to which Mr. Warren belongs, to look upon the common 
 transactions of life with a novelist's eye. Mr. Warren did 
 so in his own case. His entrance into Parliament was the 
 beginning of an episode in the story of his life, his parlia- 
 mentary career was its progress, and his retirement its 
 denouejnent ; and of course this must be made effective. 
 He would explain — he would perorate — he would bid a 
 solemn farewell to Mr. Speaker and the House — and then, 
 in a grand Eoman way, retire. Thm'sday, the 24th ult., 
 was the day fixed for the solemn scene ; and on Thursday 
 Mr. Warren, who had been absent ever since he received 
 the offer of place, walked into the House and took his 
 accustomed seat, duly primed for the coming event. The 
 House was unusually full that night, and during the pre- 
 liminary business of presenting petitions and asking ques- 
 tions was noisy and restless — but this was nothing 
 uncommon. "It will soon be quiet," doubtless thought 
 Mr. Warren, "when I arise." And, of course, according 
 to the novelist's rule, it ought to have been not only quiet 
 but reverential ; and, after attentively listening, should have 
 greeted the retiring Member, as he marched out of the 
 House, with a hearty farewell cheer. But the novelist's 
 rules do not always hold good in actual life, as Mr. Warren 
 soon discovered, doubtless to his great chagrin. The time 
 at length came. Mr. Warren's name was called by the 
 Speaker — for he had a notice upon the paper — and he arose. 
 But, alas ! the House was not reverential — not even
 
 MR. waeren's farewell. 85 
 
 decently quiet. On the contrary, it seemed to us that the 
 buzz became louder, and the members more uneasy. On 
 the Treasmy Bench the Ministers were in eager talk ; on 
 the opposite side Lord Palmerston was chatting with Sir 
 Charles Wood. At the bar a crowd of members were 
 buzzing, and laughing, and joking ; and everywhere honour- 
 able gentlemen were flitting about as if business had been 
 suspended. Mr. Warren of course went through his task ; 
 he tried to lift himself up to the "height of his great 
 argmnent." He put on his solemnest manner and spoke 
 in his most serious tones ; alas ! to no effect. In short, the 
 scene was a failure, and, instead of Mr. Warren going off, 
 like a firework, with a bang, he was fain to die away like a 
 snuff of a candle. He spoke for some twenty minutes, but 
 what he said no one knew, and when he had finished he 
 slipped out by a side door without the faintest cheer to greet 
 him. Indeed, few people knew that he was gone until the 
 clerk's voice was heard calling on the next notice. Now, 
 all this might have been foretold by any one who knows the 
 House of Commons. This is not a Eoman Senate, Mr. 
 Warren, but an English House of Commons, not fond of 
 display and characteristically intolerant of scenes. If jou 
 had been shot in the lobby you might have been the subject 
 of a passing notice, but even then probably all that would 
 have been done would have been to order an investigation, 
 and the House would have calmly proceeded with its 
 business, hke that cool gentleman that Mathews used to talk 
 about, who, when his wife was reduced by spontaneous com- 
 bustion to ashes whilst sitting at the dinner-table, merely 
 cried out, " Here, John, bring fresh glasses, and sweep 
 away your mistress." The last solemn scene in the House, 
 and the only one in our time, occurred when Peel died. 
 Then the House was deeply affected, and, to show its 
 respect for the great statesman, adjourned for several days ;
 
 66 THE INNEE LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 but between Samuel Warren and Sir Kobert Peel there is 
 a wide difference, which fact Mr. Warren forgot. But, as 
 an Hon. Member said, Warren is a good fellow, neverthe- 
 less, and clever too ; and this is true, and in his prosperity 
 we rejoice, and wish him long life to enjoy his salary. 
 That he will do his duty in his new position ably and well 
 we have not a doubt ; and so farewell, Mr. Warren, and 
 hearty good wishes. 
 
 There are two Mr. Kinglakes in the House; 
 ' both are named Alexander, and both are bar- 
 risters by profession. One is named Alexander William, and 
 the other John Alexander, but it is the former whom we have 
 now to notice. John Alexander is Mr. Serjeant Kinglake, who 
 is now a barrister in considerable practice. Alexander William 
 gave up his practice, which was never large, in 1856. He and 
 his kinsman came into Parliament in 1857 — the Sergeant for 
 Rochester, his cousin for Bridgewater. Mr. Serjeant King- 
 lake is noted only as a successful lawyer, but Mr. Alexander 
 William Kinglake has achieved a widespread reputation as 
 an author, although he has published but one volume, and 
 that not a large one. It is, however, though small in 
 volume, a great book, and has already become one of the 
 classics of our language. Mr. Eothen Kinglake (for so he 
 is now pretty generally called) is a man of rather singular 
 appearance, but we know not that he would have attracted 
 notice here had not his fame as a writer preceded him. 
 He is rather under the middle height, wears a formidable 
 moustache, and large, round, powerfully-magnifying spec- 
 tacles. When we first saw him we were obliged to confess 
 to a disappointment. We had read " Eothen," and had 
 placed Mr. Kinglake amongst our literary gods. And when 
 he was first pointed out to us we turned eagerly to look at 
 the man who had so suddenly risen to fame on the strength
 
 ME. KINGLAKE'S maiden SPEECH. 87 
 
 of one small volume of travels, but, as we have said, we 
 were disappointed, and though we have seen him often 
 since we have not been called upon to correct our first 
 impressions. Mr. Kingiake is an uncommon-looking man, 
 but after repeated observations we see no indications of his 
 power. But it must be remembered that we have only 
 seen Mr. Kingiake in the lobby and in the House — in the 
 lobby, which is so large and massive that it dwarfs and 
 makes everybody look mean ; and in the House, at a 
 distance which precludes close observation, and where the 
 light is so arranged as to distort the featm^es of the 
 members when they have their hats off, and to throw their 
 faces into shade when they sit covered. Perhaps in a 
 smaller chamber our impression of Mr. Kinglake's appear- 
 ance might be corrected. Mr. Kinglake's advent into the 
 House excited considerable expectations in the literary 
 world, but it is not too much to say that they have hitherto 
 been disappointed. Mr. Kinglake's first speech was almost 
 a break-down. At every successive attempt, though he 
 increased in confidence, he failed to command the House. 
 And in his last display, that terribly long speech on the 
 Charles-et-Georges affair — the dispute between France and 
 Portugal about the French vessel alleged to be carrying 
 slaves — when he spoke for two hours and a half, he so 
 completely wearied the House that we fear we must 
 reluctantly come to the decision that this brilliant writer 
 is another parliamentary failure. We have always 
 thought that our literary men do not consult their fame 
 when they aspire to the House of Commons. It is ten 
 to one against their succeeding, and if they fail, how is 
 their fame damaged, and how does the nimbus of glory 
 Avith which popular fancy surrounds them become dimmed ! 
 Let them, like the gods of old, speak to us from behind 
 a cloud. They always become vulgarised and lose their 
 power when they descend into the arena of worldly strife.
 
 CHAPTEK XI. 
 
 SIR EDWARD BULWER-LYTTON ON REFORM — MR. SIDNEY 
 HERBERT — MR. BERNAL OSBORNE — MR. BRIGHT — SIR 
 JAMES GRAHAM — MR. GLADSTONE — MR. DISRAELI — 
 DIVISION — DEFEAT — DISSOLUTION. 
 
 [In the Session of 1859 Lord Derby and Mr. Disraeli 
 introduced a Eeform Bill, which proved to be a total failure.] 
 
 When the Colonial Secretary rose to deliver 
 his views on the subject of Eeform we knew 
 we might anticipate one of his " great orations." We all 
 know here when Sir Edward is going to speak as well as 
 we know that the sun is about to rise when a streak of 
 light appears over the eastern hills, or that it is going to 
 rain when thick, heavy clouds slowly roll up from the 
 south-west. When Sir Edward has made up his mind to 
 speak he is restless, uneasy, and wanders about the House 
 and the lobby with his hands in his pockets and his eyes 
 upon the ground. The Right Honourable Baronet has 
 lately made some change in the appearance of his outward 
 man. He used, until he took office, to wear a formidable 
 moustache and a long ragged "imperial," but he has now 
 clipped and trimmed these hirsute ornaments, and looks 
 neater and more like an Englishman than he did last year. 
 Sir Edward's speech is said to have been a grand oration.
 
 SIR E. BULWER-LYTTON'S SUCCESS. 89 
 
 Nay, one enthusiastic member declared that it was " one 
 of the grandest orations which have ever been deHvered in 
 the House of Commons." To this, of course, we should 
 demur, though we are not competent fully to decide upon 
 its merits ; for, in truth, though we listened attentively, we 
 could not catch more than half of what the Eight Honour- 
 able Baronet said. The voice we heard, but, alas, before 
 it reached us it was only a voice ; the articulate sounds, by 
 the manner in which they were projected from the mouth, 
 were, before they reached us, most of them inarticulate — 
 mere sounds, conveying no meaning. On looking over Sir 
 Edward's speech as reported in the Times, we find the 
 following passage, than which few things finer have been 
 uttered in the course of the debate : " The popular voice 
 is like the grave ; it cries ' give, give,' but like the grave, it 
 never returns what it receives." Well, the condition in 
 which this remark came up to us was something like this — 
 " The popular yah ! is like the grab ! it cried yah ! yah ! 
 but like the grab ! it never returns." At the close of the 
 sentence Sir Edward dropped his head so low that the last 
 word or two went under the table. Members down below, 
 we apprehend, must have heard Sir Edward better, for they 
 cheered vociferously. Indeed, at the close of this remark- 
 able harangue, the cheering was beyond everything that we 
 ever heard in the House or indeed elsewhere. It was 
 literally a " tempest of applause," and seemed to us to come 
 from all parts of the House. It burst forth as the orator 
 sat down like a hurricane, was renewed, and re-renewed, 
 and then, when it seemed to have died out, was started 
 again, and once more the whole House appeared to join 
 in chorus. And all this was rendered more effective by the 
 members rising just then to go to dinner, and cheering as 
 they rose. A proud man was Sir Edward that night as 
 members came up to congratulate him on his success, and
 
 90 THE INNEE LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 probably he went home and dreamed, either waking or 
 sleeping, that he had secured a great parliamentary name, 
 and that future historians will say of him that, in addition 
 to being a most successful novelist, he was one of the 
 greatest orators of his time. Well, perhaps they may, and 
 with truth ; but that, to our mind, is not saying much. It 
 is only saying that he is one of the " Tritons of the 
 minnows," for every "great debate" which we hear only 
 still further confirms the opinion which we have often 
 uttered in these columns, that though we have many 
 eloquent and effective speakers we have no great orators. 
 As a test, let us ask om'selves the question — Will any one, 
 centuries hence, study the speeches delivered in this great 
 debate as scholars now study the orations of Demosthenes 
 and Cicero, or will our immediate descendants read them 
 with interest as we do the speeches of Burke, Erskine, or 
 Brougham ? We read them now because we are mixed up 
 in the political contest which rages, but ten years hence shall 
 we read them ? and in 1959 will our descendants turn to 
 them as studies ? 
 
 But we must pass on — for all this while we have left an 
 Honourable Member waiting. When Sir Edward sat down, 
 and whilst the storm was raging, and members were 
 everywhere on the wing, Mr. Byng arose, and was fortunate 
 enough to catch the Speaker's eye ; but for several minutes 
 it was impossible for him to attempt to speak, for no voice — 
 not that of Stcntor himself — could have lifted itself up above 
 the roar of that hurricane, and Mr. Byng's small voice 
 would have been no more than the piping of a wren in 
 a West Indian tornado. And so Mr. Byng quietly w^aited 
 until the applause subsided, and the hungry crowd was 
 gone, and then began. And what a contrast was the whole 
 scene to that which had just passed away ! Just now 
 the House was crammed, and there stood at the table a
 
 MR. SIDNEY HERBERT. 91 
 
 fierce-looking man, vociferating and gesticulating as if he 
 were mad, and the House every now and then broke out 
 into a roar, as if the speaker had infected his hearers with 
 his madness. Now the House is nearly empty — still and 
 calm as a summer's eve, and, instead of the wild gesticu- 
 lator, who had so lately lashed his audience to fury, there 
 stands a pale, thin, diminutive youth, delivering a neat and 
 pohshed and evidently well-studied address, in soft and 
 musical tones, but with no more energy nor action than a 
 young lady displays when she says her "poetry" to her 
 governess. After a storm a calm is pleasant, but this is 
 too calm — it is oppressive, or rather let us say soothing, 
 lulling — for so w^e found it. For a time we resolutely 
 listened, and for a time the gentle words came full upon 
 our ears, and entered into the mind, but soon they became 
 broken words, then they resolved into a mere humming, 
 and at last the humming ceased altogether, and House 
 and all its members passed away, and we dropped off into a 
 profomid, and — after the excitement of listening to and 
 staring at the Colonial Secretary — a grateful slumber. How 
 long we slept we cannot tell, but we were suddenly aroused 
 by what appeared to us a terrific crash. At first we 
 thought we were in our easy-chair at home, and that a tea- 
 tray had been sacrificed ; but soon the whole scene came 
 full before us — the carved galleries, the yellow light, the 
 gorgeous velvet curtains, and we found that it was not a 
 crash but a cheer that broke our slumbers — a cheer to 
 greet Mr. Sidney Herbert, who was now upon his legs. 
 Mr. Sidney Herbert is what is called "a Peelite," but the 
 term is fast going out of use. When parties changed sides 
 in 1857 the Eight Honourable Gentleman for a time 
 flitted about the House, and had no settled seat. Some- 
 times he would drop into his old place, near Sir James 
 Graham and Mr. Gladstone, on the Ministerial side below
 
 92 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 the gangway ; then you might see him lower down, on the 
 extreme right ; but at length he quietly dropped down on 
 the opposite side of the House, near Lord John Kussell and 
 Mr. Roebuck. Mr. Herbert is a tall, handsome, aristocratic- 
 looking gentleman, with a fine face, and remarkably large, 
 penetrating eyes. When he began to speak the House 
 filled rapidly, for two reasons. First, he is an attractive 
 speaker — delivers what he has to say in flowing, forcible 
 language, accompanied by graceful action and bearing ; and, 
 secondly, as he occupies a somewhat singular position, not 
 being pledged to either party, everybody was anxious to 
 learn how he would pronounce on this great occasion. Mr. 
 Herbert did not leave the House long in doubt, for, amidst the 
 cheers of the Opposition, he at once opened fire against the 
 Bill and its promoters, and in strong racy English analysed 
 the measure, and turned the position of the Government 
 inside out. Some of his taunts were very effective, and 
 were received with great glee by the Opposition. "If we 
 had shut our eyes," he said, "it would have been difficult 
 to imagine that some of the orations which have been 
 delivered from the Ministerial side of the House had not 
 been spoken from this side." And again — "I don't go the 
 length of some of my Conservative friends. I am not 
 prepared for electoral districts." But we must leave Mr. 
 Sidney Herbert. Perhaps when we have to notice him 
 again in these columns he will be on the Ministerial Bench. 
 He seems to be trending that way. 
 
 But we must hasten on to overtake the events of this 
 busy week. On Thursday the principal performers were 
 Mr. Bernal Osborne and Mr. Bright. The former arose 
 about ten o'clock. It was suspected that Mr. Osborne 
 meant to speak, and members were on the watch for his 
 rising; and when it was reported in the lobbies and 
 smokery that "Osborne was up," the knots of gossipers
 
 A MAN OF HUMOUR. 93 
 
 and loungers were broken up, cigars were dropped, and 
 every man rushed into the House to see and hear and 
 enjoy the expected fun. And at the clubs, too, all was hurry- 
 scurry. For when Mr. Osborne arose the telegraph flashed 
 the news to Pall Mall ; dinner-parties were broken up, and 
 in a minute every available cab was on the move. Mr. 
 Osborne's speech was pronounced to be a " great success." 
 It did not probably change an opinion, and certainly did not 
 gain a vote, but it kept the House in a roar of laughter and 
 cheers for an hour, and therefore was a success. We have 
 often been asked by persons who read, but have never 
 heard, Mr. Osborne's speeches, what there is in them that 
 so excites the House, and we confess that we could never 
 give a satisfactory answer. We have heard Mr. Osborne 
 often, and have joined in the merriment that he excited, 
 but when all was over we acknowledge that we could never 
 tell why we laughed ; and reading the speech which excited 
 our mirth, we have not unfrequently had a feehng that 
 we had overnight played the fool. It is probably the 
 Honom-able Member's manner more than his matter that 
 excites us. There is nothing particularly provocative of 
 sorrow in the word " Mesopotamia," but we are told that 
 Whitefield could make his audience weep by his manner of 
 pronouncing it. We think, however, that there can be no 
 doubt that the House of Commons is, of all assemblies that 
 we know, most easily excited to merriment. A foreign 
 friend of ours, who had visited the House, noticed this 
 pecuharity, and quietly remarked when he came home, 
 that he thought " the House of Commons was a most 
 laffable House." 
 
 After an interval of two hours, which were occupied by 
 Mr. Walpole, Mr. Bright arose. Mr. Walpole was listened 
 to with grave attention, for he stands in a peculiar position 
 just now ; and, moreover, he is held in great respect by the
 
 94 THE INNEE LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 House — in greater respect now than ever, for it is felt that 
 in throwing up his office, just at the time when he might 
 have reasonably expected a handsome pension for life, he 
 has made no small sacrifice for conscience' sake — but he 
 could hardly keep the House together. One by one the 
 members sidled out, and when he closed the House was 
 visibly much thinner than when he began. But it filled 
 again in a moment when Mr. Bright arose. In the 
 division-lobbies, we were told, not a soul was to be seen. 
 The Hbrary and smoking-room were deserted, and for an 
 hour not a single member was observed to enter the House ; 
 but it was not the expectation of fun which now attracted 
 the members, for in that sort of vanity Mr. Bright never 
 indulges. He seldom laughs, does not even cheer, except 
 on rare occasions, and never attempts to provoke merri- 
 ment. Neither is it the characteristic of his speeches that 
 they call forth cheers. The attention of the House, not its 
 applause, is what the Member for Birmingham strives to 
 obtain. And he succeeds — succeeds beyond any other 
 speaker in the House. It is really a fine sight in the House 
 when Bright is speaking. Every seat is occupied ; crowds 
 of men are standing at the bar and behind the chair ; and 
 in the side-galleries, which on ordinary occasions are 
 vacant, the benches are all full. The reporters are all 
 assiduously employed ; and through the brass screen behind 
 the ladies can be observed, eagerly listening to catch every 
 word, those in the front rank flattening their faces against 
 the network, and those behind stretching forward their 
 heads over the shoulders of those in the front. This is the 
 attitude in which we like best to see the House — an 
 attitude of eager, rapt attention. And this is the attitude 
 which we deem to be most flattering to the speaker. Not 
 laughter, but attention, would please us best if we had to 
 address the House ; for we rather sympathise with that old
 
 SIR JAMES graha:^!. 95 
 
 orator who exclaimed, when the mirth of his audience was 
 excited : " What foohsh thing have I said that these people 
 laugh?" We have said that it is not the characteristic of 
 Mr. Bright's speeches that they call forth cheers ; but it 
 must not be thought that they are not cheered, for they are, 
 and heartily too. Indeed, we fancy that no man's speeches 
 are so heartilij cheered — if the w^ord " heartily " means "from 
 the heart," as the dictionaries tell us it does. Of Mr. 
 Bright's speech we can say nothing here, for our space fails, 
 nor is there much occasion, as we have often spoken of the 
 eloquence of this remarkable man. 
 
 The speech of the evening was Sir James Graham's, 
 which was looked for with great anxiety, for though 
 rumours were afloat that the "old Knight of Netherby" 
 would oppose the Government, nothing was certain until 
 the Eight Honourable Baronet arose and pronounced. 
 Now, however, the question is decided, for never was there 
 deUvered in the House of Commons a more crushing, 
 damaging, " mischievous " speech than that which Sir 
 James delivered against the Government Eeform Bill on 
 Monday night. It was a speech that no one in the world, 
 besides Sir James, could have deUvered. So " wickedly 
 conceived," as a Government member said, so artfully 
 contrived, so coldly, deliberately, and with such evident, 
 mischievous pm'pose, was it uttered, that it made us, whilst 
 we hstened, almost pity those at whom it was aimed. 
 Listening to this speech was like standing by in one of the 
 torture chambers of the Inquisition, whilst some grim 
 unfeeHng executioner was slowly torturing a poor wretch 
 upon the rack. 
 
 , ., , On Monday sen'night Mr. Gladstone moved 
 April 9, 1859. "^ ° 
 
 the adjournment of the debate, and on the 
 
 following day, in conformity with parliamentary usage, he
 
 96 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 was called upon to re-open it. As it was known that Mr. 
 Gladstone would speak, the House was densely crowded in 
 every part. Every seat was occupied ; every step was 
 turned into a seat. At the bar and behind the Speaker's 
 chair crowds of members clustered who could find no seats, 
 and in the side-galleries both the benches were closely 
 packed. Mr. Gladstone arose about 5.30, and it was evident 
 to every one that the Eight Honourable Gentleman was in 
 capital feather. Generally Mr. Gladstone's face looks pale 
 and faded, but all this was gone. His eye was bright — the 
 ashy hue was changed to an oUve brown, and even the 
 furrows on his careworn cheek seemed to be filled up. His 
 journey to the Isles of Greece — however otherwise unprofit- 
 able — has evidently improved the Right Hon. Gentleman's 
 health, appearance, and spirits. Just before he arose to 
 address the House there was a buzz of conversation and 
 much moving about and restlessness, as there always is 
 whilst the preliminary business of the evening is going on ; 
 but when Mr. Speaker called out "Mr. Gladstone" the 
 conversation died away, the confusion resolved itself into 
 order, and when the well-known form of "the great 
 Rhetorician " was seen to rise out of the crowd, and the 
 tones of his voice were heard, all noise was hushed down in 
 a moment to the deepest silence, and every eye was turned 
 towards the speaker. In the words of Milton, 
 
 " His voice 
 
 Drew audience and attention still as night, 
 Or summer's noontide air." 
 
 The deep silence in the House suddenly produced by the 
 rising of one of its favourite speakers is always impressive, 
 and it was never more so than on this occasion. It 
 has been said that in proportion as men rise in culture, 
 eloquence must lose its power: but it is a foolish saying.
 
 " COPIOUS " OEATORY. 97 
 
 The same has been said of poetry, music, and the fine arts ; 
 but experience, and fact, and philosophy every day refute 
 the theory. It is one of the eternal laws that mind can 
 influence mind. In common matters the medium of this 
 influence takes the form of plain prose ; in high, of oratory ; 
 in higher, of poetry ; and in highest, when the thought is 
 unutterable in words, it bursts forth in music ; or more 
 deliberately expresses itself in painting, sculpture, or even 
 architecture. There may be men who are insensible to 
 thought thus expressed, but that is not because they are 
 too highly, but because they are not sufficiently, cultured ; or 
 it may be because they have a defective natm'e. But we 
 must not stop to philosophise. 
 
 Mr. Gladstone spoke for more than two hours, and he 
 never spoke with more vigour and fluency; but if we are 
 asked whether on this occasion his speech was effective — 
 whether it contained anything worth remembering ? we fear 
 we must say no. And if, as Cicero says, " Oratory is 
 nothing else than wisdom speaking copiously," we fear that 
 we must decide that this is not oratory — for though the 
 copiousness was there, we failed to discern the wisdom. 
 There were words in profusion ; fluency not to be matched 
 in the speeches of any other speaker; and there were 
 musical tones, correct elocution, and forcible, if not grace- 
 ful action ; but nothing wise, nothing great, nothing worth 
 remembering. As a specimen of Mr. Gladstone's copious- 
 ness, we just give the following paraphrases which he used 
 to describe mere nomination boroughs: — "They are small 
 boroughs, the constituencies of which, from kindly interests, 
 from ancient and affectionate recollection, from local and 
 traditional respect, from remembrance of services received, 
 from the admiration of great men and great qualities, are 
 willing to take upon trust the candidates recommended to 
 them by tliose noblemen or gentlemen ivJio stand in immediate 
 
 VOL. I. 8
 
 98 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 connection with them.'' This is speaking copiously — but is 
 it wisdom that speaks ? 
 
 But we must now jump to the last night of the debate — 
 that night big with the fall of more than a hundred men — 
 for in consequence of the proceedings of that night it is 
 next to certain that upwards of a hundred Members will 
 soon disappear from the House and never be seen there 
 again. It was Thursday, the last day of March, when this 
 debate, which had lasted seven nights, came to a close — or 
 rather Friday ; for though the debate recommenced early on 
 Thursday evening, it did not finish until Friday morning. 
 During the early part of the evening there was some little 
 doubt whether a division could take place. All the leaders 
 were anxious for it, but there were still many members who 
 wished to speak, if not to influence the debate, "to justify 
 their votes to their constituents"; and probably some of 
 these might insist upon a further adjournment. But during 
 the dinner-hour most of these speeches to "bunkum" were 
 worked off. At half-past ten Mr. Eoebuck arose, and 
 matters looked promising. And when he sat down and Mr. 
 Disraeli got up, we all knew that the end was come. 
 
 Mr. Disraeli's speech was to our minds one of the greatest 
 that he ever delivered. And yet we can easily imagine that 
 strangers in the gallery were disappointed. Mr. Disraeli 
 has a widespread reputation for brilliancy, wit, sarcasm, 
 and invective, but there was little of all that on this occa- 
 sion. The Eight Honourable Gentleman was in quite a 
 different position from that which he occupied when he hurled 
 those fierce invectives against Sir Eobert Peel, and he knew 
 it. He was then the keen, reckless, unscrupulous assailant, 
 but now he is himself on his defence. And from his tone, 
 and manner, and bearing it was easy to see that (to use 
 one of his favourite phrases) he felt in full force "the gravity 
 of the occasion." His manner was calm and dignified, his
 
 DISRAELI'S LATER MANNER. 99 
 
 voice was subdued and at times solemn, and instead of that 
 brilliancy to which we have been accustomed, we had 
 measured and stately phrases ; and in the place of sarcasm, 
 and wit, and ingenious paradox we had argument and 
 warning. And how changed, too, was his manner ! There 
 are now none of the " tricks of the orator." He did not pull 
 down his waistcoat, or thrust his hands into its pockets, 
 or hook his fingers in its armholes. Indeed, as if he 
 were conscious that these his accustomed attitudes and 
 movements would be out of place, he had carefully buttoned 
 his surtout closely across his chest before he began. Neither 
 did he tm^n round to his followers to evoke their laughter and 
 cheers, as he is wont ; but standing erect and for the most 
 part, especially in the more serious parts of his speech, with 
 arms folded tightly across his breast, he fixed his deep- 
 seated but glittering eyes steadily upon his foes. 
 
 But though Disraeli was delivering certainly one of his 
 greatest speeches, it is remarkable that the House was not 
 nearly so full as it was when Gladstone spoke. The fact was 
 that many of the Members were too excited, as the division 
 approached, to sit quietly in the House, and so they 
 wandered about the lobbies and the library, or tried to 
 calm their nerves with a quiet smoke below. This com- 
 parative thinness of the House led to a good deal of specu- 
 lation and doubt for a time. There were not more than 
 500 members present. "Where were the others?" was 
 anxiously asked. " Are they Conservatives or Oppositionists 
 that are absent?" The impression seemed to be that they 
 were the latter, and for a time the Ministerial " whips " and 
 their friends were in high glee. "Our men are all here; 
 their men won't come to the scratch, you'll see ; we shall 
 beat them like a sack," we heard one of the Government 
 Members say. But soon Disraeli dropped into his seat, the 
 Speaker arose to put the question, the division-bell rang,
 
 100 THE INNER LIFE OP THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 and then we saw another sight ; for members now poured in- 
 ward in shoals, and most of those who came up were evidently 
 not " our men." And as the stream rolled on the hopes of 
 the Conservatives were damped, and their hearts failed 
 them. But see, the door is shut, and all are in at last ; and 
 soon all doubt and speculation will be over. The excitement 
 in the lobby whilst the division was on was intense ; not a 
 few Peers were there ; election agents on the qui vive for a 
 dissolution; and friends and partisans of the Government 
 and of their opponents in large numbers. And as the five- 
 and-twenty minutes which the division occupied slowly 
 wore away the suspense was painful. But listen, there is 
 some news ; what did that member say through the grating 
 on the door — "Ayes 291? Why, there must surely be a 
 majority, for there cannot be 600 in the House." And for a 
 time the hopes of the Conservatives in the lobby, and of 
 many inside, were in the ascendant. And well they might 
 be — for to the uninitiated it might very well appear that 
 291 must win ; but it did not appear so to us — who are not 
 uninitiated — and for the following reasons : first, we strongly 
 suspected, from what we had observed with our practised 
 eye, that there were more than 600 members inside ; and, 
 secondly, we reckoned that if the "Ayes" had all gone in, 
 and the "Noes" were still entering, the probability v/as 
 that the " Noes " were most numerous. However, we were 
 not much longer in suspense, for some uproarious cheering 
 was heard. Another message came out, that the Govern- 
 ment was beaten, for the Opposition tellers were on the 
 right; and in another minute the door burst open, and a 
 dozen voices shouted out : " Majority against the Govern- 
 ment, 39." 
 
 The confusion and excitement and noise in the lobby on 
 the announcement of the numbers are things which cannot 
 be described ; you might as well try to photograph a cloud
 
 APPROACH OF A DISSOLUTION. 101 
 
 of fireflies. There were hurryings hither, hurryings thither. 
 Messengers, who had previously secured hansom cabs, were 
 scudding away with the numbers to all parts of the 
 metropolis. Members were rushing to the telegraph office 
 to flash the news to their friends in the country; the 
 "whips" were busy in keeping their forces together in expec- 
 tation of another division — but we must leave this scene to 
 the imagination, and pass on to show what was going on in 
 the House. And first let us briefly explain to our readers the 
 state of the question after the division. The original question 
 was " that the bill be read a second time." The amendment 
 of Lord John was that " all the words after the word 
 * that ' be left out, in order to insert " his proposition, which 
 we need not give. The question, then, which the Speaker 
 had just put was, " That the words proposed to be left out 
 (viz., all the words after ' that ') stand part of the question." 
 This had been negatived, and therefore the only word left 
 in the original question was, " that." The next question to 
 be put was that Lord John Eussell's amendment be added 
 after the word " that " ; and it was on this question that it 
 was thought that another division might take place. No 
 division, however, did take place. Some zealous Conserva- 
 tives wished for one, but Mr. Disraeli gave no encom^agement to 
 the move, and so Lord John's amendment was added nem. con. 
 If a bombshell had fallen amongst the members on 
 Monday night they could not have been more startled 
 than they were by the announcement made by Mr. 
 DisraeU that Parliament is to be dissolved. It is true 
 that rumour had been rife for weeks that it would come 
 to this. And the Morning Star had announced in the 
 morning that this was the decision of the Government, 
 but still very few believed it; and when, after long and 
 torturing preHminary descriptions of what the Government 
 might have done — or would have done if that had occurred
 
 102 THE INNEB LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 which didn't occur — or that had not happened which did 
 happen — Mr. DisraeH uttered the fatal word, it was easy to 
 see that a large number of the members had got what they 
 didn't bargain for when they divided against the Govern- 
 ment last week. But the words had been uttered and could 
 not be recalled. All must go and meet their constituents. 
 Many must incur expenses which they can ill afford ; and 
 not a few, at least one-third of the whole, will never come 
 back. For an hour there was quite a crowd of members at 
 the telegraph office that night. Many were busy penning 
 their election addresses, whilst not a few posted off to catch 
 the train, and proceed at once to solicit the sweet voices of 
 their constituents. In about sixteen days from this time 
 ParUament wiU be dissolved ; and in five weeks, or there- 
 about, it will once more assemble. 
 
 To the last it was uncertain whether the House 
 April 23, 1859. 
 
 would be prorogued on Tuesday ; and nothing 
 
 was actually known until the doorkeeper shouted in the 
 lobby, "Half -past one to-morrow." Then we all knew 
 that the thing was settled — for the House never meets at 
 that hour excepting to be prorogued. And now all is over. 
 The House assembled at the time appointed. There was 
 no need for the presence of forty members — for "the 
 conimission makes a House" — i.e., whenever there is a 
 commission from the Crown the House is considered 
 "made," although not a member maybe present. About 
 two, Black Rod knocked at the door for admission to sum- 
 mon the House to the Peers, and having deUvered his 
 message, Mr. Speaker, preceded by the mace, marched 
 away, followed by some score of members, and, as far as 
 we here w^ere concerned, all was over. The Parliament of 
 1857 had vanished. It still exists in law, and wdll exist 
 till the dissolution appears in the Gazette; but it will 
 never appear in the House again.
 
 CHAPTEK XII. 
 
 REAPPEAKANCE OF RICHAED COBDEN — A SPIRITED DEBATE 
 — "SAM SLICK." 
 
 EiCHAED CoBDEN has once more made his 
 July 9, 1859. 
 
 appearance in the House. He landed at 
 
 Liverpool on the 29th ult., and on the following Friday he 
 came to the House and took the oaths and his seat. Very- 
 cordial were the greetings which awaited Mr. Cobden in the 
 lobby, and as he marched up to the table a hearty cheer 
 testified to the general joy which was felt that the great 
 apostle of free trade M^as once more in his right place. 
 It was in 1841 that Mr. Cobden first became a member 
 of Parliament, and Stockport had the honour of sending 
 him there. At the general election in 1847 he was elected 
 for both Stockport and the West Kiding, and, of course, 
 chose to sit for the latter. In 1857 he retired, however, 
 from Yorkshire, and offered Huddersfield the honour of 
 retmTiing him to the House ; but just then a fit of madness 
 had come over the constituencies, and Huddersfield refused 
 the honour, and sent instead Mr. Akroyd, the great worsted 
 manufacturer, and Mr. Cobden went to America. The 
 journey to the United States, we have reason to believe, was 
 undertaken to settle private business there, and had no 
 political object ; and it was Mr. Cobden's wish quietly to 
 transact his business and then return. But it is very diffi- 
 
 103
 
 104 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 cult for kings to travel incog. Mr. Cobden's fame had pre- 
 ceded him. He found that he was almost as well known 
 there as he is in his own country ; and, though he shunned 
 public receptions, he could not escape recognition, and 
 everywhere he was recognised and received the most marked 
 respect. Kailway companies, it is said, insisted upon his 
 travelling free, and in some cases the hotelkeepers refused 
 to take his money. We are happy to be able to report that 
 Mr. Cobden looks well after his voyage. When we last saw 
 him he looked haggard and distressed ; and no wonder, for 
 then he had just lost his only son. The promising youth 
 was at school in Germany, where he was taken suddenly ill, 
 and before his parents could receive the intelligence of his 
 illness he was dead. It was an awful blow — so staggering 
 that for a time we feared that we never should see Cobden 
 in the House again. But, as one says, "the heart of man 
 is strong in asserting its right to joy " ; and Mr. Cobden was 
 too wise a man to oppose its assertion of this right. And 
 now here he is again, once more, to do honour to the English 
 Parliament. Mr. Cobden, though, won't take office, and 
 herein he is right. What lustre can office add to the name 
 of Eichard Cobden that would compensate for the loss of the 
 freedom which he now breathes and feels ? Mr. Cobden's 
 mission is not to rule, but to teach — to teach great political 
 truths. In " the good time coming " there may possibly be 
 a place for men of Cobden's school, but there is, we venture 
 to say, none now. Meanwhile let us be consoled by reflect- 
 ing that, next to an able Government, it is important that 
 we have an able Opposition. 
 
 T , o« ^on« In the House of Commons we never know 
 July 30, 1859. 
 
 what a night may bring forth. We go down 
 sometimes expecting a long and interesting debate, when lo ! 
 the motion is suddenly withdrawn ; and, instead of sitting
 
 OMENS OF BATTLE. 105 
 
 until after midnight, we are up and away by seven. At 
 other times the "order paper" looks so innocent that we say 
 "There is nothing here to keep us," and we indulge in a 
 hope that we shall speedily be dismissed ; but suddenly some 
 speaker arises, introduces a new and disputable topic, and at 
 the moment when we are dreaming of a quiet stroll in the 
 park, or a visit to the Opera, or of dropping in upon a friend 
 just as he is sitting down to dinner, we discover that we are 
 in for a long discussion and a late night. Everything is 
 uncertain in the world, but nothing is so uncertain, surely, 
 as the proceedings of the EngHsh House of Commons. On 
 Thursday, the 21st, for example, the programme of the 
 evening seemed simple enough. The first "order" was 
 "Ways and Means," to enable Mr. Gladstone to move in 
 Committee his financial resolutions ; the second was " Sup- 
 ply"; and, as no intimation had been whispered that the 
 " resolutions " were to be opposed, it was expected that they 
 would pass sub silentio, and that then we should get into 
 "Supply," and have a long, dull night at the "Miscellaneous 
 Estimates." But, on throwing a glance of our experienced 
 eye over the House at five o'clock, we were at once led 
 to suspect that something would tm'n up to disappoint 
 our expectations. The Ministerial bench was full. On the 
 Opposition side all the ex-Ministers had mustered, and below 
 the gangway, on the Government side of the House, sat 
 Bright and Cobden, and, further, Bright had an ominous- 
 looking paper in his hand, which appeared very much like 
 notes of a speech, and soon our suspicions were confirmed, 
 for when the clerk had called out the first order — " Ways 
 and Means," and Mr. Gladstone had taken off his hat, and 
 muttered " that Mr. Speaker do leave the chair," Mr. Disraeli 
 arose, and by the manner of his rising, and by the tone of 
 the first sentence of his exordium, we knew that he meant 
 to do battle.
 
 106 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 Every one knows on his rising when Mr. Disraeli means 
 to make a long speech. When he only intends to offer a 
 few interlocutory remarks he leans over the table, speaks in 
 a low tone to the gentlemen opposite, and shows by his 
 manner of standing and speaking that he intends soon to sit 
 down. But when he arises for an oration he starts bolt 
 upright at once, lays his notes on the ofdcial box before him, 
 steps a pace backwards, pulls down his waistcoat, brings his 
 arms into position, and waits until due silence is secured. 
 Mr. Disraeli's office on this occasion was to defend his 
 financial operation, and in some degree the foreign policy of 
 the late Government. When the right honourable gentle- 
 man delivered his financial statement in 1858 he made all 
 things fair and square upon paper. He estimated the 
 revenue in round numbers at £64,000,000, the actual receipts 
 were £65,500,000 ; and yet when he left office there was a 
 deficiency of about £5,000,000, and he naturally enough 
 wished to show to the country how this occurred, and we 
 venture to say that he did this with complete success. The 
 estimate of the revenue, so far from being too sanguine, had 
 been exceeded, and his estimate of the expenditure would 
 have been correct but for the disturbing influence of the war, 
 and the consequent necessity for a large increase in the army 
 and navy expenditure. This first part of Mr. Disraeh's 
 speech, though able and successful, was of course somewhat 
 dull, for who can be eloquent in dealing with figures ? The 
 House, however, listened with due gravity, and, on the 
 whole, was satisfied, though it was not excited to cheers ; 
 but when he came to the latter part of his speech, in which 
 he touched upon foreign policy, he was all himself again, 
 brought down loud cheers from his party, and applause from 
 many of his opponents, and managed to touch a chord, when 
 he advised a closer amity with France, that we may reduce 
 our armaments, and thus terminate " this disastrous and
 
 DISEAELl'S SAECASM. 107 
 
 wild expenditure," that did not cease to vibrate during the 
 whole of the debate. 
 
 But the most noticeable feature in Mr. Disraeli's speech 
 was the fine vein of ironic sarcasm which ran through the 
 latter part. Mr. DisraeU is nothing unless he be sarcastic. 
 Sometimes his sarcasm is blunt and somewhat coarse, but 
 here it was as fine and delicate as a razor's edge. The late 
 Government had been taunted with being the friends of 
 Austria, and with having no sympathy or friendship with 
 France. "We have been told," said he, "that it was 
 entirely from the absence of some of those distinguished 
 statesmen from the bench opposite which they now so pre- 
 eminently adorn (!) that the war broke out at all. Had they 
 been there it is well known that the Emperor of the French 
 would never have taken a single step without consulting 
 them," &c., &c. And then he went on to intimate that now 
 they were in power they had a fine opportunity to exercise 
 their influence, and he exhorted them earnestly to exert it 
 to induce the Emperor to reduce his armaments, that we 
 may reduce ours. The Opposition saw, appreciated, and 
 cheered lustily this irony, and it seemed also to take the 
 fancy of the gentlemen below the gangway on the other 
 side, for they also joined in the cheers. 
 
 We were curious to observe closely Mr. Disraeli's counte- 
 nance when he was thus speaking, to see if there were there 
 any signs of feeling, but we saw, as usual, none. Mr. 
 Disraeli's face, to those who are at some distance, and in 
 most cases even to those who are near him, is simply the 
 most unimpassioned countenance that ever stood upon the 
 shoulders of a man. At a distance you can see no more 
 expression than you would upon the face of an automaton, 
 it is so utterly emotionless and inexpressive. In his deep- 
 set eyes not a twinkle is discernible, nor is there the slightest 
 movement about the hps, excepting that which is necessary
 
 108 THE INNEK LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 to expel the words. When you are close to him you may 
 occasionally fancy that you discern a faint radiance in his 
 eyes; and when his sarcasm is more than uncommonly biting 
 there is a slight sardonic movement in the upper lip ; but 
 these signs are at no time more than faintly discernible. It 
 is not a nice countenance to contemplate. It is not English, 
 open, attractive. We could never fancy children being 
 attracted by it. The face of a man ought to be — and would 
 always be if he would let it — the index of the nature within. 
 It should light up when he is joyful, flash when he is angry, 
 plainly speak of sorrow when he is in distress, and writhe 
 when he is in pain. Nature intended it to do all this ; but 
 it may be said that nature has, probably, denied to Mr. 
 Disraeli this power. We don't believe it. Thirty years ago, 
 when Mr. Disraeli stood upon the hustings at Wycombe, as 
 a " young and curly " aspirant to Parliamentary honours, we 
 may rely upon it his face was not the dull and passionless 
 surface that it is now. Young, ardent, passionate, and 
 hopeful, he let it show what he felt, and permitted it, by its 
 varied expression, to give force to his fervid words. But a 
 long course of official caution and reserve has hardened his 
 features and destroyed their natural flexibility. To keep the 
 muscles of our body flexible we must use them ; by dis- 
 continuing to use thorn we lose their power. 
 
 Very different was the appearance of the Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer when he leaped from his seat to reply to his pre- 
 decessor. He was evidently excited ; and in countenance, 
 manner, and bearing he showed his excitement. Mr. Bright, 
 by watching his opportunity, succeeded in getting first upon 
 his legs, and must "have caught the eye of the Speaker" 
 first. But this phrase has a technical meaning when it is 
 said that " Mr. So-and-so first caught the Speaker's eye." It 
 is not understood that it was literally so, but rather that Mr. 
 So-and-so was the man whom the Speaker wished to address
 
 JOHN bright's oration. 109 
 
 the House. Generally, the first that rises gets precedence, 
 but when a Cabinet Minister rises Mr. Speaker calls upon 
 him in preference to any other. There were loud cries, and 
 long continued, for Mr. Bright, and for a time Mr. Bright 
 stood his ground. But Mr. Gladstone, in a somewhat defiant 
 manner, kept his position. He had been called upon by the 
 Speaker, and he maintained his right against all claimants, 
 and soon the clamour weakened, and at length died away. 
 It has been noticeable that Mr. Gladstone has spoken with 
 more energy and excitement since he has been in office ; and, 
 being more excited, he has been more concise and less 
 diffuse. On the subject of the Roman Catholic claims he 
 broke forth, in answer to a speech from Mr. Whiteside, like 
 a tornado ; and, though he spoke for not more than twenty 
 minutes, he compressed into his speech such forcible argu- 
 ments, such pregnant facts, and such withering sarcasm, that 
 he made the Attorney-General for Ireland writhe in his seat. 
 And, on opening his Budget, it was a subject of general 
 remark how closely the Chancellor stuck to his subject, and 
 how plain, and lucid, and concise he was in his statements. 
 We know not that we ever listened to a more masterly state- 
 ment. On former similar occasions Mr. Gladstone has spoken 
 for four hours and more, but on this he only occupied two, 
 and on the occasion in question he was equally forcible and 
 concise. Some of his sentences were epigrammatic in their 
 terseness. But the speech of the evening was that delivered 
 by Mr. Bright. 
 
 It was known to Mr. Bright's friends that he had a speech 
 on the anvil, and it was expected that it would be a great 
 one, though we know not whether it was understood that he 
 would launch it that night. We have read the speech in the 
 morning papers. The Times reports it best, but only a faint 
 idea can be formed from reading of the force and power with 
 which it was delivered, and of its effect upon the House.
 
 110 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 But, nevertheless, we, who have often heard Mr. Bright, 
 and have reflected carefully upon his speaking, have come to 
 the conclusion that Mr, Bright owes more of his power in 
 the House to his matter than to his manner. He is a capital 
 speaker, no doubt. His action is simple and unaffected ; his 
 voice is good ; his language is pure and forcible, but his 
 greatest power in the House hes not there. In the House 
 of Commons there is a conventional mode of treating all 
 subjects which come before it. Very few speakers seem to 
 us to speak ex animo. Few of them seem to tread firmly, 
 as if they felt the solid earth under them, but deHcately, 
 timidly, and apologetically, as if they were afraid of offending 
 against some established conventionalism or shocking some 
 prejudice. But when Mr. Bright arises, and after you have 
 listened to a few sentences, you feel that you have a manly 
 Englishman before you, one who believes earnestly that he has 
 got something to say and is determined to say it, let him who 
 will be offended or him who w^ill be pleased. He is a Martin 
 Luther-like man, who would go to Worms " were all the tiles 
 on the houses devils." He never goes about a subject and 
 about it, but shears through every intervening obstacle of pre- 
 judice, and conventionalism, and etiquette, right to the heart 
 of the matter at once. Take his speech on the occasion in 
 question ; read it carefully, and you will at once see what he 
 means. " Oh, yes, you must have the income tax, I know ; 
 you cannot do without it ; but it is an odious tax. And why is 
 it odious ? Because it is a tax upon property ? No ; but 
 because it is unjustly levied. You farmers, for instance, why 
 should not you pay as much on your incomes as others do on 
 theirs ? And then there's the succession duty, can anything 
 be more unjust than that ? There was a gentleman lately 
 who had a landed estate, worth £32,000, left him by a person 
 who was no relative. Now, if this had been left in money 
 the duty would have been i63,200, but being a landed estate
 
 THE SECEET OF BEIGHT'S POWEE. Ill 
 
 the duty was only £700. Is that just ? Is it consistent wdth 
 fairness ? — is it consistent with our personal honour ? — for, 
 after all, that comes into the question — is it consistent with 
 our duty to society that we should take the class of property 
 the most select, attracting towards it many social and prac- 
 tical advantages, having in it the most certain means of 
 accumulation and improvement ? — is it fair, I say, that we 
 should take this property and charge it only £700 ; whilst 
 on another description of property, that is not worth a bit 
 more in the market, we should charge £3,200? " Now, this 
 is going to the heart of the matter ; and this is a fair specimen 
 of the manner in which Mr. Bright treats all subjects which 
 come before him in the House. As he and Mr. Cobden did 
 in the Corn-law war, so he does now — dashing through all 
 the outworks right up to the citadel, and demanding its sur- 
 render. Our space is running short, but we must just notice 
 the peroration of this remarkable speech, and we are more 
 anxious to do so because in several papers it is wrongly 
 given: — " I pray," said the hon. gentleman, " that there may 
 soon come a time when the Government of this country may 
 take such steps as I have indicated for the bringing about a 
 state of things between France and England which shall 
 unite these two great nations in a bond of permanent amity, 
 and show that eighteen hundi-ed years of the profession of 
 Christian doctrine is at length to be compensated by something 
 like Christian practice." In a report which lies before me 
 the word profession is left out, and for "compensated" the 
 reporter has written "consummated," by which change a 
 neat little bit of satire is wholly spoiled. The hon. gentle- 
 man, we need hardly say, resumed his seat amidst a storm 
 of cheers. After him came Lord John, who, however, spoke 
 but little ; and Lord Palmerston, who spoke long, but with 
 not much effect. Indeed, the noble Lord's speaking days 
 are passed. Every one must have noticed a change in his
 
 112 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 Lordship this Session : that slow but sure sleuth-hound, old 
 age, has got him in wind at last, if not in grasp. 
 
 On Monday last Mr. Judge Haliburton ("Sam SHck") 
 made his maiden speech. When he arose the House was 
 hushed to silence in a moment, but his speech was not a 
 success, and it is clear now that Mr. Haliburton, racy writer 
 as he is, is no orator. The characteristic of Mr. Haliburton's 
 works is rollicking fun and humour, but there was nothing 
 of this sort in his speech. It was just such a speech as any 
 country gentleman might have made. The appearance of 
 Mr. Haliburton is that of a sturdy old gentleman farmer, 
 utterly unlike what from reading his works you would 
 imagine him to be. He is, according to Dod, only sixty- 
 three years old, but he looks older. We should from his 
 appearance take him to be at least seventy.
 
 CHAPTER XIII. 
 
 NOTABLES — MR. GLADSTONE'S BUDGET. 
 
 « .„.„ We have often said that the lobby of the House 
 Aug. 6, 1859. , ,, 1 • 1 
 
 of Commons is the place of all others in the 
 
 world where the great notables of the time may be seen. 
 
 There is scarcely a man of high political character in Em'ope 
 
 whom we have not seen there. Count Cavoui* used occasionally 
 
 to flit across to his place in the Ambassadors' gallery ; the 
 
 Marquis d'Azeglio was, at one time, a constant attendant on 
 
 the debates ; Mr. Buchanan, the President of the United 
 
 States, while he was Minister here, was seldom absent when 
 
 a great discussion w^as on ; the Count de Montalembert, 
 
 as his celebrated work shows, was a frequent visitor to the 
 
 House of Commons : indeed, time and space would fail if we 
 
 were to attempt to enumerate the great men who have passed 
 
 across this busy scene. Some week or two ago M. de Persigny 
 
 might be seen lounging against one of the pedestals. He was 
 
 waiting for Lord Palmerston, with whom he had a long 
 
 interview in a neighbouring room. If we recollect rightly it 
 
 was on the day when the telegraphic wires had flashed 
 
 suddenly the unexpected news that there was again peace in 
 
 Italy. Unfortunately we have but an indistinct remembrance 
 
 of most of these men. They appear, we hear their names, 
 
 thej' flit across the stage like phantasmagoria. They are 
 
 VOL. I. 9 113
 
 114 THE INNEB LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 here — they are gone. Some of them we recollect well, whilst 
 others are mere shadows. Buchanan has left a distinct 
 image on our minds : he is tall, bulky, and not prepossessing 
 in his appearance, and has, if we mistake not, something of 
 a cross in his eye. Montalembert's face is well known to 
 the British public, as portraits of the illustrious politician 
 and eloquent writer are not uncommon. We miss, however, 
 in almost all of them the thoughtfulness which we discerned 
 in the countenance of this famous man. Persigny is short, 
 and not imposing in his appearance. 
 
 On the night when Lord John Russell delivered his state- 
 ment on foreign affairs the lobby was crowded, and many 
 English notables were present ; but of foreign celebrities we 
 saw but few. The man who most attracted our attention 
 was Sir John Lawrence. We have seldom seen a more 
 striking-looking man than Sir John : he is in appearance the 
 very beau-ideal of a commander of men. He is tall, but not 
 too tall — about five feet ten inches we take to be his height. 
 Your great man is seldom overgrown. Very few of the 
 great men of history have exceeded this height. Giants in 
 bulk are myths of a barbarous age. Sir John's frame is 
 squarely built, and closely knit, with nothing hke corpulent 
 development. His forehead is good, but not remarkable ; his 
 featm'es are strongly marked, but there are no indications of 
 anxiety and earthly cares ; they are rather the features of a 
 man who has had to contend with great difficulties, but who 
 has also had resolution and energy to confront and overcome 
 them. The eye is dark and penetrating ; his cheekbones are 
 prominent, but not too high ; his lips are compressed, and 
 his upper lip is long and firm, showing that he can be sternly 
 resolute when required. On the whole, we have seldom 
 seen a man whose whole appearance gives us so strongly 
 the idea of wisdom and power. In the council-chamber or 
 the field we should judge that Sir John would be equally at
 
 SIR J. BROOKE — LORD STRATFORD DE REDCLIFFE. 115 
 
 home. The well-known description of Marmion came into 
 our minds involuntarily when Sir John stood before us — 
 
 " His square-turned joints and strength of limb 
 Showed him no carpet knight so trim, 
 But in close fight a champion grim, 
 In camp a leader sage." 
 
 Sir John is not a soldier by profession, we know ; but he has 
 shown, in more instances than one, that had he been trained 
 to arms he would have been as great a General as he is known 
 to be a wise and energetic Governor. 
 
 Very different in appearance is Sir James Brooke, whom 
 we saw wandering in the lobby with a friend the other day. 
 When we remembered what the hero of Sarawak has done, 
 we were disappointed with the appearance of Sir James. 
 But he is evidently worn down by fatigue and the anxieties 
 and cares which he has midergone, and looks as if he were 
 suffering, or just recovering, from a wasting fever. Still, 
 there never could have been anything very remarkable in his 
 personal presence. He is just an average-looking man, 
 nothing more. Nature generally stamps her favourites with 
 an unmistakable mark, but not always. Sometimes, in a 
 freakish mood, she refuses to give us any of the outward and 
 visible signs of the inward power. Sir James Brooke, for 
 instance, though of common appearance, is a long way from 
 being a common man. 
 
 We have another instance of the waywardness of Nature 
 in this respect in a nobleman of no mean celebrity, who is 
 not infrequently now in the lobby — to wit. Lord Stratford 
 de Eedcliffe, better known in diplomacy as Sir Stratford 
 Canning. This remarkable man has been connected with 
 the diplomatic service for half a century, during which time 
 he has represented his country at almost every Court in 
 Europe, and once went across the Atlantic on a special 
 mission to Washington. But it was reserved for Constanti-
 
 116 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OP COMMONS. 
 
 nople to be the scene of his most eminent services. He was 
 om: Ambassador at the Court of the Sultan in 1841, and did 
 not permanently abdicate his high position until 1857 ; and 
 such was his influence and power there that he was generally- 
 considered to be a sort of Viceroy. Indeed, sometimes it 
 appeared as though the Sultan was King, and his Lordship 
 " Viceroy over him." Perhaps it would be wrong to call Lord 
 Stratford de Eedcliffe a great man ; but that he has shown 
 himself to be something more than common there cannot be 
 a doubt. Yet, as we have hinted, there are few or no indica- 
 tions of power in his appearance. And, as the little grey- 
 headed, pale-faced old gentleman glides across the lobby, you 
 would never single him out as anybody remarkable. Per- 
 haps, on a closer view than is permitted to vulgar people like 
 ourselves, indications might be discernible of power, but from 
 the distance at which we have been placed we could discern 
 none. Eeport says that he is a most able administrator, and 
 perhaps he is so ; but, if this be the case. Nature has in this 
 instance waywardly neglected to authenticate her work with 
 her usual stamp. As Lord Stratford de Eedcliffe works his 
 sinuous way through the crowd in the lobby, or as he sits in 
 his place in the House of Peers, we should never deem him 
 to be more than a cunning diplomatist, and not even that if 
 we had not known his history. 
 
 But see, here is a great man and no mistake ! That is the 
 world-renowned Lord Brougham and Vaux. He is not going 
 to the Commons, we will venture to say, for that he never 
 does. No ; you see him turn the other way. What a 
 queer-looking figure it is ! See how loosely his clothes hang 
 about him. That hat of his, too, how closely it is pulled 
 over his brow ! It is not, however, a whim of his to wear it 
 BO, but necessity compels him, for his forehead is so large 
 that he could never keep his hat on unless he were to draw 
 it well over his brow. He looks very, very old now, and well
 
 LOED BEOUGHAM. 117 
 
 he may, for he is in or over his eighty-first year. For such 
 an age he walks well ; and see how volubly he is chatting to 
 the friend on whose arm he hangs. It would be worth some- 
 thing now to know what he is talking about : — perhaps our 
 foreign relations, or it may be the last discovered fossilised 
 fish, or the Palace of the People at Muswell Hill, or some 
 new machine, or fresh theory of light ; or — but it is in vain 
 to conjecture, for what subject is there that can come amiss 
 to Henry Brougham ? His head is a perfect museum, and, 
 perhaps, it would be easier to say what he cannot talk about 
 than what he can. There is a joke abroad that one day at a 
 conversazione he was talking learnedly about a Hindoo poem 
 written 500 years B.C., when suddenly, on some hint given, 
 he began to discourse with equal knowledge on the philosophy 
 of cooking a beefsteak. 
 
 At a morning sitting, last week, an accident happened 
 which very much annoyed sundry honourable members. 
 The case was this : — During a morning sitting members 
 are very erratic, will not stop in the House to hear the 
 debate, but wander about the building — some into the 
 library, others to lunch in the dining-room, not a few to 
 smoke on the river terrace, whilst others lounge in the com- 
 mittee-rooms to watch the proceedings there, trusting to the 
 bells to recall them to the House when a division is announced. 
 Now, on the morning in question there was more than the 
 usual number in the committee-rooms upstairs, and not a 
 few in No. 1, at the further end of the gallery. About three 
 o'clock a division was called, and from all quarters of the 
 building a host of wanderers rushed into the House ; but 
 somehow it happened that the batch in No. 1 did not hear 
 the bell in the corridor, or else the bell was out of order and 
 didn't ring — authorities differ on this point — and the conse- 
 quence was that the said members did not start until some 
 time after the division had been called. It appears, however,
 
 118 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 that they accidentally heard that the division was on, and 
 then rushed out helter-skelter to be present; but, alas! when 
 they arrived the door was shut. Loud were the complaints 
 that they had been disappointed. And it was a mortifying 
 occurrence, for this was the church-rate division, in which 
 it was highly important that their names should appear. 
 But there was no remedy ; the door was shut, and when once 
 closed it is never opened until the division ends. It is an 
 exciting scene in a committee-room when a division is called. 
 The chairman is in his chair, flanked on each side by his 
 fellow-members, all listening to the eloquent harangue of 
 Mr. Serjeant Buzfuz, when suddenly the tinkle of a bell is 
 heard, and in a moment, without the slightest ceremony, up 
 jump the chairman and committee and listening members, 
 and away they rush, leaving Mr. Buzfuz with nothing before 
 him but empty chairs and a blank wall. 
 
 Monday was to have been a erand night. 
 Feb. 11, 1860. -^ . 
 
 Most of the members were m town, and every 
 
 seat set apart for strangers had long been taken. Almost 
 every member had given his order for " the Strangers' 
 Gallery." The lists for the Speaker's and ladies' galleries 
 might have been filled a dozen times over, and no doubt the 
 peers' and diplomatic seats would have been filled to crowd- 
 ing. This is not to be wondered at. Gladstone delivering 
 his Budget alone would be sufficiently attractive to fill the 
 House at any time ; but this occasion was of peculiar 
 interest, for, perhaps there has not been so important a 
 Budget as this since the days of Sir Eobert Peel. Eumours 
 of all kinds flew about the lobby on Monday night touching 
 the illness of the great Chancellor of the Exchequer. Some 
 said he had diphtheria ; others would have it that his disease 
 was serious congestion of the lungs ; whilst a few of the baser 
 sort whispered about that he was not ill at all, but, being 
 unprepared, he was shamming to gain time.
 
 THE BUDGET NIGHT. 119 
 
 We ourselves were accosted by one of these whisperers : 
 " This is a queer move, is it not? " said he. " Wliat move? " 
 " Why, this move of Gladstone shamming illness." " Why, 
 you surely do not really believe that he is shamming ? — why 
 shouldn't he be ill? Have Ministers of State immunities 
 from colds?" Whereupon our friend shrugged his shoulders, 
 looked at us out of the corner of his eye, and went his way 
 evidently astonished at our simplicity, and congratulating 
 himself on his own superior sagacity and penetration. Well, 
 thought we, go your ways — go your ways. You are cunning, 
 clever, sagacious, no doubt ; but, rather than possess that 
 small, vulpine, suspicious intellect of yours we would consent 
 to be deceived every day of our lives. 
 
 When the House opened on Thursday night 
 it was still somewhat doubtful whether Mr. 
 Gladstone would be strong enough for his work on Friday. 
 Late in the evening, however, a letter was received by Lord 
 Palmerston from Mrs. Gladstone, informing his Lordship 
 that her husband had received Dr. Ferguson's full permission 
 to return to the House on the following day. Thus the 
 question was set at rest. On Friday we need hardly say that 
 the anxiety to get into the House was general and intense. 
 [It had become well known that the Budget was to be 
 emphatically a Free Trade scheme, and to be founded, in 
 great measure, on the Commercial Treaty with France.] 
 There were " strangers " in attendance with orders as early 
 as eleven o'clock, and long before the House opened the 
 waiting-room was filled, and some forty or fifty people were 
 ranged in St. Stephen's Hall. Many of these, of course, did 
 not get in. They had members' orders ; but orders, when 
 there is no room, are as useless as a cheque upon a bank 
 when there are "no effects." The Speaker's gallery was 
 crammed as soon as it was opened ; and as to the Peers, they
 
 120 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 came down in such numbers that, after the seats which are 
 set apart for them were filled, they besieged the Ambassadors' 
 gallery and filled up every available seat there, and even then 
 many of them were obliged to stand in the passage at the 
 back of the benches. Amongst the peers that were present 
 we noticed particularly the venerable Lord Chancellor, Lord 
 Stratford de Kedcliffe ; his Boyal Highness the Duke of 
 Cambridge, who commands our Forces ; the First Lord of 
 the Admiralty, the Duke of Somerset ; his Grace the Duke 
 of Argyll, who presides over our Post Office ; Earl Granville, 
 the Lord President of the Council ; Earl Stanhope, Lord 
 Stanley of Alderley, Earl De Grey and Kipon, Lord Chelms- 
 ford, Lord Wensleydale ; the Earl of Derby, who for a time 
 was obliged to stand ; and last, though not least by a long 
 way. Lord Brougham. The Foreign Ambassadors were not 
 there in large numbers. Mr. Dallas was present, and two 
 or three more, including Count Persigny ; but the diplomatic 
 body was not represented in such strength as it usually is 
 on great occasions. Touching Lord Brougham we have to 
 record a curious fact. The noble Lord left the Lower for 
 the Upper House in 1832, twenty-eight years ago, and until 
 that night had never honoured the scene of his former 
 triumphs with his presence. Until Friday night he had 
 never even seen the new House. Surely this is a strange 
 fact. It would be interesting to know the reason w^hy the 
 noble Lord has never availed himself of his privilege of 
 listening to the debates of that assembly in which he won 
 his fame and honours. Lord Brougham sat in front of the 
 Peers' gallery below, where a seat was com^teously reserved 
 for him by his brother peers, and for nearly four hours he 
 listened attentively, and apparently with deep interest, to 
 Mr. Gladstone's speech. 
 
 It was about 4.25 when Mr. Gladstone entered the House. 
 At that time it was very full — indeed, such was the anxiety
 
 THE BUDGET NIGHT. 121 
 
 to secure comfortable places that many of the members were 
 down as early as three o'clock. The lobby was also full of 
 strangers ; but the right honourable gentleman glided by 
 the expectant crowd almost unnoticed. He was there and 
 gone before the few strangers who knew him could recognise 
 him. " That's Gladstone ! " some one or two exclaimed, and 
 every eye was turned to see him ; but in a moment the right 
 honourable gentleman vanished behind the doors. He did 
 not walk up the floor of the House, but entered behind the 
 Speaker's chair, and proceeded quietly to take his seat ; but 
 he was soon recognised, and then a hearty cheer burst from 
 the Ministerial side. The Opposition, we need hardly say, 
 did not cheer heartily. "We cannot say that they offered no 
 greetings, for there certainly was a faint cheer, which, being 
 interpreted, seemed to say, "We are glad to see you are 
 recovered from your illness, but what have you got in that 
 red box of yours ? We should like to know that before we 
 accord you a hearty greeting." 
 
 This was Friday night ; and on Friday night, when the 
 adjournment of the House till Monday is moved, there is 
 usually a host of questions to be discussed. On this occasion 
 there were some upon the paper, and among them one stand- 
 ing against the name of Mr. Bernal Osborne ; and at the 
 proper time Mr. Bernal Osborne arose to introduce it. Mr. 
 Bernal Osborne is, as we all know, a very acceptable speaker 
 in the House ; not that the honourable member has anything 
 very valuable to communicate, for he has not ; nor that he 
 ever succeeds in throwing much light upon the subjects on 
 which he speaks. He is rather the rolHcking merryman of 
 the House than its teacher ; and his speeches are looked upon 
 as comic interludes, pleasant as varieties to relieve the dull 
 tedium of prolonged business, but otherwise of not much 
 value. But on this occasion the House had met for a serious 
 and an important purpose, and was in no humour for fun,
 
 122 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 Later in the evening, when the real business of the night 
 was over, Mr. Osborne might have been received with the 
 usual cheers, and a speech from him, as a relief after four 
 hours' tension of the mind, would probably have been hailed 
 as a pleasant relaxation ; but just then, when every member 
 was all eye, all ear, all expectation, when the Peers and 
 Commons of England — all the people of England, and, 
 indeed, all Europe — were waiting to know what was to be 
 our future fiscal policy, Mr. Osborne was unanimously voted 
 a bore, as great a bore as an acrobat, Punch and Judy, or an 
 organ-grinder would be opposite the window of the Bank 
 parlour when a financial and commercial crisis is on, and the 
 governors are anxiously debating the propriety of raising the 
 discount another one per cent. And so, when Mr. Osborne 
 rose, instead of being roceived vdth the usual cheers and 
 laughter, he met with a storm of " Oh ! oh ! oh ! " so loud 
 and resolute that it cowed even him. " There is a time to 
 be serious, and a time to laugh, Mr. Osborne; this is our 
 serious time." And so Mr. Osborne sat down, not a little 
 chagrined, we may be sure ; but, if so, he owed his mortifi- 
 cation to himself. How could he dream that the House 
 would hear him, or anybody, when the great Chancellor was 
 there with that ominous box of his before him — that box 
 which by many was expected to prove a horn of plenty, and 
 by others a very Pandora's box, without even hope at the 
 bottom ? 
 
 Mr. Gladstone rose at about ten minutes to five. By his 
 own side he was again greeted with loud and hearty cheers, 
 while again on the Opposition there only arose here and 
 there a faint and spiritless "Hear, hear! " The right hon. 
 gentleman looked pale and haggard ; appeared, moreover, not 
 to be very firm upon his legs, and altogether seemed but little 
 competent to perform the great task that was before him. 
 Dr. Ferguson was under the gallery, and had his eye upon
 
 THE BUDGET NIGHT. 123 
 
 him, and no doubt must have been anxious for his patient as 
 hour after hour he heard his voice and saw him upon his legs, 
 and must have felt relieved when he saw him at last drop 
 into his seat. But there was one present who would be more 
 anxious than Dr. Ferguson, for in the ladies' gallery, peering 
 through the brass screen, sat Mrs. Gladstone ; and one can 
 easily imagine how her anxiety would prevail over every other 
 feeling as she watched, and watched, and carefully noted 
 every apparent failure of her husband's voice, and every time 
 that his eloquence was interrupted by his hollow cough. 
 
 And now let us notice for a few minutes the appearance 
 of the House as the Chancellor settles himself to his work 
 and unfolds his scheme. He himself, the great orator of the 
 night, stands upright, with his papers before him in the 
 official box, pale and wan, but calm and collected. "What 
 nerves the man must have ! " said a friend to us. And the 
 duty of Mr. Gladstone that night was indeed one that must 
 have taxed his nerves severely; for it was not merely the 
 House of Commons that was listening, but all Europe ; and, 
 indeed, if we reflect but a moment, we shall see that even 
 future generations were to be addressed that night ; for the 
 words of Mr. Gladstone will not, like most of the words which 
 are uttered here, pass into oblivion as soon as spoken, but 
 will become an historic record, and be read with interest 
 and delight, and quoted as authorities, by ages yet unborn. 
 When the cheering had subsided there was a slight coughing, 
 as if the members were clearing their throats at the begin- 
 ning that they might not offer any interruption thereafter ; 
 and then there was a rustling, which showed that every man 
 was settling himself down into his easiest position. When 
 the tones of Mr. Gladstone's voice were first heard there were 
 cries of "Order, order! " to repress the rustling; and then 
 followed profound silence. And now let us survey the 
 House. Lord Palmerston, you see, settles himself down
 
 124 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 into an attitude of the closest attention. He does not lean 
 back as he often does, but sits sideways, with his face turned 
 to the Chancellor, and very happy he looks, as if he were 
 conscious that his Chancellor is about to unfold a scheme of 
 finance that will do credit to his Government. Lord John 
 Eussell leans backwards, as usual, with his hat over his eyes 
 and his arms folded across his breast. Sir Charles Wood 
 stares at the ceiling, and now and then shows signs of appro- 
 bation by jerking his head, as is his wont. Mr. Sidney 
 Herbert, as you see, stretches his long legs out before him 
 and throws his head back upon the edge of the seat, looking 
 as if he were lying upon an inclined plane, and has an air of 
 supreme satisfaction. Gladstone and Sidney Herbert are 
 both disciples of Sir Robert Peel ; and, as the Chancellor 
 further develops the political economy of their great master, 
 it is not surprising that the Secretary for War should look 
 pleased. Mr. Milner Gibson is not very demonstrative at 
 any time ; but, as Mr. Gladstone unfolds roll after roll of his 
 vast scheme — and especially when he comes to the paper 
 duties — are we -wirong in interpreting that look of his as 
 indicating a quiet inward chuckle? It seems to us as if he 
 were saying to himself, " Quorum pars magna fui." The 
 gentleman who sits sideways, with his face towards the 
 Speaker, at the further end of the Treasury bench, is Mr. 
 Villiers. We can hardly see his countenance here ; but when 
 we remember how, year after year, before the League v/as 
 formed, he attempted to plant the tree of free trade in an 
 uncongenial soil, we can easily imagine his satisfaction at 
 seeing, at last, these magnificent results of his patience and 
 toil. Bright, on the first seat of the second bench below the 
 gangway, is leaning back and looking upwards, evidently 
 drinking in with quiet enjojnnent every word that is said. 
 He will himself have something to say on this subject before 
 it is done with. Sir James Graham, who has lately shifted
 
 THE BUDGET NIGHT. 125 
 
 from No. 1 below to No. 1 above the gangway, reclines back- 
 ward and stares into vacancy — very attentive, though, no 
 doubt. Mr. Hadfield is right behind Sir James, on the top 
 bench but one. His face is turned towards Gladstone, and 
 he is unquestionably pleased that his sentiments are making 
 such progress ; for he, too, is an old Freetrader — so free, 
 indeed, that he wishes to carry out his principles in matters 
 ecclesiastical as well as fiscal ; and sometimes, when the 
 eloquent Chancellor hits more exactly, in his opinion, the 
 nail upon the head, he utters a peculiar and expressive 
 cheer. 
 
 On the opposition side of the House the faces were not so 
 radiant. Some of the members looked unmistakably dis- 
 pleased, others astonished, whilst on the countenances of 
 not a few there was a puzzled air, as if the honourable 
 gentlemen would hardly believe what they heard. Mr. 
 Disraeli makes no sign. He Kas his thoughts, no doubt; 
 but what they are no one can tell from his looks. Sir John 
 Pakington shows more signs of life, but not much. Mr. 
 Henley — "Old Henley," as he is here familiarly called — stares 
 at the speaker from beginning to end with his glass in his eye, 
 and he neither misses nor will he forget anything, as he will 
 show you when the time comes. Already, no doubt, he has 
 noted, or thinks he has, some opening in the panoply of this 
 formidable foe, into which he hopes to thrust his lance. For 
 a shrewd and able combatant is " Old Henley," and uncom- 
 mon cunning of fence, and if there be a weak point in this 
 Budget we " rede he'll tent it." Lord John Manners is 
 a very prominent figure upon the Opposition bench. He, 
 too, has his glass in his eye, through which he steadfastly 
 gazes upon the speaker, and is evidently puzzled and per- 
 plexed — as perplexed as Dame Partlett is when she sees a 
 duck-chick dabble about in the water. This free trade is not 
 at all his Lordship's element. Water to an old hen is not
 
 126 THE INNEB LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 more foreign than Free Trade to a Manners. Ah ! my Lord, 
 that "commerce" which you sang about some years ago 
 won't die yet, nor will it liill the " old nobility," but rather 
 strengthen it, if your Lordship and the like of you will but 
 let it. Mr. Walpole is always happy, and always looks the 
 same, "whether he win or lose the game." Sir Bulwer- 
 Lytton is the odd man next to Disraeli, sitting on the very 
 edge of the bench, with his head thrust forward, and making 
 a trumpet of his hand to convey every word to his ear. 
 Strange thoughts and misgivings must haunt Sir Bulwer, 
 for he was a Whig once, but suddenly turned Tory when the 
 battle for Free Trade came on. Ah ! Sir Bulwer, you should 
 have stuck to the old ship, and not intrusted your political 
 fortunes to the crazy old barque Protection. We don't 
 see Lord Stanley here, but he is present somewhere, we may 
 be sure. His Lordship's is an unhappy case, we consider. 
 His Lordship is currently pronounced a " failure " ; and well 
 may this be when, as we know, his aspirations are all one 
 way, whilst a hard destiny has placed him in circumstances 
 which compel him to pull another. There is only one more 
 member of the Opposition whom we can notice, and that is 
 Mr. Bentinck. You see that tall, strongly-built, florid-com- 
 plexioned man with prominent eyebrows and bushy whiskers, 
 almost a beard, sitting just below the gangway. That is Mr. 
 Bentinck. There are two Mr. Bentincks in the House now, 
 but this is the Mr. Bentinck. Mr. Bentinck is a member of 
 the Portland family, representative of a younger branch, and 
 descended from that friend and adviser of Dutch William 
 who came over with his Majesty from Holland at the 
 "glorious revolution." It is many years since the advent 
 of the Dutchman, and the family is unquestionably English 
 now, but in the person of our Mr. Bentinck the Dutch 
 element has certainly come out. You see it in his form, 
 in his face, and in his character. The special featm'e of Mr.
 
 THE BUDGET NIGHT. 127 
 
 Bentinck's character is that he never changes his -opinion. 
 All the world may change, and ^vill change, but he never. 
 As he was in the beginning so he is now, and so he would be 
 a thousand years hence, if he could live so long. The human 
 mind, as a rule, is always growing ; and change — universal 
 change — is the law of nature ; but there is one thing in the 
 world, it seems, that is an exception to the rule, and that is 
 Mr. Bentinck — at least, so he says ; and if you look at him 
 and hear him speak you will be disposed to believe him. 
 Look at him as he sits opposite Gladstone. Every word he 
 hears, but no impression is made, you can see. He has been 
 in the House now eight years ; he has in that time seen vast 
 changes. All the dismal prophecies about the effects of free 
 trade have failed ; all the promises of its advocates have been 
 realised ; thousands of Protectionists have been converted, 
 and the most eloquent champions of monopoly have gradually 
 been silenced ; but there he sits, still unchanged and un- 
 changeable. And when the debate upon the Budget comes 
 on we shall hear him uttering the old fallacies and platitudes 
 with as much solemnity and confidence as he did down in 
 Norfolk a dozen years ago. 
 
 We venture to express a hope that every Englishman will 
 read Mr. Gladstone's speech. Every Englishman ought to 
 read it ; for it is not only the greatest that Gladstone has 
 delivered, but it is the greatest that has been delivered by any 
 one in the House or out of it for many years. In whatever 
 hght we look upon it, it is a great speech. The scheme which 
 is unfolded is one of the boldest, most comprehensive measures 
 which have ever been propounded to the English Parliament, 
 and is fraught with consequences which can never die except 
 with the nation itself. We do not often offer a political 
 opinion in these columns, but we cannot help saying that 
 we look upon this Budget of Gladstone as a magnificent 
 argosy freighted with untold wealth, which is freely offered
 
 128 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 to the people. The manner in which Gladstone unrolled his 
 prophetic scroll was something wonderful. Let our readers 
 note the marvellous skill that was shown in the gradual evolv- 
 ing and the grouping of his facts — the artistic way in which 
 he made every statement seem naturally to lead to what was 
 to follow — and everything that followed to be the natural 
 consequence of that which had gone before. Remark, 
 further, those little picturesque touches of anecdote which 
 he every now and then gave us ; and, finally, by all means, 
 let all give themselves up to that magnificent peroration with 
 which he closed. The effect of this speech upon the House 
 was remarkable. There was but little cheering. The House 
 was too deeply absorbed to cheer — too anxious to catch every 
 word. For four hours did the great master hold the House 
 as with a spell. During that time the dinner hour and the 
 postal hour came and went, but no one moved ; and through 
 all those hours the House was as silent as a desert. Not a 
 whisper nor a rustle was heard — nothing but the clear, 
 musical voice of the speaker. Of course, at the close of the 
 speech there was cheering, hearty, loud, and long-continued, 
 and no wonder ; for cold must have been the nature of the 
 man who could listen to that marvellous peroration, delivered, 
 as it was, with almost unequalled power and earnestness, 
 without being moved.
 
 CHAPTER XIV, 
 
 SIR ROBERT PEEL (THE THIRD) — THE LAST DEBATE — KING- 
 LAKE — SIR ROBERT AGAIN — MR. HORSMAN — MR. WILFRID 
 LAWSON'S AND MR. STANSFELD'S MAIDEN SPEECHES. 
 
 It is impossible to imagfine a greater difference 
 Feb. 25, 1860. , ^ , *=* , ^ . , 
 
 between two men than there is between the 
 
 late Sir Robert Peel and the gentleman who inherits the 
 name, title, and estates of the deceased Baronet. Sir Robert 
 Peel the father was an able, far-seeing, sagacious statesman, 
 an eloquent but discreet orator, a courteous but severely 
 decorous man ; a man who never took liberties with any one, 
 and who took care to keep himself within an impassable 
 barrier of etiquette so that no man should take liberties with 
 him. This was Sir Robert the father. How different is Sir 
 Robert the son ! The Robert Peel who now exhibits in the 
 House is tall like his father, but there the resemblance ends ; 
 there is scarcely anything besides in his form, featm^es, or 
 bearing that reminds you of his parent. As he strides 
 through the lobby he is generally taken by the strangers 
 there to be some distinguished foreigner, and there is cer- 
 tainly something foreign rather than English about him, 
 owing, perhaps, to his having lived much abroad. His 
 figure is tall, imposing, and strikingly well made ; his face 
 is handsome and somewhat florid : he wears a thick mous- 
 tache ; his forehead is capacious, but not specially indicative 
 
 VOL. I. 10 329
 
 130 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 of intellectual power ; his eyes are brilliant and restless, and 
 sparkle with waggery, wit, and fun, not unlike some Irish 
 eyes which we have seen. He dresses in the very best style, 
 not in the extravagance of fashion, but well; and, on the 
 whole, you would take him to be, what we presume he is, 
 a dashing, witty, brilliant man of the world — one who is 
 equally at home on the course, in the gaming-house, in the 
 drawing-room, or at the dinner-table; and we should imagine 
 that his principal characteristics are jollity, humour, wit, 
 reckless audacity, love of fun, and unbounded generosity — 
 regardless of all cost, and perhaps of prudence. This is the 
 present Sir Eobert, a strange son of such a father. 
 
 Sir Eobert is not a diligent attendant in the House, and 
 has no certain place there. Sometimes he throws himself 
 on one of the cross-benches below the bar ; at other times he 
 sits below the gangway near the Peers' benches, whilst not 
 infrequently he mounts to the highest seat under the 
 members' gallery. If Sir Eobert stays long in the House 
 you may be pretty sure that he means to speak, especially 
 if he have a roll of papers in his hands ; and, when it becomes 
 known that he means to favour the House with an exhibition, 
 the young men, and especially the fast young men, will wait 
 for hours for it. They stop to hear Peel as they would go 
 to a new ballet, or to see the dSbut of a prima donna. These 
 are the young fellows who crowd at the bar and laugh and 
 cheer to the echo when there is any fun going on. The late 
 Speaker used to look with grave displeasure upon these noisy 
 gatherings, and, occasionally, would call out — " Members at 
 the bar must take their places ! " when the crowd would at 
 once scatter and disperse ; but the present Speaker seldom, 
 if ever, interferes. There are not a few, however, in the 
 House who have no sympathy with these noisy exhibitions ; 
 but, on the contrary, look upon them as out of place in the 
 English House of Commons. Especially is this the case,
 
 THE NEW " SIR ROBERT." 131 
 
 we apprehend, with the friends of the late Sir Eobert. And 
 we can easily imagine that it must be painful to see the man 
 who bears the clanmi et venerahile nomen of the illustrious 
 statesman thus condescending to be a sort of oratorical 
 funambulist to amuse fast young men. Sir Eobert Peel has 
 a brother in the House, but the two are never seen together. 
 Nor is this a matter of wonder ; for the difference between 
 these two brothers is quite as great as that between Sir 
 Eobert the father and the present Baronet. Mr. Frederick 
 Peel is a dry red-tapist, assiduous and accurate, no doubt ; 
 but never did officialism put on a drier form than that which 
 it has assumed in the person of Mr. Frederick Peel. Strange 
 that these two sons should be so unlike each other — and both 
 so unlike their father ! "We have sometimes thought that all 
 the passionate part of the late Sir Eobert Peel has been con- 
 densed in his heir, whilst all the plodding assiduity and 
 accuracy in details which characterised the illustrious Baronet 
 have been handed doTvn to his younger son ; and that, if the 
 natures of these two could be commingled in one person, the 
 great statesman might be reproduced. 
 
 Sir Eobert's exhibition on Friday was, if possible, more 
 extravagant than it ever had been before. The subject was 
 the rifle corps mania ; and for the space of half an hour he 
 kept the House in a roar of laughter. When, however, we 
 came to look at the speech, in the Times, the next day, it 
 was difficult to discover why the House thus continuously 
 laughed — from which we gather that most of the fun must 
 have been evoked by Sir Eobert's manner, while something 
 of the uproar, no doubt, was owing to the contagious cha- 
 racter of mirth ; for it is well known that there is nothing 
 more infectious than laughter. It is as catching as gaping, 
 the vapours, and hysterics. There were, however, two or 
 three decided hits in Sir Eobert's speech which would have 
 told anywhere. That image, for instance, of Sir Eobert's
 
 132 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 corpulent friend crawling for miles upon his belly, or sitting 
 up in a tree for hours. And, again, his advice to the lawyers 
 of the Temple to observe the rule, " in medio tutissimus 
 ibis," which, Sir Kobert said, might be translated, " It is 
 safest to stick to the Middle Temple." This last hit tickled 
 Lord Palmerston amazingly. Lord John Eussell did not 
 enter into it at first ; but when the noble Premier whispered 
 in his ear even his usually immovable face relaxed into a 
 broad grin. It was noticeable that General Peel, the brother 
 of the late Sir Eobert, sat a few minutes after his nephew 
 arose, and then got up and quietly left the House — a step 
 which, we think, can surprise nobody. 
 
 The last debate, on the whole, was not a very 
 Mar. 7, I860. . ' . ' . ii 
 
 Vigorous one. The parties were not well 
 
 matched. Almost all the fighting was on one side. The 
 first night was dreadfully dull — wearisome in the extreme. 
 Du Cane began, and then followed a long list of mediocrities, 
 and during the whole evening not a single speaker of 
 eminence arose. The second night was better, for then we 
 had Bright, with that capital quotation of his ; and the third 
 was better still, for Bernal Osborne spoke, Milner Gibson, 
 Gladstone, Disraeli, and " Old Pam." We may finish with 
 Bright's quotation, for, though it has appeared, of course, 
 in the debates, many readers may not have seen it. Here, 
 then, it is : — 
 
 " But I have a right to claim the right hon. gentleman the member for 
 Buckinghamshire as a friend to this treaty. (Laughter.) There was a time 
 when ho was not the leader of a 'great party.' (Hear, hear.) He was a 
 giant then in another field. He vacated an elevated position there to assume 
 one which is much more laborious. I know not that it is any more useful 
 than that in which he laboured before. (Cheers.) But in one of those very 
 admirable books which the right hon. gentleman wrote, partly for the educa- 
 tion, and perhaps rather more for the amusement, of his countrymen — (Hear, 
 hear) — he described the mode of living of an English nobleman of great wealth 
 in Paris. He says : ' Lord Monmouth's dinners at Paris were celebrated. 
 It was generally agreed that they had no rival. Yet there were others who
 
 "eothbn" kinglake. 133 
 
 had as skilful cooks — others who, for equal purposes, were as profuse in their 
 expenditure. What was the secret of his success? His Lordship's plates 
 were always hot — (Great laughter) ; whereas, in Paris in the best-appointed 
 houses, and at dinners, which, for costly materials and admirable art in 
 preparation, cannot be surpassed, the effect is considerably lessened by the 
 fact that every person at dinner is served with a cold plate. (Eenewed 
 laughter.) The reason of a custom, or rather a necessity, which one would 
 think a nation so celebrated for their gastronomic tastes would better 
 regulate is that the French porcelain is so inferior that it cannot endure 
 the ordinary heat for dinner.' (Loud laughter.) Now, the right hon. 
 gentleman, with an instinct which we cannot too much admire, breaks out 
 into something like an exclamation. He says : ' Now, if we only had that 
 treaty of commerce vnth France — (Loud cheers and laughter) — which has 
 been so often on the point of completion, and the fabrics of our unrivalled 
 potteries were given in exchange for their capital wines, the dinners of both 
 nations would be improved. England would gain a delightful beverage, and 
 the French, for the first time in their lives, would dine ofi hot plates." (Koars 
 of laughter.) And he concludes with an expression which I recommend to 
 his devoted followers — ' An vmanswerable instance of the advantages of com- 
 mercial reciprocity.' " (Prolonged cheers and laughter.) 
 
 No language can describe the laughter that followed. 
 We do believe that the House might have been heard in 
 Palace-yard. Disraeli himself could not withstand the in- 
 fection, for even he actually smiled. 
 
 Last week we had a short debate on the 
 Mar. 16, I860. ,. , ,, ^. „ ^ , . , 
 
 question of the annexation of Savoy, which we 
 
 feel bound to notice ; first to introduce to our readers Mr. 
 
 Kinglake, the celebrated author of " Eothen" ; and secondly 
 
 to call attention to the remarkable change which has lately 
 
 come over Sir Kobert Peel. Of Mr. Kinglake we have to 
 
 report that he never can achieve a Parliamentary success. 
 
 His fame as an author he has established, and with that he 
 
 must be contented, for as a speaker in the House he never 
 
 can be remarkable. The honourable gentleman has fine 
 
 talents and great genius, but he lacks physical power ever 
 
 to address the House with effect. His speech on this 
 
 occasion may be aptly described as forcibly-feeble, but not 
 
 in the sense in which this phrase is commonly used, for it
 
 134 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 is generally applied to men whose language and manners 
 are forcible, whilst their matter is feeble. It is the loud- 
 tongued, dramatic utterers of empty nothings that this 
 epithet usually describes; but Mr. Kinglake is not one of 
 this class. On the contrary, his matter is good and forcible; 
 it is his manner that is feeble ; and it ever must be so, for, 
 as we have said, Mr. Kinglake has not, and never can have, 
 the physical qualifications necessary to make a speaker. 
 He is short in stature, very near-sighted, feeble in voice, 
 and apparently generally weak in constitution. Mr. King- 
 lake's want of success as a speaker is to be regretted for his 
 own sake and for the sake of the country ; for the honour- 
 able gentleman, no doubt, feels that he has something to 
 say, and is moved by a laudable ambition to express his 
 thoughts. And we, too, who have read his book, know that 
 whatever the honourable gentleman thinks is worthy of 
 being expressed, and must ever regret that he cannot speak 
 his thoughts as well as he can write them. 
 
 A fortnight ago we noticed in terms of censure the 
 oratorical escapades of Sir Eobert Peel : we feel, therefore, 
 bound in justice to the honourable Baronet to call special 
 attention to the remarkable speech which he delivered on 
 this occasion. Since we last wrote a great change has come 
 over Sir Robert, so great that it may be called in Puritan 
 phrase " a conversion," " a newness of life." When the 
 afflatus descended upon the honourable Baronet we have not 
 learned, nor do we know whether it was the result of re- 
 flection or was a sudden inspiration ; but that he has been 
 the subject of something analogous to "a new birth" is 
 patent. Sir Robert Peel has been in the House of Commons 
 nearly ten years, for he was first returned on the death of 
 his father in July, 1850 ; but during the whole of this period 
 Sir Eobert never did anything worthy of his name until 
 last week. Men, indeed, had generally come to the con-
 
 '* SIR ROBERT " THE NEW. 135 
 
 elusion that, though he was known to possess talent of no 
 mean order, he would never rise to a higher position than 
 that of a rollicking, witty, amusing speaker. But on this 
 occasion the honourable Baronet disappointed all these 
 prophecies, and delivered a speech which, whether we con- 
 sider the sentiments uttered, the eloquent language in which 
 they were dehvered, or the striking and appropriate manner 
 with which they were enforced, we must decide was one of 
 the most successful efforts of modern days. Sir Kobert 
 arose when the House was full, and when he arose the 
 lovers of fun of course expected an exhibition, though it was 
 dfficult to see how Sir Eobert could excite merriment on so 
 serious a subject ; whilst the sober, serious men evidently 
 were in doubt — sat, as we may say, upon thorns — lest Sir 
 Eobert should mar the discussion of so grave a matter by 
 ill-timed buffoonery and wit. The honourable gentleman, 
 however, soon disappointed the yomig men, and set at rest 
 all the anxieties of the old. The attention of the House 
 whilst Sir Eobert was speaking was just that sort of atten- 
 tion which we love to see in the House. It was serious — 
 devout, we might almost say — and when the House broke 
 out into a cheer it was clearly the expression of the deep 
 feeling of manly English hearts. How different was all this 
 from the loud, boisterous " yah ! yahs ! " of the rollicking 
 fast men who have usually greeted the honourable Baronet ; 
 and how much more pleasant a subject for reflection must 
 this effect have been to Sir Eobert himself ! 
 
 Every one who is experienced in the manners of the 
 House knows well the distinctions in the cheering of its 
 members. In addition to the uproarious cheering, mixed 
 with laughter, which Sir Eobert used to call forth, there is 
 the defiant cheer more like a yell than a cheer. This is 
 most commonly heard from the Conservative side of the 
 House. When Lord John Manners was pitching into Bright
 
 136 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OP COMMONS. 
 
 the other night there was a perfect storm of this sort of 
 cheering. Then there is the cheer derisive, which is very 
 expressive ; and, again, the cheer confirmatory. Thus, when 
 an honourable member charges another with having uttered 
 some sentiments which, in the opinion of the speaker, were 
 flagrantly wrong, the friends of the member attacked will 
 break out into a confirmatory cheer, which, being inter- 
 preted, means, "Yes, he did say it, and what he said is 
 true." There is also the obstructive cheer, of which we 
 shall have an opportunity of saying something by and by ; 
 and, lastly, there is the genuine English, manly, approving 
 cheer. It was this sort of cheering that Sir Eobert Peel 
 evoked on this occasion — a manly, hearty, generous cheer 
 burst forth into what is called overwhelming applause when 
 he sat down. No doubt this cheering was inspired by 
 the sentiments which he uttered, as we have said ; but are 
 we wrong in supposing that it was also coloured with a 
 feeling of delight that it was the man who bears the 
 honoured name of " Sir Eobert Peel " that had uttered 
 them? We, of course, could not cheer, for if we had 
 opened our lips we should have probably caught the atten- 
 tion of the Sergeant-at-Arms, and been compelled to descend 
 from the gallery and do penance at the bar ; but we confess 
 that if we had broken loose it would have been quite as 
 much from a feeling of delight that it was Sir Eobert Peel 
 who was speaking as from approbation of what he said. Sir 
 Eobert Peel, then, has gained a new position in the House, 
 and straight before him there lies open a noble and honour- 
 able career. Will he pursue it ? We cannot allow om-selves 
 to harbour a doubt that he will. He has felt his power. 
 Up to the other day Sir Eobert aspired to no higher position 
 than that of amusing the House, and perhaps did not feel 
 that he was capable of a loftier flight. He has now, how- 
 ever, taken a nobler position. He has arrested the serious
 
 ME. HOESMAN. 137 
 
 attention and stirred the hearts of the English Commons. 
 He has gained the respect and approbation of men whose 
 respect and approval are worth seeking ; and, what is even 
 better still, he has doubtless gained his ovni ; and until we 
 have seen to the contrary we vnll not believe that he can 
 give up the high and honom'able position which he has 
 achieved. Sir Eobert is endowed with all the qualifications 
 of a good speaker ; he has excellent abilities, fine voice, com- 
 manding appearance, and, when he will, he can use the 
 advantages which he possesses with effect. That he has 
 wit at command we know too well; but he has also humour, 
 which is a much higher quality than mere sparkling wit. 
 There is no reason why he should entirely forego these latter 
 advantages ; they, too, were given to be used ; but he must 
 make them his servants, and not let them be his masters. 
 "Wit and humour are not out of place even in the House of 
 Commons, but they should be used sparingly for the purpose 
 of illustrating and enforcing the matter in hand, and not 
 with the intention prepense of turning the House of 
 Commons' proceedings into farcical exhibitions ; in short, in 
 such a place, and in all similar places, the comic element 
 should be kept well in hand, and ** within the limits of 
 becoming mirth." 
 
 There is a universal feeling in the House that 
 Mar. 17, 1860. 
 
 there is no sincerity at the bottom of all Mr. 
 
 Horsman's solemn and earnest harangues. There is the 
 
 appearance of it ; for no man in the House speaks with 
 
 such signs of solemn and earnest conviction as he. At 
 
 times he seems to be almost overpowered by the force of 
 
 his convictions, and his manner and the tone of his voice 
 
 are more those of the pulpit than of the senate-house. 
 
 But still, all this notwithstanding, the feeling alluded to 
 
 prevails. Members listen and applaud, and then say, " Ah !
 
 138 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OP COMMONS. 
 
 it's all very well ; but he would be just as solemn and earnest 
 on the other side if it suited his purpose." " That was a 
 fine speech of Horsman's," said one member to another 
 from the " green isle." " True," said the other, " it was a 
 fine speech, and a very able speech ; but there was one great 
 fault about it." "What was that?" "Why, he doesn't 
 believe a word of it ; and if Lord Palmerston had given him 
 the seat in the Cabinet which he wanted he would have 
 spoken just as seriously the other way." Every one felt 
 that this was so when Mr. Horsman spoke on the French 
 commercial treaty. Of the subject of coals he knew nothing 
 himself ; but he wanted to damage the Government ; and as, 
 according to the proverb, " any stick will do to beat a dog," 
 he took up the subject of the probable exhaustion of our 
 coal mines, not understanding the subject, nor believing in 
 his own figures, nor, indeed, caring at all about the matter. 
 
 But Mr. Horsman fell into a trap. He calculated upon 
 the ignorance of his audience, and made a mistake. Most 
 of them were, no doubt, profoundly ignorant ; but there 
 was one that was not. Behind Mr. Horsman sat Mr. Hussey 
 Vivian ; and whilst Mr. Horsman was speaking Mr. Vivian 
 must have chuckled with delight to see Mr. Horsman 
 stumbling from blunder to blunder as he did, whilst he (Mr. 
 Vivian) had in his hands or in his memory the refutation of 
 all the right honourable gentleman's mistakes. Mr. Hussey 
 Vivian has been in the House eight years, and, until that 
 night, had never made a speech, and probably was not at all 
 sure that he could make one. But occasions make men. 
 For years Mr. Vivian had studied the subject, not as a 
 theorist, but as a practical man largely interested in coal- 
 fields, and, seeing this notice which Mr. Horsman had put 
 upon the paper, he was suddenly inspired to bring his know- 
 ledge and experience to bear ; and he did it, and did it well. 
 At first he was nervous and shaky, but the House came to
 
 FIRST ATTEMPT OF SIR WILFRID LAWSON. 139 
 
 his rescue. It found that he had something to say, and, 
 according to its wont, it encouraged him to say it ; and Mr. 
 Vivian proceeded, calmly and coolly, to deliver a speech 
 which, as an answer to Mr. Horsman, was one of the most 
 conclusive and effective speeches heard that evening. " It 
 took up Mr. Horsman's bag of theories," as a member said, 
 " and turned it inside out, and shook it, and then filled it 
 again with substantial facts." 
 
 From the bottom of our hearts we pitied Mr. 
 ' * Wilfrid Lawson when he arose to deliver his 
 maiden speech to the House. Mr. Lawson is the son of a 
 daughter of the late Sir James Graham, and therefore the 
 present Sir James's nephew. He is also the colleague of Sir 
 James in the representation of Carlisle, which place he was 
 elected to represent in Parliament in 1859. But, though thus 
 nearly related to the "Netherby Knight" by blood, there 
 cannot be much political sympathy between him and his 
 uncle ; for Mr. Lawson is a Kadical of the advanced school, 
 whereas Sir James, whatever he may be just now, is certainly 
 not that. Well, on the night when Mr. Berkeley brought in 
 his customary bill for the Ballot, Mr. Lawson determined to 
 deliver his maiden speech. It was a ticklish time for Mr. 
 Lawson, no doubt, and one to which he had looked forward 
 with no small anxiety; but still there were not wanting 
 encouragements. First, he knew that it is the practice 
 of the House always to listen with courtesy and patience 
 to a new member; secondly, he was not an unpractised 
 speaker ; for, though he had not before spoken in the 
 House, he had often addressed popular assemblies outside, 
 and with success ; and, thirdly, he was well prepared, had 
 studied his subject, arranged his arguments, and set his notes 
 in due order. But, alas ! Mr. Wilfrid Lawson had reckoned 
 without his host. There was one thing which he had for-
 
 140 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 gotten, and on this he was wrecked. He had forgotten that 
 he might possibly have to rise near the dinner hour, and that 
 when men are rabidly hungry they are never courteous. It 
 was past seven when Mr. Lawson arose, and for some time 
 the House had been restless and noisy. Hardly would it 
 listen to Mr. Marsh whilst he showed how the Ballot had 
 failed in Australia. Still less courtesy did it award to Mr. 
 Fortescue when he spoke ; and when Mr. Lawson arose, 
 though there were faint cries of " New member ! " its 
 patience was utterly exhausted. Nor is this surprising. 
 Usually the House is very courteous to new members ; 
 but hunger, all over the world, overrides courtesy. At 
 the moment when Mr. Lawson arose a hundred tables — 
 in the dining-room, at the clubs, and in private houses — 
 were decked with damask and plate ; a hundred cooks 
 were looking with anxiety to their spits, and waiting 
 impatiently for the signal "to dish"; and twice a hundred 
 obsequious flunkies were at their posts, listening for the 
 carriage wheels and the impetuous knock of masters and 
 guests. And, more than this, here were actually present 
 between 300 and 400 hungry men, who knew all this, and, 
 more impatient than cooks and flunkies, were anxious to 
 rush away and dine. Is it wonderful, then, that when Mr. 
 Lawson arose all the courtesy which usually waits upon 
 new members failed ? Not at all. Men will, as we know 
 from scores of fearful narratives, eat one another when 
 hard pressed by hunger. " Why, hang it ! " said a score 
 of loungers in the lobby and at the bar, "here's another 
 man up." Who is he?" " WTiy, it's 'Old Jemmy's 
 nephew.' And they say he's a new member, and we 
 must hear him." "Oh, hang your new member! He 
 should choose a better time ; are we to have our dinner 
 spoiled through his impertinence ? Come, let us put him 
 down." And so the row began ; and what a row ! It
 
 MR. STANSFELD'S MAIDEN SPEECH. 141 
 
 began at the bar ; it was echoed from the back of the 
 chair, where other impatient malcontents had clustered; 
 it was taken up all along the Conservative benches. Even 
 on Mr. Lawson's own side of the House it was not less 
 furious ; and from the galleries above it poured down upon 
 his head. It was not merely a cry of " Divide, 'vide, 'vide ! " 
 but a regular storm of groans, and cheers, and laughter, 
 and indescribable noises. For a time Mr. Lawson stood 
 it bravely, occasionally speaking, and at other times looking 
 round with a sort of deprecatory and in2.ploring look ; but it 
 was of no use. When he spoke his words were drowned 
 in the storm, and bursts of laughter met his patient and 
 imploring looks. And so, in about five minutes, the hon. 
 member wisely sat down, pocketed his notes, and postponed 
 his debut as a speaker to a more favourable time. We, 
 however, who quietly marked the hon. member in the 
 midst of this noisy scene, augur favourably of him; for 
 we could not help noting that Mr. Lawson possesses at 
 least one qualification necessary to a speaker in the House 
 — namely, calm self-possession. 
 
 On Thursday we had another maiden speech, and a much 
 more successful one. The debuta7it on this occasion was Mr. 
 Stansfeld. He also is a new member, one of the creations of the 
 last general election. Mr. Stansfeld is member for the town 
 of HaHfax, where he was born, but he lives at Walham-green, 
 and has forsaken the Bar to brew beer for the citizens of 
 London. Mr. Stansfeld is also a Radical of the advanced 
 sort. He is specially known, however, amongst the workers 
 for Italian hberty as the fast friend of Mazzini. The Italian 
 Kepublican chief, we believe, lives with Mr. Stansfeld. It is 
 too soon to prognosticate that Mr. Stansfeld will become a 
 power in the House of Commons ; it is difficult to judge from 
 first attempts. Many a speaker has failed at first and suc- 
 ceeded afterwards ; whilst not a few have made tolerably good
 
 142 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 first speeches, and thus have raised hopes which their sub- 
 sequent attempts have not justified. Mr. Stansfeld's first 
 speech must be considered a success. His ease and self- 
 possession seemed to be perfect. What he meant to say- 
 he succeeded in saying, which is a great success to achieve 
 in a maiden speech. His manner was easy and unaffected, 
 if not very impressive ; whilst as to his matter, if there 
 were no very strong points, nor anything profound or new, 
 there was certainly nothing puerile or weak. In the House 
 Mr. Stansfeld's first attempt at speaking was universally 
 adjudged as having been very successful. Sir John Paking- 
 ton, who followed, characterised the speech as one of great 
 ability, and in private the congratulations which the honour- 
 able member received were hearty and numerous.
 
 CHAPTER XV. 
 
 THE GREAT PRIZE-FIGHT — SIR E. BULWER-LTTTON'S SPEECH 
 — PUMPING THUNDER — DISRAELI OUT OF TEMPER — THE 
 BUDGET OF 1861. 
 
 . . 'Ete'R since the ereat ficrht "two voices" have 
 
 April 28, 1860. ^ „ . . , . ^ 
 
 been talking within us — one urging that we 
 
 should say nothing about that event ; the other, with 
 
 equal pertinacity, moving us to speak. "I would not 
 
 say anything about that fight if I were you," said the 
 
 first. "Why not?" said the second. "Oh, it is such 
 
 a low, vulgar affair ; and it is not right that the people 
 
 of England should think that their ' conscript fathers ' 
 
 have taken an interest in such a disreputable business." 
 
 "But they did take an interest in it." "Yes, I know; 
 
 but it is not worth while to let the people know this. 
 
 Will it not tend to lower the august assembly in the 
 
 public mind? " " But we write the ' Inner Life,' remember, 
 
 and how can we in conscience conceal it from our readers ? " 
 
 " Ah, to be sure ! but as the sons of Noah threw a robe over 
 
 their father when they discovered him in the cave, so I would 
 
 advise that you should cast a veil over the weakness of the 
 
 House." But to this the second voice replied " No ! It is 
 
 best to be honest. Besides, is it so guilty a thing to do — to 
 
 read about, and take an interest in, this fight ? If so, verily 
 
 we are aU guilty ; for rely upon it that from the throne to the 
 
 14^
 
 144 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 cottage, and lower still, all felt more or less interested in this 
 fight." Whereupon Voice 1 uttered a deep sigh, and was 
 silent. 
 
 Yes, it is so. It cannot be denied. From the highest to 
 the lowest — peers and paupers — high dignitaries of the law 
 and high dignitaries of the church — the clergy, established 
 and dissenting — religious people and irreligious — all, more or 
 less, have been moved by this event. Why, then, should we 
 conceal the fact that here also the all-pervading excitement 
 was felt? We see no reason, and, therefore, shall proceed. 
 Well, then, here, as everywhere else, the fight between 
 Heenan and Sayers for several days was the engrossing 
 topic of all conversation. You might see by the earnestness 
 of strangers in the lobby that they had caught the mania. 
 Sometimes, indeed, they suited the action to the word, as the 
 orators inside are wont to do, and tried to show, as well as to 
 narrate, how the battle was fought. In the division lobbies 
 all day on Wednesday hon. members clustered in knots to 
 discuss this subject, and every man who had been present at 
 the fight was the centre of a circle of anxious inquirers ; and, 
 even in the House itself, whilst professedly engaged in the 
 business of legislation, hon. members in an undertone were 
 really debating the respective merits of the Champion and 
 the Benicia Boy. 
 
 On Friday night the subject of the fight was formally 
 brought before the House. Mr. W. Ewart, the member 
 for Dumfries, was the interpellator, and he introduced his 
 question to the Home Secretary with a speech. Mr. William 
 Ewart is well known in the House as a social reformer. He 
 goes in for the elevation of the people — advocates the estab- 
 lishment of local Hbraries, parks, and pleasure-grounds ; and 
 it was therefore appropriate for him to seek to put down this 
 sort of "brutalising exhibition." But the hon. member did 
 not take much by his move. It was not well timed. He
 
 SIE GEORGE CORNEWALL LEWIS. 146 
 
 should have waited a week or two, when possibly the House 
 will have returned to its right mind. The hon. gentleman 
 talked for about a quarter of an hour, but very little of what 
 he said was heard, and the ironical cheers with which he was 
 greeted showed unmistakably that the House was not in the 
 mood to be improved by his sermon. 
 
 When he sat down Mr. Vincent Scully rose, and was 
 received with loud cheers. Mr. Scully is an Irishman, with 
 more than the usual dash of Irish hmnour in him, and is 
 therefore generally received with mirth when he rises to 
 address the House. On this occasion the expectation of 
 amusement was fully justified, for, to the surprise of every- 
 body, he, too, had a lecture to deliver on this "outrage on 
 public morals." Coming from an Irishman this was droll 
 enough ; but when Mr. Scully said that in Ireland such 
 exhibitions would not be tolerated, and expressed a hope 
 that the Home Secretary would treat the subject in a serious 
 manner, the mirth of the House became uncontrollable. 
 
 At last the Home Secretary rose, and in a moment the 
 House became quiet. The Home Secretary is the deity who 
 presides over the police of the nation, and the fight, therefore, 
 came properly within the cognisance of his department ; and 
 when he came from behind his cloud it was expected that 
 his deliverance on the question would be very solemn and 
 serious. The disapprovers of the fight anticipated a smile 
 of encouragement ; those who sanctioned it expected to be 
 transfixed by a frown. No wonder, then, that when Sir 
 George Cornewall Lewis rose a solemn silence pervaded 
 the House. But Sir George Lewis disappointed all the 
 expectations which were entertained ; for he neither blessed 
 the opponents of prize-fights with a smile nor transfixed 
 the advocates with a frown. Nor did he take exactly a 
 middle course. Indeed, beneath his carefully studied lan- 
 guage it was easy to see that, whilst he was not prepared 
 
 VOL. I. 11
 
 146 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 to sanction pugilistic encounters, he was certainly not 
 inclined to pour out upon them the vials of his divine 
 wrath. If by office he is divine, he showed that by 
 nature he is human. Of course, occupying the high 
 position which he fills, he could not directly defend prize- 
 fights ; he therefore showed the House how the advocates 
 defended them. " It was said " (such was the artful manner 
 in which the Home Secretary delivered himself) "that the 
 pugilistic encounter afibrded a model of fair fighting. It was 
 said that it afibrded an inducement to practise a mode of 
 fighting better than the use of the bowie-knife or the 
 stiletto, or that other mode of fighting not uncommon in 
 Ireland — viz., with the shillelagh." The allusion to the 
 bowie-knife was one for America's nob. The mention of 
 the stiletto pointed at Italy ; whilst the allusion to the 
 shillelagh was directed at Mr. Scully. This part of Sir 
 George's speech was loudly cheered by the partisans of 
 the ring, and especially the latter part of it. Here the 
 cheers and laughter made the walls echo again ; and the 
 gravity of the serious part of the House — including Mr. 
 Scully — was disturbed. On the whole, then, the impres- 
 sion was, that so intense had been the interest felt in the 
 fight that even the gods themselves were moved, as of old 
 they used to be (see Homer, Virgil, &c.), if not to take part 
 in it, to look down with feelings of anything but disapproval. 
 And, after this, what could be said on the question ? When 
 Sir George had finished the majority of the members rose 
 like a flock of birds, and, as they sped away, chuckled merrily 
 over the result of Mr. Ewart's questions. But we must not 
 neglect here to note one singular fact. Whilst Sir George 
 was speaking it was observed that a humorous smile 
 irradiated his face. Those who know Sir George will be 
 struck with this as a remarkable phenomenon. 
 
 And what did the members proceed to do? Shall we
 
 SIE EDWAED BULWER-LYTTON. 147 
 
 divulge it? ^Tiy not, after such a speech as that of Sir 
 George Cornev;all Lewis ? Well, then, some few of the 
 faster sort stationed themselves in the division lobby and 
 levied toll ux^on the passers-by for the benefit of Tom Sayers ; 
 and they were very successful in their exactions, for before 
 the night closed upwards of seventy honourable members had 
 subscribed a sovereign each, and since then the number has, 
 we learn, increased to a hundred. Now, here is a fine 
 opportunity for a moral sermon. And there are not wanting 
 materials for an exceedingly eloquent and edifying discourse. 
 We might contrast the beginning and ending of this episode 
 — how it commenced with the Speaker at the table, the robed 
 chaplain at his side, and the members with their faces tm^ned 
 to the wall, all solemnly engaged in prayer; and how it 
 finished with a collection for a prize-fighter. We might 
 also summon up those solemn old Puritan members of 
 the Long Parliament — Cromwell, Hampden, Pym, and 
 others — ^to fro^vn upon these proceedings ; and might dwell 
 largely on the degeneracy of the modern House as compared 
 with that sturdy Pmitan race. But we forbear, for in truth 
 we are in no mood now to moralise ; for we frankly confess 
 that we, too, have eaten of the insane root and partaken with 
 the ungodly of this widespread excitement. We are almost 
 ashamed of it ; but so it is, and there we must leave it. 
 
 On Thursday night, when the order for the 
 
 May 5, I860. ,. , /, ^ , ^ ^ „ 
 
 adjourned debate on the second readmg oi 
 
 the Reform Bill stood fiirst on the paper, it was kno^^Ti 
 
 that Sir Edward Bulwer-Lytton intended to deliver an 
 
 oration, which for several days he had been studying 
 
 and moulding into form, and hence at an early hour 
 
 the house was well filled. It will be remembered that 
 
 when Sir Edward was Colonial Secretary^ in the Derby 
 
 Government his health failed, and then very mom'nful
 
 148 THE INNEB LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 forebodings were whispered in the clubs and lobbies that 
 we should probably never hear Sir Edward's voice again in 
 Parliament. We have, however, now to report, and it is with 
 great pleasure that we do so, that these forebodings have 
 all been falsified, and that the right hon. Baronet is quite 
 well — looks, indeed, better than we have seen him for some 
 years past ; further, we notice that he has divested his 
 face of some of the shaggy hirsute disfigurements which 
 he used to delight in ; and still again, that he has wonder- 
 fully improved in his manner and action. Sir Edward's 
 action whilst speaking used to be most extraordinary, 
 grotesque, and ungainly. He would throw himself back- 
 wards until you would imagine that he must fall to his 
 seat, and again would bend his body forward like a dervish 
 performing his devotions. All this he has, however, altered, 
 and his action is modest and graceful compared with 
 what it was, although it is still much more energetic and 
 various than that of any other speaker in the House, always 
 excepting Mr. Whiteside, whose gesticulation is more extra- 
 vagant than can be conceived by any one who has not seen 
 that hon. gentleman " on his legs." On the whole, then, Sir 
 Edward as an orator is wonderfully altered. The clipping 
 and singeing which he has undergone has greatly improved 
 his personal appearance, and the moderating of his gesticula- 
 tion has added considerably to the effect of his deHvery. But 
 still there is one fault left, which does and must ever, unless 
 it can be got over, detract from the power and effectiveness 
 of his speaking — we mean the incapacity under which he 
 suffers to modulate properly his voice, so far as modulation 
 means inflecting or varying the tone. Sir Edward has the 
 power of modulation, for the fault which we complain of is 
 that he varies and inflects too much, too violently we may 
 say ; for sometimes he shouts out at the top of his voice, and 
 anon he sinks it into something very much like a whisper ;
 
 A GEEAT SPEECH? 149 
 
 and the effect is that when he speaks loudly his words 
 at the close of his sentences become merely inarticulate 
 sounds, and when he sinks his voice he is to most of the 
 members, especially to the elder ones, inaudible. The cause 
 of this is not far to seek — the right hon. Baronet is distress- 
 ingly deaf. Not only is it difficult for him to hear what 
 others say to him, but he cannot hear well what he says to 
 others. Hence it is obvious that it is impossible that he can 
 vary and inflect his voice with that nice perception which is 
 so necessary to an orator. A pianoforte-player might play, 
 perhaps, effectively, even though he were deaf ; Beethoven, 
 we know, did long after he had ceased to hear. But how 
 would it be with a violin-player, who depends upon nicety of 
 ear quite as much as upon delicacy of touch to produce the 
 right sound? It is remarkable that in the gallery we seem to 
 have heard Sir Edward better than the members below, but 
 the reporters there were often grievously at fault, and fre- 
 quently had to guess at some of the right hon. Baronet's 
 words. More than one member left the House in despair 
 and wandered about the lobby, and when asked why they 
 did not go in, replied that they must read the speech, for 
 they could not hear it. 
 
 It has been over and over again said that this speech 
 of Sir Edward's was "a great speech." "Did you hear 
 Bulwer's speech?" was a question often put during the 
 evening. " Yes ; and a magnificent speech it was — the 
 greatest speech which I ever heard him deliver," was gener- 
 ally the reply. " I think," said one enthusiastic Conservative, 
 " that it was one of the greatest speeches that ever were 
 delivered in the House." And in many senses it was *' a 
 great speech." It was long, and, in the opinion of not a 
 few, length is an important element of a great speech. It 
 was got up, moreover, with great care. Many hours had, 
 no doubt, been spent by Sir Edward over this oration. The
 
 150 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 topics of the speech were well arranged ; the rhetoric was 
 perfect ; the sentences were composed with as much care as 
 an Etonian gives to his Latin verses. Every word seemed 
 to have been accurately examined and weighed before it was 
 adopted, and the language was that of an accomplished and 
 long-practised writer ; but, when we come to read the speech 
 as we find it in the Times, we do not discover much that is new 
 in it. It is simply a rehash of old objections to the extension 
 of the franchise elegantly served up. The objections may be 
 true (upon this subject we offer no opinion here), but they are 
 certainly not new. There were no thoughts which hang by 
 you and will not away ; nor any of those beautiful illustra- 
 tions which we find in the speeches of the old masters of 
 oratory, which haunt the memory like some of the melodies 
 of Beethoven and Mozart. On the whole, then, we decide 
 that, if this was a great speech, it was only so for these 
 times, and not for all time : great because it stands out well 
 amongst the vulgar littlenesses which are so common now, 
 but not essentially and truly great. 
 
 ^ , ^ '' The thunder of Demosthenes " has become a 
 Jane 9, 1860. 
 
 settled phrase ; and no doubt Demosthenes was 
 
 a real thunderer, and when he 
 
 " Shook the arsenal 
 And fukoined over Greece," 
 
 it was no stage trick ; but there have not been many real 
 oratorical thunderers in the world, and especially in modem 
 times. There were some in the Long Parliament, though 
 they did not indulge in protracted roars, but rather in short, 
 sharp, explosive claps, which are said to be more dangerous. 
 At all events, the Puritan thunder was wonderfully effective, 
 as we know. Mirabeau, too, was a genuine thunderer, and 
 Danton ; but since them there have been very few thunderers
 
 " PUMPED-THUNDEE," 151 
 
 indeed. Brougham, we take it, was genuine ; for that could 
 not have been a mimetic bolt which made Canning jump from 
 his seat and shout in excited tones, " It is false ! " In these 
 days we have no thunderers — literally none. Disraeli some- 
 times tries to come the thunderer, but he does not succeed ; 
 and never did he fail more decidedly than he did on Monday 
 night when he spoke on Lord John Russell's Eeform 
 Bill. That he meant to be very grand and effective there 
 is no doubt. All his manner showed that he intended to 
 thunder, and transfix Lord John with a fatal bolt. He began 
 in that peculiar calm way of his which he always adopts 
 when he means mischief. He walked up to the table 
 quietly ; he pulled down his waistcoat ; he adjusted his 
 coat-sleeves ; he thrust his hands into his trousers pockets. 
 At first his language was rather complimentary than other- 
 wise. Disraeli often preludes a tremendous attack with oily 
 compliments — like the boa-constrictor licking the animal 
 that he means to devour. But gradually he becomes 
 more excited, and at length he got into a more furious 
 rage than we ever saw him in before. He threw his 
 arms about ; he clenched his fist and shook it passionately 
 at the noble Lord opposite, and he shrieked so loudly that 
 his voice was heard in the outer lobby. But there was 
 evidently no reality in all this. It was clearly "pmxiped 
 thimder" — nothing more. It was prompted by no real 
 feeling ; it was inspired by no real anger. We have 
 heard Brougham in the House, years ago ; and when he 
 thundered we, in common with all present, have held our 
 breath and felt creep over us a cold shudder, as he gathered 
 up his strength to hurl his bolts. But nobody felt this 
 or anything like it when Disraeli was speaking on Monday 
 night. The Conservatives — the few of them that stopped 
 (for be it known that in the midst of all this storm many 
 of them crawled away to dinner) — cheered uproariously ; but
 
 152 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 the cheers were, like the thunder, pumped, and not genuine 
 and hearty. And as to Lord John, who was the object at 
 which the orator was aiming, so far from being frightened, 
 and awed, and cowed, he sat on the Treasury bench and 
 smiled. When Disraeli sat down nobody with excited 
 manner and hurried tones got up to answer him ; but, 
 just as if nothing had happened, the next business was 
 called, and Mr. Mackinnon arose and introduced his motion. 
 In short, one actor left the stage, the scene shifted, and 
 another actor came on. Yes, it was mere acting ; not 
 " Heaven's own artillery," all this noise, but pumped 
 thunder — nothing more. 
 
 ^ ^ The Session of 1860 is at an end. It has been 
 
 Sept. 1, 1860. 
 
 the longest Session which we have had for many 
 
 years. It began on Tuesday, January 24; it finished on 
 Tuesday, August 28 : lasting thirty-one weeks and one 
 day. And not only has it been the longest but the 
 severest of modern Sessions. Indeed, it may be ques- 
 tioned whether the House of Commons has ever before in 
 one Session sat so many hom'S. In the earlier part of the 
 Session — about the first week or so — the House occasionally 
 rose before twelve ; but since then, as a rule, it has sat on 
 till two o'clock, often till three, and in several instances it 
 touched upon four in the morning. The labour of the 
 Session, therefore, has been exceedingly severe. Fortunately, 
 however, the weather has not been oppressively hot, and the 
 Thames has been unusually inodorous ; otherwise the officers 
 of the House, and the members of the Government who were 
 obliged to be present, would certainly have broken down ; we 
 must except, however. Lord Palmerston, for upon him neither 
 labour nor weather seems to make the smallest impression. 
 He enters the House soon after it meets ; he stops, as a rule, 
 till it closes, and then walks away seemingly as fresh as he
 
 "PAM." 153 
 
 was when he came. Some people wonder when he eats and 
 sleeps. The answer is, he eats and sleeps on the premises — 
 eats at the restaurant ; sleeps on the benches. The noble 
 Lord apparently has the power to sleep at will. When a 
 long-winded orator rises he can fold his arms, and at once, 
 without effort, enter the land of dreams ; when another gets 
 up whom he wishes to hear, he can, with equal facility, shake 
 off his sleep. He has no occasion to court Sleep, for she is 
 always ready to welcome him, and he has no trouble in getting 
 rid of her. Suddenly he falls asleep when he wishes, and 
 suddenly, when required to be so, he is wide awake, attentive, 
 and ready to speak, and, what is more remarkable, he seems 
 to lose nothing by his sleep ; for in his winding-up speeches, 
 as we have often noticed, every point of importance is touched 
 upon, every false statement is corrected, and not an argument 
 of any weight is left unanswered. All this is owing, no doubt, 
 to habit and long experience. His experience tells him when 
 he can go to sleep in safety ; by habit he has become enabled 
 to sleep and wake at will. When a Darby Griffith rises, for 
 example, his Lordship knows he may go off quietly into a 
 snooze ; and so long as the soothing ripple of Mr. Griffith's 
 eloquence continues to flow the noble Lord continues sleep- 
 ing ; probably it lulls rather than disturbs him, just as the 
 quiet murmur of a brook soothes a tired rustic on its banks. 
 We have ourselves found it have this effect. But if, when 
 Griffith sits down, Disraeli should rise, the charm is broken 
 in a moment, and at once the noble Lord is all ear and 
 attention. It is a wonderful faculty, this, of sleeping and 
 waking at will, and very useful to the noble Lord ; but to 
 others who have it not it is disadvantageous, for it makes the 
 noble Lord — to the great distress of those who cannot sleep 
 and wake at will — careless of the prolongation of the sitting 
 of the House. We ourselves have often wished that the 
 noble Lord were like unto other men. It has long been
 
 154 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 noticed in the House that when Lord Palmerston is leader 
 of the Government we always sit late, whilst Lord John 
 Kussell and Disraeli are averse from long sittings. It is 
 rumoured that next Session a resolute attempt will be 
 made to put a stop to these late sittings. The members 
 who cannot stop have become jealous of them, as well 
 they may be, for it often happens that measures in which 
 they take a deep interest are smuggled through the House 
 when they are quietly in bed. Indeed, there has arisen a 
 general outcry against them. The reporters in the gallery 
 have long since silently expressed their view of the matter, 
 for it will have been observed that nothing has been reported 
 at length during the past Session after about one o'clock. 
 Let us hope, then, that next Session we shall have a reform. 
 It may be easily accomplished. Two or three resolute men — 
 or even one — might effectually stop all business at a certain 
 hour. 
 
 "Well, it has been a barren Session, a fruitless Session, 
 a blank Session, after all. Those chattering members have 
 sat long, but have done nothing. The mountain has laboured, 
 and has brought nothing forth but a ridiculous mouse." 
 Thus grumble, no doubt, nine-tenths of our readers, for 
 thus barks the Times, and thus, in chorus, has barked all 
 the daily, weekly, metropolitan, and provincial press. But 
 the verdict is not true, nevertheless. On the contrary, the 
 Session has been anything but barren. Parliament has, it is 
 true, not done the work w^hich was given it to do, but it has 
 got through a marvellous amount of labour ; and when the 
 historian shall sum up the results of the Session of 1860 it 
 will be fomid to have been a long way from fruitless. For 
 instance, it has accepted and ratified the French Treaty, and 
 passed all the measures springing therefrom. It has voted 
 about i67'2, 000,000 of money ; it has decided upon fortifpng 
 our dockyards, &c. ; it has abolished the Indian Army ; it has
 
 "WHAT IS THE MATTEE WITH DISRAELI?" 155 
 
 reformed the naval code of laws ; and, altogether, it has passed 
 about 100 public and some 250 private Bills. Even this, 
 however, is by no means the extent of its labours, for it 
 has split itself up into Committees, and in a few weeks 
 at least a dozen blue-books will testify against the cry 
 that this has been a barren Session. Upon the value of 
 its labours, whether the measures which Parliament has 
 passed be good or bad, we offer no opinion here ; but 
 that it was worked hard and with large results we must 
 afl&rm against all comers. 
 
 What is the matter with Mr. Disraeli ? Is he 
 Mar. 28, 1861. 
 
 dyspeptic, that he has lately shown such signs 
 
 of irritability? Or does the state of affairs behind annoy 
 him? The open revolt of the sturdy and uncompro- 
 mising Bentinck, who is evidently kicking against Caucasian 
 rule, and seems determined to set up on his own hook ; and 
 the jealousies, and antagonisms, and contrarieties which 
 appear to be flowing out of Italian affairs — we know not 
 what it is ; but it is evident that something frets him, for 
 lately he has on more than one occasion shown a sensitiveness 
 which he had never shown before. For example, a week or 
 two ago he rose, and, in excited tones, called the Home 
 Secretary over the coals because some Bill which was down 
 upon the paper had not been brought on, and wanted to know 
 when it would be brought on. " It was announced that it 
 was to be taken that night. Hon. members had waited in 
 considerable numbers for the Bill. Why was it again post- 
 poned ? When would it really be taken ? Such a loose 
 management of public affairs was exceedingly inconvenient," 
 &c. Hon. members stared at this explosion, and wondered 
 what it meant. " Has the worthy Home Secretary, usually 
 so methodical and frank in his business arrangements, and so 
 willing in all his plans to make things agreeable to foes as well
 
 156 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 as friends, really been guilty of some mistake ? " What can it 
 mean? Our surprise was still further increased when Sir 
 George, in his calm way, called the attention of the right hon, 
 gentleman to the fact that he (Sir George) had positively 
 announced on the Monday preceding that the Bill would not 
 come on, but would only be put down on the paper that he 
 might fix a convenient day for its discussion. Again, there 
 was that singular episode of Friday night. The gallant, gay, 
 and somewhat reckless, roving Sir Eobert Peel was speaking 
 and, thinking that Mr. Disraeli was smiling at something 
 which he had said, took the liberty of remarking " that the 
 right hon. member for Buckinghamshire seemed to be ex- 
 cessively amused ; " whereupon up jumped the right hon. 
 gentleman " to order," and rebuked the hon. Baronet for his 
 impertinence. Now, no doubt, Sir Eobert was mistaken; 
 and, possibly, by a little stretching of the standing rules of 
 debate, he might be deemed to be out of order. But surely it 
 was hardly worth notice, and not a little infra dig., for a man 
 in Mr. Disraeli's position to notice it. And here we may 
 express our curiosity to know what Mr. Speaker would have 
 done if Sir Eobert had continued to refuse an apology. " I 
 do not see," said Sir Eobert, " that the remark of Mr. Speaker 
 calls for any observation." "Then," said Mr. Speaker, "I 
 shall feel it necessary to express a more decided opinion." 
 Query, what opinion would he have expressed ? All this, to 
 us, seems to be very small — invoking the thunder of the gods 
 to kill a fly. Mr. Disraeli probably did not smile at all : we 
 should say he certainly did not, for he seldom smiles. But 
 no sin would have been committed if he had. Nor do we 
 see that Sir Eobert's allusion, mistaken though he was, called 
 for Mr. Disraeli's denial, or the rebuke of Mr. Speaker. 
 
 Monday was the great Budget night, and such 
 April 20, 1861. ^/ • ^ 7 , xi m_ n e ,x. 
 
 was the anxiety to hear the Chancellor oi the
 
 THE BUDGET NIGHT. 157 
 
 Exchequer unfold his financial scheme, that as early as ten 
 o'clock in the morning St. Stephen's gateway was lined with 
 strangers having orders, come thus early to be sure of 
 admission. The House opens at four ; these gentlemen 
 had therefore to wearily wait, seated upon the bare stone 
 benches, for six hours. Sm'ely the mania outside the House 
 to hear a speech is stronger even than the mania inside to 
 make one. At fom' o'clock the House was full, and the lobby 
 was so crowded that it was not without difficulty that the 
 sturdy superintendent of the police and his force could keep 
 a narrow lane clear for the members to pass. " Under the 
 gallery," where the Peers have a right to places, was so 
 packed that the biggest of wigs had to stand. Thus, for 
 example, the Bishop of London could nowhere find a seat, 
 nor the Lord Chancellor, nor even the Commander-in-chief 
 of her Majesty's forces, his Koyal Highness the Duke of 
 Cambridge, but were obliged to stand in a narrow gangway 
 and look over one another's shoulders as well as they could. 
 They came late, the Eoyal and noble representatives of the 
 Army, the Church, and the Law, and thus paid the penalty 
 of their want of punctuality. At half-past four Gladstone 
 tripped through the crowd, took his green box, "big with 
 fate," from the doorkeeper, and entered the House ; and in 
 a few minutes afterwards he was upon his legs opening his 
 Budget, with the House thronged, and some thousand eyes 
 fixed upon him, and some thousand ears open to devom' his 
 words. The silence was as of the grave ; the anxiety was 
 intense. And what wonder when we consider that of that 
 closely packed assembly of over 700 men (including strangers) 
 not ten, probably, knew that box's contents which the 
 Chancellor was about to expose. The Conservatives hoped, 
 the Liberals feared, that he would have a deficiency. Indeed 
 this was pretty confidently expected by all parties, both inside 
 and outside ; and even up to the last the question asked was,
 
 158 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 not what will be done with the surplus, but how will 
 Gladstone provide for the deficiency? The Liberals asked 
 the question with dismay — the Conservatives with triumph, 
 hoping to get the Chancellor of the Exchequer upon the hip, 
 and perhaps oust him from the Government. ** I don't see," 
 said a Conservative, "how he is to make up the deficiency 
 without an additional income tax, and if he proposes that 
 he is done." "Well, we shall have no repeal of the paper 
 duty this year," said an advanced Liberal, "that's clear." 
 And when gradually the Chancellor unfolded his scroll, and 
 showed that, instead of its being written all over with 
 lamentations and woe, it was radiant with success in the 
 past and hope for the future, and that, instead of having 
 a deficiency to provide for, he had a surplus to distribute, 
 the joy of the Liberal party was unbounded, and the 
 astonishment of the Opposition was manifest. Long and 
 loud were the cheers on the Government side when the 
 fact was fairly brought out. Whigs and Radicals all 
 cheered, from the smug Whig doctrinaire who shoves his 
 knees into the backs of the Ministers down to the broadest 
 and most uncompromising Radical on the extreme right. 
 All were of one mind for once, and every face was radiant 
 with delight. But on the other side all grew dark as night. 
 This Budget had been looked forward to not without hope ; 
 and ever since the opening of the Session, when it was asked 
 "whether anything was going to happen," the reply univer- 
 sally was, "We must wait for the Budget, and see how 
 Gladstone provides for his deficiency;" and now to see 
 this hoped-for dark deficiency resolve itself, as in a dissolving 
 view, into a golden balance in hand of some two millions was 
 not pleasant. But we must close. Of the speech itself we 
 must not speak. On the surpassing power to simplify and 
 even brilliantly illuminate masses of dull and intricate figures, 
 and the wonderful tact, and talent, and eloquence which it
 
 GLADSTONE. 159 
 
 displayed, we must not venture to say a word. For three 
 hours the Chancellor of the Exchequer held the House by 
 his enchantments, and when he sat down there was a bm'st 
 of cheers so vigorous, so long, and so loud, as to prove that 
 at all events the orator had not tired his audience.
 
 CHAPTER XVI. 
 
 LORD ROBERT CECIL. 
 
 Lord Eobert Cecil is a thorougli-going Tory, 
 one of the few specimens of the old genus — now 
 almost extinct. On the whole, the noble Lord is unquestion- 
 ably an able man, and when unexcited can talk reasonably 
 well. That he can write well we all know, unless the report 
 that it was he who wrote the severe article in the Quarterly 
 Beview upon Disraeli, and that he is one of the foremost 
 contributors to the Saturday Bevieiv, is not true. But the 
 noble Lord is excitable, and the bitter language in which he 
 assailed the Chancellor of the Exchequer, though strictly 
 within rules, was, as Sir George Grey reminded him, such 
 as, happily, is seldom heard in the House. The noble Lord 
 was certainly answerable for much of the passion which pre- 
 vailed on this occasion ; and it really would be advisable that, 
 before he again takes part in the debates, he should accept 
 the counsel quietly offered by Mr. Gladstone, and " revise his 
 vocabulary." It was whilst Lord Eobert was speaking that 
 the storm was at its height ; and we shall not soon forget the 
 astounding roar of cheers from the Conservatives which 
 burst out when he described the Chancellor of the Exchequer's 
 conduct as " that of a pettifogging attorney, rather than a 
 statesman," nor the indignant blast of groans with which it 
 was answered. 
 
 160
 
 WHAT DID DISEAELI MEAN? 161 
 
 And, now, what was the conduct of Mr. Disraeli in this 
 extraordinary scene ? Well, if the truth must be told, it was 
 neither politic nor fortunate. The Conservative leader was, 
 we humbly venture to think, impolitic in the first place in 
 giving sanction to this factious opposition. A leader of a 
 great party should always steer clear of faction, for neither 
 reputation nor influence is to be gained in such an arena. 
 But, if he was impolitic in sanctioning this factious contest, 
 he was still more so in the mode in which he did it. For 
 example, what political reason could be given for his rising to 
 speak when the announcement of the adjournment had been 
 made? The fight was over; the victory, such as it was, had 
 been gained ; members were on the wing ; the excitement 
 which had prevailed was rapidly subsiding, as it happily 
 always does on such occasions amongst English gentlemen. 
 Why should he have prolonged it ? His object seemed to be 
 to defend Lord Kobert Cecil from the implied censure con- 
 veyed in the advice of Mr. Gladstone. But if this was his 
 object he was not fortunate, for, in truth, he succeeded 
 rather in damaging than defending ; as, in his anxiety to 
 throw his shield over the noble Lord, he unintentionally 
 struck him a blow upon the head. For example — he began 
 first by complimenting with singular adroitness the noble 
 Lord " on the efficiency of his powers of expression " — 
 a phrase which had so obviously a double meaning that it 
 really appeared at first as if the speaker had intended, under 
 the cover of praise, to convey sarcasm. Of course the oppo- 
 nents of the noble Lord saw the ambiguity of the phrase, and 
 cheered and laughed uproariously. But, as if this was not 
 bad enough, Mr. Disraeli went on to congratulate the noble 
 Lord upon his debating powers, and to express a hope that 
 " he would soon again take a part in the debates of the House 
 in which he had so greatly distinguished himself." Now, 
 here was another most unfortunate turn of expression, 
 
 VOL. I. 12
 
 162 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 for it seemed to have a double significance ; not meant 
 as such, of course, but so obvious that the Liberals seized 
 hold of it, and again accepted the phrase with such pro- 
 longed cheers and laughter that for the space of a minute 
 or more Disraeli was kept standing upon his legs quite unable 
 to proceed, and, as our readers may well suppose, not in a 
 very enviable state of mind. Indeed, it now became obvious 
 that the great leader was fretted, and worried, and excited ; 
 for, on resuming, he turned round on Gladstone, exclaiming 
 in a manner, to say the least of it, not dignified, "It is all 
 very well to bully a colleague, but there is one party which 
 he could assure the Chancellor of the Exchequer that it would 
 be impossible to bully, and that was the English House of 
 Commons."
 
 CHAPTEE XVII. 
 
 SPEECHES OF ME. DISRAELI AND LOED PALMEESTON ON 
 THE DEATH OF THE PRINCE CONSORT — MR. LOWE, AS 
 VICE-PEE SIDENT OF THE COMMITTEE OF COUNCIL ON 
 EDUCATION, INTRODUCES THE REVISED EDUCATION CODE 
 — SIE STAFFOED NORTHCOTE. 
 
 „ , , Disraeli made a set speech upon the death of 
 
 Feb. 15, 1862. , ^ . ^ .\ , 
 
 the Prmce Consort, evidently got up especially 
 
 for the occasion ; and it was cleverly done : artistically 
 manufactured, and dramatically delivered. Every sentence 
 was an excellent piece of joinery — planed and polished like 
 burnished steel ; and all agreed that it was a clever speech, 
 and praised it much. But it did not produce any marked 
 effect on the House ; for, with all its artistic construction, 
 it lacked the Promethean fire of earnestness. We admired 
 it, but it excited no feeling. The speech, however, was 
 highly characteristic, for the right honourable gentleman is 
 utterly devoid of pathos. In all his works (and we have 
 read most of them) we do not recollect a line that touches 
 the emotion of his hearers. He is excellent at description, 
 though his descriptions are sometimes faulty in taste ; he 
 can set the House in a roar by his wit ; he can point a 
 sarcasm and hurl it at his opponents with damaging effect ; 
 and, at times, he can discover something of the quality of 
 humour in his writings and speeches ; but over the hearts 
 
 163
 
 164 THE INNEB LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 of his hearers and readers he has no control ; and whilst we 
 laugh at his wit, are hurt by his sarcasm, are struck with 
 his descriptive power, we still feel that there is a great 
 separating gulf between him and the bulk of mankind. 
 " One touch of nature makes the whole world kin." Mr. 
 Disraeli wants that touch. It was a splendid opportunity 
 for an orator, that Thursday night. There were for topics 
 a beloved Prince suddenly snatched away, a widowed Queen, 
 fatherless Princes, and a sorrowing nation for an audience ; 
 but Disraeli, though he had evidently prepared himself for 
 the occasion, failed to use it to effect. 
 
 When Disraeli sat down Lord Palmerston rose ; but he 
 did not speak with his usual power. There was no sign 
 of bodily feebleness. His voice was still clear and ringing 
 as ever ; but we missed the easy flow of words — especially 
 in that part of the speech which referred to the death of 
 the Prince — which generally marks the speeches of the 
 noble Lord. But it is known that Lord Palmerston is not 
 good at a panegyric. Every man has his gift. Lord 
 Palmerston's gift is debate, and especially on foreign 
 affairs ; but still there was a marked difference between the 
 noble Lord's speech and that of his predecessor. If there 
 was not the reality of sorrow there was something very 
 much like it, and the effect was apparent. 
 
 To Mr. Kobert Lowe belongs the honour of 
 Feb. 22, 1862. . 
 
 having delivered the dreariest speech that has 
 
 been uttered in the House of Commons within the memory 
 of the oldest member. He began to speak at half-past 
 four o'clock, or thereabouts; he sat down when the. hands 
 of the dial had reached twenty minutes past eight. He 
 spoke, therefore, nearly four hours. But it was not the 
 length of the speech that was remarkable, for Gladstone has 
 more than once spoktn as long ; Disraeli, in 1852, when he
 
 FOUK HOURS OF MONOTONE. 165 
 
 propounded his first Budget, and Palmerston when he 
 defended his foreign policy in 1850, longer. It was the 
 dreary monotony of the speech that distinguished it above 
 all others that we ever heard. It was as monotonous as the 
 hum of the bumble-bee or as the drone of a bagpipe. In 
 short, the speech was a prolonged monotone of four hours' 
 length. For an hour or more we followed that dull, 
 monotonous sound, and we can declare that during all that 
 time it did not vary a quarter-tone from the original key. 
 At times the right honourable gentleman spoke somewhat 
 louder or lower than at others, but the key was always the 
 same ; and the effect of the monotony was dreary in the 
 extreme. Of course, listening to the speech throughout was 
 an impossibility ; nature is incapable of such a labour. 
 When men travel through a sandy desert of miles in extent, 
 they find it quite impossible after an hour or two to keep 
 their attention fixed upon the route. They either fall asleep 
 upon their horses or into a reverie upon objects and scenes far 
 away. And so it was in the House on that Thursday night. 
 It was an interesting subject that Mr. Lowe had to deal 
 with, and one which had been much agitated dm^ing the 
 recess, and so anxious were many of the members to under- 
 stand it that they anticipated or postponed their dinners to 
 hear what the Vice-President of the Education Board had 
 to say upon this vexed question. But it soon became clear 
 that all their resolution to listen sedulously was in vain ; 
 nothing could withstand the mesmeric influence of that dull, 
 monotonous sound; and, after the first hour, it became 
 evident that three-fourths of the members, though present 
 in the body, were absent in spirit, and far away from the 
 scene in the land of reverie or dream. " But it was an able 
 speech," some reader may perhaps observe. To which w^e 
 answer — no doubt a very able speech, showing great know- 
 ledge of the subject, cleverness in answering objections, and
 
 166 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 indications everywhere that the speaker is no common man ; 
 and we venture to think that the pubHcation of this speech 
 will produce a powerful impression upon the minds of the 
 people, correcting many mistakes and clearing from the 
 public mind many false notions — in short, a triumphantly 
 successful speech, and one which, when the subject comes 
 to be debated again and again, will stand, in the main, 
 unanswered and unanswerable. But as to the manner in 
 which it was delivered, that, we must maintain, was 
 supremely bad ; and here we cannot help remarking upon the 
 strangeness of the fact that so accomj)lished and generally 
 able a man as Mr. Lowe is should be unable to deliver a 
 speech with anything like effect. But poeta nascitur non 
 fit ; and so it is with the orator, we suppose. 
 
 Still, though Mr. Lowe cannot deliver a speech except in 
 the monotonous, colourless, dreary manner we have described, 
 he must, if we come to think of his career, be considered a 
 remarkable man. Just let us glance at that career. Mr. 
 Lowe is the son of the Eev. Robert Lowe, a country clergy- 
 man. He was educated at Winchester and at University 
 College, Oxford, where he took a first class in classics and 
 second in mathematics. In 1842 he was called to the Bar 
 at Lincoln's Inn, and in the same year went to Australia, 
 and immediately on his arrival got into a lucrative practice 
 at the colonial Bar. In 1843 he became member of the 
 colonial Council, was elected for Sydney in 1848, and in 
 1850 returned to England with a fortune. In 1852 he got 
 into Parliament for Kidderminster, and in July of the same 
 year he gained so much credit by an able critical analysis of 
 Disraeli's Budget that in the next year he was appointed 
 one of the Secretaries of the old Board of Control. In 1855 
 he became Vice-President to the Board of Trade, and in 
 1859 was appointed President of the Board of Health and 
 yice-President of the Education Board of the Privy Coimcil,
 
 EOBEET Lowe's cakeer. . 167 
 
 which offices he now holds. This is the right hon. gentle- 
 man's career. He took a high position — nearly the highest 
 — at college ; he made a fortune in Australia in less than ten 
 years ; he got into office here at home within a year after 
 he entered Parliament ; and now he is high in office, and 
 a member of the Privy Council. And all this he has done 
 without the aid of family or other influence, but simply by 
 his own abilities. The personal appearance of Mr. Lowe is 
 singular. Though not an old man — fifty-one years of age — 
 his hair is perfectly white, and his eyebrows and lashes are 
 the same,whilst his eyes, which are small and deep-seated, 
 are pink. When he first came into the House it was said 
 that he was an Albino ; and an old grumbling Conservative 
 was once heard to say, " I don't know what the House of 
 Commons will come to. Here, I am told, we've got an 
 Albanian now come amongst us ; I wonder what we shall 
 have next — a nigger, I suppose." Mr. Lowe is not very 
 popular in the House ; he is sarcastic, defiant in tone, and 
 intolerant of opposition ; and there is a general suspicion in 
 the House that he v^rites for a certain morning paper, and 
 that occasionally he criticises in its columns with severity 
 the measures of his colleagues, which, as a Minister of the 
 Crown, he is bound to support. The suspicion may be 
 unfounded, but that it generally prevails is unquestionable ; 
 indeed, it is taken to be indisputable. "Did you hear 
 Lowe's speech? " inquired one member of another. " No," 
 was the reply; "but I read his articles upon the subject in 
 the Times." 
 
 In these sketches we have never given more 
 May 17, 1862. ... ^ 
 
 than a passing notice of Sir Stafford Northcote 
 
 This was an omission which we now proceed to rectify, 
 
 for Sir Stafford Northcote is a rising man — means, indeed, 
 
 if the Fates be propitious, to mount to the Chancellorship
 
 168 THE INNEE LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 of the Exchequer, and is now sedulously climbing upwards 
 to that bright official tableland by every available means, 
 and as earnestly and carefully as an Alpine adventurer, with 
 alpenstock in hand, mounts to some dizzy height which he 
 has never reached before. Sir Stafford came first into 
 Parliament in 1855, for the borough of Dudley, and held 
 the seat until 1857. At the general election of that year he 
 did not, however, again attempt Dudley. The reason 
 probably was that Mr. Henry Brinsley Sheridan was in the 
 field as a Eadical candidate; and, though Sir Stafford had 
 the Earl's support, he would not venture to front the people 
 whom in formidable numbers Mr. Sheridan had gathered 
 around him. But Sir Stafford was not long out of Parlia- 
 ment, for in 1858 there came a vacancy for Stamford, and 
 the hon. Baronet found no difficulty in getting elected for 
 that more Conservative place. Before Sir Stafford got into 
 Parliament he was a man well known, and of some mark. 
 He had taken a first class in classics at Oxford, he had been 
 private secretary to Mr. Gladstone at the Board of Trade, 
 and had publicly interested himself in educational and other 
 cognate matters ; indeed, so well was he thought of by the 
 Conservative chiefs that they made him, in 1859, financial 
 secretary to the Treasury. And there can be no doubt that 
 within a certain range Sir Stafford has considerable abilities; 
 he is, for example, a capital arithmetician, and if a man 
 were wanted to manage a bank, or even to preside over the 
 Bank of England, there could be no question that he would 
 be fitted for the post. His friends say that he is a great 
 financier, meaning thereby that he is competent to take 
 charge of the finances of the nation as Chancellor of the 
 Exchequer. But we doubt this; provisionally we should 
 decide that he is not. He is clever, acute, and accurate, but 
 in our humble opinion he is narrow of mind, incapable of 
 taking a comprehensive view of a subject, and therefore not
 
 SIB STAFFOED NORTHCOTE. 169 
 
 fitted to be Chancellor of the Exchequer. A notable writer 
 speaks of certain fly-critics who settle on a capital or a 
 cornice and discuss its merits, but cannot form an idea of 
 the whole building ; and this, we think, is an apt description 
 of Sir Stafford. Like the bee, he could, no doubt, gather 
 the honey very well, and store it cleverly and economically ; 
 but could he by judicious horticulture, as our present 
 Chancellor of the Exchequer does, increase the produce? 
 We imagine not. However, we shall probably be able to 
 judge of his abilities more decisively soon ; for report says 
 he will certainly be Chancellor of the Exchequer in the 
 next Conservative Government. As a speaker Sir Stafford 
 is not attractive. In the first place, he does not discuss 
 subjects in an attractive way. He is microscopically minute 
 — wearisome — in his criticisms ; he never gives utterance to 
 enlarged sentiments ; he is ever pulling to pieces and never 
 building up, and he cannot appreciate the bold financial 
 policy of the times. And besides all this, though he is 
 voluble, never at a loss for words, has lately become much 
 more cool and self-possessed than he used to be, and has 
 taken to oratorical action, boldly looking his opponent in 
 the face and enforcing his utterances with appropriate 
 gesture, his voice is harsh and brassy, and his delivery 
 monotonous. And so it comes to pass that what with the 
 dryness of his matter, the harshness of his voice, and the 
 monotony of his tones, though he generally commands 
 silence, he cannot interest or even hold the House. If 
 strangers wish to discover Sir Stafford in the House they 
 may easily find him. He sits in close proximity to Disraeli. 
 In stature he is short ; he has a bushy swan-coloured beard, 
 hair of the same hue, and always wears spectacles. 
 
 The honourable Baronet's speech was not a success. It 
 was a mere repetition of what we have often had before ; 
 and as there was a visible feeling of disappointment when
 
 170 THE INNER LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 he rose, so were there equally visible signs of relief when 
 he sat. down. Mr. Forster followed Sir Stafford, but his 
 interposition was not well timed, and the hon. member 
 seemed, after he had risen, to feel this, for he did not speak 
 by any means with his usual clearness and force. He, how- 
 ever, said one good thing, which was cordially cheered by 
 the Liberal members of the House and deserves to be 
 repeated. Sir Stafford Northcote had charged Mr. Gladstone 
 with having produced discontent at Manchester, and to this 
 charge Mr. Forster made the following reply : — " Nothing 
 that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had said could make 
 the Manchester men discontented, for they well knew that 
 what he and his great mentor, Sir R. Peel, had done in 
 opening up fresh supplies of food and fresh sources of 
 employment was the one bright spot which they could look 
 upon with pleasure in their present disastrous circum- 
 stances." 
 
 Is it worth while to dwell at length upon Gladstone's 
 reply to Sir Stafford ? We think not. Suffice it, then, to 
 say that the Chancellor of the Exchequer had been 
 threatened with an attack from a much more redoubtable 
 foe. He had been led to expect another fierce onslaught 
 from the great Caucasian pugilist himself, and had trained 
 and armed accordingly for the fight. He felt, therefore, 
 small difficulty in settling this little matter with his old 
 pupil. Indeed, it was obvious from his tone and manner 
 that he deemed it mere child's play. He was in the highest 
 possible spirits. He played with his puny opponent as 
 a flyfisher plays with a trout securely hooked. In short, 
 the Chancellor in esse made the Chancellor in posse look 
 miserably small. Surely it is indiscreet for Sir Stafford to 
 encounter Gladstone : it may show his courage, but hardly 
 his wisdom. It will be time enough to measure himself 
 with one of such gigantic proportions some years hence.
 
 DISRAELI'S "incomprehensible ORATION." 171 
 
 when he shall have tried his hand and tested his abilities at 
 the Treasury. 
 
 Will there be a fight or not? This was the question 
 when Mr. Forster rose, and somehow — we know not how — 
 it got whispered about that there would be no fight. 
 Gladstone would answer Sir Stafford Northcote, the 
 Kevenue Bill would pass its second reading, and all would 
 be over ; and under this impression, as the witching time 
 for dinner had nearly arrived, many of the members, and 
 not a few strangers, bolted away. And great was their 
 mortification when they came to learn that they had lost 
 the best part of the night's performance. When the 
 telegraph spread the news through the clubs that Disraeli 
 was up several members left or hurriedly bolted their 
 dinners, and hastened back to the House as fast as hansoms 
 could bring them. 
 
 And now, what shall we say to Disraeli's marvellous 
 speech — surely one of the most remarkable harangues which 
 this clever, accomplished, but strange, incomprehensible, 
 inscrutable man ever delivered ? Shall we condense it and 
 give its substance to our readers ? Want of space forbids. 
 Shall we analyse and criticise it? We shrink from the 
 arduous task. Shall we point out its object and aim ? This 
 would be altogether futile. For this speech, as to its object 
 and aim, was when it was delivered, and is now, an insoluble 
 problem — an enigma as profound as tbat of the Sphinx, or 
 as the Asian mystery which Disraeli dwells upon with such 
 awe in his books. All w^e can attempt is to photograph the 
 appearance of the House during the delivery of this incom- 
 prehensible oration. And this was singular, and in all its 
 circumstances, we believe, unique. The Conservative party, 
 then, during almost the whole of the two hours which 
 Disraeli occupied, seemed to be in a state of blank astonish- 
 ment. They did not cheer; they expressed no dissent ; they
 
 172 THE INNER LIFE OP THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 appeared to be simply bewildered. Nor is this surprising. 
 Dissent they could hardly openly express, for the speaker 
 was their leader; and how could they cheer sentiments 
 which went directly in the teeth of all their principles and 
 contradicted all their traditions ? The Irish Eoman Catholics 
 who cluster below the gangway, when Disraeli discoursed 
 about the Pope and the French occupation of Eome, broke 
 forth now and then into faint applause ; but it was only 
 faint and half-hearted, for what did he mean? Was he for 
 the Pope or against him? It w^as impossible to discover 
 which through that halo of words in which Disraeli, as is 
 his manner, cleverly contrived to envelop his thoughts. 
 "When he spoke of "bloated armaments " and a diplomatic 
 conference with the French Emperor to obtain a mutual 
 disarming, of course the Eadicals were delighted, and 
 applauded to the echo. But the Whigs behind the Govern- 
 ment, like the Conservatives in their front, were silent, except 
 that now and then a sort of chuckling laugh broke forth, as 
 if they were delighted with and hoped to make political 
 capital out of the confusion worse confounded which the 
 speaker was creating. This was the scene, then, which 
 we had before us when the great Caucasian waved that 
 wonder-working wand of his over the House, and here we 
 must leave the matter. 
 
 " The Lord hath delivered him into my hands ! " exclaimed 
 Cromwell in a pious ecstasy when he saw old Leslie, the 
 Scotch commander, descend from his heights at Berwick 
 and lay himself open to attack. Lord Palmerston is no 
 Puritan, and therefore no such pious exclamation escaped 
 his lips as he sat watching his opponent and noting his 
 strategical blunders ; but he was equally alive with Old 
 Noll to the advantages which his foe was giving him, and 
 equally prepared when the time should come to pursue them 
 with energy and success. When Disraeli sat down the
 
 "the old man eloquent." 173 
 
 noble Lord sprang to his feet — yes, literally so — with as 
 much agility and briskness as if he had been forty years old 
 instead of seventy-eight, as he is. And never did this 
 marvellous old man speak with more life, jollity, fun, and 
 energy than he did on that Thursday night. And how 
 sagaciously did he seize the salient points of his opponent's 
 studied harangue, clear them of their rhetorical mist, and 
 turn his guns upon himself ! Indeed, the speech was a 
 triumph from beginning to end. Cheers broke forth at the 
 conclusion of every sentence, and every now and then there 
 were bursts of hearty laughter so loud and long-continued 
 that the House seemed for a time more like a theatre during 
 the performance of a broad farce than a hall of legislation. 
 And here let it be noted that the Conservatives cheered this 
 speech and joined in the laughter as loudly as the Liberals. 
 "Whilst Disraeli, their leader, was speaking, they were dumb ; 
 but when Lord Palmerston, the leader of their opponents, 
 spoke, they cheered him to the echo. This is strange ; but 
 so it was. What it intimates or augurs we leave our readers 
 to speculate upon as best they may. Some weeks back 
 report said that Palmerston was miserably ill ; and when 
 he came to the House, and men saw his pale face, they 
 exclaimed, " Ah ! the old man is breaking up " ; and we 
 ourselves had our misgivings. But lo ! he seems now to 
 have renewed his youth, like the eagle. At all events, on 
 Thursday night there were no signs of *' breaking up." 
 
 And now a word or two on the appear- 
 
 Feb.14,1863. . u f 
 
 ance of the more prominent members of 
 
 the Commons' House of Parliament. " How does Lord 
 
 Palmerston look ? " was the question upon a hundred 
 
 lips on the opening day of the Session; and as the noble 
 
 Lord marched across the lobby a hundred eyes examined 
 
 him keenly. For a time after he entered the House
 
 174 THE INNEB LIFE OF THE HOUSE OF COMMONS. 
 
 he was scarcely observed, for he entered at the back- 
 door and ghded unseen into his place, as his manner is. 
 But soon he had to go to the bar, and then to the table, to 
 present papers touching the Prince of Wales's marriage, and 
 then every eye was fixed upon him. Cheers burst forth 
 from his supporters when they saw that he walked as firmly 
 as ever, and that to all appearance he was but little changed 
 since he shook hands with the Speaker six months ago. Nor 
 is it wonderful that we should be anxious about this old 
 man's health, for he is in his seventy-ninth year, and upon 
 his shoulders rests, it is now acknowledged, the whole 
 framework of our party arrangements. Like Atlas, he 
 alone holds up the structure ; and when he shall fail all will 
 collapse and sink into temporary ruin. Well, we too have 
 scanned closely the noble Lord, and this is our report. He 
 looks a shade older than he did ; he does not walk quite so 
 briskly as he did ; but there is evidently " life in the old dog 
 yet " ; and, if any impatient young Conservatives are specu- 
 lating to the tune of ^91,200 a year upon the noble Lord's 
 failure this Session, we believe and hope that their specula- 
 tions will fail. Fail ! Why, the noble Lord has no thought 
 of failing, for it was only the other day that he appeared in 
 the hunting-field with a new scarlet coat. It is said, how- 
 ever, that the Marquis of Lansdowne's death affected him 
 deeply ; and some say that it has left its mark upon him. 
 But Flecti non frangere — to be bent not broken — is his 
 Lordship's heraldic motto ; and he who has seen so many 
 of his political friends fall in battle will hardly permit him- 
 self to be permanently depressed by the death of a comrade 
 at the venerable age of eighty-two. All the other Ministers 
 who have presented themselves seem to be hearty enough. 
 Gladstone, however, has not appeared. He has been watch- 
 ing the deathbed of a beloved brother, opposed to him in 
 politics, but none the less beloved for that, and is now
 
 TIME THINS DISRAELI'S CURLS. 175 
 
 mourning his loss. Disraeli, from Session to Session, 
 changes but slightly ; but, catching a glimpse of him with 
 the mind's eye as he was ten years ago, we discern a great 
 change. Time has thinned his hair. Those "corkscrew 
 cm'ls," which were celebrated in the witty parody in the 
 " Dialogus Horatii et Lydiee," have disappeared, and he, too, 
 is evidently, albeit he is only in his fifty-eighth year, passing 
 gradually into the shadow of old age. His colleagues on the 
 front bench of the Opposition have not shown in their 
 strength. Sir John Pakington came in for a few minutes, 
 and in him we have to report no change. Lord Stanley is 
 getting fat. Mr. Cobden looks better than he has looked 
 for several years, and his confrere, Mr. Bright, is unchanged. 
 Mr. Alexander Kinglake looks haggard and worn, but is, 
 perhaps, as "well as can be expected" so soon after the 
 birth of that tremendous book which he has just given to 
 the world. 
 
 END OF VOL. I.
 
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