\ 
 4' 
 
T H E 
 
 POLITICAL WRITINGS 
 
 OF 
 
 J O EL B A R L O W. 
 
 CONTAINING 
 
 ADVICE TO THE PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 
 LETTER TO THE NATIONAL CONVENTION 
 LETTER TO THE PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT, 
 THE CONSPIRACY OF. KINGS. 
 
 A New Edition Corrected. 
 
 N E W-Y O R K. 
 
 Printed by MOTT W 'LvON, at their Printing-0f~ 
 
 fee, No. 71, Barclay- Streety and Sold at their 
 
 Book 'Start, No. 70, Vcfey-Street. 
 
 i 7 9-6.^ 
 
ADVICE 
 
 TO THE 
 
 PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 T 
 
 JL HE French Revolution is at laft not only 
 accomplifhed, but its accomplifhment univerfally 
 acknowledged, beyond contradiction abroad, or the 
 power of retraction at home.* It has finifhed its 
 work, by organizing a government, on principles 
 approved by reafon ; an object long contemplated 
 by different writers, but never before exhibited, in 
 this quarter of the globe. The experiment now 
 
 * The reader will bear in mind that this was 
 written in the latter end of the year 1791, juft as 
 the French had eflablifhed their firfl conflitution, 
 and were determined to try the experiment of a lim 
 ited monarchy. It is in this fenfe that the author 
 confidered the revolution as finifhed ; though he 
 clid not believe, as will appear in this introduction, 
 that a government fo conftrufted, and fo little con 
 genial to the fpirit of the times, would be of long 
 duration. 
 
 He did not.believe in the neceflity of a war to in 
 troduce and eftablifh the republic. For though the 
 treaty of Pilnitz had then been publifhed, and 
 though it bore the marks of that, folly which is 
 A 2 
 
 
IV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 in operation will folve a queftion of the firft mag* 
 nitude in human affairs : Whether Theory and 
 Praftice, which always agree together in things of 
 ilighter moment, are'really to remain eternal ene 
 mies in the higheft concerns of men ? 
 
 The change of government in France is, pro 
 perly f peak ing, a renovation of fociety ; an objecl: 
 peculiarly fitted to hurry the mind into a field of 
 thought, which can fcarcely be limited by the con 
 cerns of a nation, or the improvements of an age. 
 As there is a tendency in human nature to imita 
 tion ; and as all the apparent caufes exift in mod 
 of the governments of the world, to induce the peo 
 ple to wifh for a fimilar change ; it becomes inter^ 
 efting to the caufe of humanity, to take a delibe 
 rate view of the real nature and extent of this 
 change, and find what are the advantages and dif- 
 advamages tobeexpe&ed from it. 
 
 There is not that necromancy in politics, which 
 prevents our foreseeing, with tolerable certainty, 
 what is to be the refult of operations fo universal, 
 in which all the people concur. Many truths are 
 as perceptible when firft prefented to the mind, 
 as an age or a world of experience Could make 
 them ; others require ojly an indirect and collateral 
 experience ; fome demand an experience direft 
 and pofitive. 
 
 common to the enemies of reform in all ages, ftill 
 it does not appear from any fubfequent events, that 
 the parties to that treaty had any intention of pufh- 
 ing their oppofition to open hoftilities. This opin 
 ion is more fully developed in the preface to The 
 Conspiracy of Kings, and in the note on Mr. Burke, 
 at the end of the volume. 
 
INTRODUCTION, 
 
 It is happy for human nature, that in morals 
 we have much to do with this firft clafs of truths, 
 lefs with the fecond, and very little with the third; 
 while in phyfics we are perpetually driven to the 
 flow procefs of patient and pofitive experience. 
 
 The Revolution in France certainly comes re 
 commended to us under one afpect which renders 
 it at firft view extremely inviting : it is the work 
 of argument and rational conviction, not of the 
 fword. The ultima ratio regum had nothing to do 
 with it. It was an operation defigned for the be 
 nefit of the people ; it originated in the people, and 
 was conducted by the people. It had therefore a 
 legitimate origin ; and this circumftance entitles it 
 to our ferious contemplation, on two accounts: 
 becaufe there is fomething venerable in the idea, 
 and becaufe other nations, in fimilar circumftances, 
 will certainly be difpofed to imitate it. 
 
 I (hall therefore examine the nature and confe- 
 quences of a fimilar revolution in government, as 
 it will affect the following principal objects, which 
 make up the affairs of nations in the prefent (late 
 of Europe : 
 
 I. The Feudal Syftem, 
 
 II. The Church, 
 
 III. The Military, 
 
 IV. The Administration of Juflice, 
 
 V. Revenue and public expenditure. 
 
 It mud be of vail importance to nil the claffesof 
 fociety, as it now ftands claffed in Europe,, to cal 
 culate before-hand what they are to gain or to loofe 
 by the appgteching change ; that, like prudent 
 liock-jobbcT&ihcy may buy in or fell out, accord 
 ing as this great event iliall affect them. 
 
 Philofophers and contemplative men, who may 
 think themfclvesclifii^terefted fpectaters of fo great 
 
Vi INTRODUCTION. 
 
 a political drama, will do well to confider how far 
 the cataftrophe is to be beneficial or detrimental to 
 the human race ; in Order to determine whether 
 in conference they ought to promote or difcourage, 
 accelerate or retard it, by the publication of their 
 opinions. It is true, the work was fet on foot by 
 this fort of men ; but they have not all been of the 
 fame opinion relative to the bed organization of 
 the governing power, or how far the reform of 
 abufes ought to extend. Montefquieu, Voltaire, 
 and many other refpeftable authorities, have ac 
 credited the principle, that republicanifm is not 
 convenient for a great (late. Others take no no 
 tice of the diftin&ion between great and fmall 
 itates, in deciding, that this is the only govern 
 ment proper to enfure, the happinefs, and fupport 
 the dignity of man. Of the former opinion was 
 a great majority of the conftituant national affem- 
 bly of France. Probably not many years will 
 pafs, before a third opinion will be univerfally 
 adopted, never to be laid afide : That the republi 
 can principle is not only proper and fafe for the 
 government of any people ; but that its propriety 
 and fafety are in proportion to the magnitude ef 
 the fociety and extent of the territory. 
 
 Among fincere enquirers after truth, all gener 
 al queflions on this fubjecl: reduce themfelves to 
 this: Whether men are to perform their duties 
 by an eafy choice or an expenfive cheat ; or, whe 
 ther our reafon be given us to be improved or Hi- 
 fled, to render us greater or lefs than brutes, to 
 increafe our happinefs or aggravate our mifery. 
 
 Among thofe whofe anxieties arife only from 
 intereft, the inquiry is, how their privileges or 
 their profeffions are to be affe6ted by the new order 
 ef things. Thefe form a clafs of men refpeCtablc 
 
INTRODUCTION. Vll 
 
 both for their numbers and fenfibilhy ; it is our 
 duty to attend to their cafe. I fmcerely hope to 
 adminifter fome confolation to them in the courfe 
 of this eflay. And though I have a better opinion 
 of their philanthrophy, thara political opponents 
 generally entertain of each other, yet I do not al 
 together rely upon their prefumed fympathy with 
 their fellow-citizens, and their fuppofed willing- 
 nefs to facrifice to the public good ; but I hope to 
 convince them, that the effoblifhment of general 
 liberty will be lefs injurious to thofe \vho now 
 live by abufes, than is commonly imagined ; that 
 protected induftry will produce effects far more af- 
 tonifhing than have ever been calculated ; that the 
 increafe of enjoyments will be fuch, as to amelio 
 rate the condition of every human creature. 
 
 To perfuade this clafs of mankind^ that it is 
 neither their duty nor their intereft to endeavour to 
 perpetuate fhe ancient forms of government, wculd 
 be an high and holy office ; it would be the great- 
 eft act of charity to them, as it might teach them 
 to avoid a danger that rs otherwife unavoidable ; it 
 would preclude the occafion of the people's indul 
 ging what is fometimes called a ferocious difpofi- 
 tion, which is apt to grow upon the revenge of 
 injuries, and render them lefs harmonious in their 
 new ftation of citizens; it would prevent the civil 
 wars, which might attend the infurre&ions of the 
 people, where there mould be a great want of una 
 nimity,- for we are not to expect in every country, 
 that mildnefs and dignity which have uniformly 
 characterized the French, even in their moil tu 
 multuous movements*; it would remove every 
 
 * Whatever reafon may be given for the fat, I: 
 believe all thofc who have been witnefles of what 
 
Vlil INTRODUCTION. 
 
 obftacle and every danger that may feem to attend 
 that rational fyftem of public felicity to which the 
 nations of Europe are moving with rapid ftrides, 
 and which in profpect is fo confoling to the en 
 lightened friends of humanity. 
 
 To induce the men who now govern the world 
 to adopt thefe ideas, is the duty of thofe who now 
 
 are called mobs in France (during the revolution) 
 will join with me in opinion, that they are by no 
 means to be compared with Englifh mobs, in point 
 of indifcriminate ferocity and private plunder. A 
 popular commotioij in Paris was uniformly directed 
 to a certain well-explained object ; from which it 
 never was known to deviate. Whether this object 
 were to hang a man, to-arreft the king, to intimidate 
 the court, or to break the furniture of a hotel, all 
 other perfons and all other property,, that fell in the 
 way of the mob, were perfectly fafe* 
 
 The truth is, thofe collections were compofed of 
 honed and induilrious people, who had nothing in 
 view but the public good. They belitved that the 
 caufe of their country required an execution of juf- 
 tice more prompt than could be expe&ed from any 
 eflablifhed tribunal. Befides, they were in the 
 crifis of a revolution, when they were fenfible, that 
 the crimes of their enemies would remain unpunifh- 
 ed 5 for want of a known rule by which they could 
 be judged. Though a violation of right , is not 
 always a violation of law ; yet, in their opinion, 
 occaiions might exift, when it would be dangerous 
 to let it pafs with impunity. 
 
 It is indeed to be hoped, that whenever mobs in 
 ether countries (hall be animated by the fame caufe, 
 they will conduct themfelves with the fame dignity j 
 and that this fingular phenomenon will be found not 
 altogether attributable to national character* 
 
INTRODUCTION. IX 
 
 poiTefs them. I confefs the tafk, at firft view, ap 
 pears more than Herculean ; it will be thought an 
 obje6l from which the eloquence of the clofet mud 
 fhrink in defpair, and which prudence would leave 
 to the more powerful arguments of events. But I 
 believe at the fame time that fome fuccefs may be 
 expeded ; that though the harveft be great, the 
 labourers may not be few ; that prejudce and in- 
 tereft cannot always be relied on to garrifon the 
 mind againft the affaults of truth. This belief, 
 ill-grounded as it may appear, is fufficient to ani 
 mate me in the caufe ; and to the venerable hoft of 
 republican writers, who have preceeded me in the 
 difcuflions occafiened by the French revolution, 
 this belief is my only apology for offering to join 
 the fraternity, and for thus pra&ically declaring 
 my opinion, that they have not exhaufted the fub- 
 
 Two very powerful weapons, the force of rea- 
 fon and the force of numbers, are in the hands of 
 the political reformers. While the ufe of the firft 
 brings into action the fecond, and enfures its co 
 operation, it remains a facred duty, impofed on 
 them by the God of reafon to wield with dexterity 
 this mild and beneficent weapon, before recurring 
 to the ufe of the other j which, though legitimate, 
 may be lefs harmlefs ; though infallible in opera 
 tion, may be lefs glorious in victory. 
 
 The tyrannies of the world, whatever be the ap 
 pellation of the government under which they are 
 exercifed, are all ariftocratical tyrannies. An or 
 dinance to plunder and murder, whether it fulmi 
 nate from the Vatican, or (teal filently forth from 
 the Harem ; whether it come clothed in the certain' 
 fclence of a Bed of Juftice, or in the legal folemni- 
 ties of a bench of lawyers ; whether it be purcha- 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 fed by the careffes of a woman, or the treafures of 
 a nation ; never confines its effe&s to the benefit 
 of a Tingle individual ; it goes to enrich the whole 
 combination of confpirators, whofe bnfinefs it is to 
 dupe and to govern the nation. It carries its own 
 bribery with itfclf through all its progrefs and con 
 nexions, in its origination, in its enadion, in its 
 vindication, in its execution ; it is a fertilizing 
 ftream, that waters and vivifies its happy plants in 
 the numerous channels of its communication. Mi- 
 nifters and fecretaries, commanders of armies, 
 contra&ors, collectors and tide-waiters, intendants, 
 judges and lawyers, whoever is permitted to 
 drink of the falutary ftream, are all interefted in 
 removing the obftrudtionsand in praiflng the foun 
 tain from which it flows. 
 
 The ftate of human nature requires that this 
 fhouid be the cafe. Among beings fo nearly equal 
 in power and capacity as men of the fame commu 
 nity are, it is impofiible that a folitary tyrant fhould 
 exift. Laws that are defigned to operate unequal 
 ly on fociety, muft offer an exclusive intereft to a 
 confiderable portion of its members, to enfure 
 their execution upon the reft. Hence has arifen 
 the neceflity of that Orange complication in the 
 governing power, which has made of politics an 
 inexplicable fcience ; hence the reafon for arming 
 one clafs of our fellow creatures with the weapons 
 of bodily deftruftion, and another with the myfte- 
 rious artillery of the vengeance of heaven; hence 
 thecaufe of what in England is called the indepen 
 dence of the judges, and what on the continent has 
 created a judiciary nobility, a fet of men who pur- 
 chafe the privilege of being the profeflional ene 
 mies of the people, of felling their decifions to the 
 rich', and of diftributing individual oppreflion ;_ 
 
INTRODUCTION. Xi 
 
 nence the fource of thofe Draconian codes of cri 
 minal jurifpruclence which enfhrine the idol pro 
 perty in a bloody fancluary* and teach the modern 
 European, that his life is of lefs value than the 
 fhoes on his feet ; hence the pofitive difcourage- 
 ments laid upon agriculture, manufacture, com 
 merce, and every method of improving the condi 
 tion of men ; for it is to be obferved, that in every 
 country the lhackles impcfed upon induflry are in 
 proportion to the degree of general defpotifm that 
 reigns ki the government. This arifes not only 
 from the greater debility and want of enterprise 
 in the people, but from the fuperior neceffity that 
 fuch governments are under, to prevent their fub- 
 jedls from acquiring that eafe and information, by 
 which they could difcern the evil and apply the 
 remedy. 
 
 To the fame fruitful fource of calamities we 
 are to trace that perverfity of reafon, which, in 
 governments where men are permitted to difcufs 
 political fubjecls, has given rife to thofe perpetual 
 fhifts of fophift.ry,by which they vindicate the pre 
 rogative of kings. In one age it is the right of 
 conqueft, in another the divine right, then it comes 
 to be a compact between king and people , and laft of 
 all, it is faid to be founded on general convenience, 
 the good of the whole community. In England thefe 
 feveral arguments have all had their day ; though 
 it is aftonifhing that the two former could ever 
 have been the t fubje6ts of rational debate: the firil 
 is the logic of the miifquet, and the fecond of the 
 chalice ; the one was buried at Rennimede on the 
 Signature of Magna Charta, the other took its 
 flight to the continent wiih James the Second. 
 The compact of king and people has lain dor- 
 
XU -INTRODUCTION. 
 
 mant the greater part of the prcfent century ; till 
 it was roufed from {lumber by the French revo 
 lution, and came into the ferviceof Mr. Burke. 
 
 Hafty men difcover their errors when it is too 
 late. It had certainly been much more confiftent 
 with the temperament of that writer's mind, and 
 quite as ferviceable to his caufe, to have recalled 
 the fugitive claim of the divine right of kings. It 
 would have given a myftic force to his declama 
 tion, afforded him many-new epithets, and furnifh- 
 ed fubje&s perfedly accordant with the copious 
 charges ufJ&criJege, atheifm, murders-) affajjlnations^ 
 rapes and plunders with which his three volumes 
 abound.* He then could not have difappointed 
 his friends by his total want of argument, as he 
 now does in his two firft effays ; for on fuch a Tub- 
 ject no argument could be expefted ; and in his 
 third, where it is patiently attempted, he would 
 have avoided the neceffity of fh owing that he has 
 none, by giving a different title to his book ; far 
 the " Appeal, 3 ' inftead of being " from the New 
 to the Old Whigs," would have been from the new 
 whigs to the old tones ; and he might as well have 
 appealed toCasfar ; he could have found at this day 
 no court to take cognizance of his caufe. 
 
 But the great advantage of this mode of handling 
 the fubjeft would have been, that it could have 
 provoked no anfwers ; the gauntlet might have 
 been thrown, without a champion to have taken it 
 up; and the laft folitary admirer of chivalry have 
 retired in negative triumph from the field. 
 
 * Thefe three works are, his 'Reflections on the 
 Revolution in France, his Letter to a Member of the 
 National AJfembly^ and his Appeal jrom the New to 
 tlie Old Whigs. 
 
INTRODUCTION-. Xlli 
 
 Mr. Burke, however, in his defence of royalty, 
 does not rely on this argument .of the compact. 
 Whether it be, that he is confcious of its futility, 
 or that in his rage he forgets that he has ufed it, 
 he is perpetually recurring to the laft ground that 
 has yet been heard of, on which we are called up 
 on to conlider kings even as a tolerable ntiifance, 
 and to fupport the exifting forms of government : 
 this ground is the general good of the community. It 
 is faid to be dangerous to pull down fyftems tha't 
 are already formed, or even to attempt to improve 
 them ; and it is likewife faid, that, were they 
 peaceably deftroyed, and we had fociety to build 
 up anew, it would be beft tQ create hereditary 
 kings, hereditary orders, andexclufive privileges. 
 
 Thefe are fober opinions, uniting a clafs of rea- 
 foners too numerous and too refpe6lable to be 
 treated with contempt, I believe, however, that 
 their number is every day diminiiliiHg, and I be 
 lieve the example which France will foonbe obli 
 ged to exhibit to the world on this fubje6r, will 
 induce every man to rejel them, who is not per- 
 fonally and exclufively interested in their fupport. 
 
 The inconfiftency of the the conftituent afiem- 
 bly, in retaining an hereditary king, armed with 
 an enormous civil lift, to wage war with a popu 
 lar government, has induced foine perfons to prc- 
 di6t the downfall of their conftitution. But this 
 meafure had a different origin from what is com 
 monly afligned to it, and will probably have a dif 
 ferent iiTue. It was the refult rather of local and 
 temporary circumftances, than of amy general be 
 lief in the utility of kings, under any modifica 
 tions or limitations that could be attached to (lie 
 office. 
 
 B 
 
Xiv INTRODUCTION. 
 
 It is to be obfcrvcd, frft, that the French had 
 a king upon their hands. This king had always 
 been confidered as a well-dtfpofed man ; fo that, 
 by a fatality fomewhat fingular, though not unex 
 ampled in regal biftory, he gained the love of the 
 people, alrnoit in proportion to the mifchief which 
 he did them. Secondly, their king had very power 
 ful family connexions, in the fovc reigns of Spain, 
 Auftria, 1 Naples and Sardinia ; befides his relations 
 within the kingdom, whom it was neceiTary to at 
 tach, if poflible, to the interefls of the community, 
 Thirdly y the revolution was confidered by all Eu 
 rope as a high and dangerous experiment. It was 
 necefTarv to hide as much as poffible the appearance 
 of its magnitude from the eye of the dillant ob- 
 fefver. l"he reformers confidered it as their duty 
 to produce an internal regeneration of fcciety, 
 rather than an external change in the appearance 
 of the court ; t@ fet in order the counting- houfe 
 and the kitchen, before arranging the drawing- 
 room. This would leave the? fovereigns of Eu 
 rope totally without a. pretext for interfering; 
 while it would be corifoling to that clafs of phi- 
 lofophers, who fall believed in the compatibility 
 of royalty and liberty.- iFettrMy, this decree, 
 That France Jhould have a king, and that he- could 
 do no wrong) was paired at an early period of their 
 operations ; when the above reafons were appa 
 rently more urgent than they were afterwards, cr 
 probably will ever be again. 
 
 From thefe Con fide rat ions we may conclude, 
 that royalty is preferved in France for reaions 
 which are fugitive \ that a majory of the confti- 
 tuent auernbly did not believe in it, as an 'abftract 
 principle; that a majority of the people will learn 
 
INTRODUCTION. X V 
 
 ro be difguefled with fo unnatural and ponderous 
 a deformity in their new edifice, and will foon 
 hew it off. 
 
 After this improvement mall have been made, 
 a few years experience in the face of Europe, and 
 on fo great a theatre as that of France, will pro 
 bably leave but one opinion in the minds of honeft 
 men, relative to the republican principle, or the 
 great firnplicity of nature applied to the organiza 
 tion of fociety. 
 
 The example of America would have had great 
 weight in producing this conviclion ; but it is too 
 little known to the European reafoner, to be a 
 fubjecl of accurate inveftigation. Befides the dif 
 ference of circumftances between that country and 
 the flates of Europe has given occafion for imagi 
 ning many cuftinclions which exift not in fact, and 
 has prevented the application of principles which 
 are permanently founded in nature, and follow not 
 the trilling variations in the ilate of fociety. 
 
 But I have not prefcribed to rnyfelf* the tafk of 
 entering into arguments on the utility of kin^?, 
 or of inveftigating the meaning of Mr. Burke, in 
 order to compliment him with an additional refu 
 tation. My fubjet furnifhes a more extenfive fcepe. 
 It depends not on me, or Mr. Burke, or any 
 other writer, or defcription of writers, to deter 
 mine the quefiion, whether a change of govern 
 ment mall take place, and extend through Europe. 
 It depends on a much moreimportant clafs of men, 
 the clafs that cannot write ; and in a great mea- 
 fure, on thofe who cannnot read. It is to be de 
 cided by men who reafon better without books, 
 than we do with all the books in the world. Ta- 
 B 2 
 
INTRODUCTION. 
 
 Icing it for granted, therefore, that a general re 
 volution is at hand, wfiofe progrefs is irrefiftablc, 
 any object is to contemplate its probable effects, 
 and to comfort thofe who are afflicted at the prof- 
 peel. 
 
 ^ A miilake has been committed in heading 
 the firft part of this work, page 3 ; it fliould 
 read thus : Advice to tht Privileged Orders in the 
 jfeveral States of Europe, rejulting from the ntctjjiiy 
 and propriety of a general revolution in the princi 
 ples of government. Editor. 
 
CHAP. I. 
 
 FEUDAL SYSTEM. 
 
 JL HE moft prominent feature in^the moral face 
 of Europe, was imprinted upon it by conqueft. 
 It is the refult of the fubordination neceflary among 
 military favages, on their becoming cultivators of 
 the foil which they had defolated, and making an 
 advantageous, ufe of fuch of the inhabitants as 
 they did not choofe to malTacre, and could not fell 
 to foreigners for flaves. 
 
 The relation thus eftablifhed between the offi 
 cers and the foldiers,bet ween the viclors and the van- 
 quifhed, and between them all and the lands which 
 they were to cultivate, modified by the experience 
 of unlettered ages, has obtained the name of t the 
 Feudal Syftem, and may be confidered as the foun 
 dation of all the political inftitutions in this quar 
 ter of the world. The claims refulting to parti 
 cular clafles of men, under this modification of 
 ibciety, are called Feudal Rights j and to the in 
 dividual poitefibrs they arc either nominal or reaK 
 conveying an empty title or a fubftantial profit. 
 
 My intention is not to enter on the details of 
 
 this fyftem, as a lawyer, or to trace its progrefs 
 
 with the accuracy of an hiftorian, and ihow ifs 
 
 peculiar fitnefs to the rude ages of fociety which 
 
 B 3 
 
l8 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 gave it birth. But, viewing it as an ancient edi 
 fice, whofe foundation, worn away by the current 
 of 'eventSj can no longer fupport its weight, I 
 would fketch a'fevv drawings to fhow the ftile of 
 its architecture, and Compare it with the model of 
 the nevir bui'cino to be creeled in its place. 
 
 The pbihfophy of the Feudal Syftem, is all that 
 remains of it worthy of our contemplation. This 
 J will attempt to trace in fome of its leading points, 
 leaving the practical part to fall, with its ancient 
 founders and its modern admirers, into the peace^- 
 ful gulph of oblivion j to which I wifh it a fpee- 
 dy and an unobftructed paflage. 
 
 The original object of this inftitution was un 
 doubtedly, what it was alleged to be, the prefer- 
 vation of turbulent focieties, in which men are 
 held together but by feeble ties ; and it effected 
 its purpofe by uniting the perfonal intereft of the 
 head of each family, with the perpetual fafety cf 
 the ilate. Thus far the purpofe was laudable, 
 and the means extremely well calculated for the 
 end. But it was the fortune of this fyftem to 
 attach itfelf to thofe paflions of human nature 
 which vary not with the change of circumftances* 
 While national motives ceafed by degrees to re 
 quire its continuance, family motives forbade to 
 lay it afide. The fame progreffrve improvements 
 in fociety, which rendered military tenures and 
 military titles firft unneceffary and then injurious 
 to the general intereft, at the fame time fharpen- 
 ed the avarice, and piqued the honour of thofs 
 who pofleflld them, to preferve the exchifive pri 
 vileges which rendered them thus diltinguifhed; 
 And thefe privileges, united with the operations 
 of the church, have founded and fupported the 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 19 
 
 defpotifms of Europe in all their divifions, com 
 binations, and refinements. 
 
 Feudal Rights are either territorial or perfonal. 
 I fhall divide them into thefe two clafies, for the 
 fake of beftowing a few obfer various upon each. 
 
 The pernicious effects of the fyftem on territo 
 rial tenures are inconceivable, various and great. 
 In a legal view, it has led to thofe intricacies and 
 vexations, which we find attached to every cir- 
 cumftance of real property, which have perplex 
 ed the fcience of civil jurifprudence, which have 
 perpetuated the ignorance of the people relative 
 to the adminiftration of juftice, rendered neceffary 
 the intervention of lawyers, and multiplied the 
 means of opprellion. But, in a political view, its 
 confequences are ftill more ferious, and demand 
 a particular confederation. 
 
 The firft quality of the feudal tenure is to con 
 fine the defcendible property to the eldefl male 
 JJJue. To fay that this is contrary to nature, is 
 but a feeble cxpreflion. So abominable is its ope 
 ration, that it has feduced and perverted nature ; 
 her voice is ftifled, intereft itfelf is laid afleep, and 
 nothing but the eloquence of an incomprehenfible 
 pride is heard on the occafion. You will hear 
 father and mother, younger brothers and fillers, 
 rejoice in this provifion of the law ; the former 
 configning their daughters to the gloomy prifon of 
 a convent, and their younger fons to the church or 
 the army, to enfure their celibacy ; that no rem 
 nant cf the family may remain but the heir of the 
 eflate entire ; the latter congratulating each other, 
 that the elder brother will tranfmit unimpaired 
 the title and the property, while they themfelves are 
 content to periili in the obfcurity of their feveral 
 deftinations, Itis probable that, in another 2ge ? 
 
20 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 a tale of this kind will fcarcely gain credit, and 
 that the tear of fenfibility may be fpared by a 
 difbelief of the fat. It is, however, no creature 
 of the imagination ; it happened every day in 
 France previous to the revolution ; I have feen 
 it with my own eyes, and heard it with my own 
 ears ; it is now to be feen and heard in moft other 
 Catholic countries. 
 
 But other points of view fliow this difpofition 
 of the law to be ftill more reprehenfible in the eye 
 of political philofophy. It fv/ells the inequality 
 of wealth, which, even in the beft regulated focie- 
 ty, is but too confiderable ; it habituates the peo 
 ple to- believe in an unnatural inequality in the 
 rights of meny and by thefe means prepares them 
 for fervility and oppreflion ; it prevents the im 
 provement of lands, and impedes the progrefs of 
 induftry and cultivation, which are beft promoted 
 on fmall efiates, where proprietors cultivate for 
 themfelves ; it difcourages population, by indu 
 cing to a life of celibacy.: But I (hall fpeak of 
 celibacy when I fpeak of the church. 
 
 Whether men are born to govern, or to obey,, 
 or to enj.oy equal liberty, depends not on the ori 
 ginal capacity of the mind, but on the ivftinft of 
 analogy, or the habit of thinking. When children 
 of the fame family are taught to believe in the un 
 conquerable diftindtions of birth among them 
 felves, they are completely fitted for a feudal go 
 vernment ; becaufe their minds are familiarifed 
 with all the gradations and degradations that fuch 
 a government requires. The birth-right of domi 
 neering is not more readily claimed on the one 
 hand, than it is acknowledged on the other ; and 
 the Jamaica planter is not more habitually con- 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 2T 
 
 vinced that an European isfuperior loan African, 
 than he is that a Lord is better than himfclf. 
 
 This fubjecl: deferves fo be placed in a light, 
 in which no writer, as far as I know, has yet 
 confidered it. When a perfon was repeating to 
 Fontenelle the common adage habit is the fccond 
 nature, the philofopher replied, and do me the. fa 
 vour to tell me which is the firft. When we affert 
 that nature has eftablifhed inequalities among men, 
 and has thus given to forne the right of governing 
 others, or when we maintain the contrary of this 
 pofition, we mould be careful to define what fort 
 of nature we mean, whether the firft or fecond 
 nature ; or whether we mean that there is but one; 
 A mere favage, Colocolo* for inftance, would 
 decide the queftion of equality by a trial of bodi 
 ly ftrength, dcfignating the man that could lift 
 the heavieft beam to be the legiilator ; and imlefs 
 all men could lift the fame beam, they could not 
 be equal in their rights. Ariftotle would give 
 the preference to him that excelled in mental ca 
 pacity. Ulyfles would make the decifion upon a 
 compound ratio of bnth. But there appears to 
 me another ftep in this ladder, and, that the batit 
 of thinking is the only fafe and univ r erfal criterion 
 to which, in practice, the queftion can be refer 
 red. Indeed, when interefl is laid afide, it is the 
 only one to which, in civilized ages, it ever is 
 referred. We never fubmit fo a King, becaufe 
 he is ftronger than we in bodily force, nor becaufe 
 he is fuperior in understanding or in information ; 
 but becaufe we believe- him born to govern, or 
 at lead, becaufe a majority of the fociety believes 
 it. 
 
 * See the Araucana of Ercilla. 
 
22 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 This habit of thinking has fo much of nature in 
 If, it is fo undlftingmfhable from .the indelible 
 marks of the man, tha- it is a perfectly fafe foun 
 dation for any fyikm tlut we may choofe to build 
 noon ic ; indeed it is the cniy foundation, for it is 
 tlie only point of contact by which men cornmu- 
 nica,te as moral aflbcbtcs. As a practical pofitiorr 
 therefore, and as relating to almoil: all places and 
 almoft all times, in which the experiment has 
 yet been made, Ariltotle was as right in teaching, 
 That forne are birn to eommtindj and 6tbcrs to be 
 commanded, as the National AiTembly was in de 
 claring, That men are born and always continue free 
 and equal in refpett to their rights. The latter is 
 as apparently falfe in the diet of Ratiibcn, as the 
 former is in the hall of the Jacobins. 
 
 Abil'raclly confidered, there can be no doubt 
 of the unchangeable truth of the afTembly's de 
 claration ; and'ttey have taken the right method 
 to make it a praBlcal truth, by publifliing it to 
 the world for difcuflion. A general belief that it 
 is a truth r makes it at once practical, confirms it 
 in me nation, and extends it to others. 
 
 A due attention to the aflonifhing effects that 
 are wrought in the world by the habit of thinking? 
 will ferve many valuable purpofes. I cannot 
 therefore difmifs :he fubjeft fo foon as I intended; 
 but will mention one or two inftances of thefe 
 effects, and leave the reflection of the reader to 
 make the application to a thoufand others. 
 
 Firft, Ir is evident that all the arbitrary fyftems 
 in the world are founded and fupported on thisy^- 
 cond nature of man, in counteraction of the^r/?. 
 Syftems which diftprt and crufn and fubjugate 
 every thing that we can fuppofe original and cha- 
 racleridic in man, as an uncliitorted being. It 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 3 
 
 fuftains the mcft abfurd and abominable theories 
 of religion, and honours them with as many mar 
 tyrs as it does thofe that are the mod peaceful and 
 beneficent. 
 
 But fecondly, we find for our confolaiion, that it 
 will likewife fupport fyfletns of equal liberty and 
 national happinefs. In the United States of Ame 
 rica, the fcience of liberty is univerfaliy under- 
 flood, felt, and practifed, as much by the fimple 
 as the wife, the weak as the flropg. Their deep- 
 rooted and inveterate habit of thinking is, that 
 all men are equal in their rights, that /'/ is impojjlble 
 to make them otherwtfe ; and this being their tm- 
 diflurbcd belief, they have no conception how any 
 man in his fenfes can entertain any other. This 
 point once fettled, every thing is fettled. Many 
 operations, which in Europe have been confidereJ 
 as incredible tales or dangerous experiments, arc 
 but the infallible confequences of this great prin 
 ciple. The firft of thefe operations is the bitfinefs 
 of eleftion y which, with that people, is carried on 
 with as much gravity as their daily labour. There 
 is no jealouiy on the occafion, nothing lucrative in 
 office ; any man in fociety may attain to any place 
 in the government, and may exercife its functions. 
 They believe that there is nothing more difficult 
 in the manag /.nent of the affairs of a nation, than 
 the affairs of a family ; that it only requires more- 
 hands. They believe that it is the juggle of keep 
 ing up irr.pofitions to blind the .eye? of the vul 
 gar, that conftitutes the intricacy of (late. Banilh 
 the myfticifm of inequality, and you baniGi ahnoit 
 all the evils attendant on human nature. 
 
 The people, being habituated to the election 
 of all kinds of officers, the magnitude of the office 
 mdkes no difficulty ia the cafe. The pr 
 
ADVICE TO THE 
 
 the United States, who has more power while ia 
 office than Tome of the kings of Europe, is chofen 
 tvith as little commotion as a churchwarden. 
 There is a public fervice to be performed, and the 
 people fay who mall do 'it. The fervarit feels 
 honoured with the confidence repofed in him, and 
 generally exprefles his gratitude by a faithful 
 performance. 
 
 Another of thefe operations is making every 
 citizen a foldier, and every foldier a citizen ; not 
 only -permitting every man to arm, but obliging 
 him to arm. This fact, told in Europe, previous 
 to the French revolution, would have gained lit 
 tle credit ; or at lead it would have been regarded 
 as a mark of an uncivilized people, extremely 
 dangerous to a well ordered fociety. Men who 
 build fy (terns on an inverfion of nature, are 
 -obliged to invert every thing that is to make part 
 of that fyitem. It is becaufe the people are civili 
 zed y that tbey are with fnfety armed. It is an ef 
 fect of their confcious dignity, as citizens enjoy 
 ing equal rights, that they wilh not to invade the 
 rights of others. The danger (where there is 
 any) from armed citizens, is only to the govern 
 ment, not to \\\c fociety ; and as long as they have 
 nothing to revenge in the government (which they 
 cannot have while it is in their own hands) there 
 are many advantages in their being accuftomed 
 to the ufe of arms, and no pofiible difad vantage. 
 
 Power y habitually in the hands of a whole 
 community? lofes all the ordinary aiTociated ideas 
 of power. The exercife of power is a relative 
 term ; it fuppofes an oppoiition, founething to 
 operate upon. We perceive no exertion of power 
 in the motion of the planetary fyftem, but a very 
 /trong one in the movement of a whirlwind,-!' is 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 25 
 
 becaule we fee obllru&ions to the latter, but none 
 to the former. Where the government is net in 
 the hands of the people, there you find oppofition, 
 you perceive two contending interefts, and get an 
 idea of the exercife of power ; and whether this 
 power be in the hands of the government or of 
 the people, or whether it change -from ikle to 
 ikie, it is always to be dreaded. But the word 
 people, in America, has a different meaning from 
 what it has in Europe. It there mean* the whole 
 community, and comprehends every human crea 
 ture ; here it means fomething elfe, more diffi 
 cult to define. 
 
 Another confequence of the habitual idea of 
 -equality, is ihefecilify of changing tie Jlrufture cf 
 their government, whenever, and as often as the fo- 
 ciety fhall think there is any thing in it to amend. 
 As Mr. Burke has written no " reflections on the 
 " revolution" in America, the people there have 
 never yet been told that they have no right <l to 
 i( frame a government for themfelves ; :) they 
 have therefore done much in this bufinefs, with 
 out ever affixing. to it the idea of " facrilege'' or 
 <f ufurpation/' or any other term of rant, to be 
 found in that gentleman's vocabulary. 
 
 Within a few years the fifteen dates have not 
 only framed each its own flate confiitution, and 
 two fuccellive federal conftitut ions ; but imce the 
 fettlement of the prefent general government ia 
 the year 1789, three of the ilates, Pennfylvani.?, 
 South- Carolina, ad Georgia, have totally new 
 modelled their own. And ail this is done without 
 the lead confulion ; the operation being fcarcely 
 known beyond the limits of the (late where it is 
 performed. Thus they are in the habit of <c cbsof- 
 
 c 
 
26 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 ic ing their own governors /' of " cajhierirrg them 
 "for mifconduft^ of " framing a government for 
 "*themf elves," and all thole abominable things, 
 the mere naming of which, in Mr. Burke's opi 
 nion, has polluted the pulpit in the Old Jewry.* 
 
 But it is faid, Thefe things will do very well 
 for America, where the people are lefs numerous, 
 lefs indigent, and better inftrucfced ; but they will 
 not apply to Europe. This objection deferves a 
 reply, not becaufe it is folid, but becaufe it is 
 fafhionable. It may be anfvvered, that fome parts 
 of Spain, much of Poland, and . almoft the whole 
 ofRuffia, are lefs peopled than the fettled coun 
 try in the United States ; that poverty and igno 
 rance are effefts of flavery rather than its caujcs ; 
 but the belt anfwer to be given, is the example of 
 France. To die event of that revolution I will 
 truft the argument. Let the people have time to 
 become thoroughly and foberly grounded in the 
 tlo&rine of equality, and there is no danger of op- 
 preflion either from government or from anarchy. 
 Very little inftru&ion is necefTary to teach a man 
 his rights ; and there is no perfon of common in 
 tellects, in the mod: ignorant corner of Europe, 
 but receives lefTons enough, if they were of the 
 proper kind. For writing and reading are not in- 
 difpenfable to the object , it is thinking right which 
 makes them a 61 riht. Every child is taught to 
 repeat about fifty Latin prayers, which fet up the 
 Pope, the Bilhop, and the King, as the trinity of 
 his adoration ; he is taught that the fviucrs that 
 
 * See Dr. Price's Sermon preached in the Old 
 Jewry before the Revolutionary Society, and Mr. 
 Burke's abufivc ftriclures on the above expre {lions 
 ufed bv the Doclor. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 27 
 
 l>e y are ordained of God, and therefore the foldier 
 quartered in the pariih has a right to cut his 
 throat. Half this inilru&ion, upon oppofite prin 
 ciples, would L^O a great way : in that cafe nature 
 wo', id be a (lifted, while here ihe is counteracted. 
 Engrave it on the heart of a man, that all men are 
 equal in rights, and that {[^.government is their own, 
 and then perfuade him to fell his crucifix and buy 
 a mufquet, and you have made him a good 
 citizen. 
 
 Another confeqticnce of a fettled belief in the 
 equality of rights is, that under this belief there is 
 no danger from anarchy. This word has likewife 
 'acquired a different meaning in America from 
 what we read of it in books. In Europe it means 
 confuiion, attended with mobs and carnage, where 
 the innocent perifli with the guilty. But it is 
 very different where a country is ufed to a repre- 
 fentative government, though it mould have an 
 interval of no government at all. Where the peo 
 ple at large feel and know that they can do every 
 thing by thernfelves perfonally, they really do noth 
 ing by themfelves perfonally. In the heat of 
 the American revolution, when the people in feme 
 ftates were for a long time without the leaft fha- 
 dow of law or government, they always ailed by 
 committees and reprefentation. This they mult 
 call anarchy, for they know no other. 
 
 Thefe are materials for the formation of go 
 vernments, which need not be dreaded, though 
 disjointed and lahlafunder to make fome repairs. 
 They are deep-rooted habits of thinking, which 
 almoft change the moral nature of man ; they 
 are principles as much unknown to the ancient 
 republics as to the modern monarchies of Eu 
 rope. C 2 
 
28 ADVICE TO TK? 
 
 We muftnot therefore rely upon fyilems drawn 
 from the experimental reafonings of Ariftotle, 
 when \ve find them contradicted by \vhat v. e feel 
 to be the eternal truth of nature, 2nd fee them 
 brought to the ted of our own experience. Arif 
 totle v/as certainly a great politician ; and Clau 
 dius Ptolemy \vas a great geographer ; but the 
 latter has fa id not a word of America, the largeft 
 quarter of the globe ; nor the former, of repre- 
 fentative republics, the refource of afflf&ed hu 
 manity. 
 
 Since I have brought thefe two great luminaries 
 of fcience fo near together, I will keep them in 
 company a moment longer, to fliow the ftrange 
 partiality that we may retain for one fuperftuion 
 after having laid afide another, though they are 
 built on fimilar foundations. Ptolemy wrote a 
 fyftem of Aflronomy ; in which he taught among 
 rather things, that the earth was the centre of the 
 univerfe, and that the heavenly bodies moved 
 round it. This fyftem is now taught (to the ex- 
 clufion by sn anathema of nil others) in Turkey, 
 Arabia, Perfin, Pale Mine, Egypt, and where ever 
 the doclrinco of Mahomet are taught; \vhile at 
 the fame time, and with the fame reverence, the 
 politics of Ariftotle are taught at the univerfity of 
 Oxford. The ground which fupports the one is, 
 that the fun ftopt its courfe at the command of 
 Jofhua, which it could not have done, had it not 
 been in motion ; and the other, that the powers 
 that be, ore ordained cf God. Mention to a Muf- 
 felman x the Copernican fyftem, and you might ss 
 \vell fpeak to Mr. Burke ?bout the rights of man ; 
 they both call you an atheift. But I will proceed 
 with the feudal fyftem. 
 
 The next quality of a feudal tenure is what is 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 
 
 commonly called on the Continent the right of 
 Jubftitution, in the Englifh law, known by the 
 name of entail. Of all the methods that^ have 
 yet been difcovered to prevent men from enjoying 
 the advantages that nature has laid before them, 
 this is the moft extraordinary, and in many ref- 
 pecls the moft effectual. There have been fuper- 
 ilitions entertained by many nations relative to 
 property in lands ; rendering them more difficult 
 of alienation than any other poffeffions, and con- 
 fequently lefs productive. Such were the/wj re 
 trains of the Romans, the family-right of re 
 demption, and the abfolute reftoration once in 
 fifty years among the Jews, iimilar regulations 
 among the ancient Egyptians, and laws to the 
 fame purpofe under the government of the Incas 
 in Peru. 
 
 Thefe were all calculated to perpetuate family 
 diftinc~lions, and to temper the minds of men to 
 an ariflocratical fubordination. But none of them 
 were attended with the barbarous exclufion of 
 younger brothers ; nor had they the prefumption 
 to put it into the power of a dying man, wh<.\ 
 could not regulate the difpolition of his lanclals 
 for one hour after his death, to fay to all mankind 
 thenceforward to the end of time, " Touch 
 not my inheritance ! -I will that this tracVof coun 
 try, on which I have taken my pleaiure, (hall 
 remain. to the wild beads and to the fowls of hea 
 ven ; that one man only of each generation ihall 
 exift upon it ; that all the reft, even of my own 
 pofterity, fhall be driven out hence, as foon as 
 born ; and that the inheritor himfelf fhall not in- 
 creafe his enjoyments by alienating a part to ame 
 liorate the reft." 
 
30 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 There might have been individual madmen, in 
 all ages, capable of exprejjing a defire of this kind ; 
 but for whole nations, for many centuries toge 
 ther, to agree to reverence and execute fuch hoftile 
 teftaments as thefe, comported not with the \vif- 
 dom of the ancients; it is a fuicide of fociety, 
 referved for the days of chivalry, to fupport the 
 governments of modern Europe. 
 
 Sir Edward Coke mould have fpared his pane 
 gyric en the parliament of Edward the firft, as 
 the fathers of the laws of entailments. He 
 quotes with fmgular pleafure the words of Sir 
 William Herle, who informs us, that " King 
 " Edward I. was the wifeft King that ever was, 
 " and they we re fa ge men, who made this ftatute." 
 Whatever wifdom'there is in the ftatute, is of an 
 elder growth. It is a plant of genuine feudal 
 extraftion, brought into England by the Normans 
 or Saxons, or feme other conquerors ; and though 
 fettled as common law, it began to be difregarded 
 snd defpifed by the judicial tribunals, as a fenfe 
 of good policy prevailed. But the progrefs of li- 
 jberality was arrefted by that parliament, and the 
 law of entailments parted into the ftatute of Weft- 
 mi nfter the fecond. 
 
 Tliis was confidered as law in America, previ 
 ous to the revolution. But that epoch of light 
 and liberty lias freed one quarter of the world 
 from this miferable appendage of Gothicifm ; 
 and France has now begun to break the fhackles 
 from another quarter, where they were more 
 ftrongly rtvetted. The fimple deftruSion of thefe 
 two laws, of ent ailment and primogeniture , if yoii 
 add. to it the freedom of the prefs, will enfure the 
 continuance of liberty in any country where it 
 h once eftablifhecl. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 3! 
 
 Other territorial right?, peculiar to the feudal 
 tenure, are lefs general in their operation, though 
 almoft infinite in their number and variety. Not 
 a current of water, nor a mill-feat, nor a fifh- 
 pond, nor a foreft, nor the dividing line of a 
 village or a farm, but gives name to and fupports 
 lome feigneurial impofition ; befides the number- 
 lefs claims predicated upon all the poilible actions 
 and ceremonies that pafs, or are fuppofed to pafs, 
 between the great Lord and the little Lord, and 
 between the little Lord and the lefs Lord, and 
 between him and the Lord knows whom. The 
 National AHernbly, in one decree, fuppreiled 
 about one hundred and fifty of thefe taxes by 
 name, befides a general fweeping claufe in the 
 acl, which perhaps deftroyed as many more, the 
 names of which no man could report. 
 
 One general character will apply to all thefe im- 
 pofitions : they are a difcouragement to agricul 
 ture, an-embarrafiment to commerce,. they hu 
 miliate one part of the community, fweil the 
 pride of the other, and are a real pecuniary difad- 
 vantage to both. 
 
 But it is time to pay our refpefts to rhofe feu 
 dal claims that we call perfonaL The firrt of thefe 
 is allegiance, in its genuine Gothic fenfe, called 
 perpetual allegiance. It is difficult to exprefs a 
 fuitable contempt for this idea, without defcend- 
 ing to language below the dignity of philofophy. 
 On the firit inveftiture of a fief, the fuperior Lord 
 (fuppofing he had any right to it hi-mfelfj has 
 doubtlefs the power of granting it on whatever 
 terms the vaflal will agree- to. It is an even bar^ 
 gain between- the parties ; and an unchangeable 
 allegiance during the lives of thefe parlies may be 
 a. condition of it. But for a man to be borx<\Q~. 
 
32 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 fuch an allegiance to another man, is to have an 
 evil ftar indeed ; it is to be born to unchangeable 
 llavery. 
 
 A nobleman of Venice, at ihis moment, can 
 not ftep his foot over the limits of the republic 
 without leave from the Senate, on pain of for 
 feiting his eftate. Similar laws prevail in all 
 feudal countries, where revolutions have not yet 
 prevailed. They flee before the fearching eye of 
 liberty, and will foon flee from Europe. 
 
 Hitherto we have treated of claims, whether 
 perfonal or territorial, that are confined to the 
 elded fons of families ; but there is one genuine 
 feudal claim, which " fpreads undivided" to all 
 the children, runs in all collateral directions, and 
 extends to every drop of noble blood, wherever 
 found, however mixt or adulterated, jt is the 
 claim of idlencfs. In general it is fuppofcd, that 
 all indigent noble children are to be provided for 
 by the government. But alas ! the fwarm is too 
 great to be ealiiy hived. Though the army, the 
 navy, and the church, with all their pofTIble mul 
 tiplication of places, are occupied only by them, 
 yet their number becomes fo conhderable, that 
 many remain out of employment and deflitute of 
 the means of fu [sport. 
 
 In contemplating the peculiar deftiny of this 
 defcription of men, we cannot but feel a mixture 
 of emotions, in which companion gets the better 
 of contempt. In addition to the misfortunes in 
 cident to other clafles of fociety, their noble birth 
 has entailed upon them a fmgular curfe ; it has 
 interdicted them every kind of bufmefs or occu 
 pation, even for procuring the neceifaries of life, 
 Other men may be found who have been deprived 
 of their juft inheritance by the barbarous laws of . 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. ?^ 
 
 defoent, who may have been egleted in youth 
 and not educated to bun fiefs, or who by averfioii 
 to SndUilry are rendered incapable of any ufefuf 
 employment ; but none but the offspring of a no 
 ble family can experience the fuperaddtd fatality 
 of being told, that to put hi- 5 baud to4.be plough, 
 or bis foot i-nto a counting houfe, would difgrace 
 an iliuftfious line of ancclrors, and wither a tree 
 cf genealogy, which takes its root in a groom of 
 fome fortunate robber, who perhaps was an arch 
 er cf Charlemagne. 
 
 Every capital in Europe, if you except Lon 
 don, throngs with this miferable clafs of nobleile, 
 who are really and literally tormented between 
 their pride and their poverty. Indeed, fuch i> 
 the prepoflercus tyranny of cuflom, that thofc 
 \vho are rich, and take the lead in focicty, have 
 the cruelty to make idlenejs a criterion of noblrffs* 
 A proof of inoccupation is a ticket of admiilion 
 into their houfes, and an indifpcnfible badge of 
 welcome to their parties. 
 
 But in France their b/nds are at laft untied ; 
 the charm is broken, and the feudal fyftem, with 
 all its infamous idolatries, has fallen to the 
 ground. Honour is reftored to the heart of man, 
 in (lead of being fufpended from his button-hole ; 
 end ufeful induitry give? a title to refpedl. The 
 men who were formerly Dukes and Marquiilcs, 
 are now exalted to farmers, manufacturers and 
 merchants ; the riling generation among all claf- 
 fes of people are forming their maxims on a jult 
 eftimate of things ; and fodety is extracting the 
 poifoned dagger which conqueit had planted in 
 her vitals, 
 
C H A P. II. 
 
 T EEC II U R C H. 
 
 it would have benn imnoiTible for the 
 feudal fyltem, with all its powers of inverfion, 
 to have held human nature fo long debafed, with 
 out the aid of an agent more powerful than an 
 arm of ilefh, and without availing the mind with 
 cilier weapons than lh0fe \\huh are furnifhed 
 from iis temporal concerns. Mankind are by 
 nature religious ; the governors of nations, or 
 thofe pcrfons, why contrive to live upon the la 
 bours of their felknv-creatures muft neceffarily 
 be few, in comparifon to thofe \sho hear the bur 
 thens of the whole ; their object therefore is to 
 dupe the community at large, to conceal the 
 ftrength of the many, and magnify that of the few. 
 An open arrangement of forces, whether phyfi- 
 cal or moral, muft be artfully avoided ; for men, 
 however ignorant, are as naturally difpoied to 
 calculation, as they arc to religion ; they perceive 
 as readily that an hundred foldiers can deitroy the 
 captain they have made, as that thunder and light 
 ning can deftroy a man. Recourfe mud there 
 fore be had to myfteries and invilibilities ; an en 
 gine mud be forged out of the religion of human 
 nature, and e reded on its credulity, to play upon 
 and cxtinguim the light of reafon, which was 
 placed in the mind as a caution to the one, and a 
 kind companion to the other. 
 
ADVICE, bV. 25 
 
 This engine, in all ages of the world, has been 
 the Church*. It has varied in its appellation, at 
 different peru<ls and in different countries, accor 
 ding to the circum fiances of nations ; but has ne 
 ver changed its character; and it is difficult to fay, 
 tinder which of its names it has done the molt 
 mifchief, and exterminated the greateft number 
 of the human race. Were it not for the danger 
 of being mifled by the want of information, we 
 fliould readily determine, that under the affimp- 
 tion of chfiftianity it has committed greater ra 
 vages than under any other of its dreadful deno 
 minations. 
 
 But we muft not be hafty in deciding this quef- 
 tion ; as, durh*^ the lad fifteen centuries, in 
 which we are able to trace with compaffionate 
 
 * From thai allc.c'.atioii of ideas, which ufually 
 connects the church with religion. I may -run the 
 rifque of being mil u-iidei flood by ibmc readers, un- 
 lefs I advcrtiie them, that 1 confider no connection 
 as exifting between thele two fubjecls ; and that 
 where ! ipeak of church indefinitely, I mean the 
 government of a (late, ailuming the name of God, 
 to govern by divine authority ; or in other words, 
 darkening the. coxjc.itnffs of men* in order to opprej's 
 them. 
 
 In the United States of America, there is ftrictly 
 fpeaking, no fuch thing as a Church : i>nd yet in 
 no country aic the pepple more religious. All forts 
 of religious opinions arc entertained there, and yet 
 no /r'r fy among them all ;. all modes of worfhip are 
 /rt there is no/./////.; ; men frequent 
 ly change tlje reed and then" won'liip, and yet 
 there is no apojlacy ; they have minifbcrs of religi 
 on, but r,o pri-"fis. In Hiort, religion is there a p>;r- 
 
 n 
 
36 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 indignation the frenzy of our anceftors, and con- 
 tern plate the wandering demon of carnage, con- 
 dueled by the crsf-s of the Weft, the lights of 
 hiftory fail us with regard to the red of the 
 world, we cannot travel with the crefcext of the 
 Eafr, in its unmeafurable devaluations from the 
 Iluxine to the Ganges ; nor teil by what other 
 incantations mankind have been inflamed with 
 the In (I of ilauthter, from thence to the north of 
 Siberia or to the ibutli of Africa. 
 
 Could we form an e dim ate of the lives lofT in 
 the wars and perfecutions of the Chri-ftian Church 
 alone, we mould find it nearly equal to the num 
 ber of fouls now exiiting in Europe. But it is per 
 haps a mercy to mankind, that we are not able 
 TO calculate, with any accuracy, even this portion 
 ,-of human calamities When Conftarrine order 
 ed that the hierarchy fhould a flu me the name of 
 Chnfr, we are not to coniidcr him ?s forming a 
 new weapon of deftni&ion ; he only changed a 
 name, which had grown into difrepute, and 
 would ferve the purpofe no longer, for one that 
 was gaining an extenfive reputation ; it being 
 built on a faith that was likely to meet the afTcnt 
 of a confiderable portion of mankind. The cold- 
 hearted* cruelty of that monarch's character, and 
 
 * The report of Zolhnus, refpc&ing the* motives 
 which induced Condantinc to embrace Chriftianity, 
 has .not been gerienilJy credited, though the circuni- 
 flance is probable in itfelf, and the author is coufi- 
 clcred in other reipcfts an hiftoiiaii of undoubted 
 vciacity ; having written the hiirory of all the Em 
 perors," down to his own time, which was the be 
 ginning of the fifth century. His account i?, that 
 C'onllantine could not be admitted into the ota cfiab- 
 lijh'd church of Ceres at Eleulis, en account of the 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 37 
 
 his embracing the new doftrines with a temper 
 hardened in the (laughter of his relations, were 
 omens unfavourable to the future complexion 
 of the hierarchy'; though he had thus coupled it 
 with a name that had hitherto been remarkable 
 for its meeknefs and humlity. This tranfa&ion 
 has therefore given colour to a fcene of enormities, 
 which may be regarded as nothing more than the 
 genuine offspring of the alliance of church and 
 Jlate. 
 
 This fatal deviation from the principles of the 
 firft founder of the faith, who declared that his 
 
 enormity of his crimes, in the murder of many of 
 his own family. But on his demanding admiflion, 
 the hierophanf cried out with horror, " Be gone, 
 thou parricide, whom the Gods will not pardon." 
 The Chriitian doctors feized this occafion to admi- 
 nifter to the wants of the Emperor, on condition 
 that he would admini Her to theirs ; the bargain was 
 advantageous on both fides ; he declared himfelf a 
 Chriftian, and took the church under his protec 
 tion, and they pronounced his pardon. 
 
 The fawning Icrvility of the new church and the 
 blunt feverity of the old, on that occafion, mark the 
 jpreciie character of the ecclefiaftical policy of all 
 ages ; and both examples have been followed in 
 numerous inftances. The manoeuvres of the Pope 
 on the converfion of Clovis, on fanlioning the u- 
 furpation of Pepin, and on the coronation of Char 
 lemagne, are among the imitations of the former ; 
 the ridiculous chaflifment of Henry the fecond of 
 England, and the numerous anathemas fulminated 
 againft whole kingdoms, are proofs of the latter. 
 We may likcwifc remark^ that the conduct of 
 Conflantine has been copied in all'its effential points 
 by Henry the eighth. 
 
 D 
 
38 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 kingdom was not of this world, has deluged Europe 
 in blood for a long fucceflion of ages, and carried 
 occafional ravages into all the other quarters of 
 the globe. The pretence of extirpating the idol 
 atries of ancient cftabHfhments, and the innumer 
 able herefies of the new, has been the never-fail 
 ing argument of princes as well as pontiffs, from 
 the wars of Conftantine, down to the pitiful, ftill- 
 born rebellion of Calonne and the Count d'Ar- 
 tois*. 
 
 From the time of the converfion of Olovisj 
 through all the Merovingian race, France and 
 Germany groaned under the fury of ecclefiaftical 
 monfter5, hunting down the Druids, overturning 
 the temples of the Roman Polytheifts, and drench 
 ing the plains with the blood of Arianst. The 
 
 * See Expofition dts motifs dos Princes, freres du 
 Roi, A declaration of the motives of the King's bro- 
 , thersy for r&ifmg an army to chaft-ift the French nation, 
 published at Coblentz in Januaiy 1792. The fir ft 
 article mentioned in reciting the objects of tins ex 
 pedition is, " pour rttablir U refpeEt du a la rfligien 
 Cathoiiqiie, et a Jes minijtres." 
 
 Wliat Chriftian emperor ever had a better right 
 to eftablifh religion than the count d'Artois? His 
 name, to be lure, is a burlelque upon every poflible 
 virtue, and a fatire upon human nature. But why 
 fhould this hinder liim from bc.ir.g an excellent ad 
 vocate for la Religion CathoLique ? 
 
 i Exterminating heretics was a principal object 
 of national ambition. Childebert I. who died in 
 558; h> as *he following epitaph on his tomb in the 
 Abbey of St. Germain?. dcs : lire's, at Paris. 
 Ltjang des Arriens dont rou^ircnt Us plaines, 
 J)e mont agues dc corps lair pays tout convert, 
 ILt Ifiirs chejs mis a mort^funt -ties prntves ccrtaines 
 J)e ce quc Us Francois Jirtntjous Ckildebcrt. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 39. 
 
 wars of Charlemagne againft the Saxons, the 
 Hans, th^ Lombards and the Moors, which de- 
 {blared Europe for forty years, had for their prin 
 cipal object the extending and purifying of the 
 Chriitian faith. The cru fades, which drained 
 Europe of its young men at eight fucceflive pe 
 riods, mud have facrificed, including Ailatics 
 and Africans, at lead four millions of lives. The 
 wars of the Guelfs, and Gibelins, or Pope and 
 Anti-pope, ravaged Italy, and involved half Eu 
 rope in factions for two centuries together. The 
 expulfion of the Moors from Spain depopulated 
 that kingdom, by a war of feven hundred )ears, 
 and eftablifheci the inquifition to interdict the re- 
 furrection of fociety ; while millions of the na 
 tives of South America have been deilroyed by 
 attempting to convert them. 
 
 In this enumeration, we have taken no notice 
 of that train of calamities, which attended the re- 
 converfion of the ealtern empire, and attaching it 
 to the fai f h of Mahomet ; nor of the various ha- 
 roc, which followed the difmemberment of the 
 catholic church, by that fortunate fchifm, which, 
 Dy fome, is denominated the Lutheran herefy, and 
 by others, the Proteftant reformation. 
 
 But thefe, it will be faid, are only general 
 traits of uncivilized character, which we all con 
 template with equal horror, and which, among 
 enlightened nations, there can be no danger of fee 
 ing renewed. It is true, that, in feveral coun 
 tries, the glooms of intolerance feem to be pierced 
 by the rays of philofophy ; and we may foon ex- 
 peel to fee Europe univerfally difclainiing the right 
 of one man to interfere in the religion of another. 
 We may remark, however, /r/?, that this is far 
 D 2 
 
40 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 from being the cafe at this moment ; and fecondly, 
 that it is a blefling which never can originate from 
 any ftate-cftablifhment of religion. For proofs 
 of the former, we need not penetrate into Spain 
 or Italy, nor recal the hiftory of the late fanatical 
 management of the war in Brabant, but look to 
 the two moil enlightened countries in Europe ; fee 
 the riots at Birmtnham, and the conduct of the 
 refradory priefts in France. 
 
 With regard to the fecond remark, we may 
 as well own the truth at firft as at laft, and have 
 ienfe this year as the next : The exijhnce of any 
 kind of liberty is incompatible with the exiftence cf 
 any kind of church. By liberty ', I mean the enjoy 
 ment of equal rights, and by church I mean any 
 mode of worfhip declared to be nations K or declar 
 ed to have any preference in the eye of the law. 
 
 To render this truth a little more familiar to 
 the mind of any reader who fhall find himfeif 
 ftariled with it, we will take a view of the church 
 in a different light from what we have yet conft- 
 dered it. We have hitherto noticed only its mod 
 ftriking charadleriftics, in which it appears like a 
 giant, (talking over fociety, and wielding the 
 fword of flaughter ; but it likevvife performs the 
 office of filent difeafe, and of unperceived decay ; 
 where we may contemplate it as a canker, corrod 
 ing the vitals of the moral w r orld, and debafing all 
 that is noble in man. 
 
 If I mention fome traits which are rather pe 
 culiar to the Roman Catholic conftitution, it is 
 becaufe that is the predominant church in thofe 
 parts of Europe, where revolutions are fooneft 
 expe&ed ; and not becaufe it is any worfe, or any 
 better,*, than any other that ever has or ever can 
 exift. I hinted before, and it may not be amifs 
 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 41. 
 
 m repeat, that the hierarchy is every where the 
 fame, fo far as the crrcum (lances of fociety will 
 permit ; for it borrows and Lends, and interchanged 
 its features, in fome meafure, with the age and 
 nation, with which it has to deal, without ever 
 lofing fight of its object. It is every where the 
 fame engine of ftate ; and whether it be guided by 
 a Lama or a Mufti, by a Pontifex or a Pope, by 
 a Bramin, a Biihop or a Druid, it is entitled to an; 
 equal fbare of refpedt. 
 
 The firft great object of the pried is to eftablifli 
 a belief in the minds of the people,, that he him- 
 Jelf is poffiffed of fupernatural powers ; and the 
 church at all times has made its way in the world r 
 i-n proportion as the prieft has fucceeded in this 
 particular. This is the foundation of every 
 thing, the life and foul of all that is fubverfive 
 and unaccountable in human affairs ; it is intro 
 ducing a new element into fociety ; it is the rud 
 der under the water, (leering the fhip almoft di- 
 reclly contrary to the wind that gives it motion. 
 
 A belief in tire fupernatural powers of the 
 prieft, has been infpired by means, which, in 
 different nations, have been known by different 
 names, fuch as aerologies auguries,., oracles, or 
 incantations. This article once ellabliOied, its 
 continuation is not a difficult tafk. For, as the 
 church acquires wealth, it furniilies it felt with: 
 the neceffory apparatus, and the trade is- carried 
 on to advantage. The impofition too becomes, 
 more eafy from the authority of precedent, by 
 which the mquifitive faculties of the mind are- 
 benumbed ; men believe, by prefcription, and: 
 orthodoxy is heriditary. 
 
 la. this manner every nation of antiquity re> 
 D 3, 
 
42 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 ceived the poifon in its infancy, and was rendered 
 incapable of acquiring a vigorous manhood, of 
 fpeaking a national will, or of aUng with that 
 dignity and generofity, which are natural to man 
 in fociety. The moment that Romulus confulted 
 the oracles for the building of his city, that mo 
 ment he interdicted its future citizens the enjoy 
 ment of liberty among themfelves, as well as all 
 ideas of juftice towards their neighbours. Men 
 never aft their own opinions, in company with 
 thofe who can give them the opinions of Gods ; 
 and as long as governors have an eftablifhed mode 
 of confulting the aufpices, there is no neceffity to 
 cftablifh any mode of confulting the people. 
 Nihil public e fin e aufpiciis nee domi nee militia gere- 
 batiir*y was the Roman Magna Charta ; and it 
 flood in place of a declaration of the rights of 
 man. There is fomething extremely impofing in 
 a maxim of this kind. Nothing is more pious,, 
 peaceful, and moderate in appearance ; and noth 
 ing more favage and abominable in its operation. 
 But it is a genuine church-maxim, and, as fuch, 
 deferves a further confideration. 
 
 One obvious tendency of this maxim is, like 
 the feudal rights, to inculcate radical ideas of ine 
 qualities among men ; and it does this in a much 
 greater degree. The feudal diftance between man 
 and man, is perceptible and definite ; but the mo 
 ment you give one member of fociety a familiar 
 intercourfe with God, you launch him into the 
 region of infinities and invifibilities ; you unfit 
 him, and his brethren, to live together, on any 
 terms but thofe of ftupid reverence and of infolent 
 abufe. 
 
 * Cicero dc divi?iaticne+ Lib. I. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 4/> 
 
 Another tendency is to make men cruel and 
 favage in a preternatural degree. When a perfon 
 believes that he is doing the immediate work of 
 God, he divefts himfelf of the feelings of a man. 
 Arid gn ambitions general, who wifhes to extir 
 pate or to plunder a neighbouring nation, has on 
 ly to order the prieft to do his duty, and fet the 
 people at work by an oracle ; they then know no 
 other bounds to their frenzy than the will of their 
 leader, pronounced by the prieft ; whofe voice to 
 them is the voice of God. In this cafe the leaft 
 attention to mercy or juftice would be abhorred as 
 a difobedience to the divine command. This cir- 
 cumftance alone, is fufncient to account for two- 
 thirds of the cruelty of all wars, perhaps in a 
 great meafure for their exiftence, and has given 
 rife to an opinion, that nations are cruel in pro 
 portion as they are religious. But the obfervaticn 
 ought to (land thus, That nations are cruel in pro 
 portion as they are guided by priefl s ', than which 
 there is no axiom more undeniably without ex 
 ception. 
 
 Another tendency of governing men by oracles, 
 is to make them factious and turbulent in the ufe 
 of liberty, when they feel thernfelves in pofieflion 
 of it. In all ancient democracies, the great body 
 of the people enjoyed no liberty at all ; and thofe 
 who were called freemen, exercifed it only by 
 fbrts, for the purpofe of revenging injuries, not 
 in a regular conftitnted mode of preventing them r 
 the body politic ufed liberty as a medicine, and not 
 as daily bread. Hence it has happened, that the 
 hiftories of ancient democracies, and of modern 
 infurreflions, are quoted upon us > to the infult 
 of common fenfe, to prove that a whole people 
 is not capable of governing itfelf. The whole of 
 
44 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 the reafoning on this fubjeft, from the profound 
 difquiii.tions of Ar.iilotks down to the puny whin- 
 ings of Dr. Tatham,* are founded on a direct in- 
 verfion of hiftorrcal fad. It is the want of liber 
 ty, not the enjoyment- of it, which has occafioned 
 all the ta&ion-s in fociety from the beginning of 
 time, and will do fo to the end ; it is'btfcaufe the 
 people are mt habitually free from civil and eccle- 
 fiaflical tyrants,, that trrey are difpofed to exercife 
 tyranny themfdvts. Habitual freedom produces' 
 effects directly the reverie in every particular, 
 For a proof of this, look into America, or, if that 
 be too much trouble, look into human naturc^ 
 \vith the eyes of common fenfc. 
 
 When the Chrillian religion \vas perverted, and 
 p relied into the fervice of government, under the 
 name of the chrijllan churchy it became necelTary 
 that its prk'nS mould fet up for fupernatural pow 
 ers, and invert themfelves in the fame cloak of in 
 fallibility, of which they had Itripped their pre- 
 decellbrs, the dnrds and he augurs. This they 
 cifec'ted by miracles ; for which they gained fa 
 great a reputation, that they were canonized after 
 death,, and have furnifh-ed modern Europe with 2 
 much greater catalogue of faints,, than could be. 
 found in any breviary of the ancients. The poly- 
 theifm of the catholic churchy is more fplendid for. 
 the number of its- divinities, than that of the 
 
 * It "may be neceltiry to inform, the reader, that 
 Dr. Tathara of Oxford has written a book in de 
 fence of royalty and Mr. Burke. As this" is the laft 
 as well as. the weakeft thing againft liberty that L 
 have met with, it is mentioned in the text for the. 
 lake of widening the gralp of my affertion, as well 
 as for heightening the contrail among all poflible 
 authors*. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 
 
 45 
 
 Elenfinian ; and they are not inferior in point of 
 attributes. The Denis of France is at lead equal 
 to the Jupiter of Greece or the Apis of Egypt. 
 As to fupernatural powers, the cafe is precifely 
 the fame in both ; and the portions of infallibility 
 are dealt out from the pope to the fubordinate 
 prieds, according to their rank, in fuch a manner 
 as to complete the harmony of the fydem. 
 
 Cicero has written with as much judgment and 
 erudition on the "corruptions'' of the old Roman 
 Church, as Dr. Priediy has on thofe of the new. 
 But the difficulty is not that the church is corrupt 
 ed by men ; it is, that men are corrupted by the 
 church ; for the very exigence of a church, as 
 I have before defined it, is founded on a lie ; 
 it fets out with the blafphemy of giving to one 
 clafs of men the attributes of God ; and the 
 praclifing of thefe forceries by that clafs, ai;d 
 the believing of them by another, corrupt and 
 vitiate the whole. 
 
 One of the mod admirable contrivances f the 
 Chriftian church, is the bufmefs of cwfejfions. 
 It requires great reflection to give us an idea of 
 the effects wrought on fociety by this part of the 
 machinary. It is a folemn recognition of the 
 iupernatural powers of the pried, repeated every 
 day in the year, by every 'human creature above 
 the age of twelve years. Nothing is more natu 
 ral than for men to judge of every thing around 
 them, and even of themfelves, by ccmparifon ; 
 and in this cafe, what opinion are the laity to 
 form of their own dignity ? When a poor, ig 
 norant, vitious mortal is fet up for the God> what 
 mud be the man ? I cannot conceive of any 
 perfon going ferioufly to a confeflional and belie 
 ving in the equality of rights, or pofle fling one 
 
46 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 moral fentimenr, that is worthy of a rational 
 being*. 
 
 Another contrivance of the fame fort, and lit 
 tle interior in efficacy, is the law of celibacy^ 
 impofed on the pneiUiood, both male and female, 
 in almoit all church-eitablilhrnents, that have 
 hitherto exiiled. The pr'rdl is in the iirlt place 
 armed with the weapons of; fcnoral deftru&ion, by 
 wh!ch he is made the professional enemy of his 
 fellow men ; and then, for fear he mould neg 
 lect to ufe thofe weapons, for fear he fheuld cen 
 tral the feelings and fnendfhips of rational be 
 ings, by mingling with fociety and becoming 
 one of its members, for fear his impofuions 
 mould be difcovered by the imimacy of family 
 connexion?, he is interdicted the raoft cordial 
 endearments of life ; he is fevered from the fym- 
 pathies of his fellow-creatures, and yet compelled 
 to be with them ; his affections are held in the 
 mortmain of perpetual inactivity ; and, like the 
 
 * The following tariff cf the prices of absolution- 
 will fhow what ideas thefe holy fathers have incuU 
 cated relative to the proportional degree of moral 
 turpitude in different crimes. It was reprinted at 
 Rome no longer ago than the lad century. 
 
 For a layman who {hall ilrike a priefl^. s. d. 
 
 without effufion of blood ----050 
 For one layman who fhall kill another -033 
 For murdering a father, mother, wife, or 
 
 fitter -- 050 
 
 For eating meat in Lent ----- O55 
 For him who lies with his mother or fifter 038 
 For marrying on thofe days when the 
 
 church forbids matrimony - - 2 o o 
 
 For the abiolution of all crimes - - - 2 16 Q 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 4^ 
 
 dead men of Mezentiu% lie is laflied to fociety 
 for tyranny and contamination. 
 
 The whole of this management, in fele6ling, 
 preparing, and organizing the members of the 
 ccclefiadical body, is purfued with the fame uni 
 form, cold-blooded hcdility, againft the focial 
 harmonies of life. The fubjedts are taken from 
 the younger fons or noble families, who, from 
 their birth, are confidered as a mrifance to the 
 houfe, and an outcad from parental attachment. 
 They are then cut off from all opportunities of 
 forming fraternal afFedions, and educated in a 
 cloider; till they enter upon their public func 
 tions, as difconne&ed from the feelings of the 
 community, as it is defigned they fliall ever re 
 main from its intcreds. 
 
 I will not mention the corruption of morals, 
 which mud refult from the combined cunfes of 
 the ardent paflions of confr rained celibacy, and the 
 fecret interviews of the pried with the women of 
 his charge, for the purpoie of confefiions : I will 
 draw no arguments from the diilenfions iown in 
 families ; the jealoufies and confequcnt aberrations 
 of both hnfbund and wife, occasioned by an. in- 
 Trigning dranger being in the ferrets of both ; the 
 dilcouragemcnts laid upon matrimony by a gene 
 ral dread of thefe confeqncnces, in the minds of 
 men of refle&ion, efFcch which arc remarkable 
 in all catholic countries ;, bur I >< ill conclude this 
 nrticle by obfcrxing the ciiivct infliience that eccle- 
 iiaflical celibacy alone, has liacl on the population 
 of Europe. 
 
 This policy of the church rnr.il have produced, 
 at lead, as great an c!!\:cU in tiiir,inf.> (i.-iety, as 
 the whole or her wars and perfecutionF. J n ca 
 tholic Europe, there mud be near a million of ee- 
 
48 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 clefiaftics.* This proportion of mankind con 
 tinuing deducted from the agents of population, 
 for fifteen centuries, mud have precluded the ex 
 igence of more than one hundred millions of the 
 human fpecies. 
 
 Should the reader -be difpofed, on this remark, 
 to liilen to the reply, whiclj is fomelimes made, 
 that Europe is fufficiently populous; I beg he 
 would fufpend his deciiion, till he fliall fee what 
 may be faid, in the courfe oftliiswork, on pro- 
 tedted induftry ; and until he (hall well coniider 
 the effects of liberty on the means of fubfiftence. 
 That reply is certainly one of the axioms <?f ty 
 ranny, and is of kin to the famous wifh of Cali 
 gula, that the whole Roman people had but one 
 neck. 
 
 The French have gone as far in the definition 
 of the hierarchy as could have been expected, 
 cohiidering the habits of the people, and the pre- 
 fent circumftances of Europe. The church in 
 that country was like royalty, the prejudices in 
 its favour were too (trong to be vanquished all at 
 once. The moil that could be done, was to tear 
 the bandage from the eyes of mankind, break the 
 
 * Boulanger, (vol. 7. page 294) computes the ec- 
 clefiafiics in Spain alone, at half a million. I am 
 inclined to think this account exaggerated. If it 
 
 oo 
 
 were exaft, and the other catholic countries of Eu 
 rope poilefTed them in as great numbers, in propor 
 tion to their population, there muft be at lead three 
 millions and. a half. It is true, that in Fiance, the 
 Auftrian Netherlands, Poland, Sweden, Ireland, 
 and fome parts of Germany, the proportion is not 
 fo great ; but in Italy, Portugal, and in parts of 
 Germany, it is full equal to what it is in Spain. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 49 
 
 charm of inequality, dcmolim ranks and infalli- 
 billities, and teach the people that mitres and 
 crowns did not confer fupernatural powers. As 
 Jong as public teachers are chofen by the people, 
 are falaried and removeable by the people, are 
 born and married among the people, have fami 
 lies to be educated and protected from oppreflion 
 and from vice, as long as they have ail the com 
 mon fympathies offociety, to bind them to the 
 public interelt, there is very little danger of their 
 becoming tyrants by force ; and the liberty of the 
 prefs will prevent their being fo by craft. 
 
 In the United States of America there is no 
 church ; and this is one of the principal circum- 
 flances which diftinguifh that government front 
 all others, that ever exifted ; it enfures the unem- 
 barraHed exercife cf religion, the continuation of 
 public inftru&ion, in the fcience of liberty and 
 happinefs, and promifes a long duration to a rep- 
 reientative government. 
 
e H A p. in. 
 
 THE MILITARY SYSTEM. 
 
 II importoit au maintien de 1'autorite du roi, d'entre- 
 tenir la guerre. 
 HJSTOIRE DE CHARLEMAGNE, 
 
 HP 
 
 JL HE church, in all modern Europe, may be 
 confidered as a kind of {landing army ; as the 
 members of that community have been, in every 
 nation, the furefl fupporters of arbitrary power, 
 both for internal oppreflion and for external vio 
 lence. But this not being fh-fficient of itfelf, an 
 additional inftrument, to be known by the name 
 of the military fyjlem^ became neceffary ; and it 
 feems to have been expedient to call up another 
 element of human nature, out of which this new 
 inftrument might be created and maintained. 
 The church was in pofleffion of the itrongcfl 
 ground that could be taken in the human mind, 
 the principle of religion ; a principle dealing with 
 things invifible ; and confequently the moft capa 
 ble of being itfelf perverted, and then of pervert 
 ing the whole mind, and fubjecling it to any un- 
 reafonable purfuit. 
 
 Next to that of religion, and fimilar to it in 
 moll of its characleriitic-, is the principle of bo~ 
 Tt$ur. Honour, like religion, is an original, in 
 delible fentiment of the mind, an indifperi fable 
 ingredient in our nature. But its objecl is inca 
 pable of precife definition ; and confequently, 
 though given us in aid of the more definable feel 
 ings of morality, it is capable of total perverlion, 
 of lofing fight of its own original nature, and 
 
ADVICE, Cfr, 51 
 
 ftill retaining its name ; of purfuing the deftruc- 
 tion of moral fentiments, inflead of being their 
 ornament ; of debafing, inftead of fupporting, 
 .the dignity of man. 
 
 This carnelion principle was, therefore, a proper 
 clement of imposition, and was deftined to make 
 an immenfe figure in the world, as the foundation 
 and fupport of the military fyftem of all unequal 
 governments. We muft look pretty far into 
 human nature, before we fhall difcover the caufe, 
 why killing men in battle fhould be deemed, in 
 iff elf, an honourable employment. A hangman 
 is univerfally defpifed ; he exercifes an office, 
 which not only the feelings, but the policy of all 
 
 nations, have agreed to regard as infamous. What 
 
 . o 
 
 is it that fhould roake the difference of thefe two 
 
 occupations, in favour of the former r Surely it 
 is not becaufe the victims in the former cafe are 
 innocent, and the latter guilty- To aflert this, 
 would be a greater libel upon human focietiy, 
 than I can bring my felt to utter ; it would make 
 the tyranny of opinion the inoft deleft Me, as well 
 as the moft fovereign of all pofnble tyrannies. 
 But what can it be ? It is not, what is fometimes 
 alleged, that courage, is the foundation of the bu 
 ll uefs ; that fighting is honourable becaufe it is 
 dangerous ; the-re is often as much courage dif~ 
 played in highway-robbery, as in the warmeft 
 conflict of armies ; and yet it does no honour to 
 the party; a Robin Hood is as difhonourable a 
 character as a Jack Ketch. It is not becaufe 
 there is any idea of juftice or bonefly in the cafe ; 
 for. to fay the belt that can be faid of war, it is 
 impoflible that more than one fide can be juft or 
 honeft ; and yet both fides of every conteft ars 
 E 2 
 
52 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 equally the road to fame ; where a diftinguiihed 
 ikiller of men, is fure to gain immortal honour. 
 It is not pat riot ifm, even in that fenfe o( the word 
 which deviates the moft from general philanthro 
 py ; for a total flranger to both parlies in a Vv'ar, 
 may enter into it on either fide, as a volunteer, 
 * perform more than a vulgar fhare of the flaugh- 
 ter, and be for ever applauded, even by his ene 
 mies. Finally, it is not from any pecuniary advan 
 tages that are ordinarily attached to the profeffion 
 of arms ; for foldiers are generally poor, though 
 part of their bufmefs be to plunder. 
 
 Indeed, I can fee but one reafon in nature, 
 why the principal of honour fhould be felecled 
 from all human incentives, and relied on for the 
 fupport of the military fyftem ; it is becaufe it 
 was convenient for the governing power ; that power 
 being in the hands of a finall part of the commu 
 nity, whofe bufmefs was to fupport it by imppil- 
 tion. No principle of a permanent nature, 
 whofe object is unequivocal, and whofe flighted 
 deviations are perceptible, would have anfwered 
 the purpofe. Jufcice, for inftance, is a principle 
 of common ufe, of which every man can dif- 
 cern the application. Should the Prince fay 
 it was juft, to commence an unprovoked war 
 with his weak neighbours, and plunder their 
 country, the falfhood would be too glaring ; all 
 men would judge for themfelves, and give him 
 the lie ; and no man would follow his ilandard, 
 unlefs bribed by his avarice. But honour is of 
 another nature ; it is what we all can feel, but no 
 one can define ; it is therefore whatever the Prince 
 may choofe to name it : and fo powerful is its 
 operation, that all the ufeful fentiments of life 
 lofe their effect: morality is not only banifhed 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 53 
 
 from political cabinets, but generally and profef- 
 fionally from the bofoms of men, who purfue ho 
 nour, in the profeffion of arms. 
 
 It is common for a King, who wifhes to make 
 a thing fafhionable, to pradife it himfelf ; and in 
 this he is fure of general imitation and fuccefs. 
 As this device is extremely natural, and as the 
 exiftence of wars is abfolutely neceffary to the 
 exiftence of Kings ; to give a fafhion to the trade 
 mud have been a confiderable motive to the an 
 cient Kings, for expcfmg themfelves fo much as 
 they ufually did in battle. They laid, Let human 
 Jlaughter be honourable, and honourable it was. 
 
 Hence it is, that warriors have been termed 
 heroes ; and the eulogy of heroes has been the 
 conftant bufinefs of hiftorians and poets, from the 
 days of Nimrod down to the prefent century. 
 Homer, for his aftonifhing variety, animation, 
 and fublimityr has not a warmer admirer than 
 myfelf ; he has been for three thoufand years, 
 like a reigning fovereign, applauded as a matter 
 of courfe, whether from love or fear ; for no man 
 with fafety to his own character can refufe to join 
 the chorus of his praife. I never can exprefs 
 (and his other admirers have not (lone it for me) 
 the pleafure I receive from his poems ; but in a 
 view of philantrophy, I confider his exiftsnce as 
 having been a ferious misfortune to the human 
 race. He has given to military lif\>, a charm, 
 which few men can reiift, a fplendour which en 
 velopes the fcenes of carnage in a cloud of glory,, 
 which dazzles the eyes of every beholder, deals 
 from us our natural fenfibilitie -, in exchange for 
 the artificial, debafes meii to brute?, under the pre 
 text of exalting them to Gods, ancl obliterates, 
 with the fame irrefutable ftroke, the moral duties 
 
54 ABVICE TO THE 
 
 of life and the true policy of nations. Alexander* 
 is not the only human monfter that has been form 
 ed after the model of Achilles ; nor Perfia and 
 Egypt the only countries depopulated for no other 
 reafon than the defire of rivalling predecefibrs in 
 military fame. 
 
 Another device of Princes, to render honoura 
 ble the profeflion of arms, was to make it envia 
 ble, by depriving the lowed orders of fociety of 
 the power of becoming foldiers. Excluding the 
 helots of all nations from any part in the glory of 
 butchering their fellow-creatures, has had the fame 
 effecl: as in Sparta, it has ennobled the trade ; 
 and this is the true feudal eflimation, in which 
 this trade has defcended to us, from our Gothic 
 anceftors. 
 
 At the fame time that the feudal fydem was 
 furnifhing Europe with a numerous body of 
 noblelFe, it became neceffary, for various purpofes 
 of defpotifm, that they mould be prevented from 
 mingling with the common mafs of fociety, that 
 they fhould be held together by what they call 
 refprit de corps^ or the corporation fpirit, and be 
 furnifhed with occupations, which fhould leave 
 them nothing in common with their fellow rnen. 
 
 * It is not unworthy of remark, that Aridotle* 
 was the tutor of Alexander, and the mod fplendid 
 editor and commentator of Homer. As we mud 
 judge an author by his works, it is but fair to take 
 into vi'ew the whole of his works. Confider, there 
 fore, as a political ichool-madcr to the world, the 
 forming of his pupil, and the illudrating of his poet, 
 are the greated fruits of the indudry of that philo- 
 fopher, and have had much more influence on the 
 affairs of nations, than his treat ife that bears the 
 name of fioliiics,. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 55 
 
 Thefe occupations were offered by the church and 
 the army ; and as the former was permanent, it 
 was thought expedient to give permanency to the 
 latter. Thus the military fyltem has created the 
 nobleiie, and the noblefle the military fyftem. 
 They are mutually neceiTary to each other's exift- 
 ence, concurrent and reciprocal caufes and ef- 
 fefts, generating and generated, perpetuating each 
 other by interchangeable wants, and both indif- 
 penfable to the governing power. 
 
 Thofe perfons, therefore, who undertake to de 
 fend the nobleffe as a neceffary order in the great 
 community of men, ought to be apprifed f the 
 extent of their undertaking. They muft, in the 
 fir ft place, defend ft an ding armies, and that too 
 upon principles, not of national prudence, as re 
 lative to the circumftances of neighbours, but of 
 internal neceflity, as relative only to the organi 
 zation of fociety. They muft, at the fame time, 
 extend their arguments to the increafe of thole ar 
 mies ; for they infallibly muft increafe to a degree 
 beyond our ordinary calculation, or they will not 
 anfwer the purpofe ; both becaufe the number of 
 the nobleffe, or " the men of the fword" (as they 
 are properly ftyled by their friend Burke,) is con- 
 ftantly augmenting, and becaufe the influence of 
 the church is on the decline. As the light of 
 philofophy illuminates the world, it mines in up 
 on the fecrets of government ; and it is neccffary 
 to make the blind as broad as the window, or the 
 pafFengers will fee what is doing in the cabinet. 
 The means of impofition muft be increafed in 
 the army, in proportion as they are left in the 
 church. 
 
 Secondly, they muft vindicate war, not merely 
 as an occurrence of fatality, and juftifiable on the 
 
56 ADVICE TO THF 
 
 dcfeniive ; but as a thing of choice, as being the 
 moil: nutritions aliment of that kind of govern- 
 
 o 
 
 merit, which reqr>es privileged orders, and an 
 army : for it is no great figure of fpeech, to fay 
 that the nobility of Europe, are always fed upon 
 human gore. They originated in war, they live 
 by war, and without war it would be impoflible 
 to keep them from ftarving. Or, to drop the 
 figure entirely, if mankind were left to the peace 
 able purfuit of induflry, the titled orders would 
 lofe their diflindion^, mingle with fociety, and 
 ; become reafonable creatures. 
 
 T'.'rclly, they mud defend the honor of the 
 occupation which is allotted to the noblefTe. For 
 thr- age is becoming extremely fceptical on this 
 fubjecfc ; there are heretics in the world (Mr. 
 Burke calls them athiefls) who affect to difbelieve 
 that men v, ere made exprefsly for the purpofe of 
 cutting each other's throats ; and who fay that it 
 is not the highefi honour that a man can arrive at, 
 to fell himfeif to another maj for life, at a cer 
 tain daily price, and to hold himfeif in readinefs, 
 night and day, to kill individuals or nations, at 
 home or abroad, without ever inquiring the caufe, 
 Thefe men fay, that it is no compliment to the 
 judgment or humanity of a man, to lead fuch 
 a life ; and they do not fee why a nobleman fhould 
 not pbilefs thefe qualities as well as other peo 
 ple. 
 
 Fourthly, they mult prove that all occupations* 
 which tend to life, and not to death, are difho- 
 nourable and infamous, Agriculture, commerce, 
 every method of augmenting the means of fub- 
 iiitence, and raifing men from the favage flare, 
 muft be held ignoble ; or elfe men of honour will 
 forget themfelves fo far, as to engage in them.;. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 57 
 
 and then, farewell to di(lin6lions. The National 
 AfTembly may then create orders as fail as it has 
 ever uncreated them ; it is impoflible for nobility 
 to exifl in France, or in any other country, un- 
 lefs the above articles are firmly defended l>y 
 arguments, and fixed in the minds of mankind. 
 
 It feems difficult for a man of reflection to 
 write one page on the fubject o government, 
 without meeting with fome old eitab lifted max 
 ims, which are not only lalfe, but which are 
 precifely the reverfe of truth. Of this fort is 
 the opinion, that inevitable wars in modern 
 times, have given occafion to the prefent military 
 fyftem, and that (landing armies are the belt 
 means of preventing wars. This is what the 
 people of Europe are commanded to believe. 
 With all due deference, however, to their com 
 manders, I would propofe a contrary belief, which 
 I will venture to lay down as the true (late of 
 the fact : That the prefent military fyftem has been 
 the caufe of the wars of modern times, and thaiftand- 
 ing armies are the beft, if not the only means of 
 PROMOTING mars. This pofition has, at lea ft, 
 one advantage over thofe that are commonly efta- 
 blifhed by governments, that it is believed by him, 
 who propofes itto theaflent of-others. Men, who 
 cannot command the power of the (late, ought to 
 enforce their doctrines by the power of reafon. 
 
 To apply this maxim to the cafe now before 
 us ; let us afk, What Is war ? and on what pro- 
 penfity in human nature does it red ? For it is to 
 MAN that we are to trace thefe queftions, and not 
 to Princes ; we mud drive them iipt$ principle, 
 not flop ihort at precedent ; and endeavour to ufe 
 our fenfe, inftead of parading our learning. A- 
 mong individual men, or favagcs acting in a deful- 
 
58 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 tory manner, antecedent to the formation of great 
 focieties, there may be many caufes of quarrels 
 and aHalTmaiions ; fuch as love, jealonfy, rapine, 
 or the revenge of private injuries. But thefe do 
 not amount to the idea of war. War fnppofes a 
 vafl ailbciation of men engaged in one caufe, ac- 
 uiated by one fpiiit, and carrying on a bloody coa 
 ted with another afTociation in a (imilar predica 
 ment. Few of the motives which acluatc private 
 men can apply at once to fuch a multitude, the 
 greateft part of which muft be pcrfonal Grangers 
 to each other. Indeed, where the motives are 
 clearly explained, and well underftood by the com 
 munity at large, fo as to be really felt by the peo 
 ple, there is but one of the ordinary caufes above 
 mentioned, which can acluate fuch a body ; it is 
 rapine, or the hope of enriching themfelves by 
 plunder.. There can be then but two circum- 
 flances under which a nation will commence an 
 offenfive war: either the people at large muft be 
 thoroughly convinced that they (hall be perfonally 
 rewarded, not only \vn! conquefl, but with a vafl 
 fhare of wealth from the conquered nation, or 
 elfe they muft be duped into the war by thofe 
 who hold the reins of government. All motives 
 for national offences are reduced to thefe two, and 
 there can be no more. The fubjeft, like mofl 
 others, becomes extremely firople, the moment it 
 is conlidered. 
 
 And- how many of the wars of mankind origi 
 nate in the fir ft of thefe motives r Among civili 
 zed nations, none. A people considerably 
 numerous, approaching towards ideas of fober 
 policy, and beginning to tafte the fruits of induf- 
 trv, require but little experience to convince 
 themfelves of the following truths. that no be- 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. ^g 
 
 nefit can be derived to the great body of individu 
 als from conqueft, though it were certain that 
 this event is always doubtful, and the decifion to 
 be dreaded, that nine tenths' of the lories in all 
 wars are a clear lofs to both parties, .being funk 
 in expences, that the remaining tenth neceffarily 
 comes in the hands of the principle managers, 
 2nd produces a real misfortune even to the victo 
 rious party, by giving them matters at home, in- 
 itead of riches from abroad. 
 
 The pitiful idea of reading ourfelves on a com- 
 parifonof fufFering, and balancing our own lodes 
 by thofe of the enemy, is a-ftratagem of govern 
 ment, a calculation of cabinet arithmetic. Indi 
 viduals reafon not in this manner. A diftreflt-d 
 mother in England, reduced from a full to a 
 fcanty diet, and bewailing the lofs of her fon, 
 receives no confolation from being told of a wo 
 man in France, whofe fon fell in the fame battle, 
 and that the taxes are equally increafed in both 
 countries by the fame war. But Kings, and 
 minifters, and Generals, and hillorians proclaim, 
 as a glorious conteft, every war which appears to 
 have been as fatal to the enemy as to their own 
 party, though one half of each nation are flaugh- 
 tered in the field, and the other half reduced to 
 ibvery. This is one of the bare-faced impositions 
 with which mankind are perpetually infuhed, and 
 which call upon us, in the name of humanity, to 
 piirfue this enquiry into the caufes of war. 
 
 The hiiiory of ancient Rome, from beginning 
 to end, under all its Kinss, Coniuls, and Em 
 perors, "furnilhes not a finale' i;(tan>:c, af'er the 
 conqueft of the Subines, of what may properly be 
 called a popular offer) five war : I mean a war that 
 would huvc been undertaken by the people, had 
 
60 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 they enjoyed a free government, fo organized as 
 to have enabled them to deliberate before they 
 adted, and to fuffer nothing to be carried into exe 
 cution but the national will. 
 
 The fame may be faid of modern Europe, after 
 a correfponding period in the progrefs of nations ; 
 which period mould be placed at the very com 
 mencement of civilization. Perhaps after the 
 fettlcment of the Saracens in Spain, the Lombards 
 in Italy, the Franks in Gaul, and the Saxons in 
 England, we mould have heard no more of off en- 
 live operations, had they depended on the unin 
 fluenced willies of the people. For we are not 
 to regard as cffenfive the druggies of a nation for 
 the recovery of liberty. 
 
 What an inconceivable mafs of llaughter are 
 we then to place to the other account ; to dark, 
 unequal government ! to the magical powers, pof- 
 fefTed by a few men, of blinding the eyes of the 
 community, and leading the people to deftruclion, 
 by thofe who are called their fathers and their 
 friends ! Thefe operations could not be carried on, 
 for a long time together, in ages tolerably en 
 lightened, without a permanent refource. As 
 long as the military conditions of feudal tenures 
 remained in full vigour, they were fure to furnilh 
 the means of deftrucYion to follow the will of the 
 fovereign ; but as the afperities of this fyftem fof- 
 tened away by degrees, it feems that governments 
 were threatened with the neceflity of applying to 
 the people at large for voluntary enlifttnents, and 
 contributions in money ; on which application the 
 purpofe gaud be declared. This would be too di- 
 reft an appeal to the confciences of men on a quef- 
 tiun of often five war, and was, if poflible, to be 
 avoided. For even the power of the church, pro- 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 6l 
 
 vidcd there was no queftion of .herefy, could not 
 be always relied on, to ftimulate the people to a 
 quarrel with their neighbours of the fame faith ; 
 and {till lefs was it fure of inducing them to part 
 with their money. The expedient, therefore, of 
 landing armies became neceffary ; and perhaps 
 rather on account of the money than the men. 
 Thus money is required to levy armies, and ar 
 mies to levy money ; and foreign wars are intro 
 duced as the pretended occafion for both. 
 
 One general character will apply to much the 
 greater part of the wars of modern times, they 
 are political, and not vindictive. This alone is 
 Sufficient to account for their real origin. They 
 are wars of agreement,* rather than of diflention ; 
 and the conqueft is taxes, and not territory. To 
 carry on this bufmefs, it is neceirary not only to 
 keep up the military fpirit of the noblefle by titles 
 and penfions, and to keep in pay a vaft number of 
 troops, who know no other God but their king ; 
 who Jofe all ideas of themfelves, in contemplating 
 their officers ; and who forget the duties of a man, 
 to pradlife thofe of a foldier, this is but half the 
 
 * Whenever the real fecret hi-ftory of the En- 
 glifh and Spanifh armaments of 1790 {"hall be pub- 
 h fried to the world, though it may not furnifh new 
 arguments to men of reflection for di drafting politi 
 cal cabinets, it may at lead increafe the number of 
 fuch men. But this cannot be done with iafety 
 during the lives of iome of the principal aftoi s in that 
 aftonilhing piece of audacity. I am convinced, that 
 the perion, who at this moment ihould <io it, would 
 not lurvive the publication fo long aspopeGaaganclli 
 did the fuppreflion of the Jefuits. 
 F 
 
62 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 operation : an effential part of the military fyftem 
 is to difarm the people, to hold all the functions 
 of war, as well the arm that executes, as the will 
 that declares it, equally above their reach. This 
 part of the fyftem has a double effect, it palfies the 
 hand and brutalizes the mind : an habitual difufe 
 of phyfical forces totally deftroys the moral ; and 
 men lofe at once the power of protecting them- 
 felves, and of difcerning the caufe of their oppref- 
 fion. 
 
 It is almcft ufelefs to mention the conclufions 
 which every rational mind mud draw from thefe 
 confiderations. But though they are too obvious 
 to be miftaken, they are ftill too important to be 
 pa^Ted over in filence ; for we feem to be arrived 
 at that epoch in human affairs, when " all ufeful 
 id; -., and truths the moil neceflary to the h?ppi- 
 ,icfs of mankind, are no longer exclufively deftined 
 to adorn the pages of a book*." Nations, wear 
 ied out with impoftwre begin to provide for the 
 fafety of man, inftead of purfuing his deft ruction. 
 I will mention asoneconclufion, which bids fair 
 to be a practical one, that the way to prevent wars 
 is net merely to change the military fyftem ; 
 for that, like the church, is a neceiTary part of 
 governments as they now ftand, and of fociety 
 as now organized : but the principle of government 
 muft be completely changed ; and the confequence 
 of this will be fuch a total renovation of fociety, 
 as to baniih (landing armies, overturn the military 
 fyftem, and exclude the poflibility of war. 
 
 Only admit the original, unalterable truth, that 
 all men are equal in their rights, and the foundation 
 of every thing is laid ; to build the fuperftructure 
 
 * L' Ambl& Nation ae. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 63. 
 
 requires no effort but that of natural deduction. 
 The firft necerlary deduction will be, that the 
 people will form an equal reprefentative govern 
 ment ; in which it will be impoilible for orders or 
 privileges to exift for a moment ; and confequently 
 the firft materials for (landing armies will be 
 converted into peaceable members of the Hate. 
 Another deduction follows, That the people will 
 be univerfally armed : they will aflume thofe 
 weapons for fecurity, which the art of war has 
 invented for definition. You wilt then have 
 removed the neceffity of a (landing army by the 
 organization of the legiflature, and the pofflbllity 
 of it by the arrangement of the militia; for it 
 is as impoflible for an armed foldierv to exift 'in 1 
 an armed nation, as fo>r a nobility to exift under 
 an equal government. 
 
 It is curious to remark how ill we reafon on - 
 human nature, from being accuftomed to view it 
 under the difguife which the unequal governments 
 of the world have impofed upon it. During the 
 American war, and eipecially towards its clofe, 
 General Wafnington might be faid to pofTefs the 
 hearts of all the Americans. His recommenda 
 tion was law, and he was able to command the 
 whole power of that people for any purpofe of 
 defence. The philofophers of Europe confidered 
 this as a dangerous crifis to the caufe of freedom. 
 They knew from the example of Caefar, and Sylla, 
 and Marius, and Alcibiadts,3 and Pericles, and 
 Cromwell, that Wafhington would never lay 
 clown his arms, till he had given his country a 
 mafter. But after he did lay them down, then 
 came the miracle, his virtue was cried up to be 
 more than human ; and it is by this miracle c: c 
 F 2 
 
ADVICE TO THE 
 
 virtue in him, that the Americans are fdppcfed to 
 enjoy their liberty at this day. 
 
 I believe the virtue of that great man to be 
 equal to any that has ever yet been known ; but 
 to an American eye no extraordinary portion of it 
 could appear in that tranfaclion. It would have 
 been impcflible for the General or the army TO 
 have continued in the field after the enemy left j^; 
 for the foldiers were all citizens ; and if it had 
 been otherwife, their numrers were not the 
 hundredth part of the citizens at large, who were 
 allfofrtiers. To fay that he was wife in difcern- 
 ing the impoflibility of fuccefs in an attempt to 
 imitate the great heroes above mentioned, is to 
 give him only the fame merit for fagacity which 
 is common to every other perfon who knows that 
 country, or who has well confidered the effeds of 
 equal liberty. 
 
 Though infinite praife is due to the conftituent 
 'aflembly of France for the temperate reiblution 
 and manly firmnefs which mark their operations 
 in general ; yet it mud be confefled that fome of 
 their reforms bear the marks of too timorous a 
 Jiand. Preferving an heriditary King with a tre- 
 inenduous accumulation of powers, and providing 
 an unnecefTary number of priefls to be paid from 
 the national purfe, and furnifned with the means 
 of rebuilding the half-deftroyed ruins of the hier 
 archy, are circumftances to be pardoned for reafons 
 which I have already hinted. But the enormous 
 military force, which they have decreed fhail 
 remain as a permanent eftablifhment, appears to 
 me not only unneceffary, and even dangerous to 
 liberty, but' totally and directly fubverfive of the 
 *nd they had in view. Their objects were the 
 of the frontiers and the tranquility of the 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS, 65 
 
 ftate ; the feverfe of this will be the effeft, not 
 perhaps that this army will be turned againft the 
 people, or involve the (late in offenfive wars. 
 On the contrary, fuppofe that it fan ply and faith 
 fully defends the frontiers and protects the people ; 
 this defence and this protection are the evils of 
 which I complain. They tend to weaken the 
 iralJcn, by dcadning the fpirit of the people, and 
 teaching them to look up to others for protection, 
 inftead of depending on their own invincible arm, 
 A people that legiflate for themfelves ought to be 
 in the habit of prote&ing themfelves; or they 
 will lefe the fpirit of both. A knowledge of their 
 GvfnJJrength preferves a temperance in their own 
 wifdom, and the performance of their duties gives 
 a value to their rights. 
 
 This is likewife the way to increafe the folid 
 domeftic force of a nation, to a degree far beyond 
 any ideas we form of a (landing army ; and at 
 the fame time to annihilate its capacity as well as 
 inclination for foreign aggreiuVe hollilities. The 
 true guarantee of perpetual tranquility at home and 
 abroad, in fuch a cafe, would arife from this 
 truth, which would pafs into an incontrovertible 
 maxim, that offensive operations would be impofjible^ 
 and defcrjlvc ones infallible. 
 
 This is undoubtedly the true and only fecret of 
 exterminating wars from the face of the earth ; 
 and it mud afford no fmall degree of confolation 
 to every friend of humanity, to find this imfpeak- 
 able Bluffing refill tins from that equal mode of 
 government, .which alone fcciires every other en 
 joyment for which mankind unite their interefts 
 in fociety. Politicians, and even fonietimes 
 huruift me::, are accuftomed to fpeak.of war as an; 
 
66 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 uncontroulable event, falling on the human race 
 like a concuflion of the elements, a fcourge 
 which admits no remedy ; but for which we-muft 
 wait with trembling preparation, as for an epi 
 demical difeafe, whofe force we may hope to 
 lighten, but can never avoid. They fay that 
 mankind are wicked and rapacious, 'and " it rnufl 
 be that offences will come." This reafon applies 
 to individuals ; but not to nations deliberately 
 fpeaking a national voice. I hope I mail not be 
 underftood to mean, that the nature of man is 
 totally changed by living in a free 'republic. I 
 allow that it is ilill interefled men and pcffionctie 
 men, that direft the affairs of the world. But in 
 national aflemblies, paffion is loft in deliberation, 
 and intereft balances tittered ; till the good of the 
 whole community combines the general will. 
 Here then is a great moral entity, afting (till from 
 interefred motives ; but whofe intereft it never 
 can be, in any r oilible combination of circumftan- 
 ces, to commence an offenfive w r ar. 
 
 There is another conflderation, from which we 
 may argue the total extinction of wars, as a ne- 
 cefiary confequer/ce of eftablifhing governments on 
 the reprefentative wifdom of the people. We are 
 all fenfible that fuperftition is a blemifh of human 
 nature, by no means confined to fubjecls c.>nne6led 
 with religion. Political fuperftition is almoft as 
 ftrong as religious ; and it is quite as univerfally 
 ufed as an instrument of tyranny. To enumerate 
 the variety of ways in which this inftrument ope 
 rates on the mind, would be more difficult, than 
 to form a general idea of the refult of its opera 
 tions. In monarchies, it induces men to fpill 
 their blood for a particular family, or for a par- 
 hnilar branch of- that family, .who happens to 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 67 
 
 have been born fir ft, or laft, or to have been 
 taught to repeat a certain creed, in preference to 
 other creeds. But the effect which I am going 
 chiefly to notice is that which refpecls the territo 
 rial boundaries of a government. For a man in 
 Portugal or Spain to prefer belonging to one of 
 thofe nations rather than the other, is as much a 
 fu perdition, as to prefer the honfc of Braganza to 
 thdtfof Bourbon, or Mary the fecond of England 
 to her brother. All thefe fubje&s of preference 
 (land upon the fame footing as the turban and the 
 hat, the crofs and the crefcenr, or the lily and the 
 rofe. 
 
 The boundaries of nations have been fixed for 
 the accommodation of the government, without the 
 leaf! regard to the convenience of the people. 
 Kings and minifters, viho make a profitable trade 
 of governing, sre interefted in extending the limits 
 of their dominion as far as pcfliblc. ^ They have a 
 property in the people, and in the territory that 
 they cover. The country and its inhabitants are to 
 them a farm (locked with fheep. When they call 
 up thefe fheep to be (beared, they teach them to 
 know their names, to follow their m after, and 
 avoid a ftranger. By this- unaccountable impoiiticn 
 it is, that men are led from one extravagant felly 
 to another, to adore their King, to boa ft i-f their- 
 nation, and to wifh for conqweft, circumftances 
 equally ridiculous in themfelves,. and equally in 
 compatible with that rational eftimation of things, 
 whicn arifes from the fcience of liberty. 
 
 In America it is not fo. Among the feveral 
 dates, the governments are all equal in their force, 
 and the people are all equal in their rights. 
 Were it poflible for one State to conquer another 
 Si ate, withcut any expence.of money, or of time, 
 
68 
 
 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 or of blood, neither of the States, nor a fingJe 
 individual in cither of them, would be richer or 
 poorer for the event. The people would all be 
 upon their own lands, and engaged in their own 
 occupations, as before ; and whether the terri 
 tory on which they live were called New York 
 or Mafiachufelts is a matter of total 'indifference,. 
 about which they have no fu'perfHtion. For^fce 
 people belong not to the government, but the go 
 vernment belongs to the people. 
 
 Since the independance of th'ofe States, many 
 territorial difputes have been fettled, which had 
 i Ken from the interference of their ancient char 
 ters. The interference of charters is a kind of 
 policy which ; I fuppofe,. every mother country 
 ohferves towards her colonies, in order to give 
 them a fubjecl: of contention ; that fhe may have 
 the opportunity of keeping all parties quiet by the 
 parental blefliflg of a (landing army. But on the 
 banifhmeni of foreign control, and all ideas of 
 European policy, the enjoyment of equal liberty 
 has taught the Americans the fecret of fettling 
 thefe difputes, with as much calmneis as they have 
 formed their conftitutions. It is found, that 
 queftions about the boundaries between free States- 
 are not matters of intereft, but merely of form 
 and convenience. And though thefe quefticns 
 may involve a traft of country equal to an Euro 
 pean kingdom, it alters not the cafe ; they are 
 fettled as merchants fettle the ccurfe of exchange 
 between two commercial dues. Several iriftan- 
 ce> have occured, fince the revolution., of deci 
 ding in a few days, by amicable arbitration, 
 territorial difputes, which determine the jurifdic- 
 ihon of .larger and, richer tradls of country, than \ 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS, 69 
 
 have formed the objecls of all the wars of the two 
 lail centuries between France am! Germany. 
 
 It is needlefs to fpend any time in applying this 
 idea to the circumrtances of all countries, where 
 the government fhould be freely and habitually in 
 thehandsofthepeople.lt would applytoall Europe; 
 and will apply to it, asfoon as a revolution fhall take 
 placd in the principle of government. For fuch 
 a revolution cawnot flop fhort of fixing the power 
 of the State on the bafis allotted by nature, the 
 unalienable rights of man ; which are the fame 
 in all countries. It will eradicate the fuperflitions 
 about territorial jurifdidtiorr ; and this confidera- 
 tion rmift promife an additional fecurity againit 
 the poilibility of war. 
 
 C H A P. IV. 
 
 THE ADMINISTRATION OF JUST 1 
 
 IT 
 
 would be a curious fpeculation, and perhaps 
 as ufeful as curious, to confider how far the moral 
 nature of man is affected by the organization of 
 fociety ; and to what degree his predominant 
 qualities depend on the nature of the government 
 under which he lives. The adage, That men ore 
 every zt'/^tt' the fame, though not wholly falfe, would 
 doubtlefs be found to be true only in a limited fenfe. 
 
70 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 I love to indulge the belief, that it is true fo far 
 as to enfure permanency to inftitutions that are 
 good ; but not fo far as to difcourage us from 
 attempting to reform thofe that are bad. To 
 consider it is true in an nnlymited fenfe, would 
 be to ferve the purpofes of defpotifm ; for which 
 this, like a thoufand other maxims, has been 
 invented and employed. It would teach 4p to 
 fit down with a gloomy fatisfacStion on the '{late 
 of human affairs, to pronounce the race of man 
 emphatically*' fated to be curd,'' a community 
 of fc If- tor mentors and mutual affafTins, bound 
 down by the irrefiilible deftiny of their nature to 
 be , robbed of their rcafon by priefts, and plun 
 dered of their property by Kings. It would teach 
 us to join with S;;ame Jenyns, and furniili new 
 weapons to the oppreilbrs, by our manner of 
 pitying the misfortunes of the oppreiled. 
 
 In confirmation of this adage, and as xn ape- 
 logy for the exilling defpotifms, it is faid, That 
 all men are by nature tyrants, and will exercife 
 their tyrannies whenever they find opportunity. 
 Allowing this aflfertion to be true, it is furely 
 cited by the wrong party. It is an apology for 
 erjua}, not for unequal governments ; and the 
 weaprn belongs 10 thofe who contend for the 
 republican principle. If government be founded 
 on the vices c.f n -ankind, its buGnefs is to reftrain 
 thofe vices in all, rather than to fofter them in a 
 few. The difpofition to tyrannize is eflcctually 
 retrained under the exercife of the equality of 
 rights ; while it is not only rewarded in the few, 
 but i/ivigorated in the many, under all other forms 
 of the focial connexion. But it is almoft impofH- 
 ble to decide, among moral propenfities, which of 
 of them btlcng to nature, and which are the off- 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 71 
 
 fpringof habit ; how many of our vices are charg- 
 able on the permanent qualities of man, and how 
 many refult from the mutable energies of ftate. 
 It it be in the power of a bad government to 
 render men worfe than nature has made them, 
 why fhould we fay it is not in the power of a good 
 one to render them better ? and if the latter be 
 cap^le of producing this effect in any perceiva 
 ble degree, where mail we limit the progrefs of 
 human wifdom, and the force of its inftitmion?, 
 in ameliorating, not only the focial condition, 
 but the controlling principles of man ? 
 
 Among the component parts of government, 
 that, wkofe operation is the moft direct on the 
 moral habit ot life, is the Adminiftration of Ju- 
 flice. In this every perfon has a peculiar ifolated 
 intereft, which is almoft detached from the 
 common fympathies of fociety. It it this 
 which operates with a fingular concentrated 
 energy, collecting the whole force of the (late 
 from the community at large, and bringing 
 it to act upon a fingle individual, affecting his 
 life, reputation, or property ; fo that the govern 
 ing power may fay with peculiar propriety to the 
 minifter of juftice, divide et impera ; for, in cafe 
 of opprellion, the victim's cries will be too feeble 
 to excite oppofnion ; his caufe having nothing in 
 common with that of the citizens at large. If, 
 therefore, we would obtain ?.n idea of the condi 
 tion of men on any given portion of the earth, we 
 muft pay a particular attention to their judiciary 
 fyftem, not in its form and theory, but in irw 
 fpirit and practice. It may be fa id in general of 
 this part of the civil polity of a nation, thaf. as it 
 i- a (tream flowing from the common fountain of 
 the government, and rntift be tinged wiih what- 
 
72 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 ever impurities are found in the fource from 
 whence it defcends, the only hope of cleanfmg the 
 ftream is by purifying the fountain. 
 
 If I were able to give an energetic fketch of the 
 
 office and dignity of a rational fyttem of jurif- 
 
 prtidence, defcribe the full extent of its effl-6ls on 
 
 the happinefs of men, and then exhibit the per- 
 
 verfions and corruptions attendant on this Ijfcfi- 
 
 nefs in moft of the governments of Europe, it 
 
 would furuifhone of the moil powerful arguments 
 
 in favour of a general revolution, and afford no 
 
 frnall confolation to thofe perfons who look for- 
 
 word with certainty to fuch an event. But my 
 
 plan embraces too many fubjecls, to be particular 
 
 on any ; all that I can promife myfelf is to feize 
 
 the rough features of fy Items, and mark the 
 
 moral attitudes of man as placed in the neceifary 
 
 pofrure to fupport them. 
 
 It is generally under flood, that the object of 
 government, in this part of its adminiftrauon, is 
 merely to reft rain the vices of men. But there is 
 another object prior to this : an office more facred, 
 and equally indifpenfable, is to prevent their vices, 
 to correft them in their origin, or eradicate 
 them totally from t 1 e adolefcerit mind. The lat 
 ter is performed by inft ruction, the former by 
 coercion ; the one is the tender duty of a father, 
 the other, the unrelenting drudgery of a mailer ; 
 but both are the bufinef- of government, and ought 
 to be made concurrent branches of the fyftem of 
 junTpnidence. 
 
 The abfurd and abominable doctrine, that pri 
 vate vices are public hneftSy it is hoped will be 
 blotted from the memory of man, expunged from 
 the catalogue of human follies, with the fy items 
 of government whicb gave it birth. The ground 
 
PRiVILEGED OJR0ERS. 53 
 
 of this infulting doctrine is, that advantage may 
 be taken of the extravagant foibles of individuals 
 to increafe the revenues of the State ; as if the 
 chief end of fociety were, to (teal money for the 
 government's purfe I to be fquandered by the go 
 vernors, to render the.n more infolent in their 
 oppreflions ! it is humiliating, to anfwer fuch 
 arguments as thefe ; where we muft lay open the 
 in oft degrading retreats of proftituted logic, to 
 difcover the pofitions on which they are founded. 
 But Orders and Privileges will lead to any thing : 
 once teach a imn, that fome are born to command 
 find oilers to be commanded ; arid after that, there 
 is no camel too big for him to fwallow. 
 
 This idea of the objects to be kept in view by 
 the fyftem of Jtiftice, involving in it the bufmefs 
 of prevention as well as of reftrict-ion, leads us to 
 fome obfervations on the particular fubject of cri 
 minal jurifprudence. Ev^ry fociety, confidered 
 in itfelf as a moral and phyfical entity, has the un 
 doubted faculty of felf-prefervation. It is an 
 independent being ; and, towards other beings in 
 like circumftances of independence, it has a riglu: 
 to ufe this faculty of defending itfelf, without 
 previous notice to the party ; or without the ob- 
 fervance of any duty, but that of abftaining from 
 offenilve operations. But when it acls towards 
 the members of its own family, towards thofe 
 dependent and defencelefs beings that make part 
 of itfelf, the right of coercion is preceded by the 
 duty of infiruclion. It may be fa f fly pronounced, 
 it) fit a State has no right to pu&ljb a man y to whom it 
 vas given no previous inflruction ; and confequently,, 
 any perfon has a ri^ht to do any action, unlefs he 
 has been informed that it has an evil tendency. 
 G 
 
74 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 It is true, that, as relative to particular cafes, 
 the having given this information is a thing that 
 the fociety muft fcmetimes prefume^ and is not 
 always obliged to prcve. But thefe cafes are rare, 
 and ought never to form a general rule. This 
 prefumption has, however, pafied into a general 
 rule, and is adopted as univerfal practice. With 
 what jufiice or propriety it is fo adopted, a Very 
 little refleclion will enable us to decide. 
 
 The great out-lines of morality are extremely 
 fimple and eafy to be underftood ; they may be 
 faid to be written on the heart of a man antece 
 dent to his ailbciating with his fellow-creatures. 
 -As a felf-dependent being he is felf-inftructed ; 
 and as long as he fhouid remain a fimple child of 
 nature , he would receive from nature all the lef- 
 ibns neceffary to his condition. He would be a 
 complete moral agent ; and fhouid he violate the 
 rights of another independent man like himlelf, 
 he would fin againft fufficient light, to merit any 
 punifhment that the offended party might inflicT: 
 upon him. J$\M fociety cpens upon us a new field 
 of contemplation ; it furniihes man with another 
 clafs of rights, and impofes upon him an addi 
 tional fyftem of duties ; it enlarges the fphere of 
 his moral agency, and makes him a kind of arti 
 ficial being, propelling and propelled by new 
 dependencies, in which nature can no longer 
 ferve him as a guide. Being removed from her 
 rudimental fchcol, and entered in the college of 
 fociety, he is called to encounter problems which 
 the elementary tables of his heart will not always 
 enable him Co folve. Society then ought to be 
 confident with herfelf in her own inftitutions ; if 
 fhe /ketches the lines of his duty with a variable 
 pencil, too flight for his natural perception, fhe 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 75- 
 
 /hould lend him her optical glares to difcern them, 
 if ilie takes the ferule in one hand, ine is bound to 
 life the fefcue with the other. 
 
 We muft obferve farther, that though fociety 
 itf elf be a ftate of nature, as relative to the nation 
 at large, though it be a ftate to which mankind 
 naturally recur to fatisty their wants and increafe 
 the' -Ann of their happinefs, though all its laws 
 and regulations may be perfectly reafonable, and 
 calculated to promote the good ok the whole, yet, 
 with regard to an ir.divi'.l,,.::i member, his having 
 'csnfented to thefe laws, or even chofe to live in the 
 iociety, 1.3 but zj?fi6trl and a rigid difcipline, 
 founded on a fidiion, is furcly hard upon its ob- 
 j-'cl:. In ginoral it imy be fa id, that a man, 
 comes in(o fociety by birth ; he neither confents 
 nor di items refpe6ting his relative condition : lie 
 fir (I opens his eyes on that (late of human aifairn 
 in which the interefls of his moral aflbciates are 
 infThitdy complicated ; with thefe his duties are 
 fo blended and intermingled, that nature can give 
 him br.t Mule affiilance in finding them out. His 
 morality itfelf muft be arbitrary.; it mult be varied 
 at every moment, to comprehend fome local and 
 pofitive regulation ; his fcicnce is todie^in where 
 that of preceding ages kas ended; his alpha is 
 their omega ; and he is called upon to acl by in- 
 kinct what t'ncv liave but learnt to do from the 
 experience of id! mankind. Natural reafon in?.y 
 teach ir.e p.^-t to iirike my neighbour without a 
 caufe ; but it \viil never forbid my fending a fack 
 of wool from England, or printing th: French con- 
 (Htntion in Spain. Thcfe are pofnive prohibi 
 tions, which nature has not written in her book ;. 
 (he has therefore never taught them to her children.. 
 G 2 
 
-/6 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 The fa lire may be faid of all regulations that arife 
 from the focial compact. 
 
 It is a truth, I believe, not to be called in quefU 
 fon, that every man is born with an imprefcrip- 
 tible claim to a portion of the elements; which 
 portion is termed his birtk right. Society may 
 v'ary this right, as to hs form, but never can 
 deilroy it in fubllar.ce. She has no control over 
 the man, till he is born ; and the right being born 
 with him, and being necelTary to his cxiitence, 
 :lhe can no more annihilate the one than the oilier, 
 though (he has the power of new-rnodeHing both. 
 But on coming into the world, he finds that the 
 ground which nature had prornifed him is taken 
 up, and in the occupancy of others ; fociety has 
 changed the form of his birth-right j the general 
 Hock of elements, from which the lives of men 
 are to be fupported, has undergone a new modifi 
 cation ; and his portion among the reft. He is 
 told that he cannot claim it in its prefent form, as 
 Jn independent inheritance ; that he muft draw on 
 the flock of fociety, inftead of the flock ' of 
 nature ; that he is banifhed from the moth 
 er and muft cleave to the nurfe. In this unex 
 pected occurrence he is unprepared to act but 
 knowledge is a part of the ftock of fociety ; and an 
 indifpenfable part to be allotted in the portion of 
 the claimant is tnftrufiion relative to the new 
 crrangemcnt of natural right. To withhold this 
 inflruction therefore would be, not merely the 
 omiflion of a duty, but the commiffion of a crime ; 
 and fociety in this cafe would fin againil the man, 
 before the man could fin agarnft fociety. 
 
 I fhould hope to meet the afTent of all unpreju 
 diced readers, in carrying this idea ft ill farther. 
 In cafes where a perfon is born of poor parents, 
 
PRIVILEGED : ORDERS. 77- 
 
 0r finds himfelf brought into the community of 
 men without the means of fubfidence, fociety 
 is bound in duty to furnifh him the means. She 
 ought not only toinftrucl: him in the artificial laws 
 by which property is fecured, but in the artificial 
 induftry by which it is obtained. She is bound, in 
 fujllce as well as policy, to give him fome art or 
 trade. For the reafon of his incapacity is, that 
 ' fhe has ufurped his birth-right; and this is reftor- 
 ing it to him in another form, more convenient 
 for both parties. The failure of fociety in this 
 branch of her duty is the occafion of much the 
 greater part of the evils that call for criminal 
 jurifprudence. The individual feels that he is 
 robbed of his natural right ; he cannot bring his 
 procefs to reclaim it from the great community, 
 by which he is overpowered; he therefore feels 
 authorized in reprifal ; in taking another's goods 
 to replace his own. And it muft be confefTed, that 
 in numberlefs infrances the conduct of fociety 
 ji.ftifies him in this proceeding ; (he has feized upon 
 hisf property, and commenced the waragainft him. 
 Some, who perceive thefe truths, fay that it 
 is unfafe for fociety fo publiflnhem ; but I fay it is 
 unfafe not to publiuVthem. For the party from 
 which the mifchief is expelled to arife has the 
 knowledge of them already, and has ated upon 
 them in all ages. It is the wife who are ignorant 
 of thefe things, and not the foolifh. They arc 
 truths of nature; and in them the teachers of 
 mankind are the only party that remains to be 
 taught. It is a fubjedb on which the logic of 
 indigence is much clearer than that of opulence. 
 The latter reafons from contrivance, the former 
 from feeling; and God has not endowed us with 
 G 3 
 
78 . ADVICE TO THE 
 
 falfe feelings, in things that fo weightily concern 
 our happinefs. 
 
 None can deny that the obligation is much 
 ftronger on me, to fupport my life, than to fupport 
 the claim that my neighbour has to his property. 
 Nature commands the firft, fociety the fecond : 
 in one I obey the laws of God, which are univerfal 
 and eternal ; in the other, the laws of man, which 
 are local and temporary. 
 
 It has been the folly of all old governments, to 
 bc^in every thing at the wrong end, and t erect 
 their inflitutions on an inverfion of principle. This 
 is more fadly the cafe in their fyftems of jurifpru- 
 dence, than is commonly imagined- Compelling 
 juftice is always miftaken for rendering juftice. 
 But this important branch of adminiftration con- 
 ijfts not merely in compelling men to be juft to 
 each other, and individuals to fociety, this is not 
 the whole, nor is it the principal part, nor even 
 the beginning, of the operation. The fource of 
 power is faid to be the fource of juftice ; but it 
 does not anfwer this defcription, as long as it 
 contents itfelf with compulfton. Jiiftice mult -be 
 gin by flowing from its fource ; and the firft as 
 well as the moft important object is, to open its 
 channels from fociety to all the individual mem 
 bers. This part of the adminiftration being well, 
 devifed and diligently executed, the other parts 
 would leiTen away, by degrees to matters of infe 
 rior confideration. 
 
 It is an undoubted truth, that our duty is in-, 
 feparably connected with our happinefs. And 
 why fhoiild we defpair of convincing every mem 
 ber of fociety of a truth fo important for him to 
 know? Should any perfoii object, by faying,, 
 tfiat nothing like this, hac ever yet been done ; I 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 79 
 
 3i>fwer, that nothing like this has ever yet been 
 tried. Society has hitherto been cnrft with go 
 vernments, whofe exigence depended on the 
 extinction of truth. Every moral light has been 
 fmothered under the bufhel of perpetual impofi- 
 tion ; from whence it emits but faint and glim 
 mering rays, always inefficient to form any 
 luminous fyftem on any of the civil concerns of 
 men. But thefe covers are crumbling to the dun 1 , 
 with the governments which they fupport ; and 
 the probability becomes more apparent, the more 
 it is confidered, that fociety is capable of curing 
 all the evils to which it has given birth. 
 
 It feems that men, to diminifli the phyfical- 
 evils that furround them, connect themfelves in 
 fociety; and from this connection their moral 
 evils aiife. But the immediate occafion of the 
 moral evils is nothing more than the remainder of 
 the phyfical, that (till exiit even under the regu-^ 
 lations that fociety makes to banifh then*. The 
 dire6b object therefore of the government ought 
 to be, to deftroy as far as poffible the remaining 
 quantity of phyfical- evils : and the moral would 
 fo far follow their deft ru 61 ion. But the rniflake 
 that is always made on this fubjecl is, that go 
 vernments, inftead of laying the axe at the root of 
 the tree, aim their ftrokes at the branches ; they 
 attack the moral evils direftly by vindictive juftice, 
 inftead of removing the phyfical by distributive 
 juftice. 
 
 There are two difUnt kinds of phyfical evils; 
 one arifes from want, or the apprehenfion- of 
 want ; the other from bodily difeafe. The for 
 mer feems capable of being removed by fociety ; 
 the latter is inevitable. But the latter gives no 
 Gccafion to moral diforders j it being the.comiiToa 
 
80 AD VICE TO THE 
 
 lot of all, we all bear our part in filence, with 
 out complaining of each other, or revenging our- 
 felves on the community. As it is out of the 
 power of our neighbour's goods to relieve us, we 
 do not covet them for this purpofe. The former 
 is the only kind from which moral evils arife ; 
 and to this the energies of government ought to 
 be chiefly directed ; efpecialty that part which is 
 called the adminifiration of ju(lic. 
 
 No nation is yet fo numerous, nor any country 
 f<; populous, as it is capable of becoming. Eu 
 rope, token together, would fupport at leaft fke 
 times its prefent number, even- on its prefent 
 fyftem of cultivation j and how many times this 
 Hicreafet) population may be multiplied by new 
 difcoveries in the infinite fcience f fubfiftence, 
 no nnn will pretend to calculate. This of itfelf 
 is Cufficrent to prove, that fociety at prefent has 
 the means of rendering all its members happy in 
 every i\,*V?t, except the removal of bodily drf- 
 eafe. The common flock of the community 
 appears abundantly fufficient for this purpofe, 
 Jly common flock, I would not be under Rood to 
 mean the g;oods exclufively appropriated to indi 
 viduals. Exclufive property is not only confident 
 wiih good order among men, but it is conceived 
 by fome to be necerTary to the exigence of fociety. 
 But the common ftock of which I fpeak coniirhs 
 firft, in 'knowledge^ or the improvement which 
 men have made in the means of acquiring a fup 
 port ; and fecondly, in the contributions which it 
 is neceflary fhould be collected from individuals, 
 and applied to the maintenance of tranquillity in 
 the State. The property exclusively belonging 
 to individuals can only be the furplufage remain 
 ing in their hands, after deducting what is necef- 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 8l 
 
 fary to the real wants of fociety. Society is the 
 firft proprietor ; as fhe is (he original caule of the 
 appropriation of wealth, and its indifpenfable 
 guardian in the hands of the individual. 
 
 Society then is bound, in the firft place, to 
 diflribure knowledge to every perfon according 
 to his wants, to enable him to be ufefui and hap 
 py ; fo far as to difpofe him to take an active 
 inrereft in the welfare of the State. Secondly, 
 where the faculties of the individual are naturally 
 defective, fo that he remains unable to provide 
 -for himfelf, fhe is bound ftill to fupport and ren 
 der him happy. It is her duty in all cafes to 
 induce every human creature, by rational motives, 
 to place his happinefs in the tranquillity of the 
 public, and in the fecurhy of individual peace 
 and property. But thirdly > in cafes where thefe 
 precautions fhall fail of their effect, (he is dri 
 ven indeed to the lad extremity, iiie is to ufe 
 the rod of correction. Thc'.fc inibnces wouM 
 doubtlefs be rare ; and if we could fuppofe a loner 
 continuance of wife adminiftration, fucli as a well- 
 organized government would enfure to every na 
 tion in the world, we may almoft perfuade our- 
 felves to believe that the neceflity for punifliment 
 would be reduced to nothing. 
 
 Proceeding however on the fuppofition of the 
 cxiftence of crimes, it muft ftill remain an object 
 of legislative wifdorn, to difcrimiaate between 
 their different clafles, and apply to each its proper 
 remedy, in the quantity and mode of punifhment. 
 It is no part of my fubjcct to enter into this in 
 quiry, any farther than (imply to ohferve, that it 
 is the chara6teriftic of arbitrary governments to 
 be jealous of their power. And, as jealoufy is, 
 f all human pailiuris, the molt vindictive and 
 
2 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 the leaft rational, thefe governments feJc the 
 revenge of injuries in the rnoft ahfurd and tre- 
 menduous pisnHhments that their fury can invent. 
 As far as any rule can be difcovered in their gra 
 dation of ptinifhments, it appears to be this, That 
 the feveriry of the penalty is in proportion to the 
 injuftice of the law. The rcafon of this is firnple, 
 the laws which counteract nature the moft, are 
 the moft likely to be violated. 
 
 The publication, within the lad half century, 
 of a great number of excellent treatifes on the 
 fubjecl: of penal laws, without producing the leaft 
 effect in any part of Europe, is a proof that no 
 reform is to be cxpeded in the general fyftem of 
 criminal jurifprudence, but from a radical change 
 in the principle of government*. 
 
 A method of communicating inftru<5tion to 
 every member of fociety is not difficult to difcover, 
 and would not be expenfive in practice. The 
 27 l^HlCnt Cnc;~~lly ?ftablifhes miniftcrsof juf- 
 tice in every part of the dominion. The fir ft 
 object of thefe minifters ought to be, to fee that 
 every perfon is well inftrucled in his duties and in 
 his rights - ; that he is rendered perfectly acquainted 
 with every law, in its true fpirit and tendency, in 
 order that he may know the reafon of his obedi 
 ence, and the manner of obtaining redrefs, in cafe 
 
 * The compufiionate little- treatifc of Beccaria, 
 f't'i dclitti t dcllc. ptnCi is getting to be a manual in all 
 languages. It has already ferved as an introdii&f.on 
 to many lirniiuous efTays on the policy and right ot 
 puniiliracnt. in which the fpirit of inquiry is pur- 
 lucd much farther than that benevolent philofopher. 
 furrounded as he is by the united fabres of feudal 
 and ecclefiatlical tyranny, has dared to purfue it. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 83 
 
 lie fliould deem it nnjtrft : that he is taught to feel 
 the cares and inrereds of an active citizen, to 
 coniider himftlf as a real member cf the date, 
 know that the government is his own, that the 
 fociety is his friend, and that the officers of the 
 ftate are the fervants of the people A perflm 
 poiTeffing thefe ideas will never violate the laws, 
 unlefs it be f rom neceflity ; and fnch necellity is to 
 be prevented by means which are equally obvious. 
 For the purpofcs of compuluve jndice it is not 
 enough that the Jaws be rendered familiar to the 
 people ; but the tribunals ought to be near at hand, 
 eafy of accefs, and equally open to the poor as to 
 the rich ; the means of coming at juftice mould 
 be cheap, expedition?, and certain ; the mode of 
 procefs ihould be fimple and perfectly intelligible 
 to the meaned capacity, unclouded with myderies 
 and unperplexed with forms. In fhort, juftice 
 ihould familiarife itfelf as the well-known friend 
 of every man ; and the confequence fcems na 
 tural, that every man would be a friend to juf 
 tice. 
 
 After confidcring what is the duty of fociety, 
 and what would be the practice of a well- organized 
 government, relative to the fubje<5l of this chapter, 
 it is almoii uielef< to inquire, what is the practice 
 of all the old governments of Europe. We may 
 be fure beforehand, that it is direcTly the contra 
 ry, that, like all other parts of the fyftem, it is 
 the inverfion of every thing that is right and rca- 
 fonable. The pyramid is every where placed on 
 the little end, and all forts of extraneous rubbifh 
 are condaruly brought to prop it up. 
 
 Unequal governments Ere neceflarily founded in 
 Ignorance, and they mud be fuppurtecl by igno 
 rance ; to deviate from their principle would be 
 
84 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 voluntary filicide. The firft great object of their 
 policy is to perpetuate that undifturbed ignorance 
 of the people, which is the companion of po 
 verty, the parent of crimes, and the pillar of the 
 State. 
 
 In England, the people at large are as perfectly 
 ignorant of the atls of parliament after they are 
 made, as they pofTibly can be before. They are 
 printed by one man only, who is called the King's 
 printer, in the old German character, which 
 few men can read, and fold at a pr'rce that few 
 can afford to pay. But left fome fcraps or com 
 ments upon them fhould come to the people through 
 the medium of public newfpapers, every fuch 
 paper is (lamped with a heavy duty ; and an al of 
 parliament is mode to prevent men from letting 
 their papers to read* ; fo that not one perfon in a 
 hundred fees a newfpaper once in a year. If a 
 man at the bottom ot York (hire difcovcrs by in- 
 (h'ncl that a law is made, which is interefting 
 for him to know, he has only to make a journey 
 to London, find out the King's printer, pay a 
 halfpenny a page for the law, and learn the Ger- 
 
 * As this work may chance to fall into the hands 
 of fome people who never fee the a&s of parliament 
 (the lame precautions not being taken to prevent its 
 circulation), it. is out of companion to that clafs of 
 readers, that 1 give this information. It is a duty 
 of humanity to fave our fellow-creatures from falling 
 into fnares, even thole that are fpread for them 
 by the government. Therefore : Notice is hereby 
 given to all perfons, to whom thefe prefects fhall 
 come, that, the penalty for letting a newipapcr, 
 within the Kingdom of Great-Britain, is fifty 
 pounds. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 85 
 
 mnn alphabet. He is then prepare:! to fpell out 
 his duty. 
 
 As to the general fyflem of the laws of the land, 
 on which all property depends, no man in the 
 kingdom knows there, and no man pretends to 
 know them. They are a fathomlefs abyfs, that 
 exceeds all human faculties to found. They are 
 ftudied, not to be under flood, but to be difputed ; 
 Jiot to sfive informa ion, but to breed con fu- 
 iion. The man, whofe property is depending on 
 a fuit at law, dares not look into tre gulph that fe- 
 ] ;:rutes him from the wifheJ-for decilion ; he has 
 no confidence in himfelf, nor in rc-afon, nor in 
 jultice; he mounts on the back of a lawyer, like 
 one of Mr. Burke's heroes of chivalry between the 
 wings of n griflin, and trulls the pilotage of a man, 
 Vvho is fuperior to htmfcif only in the confidence 
 which rffuhs from hnving; rotr.inr? at flake. 
 
 To pen-irate into \\ ;. Jledthe courts of 
 
 ce on the conur.cm, r fa the general 
 
 iy;U:!n of their atdminiitration in thofe points 
 lyhich are common to inoit cotiHtiies in Europe, 
 vv:)s J.j be to lay open an ii&oactevabic fcene of in 
 iquity ; it would be, 
 
 44 pour in light on Pluto s drear abodes, 
 
 " Abhorr'd by tncn, and dreadful i en to ggds" 
 
 What arc we to do with our fenfjbility, with 
 our honeft iriltlndt of propriety, how refrvin from 
 ckclamations of h.orror, while we contemplate a 
 let of men, aiF?irr.ing the iacred garb of juilice, for 
 the unifonri and well-known purp^fe of felling 
 their decilions to the highelt bidder ! For a judge 
 to receive a bribe, we fhouici think an indelible 
 ifoin upon his charailer as a man ; but what (hall 
 we fjy of the date of human nature, where it is 
 no clifgriict to him as a judge ? where it is not 
 
the r 
 
 of 
 
 fmrp 
 
 . 
 
 p.u ' j the 
 
 , the 
 
 ^ovei; in !;:u department 
 
 at fix. ie the bargains 
 
 ft. Thus the 
 :-f- fpecu- 
 
 r . rp< n to all the \ the raan, 
 
 "\vhif. njpc w^s/t-ie bLk fitted to iY5:;k;? 
 
 t { deciding caufes,- auikl afford 
 high^/l price, and was consequently 
 fure to be JIM/ 
 
 Juflice then was a comniodiiy v.-hi^h neccirurily 
 gave a p re fit to three it-is ot ir.cn, before it COM Id 
 fee purcnqfecfby the Aiitor ; even fuppoiing i r rr.iyht 
 have flowed to hi-n in a direcl channel. But 
 this was a tl-in^ iirpofTiblc ; there \vere other 
 defcriptlans c,i nun, more nnmcr'ui?, it not mra'c 
 grceJy, than th.;fe of wlioin we h-vc fptien, 
 through whofe hand? it rruift piifs and re,pafs , be 
 fore it coulH arrive at the client, who had a-i J 
 his money to the jnd^e. Thefe men, who infefted 
 the tjibiin:-ls in all ftages of the bufinc fs, were 
 divided in France, into about fix clalles. For 
 wan; rf the rrecife names in Ewgliih todefigna^ 
 all their official diftin<ftions, VIQ fliall rank the 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 
 
 of L 
 
 ^{JreiFed 
 
 had a necenary part ia brin^in^ forv/ar-J ervJ 
 putting backward every caufe that came into 
 
 Lawyers In France fbrivcl two important pur- 
 piles, which It i fuppoled they do not ferveju 
 Iviahnd : they added confidently to ihe revenues 
 of ihe cro-.vn by the pursHafc pf their places ; and 
 tncy covered the iniquity cf the udges undec 
 
 the i. 
 or ordinary r 
 
 th.u ihould h- 
 nevk be 1: vmi 
 
 r , had an nd.'Tjira- 
 iibiiity of fixing a 
 
 .v trcur'h me. 
 
 re-Jtry leeret;:; 
 : '. 'rnili.' r-au 
 Uk'ewife .-/ 
 
 /7^-/.^,. 
 
8 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 charge of fraud or raifmanagjement on any one of 
 the great fraternity, or of difcoyefing, among the 
 formidable piles of papers and parcbmentsrth&t 
 enveloped the myfteries of the t:ial, in v. 
 the iniquity was introduce:;, 
 
 To rail this whole fyftem of operations n fulernri 
 iarce, is to ive no utterance to our feelings ; to 
 f>y it is a fplcndiJ mockery of jtiflice by which 
 individuals arc ribbed of their property, is -a! mod 
 to fpcak irs praiie. The refle&ing mind cannot 
 reft upon it a moment, without glancing over 
 fociely, and bewailing the terrible inroads made 
 upon morals public and private, the devaftaliort of 
 principle, the outrage upon nature, the degrada- 
 lion of the lap particle of .dignity by which we re 
 cognize our own refemblance in man. 
 
 Its obvious tendency is, by its enormous ex- 
 pence, to bar ihe door of jufiice againft the poor, 
 v/ho in fuch countries arc fi.ue to form the* great 
 body of mankind, to render them enemies to 
 Ibciety, by teaching that fociety is an enemy to 
 them, to ftimtilate them to crimes both from 
 their own nece (lilies, and from the example of 
 their rr, afters, and to fpread over the people at 
 
 HI J)0r ;;| 
 
 pelsth 
 
 J'iiCC. 
 
 ^ . 
 
 be !h idled ' " 'I ! * \ 
 
 man c^n tii-.. i ; k-i, is ,'b >ir. . 
 
 be to luir.cnt ll'KU the nublc ici^nce or 
 
r R i v i L i: c E D o HD E u s . 
 
 was in danger of be-in;* for^i'ten ; or that 
 
 Kad I'/i't the 
 
 "This word, Ivivii..'- a 
 
 fame purple in , as her.dxhy ejoes in 
 
 hon.our : or the old jufifpfuctticfj., in in (lice : it 
 
 rendered men l::perui-ious ; and coj.Lq;it:itly_, iin- 
 
 I 1 - is fo f^ilii :>;;. l.-le iii Europe, [-y amon^^ 
 
 Eneliihrnen, to (peak in praiU- t) f tfce'En^lifll 
 it; i 'p'-udenc 3 7 an f l t(j confider it as a nu-K 1 "f 
 perfjcii'jn, that it c?iay f.-c^.i ^ecellary f<>r a ncrion 
 to be^in with 2:1 apol /', f ide..s rn 
 
 lh.it fubji'cl, ir h^ means to ;.!c\ i.:e fi\)in tl 
 
 rt () ^cncraPy eihblilh.d. But irnl-aJ of 
 coin^ ^his, I will be^in by np, 
 wHo at this ciav j- 
 
 Your fai. mai>, i.', 
 
 uii Jer;larKl npthingj of the r:v*ti,r. to al 
 
 be lefs favourable to v- 
 as honcll men. 
 
 Exclusive of the rules 1 hc perils (;f 
 
 a cai.fj a;e tu !; hich, if they 
 
 c-'VuLi he afcerl the mere 
 
 f>,r;:i r.-f hiin^in^ a qireltion before a court i-; of 
 
 re, anarr, leiV urvlei ;1 --o 1, and more 
 
 . 
 (hud ii; but tfe 
 
 as in France, into fev. 
 .;nbi-elv n 
 i;^i;t ia every i!;cr> t/i il-ic; pro^ 
 
 II 2 
 
 k? : t.Tjh 
 
9 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 dark rnulriplicity of form has not only removed 
 the knowledge of law from the generality of men, 
 but has created fuch an cxpence in obtaining 
 juftice, that very few ever make the attempt. 
 1 he courts are effectually flint againft the great 
 body of the people, and juflice as much out of 
 their reach, ss if no laws exiiled*. 
 
 Thofe \vho have attempted to purchafejuflice 
 through the neceffary forms have never been 
 known to pronounce eulogies on the courts. But 
 their number has always been fo fmall, that, had 
 they uttered the anathemas that the fyflem de- 
 fcrvcs, their feeble voi^e could fcarccly have been 
 heard. No man, wFicfe eyes are not blinded by 
 fees or by prejudice, can look upon the enormous 
 raafs of writings which accumulate in a caufe, 
 \vithbutrcfie6ling with 'indignation on theexpence ; 
 one hundredth part of which would have been 
 
 c The provijiM made in the Englijh law, en aiding 
 a perfon to bring bis fuit in forma pauperis, is 
 rather an infult than & real advantage. Certainly, 
 not one per Jon in a hundred, who is deprived of juftice 
 in the ordinary courfe, would ever feck it in this ; as, 
 In order to be entitled to it, he miift go into court and 
 fwear that he has not property enough to prof e cute 
 his claim. A ycung tradesman, and in general every 
 perfon who wifbes to carry en bujtnefs, or has fpirit 
 enough to feek for jufiice, has a higher, interejl in 
 eftablifhing a credit aming his connexions in bijinefs, 
 than in profecuting ;?, ordinary fuit at law. He 
 kn&ws, that t$ expofs his oven proverty, efpecially in 
 a commercial country, would be irretrievable ruin ; 
 // would be a pofitive injury ; ivhi I e fitting down 
 with the Ujs of his right, without bringing his f nit* 
 is only a negative injury. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. Cjl 
 
 more than fufFicient for every purpofe of obtaining 
 j'jftice between the parties. A writer who fhould 
 give the names and defcriptionsof the various parts 
 of a prccefs, with the expences annexed ro each 
 part, would fcarcely gain credit^ except with 
 profefiional men. Several hundred pounds are 
 expended only in writing Bills, Subpoenas, Pleas, 
 Demurrers, Anfwers, Pet i lions, Orders, Mo 
 tions, Amendments, Notices, Reports, &c. in 
 ,a finale caufe, where no wirnefs is called. 
 
 Let us trace a few of the windings, and fee 
 "where fome of the paths lead which are laid down 
 as neceffsrry to obtaining a deciflon in Chancery ; 
 we ihall there find how hundreds, and fometimes- 
 thoufands of pounds are expended in a caufe, before 
 any defence is fetwp, and where no defence is ever 
 intended to be fet up. The fuitor begins his 
 incomprehenfible operation, by Mating his claim, 
 in what is called a Bill, which he leaves at a cer 
 tain office belonging to the court, 2nd obtains an 
 order, called a fubpcena, for fummoning the 
 defendant. This being done, the court requires 
 the defendant to fend an Attorney to write his 
 name at another office of the court. This writing 
 the name, is called an appearance ; it anfwers no 
 poflible purpofe, but that of increafing expences 
 and fees of office, for which it is a powerful engine. 
 For if the defendant does not complv, an ex pence- 
 of thoufands of pounds may be made, to compel 
 him. A capias,* procefsjfor outlewff^ a commif- 
 ilon of rebellion, and an order and commiilion of 
 fequeftraticn, are purfuecl in their proper routine, 
 till he confents to wiife his name. 
 
 If the plaintiff has property to go through this 
 procefs, he may be faiu to be able jufl to keep 
 his ground ; . and his caufe. is in every refpedt 
 
ADVICE TO THE 
 
 lefendam 
 
 c ; he is then 
 r v- hieM, the cmrt 
 i.r, or r.nfvver 
 
 rj;s tUtie^expires, he i> inn - 
 of ('-IT \VCL[-:-.. But though 
 . ' iilicr the 
 
 en* 
 ihfor 
 
 ? bi:'. VVh 
 tied to-a I 
 
 Ke i- . ' 
 
 jxiaiQtjffi nor ' ft ; t, di e i 
 
 employ a foliqttar to ivr.ke a 1); !_t " f:>r co nf'.;i .; 
 und tV''-' f'i- H aU TV! tl-.c counfcl, 
 
 giv-'j I.i 51 a -u! : --~ fVc?, for niovin-j- t})e 
 
 court i or tjiijs -t be rci: 
 
 The i lie C'.njrt rnJ maL 
 
 . aUer.ci the court, rn<l 
 p-iy for t t - 
 
 mu'l caufe ; to be fl > 
 
 At the ern! ff this term of 
 fendant i.- 
 
 t v e niuil pay 
 his ;1 a etition 
 
 copy ; and tiicn 
 
 t three 
 
 prefcnt- 
 
 t: s in it. 
 ties, a y 
 com-. 
 
 ,c it i 10 the par 
 
 to the (/necr? oi use 
 
 CrtJS farce to every body 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. OJ 
 
 's which was ufed to compel his appear- 
 , mnft have been repeated, to wit, cn]-;'as, 
 --.'Ifiwry^ commiffion of rebellion 9 z\v\ fequcfirathn. 
 j..'ut we have arilvcd at tl e lime when the defend 
 ant is in duty hound tr> gnlvver to the bill ; and 
 here, if fie does not anf'* er, then capias , outlawry. 
 
 Thefe terms muit be txphinef! to f he 
 and this is the beft orp:Tt!-nhy to f!o \\. ror the 
 caufe dill remaining precifely where it was at fir/I, 
 we mayfuppofeit fiifHcientiy at reil, not to move 
 during the explanation. A c-Uas is r.n order 7 
 to take the man, and hold him in gaol tilljie obeys 
 ,fh^ order of the court ; whether it be to write his 
 name, or any tiling clfe. The word ouiL.twy 
 explains, of itfelf, this horrid engine ol the court. 
 A com million of rebellion is an order ;fu 
 the officer w r ith the capias ;. cd nnd pj 
 
 find tlie man, and after an outlawry ! 
 place. It is directed to other pcrfor'S 
 them to take up the n^an who was, guilty r-l 
 in refufing to write his name. Bin -^s tlu- Ciller wiih 
 the capias, before omlnwiy, could not find the man, 
 the ilTinr'g the cotninidion of rebellion ??</w, has na 
 other meaning but fees. A I cqi! eft ration \^ taking 
 the whole properly of (1 I into the ' 
 
 of (he a ii 
 / " n df-t e i.l to ; ior no 
 
 nv.'iiey is gone the pro:?: 
 us fuppofe that the defend oni- 
 
 \\ iih all orck rs thus iu a 
 
 pn-.i furTicient rnfwcr. ] it of 
 
 -:il iiu)'ions, pe'iiions, dccrtes, or- 
 ig the bill, ior ulernr.g to 
 ws the jiiftiffivjiency of ^nfwet?) rep rt< I 
 thole aniv.cis,, und iarthcr airjfwer^ and eK ( 
 
ADVICE' TO I 
 
 . tc, art I o 
 
 iucn it;;ir as trie process he:c defcnbed ; and i call 
 on them all, to point out the purpofe that any 
 of it ever lei-yed, or cvir c:n fcrve to tht-ir cli- 
 
 it : ,1 be reme'rribefett', 'hat all the ptbce 
 
 e to en-:! in three pretended ob- 
 ^pcd an appearance.; to cbtuin the 
 time for the defendant to prepa'rc 
 his anfwer ; and to cornptl hi.n rq '.-i\'e his Un 
 iting a ri; 
 i i inlnh to t 
 
 Next cone's the iuc* 
 me to an- 
 
 fwer the bilL de of the court, which 
 
 & the law iri . f, r ff 
 
 k v *y n.id two weeks wKich in ull i 
 
 ? it be in Inv- 7 , r;i,ke nine \\ , 
 ifiliut be a feafonaile tiifie^ UM^M di^ ide i 
 into three baftsj why is ii not fo bci;:re it is c!i- 
 xiJed r Ana if nciiher the party, nor the co-urt ? 
 ntir a . [fe 5 has a ri^ht to refufe that term 
 
 r 'f ti / n i'jht not iha defendant tike ir, 
 
 tng three titr.cs f The 
 ' : t the procefs gt^es to compel t! 
 
 ve in an anfvver to t!-e bill. Ana 
 "*vh;u i :ance of an anfwer r To 
 
to v, inch *hc ai 
 
 The bill ex, ; O f the plaintiff; 
 
 end points, on i \\hkh K-* 
 
 p:?Ys may be made in his 3 theTle- 
 
 .nt. Notice is given ^lendant 
 
 V^fe'v! P ffmS? 
 
 ; J, hut 
 
 iVIf 
 
 fe ii 
 
 fend 
 
 - .... _._ ,,.,,, ,., ,, r t . 
 
 >peir, to 
 
 ;n-!r ^m his defence be 
 
 ? to t'v |,l;:i;jiiff? and, if 
 ge v.ill not dcf< n-\ himfdf, c- 
 Can any one of the whole hoft of all i 
 
 Jaw f];ovv tlie 1-vaft llridnw of ufe in all this 
 Pounth ol procefs thus tat, but fees on the one 
 
 he other f 
 
 Wgh il) the forms, to the end 
 fail in cfhsmcieryj -. to v.rite a com- 
 
 g|en*ary on many yoliit^es of pra^ice^ and vv'ould 
 be callin|r the patience of the reader to a triul, 
 from wliich it vv< uld certainly (lirink. but there 
 are parts a? -much worfe than wh.it we havedcfcri- 
 bed, a? thisi^ uorfe thaacrommon f^nfe. Sirip 
 fromthe adn.iniftravion of jnilice the forms 
 
ADVICE TO THZ 
 
 are perfcfl'y uMefx r.n:l op p re .live, arid counfc!- 
 lors will have much kfs to do ; while the wholes 
 order of atomics atul fslicir >rs will full to the 
 ground If the mylterie^ fHF nonfenfe were out of 
 the WHV, a CcHiiifeitor, who was culle i upon to 
 rioii on the manner of c6hdu&- 
 iife, woi-lci no more h:?ve it pre- 
 st forward by :in attorney, th;m a 
 \voi:lj h;-.zaid his fortune by doing 
 -n;^h an is-;n-irarit awjnt, \\hich he 
 i.iir.felf. The qr.antity of 
 , in a iiropk aiu-I dignified 
 as to he perhaps 
 
 , i V t 
 
 who arc acquainted only vvitn 
 
 e is, tnat tne 
 
 orcics ;.:n-.l {.li:irors has 
 vnniihc:i, the Cocnfellor does tlie whole hullnefs 
 of Ills client ; and fo fimplc is the operation, 
 that a man mayuiih cafe comn.ence and carry 
 through every ftage, t final judgment and execu 
 tion, five liun-.lrtcl c^nfes in a year. And the 
 in all thefe (hall riot alrbru wri 
 ting efi M^ii to einpl -y a finale clerk one hour in 
 twenty four. The proceedings and judgments in 
 five hundred canfes, in this country, would fill a 
 warehoufe. And vet in that country, everv alle 
 gation is ncceilary in their declarations and plead 
 ings, which are neceffijry in VVeitrniniier-hall. As 
 they arc not paid by the line their declarations 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 97 
 
 have but one count, and in that count there is no 
 tautology. And fo little is the expence of fuits, 
 where no more is done than isneceflary for juftice, 
 that judgment, in a caufe where there is no de 
 fence, may be obtained for lefs than ten {hillings ; 
 anri every perfon employed be fully paid tor his 
 fcrvice*. 
 
 Men who are habituated to the expenfes incur 
 red in law-funs in England, will fcarcdy be per- 
 fuaded of the extent to which a reform would be 
 carried, on a general deftru&ion of abufes. But 
 k-tthem reflect, that when law proceedings arc 
 itripped of every thing, but what the nature of the 
 
 ~* As this may awaken the curiofify of feme of my 
 readers, I will give the details. Suppofe a fuit to 
 recover money due or, Note ' ir Bind: The writ and 
 declaration are incorporated in one injlrument j that 
 /-, the declaration is contained in the writ. The 
 jher'fj' is ordered to read this to the defendant ; , G** leave 
 a copy at his dwelling, at leafi twelve days previous to 
 the fitting of the court. This -writ i.\ ujualiy filled up 
 in a 'well known firm, in a printed blank ; of which 
 a man may with eaje fill a hundred a day. Far this 
 the court taxes ne jhiiiing and Jlx pence. Tl)e Jberlff, 
 if he has no travel to the defendant, is paid fix-pence 
 for reading the writ to him, and delivering it to the 
 clerk of the court. It is then the duty of the plaintiff, 
 cr of his lawyer, (who is both ciunjellor and foiicit- 
 or) to attend the court on the firji day sf the Jit ting ; 
 and then the parties in all caufes are called by the 
 frier. For this attendance the court will tax three 
 /Lillings and fouKcpence halfpenny : and if the defend 
 ant intends to make no defence he will not anjwer when 
 tatted ; and the clerk thereupon, en the third day after 
 
93 ADVICE TO TMS 
 
 fubjc cl require^,- there is no rry fiery left. The 
 rational part that remains is foon comprehended, 
 and ealily retained in memory. This would 
 doubtk-fs augment the number of fuirs ; for it 
 would open the courts tovaft multitudes of people, 
 againft whom they are now effectually ihnt. But 
 in proportion as it increafed the number of law- 
 fuirs, it would diminilh the quantity of law-bvfi- 
 refs ; and the number or lawyers would dwindle to 
 one tenth of what it is at prefent. In the Slate 
 above alluded to, the number of men fupported by 
 tiiis profe/Iion is to the whole population, as one 
 to 4600. Reduce the lawyers here to that pro 
 portion, and there would be left about three thou- 
 fand in the kingdom. It is atTertrd, (I know not 
 on what ground) that the p re lent number is thirty 
 thoufand. Allowing it to be true,nn a rmy of twenty- 
 feven thoufand lawyers, on this reform, would 
 rind fome other employment. But whether the 
 red u 61 ion would amount to the number here fup- 
 p'ofed, or to half of it, is a queftion of little mo- 
 
 callinZ) if >io tnofiw is made fry the defendant^ enters 
 ;./ grmnt for the plaintiff \ for which he has about two 
 /hillings ; one /billing more is paid for a ^vrit of exe 
 cution, which is in form and effeft a fieri facias, a 
 capias ad fatisfacicndum, and an elegit : that is, 
 it goes agtttnft the goods end chattels of the debtor', find 
 if the Jhenff cannot find ih^jc he is to take the Udy, 
 <?r the land. Added to theje c r .ft$ 9 there is a duty 
 vf u. vd. to government . "Theje Jeveral charges are 
 fffi ample reward for allfervices rendered, 
 
 Note of the. Editor. 
 
 When our author obferves, that the Jaws of 
 that country have jl ripped legal procefs of its prin-* 
 ipal follies t lie mull be unilcritood as referring 
 
PiU VILf.GEl.) CRDH^S. 
 
 roent. Saving the expcnce of maintaining twemy 
 or thirty thnufand n^n in a.-i ufelcfs occupation, 
 and fending th-ai to profitable bufinefs, however 
 important die object may appear, bears no pro- 
 jforiiori to the advantage 'Of opening the door of 
 I^H ice to the people j and habiuiimrig them to an 
 caiy and well-known a*eihod.<rf .Landing iheir 
 .right. 
 
 to the New-England State:. In New- York, 
 rennfyiyania, and almoft every other State of the 
 union, juftice is nearly as cxpcnfive as in Great 
 Britain. The common law of the mother coun 
 try has been univerfally adopted, and the ftatutc 
 books of the B.-ififh Parliament blindly and fer 
 vidly copied. When this is ihe cafe, and it can- 
 not be controverted, h;ive we reafon to look for 
 
 efs expenfive litigation in thofc States than in 
 the iiland of Great Britain ? Can it be expefl- 
 that the cliannds of juftice will be Irfs cor- 
 s-upt ; ar::f that the focial rights of individuals 
 will be better protecltd and defended ? In the 
 courts of commr.n pleas, panicularly thofc of 
 New-York, the bill of the phintiiFs attorney a^ 
 lone is feldom lefs than eiVht pounds. In'ih^ 
 fupreme court of the fame 'State, it often times 
 itretchcs beyond thirty pounds. We have pur- 
 |i*a the exterior of fouety ; but its interior e- 
 conomy is fraught with injufticc, and to very 
 jrlcerning mind muft appear as harbouring the 
 
 rrnciplts of moral deftraion. Let us not" de- 
 
 ude the world, by imprelfing an opinion, that 
 
 have anived at the fummk of perfcdion in 
 
 government and laws, when fo many glaring 
 
 evils^are profufeiy fcattcrcd arc nnd,_ when the 
 
 aws delay the expcnce of juiliceand the in- 
 
?CO ADVICE TO THE 
 
 There is a drange idea prevalent in England, 
 (it has had its day in America) that it is good policy 
 to raife theexpences of legal proceedings above the 
 reach of the lower dalles of people ; as it lefTens 
 the numbci* of fuhs. This kind of reafoning ap 
 pears too abfurd to fupport its own w.-. i v ht tor a 
 moment ; and it would be beneath our iLrions no 
 tice,- were it not for the refie&rbfi, that men of 
 fuperficial refearch are perpetually caught by ir. 
 The human mind is fitted, from its own indolence, 
 to be dazzled by the glare of a proportion - r an-,!' 
 to receive and utter for truth, what it never gives 
 itfelf the trouble to examine. There is no para 
 dox among all the cnormiir.es of defyonfm, bur 
 what finds its advocates from this very circum- 
 ftance. We muft not therefore fcorn to encounter 
 an argument becaufe it is foolifh. The bufmefs of 
 fober phMof>>phy is often a talk of drudgery ; it 
 mud fcmetiines Hftcn to the moil incoherent cla 
 mours, which would be unworthy of its atcention, 
 did they not. form a part of the general din, by 
 which mankind are deafened and milled. 
 
 For a man to bring into court a fmt thai: is 
 manifeftly unjuft, is a crii^e againft the (late ; to 
 hinder him from bringing one that is j-uft, is a 
 crime of the ftate againfi him. It is a poor com 
 pliment to the wifdom of a nation, to fuppofe that 
 no method can be devifed for preventing the firft 
 of thefe evils,^ without running kito the laft ; and 
 the iaft is ten times the greateft of the two. The ' 
 French, who appear to have been deftined to give 
 leflbns to the worhl by the wi'fdom of their new 
 
 f >!c-nce of office, are 5? mwch to be complained 
 of, in moft of the American State?, as under t 
 Hruidi execrated fyftenas of Europe,, 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. ICI 
 
 inftitutions, as well as by *-h'c lolly ot iherr old, 
 have fount! the fee ret of i m poll m* a fmall fine on 
 a vexatious plaintiff; and of erbbiifhing many 
 other regulations on this fubje<5t, which effectually 
 ihut the door of the tribunal agafnft the oppreiibr, 
 while it e.aiily opens to the fecbleft cry of the op- 
 preifed. 
 
 They have likewife eftablifhecl a method of 
 communicating the knowledge of-thelaws to every 
 human creature in the kingdom, however ignorant 
 he may be in other refpefts. They are printed 
 and parted up on public buildings in every, town 
 and village, arid read and explained by the curate 
 from the pulpit in every parifh. It is in con 
 templation likewife to inftitute a general fyftem 
 of public inflruction, on a moie ufeful and ex- 
 tenfive plan than has ever vet been ctevifed. Se 
 veral enlightened philofophers are bufied in thefe 
 refearches; and feveral focieties are formed, whofe 
 object is to difcover and bring forward the bed 
 concerted plan for this important pnrpnfe. In 
 their wh^le fyflern of dlilribnting knowledge ?nd 
 jujiicC) they feem to be aiming at a decree of 
 perteclion which promifes great fuccef*? With 
 *H my partiality for the inflirutii ns of the United 
 States, I ihould'quote them (in com pa ri fan to thofe 
 of^ France) with lefs confidence on the fubjed of 
 this chapter, tha" of any other. 
 
 In the adminiftration of jnftice the American 
 Slates in general, are too much attached to the 
 Englifh forms; which ferve to fncieafe the ex- 
 pence and to myfticife the bufmefs, to a de^r ec 
 ^hat is manifettly inconfiftcnt wiih the di^niiy o f 
 a true republic. ' But in refped to Public inftru c . 
 tion, ther are fume circnmftances which 
 
 i a 
 
ADV'CK T0 THE 
 
 to 'l>e" mentioned to their prnife, I a-n r-in^ fry 
 fpeuk only of the particular State \vi;h which I am 
 Left acquainted. How many of the others are 
 beticr regulated in this refpect, and how many 
 are worfe, I 3m not accurately informed. This 
 ftate, (which contains Icfs than 240,000 inhabit 
 ant) is divided into about one hundred towns. 
 Thefe are fub-divided into fmall portion?,, called 
 fvhool-di'ftricls, fimable for the fnpport of fmall 
 fchools. Each of thefe diftridls has a drawback 
 on the ftate treafury for a fum, which bears a 
 proportion to the public taxes paid by the inha 
 bitants of the diitricl, and which is about half 
 equal to the Arpport of a fchool-mafter. But this 
 fiim can be drawn only on condition, that a fchool 
 is maintained in the diftrict.* 
 
 The following remarkable confequences feem 
 to have refulted from this provifnn : There is 
 not perhaps in that date, a perfon of fix years 
 old, and of common intellects, who cannot read ; 
 and very few, of twelve, who cannot write and 
 caft accounts ; befides the vifual books that are 
 found in every family, it is computed that there 
 are in the Hate about three hundred public libraries^ 
 which have been formed by voluntary fuhfcriptiorj 
 among the people of the dHtricls and the parifhes ; 
 till about the year 1768, which was more than 
 one hundred and thirty years alter the fettlement 
 of the ftate, no capital punifhment, as I am infor 
 med, had been inflicted within i f s jurifdiclion, 
 nor any perfon convicted of a capital offence ; fince 
 
 * Befides the fmrJT fchocls above mentioned, there 
 is a cmfiderable numter cf Academies and grammar- 
 fckeoh in this little Republic j and there is or,* Urn- 
 
fRlVlLEG'LD ORDERS. 16% 
 
 that period, very few have been convicted, and 
 thofe few are generally Europeans by birth ynd 
 education ; there is no extreme poverty in the 
 Hate, and no extraordinary wealth accumulated by 
 Individuals. 
 
 It would be abfurd to fuppofe, that Public In- 
 function is by any means carried to the perfection 
 that it ought to be, in this or any other State in 
 the univerfe. But this experiment proves, that 
 good morals and equal liberty are reciprocal caufes 
 and efFjcts ; and that they are both the parents 
 of national happinefs, and of great profperi- 
 
 ty- 
 
 All governments thac lay any claim to refpedt- 
 ability or juftice, have profcribed the idea of ex- 
 .pofl-fafto laws, 0r laws made alter the performance 
 of an action, conftituting that action a crime, and 
 pumfhing a party for a thing that was innocent at 
 the time of its being done. Such laws would be 
 fo flagrant a violation of natural right, that in the 
 French and feveral of the American State Confti- 
 tutions they are folemnly interdicted in their De 
 clarations of Rights. This profcription is like- 
 \vife confidered as a (undamental article of Engiifh 
 liberty, and almoft the only one that has not been 
 habitually violated, within the prefcnt century. 
 But let us refort to reafon and juftice, and afk what 
 is the difrrrence between a violation of this article 
 and the obfervance of that tremenduous maxinn 
 of jurifprudence, com men to all the nations above 
 mentioned,* ignorantfa legis nemlntm excufat ? 
 
 Moil of the laws of fociety are pofitive r?gn]^ 
 tions, not taught by nature. Indeed, fuch only 
 
 * Ignorance of the law is no excufe for tht breach 
 
104 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 are applicable to the fubjeft now in queftion. For 
 ignvr&ritiA legis can have reference only to laws ari- 
 fmg out of fociety, in which our natural feelings 
 have no concern ; and where a man is ignorant of 
 fuch a law, he is in the fame fituation as if the 
 law did not exift. To read it to him from the 
 tribunal, where he (lands arraigned for the breach 
 of it, is to him prfccifely the fame thing a^ it would 
 be to originate it at the time by the fame tribunal, 
 for the exprefs purpofe of his condemnation. The 
 law till then, as relative to him, is not in being. 
 He is therefore in the fame predicament that the 
 fociety in general would be, under the operation 
 of an ex-pofi-fafio law*. Hence we ought to con 
 clude that, as it feems difficult for a government 
 to difpenfe with the maxim above-mentioned, 
 a free people ought, in their declaration of rights, 
 to provide for univerfal public inftrution. If 
 they neglecl to do this, and mean to avoid the 
 abfurdity of a felf-deftroying policy, by adher- 
 
 * What /hocking ideas of morals thofe governments 
 mujl have inculcated, which firfl invented that exemp 
 tion in penal ftatuteSy called the benefit of "clergy ! 
 To be able to write and ready was at that time an 
 evidence of an uncommon degree of knowledge. Out 
 cf rejpeft to learning (as it is pref timed) it was there 
 fore enacJedy that any perfon cwiifted of a felony 
 fnould be pardoned^ on footing that he could write 
 his name. As this latent was then chiefly confined to 
 the clerks, r clergy > this circumftance gave name to 
 the law. The language of the exemption is Jim ply 
 thiSy that t h of e perfon s only who know the law are 
 tit liberty to violate it. *Tlere is indeed much reafsn 
 fir a dif.inclion \ but it Jbwld have been the ether 
 way. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 16$ 
 
 ing to a fyftem of juftice which would preferve a 
 dignity and infplre a confidence worthy the name 
 of liberty, they ought to rejecl ihe maxim alto 
 gether ; and infert in their declaration of righs, 
 that inilructron alone can conltitute a duty ; and 
 that laws can enforce no obedience, but where 
 they are explained. 
 
 It is truly hard and fiifltciently to be regretted 
 that any part of fociety Humid be obliged to yield 
 obedience to laws, to which they have not literally 
 and perf >nally confented. Such, however, is the 
 flare of things ; it is neceftary that a majority ftroukf 
 govern. Jf.it be an evil to obey '"a law to winch 
 we h.ive not confented, it is at leaft a necellary 
 evil ; but to compel a "compliance with orders 
 which are unknown, is carrying injuftice beyond 
 the bounds of neceility ^ it is abfurd, and evea 
 impoilible. Laws in this cafe may be avenged* 
 hut cannot be obeyed ; they may infpire terror, 
 but can ttcver command refpcft. 
 
 C H A P. V. 
 
 REVENUE AND EXPENDITURE. 
 
 A 
 
 Nation is furely in a wretched condition^ 
 when the principal obje6l of its government is the 
 increafe of its public revenue. Such a date of 
 things is in reality a perpetual warfare between 
 the few individuals who govern, and the great bo 
 dy of the people who labour. Or, to call things 
 by their proper names, and ufe the only language 
 
io6 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 that the nature of the cafe will juftify, the real oc~ 
 cup.-tion of the governors is either to plunder or trf 
 jReal, as will belt anfwer their purpofe ; while 
 the bufmefs of the people is to fecrete their pro 
 perty by fraud, or to give it peaceably up, in pro 
 portion as the other party demands ir ; and then, 
 as a cohfcquence of being driven to this ne?c- ': 
 they (Lickc.ii th^ir indiiflry, and become mifcrable 
 through idienefs ; in order to avoid ihe iiionitica- 
 tion of 1 louring for thofe they hate. 
 
 The art of conftruc~ling governments has ufually 
 been to organize the Sate in fuch a manner, as 
 that this operation could be carried on to the bed 
 advantage for the adminiftraiors ; and the art of 
 adminiftring thofe governments has been, fo to 
 vary the means of feizing upon private property, 
 as to bring the greateft poflible quantity into the 
 public coffers, without exciting infurrecYion?, 
 Thofe governments which are called defpotic, 
 deal more in open plunder ; thofe that call therw- 
 felves free, and act under the clok of what they 
 teach the people to reverence as a conftituilon, are 
 driven to the arts of dealing. Thefe have fuc- 
 ceeded better by theft than the others have by 
 plunder ; and this is the principal difference by 
 which they can be diftinguifhed. Under thefe 
 confiitutional governments the people are more in- 
 duftrous, and create property iaiter ; becaufe they 
 are not fenfible in what manner and in what 
 quantities it is taken from them. The adminif- 
 tration, in this cafe, operates by a compound 
 movement ; one is to induce the people to work, 
 2nd the ether to take from them their earn 
 ings. 
 
 In this view of government, it is no wonder 
 Kit it ihoulJ b^ cormdered as a curious and com- 
 
r* I V I*. E G F. D O"F D E !? S . 1C"? 
 
 plicated machine, too . for vulgar con 
 
 templation, capable ot being moved by none but 
 experienced hands, and fuh;,cl to fall in pieces by 
 the flighted attempt a* innovation or improvement. 
 It is no wonder that a church and an army fh -ul4 
 be deemed necefTary for irs funport ; ami "tint the 
 double guilt of impiety and rebellion (liquid fdlovr 
 the man who offers to enter its dark fancluary 
 vv 'ith the profane li^ht of reaf-n. It is noUunm 
 Ting that kings and priefts fhould be fuppnfcd to 
 have derived their authority from Gor 1 , fince it is 
 evidently not ^i/en them by men ; that tl-fy fhould 
 trace to 3 fupernarural fource claims which nature 
 never has recognized, and which are at war with 
 every principle of iociety. 
 
 I conllantly bear in mind, that there is a ref- 
 pecbbl?"clafs of men in every country in Europe, 
 who, whether immediately interefted'in the admi- 
 niftratipn of the governments or not, are confci- 
 entiouily attached to the old ed^blifhcd forms. I 
 kno\v not how much pain it may give them to fee 
 fCXppfed to public view the various combinations 
 of iniquity which appear to me to compofe the 
 fyftern. Rut I ftwM pay a real compliment to 
 tlieir fenfibiiity^ in fuppofmg that their anfn-iih 
 can be as great on vieu ing The pidure, as mine 
 had been in attempting to draw it ; or, that they 
 can (hudder as much at the profped of a change, 
 as I have done in contempMing fociety under the 
 
 iftonions of its prefent organization/ I fee the 
 noble nature of man fo cruelly debafed, I f ee 
 the horfe and the dog in fo many inftances raifed 
 
 o a rank far fuperior to beings whom I muft ac 
 knowledge as my fellow-creatures, and whom 
 niy heart cannot but embrace with a fraternal af- 
 which muft increafe with the infults I fee 
 
JOS ADVICE TO THE 
 
 them differ, I fee the pride of power and of rnnk 
 monntecl to fo ungovernable a height in thofe v\ horn 
 accident has called to dire-cl the affairs of nations, 
 I fee the faculty of rcaibn fo completely dormant 
 in both thefe clr.fies, and morality, the indifpenfi- 
 ble bond of union among men, fo effectually ba- 
 r. 'fi.-ed by the unnatural' coirbl nations, which in 
 iv.iropc are called Society, that I have been al- 
 ino't determined to rtlinquifh thedifagreesble tafk 
 which I had prcfcribed to rnyfelf in the fir (I part 
 of t'lis \.vo:k, and, returning to *r t y coun<rv, en 
 deavour in ihe nc\v \\cvid. to ior^ct ihe mifeiits t 1 
 the-:IJ. 
 
 But I refiecl th:it the contemplation of thefe 
 r-'.ifenes Has already left rn ijiipreffion on m\ niind 
 too deep to be ealiiy efraced. i um likev.'ife con 
 vinced that all the moral evils under vhicb we la- 
 feonr, may he traced withoiit difficulty, to their 
 proper fource, that the ipirit c-i invefligalipn, 
 which the French rev< lutton ha? av;akened in ma- 
 j^y parts of Europe, is ftirrnlaiing the people to 
 ptirfiie the enquiry, and will confequently lead 
 them to apply the remedy. Under this profpecl, 
 every perfnn who but thinks he can throw the 
 leaf! li^ht upon the fubjecl, is called upon for his 
 alliftance ; and this duw to his fellow-creatures 
 becomes more imperious, as it is increafed by the 
 probability of fuccefs. 
 
 In confideringthe fubje<ft (.{Revenue and Expen- 
 dtturc, as in other articles that I have treated, I 
 fliall confine myfclf chit fly to the great outlines of 
 the fyftem ; only noticing its efFt& on the moral 
 habits which muft be confidered as the viral prin 
 ciples of fociety, and which ought always to be 
 kept in view as the fir ft obj eel of government, 
 both in its original conilitution and in every part 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. log 
 
 of its adtr.iniilration. I was indeed fenfible that, 
 this fubjecl would requ're more details ; and that 
 it might be ufeful to form an eftimate of the quan 
 tity of contributions neceiiary for any given portion 
 of mankind united in a national intereft ; as we 
 might thus be convinced how fmall a revenue 
 would be fufficient for all the purpofescfa rational 
 government. But I find my fell happily relieved 
 from this part of my t *;!:, by the appearance of 
 the fecond part of the Rights cf A?an, in which 
 this branch of the fiibjt6l is treated in that per- 
 fpicuous manner which might be expected from 
 its author ; a man whom I confiderjas a luminary 
 of the age, and one of the greateft benefactors cf 
 mankind. Neither my woik, nor any other 
 that {hall be written for ages to come, will furely 
 find a reader, who will not have read the Rights 
 of Man. 
 
 Men are gregarious in their nature ; they form 
 together- in fociety, not merely from neceflity, to 
 avoid the evils of lolitiule, but from inclination and 
 mutual attachment. They find a pofitive pleafurc 
 in yielding afliilance to each other, in communi 
 cating their thoughts and improving their faculties. 
 pThi$ difpofnion in man is the fource of morals ; 
 they have their foundation in nature, and receive 
 their nonrifliment from fociety. The different 
 portions of this fociety, that call themfelves nations, 
 have generally eftablifhed the principle cf (Securing 
 to the individuals who compofe a nation, the 
 exclufive enjoyment of the fruits of their own 
 labour; referving however to the governing power 
 the right to reclaim from time to time fo much of 
 i'he property and labour of individuals as fhall be 
 deemed neceflary for the public fervice. This is 
 
liC ADVICE TO THE 
 
 the general bafis on which property, public and 
 private, has hitherto been founded. Nations have 
 proceeded no taither. Perhaps in a rrrc-re im 
 proved ftate of fcciety,, the time \\ill come, when 
 a different fyftem may be introduced ; when jt 
 fhall be found more congenial to the focial nature 
 of man to exclude the idea of feperate property, 
 and with that the numerous evils which feem to 
 be entailed upon it. But it is not my intention in 
 this work to enter upon that enquiry. 
 
 When the feudal fyftem, with all its ferocitier, 
 v/as in full operation, the fuperior lord, who re- 
 prefented the power of the ftate, granted the lands 
 to his immediate vaflals, on condition of military 
 fervice. They engaged to ferve in the wars of the 
 lord paramount a certain number of days in the 
 year, at their own expence. Thus they ftipulated 
 as to the quantity of fervice ; but gave up the right 
 of private judgment, as to the wjtfl of tke war. 
 This is the origin of the revenue f)ftem of mod 
 ern Europe ; and it began by debating the minds 
 of the whole community ; as it hurried them into 
 actions, of which they were not to enquire into 
 the juftice or propriety. Then came the fscage- 
 tenures ; which were lands granted to another clais 
 of vailals, on condition of plough! Kg the lord's 
 fields and performing his hufbandry. This was 
 a more rational kind of fervice ; though, by a 
 {hocking pervertion of terms, it wa called lefe 
 honorable. 
 
 In proportion as war became lefs productive, 
 and its profits rmre precarious, than thofe of huf 
 bandry, the tenures upon knight-fervice were 
 Converted into focage- tenures ; and finally it was 
 found convenient in mod cafes, especially in Eng 
 land, to make a commutation of the whole into 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. Ill 
 
 money, in certain fixed fums ; and this, by its 
 fubfequent modifications and extenfions, has ob- 
 twined the name of a land-tax. The feudal rev 
 enues of the crown, though they were fuppofed to 
 be fufficient for the ordinary purpofes of govern 
 ment, were capable of being increafed on any ex 
 traordinary occafion ; -and fuch extraordinary oc- 
 cailons were fure to happen, as often as the gov 
 ernment chofe to draw more money from the peo 
 ple. It began this operation under the name of 
 aids to the king, fulfidia regis ; and, in England 
 (before it was found necefTary to work the engine 
 by regular parliaments) various expedients were 
 ufed to raife from different clailes of the commu 
 nity thefe extraordinary aids. In many cafes the 
 authority of the pope was brought in to the alTift- 
 ance of the kin^, to enable him to levy money for 
 tMe court. The pope, as head of the church, re 
 ceived a revenue from the people of England 
 through the Ezigliih clergy ; and the king, on cer 
 tain occafion , agreed with hi in that lie fhoukl 
 double his demand ; or, condition that the addi 
 tional fum to be railed, iluuld be divided between 
 themfelves.* 
 
 A perpetual pretext for thefe additional impof].. 
 tions was always to be found in foreign wars.- 
 Edward the firft mud fubduc: the Wvlch ; a Ions; 
 fucceflion of kings made the glory of the'Britifh 
 nation to confiit in the reduction of Ireland ; 
 oihers, in conquering the tomb of Chrift ; and 
 others, the crown of France. But in common 
 occtirrencies, where the call for money could not 
 be predicated on l any national ubjecl ftifficienrly 
 glaring to excite the emhufiafm or roufe the fears 
 
 tix 
 
 ixes 
 
 , page 6, 
 
112 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 of the people, it was the policy of the king to de 
 tach fome particular dalles of the community 
 from the common intereft, and to extort money 
 from them, as from a common enemy. Thus all 
 Grangers were heavily taxed on coming into the 
 realm ; thus Jews, with all the wealth they pofTeff- 
 f d, were declared to be the' abfolute property of, 
 the king ;* thus, after the religion of the govern 
 ment was changed, the papifts and non-jurors were 
 taxeji double to the profeifors of. the national re 
 ligion ; and thus the king could take a favage ad 
 vantage of the misfortunes of individuals, and feize v 
 their property, under the title of wrecks, waifs, 
 treafure-tryvC) Jh'ays, amercements^ and forfeitures. 
 Thefe, and a vaft variety of other inventions, 
 have been praeiifed hy the Engllfli government, 
 to legalize partial robberies, and take poffelfion 
 of the people'. 1 - monev, without the trouble of afk- 
 ing for it. But all thefe means were infufficient 
 t ) funply the unlimited expences of a government 
 founded on orders, privileges, rank, and ignorance, 
 The moft effectual way to carry on the great bufi- 
 nefs of revenue was found to be through the inter 
 vention of a parliament ; and for this purpofe the 
 farce of reprefeufatioH has been acled over in tins 
 country, to much better effecl than sny fpecics of 
 fraud or violence has'been in any other. 
 
 * 
 ' 
 
 In one of the laws cf Edivard the Cenfrffor 
 
 'which was repeatedly enforced long after the ccnqueftj 
 and perhaps is not repealed to tins day ) the ciaufe 
 respecting the Jeivs is in thefe words : Judxi ct 
 omnia fua funt regis ; quod in quifpiam datinuerit 
 eos, vel pecuniam eorurn, perquirat rex, fi vult, 
 tanquam fuum propriutn. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 1 1 
 
 It would be an infult to the underftandmg of 
 any reader at this day, todefcribe to him a thing 
 fo well known, as the manner in which this game 
 is played between the different branches of the 
 government. The fecret is out j and the friends 
 of the fyftem, who ufed to beoccupied.in conceal- 
 ins; its operation, are now engaged in defending it. 
 The drift of their defence is to change the mode of 
 the deception; and perfuade t he people by argument, 
 to fuffer to pafs before their eyes in open day-light, 
 fcenes which have hitherto been acled only in the 
 dark. The curtain has fallen from their hands ; 
 and they row declare that the play can go on with 
 out it. This for England, forms a new aera in 
 cabinet politics. While the fyitem remains the 
 fame, the fcberne for carry ing it on is totally new- 
 modelled ; and, like other novelties in the courfe 
 of humaR improvement, it becomes a proper fub* 
 jecT: of our investigation. 
 
 1 have known a juggler, who, after having for 
 a long time excited wonder and drawn money 
 from the multitude, by tricks which were fuppo- 
 fed to be the effldl of magic, would come for 
 ward with an engaging frarxknefs, and declare 
 that there was really nothing fupernatural in the 
 art ; that it was only the efFecl of a little experi 
 ence and attention to phyfical caufes, not beyond 
 the capacity of any one in the company ; that, 
 though he had deceived them thris far, he was 
 jnow ready to undeceive them ; and, for another 
 fee, he would go through the fame courfe again, 
 with the explanations. This ingenious conftilioa 
 redoubled their curkmty ^ the fpeflators continu 
 ed their attention, and renewed 'their contribiu- 
 liens, 
 
 K 2 
 
114 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 The government of Great Britain, under king, 
 lords and boroughs, is now defended both in and 
 out of parliament, by arguments unknown 10 for 
 mer politicians. As nearly as any words, except 
 the right ones, can exprefs the full force of thefe 
 argument", they are ilated by their authors in the 
 following lanaya^e : " No people ever has been 
 
 o o o I r 
 
 or ever can be capable of knowing what is for 
 their own good, of making their own laws, or of 
 underftanding them after they are made : as the 
 people of England, during the time of the com- 
 iripn wealth, imbibed a different opinion, it has 
 been thought bed, efpecially fince the laft revolu 
 tion, to chcriih them in their error, in order to 
 come more eafily at their money. We therefore 
 told them that they were free ; that they, as En- 
 glifhrnen, ought to be free, becaufe their anceftors 
 were fo ; that Englifh liberty was the envy and 
 admiration of the world ; that the French were 
 their natural enemies, becaufe they were (laves ; 
 and it was neceffary to make a war once in feven 
 years, to keep up this idea ; that we were forry 
 for the incrcafing burthen of their taxes ; but that 
 was a circumitance not to be regarded by a free 
 people, as they had the privilege of taxing them- 
 felves, and their taxes were the price of their 
 freedom in church and ftate ; that, we intended 
 to lefTen their burthens as foon as the enemies to 
 our religion and to our happy conftitution were 
 deflroyed. But now, gentlemen, we fee you 
 have difc over ed, and v, e are willing to acknow 
 ledge, that this w. s all a deception : as to Hberty, 
 it is but a name ; man gives it up on entering into 
 fociety, in order to enjoy the benefits of being 
 governed j it never was nor ever will be, realized 
 by any nation under heaven j \vhnefs the horrors 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 
 
 of pretended liberty in France, the daily aflaflina- 
 tions and perpetual robberies which you fee in 
 Mr. Burke 's book from beginning to end ; \vit- 
 nefs the late infatuation of the Americans ; who, 
 already recoveriiv their fenfes, and fick of their 
 boafted independence,* are now wifhing to return 
 to the protection of their mother-country, where 
 they could purchafe their laws ready raade by n?, 
 who underftand the bufmefs ; as to the church, 
 we are convinced it is no matter on what fort of 
 religion it is founded, provided it be well connec 
 ted with the ftate. We (hall fay nothing in fu 
 ture of the burthen of taxes, as it has been falily 
 called, the phrafe itfelf has no longer any mean 
 ing ; it is now clearly known that public taxes 
 are, in themfelves, a public benefit ; every well- 
 wifher to his country muft wifh them to increafe ; 
 and for that purpofe he will do all in his power to 
 multiply the occafions for creating them ; for it is 
 acknowledged by all good fubjets, that a national 
 debt is national profperity, and that v> r e grow rich 
 in proportion to the money we pay out. We are 
 as frank to confefs, as any caveller is to aflert, 
 that the Houfe ot Commons is not a reprefcnta- 
 tion of the people ; it has no onnedlion with 
 them, and it is no longer to our pnrpofe to fup- 
 pofethat it has ; for the people have nothing to do 
 with the government, except to be governed ; but 
 -the Ploufeot Commons is retained in the ftate, for 
 the far^e reafon that the other branches of the le- 
 
 gillature, and that courts and armies are retained, 
 / 
 
 * This is afer'tGUs argument, itfed by feveral wri 
 ters as well as parliamentary and coffee-bouje orators, 
 to prove that liberty cannot exijt in any country. See 
 Dr. Tathain and others. 
 
.II 6 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 for the fake of increafing the wealth and happinefs 
 of the people in the augmentation of the revenue," 
 Let any perfon look over the whole chaos of 
 writings' and fpeeches that have been publifhed 
 within the laii year againft innovations in the go 
 vernment, and I believe he will fcarcely. find aa 
 argument more or lefs than what are here compri 
 zed. Now this is clearly a different ground from 
 what lias heretofore been taken in this country for 
 the fupport of the old fyftem. It wfed to be 
 thought neceffary to flatter and deceive ; but here 
 every thing is open and candid. Mr. Burke, in a 
 frenzy of paflion, has drawn away the veil ; and 
 ariftociacy, like a decayed proftitute, whom paint*- 
 ing and patching will no lunger embellifh, throws 
 off her covering, to get a livelihood by difplaying 
 her uglinefs. 
 
 It is hard to pronounce with certainty on the 
 ' fuccefs of a project (o new ; but it appears to me 
 extremely improbable that the naked deformities 
 of defpotifm can long be pleafing to a nation fo 
 enlightened as the one to which thefe arguments 
 are addrefled, I cannot but think they are ill 
 add re fled, and that their authors have milted their 
 policy in differing the people to open their eyes to 
 their true function. It is certain that the Cardinal 
 de Richlieu has given them different advice. He, 
 like molt other great men, is lefs known by his 
 writings than his actions ; but he left a pofthu- 
 mous work, called a Political Teftament, which 
 has been remarkably neglefled by thofe for whofe 
 good it was intended ; and by none more than by 
 the prefent friends of ariftocracy in England. 
 That profound politician obfervcs, " That fub- 
 **jedls with knowledge, fenfe or reason, are as 
 f( monfirous as a beaft with an hundred eyes, and 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 117 
 
 " that fuch a bead would never bear its burthen 
 " peaceably The people mull: be hood-winked, 
 " or rather blinded, if yeu would have them tame 
 " and patient drudges. In ihorf, you muft treat 
 " them every way 1'ke pack-horfcs or mule?, not 
 " excepting the bells about their necks ; which 
 " by their perpetual jingling, may be of ufe to 
 i( drown their cares." 
 
 It muft be obferved, however,, that in the bu- 
 finefs of taxation, which is nearly all the bufmefs 
 of a public nature that is done by the government 
 in England ; a policy not very different from that 
 of Richlieu has been pra6tifed with great fuccefs. 
 The aggregate quantity of the revenue raifed upon 
 the people has indeed been fotnewhat known ; but 
 the portion paid by each individual, and the time, 
 manner and reafrn of hi? paying it^'are^rircum- 
 itances enveloped in total darknefs. 16 keep the 
 fiibje<S ignorant -of thefe things is the great fecret 
 in the modern fcience < \ finance. The money he 
 pays to government- being incorporated with every 
 thing on which he lives, all that he can know of 
 the matter is, that whether he eats, drinks or 
 iJeeps, walks or rides, fees the light or breathes 
 the air, whatever he docs, drains from him a 
 tax ; and this tax is to fupport the luxury of thofe 
 who tell him they are born to govern. But on 
 which of thefe functions the tax falls the heavieft 
 whether the greateft proportion lies upon his bread 
 or his beer, his (hoes or his hat, his labours or his 
 pleafures, his virtues or hi- vices, it is impoflible 
 lor any man to know. As therefore he cannot 
 difpenfe with the whole of his animal functions, 
 without ceafing to exiit, and as this expedient is 
 not often fo eligible as ful mining to the impoii- 
 
ri8 A&VICE TO 
 
 tion, there is no danger but the tax will be col 
 lected. 
 
 It is difficult to defcribe, perhaps impoffible to 
 conceive, the quantity of evils wrought in fociety 
 fr':n this mode of colle&ing revenue by decep 
 tion ; or laying the duty in fuch a manner, that 
 the people ihali not be fenfible when or huvy it is 
 paid. This is extremely unlike that manly prin 
 ciple of mutual confidence on which men unite in. 
 fociety. It is the reverfe of that conduct, which, 
 arifing from the open integrity of our own hearts, 
 is the guarantee of integrity in others. It is a 
 policy that muft have originated from two con 
 tending interefts in the nation, from a jealoufy of 
 their own power in the legiflanve body, from a 
 knowledge that fomcthing was wrong in them- 
 felves or ia the fyftem, and from a confcionfnefs 
 that one or tire other, or both, were unworihy of 
 the confidence of the people by whom they were 
 fnppcried. 
 
 I am aware that in the doctrine which I dial! 
 labour to eftablifh on this fubjefl, I (hall have to 
 encounter the whole weight of opinion o* modern 
 times. Men of all purtier, and of all defcriptions, 
 both the fiiends an! the enemies of equal liberty, 
 feem to be agreed in one point relative to public 
 contributions : That the tax fiould be fo far dijgui- 
 fed) as to render the payment imperceptible at the time 
 *f paying it. This is almoft the only point in 
 which the old and new fyfiems agree, in thofe 
 countries where a change of principle has taken 
 place ; it is one of thcfe rare pofi lions, on which 
 theorifts themfelves have formed, but one opinion. 
 It is therefore not without much reflection, and 
 a? great a degree of csution as a feriotis advocate, 
 Jfor truth ought ever to obTerve, that I (hail pro^ 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 119 
 
 ceed to examine a pofition, which, refting on the 
 accumulated experience of mank'nd, has not yet 
 been ihaken by enquiry. 
 
 I will begin by acknowledging the force of two 
 obfervations, which go to the fupport of the pref- 
 ent fyilem, as it applies to mod of the exifting 
 governments and to the prefent ftate of fociety in 
 Europe: I. As long as public revenues muft re* 
 main as great as they now are, and as difpropor- 
 -tioned to the abilities of the people, it is abfolutely 
 necelTary to difguife the taxes on which they de 
 pend ; ciherwife they cannot be collected. 2. As 
 long as thefe revenues are applied to the purpofcs 
 to which they now are, it is impoilible to collect 
 them but by fraud or violence ; and violence has 
 been found by repeated trials, cfpecially in Eng 
 land, not to anfvver the purpofe fo well as fraud* 
 While fociety remains divided into two parties, 
 which are coniiitutionally oppofed to each other, 
 it is impollible but that they muft regard each other 
 as enemies, and then conduct muft be the dictate of 
 mutual averfion. When the people fee that pay 
 ing money to their governors, is paying it to their 
 enemies, they certainly never can give it with a 
 good will ; and when they know that this money 
 ferves only to Strengthen the hands of their oppref- 
 fors in forging new weapons of opprellion againft 
 themfelves, they muft feel an obligation to with 
 hold it, rather than to pay it. In this cafe, de 
 frauding the revenue is confidered not only as 
 juftice to themfelves, but as a duty to their chil 
 dren. A tax under thefe circumftances is more 
 naturally objectionable than the Dane-gelt^ which 
 \vas formerly paid in England : that a ntribution 
 was made by the people, to hire a foreign enemy to 
 leave them in peace ; and it always had a tempo- 
 
120 ADVICE TO THS 
 
 rary good ffe&, But a contribution paid to the 
 people's enemies at home, who being few in 
 number, mufl f< on, it unfupported, fall of .them- 
 fclves, cannot prom He even a temporary benefit ; 
 the hand of the t nemy that receives it, does not fo 
 niiich as lay down it's weapon while it grafps the 
 money. As long therefore as fociety continues in 
 its prefent disordered condi-ion, any arguments 
 drawn from moral propriety imii'i; be overpowered 
 by the ftrong voice of necefiity ; for reafons of 
 iiature generally tail in a couiliQ. with reafons cf 
 (late. 
 
 But as a new order of things begins to make its ' 
 appearance, and principle is no longer to be bor 
 rowed from precedent, we will endeavour to dif- 
 covcr the ground ot the received do&rine relative 
 to taxation ; and enquire how far that doctrine is, 
 in itfelf, an object of reform. Out of the feven- 
 teen millions flerling which are snnually paid in- 
 to the exchequer in England, but about two mil 
 lions and a half are levied in ciire<& taxes ; that is, 
 in taxes laid in fuck a manner a? to be paid direct 
 ly to the fi Teal officers by theperfons on whom the 
 burthen falls. Thefe sre chiefly comprehended 
 in the taxes on lands and houfes. In France, be 
 fore the revolution, the proportion of direcl taxes 
 was much greater. According to the ftatement of 
 M. Necker, it was near eight millions ilerling, "out 
 f about twenty-four millions and a half, of which 
 the public revenue confuted. This is fomething 
 lefs than a third ; while the proportion in Eng 
 land is little more than a fevcnth. Thefe propor 
 tions are fuppofed by fome of the mod: approved 
 reafoners on the fubjecT:, in each country, particu 
 larly M. Necker and Sir John Sinclair, to be as 
 high as it would be prudent to go with direct tax- 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 121 
 
 atior>. The remaining portion of the immenfe 
 revenues in thcfe two Countries, about fixteen mil- 
 lions and a half ior France, and fourteen and a 
 half for England, was vaifed in the ftrmer, and is 
 iiill raifed in the laiter, by indirect taxation ; by 
 cuttoms, excife, asd inland duties of various kind , 
 called taxes on conjumbtwn. The art of impofing 
 thefe, fo as to infure their colL-clion, is to incor 
 porate the fum to he raifed tor government with 
 ihw price of every tiling for which men pay their 
 money in the courfe of life. h is the hock with- 
 in the bait t<f all our pleauires, of all our conveni 
 ences, and of all our neceHurks. "The book can- 
 noi be feparated from the bait, nor the bait from 
 our exigence. Whh regard to individuals, the 
 gueiHon is nor, fhall we pay the tax r but, fhall 
 we exift ? The continuance of life Is a continuance 
 o*~ the tax ; aikd the langijuge of the fvih m is, p^v 
 the (iebi co governmciii. or puy the debt to au- 
 t urc. 
 
 It is fiid in ethics, on the Pihj;-& of neceffity* 
 t i i a ; , i u p p o ! i r i g their is n o c h o ice w t a cf i o n , t h c re 
 Cu/:i be ao moral agency , and no v li tue. \V e will not 
 rji.]Hire into the propriety of the iuppofition as it re- 
 ip*;dii our relation to the Deity, and our fubjcclion 
 to the great laws of nature ; but mere can be no 
 doubt that the reaioniug is juil, when applied to 
 the laws of iocicty. Perhaps ir is tnit, that, 
 though I am proinpred by the inviiible deltiny of 
 nature, to dj an aclion for the good of my tellow- 
 creaiiijcs, tins action is virtuous ; but when the 
 neceflity tv^r this action arifes directly from the 
 pofuivclaws of focjety, in w r hofe favour it is to be 
 performed when the argument derives its toice 
 trom the ax held over my neck, no idea of virtue 
 <*\\ be annexed to the adion ; it is merely me- 
 L 
 
122 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 chanical. On this ground we may eftablifli a 
 ppfition, which I believe will not be controvert 
 ed : that the exerclfe of private judgment is the 
 foundation of moral virtue ; 2nd confequentty, 
 that ail operations of government cany deitri:dion 
 to the latter, in proportion as they deprive us of 
 the former. An arbitrary order impoftd by a 
 mailer, wheiher it be upon a nation or a fimjile 
 ciomeftic fervant, tends to debafe the mind, ahci 
 crufh that native dipnity which is abfuliftely necef- 
 fary to the cxidciice of merit, <>r of kit :*pproba- 
 tion. And the citecl that inch an order prc duces 
 on the mind is nearly the fame, whether tneafiion 
 enforced be right or wrong. 
 
 The true object of the focial compact is to im 
 prove our moral faculties, as well as tq fupply our 
 phyfical wants ; and where it fails in the fir ft of 
 thcfe, it certainly will fail in the laft. But where 
 the moral purpofe is attained, there can be no fear 
 but that the phyfical one will be the ii.icparable 
 corifequence ; place fociety on this footing, and 
 there will be no aid or .duty that the general inter- 
 eft can require from individuals, but what every 
 individual will underftand. His duties, when 
 firft propofed, will all be voluntary, and being 
 clearly undi-ritood to be founded on the good of 
 the whole community, he will find a greater per- 
 fonal intereft in the performance than he would in 
 the violation. There is no pofition more undenia 
 ble in my apprehenfion, than that this would al 
 ways be the cafe with a great majority of any peo 
 ple ; and if we fuppofe a fmall portion of refrac 
 tory perfons, who, from want of original con- 
 lent, or from a fubfequent change of opinion, 
 (hould re f life to perform their duties ; in this cafe, 
 the opinions of the great majority aflumc the fhape 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. I2j 
 
 of government, and procure a compliance by com- 
 pulfion and reftraint. This is the onlyfure foun 
 dation on which \vc can ever build the real dignity 
 of fociety, or the correfponding energy of govern 
 ment. It is eftabli fhing the moral relations of men 
 on the moral fenfe of men ; and it is this union 
 alone that can cherifh our efteem or command our 
 rcfpech 
 
 On this plan, it is of the utmoft importance 
 that the wants of the ft ate fhould never be dif- 
 guifed, and that the duty of the individual, in Ap 
 plying thofe wants, mould never be performed by 
 deception. If the ftate be properly organized, 
 fuch difguife and deception \vill be unneceflary ; 
 and if we wim to preferve it from degeneration, 
 they will be extremely dangerous ; a?, by attack 
 ing the moral fenfe of ihc people, they fap the 
 foundation of the (late. 
 
 When a company of merchants, or other pri 
 vate men, engage in an cnterprife that requires con 
 tributions in money, we hear of no difficulties in 
 railing the fiipulated fums among the different 
 partners in tke company. Every partner makes 
 it his bufinefs to underftand the nature of the con 
 cern ; he expe6Ls an advantage from the enter- 
 prife, and. pays his money with the fame willing- 
 neis, as lie wtnild pay it in his private bufineis. 
 Me would feel himfelf infulted, if any difi-uife 
 were thrown upon the fuhjeft, to cheat him into 
 his duty. Indeed, wh^n the enterprife has come 
 to an end, or when there is an apprehenfion of 
 lois, or a fufpicion of mifmsnagcmcut in ti;e 
 agents, it is natural to expert a reluctance in 
 payment, which is only to be overcome by the 
 arts of deception or the coinpukion c>f law. But 
 this 1; iiot cLc L;*fc whil^ the cc:::p:my is in a pro!- 
 
TZA ADVICE TO THK 
 
 perou.s condi ion, nnd while its members arc uni 
 ted by mutual confidence in purfuit of a common 
 intereft. A nation, whofe 'government fhould be 
 habitually in the hands of the whole community, 
 would always be a company in this prosperous con 
 dition ; i*s concerns would be a perpetual and 
 pronriifiRe; enterpnfc, in which every individu.il 
 would find) his mterefl and repofe his confidence. 
 Perfonal protection and public nappinefs would be 
 fh** objefts aimed at in the nd mini (I rat ion ; and 
 wou!;l be infallibly attained, becaufe nr hu 
 man accidents could prevent it. There could be 
 no fufpTcion of mifmanagement in the ngents, 
 they being perpetually unclrr the control of the 
 vvholf people. Every -reafon, therefore, which 
 roi:ld induce individuals to \\ith-hold their pecuni 
 ary contribution?, would he entirely removed ; 
 ^M! the fame motives which influences nun to 
 i.'jve hi- attention and nay his money in hi? own 
 perfonal concerns, would engage him to do the 
 iaine things in the concerns of the public. 
 
 If thefs pofitions are not true, then have I mif- 
 concewed the ckarp(^.er of the human heart, and 
 the real efTc&s to be wrought on fociety by a ra 
 tional fyftem of government ; but if they are ac 
 knowledged to be true, it ought to be an inc'ifpen- 
 Jible maxim to abolifh and avoid every vefti^e of 
 ind ; re6l taxation. It muft appear evident, that to 
 raife money from the people by any other method, 
 than by openly aligning to every one his portion, 
 and then demanding that portion as a dirtcl con 
 tribution, is unnecefftjry to the objeft of revenue, 
 and definitive to the firft principles of fociety. 
 It has long been complained of in England (fo long 
 that the complaint has almoft ceafed to make any 
 knpreflion even on the minds of thofe who repeal 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 
 
 it) that /he Excifc is an odious tax The reafon on 
 which the complaint is founded is what the prin 
 ciple of government would naturally fugged ; but 
 it is not the reafon which I iliould afligri. The 
 tax is (aid to be odious, chiefly becaufe it throws a 
 vexatious power into the hands of the revenue 
 officers, to fearch the houfes and infpe6t the afF.urs 
 of individuals. As long as the government an- 1 
 the people are two oppofi^e parties in the (rate, at 
 continual enmity with each o'her, it is natural 
 that each party fhould vviih to conceal its .opera 
 tions, the bttter to lucceed in their mutual hollil- 
 ity.aati defence \ for fecrecy is one of the weapons 
 of war. But it' the (late con filled of nothing more 
 t.h.in one great fqeiety compofcd of all the people, 
 it fhe government was their will, and its object 
 their happinefs, the reafons for fecrecy would 
 ccafe, the intefline war would ceafe, the par 
 ties would ceafe. 
 
 The bufinefs of the (late and the bufinefs of in 
 dividuals might befafely expofed to all the world. 
 An open generofity of conduct, the reciprocal 
 fign and guarantee of integrity, would mark the 
 character of every member of fociety, whether 
 a6tlng as a public agent, or as a private citizen. 
 
 But the great objection which ought to be made 
 againft the excife, is the fame as will apply to 
 cufloms, duties, and all other tricks of a iimilur 
 kind, by which the money is drained from the 
 people without their knowledge or confent. The 
 whole fyftem of indirect taxation, fo univerfal ia 
 Europe, fo much extolled by the athuT: financiers, 
 as necefiary in compofing their err.)rmous mailcs of 
 extorted revenue, is wrong from its foundation, 
 i;nd rnuil be vicious in its practice. It is built on 
 L 2 
 
126 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 the great ariflocratical principle, that men muft 
 be governed by fraud ; and it can be only neceffary 
 to that fyftem of management which divides the 
 nation into two permanent paries, the parry that 
 receives and the party that pays. 
 
 The wretched refource that governments have 
 found in lotteries,* ton:ines, and annuities upon 
 fcparate lives, meiits the fevered ccr.fure, and 
 ought to be held up to the execration of mankind, 
 the moment we arc ready to re fort to the real prin 
 ciples oi cur nature, in managing the affairs of 
 nation . A tontine partakes at once of the nature 
 of lotteries and of fimple Hie-annuiues and in 
 volves 1:1 hfelf the principal vices of both. Like 
 a lottery it is founded in the fpirit of gambling ; 
 and like a life-annuity, it detaches a man from the 
 feelings and interefts of his friends, of fociety and 
 of all mankind, except thofe of the particular clafs 
 of the tontine to which he belongs ; and to them 
 lie is rendered, in a literal fenfe, a mortal enemy. 
 
 Borrowing money upon life-annuities, as an 
 
 * // u\-7J my IntiHii-jn in this place to have noticed, 
 fomewhat more at large y the pernicious tendency of 
 public lotteries. But the late crifis in the government- 
 of France^ when the people found it necefi&fy to re- 
 vife their Cwjiiiution, offered an occq/ion for making 
 fome remarks which 1 thought m'ght be vjeful to them 
 on the hufwefs then lying before them> for ivhich the 
 the Convention was about to be qffembkd. I therefore 
 publifieda fljort Treatlje on lie defcfls of their Confli- 
 tution in " A Letter to the National Convention," 
 in which are particularly treated the fuljecl of lotte 
 ries, that of public falaries, and f eve ral other mat 
 ters, which othenvife would have come into tt:is f-JJay 
 tn Revenue. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 
 
 operation of government, has been much mere 
 practifed in France than in England. The rea- 
 fon of this is well explained by Adam Smith.* 
 It was owing to the fuperior influence, in that 
 country, of thofe unnatural difiinctions among 
 families, which prevent them from adociating 
 "with each other on the principles of mutual attach 
 ment ; principles congenial to the human near, 
 and no lefs neceiiary to individual happinefs, than 
 to the good order of fociety and the proiperity of the 
 ttate. The pride of birth and the jealoufy of rank_ 
 operate on fuciety like congelation and Conejtffiion 
 on a body of water : they freeze up the who]'* 
 tnais, and break iiinto-a t hou fa nd pieces ; whic.n 
 refufc to unite among themfelvcs, or to anf-ver 
 the purpofes which nature has afFigncd to that 
 element. The genius of ariftocracy, by the dif 
 iinctions of birth, had eflabliilied in France almofc 
 as many ranks as there were families. Thcfe 
 were perpetually repelling and replied, torment 
 ed by jealoufies, and kept afunder -/ artiriciai 
 averfions, which filcnced the voice of nature, ami 
 counteracted every object of fociety. A man in 
 this frozen, and repulfive (late of things, becomes 
 a proper object for the government to fcduce into 
 afelfifh hoftility againfl the generous duties of life, 
 by the temptation of life-annuiiies. An eleg3nt 
 French author dcfciibes the annuitant as having 
 fubdued every fentirnent moil dear to the human 
 heart: u He ainalle? his whole capital upon his 
 own head, makes the king his univerfal legatee, 
 fells his own pofteriiy at the rate of ten per cen. 
 difmherits his brothers, nephews, friends, and 
 fometiaies his own children. He never marries ; 
 
 *fjftdtb of Nation^ Book V. Chap. I.IL 
 
he vegetates, till the return of the quarter day, 
 and enquires with eagernefs in the morning whe 
 ther he is dill alive ; his whole exercife of body 
 and mind confifts in going once in three months to 
 the notary at the corner of '.he ftreet to fign his 
 receipt, and obtain a certificate, that he is nut yet 
 dead." The officers of government know very 
 vyell the advantages derived from long humid win 
 ters and epidemical difeafes ; and they mud deli-! I 
 in the winnings of the game thus played by the 
 public treafury in partnerfhip with death.* 
 
 I am fcnnble that all thefe maxims, which go 
 to a change of iyftem in the collection of revenue, 
 are deftined t> veil merely in fpeculation, in all 
 
 *Fer a more lively and affecting p? flu re than I 
 
 Jhould be able h give, of the evils anfing from this 
 
 Jvftem ,tht reader is referred to the Ihort fketch, drawn 
 
 f'V the above author ', Mr. Mercler ; tie following 
 
 is a p fir t of it : 
 
 41 But h:.*' is it pffiblc that a wife government 
 c.uld throw open the gate to thofe numerous and in 
 credible dif order*, which arc tie offspring of annuities 
 on lives ? The bands between parents and children 
 broken, idlenefs pcnfiwed, celibacy authorised, Jelfijh- 
 nefs triumphant, cruelty reduced mtojyjhm and prac 
 tice ; fuc\) are the j mall eft evils zvkicb arije from thcja 
 annuities. Is It not from theje personal and cxclujive 
 enjoyments, thefe additional incentives to felf-l^ve, that 
 parents, friends and citizens are no longer known ? 
 frieriftfbip, love, tendemefi, paternal ajffefiivn, all 
 are facrljlccd to annuities ! 
 
 The young women who have poffed the 'age of being 
 marriageable, are, In Paris, innumerable \ they 
 have figned contracts en annuities, and that prevents 
 tkeir fignixg cwtrttfls of marriage \ for the frjl re- 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 129 
 
 - otmtries ftill afflicted with unnatural plans of 
 government ; for fo they muft reft, till a total 
 change of principle (bull have taken place. But 
 let it "not be fa id that, on this account, the hints 
 here given, areufelefs. If they are founded in 
 truth and realbn, the French Republic will foon 
 l ^c Dole to adopt them, Ijy the time that us ?o- 
 , -.rnment (hall be permanently fettled, its public 
 
 l"ht will doubtlefs be very corfiderably reduced, 
 Its necefTary revenue will then be fo frRall, com- 
 < r H with w*?at it hitherto has been, the people 
 vu'l be fo far elevated to the dignity of freemen, 
 and accuftomcd to the duties of citizens, that they 
 
 . v/jll find a fenllble pleafure, ra'her than a fervile 
 talk, in paying their Contributions to the ftate. 
 This r^aioriing mav like wife be thought worthy 
 of confederation in fhe United States of America ; 
 where perhaps it mny be followed bv the fame- 
 effrcls. With refpedl to other countries, we muft 
 v/ait. A reformation of fo deep a nature muft be 
 preceded by a perfect regeneration of foriety ; 
 fnch as can only beexpefted from a radical change 
 of principle in the government. 
 
 I am fenlible that men, whofe experience in 
 the rmnngemeut of public affair? has taight them 
 to j uci ere v i^h feverity on the various perverftties 
 of human nature, will find many obvious objec 
 tions to a theory fo different from that on which 
 their pratiie has been ioumied. If i do riot an- 
 
 which they can make muff le an the inevitable 
 mijery of the children, who might be the offspring *f 
 juch a knot. 
 
 A contraff on annuities always ifihtes on individ 
 ual, and prevents the fulfilment oj the duties gfi'/.'i- 
 zen/hip," 
 
130 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 ticipate all their arguments in form, I certainly 
 mean to do it infubftance ; for I am not unapprifed 
 of their weight. Where the revenue is to be 
 raifed only for hone/i purpofes, and where it is to 
 be kept within a moderate corrpafs, fo that the 
 taxes are to be no more than what a well-organi 
 zed community would be willing to lay upon iffelf, 
 all arguments againft raiting the whole by djret 
 taxation are reducible to thefe two points : the 
 improvident temper of one clals of men, and the 
 vnreafanMefe/fiftwefs of others, have always ren 
 dered it difficult to obtain irom them their contri 
 butions by direft and open means. The firft of 
 thefe dalles comprehends many of the poor labour 
 ing people in the great towns. Thffe people are 
 in the habit of fpending all they can earn, if not 
 for the neceifaries of lite, at leaft for fuperftuous 
 or vicious gratifications. They never provide for 
 a future want, eveii their own ; much lefs would 
 thty think of providing for the wants of the ftate. 
 As it is vain to afk for money where it does not 
 exift, no tax can 'be collected by applying directly 
 to that clafs of men. It is therefore thought be ft 
 to mingle the tax with their meat and drink ; and, 
 fince they will fpend all their money for thefe, let 
 a part of it go to the ftate. 
 
 To this argument feveral anfwers may be offer 
 ed : fir fl y it is in a great meafure owing to the 
 inherent defedts of the government, that fuch a 
 clafs of improvident nien is found in any fociety. 
 That men of good intellects and found conftitu- 
 tions mould be inattentive to the means of procur 
 ing happinefs, is certainly contrary to the analogy 
 of nature. Indeed we overlook the caufe when 
 we go back to nature for it ; there is no doubt but 
 it is always to be found in their relative fa nation 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 131 
 
 in the focial (late. It is the want of early inftruc- 
 tion, or the want of proper obj eels of emulation 
 to ftimulate the mind to a fenfe of its own dignity, 
 as relative to the fociety in which it has to act. 
 When the man is taught to know and feel that he 
 never can rife above the Condition of a beaft of 
 burthen, he ads at lead a confident part, perhaps 
 even a wife part, in blunging his feelings, and 
 beating down his mind to'iKe level of his deflina- 
 tion. But it is not necdi>.ry to fuppofe that per- 
 fons in general, who are found in the ciafs above 
 defciibed,- have to go through the fame procefs of 
 reafoning, and then of killing their reafon, in or 
 der to arrive at this condition. S-sch indeed mull 
 have been the origin of the bufmefs in the firft 
 inftance ^ but afterward?, the greater part are 
 tern in this element of apaihy ; they are furround- 
 ed all their lives by no other examples but beings 
 of this fort; and they never have a jhought or a 
 ivifh beyond their prefent fituaiion. Their only 
 object is to baniih all thought and Rifle every vviili'- 
 and whether they perifh under the walls of an ak- 
 houfe, or in a king's ihip, or en the king's gal 
 lows, is to them a matter of perfe& indifference. 
 Such is the deplorable condition of a numerous 
 clals of beings whom monarchs and rniniflers mud 
 recognize as their fellow-creatures ; and if they 
 are called more vitious than their rulers, it is be- 
 caufe we have perverted the meaning of the word, 
 But I am not finding fault with rnen^oi any partic 
 ular defcription whatever. In this drama of hu 
 man mifery, in which fo many diftorted charac 
 ters are ated, our moral faculties are warped and 
 fitted to the part affigned us ; and we perform it 
 without fcruple or enquiry. The judge upon the 
 bench is fcarcely more to blame, than the ftupid 
 
ADVICE TO 
 
 felon he condemn*. The oppreiTors anrl the op- 
 p relied, of ev cry "denomination, are in general, juM 
 as wicked and juit as abfnrd as the fyftem of gov- 
 erriment requires. In mercy to them all, let the 
 fytlem be changed, Jet fociety be rciiored, and 
 human nature retrieved. 
 
 Thofe who compofc the middle cbiTes of man 
 kind, the clailes in v\ hich the fen.Llance oi naiuic 
 moll rciides, are called upcn to perioim this talk. 
 Ir is true that, as reaf.ri is flow in returning to 
 the mind from which it has been f<> tardily baniih- 
 ed, it will require fo;ne time in bring the n;en, 
 who now fill the two extremes in ihe urcu:icJ 
 icale of r;jnk, to a proper view of their iic\% Ua- 
 tion of citizens. Minds thar have long been 
 cruflied under the iveiv>ht of privilege arid prn.'v, 
 or of mifery and diipiiir, are ec|i:::ljy diitarn rr( la 
 all rationalideas of the dignity c-f man. But ev-n 
 theie clailcs may be bronyht b.xk by de^ r( : : es to i)e 
 'jieful members of the Hale ; aud ihe re vvinld i< . n 
 be no invJividnal, but wonl-d tind hi:rfe!t h;!j;pi;:r 
 from the change. Place government on the vvif- 
 dom of the whole .people, and they will always 
 have wifdom enough tocondu<3 it. 
 
 Second, under this natural organization of the 
 flate, ihould there remain a final i number of im 
 provident men, unable to perform the duties of 
 adive citizens, there would be many rcafons for 
 excuting them from any part of ihe public bur 
 then. It is probable that very lew iniranres 
 would be found, where the inability did not arife 
 from mental or bodily detects ; in which cale, 
 their claim on fociety for fupport, would take 
 place of any claim that fociety could have upon 
 them for the payment of a tax. In addition to 
 thefe, we may fuppofe a lew others, who, from 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 133 
 
 accidental lofTes, or other misfortunes to which 
 feparate property is liable, might be unable to an- 
 fwer-the demand of the collector ; thefe the gov 
 ernment would naturally excufe. If, after thefc, 
 there (hotihi remain another clafs, who, wantonly 
 jegardlefs o** their own happinefs and of their fo- 
 jcial duties, fhoulcl be found without the means of 
 .payment, (Which is a fuppofition I admit only for 
 the fake of argument) the tefis to the (late would 
 .be very triiiing in omitting to collect from them. 
 It would bear no companion to the infinite mif- 
 chiefs that proceed from the fyftem of difguife. 
 
 As to the ether point of objection,, arifing from 
 the unreafonable feHi/bnefs of fome forts of people, 
 which makes it difficult 10 come at their money by 
 any direct application to their perfon^ it defer vcs 
 a farther consideration. But to give it a full dif- 
 cuffion would lead to a new range of fpeculation 
 jnto human nature, extending to a length which 
 I fear would be difproportionate to the limits af 
 fined to this chapter. J cannot be fatisfied with 
 Jthe common opinions we have entertained in re 
 gard to the effect that property would naturally 
 -have upon the human mind. I fay naturally not 
 in contradiction to the foetal (late, but in contra 
 diction to the unnatural Rate, in which govern 
 ment, founded an con quell or accident,, has hither 
 to placed mankind. A natural Rate x)f fociefy, or 
 a nation organized as human renfon would dictate, 
 for .the purpofe of fupplying the greateft quantity 
 iof our phyfical wants, with the correfponding 
 jrnprovement of our moral faculties, has never yet 
 b^en thoroughly tried. It muft be confefTed 
 therefore that the opinions we h^ve formed of the 
 human heart (land a chance of being eroneous ; as 
 jhey have been formed under the difguife of im- 
 M 
 
134 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 preilions which do^not belong to its nature, The 
 picture of man could not have been fairly drawn 
 while he fat with a veil upon his face. Thefe 
 facts being premifcd, if we wifh to come at his 
 genuine character, the hiftory of his actions mud 
 be received with particular caution ; as but little 
 reliance can be had upon their teftimoney. The 
 labyrinths of error in which he has been forced to 
 wander, the delufive tapers with which he has 
 been conducted, and the load of abufes under 
 which he has had to ftrwggle, muft have dimmed 
 his under (landing and debafed his moral powers, 
 to a degree that cannot yet be accurately known. 
 He rifes into light, aftonifhed at what he is, 
 afhamed at what he has been, and unable to con 
 jecture at what he may arrive. 
 
 Some general traits, however, may be difcov- 
 ered in his character, and recognized as the genu 
 ine (lamp of nature. Among thefe may be rec 
 koned a certain defire in every individual of obtain 
 ing the good opinion of his fellow-creatures. 
 Some degree of diftinction, at leaf! fo far as to ac 
 quire an individuality of character among his 
 equals, and merit their refpedt and confidence, is 
 doubtlefs natural to man ; and whatever, in a 
 true fenfe, is natural, is, in the fame fenfe, laud 
 able. A man, without the artificial aid that foci- 
 ety gives him, has but two refources on which he 
 can rely for obtaining this refpedt ; thefe are his 
 phyftcal and his moral powers. By the cultivation 
 of one or both of thefe, he renders himfelf ufeful, 
 and merits the diltinction that he wifhes. Proper 
 ty, which is called, perhaps with fufficient accura 
 cy, the creature, of fociety, is fecured to individuals, 
 only for their private benefit ; or at mod as a 
 pledge of their attachment to the community, by 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS". 
 
 which it is guaranteed. It is not expefted, on 
 the true principles of fociety, that an individual 
 fliould difpofeof any part of his own property to 
 the benefit of the public. So much of it as the 
 public requires in contributions, is demanded as a 
 right ; it belongs to the ftateby the nature of the 
 locial contract, in return for the guarantee of the 
 red. It cannot be intended therefore that this 
 mould be the way in which a man flionld ufe his 
 property, to procure to himfelf refped ; neither 
 is it fo in faft. The reliance he has upon it, for 
 the purpofe of refpecl, is founded on a differ 
 ent principle. Except fuch propoiiion as isne- 
 cefory in fupplying his perfonai wants, the pof~ 
 feflbr makes ufe of his property as a fign, or as 3 
 fubftitute, for perfonai merit. Indeed fo far as 
 his property is the fruit of his own exertions, it 
 is not an unnatural indication of abilities; and 
 even where it has defcended to him from his an- 
 -eeftors, it is not a more unreafonable ground of 
 pretenfion, than hereditary titles of any other de- 
 icription. 
 
 ^ On this principle, it is eafy to trace the begin 
 nings of a deviation from a rational eftimat'e of 
 things, m our attachment to property. A gov 
 ernment which had been founded in violence, and 
 was to be carried on for the exclusive benefit of a 
 final! proportion of the community, muft have 
 been under the ncccflity, at all time,-, of fupport- 
 mg itfelf by impofition. This circumftance goes 
 at once to the difcouragement and the difufe of the 
 moral powers tf individuals ; as they muft ceafe to 
 be cultivated, 'the moment they ceafe to be ref- 
 pefted. As the nation, at the fame time, grew 
 more numerous, and the fuccefs of war and other 
 reat operations were found to depend lefs on 
 
136 ' ADVICE TO THE 
 
 ly firength, this too began to lofe its eftirriatioty 
 and could no longer be relied on, as a title to ref- 
 pel. A natural fefource therefore, by which to 
 efcape from, thefe unnatural reftritions, \vas 
 found in a veneration for external and fallacious 
 figns of merit, appropriated to individuals. This 
 was the origin of all hereditary titles of honour ; 
 and it mutt likewife have been the origin, at leaft 
 in a great meafure$ of our exceffive attachment to 
 property. 
 
 There is another point of View in which this 
 theory may be placed, that will fho'w it to be (iill 
 more probable. In the fame proportion as this 
 veneration for property offered a rcfource ^in 
 dividuals, on their giving: up the natural right of 
 cultivating their perfonal talents, it alfo became a 
 neceffary engine in the hands of the government. 
 It is eafy to perceive, that, in a fyftem where ev- 
 every thing depends on hereditary rank, the per- 
 fon placed at the head ought always to be entitled 
 to the great eft (hare of refpedl. And where fhould 
 a king feek for this, but in exterior pomp ? Nei 
 ther wifdom nor ftrength can I e made hereditary, 
 but titles and property may. It was abfolutely 
 requifite that thofe qualities, in which the king 
 might be rivalled or furparTecl by his fubje&s, 
 fhould be brought into difrepute ; and that all 
 mankind fhould fix their admiration on thofe in 
 which he could excel. Governments of this kind 
 are fure to be adminiftered in fuch a manner, that 
 the king fhall always be the richeft man in the na 
 tion ; and they generally go farther, and make 
 othet men rich in proportion to their fervility to 
 him. It is thus that the order of nature is invert 
 ed, and names are fubftitued for things. The 
 finiple ufes of property are converted into the fplcn- 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS, 
 
 did magnificence of wealth. This becomes the 
 great and alrnoft univerfal object of human ambi 
 tion ; it excites the gaze and veneration of all 
 clalTes of men. Individuals are really rot to be 
 blamed, nor their judgment to be called in quef- 
 tion, for this manner of eftimating things. Exte 
 rior pomp is, in fact, more ufeful to them, than 
 perfonal qualifications. It indeed often takes place 
 of all the folid enjoyments of life ; and it never 
 can be ftrange that it fhould do fo, ao lonq as it 
 procures that refpect, the defire of which is 
 doubtlefs among the ftrongcft paffions of our na 
 ture. We never hear of a man committing fili 
 cide for the want of bread, but it is often done for 
 the want of a coach. 
 
 Such is the paflion, and fuch, I believe, is the 
 origin of the inordinate pailion for property, in the 
 prefent ftate of manners. The greater part of 
 rational men agree that thefe things are wrong ; 
 they agree that the general tafte and fentiments of 
 mankind, on thjs fubject, are eroneous ; and 
 they vvifh they could be changed. The only point 
 in which I differ from thefe men in opinion is, 
 that I have no doubt but thefe things will be chan 
 ged. I think we difcern the radical caufe of the 
 evil ; I think that caufe will foon be removed ; 
 and the remedy will inevitably follow ; becaufe it 
 is nothing more than a fimple operation of nature, 
 recovering herfelf from reftraint. I am not 
 preaching a moral lecture on the ufe of riches, or 
 the duty of charity \ I am endeavouring to point 
 out the means by which the neceility for fnch lec 
 tures may be fuperceded. A duty that runs con 
 trary to habit, is hard to be enforced, either by 
 perfuafion or by law. Rectify our habits, and 
 eur duties will rarely be omitted. 
 M 2 
 
138 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 Good men in all civilized nations, have taken 
 unwearied pains, and given themfelves real grief 
 of heart, in cenfuring the vices and recommend 
 ing the duties of mankind, relative to the life and 
 abufe of property. Their labours have douhtlefs 
 done fome good ; for we may readily conceive 
 that the quantity of mifcry in the world is not fo 
 great as it might have been without them. But 
 thefe men have not penetrated to the root of the 
 evil ; or rather, they have overlooked it ; and the 
 remedies they have propofed have always been 
 partial, unpromifing, and without fuccefs. They 
 lay the blame to the natural propenfities of the 
 human heart, and call upon individuals for refor 
 mation. Whereas, the fault lies not fo deep, nor 
 is the cure to be looked from individuals, even with 
 refpecl to themfelves. Habit is the ape of na 
 ture ; it aflumes her appearance, and palms its 
 vices upon her. And as the univerfal habit with 
 refpeft to the fubject now in queftion has arifen 
 out of unnatural and degrading fyftems of govern 
 ment, a reformation can be expected, only from 
 referring back to nature for a change of thofe fyf 
 tems ; and there is no doubt but this remedy wil| 
 be effectual. 
 
 Eftablifh government univerfal!) on the individ 
 ual willies and collected wifdom of the people, and 
 it will give a fpring to the moral faculties of every 
 human creature ; becaufe every human creature 
 muft find an intereft m its welfare. It muft af 
 ford an ample fubject far cc memplation and exer 
 tion ; which cannot fail to give a perpetual im 
 provement to the mind, and elevate the man to a 
 more exalted view of himfelf, as an active mem 
 ber of that focial (rate, where virtue has a fcope 
 for expanfion, and merit is fure to be rewarded. 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 139 
 
 Being thus reftored to nature, every thing is eafy 
 and progreffive ; the individual looks to himfelf 
 for his title to refpect, the moment he becomes 
 habituated to believe and know that this is the only 
 title that will anfwer his purpofe. The idea of 
 relying on the glare of exterior pomp, whether it 
 be of wealth or hereditary rank, mud be regarded 
 as what it really is in fact, the effort of a weak 
 mind to cover its own weaknefs. Such efforts 
 being refented by the people, as attempts to im- 
 pofe upon their underftanding, they mull fall in 
 to difrepute and be laid afide. They cannot be 
 ufcful, they cannot be kept in countenance, in a 
 fociety founded on the bafis of human reafon. 
 
 It is difficult to conceive to what an extent this 
 circumftance would operate on the character of the 
 human mind, with refpect to its attachment to 
 property. If the prefent fyftems of government 
 are unnatural, I am convinced that this part of the 
 human character is unnatural ; and a change in the 
 former muft produce a change in the latter. One 
 of theufesof property, that of procuring rcfpe& 
 would be entirely cut off. And it muft be confi- 
 dered that this is the ufe that has generally had the 
 mod powerful effect upon the mind ; becaufe it is 
 immoderate and unbounded. It is well known 
 thdt rivals in the difplay of wealth are among the 
 moft jealous rivals in the world ; and that there is 
 ufually no limit to the defires of a man on this fub- 
 ject, when they once pafs the limit of his real or 
 expected wants. 
 
 One fimple fact, wiih refpedt to the French na 
 tion, is almoft fufficient of itfelf to fupport the 
 opinion I here advance. But I thought it nece- 
 fary, before adducing that fact, to recur to theo 
 retical principles , in, order to flicw that both the 
 
ADVICE TO THE 
 
 fadl and the opinion are founded in nature, and 
 therefore may be trufted, fo far. as they go, as the 
 foundation of a practical fyftem. It is well known 
 that the national character of that people within 
 four years has undergone almoil a total change, 
 with regard to the eftimation of exterior marks of 
 diftindion, of ev f ery kind. What is called rank, 
 arifing from hereditary titles, had formerly as 
 great an influence in the country, as at court ; it 
 was held as facred in the moil fequeftered walks of 
 life, where aclions obey the impulfes of the heart, 
 as in the moll: brilliant af forcibly, where they are 
 regulated by a Mailer of Ceremonies. It is im- 
 poiiible for wealth itfelf in any nation to be more 
 refpcded than titles were in France among all 
 clafles and defciiptions of people. Their venera 
 tion for king was proverbial through the world ; 
 and this was only a fample of their univerfal ref- 
 pel for every thing that bore the name of heredi 
 tary tokens of rank. Their adoration of thefe 
 dirtinftions could fcarcely be confidered as the effe& 
 of habit ; it had fo fur wound itfeif into the na 
 tive character and foul of a Frenchman, that it 
 could not be cliftinguifhed from an element of his 
 nature. But the change of government, like a 
 chymical analyfis, has feparated the drofs of habit 
 from the gold of nature ; it has melted off the 
 courtier and ihewed us the msn. 
 
 This is not all. The brltli&nce of wealth has 
 likewife in that country loft iis former value j it 
 being no longer confidered, either by the proprie 
 tors or by others, as capable of commanding ref- 
 peel:; I know it will be laid, in anfwer to this, 
 That it is owing to a temporary circumftance ; 
 that the great body of the people, who have taken 
 the government into their own hands, are envious 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. I4t 
 
 towards the rich, and are aiming to reduce all men 
 to a level in regard to property. The plained re 
 ply to this affertion which has often been repeated 
 is, that it is not true. No people ever fhewed a 
 more facred regard to private property than the 
 French have uniformly done, duririg the whole 
 revolution. And, as if to put cah>mriy to the 
 blufh, and baffle all theories of fophiflry againft a 
 popular recbmotion of rights, this regard to pri 
 vate property has been in proportion to the irregu^ 
 Jarity of their movements, and the opportunity 
 for pillage. It is to be wifhed that governments 
 themfelvcs would learn a Icflon of honour from 
 thefe examples of anarchy inftead of employing 
 Venal writers to abufe them. 
 
 Jt cannot be denied, that in all other parts of 
 Europe there are two 'diftinft purpofes to which 
 property is applied a refource againft physical 
 wants, and a refource for perfonal refpe6t It 
 cannot be denied, that in France it has already 
 Ceafed, in a great meafure, to anfwer the laft or 
 thefe purpofes, The caufe of this is perfectly na 
 tural, and I have ho/Joubt that it mud be perma 
 nent. The fame effcSt will be produced in other 
 Countries, by placing the government on the folid 
 bads of reafon, in/lead of propping it up on the 
 tottering foot-ftool of impofition. 
 
 I am aware that my argument is ftill expofed td 
 one objection, from thofe readers who are ac 
 quainted with the prefent ftate of fociety in Ameri 
 ca. It will be faid, that the people of the United 
 States manifefl a great attatchmerit to property, 
 Con fide red as tuealth, and merely for the purpofe 
 of parade; that, though their government is 
 American, their manners are European. To this 
 I reply, in the firil place, that the el a ge is true 
 
ADVICE TO THE 
 
 only in a limited fenfe. The influence of riches 
 in that country, even on the minds of thofe who 
 pofiefs them, is by no means fo great as it is in 
 Europe. But this anfwer will not be completely 
 fatisfa&ory to the objector, neither is it fo to me. 
 We muft acknowledge the fa6l to exift, at lead in 
 a confiderable degree, and endeavour to fearch out 
 the caufe. The people of that country have been 
 always accuftomed to borrow their maxims, as 
 well as their manners, from the various nations of 
 Europe, from which they emigrated ; in the tra 
 ding towns, many of the prefent inhabitants are 
 really Europeans, having been in the country but 
 a fhort time ; and emigration is perpetually fup- 
 plying all parts of the States with new adventures ; 
 fafhions, and atafte for expenfive modes of living, 
 are imported with other merchandife. In the ar 
 ticle of public falaries, the governments them- 
 felves h-ive been too much guided by European 
 ideas ; which fuppofe it neceifary that public offi 
 cers mould envelope themfelves in pomp and 
 fplendor, in order to infpire a veneration for the 
 laws. For though falaries in general were fixed 
 at the revolution on a fcale fo low as to bear little 
 proportion to what was common in Europe, and 
 though in fome inftances they have been fince re 
 duced, yet they are ftill fo high as to bear little 
 proportion to what they ought to be. Thefe tilings 
 have a great effeft on the general maxims of life 
 in that country. But thefe things can never apply 
 to Europe : and, on a change of government and 
 manners in the old world, they will ceafe to apply 
 to the new. 
 
 The Americans cannot be faid as yet to have 
 formed a national chara&er. The political part 
 of their revolution, afide from the military, was 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS, 14* 
 
 flot of that violent and convulfive nature that 
 fhakes the whole fabric of human opinions, and 
 enables men to decide which are to be regained as 
 congenial to their (ituation, and which fhould be 
 rejecled as the offspring of unnatural connexions. 
 Happily, the weight of oppreffion there had ne 
 ver been fo great, nor of fo long a duration, as 
 to have diftorted in any extravagant degree the mo 
 ral features of man. He recognized himfelf as 
 the fame being, under the new fyftem as the old ; 
 for the change of form had not been fo perceptible 
 as to require a great change of principle. Under 
 thefe circumftawces, the people continued mod of 
 their ancient maxims, though they were a mixture 
 of foreign and domeftic ; and, as habit is a coin 
 current in all countries, it is, not furprifmg that 
 whatever had received the (lamp of authority in 
 polifhed nations of Europe, fhould be adopted 
 without fcruple by the offspring of thofe nations 
 i America. 
 
 The circumftance of their not being inverted 
 with what is called national character, though hi 
 therto a fubjeft of regret, will in future be much 
 in their favour. The public mind being open to 
 receive impreflions from abroad, they will be able 
 to profit by the practical leflons which will now be 
 afforded them from the change of fyftem in this 
 quaner of the world. It will be found there, as 
 it is now found in France, that the difplay ef 
 wealth will ceafe to be challenged as an emblem 
 or fubftitute for perfonal talents ; and it will be 
 coveted every where, in a lefs degree than at prc- 
 fent ; as it will fail to gratify the paffion for ref- 
 pec}. It may be farther remarked, that this is 
 not the only circumftance in which the ftate of 
 fociety in America will be efTentially benefited by 
 a change of manners in Europe. 
 
144 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 But it muft be confefled, after all, that this is 
 a theory to which it is hard to gain profelytes ; 
 efpecialiy among that clafs of men, whofe know 
 ledge of the world has taught them a caution 
 which fhuns the allurements of audacious fpeculati- 
 on. And, fmce it rriuft be referred lo experience, 
 to that I truft the argument. I profefs nothing 
 more in this work, than to contemplate the effects 
 that a general revolution will produce on the affairs 
 of nation?. But in contemplating theft 1 , it is ef- 
 fential that we fhould be apprifed of the corref- 
 ponding change that will neceflarily be wrought 
 on the character of man ; in order that, being 
 prepared for the event, he may think of inch ar 
 rangements as fhall be likely to prevent hisrelapf- 
 ingj in f o the errors which have cod him fo much 
 inifcry. 
 
 A chapter which treats on the fyfttm of abufes 
 fo generally adopted in raiftng a revenue, csri 
 fcarcely be clofed with fatisfadlicn to the reader* 
 without fome inflections on the correfpor.ding 
 abufes which are ioi nd in the apptifation* I (hall 
 fay nothing of high falaries, civil Jili, peace efla- 
 Wilhment, and the other enormities on which pri 
 vileged orders and ftnfclefs places depend. Thefe 
 will fo foon fall, with the wretched plans of go 
 vernment they fupport, that it really feems like an 
 ungenerous triumph, to wifh to haften their fate. 
 When the bufinefs of government fliall be con 
 ducted, like other bufinefs, on the principles of 
 Common fenfe, it will be paid for, like other bu 
 finefs, in proportion to the fervice performed. 
 And unlefs this proportion be ftrictly obferved in 
 the payment, thefe principles will not long be 
 obferved in the fervice. Btu our obfervations in 
 thjs place, on the application of revenue, will 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 145 
 
 chiefly be confined to the fubject of Public Debts. 
 This fubject becomes more important at this time, 
 not merely on account of the prefent magnitude 
 of thofe debts in mod of the ftates of Europe, 
 but as relative to the principle on which they are 
 contracted and fupported. Should this principle 
 be found to be dangerous tojiberty, and fuitable 
 only to a vicious form of government, it will fur- 
 nifh matter of deep reflection to a nation that 
 \vifhes to eftablinh Its affairs on the bads of reafou 
 and nature. 
 
 Here we mud: take a review of that mode of 
 anticipation, which is common to moft of the 
 modern governments of Europe, and known by 
 the name of \\\t funding fyftcm. This invention (for 
 fo the art of funding is fometimes called) has 
 received from the hands of different writers, a 
 confHerable degree of cenfure, as well as much 
 unqualified and injudicious praife. Indeed, when 
 confidered with reference to its wide fvveep of at 
 tending circumftances, it prefents itfelf'to the 
 mind under a variety of afpe&s, and forms alto 
 gether a (hipendous objel of meditation ; having 
 produced effe&s that have far furpafled the limits 
 of previous calculation or btiief. In politics and 
 war, it has changed the face of Europe. With 
 regard to other concerns, both of nations and 
 individuals, its effecis have been various, contra- 
 di&ory, del u five, and incapable of accurate efti- 
 niation. It has aftonifhingly multiplied the force 
 and adivity of trade ; but it has increafed in an 
 equal degree the quantity of ufelefs and deftruc- 
 tive fpecuiation. It has converted commerce into 
 a weapon of war ; and it has made of that tre 
 mendous calamity an alluring in ft rumen t of com 
 merce. It has brought thefc two occupations, fo 
 N 
 
146 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 extremely oppofite in their nature, to a cordial 
 coalition and mutual fupport j and thus by the aid 
 ot both, it facilitates every project of ambition in 
 the government ; till it fan iliarifes the public 
 mind to a ferious acqniefcence in a paradox, which 
 mull have excited the ridicule ot any age accuf- 
 tomed only to common calculation, That the more 
 a nation is debilitated and exhaufted, the more 
 fplendid and powerful it grows. Indeed the fyftem 
 is replete with lo much apparent good, attended 
 with its folid weight of e\ils, that we may be 
 thought to incur the guilt of partiality or inatten 
 tion, ihould we fail to qualify our cenfure with 
 fome degree of approbation. 
 
 But the queftion, Whether the fyftem of fund 
 ing ought to be admitted in all its latitude, can be 
 decided only by ftriking the balance cf good and 
 evil in the cfYe&s that it mud frrm its nature ^re 
 duce. And I think, on confidering the fubjedl: as 
 relative to a free republic, the balance will be 
 found much more on the fide of the evil, than it is 
 when applied to the old plans of government. 
 
 The benefits, to be derived from the fyftem, 
 are of two kinds ; commercial, as it facilitates the 
 bufinefsof individuals, and political^ as it aids the 
 government in the great operations of war. It is 
 well known, or it is univerfally believed, that the 
 public debt in Enpland, being funded on the bails 
 of mortgaging the national revenue for its intereft, 
 has created a prodigious mafs of capital in the hands 
 of trade. By furniihing men with a kind of ftock, 
 which they are fure of turning into money at any 
 moment they choofe, it enables them to vary their 
 operations with fuch facility, as to feize many ad 
 vantages in dome (tic and foreign markets, which 
 rnuft otherwife pafs without efted. It is in a great 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS, 147 
 
 nieafure to this circumftance, that many perfons 
 fperhaps without a due confutation of caufes) 
 pave attributed the flourifhing ftate of commerce 
 in this kingdom. Indeed, fince it is found that 
 commerce has increafed with the augmentation of 
 taxes, the argument in favour of unlimited fund 
 ing has hecome fo feducing, that the paradox has 
 arifen almoft to a folecifm ; it is faid that public 
 infolvency is public wealth, and the national debt 
 is melt a nation! benefit. 
 
 The advantages of a political nature, which are 
 
 a n uri^ r ^ th , e P rinci i' le F funding, confift in 
 eltabhihing fuch an unqueftionable credit, that the 
 government can at all times borrow, without the 
 means or the intention, or even the promifeof 
 payment. This credit anfwers all the purpofe of 
 an inexhauftible treafury, on which the govern 
 mem may draw at any moment, and to any 
 amount. It is eafy to conceive the immenfe faci 
 lity thus given to the meafures of adminiftration 
 It enables them to begin, on the fhorteft notice 
 and with the greateft fecrecy, the moft cxpenfive 
 operations, and then to purfue them to any extent - 
 and this without confulung the wiihcs of the na' 
 tion. ^ It precludes the nuceflity of accumulating 
 a national treafure by previous taxation and ceco- 
 nomy ; a meafure which muft always be attended 
 with the difadvantage of lofm^ the ufe of the mo 
 ney, from the time it is hoarded, until it is ex- 
 pendecl. It hkewife avoids the neceffity of another 
 operation no lefs to be drea-led by officers of go 
 vernment m general ; I mean a fudden auamenta- 
 tion of taxes, by which the people mould be called 
 upon to fupport the expences of the year, within 
 ' ySfV A meafure which, if not f(^metimcs 
 iinpoifible, would often be hazardous to the repu- 
 
14* ADVICE TO THE 
 
 ration of minifters, and to the fucce&of extraor 
 dinary enterprifes. 
 
 Such is the general fummary of the advantages 
 derived from the Funding Syftem ; and this opens 
 to our view the train of evils with which they are 
 contrafled. Thefe 1 fear will be too numerous to 
 be particularly noticed, and too great to be readily 
 conceived. In the hands of an adrniniftration, I 
 will not fay corrupt, but an ad mi nil! rat ion whofc 
 intereil is in any meafure different from that of 
 the nation at large, this fyftem is the moft danger 
 ous inftrument that can be imagined : as it is an 
 inftrument of incalculable force, and may be al 
 ways wielded without oppofition. This from the 
 nature of the fubjecl muft be the cafe ; becauie the 
 expences of any projected enterprife being charged 
 on pofterity, the party mod interefted in making 
 the oppofition, is not in being at the time, and 
 cannot be heard in its rcmonit ranee. Thus, in 
 the bufinefs of war, which is the principal object 
 in the funding fyftem, it enables governments to 
 hire men to daughter each other with more than 
 their own fvvords. They wring out of the hard 
 earnings of future generations the means of de- 
 flroying the pr^fent. Here is a double violence 
 which the generation, thai goes to war by the aid 
 of funding, commits on the age that is to follow. 
 It precludes the exigence of one part of focicty, 
 by deftroying thofe v/ho Ihould have been their 
 progenitors ; and it charges the portion of pofle- 
 jity, that efcapes into exigence, with the expen 
 ces of killing the fellows of their anctftors. And 
 ihefe expences they rnuft pay under the cruel 
 difadvaniagcs of being deprived of half their na 
 tural refouices, by a dirninuu-jn of their natural 
 numbers, 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS, 149 
 
 As military operations are now condu.&ed, every 
 man killed or deftroyed in war, cofts to the nation 
 upwards of a thotifand pounds fterling. This cal 
 culation is taken from a view of the laft war in 
 which England was engaged. The nation ex 
 pended in that war, asftated by Sir John Sinclair,* 
 fomething more than 139 millions. No financier 
 has calculated with any accuracy the number of 
 lives that it co'ft on the part of Great Britain, in 
 "battles, hofpitals, and prifons \ probably it did 
 not exceed 139 thoufand. So that the people of 
 this country are now confoling themfelVes for the 
 lofs of their friends and relations, by paying far 
 their execution at the rate of a thoufand pounds a 
 head. Other jobs performed in fuch a wholefule 
 manner are generally charged at a cheaper rate ; 
 but this is more expenfive than the bufinefs of a 
 -like nature, which is done in the formality of de 
 tail, at the Old Bailey and Newgate. 
 
 It requires but a flight obfervation on the cha 
 racter of the times in different ages, to fhow th?iV 
 the objecl: of war, and the fpiiit with which it is 
 conducted, have been altogether differed, xvithin 
 the prefent century, from what they vere in more 
 remote periods of modern hiftory. In the mari 
 time nations of Europe, the object of war has x 
 changed from religion to commerce ; from a point 
 of honour among kircgs, to a point of profit among 
 merchants, minifters and generals. Thefe fub- 
 jets have nothing in their nature fufficiently ani- 
 rnatina to roirfe the enthufiafm of a whole nation 
 to fuch a degree, as to render it fafe for the pro 
 jector of a war to apply to the people for their 
 immediate fupport. Therefore, to find the means 
 
 *Hifl. of the Revenue , Part III. page 95, 
 N i 
 
150 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 of carrying it on, they rcfort to a principle conge* 
 nial to the object of the war ; and it becomes fup- 
 
 Sorted, as it is projected, in thefpiritof commercCc 
 ut, as all offenfive wars, in every pofiible cir- 
 cumftance, can only be maintained by deceiving 
 the people, the government in this cafe recurs to 
 a commercial deception, and induces them to un 
 dertake the burthen, on condition that the weight 
 of it be fhifted off to a future period. Such is 
 the origin of funding ; and it has evidently rifen 
 out of the neceility that governments were under, 
 of changing the principle of deception, in order 
 to conform to the fpiritof the times. 
 
 As an engine of ftate, the funding fyftem has' 
 completely taken place of religious enthufiafm ; 
 and mankind have been hurried on to their own 
 definition by the former, within the two laft 
 ages, with a.s little prudence and as much dclufion, 
 as they were by the latter, in the twelfth century. 
 Indeed, I fee no reafon why a genuine crufade 
 could not have been undertaken, even by the go 
 vernment of Great Britain within the laft fifty 
 years, and carried on to any extent, by the aid of 
 the funding fyfteiru For the principle of the fyf- 
 tem is fuch as to prevent men from enquiring into 
 the objedl: of the war ; as every inducement to 
 fuch enquiry is almoft- completely taken away, 
 with refpel to every clafs of fociety. One clafs, 
 by the previous operation of the fame fyftem in 
 the increafe of taxes, are rendered fo wretched in 
 their domeftic condition, that they are glad to en 
 gage as foldiers in any caufr, for the fake of ths 
 pay, fo pitifully (mall as the pay of a foldier is ; 
 another clafs, and one that has great influence on 
 the public opinion, is compofed of generals, con 
 tractors, mlnifters and fecretaries, with all their 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 15! 
 
 dependant?, who are fure to make a profitable job 
 of any war, however it be conducted, and what 
 ever be its objecT: ; another clafs confifts of idle 
 i peculators in the funds, whofe chance of gain 
 increafes with the j.oftling of public affairs, and 
 efpecially with the augmentation of the debt ; 
 while the reft of the community, who cannot be 
 rendered active by the allurements of private 
 profit, are rendered paffive by deferring the pay 
 ment of the lofs. 
 
 From the time when the predatory fpirit, which 
 led the northern Barbarians to ravage tfce fouth of 
 Europe, had fubfided, and given place to its natu 
 ral offspring, in the eftablifhment of feudal mo 
 narchy, the hiftory of this quarter of the world 
 begins to a flu me a confident lhape ; and it offers 
 itfc-lf to our contemplation, as relative to the fpirit 
 of nations, under three fuccefFive afpecls. Thefe 
 are the fpirit of hierarchy, the fpirit of chivalry, 
 and the fpirit of commerce. Out of thefe dif 
 ferent materials the genius of the government has 
 forged inftruments of oppreflion almoft equally 
 deffru&ive. It has never failed to cloud the minds 
 of the nation with fome kind of fuperftition, con 
 formable to the temper of the times. In one age 
 it is the fuperftition of religion, in another the 
 fuperftition of honour, in another the fuperftition 
 of public credit. 
 
 The deplorable ufe that has been made of the 
 laft of thefe, during the prefent century in Eng 
 land, and for a much longer period in fome other 
 governments, has induced many perfons to regret 
 that the fpirit of commerce has ever become pre 
 dominant over that of chivalry and that of the 
 church. They fee a contracted ineannefs in the 
 oar, which ill compares with the open enthufiaftn 
 
152 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 of the other two. But before we find fault with 
 what feems to be the order of nature in tfeefe 
 events, we ought to confider the efFecT> that it has 
 and will produce, in the progrefs of fociety and 
 morals. Chivalry and hierachy taught us to be 
 lieve that all men who did not pay homage to the 
 fame monarch, or ufe the fame mode of worfliip 
 with ourfelves, were our natural enemrcs, and 
 ought to be extirpated. The fpiritof commerce 
 has brought us acquainted with rhofe people ; we 
 fin?! them to be like other men, and that they are 
 really iifefiil to us in fupplying our wants. As 
 their exigence and their profperity are found to 
 be advantageous to us in a commercial point of 
 view, we ceafe to regard them as enemies ; and 
 refufe to go and kill them, unlefs we are hired to 
 do it. But as commerce may deal in human (laugh 
 ter as well as in other things, when ever the go 
 vernment will offer us more money for deft roy ing 
 our neighbours than we can* get by other bufinefs, 
 we are ready to make enemies of our beft friends, 
 and to go to war, as we go to market, on a calcu 
 lation of profit. 
 
 This is the true fpirit of commerce, as relative 
 to war. But as this fpirit has made us better ac 
 quainted with all foreign nations, and with our 
 felves, it has -excited a difpofition for enquiry into 
 the moral relations of men, with a view to politi 
 cal happinefs. The refuit of this enquiry is now 
 beginning tn appear. It has already convinced us 
 that there can be no pofTible'cafe in which one na 
 tion can be the natural enemy of another ; and 
 this leads us to difcover the caufe why they have 
 beerijfa9*/fVf/J enemies. The whole is found to be 
 a fatal deception perpetually impofed upon each 
 Ration by its own government, for the private be- 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 153 
 
 ftcfit of its ad mini Orators. The fame fpirit of 
 enquiry is now leading the people to change the 
 form of their governments, that fociety may be 
 reftored to its proper foundation, the general hap- 
 pinefs of the great community of men. 
 
 On examining the fucceffion of principles 
 \vhich mark the character of the times through 
 thefe different periods, it appears that, when the 
 fpirit of commerce had become predominant, the 
 only engine of itate, which could be relied upon to 
 excite the people to war, was the eftablifhment of 
 a national credit by funding the national deb*s. 
 And we fhoukl not be wide from the truth in af- 
 ferting, that to the funding fyftem alone the prin 
 cipal commercial nations of Europe are to attribute 
 the wars of the prefcnt century, as well as the 
 enormous debts under which they have learned to 
 ftruggle. 
 
 Such have been the cffe&s of funding, under 
 the old forms of governments ; and having afcer- 
 tained the principles on which it has operated in 
 producing thefe effects, we fhall be better able to 
 determine whether it be adoniflible in the policy of 
 a free republic. In this great crifis of human 
 affairs, it behoves mankind to probe the wounds 
 of nature to the bottom, and remove every cxcre- 
 fcence which might prevent a perfect cure. 
 
 Men of contemplative minds, as well as thofe 
 of pradtical knowledge,, have now become fo ge- 
 -nerally agreed in the neceffity of the funding fyf 
 tem, that, though they difcern the evils to which 
 it mud expofe a nation, I fear it is one of the lad 
 of their eitabliihed maxims that they will be wil 
 ling to fubjet to the fcverity of difcullion. The 
 univerfal opinion is that a {late cannot exift with 
 out a national credit ; unltfs it put itfelf to the 
 
154 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 difadvantage of hoarding up money, and keeping 
 a treafure in referve. And this latter meafure, 
 befides the inconvenience ab' ve-mentioned, of 
 lofjng the ufe of the capital while it lies inactive, 
 would throw into the hands of the executive go 
 vernment, the fame dangerous power which is 
 entrulted to them by the means of credit. In this 
 refpecl their reafoniug is juft ; and perhaps a full 
 treafury would be the greateft evil of the two. 
 
 But after all, what is the advantage of a nation 
 al credit ? I mean in the fenfe in which it is gen 
 erally underftood, the facility of raifing a capital 
 on long annuities, by a mortgage of revenue. 
 Shall we not find on r,n inveftigation of this very 
 fimple queftion, that the ravantage derived from 
 fuch a credit (even fuppofiK" it never to be abufed) 
 Can only be applicable to the old fyftems of gov 
 ernment ? Will it not appear that it is an advan 
 tage totally unncceffary to a rational and manly 
 adminiflration, conducted by the \vifhes of a free 
 and enlightened people ? I am fuppofing, and it 
 is but fair to fuppofe, that fuch a people will al 
 ways underftand'their own interefL Or, at lea ft, 
 if they make a miilake, it will be the miffoke of 
 the nation, not of the minifters ; they will never 
 fuffer an enterprife to be undertaken, but what 
 is agreeable to the majority of the active citizens. 
 This people will never engage in any ofl\n r ive 
 war. Indeed, as foon as the furrounding nations 
 adopt the fame change of government, the bufinefs 
 of war will be forgotten ; but in the interval, 
 previous to this event, a real republic cannot 
 /land in need of funds, as a preparative for war, 
 unlefs it be invaded. It is even fafer without 
 funds ; becaufe they might be a temptation to the 
 officers of government to counteract the fpirit of 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 155 
 
 the republic. In cafe fuch a people be really at 
 tacked by an enemy, then it is that the force of 
 fociety may be feeti and calculated. But the cal 
 culation dues not mrn on he cabinet-rules of royal 
 arithmetic ; the pov\er of the republic for the 
 purpofe of detence does not depend on a na* onal 
 credit, in the fenfe above-mentioned, or rhe fa 
 cility of borrovving money; the government, in 
 making up its eifimate of refinance, never aiks, 
 Bow many foidiers have \ve in pay r And how 
 many recruits can we inlift or irnprefs ? But of 
 how many men does the nation confift ? Armies 
 ftart into being by a (pc maneous impulfe ; every 
 citizen feeis the caufe to be hi own, and presents 
 his perfon, or his provifion and his arms, not as 
 an offering to a tyrannical mailer, of whofe inter*, 
 tions he would be fufpicious, but as a defence rf 
 his own family and prc perty. The enemy being 
 repuifed, whatever inequalities may be found to 
 have arifen in this emulous contribution, are li 
 quidated and lettled on a general fcale ot juiiice, 
 
 Even fuppofing the war to be ot long continu 
 ance, and to require fums of money beyond the 
 voluntary contribution^, and beyond the power of 
 prudent taxation ior the time ; (which indeed, in 
 a wealthy and well-regulated republic, would be 
 an extraordinary thing, and I beiLve never would 
 occur) in fuch a cafe, the juitice of the caufe, and 
 the natural magnanimity which habitual freedom 
 infpjres, would be a fufficient guarantee for loans, 
 at home or abroad. It is true in nature, and the 
 truth muit prove itfelt beyond contradiction to the 
 \vorld, as foon as it ihali have opportunity to judge, 
 that a great people accuftomed to exercife their 
 rights, would never violate their duties. 
 
158 ADVICE TO THE 
 
 Injuftice may be expeded from governments 
 founded in ufurpation ; it is their natural charac 
 ter, the tenure on which they hold their authority. 
 They never can be jult, unlefs the deviate from 
 their principle. What is called their penal juf- 
 tlce y as well as their pecuniary jufilce^ is only the 
 fruit of their fears ; and ought to be regarded only 
 as an evidence of their conftitutional \veakncfs. 
 As every thing they do, mult be d(?ne by the force 
 of money, it is neceflary that they fhould eftablilh 
 a character for mercantile punctuality, to fervc as 
 a fubftittie for the quality of juftice, which quality 
 the nature of their exiftence denies them. The 
 reverfe of this is the <.afe witV governments found 
 ed in reafon and nature, where all the people have 
 an aclive interefl. Juftice there is the firft article 
 in the focial compact ; and as neither policy nor 
 principle can ever admit of a deviation from this, 
 the event is not to be expected. 
 
 This is the kind of national credit that is proper 
 for a free republic. It is involved in the nature 
 of their fyftem, and fpurns thofe extraneous aids 
 which artificial credits have required. I ihculd 
 confider it as a circumdance dangerous to the 
 progrefs of fociety, if the new republics, which 
 are to rife out of the ruins of thefe antiquated 
 mattes of error, fhould retain the two great prin 
 ciples of finance, on which much of that error has 
 been fup ported. To raifc the revenue by &/($*/- 
 ing the taxes , and to force a publhc credit by dint 
 of funding, have been equally neceffary to the an 
 cient fyftem ; and it appears to me that they would 
 be equally dertruclive to the new. 
 
 How the national debts that now exift in feveral 
 countries, are to be difpofed of, under a change 
 of government, is indeed a queftion of ferious 
 
PRIVILEGED ORDERS. 157 
 
 magnitude. Probably that of France will be 
 nearly e'xitrrguiihed by the fale of the national do 
 mains. That of Spain, 2nd thofe of moft other 
 catholic countries, may be balanced in the fame 
 way. In fome protefhmt nations, where the 
 debts and the domains Have loft their relative pro 
 portion, the cafe will be widely different. But, 
 wh.itever may be the fate of the debts, I am as 
 clear that the) ought not, as I am thai they will 
 not, impede the progrcfs of liberty. 
 
 E N D. 
 
 O 
 
 
 , 
 
A 
 
 LETTER 
 
 TO THE 
 
 NATIONAL CONVENTION 
 
 OF 
 
 FRANCE, 
 
 On the defeRs in the Conjlitution of 1791, and the 
 extent of the amendments which ought to be applied. 
 
 LONDON, September 16, 1792. 
 
 GENTLEMEN, 
 
 T, 
 
 H E time is at laft arrived, when the 
 people of France, by reforting to their own pro 
 per dignity, feel themfelves at liberty to exercife 
 their embarrafil j d reafon, in eftabli filing an equal 
 government. The pefent crifis in your affairs, 
 marked by the aflfembiing of a National Conven 
 tion, bears nearly the fame relation to the laft 
 tour years of your hiftory, as your whole revolu 
 tion bears to the great accumulated mafs of mod 
 ern improvement. Compared therefore with all 
 that is paft, it is perhaps the moft interesting por 
 tion of the moft important period that Europe has 
 hitherto feen. 
 
l6o LETTER TO THE 
 
 Under this impreflion, and with the deepcft 
 fenfe of the magnitude of the fuDJet which is to 
 engige your attention, I take a liberty which no 
 flight motives could warrant in a ftranger, the 
 liberty of offering a few obfertionson the bufinefs 
 that lies before you, - Could I fuppofe however, 
 that anv apology were neceffary for this intrnfion, 
 I fhould not rely upon the one here mentioned. 
 But my intentions require no apology ; I demand 
 to be heard, as a right. Your caufe is that of hu- 
 ma*^ nature at large : you are the representatives 
 of mankind ; and though I am not literally one of 
 your conftiuients, yet I mud be bound by your 
 decrees. My happinefs will be ferionfly afRcled 
 by your deliberations ; and in them I have an in- 
 tereft which nothing can deftroy. I no* only c<>n- 
 fider all mankind as forming but me great family, 
 and therefore bound by a natural fvmpathy to re 
 gard each other's happinefs as making part of their 
 own ; but I contemplate the French nation at 
 this moment as fhnding in the place of the whole. 
 You have itepped forward with a gigantic ftricle to 
 an enterprize which involves the intereft of every 
 furrounding "nation ; and what you began as juf- 
 tice to yourfelves, you are called upon to finifh as a 
 duty to the human race. 
 
 I believe no man cheri flies a greater veneration, 
 than I have uniformly done, for the National 
 Aiiembly who framed the -conftitution, which I 
 now prefume your conftituents expert you to re- 
 vife. Perhaps the merits of that body of men will 
 never 1 e properly appreciated. The greateit part 
 of their exertions were necefiarily fpent on objects 
 v.hich cannot be defended ; and which from their 
 nature can make no figure in hiftory. The cnor- 
 glu of abules they had to overturn, the 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. l6l 
 
 quantity of prejudice with which their functions 
 called then to contend, as well in their own minds 
 as in thofe of all the European world, the open 
 oppofiiion of interefts, the fecret weapons of cor 
 ruption, and the unbridled fury of despairing fac 
 tion thefe are fubje&s which efcape our common 
 obfervation, when we contemplate the labors of that 
 AHembly. But the legacy tkey have left to their 
 country in their deliberative capacity will remain 
 a Lifting monument to their pr-ufe ; and though 
 while tea re hi ng out the defective par's of their 
 work, without lofing fight of the difficulties UP icr 
 which it was formed, we may find more occafion 
 to admire its wifdom, than to murmur at its 
 faults ; yet this confederation ought not to deter U3 
 irom the attempt. 
 
 The great leading principle, on which their 
 con dilution was meant to be founded, is the equal 
 ity of rights. This principle being hid down 
 with fuch clearnefs, andaffericd with fo much dig 
 nity in the beginning of the code, it is ftfange 
 that men ei clear underftandings ihould fail to be 
 charmed with the beauty of the fyfteni which na 
 ture muft have taught them to build on that found 
 ation. It fhows a difpofition to counteracl the 
 analogy of nature, to fee them at one moment, 
 impreiling this indelible principle on our minds;, 
 and with the next breath declaring, That France 
 fhall remain a monarchy, that it mall have a 
 king, hereditary, inviolable, clothed with all the 
 executive, and much of the iegiflative power, 
 commander in chief of all the nunonal force' by 
 land and lea, having the initiative of war, and the 
 power of concluding peace ; and above all, to 
 bear them declare that, " The nation will provide 
 for the fplcndour of the throne/' granting in their 
 
 O 2 
 
l62 LETTER TO THE 
 
 legtflative capacity to that throne more than a 
 million fterling a year, from the national pnrfe, 
 befides the rents of eftates which are fa id to 
 amount to half as much more. 
 
 We muft be aftonifhed at the paradoxical or 
 ganization of the minds of men who could fee no 
 difcordance in thefe ideas. They begin with the 
 open fimplicity of a rational republic, and imme 
 diately plunge into all the labyrinths of royalty ; 
 and a great part of the conftitutional code is a 
 practical attempt to reconcile thefe two difcordsnt 
 theories* It is a perpetual conflict between prin* 
 ciple and precedent, between the manly truths of 
 nature, which we all muft feel, and the learned 
 fubtilties of ftatefmcn, about which we have 
 been taught to reafon. 
 
 In reviewing the hiftory of human opinions, it 
 is an unpleafant confideration to remark how flow 
 the mind has always been in feizing the mod in- 
 terefting truths ; although, when difcovered, they 
 appear to have been the rnoft obvious. This re 
 mark is nowhere verified with more circumftan- 
 ces of regret, than in the progrefs of your ideas 
 in France relative to the inutility of the kingly 
 office. It was not enough that you took your 
 firft ftand upon the high ground of natural right ; 
 where, enlightened by the fun of reafon, you 
 might have feen the coulds of prejudice roll far 
 beneath your feet it was not enough that you 
 began by confidering royalty, with its well- 
 known fcourges, as bein^ the caufe of all your 
 evils, that the kings of modern Europe are the 
 authors of war and mifery, that their mutual in* 
 tercourfe is a commerce of human {laughter,- that 
 public debts and private oppreffions, with all the 
 degrading vices that tarnifh the face of nature, had 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. 163 
 
 their origin in that fpecies of government which 
 .offers a premium for wickednefs, and teaches the > 
 few to trample on the many ; it was not enough 
 that you faw the means of a regeneration of man 
 kind in the fyltem of equal rights, and that in a 
 wealthy and powerful nation you poiTefled the ad 
 vantage of reducing that fydem to immediate 
 practice,, as an example to the world and a confo- 
 lation to human nature. All thefe arguments, 
 with a variety of others which your republican 
 orators placed in the drongeft point of light, were 
 insufficient to raife the public mind to a proper 
 view of the fi inject. 
 
 It feems that fome of your own philofophers 
 had previoufly taught, that royalty was necellary 
 fo a great nation. Montefquieu, among his 
 whimfical maxims about laws and government, 
 had informed the world that a limited monarchy 
 was the bed poflible fyftem, and that a democracy 
 could never flour ifti, but in a fmall tract of coun 
 try. How many of your legiflators believed in 
 this doctrine, how many acted from ternporifmg 
 motives, wiftiing to buniili royalty by flow de 
 grees, and how many were led by principles lefs 
 pardonable than either, it is impoffible to deter 
 mine. Certain it is, that republican ideas gained 
 no ground upon the monarchial in your condim 
 ent adcmbly, during the lad: fix monxhs of heir 
 deliberations. It is like wife certain that the ma- 
 jority of that aflcmbly took much pains to prevent 
 the people from difcovering the cheat of royalty, 
 and to continue their ancient veneration, at lead: 
 for a whil*, in favour of certain principles in 
 government which reafon could not approve. 
 
 It is remarkable that all the perfidy of your 
 king, at the time of his flight; fhould have had fo 
 
I&J- LETTER TO THE 
 
 little effe& in opening the eyes of fo enlightened 
 a people as the French. His flight, and the in- 
 fulting declaration which he left behind him, were 
 fufficient not only to give the lie to the fiction, 
 with which common fenfe has always been put to 
 the blufh, and to which your affembly had at 
 tempted to give a fanclion, that kings can do no wrong, 
 but they were fufficient to (how, at Icaft to all who 
 would open their eyes, that the bufmefs of gov 
 ernment required no fuch officer. There is no 
 period during your revolution, if there is any to 
 be found in the hiftory of France, when bufmefs 
 went on with more alacrity and good order, than 
 (luring the fufpenfion of the royal function* in the 
 interval from the time that the king was brought 
 back to the capital in June, till the completion of 
 the conftitution in September. Every thing went 
 right in the kingdom, except within the walls of 
 the affembly. A majority of that body was deter 
 mined to make an experiment of a limited mon 
 archy. The experiment has been made. Its 
 duration has indeed been fhort, being lefs than 
 eleven months \ but, although in fome refpec'ts 
 it has been almoft as fatal to the caufe of liberty as 
 any fyflern could have been within the time, yet 
 in other refpefts it has done more good than all the 
 reafonings of all the philofophers of the age could 
 have done in a much longer time : it has taught 
 them a new doclrine, whLh no experience can 
 flnki, and which reafon rmift confirm, tl.-at kings 
 can do no good. So that, if the queftion were now 
 to be agitated by the people of France, as it may 
 be by you in their behalf* whether they will have a 
 king or not, I ihoulJ fuppofe the following would be 
 theliate of the calculation : A cretain quantity of 
 evils are to be expected from the regal oSce , and 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. lj 
 
 thefe evils are of of two claffes, certain and proba 
 ble. The certain evils are, i. The million and a 
 half fterling a year drawn from the people to 
 " fupport the fplendour of the throne ;" 2. A 
 great variety of enormous falaries paid to minif- 
 ters at home, to ambafTadors abroad, and to bifh- 
 ops in the church ; while the only bufinefs of 
 thefe men and thrir fabrics is to fupport the fic 
 tion, that kin^s can do no wrong;. It will always 
 coft more to fupport this fiflion, than it would to 
 iupport the whole national government without it. 
 3. The word of all the certain evils is, that a 
 great part of the million and a 4 half will be fpent in 
 bribery and cor-iiptiou among the members of 
 the legislature, to increafe the power of the 
 throne, and the means of oppreffion. Ifthemo- 
 Rey, after it is extorted from the people, could be 
 thrown into the fea, infteadof being paid to the 
 king and his fatellites, the evil would be trifling ; 
 in that cafe the wickedncfs would ceafe with the 
 firft aft of injuftice ; while in this it multiplies 
 the weapons of deftru&ion againft themfelves. 
 It creates a perpetual fcrambling for power, re 
 wards knavery in the higher ranks, encourages 
 falfehood in others, and corrupts the morals of 
 the whole. This it is that clebafes and vilifies the 
 general mafs of mankind, and brings upon them 
 the infuhing remarks of many men, who even 
 \vifh them well, that the people are unfit for liberty. 
 Among the probable evils refulting from the 
 kingly office, the principal one, and indeed the 
 only one that need to be mentioned, is the chance 
 of its being held by a weak sr a wicked man. 
 When the office is hereditary, it is fcarcely to be 
 expe&ed but that this fbould always be the cafe. 
 Cenfidering the birth and education of princes, 
 
l66 LETTER TO THE 
 
 the change of fin ling one with practical common 
 fenfe is hardly to be reckoned among pofiible 
 events ; nor is the probability lefs flrong againft 
 their having virtue. The temptations to wick- 
 ednefs arifmg from their fttuation are too powerful 
 to be refilled. The perfuafive arts of all their flat 
 terers, the companions of their youth, the minif- 
 ters of their pleafures, and every perfon with 
 whom they ever converfe, are neceflarily employ 
 ed to induce them to increafe their revenue, by 
 oppreffing the people, whom they are taught from 
 their cradle to coniider as beaits of burthen. And 
 what muft almoft infure the triumph of wickecl- 
 nefs is their tempers, is the idea that they aft to 
 tally and furever without reftraint. This is an 
 allurement to vice that even men of fenfe could 
 fcarcely refift. Imprefs it on the mind of any 
 man that he can de nozorong^ and he will foon con 
 vince you of your miftake. 
 
 Take this general fummary of the evils arifmg 
 from hereditary monarchy, under any reftri&ions 
 that can be propofed, and place it on one fide of 
 the account, and (rate, on the other fide, the 
 truth which I believe no man of reflection will 
 hereafter call in queftion, that kings can do no 
 goody and the friends of liberty will no longer be 
 in doubt which way you will decide the queftion 
 relative to that part of your conftitution. 
 
 I cannot feel eafy in difmiiling this part of my 
 fubjeft, without offering fome remarks on that 
 general vauge idea which has long been floating 
 about in the world, that a people under certain 
 circumftances are unfit for liberty. You knew in 
 what infulting language this obfervation has been 
 perpetually applied to the French 'during the 
 courfe of the revolution. Some have faid that they 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. 167 
 
 were too ignorant to form a government of their 
 own, others that they were too poor, others that 
 they were too numerous, and others that they were 
 toovtfious. I will not defcend to the examination 
 of the particular parts of this charge, nor of the 
 whole as applied to the French, or to any other 
 particular people ; I will only remark on the gen 
 eral obftrvation, as applicable to any poffible na 
 tion exifting in a ftate of nature. By a (late of 
 nature I mean a ftate of peace ; where the inten 
 tion is, as a nation, to live by induftry at home, 
 not by plunder from abroad. 
 
 I think Montefquieu has faid, that virtue mi ft 
 be the foundation of a republican government. 
 His book is not now by me, or I w r ould try ta 
 difcoyer what he means by virtue. If he means 
 thofe moral habits by which men are difpofed to 
 mutual juftice and benevolence, which is the com 
 mon idea of virtue, it cannot be the foundation of 
 a republican government, or of any government, 
 Thefe qualities requiie no reftraints : the mere 
 general their influence (hould be among any peo 
 ple, the lefs force would be neccfiary in their go 
 vernment; and could we fuppofe a nation in which 
 they mould exift in a perfect degree, that nation 
 \vould require no government at all. It is the 
 vices, not the virtues of men which are the objecls 
 of reftraint, and the foundation of government. 
 The exprefllon of the general will, operating on 
 the mind of an individual, ferves with him as a 
 fubftitute for virtue. This general will may al 
 ways be expreiFed by a nation in any pofllble cir- 
 cumftances ; and, if the nation be in a ftate of 
 nature, this expreffion will always be moral virtue, 
 according to their ideas of the word ; and it will 
 
l68 LETTER TO THE 
 
 always fend to moral virtue, in the moft extenftve 
 ferrV in which we have yet Uen ahle to define it. 
 
 Ir has been faid, that man differs from man, as 
 much a* man from beaft ; it is faid alfo to be fit, 
 that the wife and virtuous nVuld make laws for 
 the ignorant and vinous. It is not to my purpofe 
 to ?li in queftion the firft of thefe a fieri u ns ; but 
 the fecond, pkiuf^hle as if is, I muft totally deny ; 
 at le-ft in the fenfe in which it is generally nnder- 
 ftood. That fome men in ihe fame focit-ty fhould 
 be wifer and better than others, is veiy iuumil ; 
 and it is as natural, that the people fhcnld thoofe 
 frrh *o reprtftnt them in the foiiy.iiiirn of I.-nvs. 
 Bur in thi c;fc the laws originate ticm the ptrple 
 at krre, ignorant and vitions as thty are ; L-;i:d 
 the rejM fentatives are only the organs by wHch 
 thf.ir will is declared. This is not the fenfe in 
 which the afferion is in-ended. It is meant, that 
 if kings w/rrechvays v ife arid good, or if a band 
 of nobles were nlw; y 1 v ife and good, it would be 
 beft that the\ flioiild be ihe hereditary legiilators. 
 This is the fenfe in whkh I deny the aflertkn, 
 becaufe it is contrary K.< tl:e :;nal(>gy of nature. It 
 being; a ft.ibjccT: on >yhii:h we cannot lock for ex 
 perience, we muft reafon only from analogy^; and 
 it appears extrem.tly evident tome, that, were a 
 fucceffion of the wifeft and bed men that ever have, 
 or ever will be know n, to be perpetuated in r<ny 
 coi?n r ry as inckpendeni Icgiilators for the pec-pie, 
 the iK'ppincfs ?.nd government of the nati( n wc-i.ld 
 be cricor'y injure by it. I am confident that *my 
 people, wfcethcr virtuous or ^'it iocs, wife or igno 
 rant, n- n < rf\- or Few, lich or pc(-r, are 'he l\ ft 
 jedges of thcl: cv n w^nt* relative to tie reltr^ii,t 
 of laws, is re' \\ . i Ui always fupj'.ly thofe wants 
 better than they could be fupplied by others. 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. . 169 
 
 In expreffing thefe ideas on the peace and hap- 
 pinefs to be expe&ed from a free republic, I have 
 t>een often accufed of holding 'too favourable an 
 opinion of human nature. But it appears to me, 
 that the queftion, whether men, on any given 
 portion of the earth, are able to make their own 
 laws, does not depend in the leaft on their moral 
 character. It has no relation to their ftate of im 
 provement or their ftate of morals. The only 
 previous enquiry is, What is the object to -be 
 aimed at in the government ? If it be the good of 
 the whole community, the whole can beft know 
 the means of purfuingit ; if it b to exalt a few 
 men at the expence of all the reft, the decilion, 
 perhaps, may take a different turn. 
 
 A republic- of beavers or of monkies, I believe, 
 could not be benefited by receiving their laws 
 from men, any more than men could be in being 
 governed by them. If the Algerines or the Hin 
 doos were to lhake off the yoke of defpotifm, and 
 adopt ideas of equal liberty, they would that mo 
 ment be in a condition to frame a better govern 
 ment for thetnfelves, than could be framed for- 
 them by the moft learned ftatefmen in the world. 
 If the great Mr. Locke, with all his wifdnm ami 
 goo-lnefs, were to attempt the tafk, he would pro 
 bably fucceed as ill as he did in his conftitution for 
 the colony of South-Carolina. 
 
 Colonies have always been teazed and torment 
 ed more or lefs (and probably always will be as 
 long as colonies (hall exift) by the overweening 
 wifdom of the mother-country, in making their 
 ]aws and conftitutions. This is often done 
 without any wifh to tyrannize, and fometimes 
 with the beft intentions to promote the good of 
 the people. The misfortune more frequently 
 P 
 
1*70 LETTER TO THE 
 
 lies in the legifhtor's not knowing the wants and 
 wifhes of the people, than in any wanton define 
 to counteract ihem. The fure and only charac- 
 teriftic of a good law i% that it le the per/eft ex- 
 preffion of the will of the nation ; its excellence is 
 precife-ly in proportion to the nniverfality and 
 freedom of confent. And this definition remains 
 the fame, whatever be the character of the nation, 
 or the object of the law. Every man, as an indi 
 vidual, has a will of his own, and a manner of 
 exprefilng it. In forming thefe individuals into 
 foctety, it is neceiTary to form their wills into a 
 government; and in doing this, we have only to 
 find the eafieft and cleared mode of exprefling their 
 wills in a national manner. And no poflible dif- 
 advantages relative to their ft ate of morals or civil 
 ization can render this a difficult talk. 
 
 I have gone into thefe arguments, not merely 
 to prove that the French are fit for liberty, who 
 are certainly at this moment the moft enlightened 
 nation in Europe , but to (how that the calumny 
 contained in the contrary alTertion need not be re 
 peated againft any other nation, who iliould make 
 the like exertions, and whofe pretenfions, in this 
 refpecly, might appear more questionable in the 
 eye of fafhionable remark, 
 
 But it will be faid, I am too late with all thefe 
 obfervalions on the neceffity of profcribing roy?J'y 
 from your conflitution The caufe is already 
 judged in the minds of the whole people of 
 France ; and their wiflies will furely be the rule 
 of your conduct. I fuppofe that, without being 
 reminded of your'duty by a ftranger/ one of your 
 firft refolutions would be, to declare a republic, to 
 fix a national anathema on every veftige of regal 
 power, and endeavour to wipe out from the hu- 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. 171 
 
 man character the ftain which it received, with 
 its veneration for kings and hereditary claims. 
 But it requires much reflection to be well aware 
 to what extent this duty (hould carry you. There 
 are many vices in your conftitution, which though 
 not opparently connected with the king, had their 
 origin in regal ideas. To purify the whole code 
 from thefe vices, and to purge human nature from 
 their effects, it will be necefiary to refort to many 
 principles which appear not 10 have ftrtick the 
 minds of the firft aiiembly. 
 
 You will permit me to hint at fome of the great 
 outlines of what may be expected from you, un 
 der the peculiar advantages with which you meet 
 to form a glorious republic. Although many of my 
 ideas may be perfectly fuperfluous, being the fame 
 as will occur to every member of your body, yet 
 it is poiiTble that fome of them may (rrike the 
 mind in a new point of Hght 5 apd lead to reflec 
 tions which would not rife from any other. quar 
 ter. Should this be the cafe in the ftr.alldt degree 
 it ought to be confidered, both by you and me, as 
 sn ample reward far our pains, in- writing and in 
 reading this letter. 
 
 On cohfidering the fubjecl of government, 
 when the mind is once fet loofe from" the (hackles 
 of royalty, it finds ilielf in a new world, ft rifes 
 to a more extern five view of every ctrcumfHnce 
 of the focial ftate. Human nature aUiirnes a new 
 and more elevated fliape, and difplays many mor 
 al features, which, from having been always dif- 
 guifed, were not known to,exiit. In this cafe, 
 it is a long time before we acquire a habit of tra 
 cing effects to their proper caufes, and of apply 
 ing the eafv and lirnple remedy to thofe vices of 
 cur rutureSvhich fociety requires us to reftraii-i. 
 
LETTER TO TK'JS-- 
 
 This, I apprehend, is the fource of by for the 
 greateft difficulties with which you have to con 
 tend. We are fo much tifed, in government, to 
 the moft complicated fyflems, as being neceflfary 
 to fupport thofe impofitions, without which it has 
 been fuppofed irnpoflible for men to be governed, 
 that it is an unufual tafk to conceive of the fimpli- 
 city to which the bufmefs of government may be 
 reduced, and to which it rnuft be reduced, if we 
 would have it anfwer the purpofe of promoting 
 happincfs. 
 
 After profcribing royalty, with all its append 
 ages, I fuppofe it will not be thought neceffary 
 in France to fupport any other errors and fuper- 
 ilitions of a nniiUr completion ; but that undif- 
 guifed reafon in all things will be preferred to the 
 cloak of impofitron. Should this be the cafe, you 
 will conceive it no longer neceflary to maintain a 
 national church. This eftablifhrrient is fo mani- 
 feflly an impofition upon the judgment of man 
 kind, that the conlthucnt allembly mud have con 
 fide red it in that light. It is one of thofe mon- 
 archial ideas, which pay us the wretched compli 
 ment of flip pofing that we are not capable of being 
 governed by our own reafon. To fuppofe that the 
 people of France are to iearn the mode of wor- 
 iln'p ping God from the decrees of the council of 
 Trente, is certainly as abfurd as it would be to 
 appeal to fuch a council to learn how to breathe, 
 or to open their eyes. Neither is it true,, as is ar 
 gued by the advocates of this part of your con- 
 {Htution, that the preference there given to one 
 mode of worfhip by the payment of the catholic 
 priefts, from the national purfe, to the exclufion 
 of others, was founded o.n the idea of the proper 
 ty fuppofed to have been poffbffed by ehat church, 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. 173 
 
 and which by the aftembly was declared to be 
 thenceforward the property of the nation. 
 
 The church, in this fenfe of the word, figniHes 
 nothing but a mode yf worjhip ; and to prove that 
 a mode can be the proprietor cf lands, requires 
 a fubtihy of logic that I (hall not attempt to re 
 fute. The fact is, the church confiderecl as an 
 hierarchy, was always neceiTary to the fupport of 
 royalty ; and your aflembly, with great confifteii- 
 cy of defign, wifliing to preferve foine'hing of the 
 uid fabric, prefer ved fomeihing of this neceftury 
 prop. But as the fabric is now overturned, tfae 
 prop may be fafely taken away. I am confident 
 that monarchy and hierarchy will be buried iu 
 the fame grave ; and that in France they will not 
 iurviv-e the prefent year. 
 
 I know that it is after ted and believed by foine 
 well-withers to fociety, that religion would be 
 loft among men, if they were to banifh nil legal 
 eflabli (laments with regard to the manner of exer- 
 cifing it. I mould not be fo perfectly convinced 
 as I am of the abfurdity of this opinion, were it 
 not eafy to difcpver how it came to be introduced. 
 It is an idea, as I believe, purely political ; and 
 it had its origin in the fuppofed ncccftity of gov 
 erning men by fraud, of erecting their credulity 
 into an hierarchy, in order to fultain the defpoiifm 
 of theftate. I hold religion to be a natural propen- 
 ilty of the mind, as refpiration is of the lungr. 
 If this be true, t' re can be no danger of its bring 
 loll : and I can fee no more reafcui for making 
 laws to regulate the impreftion of Deity upon the 
 foul, than there woultl be, to regulate the aclioa 
 of light upon the eye, or of air upon the lungs, 
 I ihould prefuinc therefore, that, on ft ripping 
 this fubject of all the fal recovering which inic- 
 P 2 
 
174 LETTER. TO THE 
 
 qua! governments have thrown upon it, you v\fl! 
 make no national provifion for the fupport of any 
 clafs of men, under the mock pretence of main 
 taining the wo.rfhip of God. But you will leave 
 every part of the community to nominate and pay 
 their own minifters in their own way. The mode 
 of worfhip which they will thus maintain, will 
 be the moft conducive to good order, becaufe it 
 will be that in which the people will believe. 
 
 Much has been faid, fmce the beginning of your 
 revolution, on the difference between the bufmefs 
 of framing conftitutions, and that of ordinary 
 legiflation. Indeed I am afraid that either too 
 much or too little has been inculcated on this fub- 
 jecl: ; becaufe it appears to me, that the doctrine 
 now received is not that which the fubjeft would 
 naturally fuggeft. It teaches us to confider thofe 
 laws that are called c infill nitons, in a light fo fac- 
 red, as to favour loo much of the old leaven of 
 veneration for precedent ; and every degree of 
 fuch veneration is fo much taken from the chance 
 of improvement. To fuppofe that our predecefTbrs 
 were wifer than ourfelves is not an extraordinary 
 thing, though the opinion may be ill founded ; 
 but to ftippofe that they can have left us a better 
 fyftem of political regulations than we can make 
 for ourfelves, is to aicribe to them a degree of 
 difcernmcRt to which our own bears no com par i- 
 fon ; it fuppofes them to have known our condi- 
 dition by prophecy better than v. -. know it by ex 
 perience. 
 
 There was not only a degree of arrogance in 
 your firft affembly, . in fuppofmg that they had 
 framed a conftitmion, which for a number of 
 years would require no amendment ; but they be 
 trayed a great degree of weaknefs in imagining 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 that the ridiculous barriers with which they feaced 
 it round would be fufficient to reft rain the power 
 ful weight of opinion, and prevent the people 
 from cxercifing the irrefiftible ri.^ht of innovation, 
 whenever experience fhould difcover the defecls 
 of the fyitem. It is partly to thefe barriers, as 
 well as to the inherent vices of the constitution, 
 that we are to attribute the late infiirre&ions in 
 Paris. If we would trace the caufes of popular 
 commotions, we fhould always find them to have 
 originated in a previous unjuft reftraint. 
 
 I would not however be imderftood to mean that 
 there fhould be no diftinction between the confti- 
 tutional code, and other occafional laws. There 
 is room for a confiderable diiTerence, both as to 
 the mode of exprefTing them, and as to the form 
 alities proper to be obferved in repealing or amend 
 ing them. I will offer fome remarks on a plun 
 for amendments towards the clofe of my letter. 
 With regard to the general completion of the 
 code, it ought to be as (imply exprefTed and eafy 
 to be underftood .as poflible ; foHt ought to fervef 
 not only as a guide to the legiflative body, but as* 
 a political grammar to all the citizens. The great- 
 tii fervice to be expelled from it is, that it fhould 
 concentrate the maxims, and form the habits of 
 thinking, for the whole community* For this 
 purpofe, it is not fufficient that it be purified from 
 every veftige of monarchy, and hierarchy, with 
 all the impofitions and inequalities which have 
 fprung infenfibly from thefe ideas ; but it fhould 
 Contem plats the whole circle of human propenfi- 
 ties, and cut off the temptations and opporturmies 
 for degenerating into thofe evils which have fb long 
 afHicSled mankind, and from which we ate now 
 but beginning to arife. 
 
LETTER TO THE 
 
 After laying down the great fundamental prin 
 ciple that all men are equal In their rights y it ought 
 to be the invariable object of the focial compact to 
 infure the exercife of that equality, by rendering 
 them as equal in all forts of enjoyments, as can 
 poffibly be confident with good order, induftry, 
 and the reward of merit. Every individual ought 
 to be rendered as independent of every other individ 
 ual as poflible ; and at the fame time as d:pendent 
 as poflible on the whole community. On this un 
 deniable maxim, I think the following pofitions 
 ought to be founded and guaranteed in the confti- 
 tutional code : 
 
 Firfl, The only bafis of reprefentation in the 
 government mould be population \ territory and 
 property, though abfurdly flated by your firft af- 
 lernbly as making part of the bafis of reprefenta 
 tion, have no intereft in it. Propeity, in itftlf, 
 conveys no right to the poiTeiTor, but the right of 
 enjoying it. To fay that it has the right of claim 
 ing for ufelf the protection of fociety, is abfurd ; 
 becaufe it is already protected, or it would not be 
 property. It is the perfon, not the property, that 
 exercifes the will, and is capable of enjoying 
 happinefs ; it is therefore the perfon, for whom 
 government is inftituted, and by whom its func 
 tions are performed. The reafon why property 
 has been coniidered as conveying additional lights 
 to the poiFelFor in matters of government, is the 
 fame as has blinded the underftandings of men 
 relative to the whole order of nature in fociety. 
 It is one of thofe appendages of monarchy and 
 oligarchy, which teaches that the object of gov 
 ernment is to increafe the fplcrulour of the few, 
 and the misfortunes of the many. And every 
 flep that fuch governments take has a tendency to 
 
NAtlONAL CONVENTION. 
 
 Counteract the equality of rights, by ckftroying 
 the equality of enjoyments. 
 
 Second, If you take population as the only bafrs 
 of reprefentation in the departments, the next (tep 
 will be, to declare every independent man to be 
 an adive citizen. By an independent man, I mean 
 every ma~n whom the laws do not place under the 
 control of another, by reafon of nonage or do- 
 mefticity. The laws of France, in my opinion^ 
 have always placed the period of majority by fe- 
 veral years too late ; that is, later than nature has 
 placed it. This however, was of littkconfequence 
 in a political view, as long as the government re 
 mained defpotic ; but now, when the rights of man 
 are rcftored, and government is* built on that foun 
 dation, it is of confequence to encreafe as far as 
 poflible the number of attive citizens. And for 
 this purpofe I mould fuppofe the period of majo 
 rity ought to be placed at leaft as early as-.the age 
 of twenty years. To make this change in France 
 would be attended with many advantages. It 
 would increafe the flock of knowledge, and ui 
 inciiiilry, by infpirtng young men with early ideas 
 of independence, and the necedity of providing 
 for themfelves by fome ufeful employment : it 
 would be a great inducement to early marriages y 
 and, by that means, increafe population, and en 
 courage ptirity of morals. 
 
 I am likevvife fully convinced that the afTembly 
 WQS wrong in fuppoflng that a ftate of domefiicity 
 ought to deprive a man of the rights of" a freeman, 
 This is a relick of thofe ideas which the ancient 
 government has infpired. Where a fervarit is 
 ab(oiutely dependent on the caprice of a mailer 
 tor his place, and coniequently for his bread, there 
 is indeed much force in the argument, that he can 
 
178 LETTER TO THE 
 
 have no political will of his own ; and will give 
 his fuffrage as directed by the matter. But when 
 every man fhall be abiblutely free to follow any pro- 
 fefHon, every kind of ufefui induftry being equally 
 encouraged and rewarded ; and especially when 
 every man (hall be well inftru6led in his duties and 
 his rights, which will certainly be the confequencc 
 of the fyftem you have now begun, fuch argu 
 ments will fall to the ground with the fyftem 
 which they fupport. The fervant and his mafter, 
 though not equal in property or in talents, may be 
 perfectly fo in freedom and in virtue. Wherever 
 the fervant is more dependent on the mafter, than 
 the mafter on the fervant, there is fortieth ing wrong 
 in the government. The fame remarks I believe 
 may be repeated, with little variation, in the cafe 
 of infolverit debtors, another clafs of men dif- 
 franchifed by the firft afTembly. 
 
 Third) The manner in which c/itizenmip may 
 be acquired or loft, is a fubject which ought to be 
 con fide red by you ; as your predeceifors have left 
 in it fume room for improvement. Their regu 
 lation was indeed a liberal one, compared with 
 what ot,her governments have done ; but not fo, 
 when compared with what the fubjiecl: required. 
 I am confident that when foclety ft all be placed on 
 the right footing, the citizens of any ons ftate will 
 coufider thofe of any other ftate as their brothers 
 and fellow citizens of the world ; and in this cafe, 
 when thofe who are called foreigners come to fet 
 tle among them, a mere declaration of their in 
 tention of refidence will be fufficient to entitle 
 them to all the rights which the natives poffefs. I 
 was anxious that the French fhould fet the example 
 in this ipeeie's of liberality, as they have done in 
 
KATIONAL CONVENTION. 1J$ 
 
 fa many other good things ; and I ft ill believe that 
 on reviewing the fubject, you will do it. 
 
 But according to your conftitution there are 
 many ways in which the rights of citizens rnay 
 be-loft s for one of which I can fee no reafon ; it is 
 naturalization in a foreign country. This is fo 
 nianifeftly illiberal and ur.juft, that I am alrnoft 
 fure it will be altered. It is an old feudal idea of 
 allegiance; and goes upon the fuppofniofl that 
 fidelity to one country is incompatible with our 
 duty to another. When.a citizen of one Hate is 
 complimented with the freedom of another, it is 
 generally an acknowledgment of his m<?rit ; but 
 your confhtuent aflembly coniklered it as an object 
 cf punifhment. Many of your citizens have been. 
 naturalized in America ; but" the American go 
 vernments certainly did not forefee that this act of 
 theirs would disfranchife thofe gentlemen at home. 
 \ou have lately conferred the rights of a French 
 citizen on George Wamington. If he fhould 
 accept the honour you have thus done him, and 
 the American conrutution were in this refpect the 
 lame as your own, he muft immediately be turned 
 out of office, and for ever disfranchifed at home. 
 
 Fourth, You will doubtlefs confider the import 
 ant fubject of the frequency of popular elections, as 
 claiming a farther deliberation. It is an article on 
 which too much reflection cannot be beftowed. It 
 influences the habits of the people and the fpiiit of 
 the government in a variety of ways, that efcape 
 our common obfervation. 1 mentioned before, 
 that one of the firft objects of fociety is to rerder 
 every individual perfectly dependent on the whole 
 community. The more completely this object is 
 attained, the more perfect will be the equality of 
 enjoyments and the happinefs of the ftate. But 
 
BETTER TO THE 
 
 of all individuals, thofe who are fele&ed to be the 
 organs of the people, in making and in executing 
 the laws, fliowld feel this dependence in the flrong- 
 eil degree. The eafieft and moft natural method 
 of effecting this p.urpofe is, to oblige them to recur 
 frequently to the authors of their official exigence, 
 todepofit their powers, mingle with their fellows, 
 and wait the decifion of the fame fovereign will 
 which .created them at firft, to know whether they 
 are again to be trufted. 
 
 There are doubtlefs feme limits to this frequency 
 of election, beyond which it would be hurtful to 
 pafs ; as every fubjecT: has a medium between two 
 vinous extremes. But I know of no office, in 
 any department of ftate, that need to be held for 
 mere than one year, without a new election. Moft 
 men, who give in to this idea with refpe& to the 
 legislative, are accuftomed to make an exception 
 with regard to the executive, and particularly with 
 regard tQ that part which is called the judiciary, 
 I am aware of all the arguments that are ufually 
 brought in fupport of thefe exceptions ; but they 
 appear to me of little weight, in comparifon to 
 thofe in favour of univerfal annual elections. 
 Power always was, and always muft-be, a danger 
 ous thing, I mean, power colje&ed from the 
 great mafsof fociety, and delegated to a few hands; 
 for it is only in this fenfe that it can properly be 
 called power. The phyfical forces of all' the in 
 dividuals of a great nation cannot be brought to 
 al at once upon a fmgle objecl j and the fame 
 may be faid of their moral forces. It is neceflary 
 therefore that, the exercife of thefe fhould always 
 be performed by delegation ;1he moral in legifla- 
 don, the phyfical in execution. This is the pro 
 per definition of national power j and in this fenfe 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. l8l 
 
 it is necefTanly dangerous ; becaufe ffHfljy fpeak- 
 ing, it is not exercifed by thofe whofe property it 
 is, and for whofe good it is intended to operate. 
 It is in the nature of this kind of truft to invert 
 in fome meafure the order of things ; it apparently 
 lets the fervant above the mafler, and difpofes him 
 to feel a kind of independence which ought never 
 to be felt by any citizen., particularly one who is 
 charged- with a public function. 
 
 It has ever been the tendency of government to 
 divide the fociety into two parties, the governors 
 and the governed. The mifchiefs ariling from 
 tills arc aluioli infinite. It not only dif poles each 
 narty to view the other with an eye ot jealoufy 
 atui diilrufu which foon rife to acls <pf fecret or 
 r-rr-n enniitr, hut it effectually corrupts the morals 
 of both p::v:i.:s, and d^ftroys the vital principles of 
 ludety ; i' rriakes govcrrmcnt the trade of the 
 f-'-w, fiihrnii'lioii the drudgery of the many, and 
 faifehoot! the common artifice of the whole. Xo 
 prevent ihi?, I would have no man placed in a po- 
 fition in which he can call himfelf governor, for 
 a moment longer thr;n while he performs the du- 
 tj.es ef i;is tnill to tlic laiisfaclic-n of his fellow 
 ''inzcnf, nor ev?n then, but for a fliort peri(^d. t 
 ll f : fliould ff;t4 at all times as ihotigti he were loon 
 to change place 1 ' wuh any one of liis neighbours, 
 whom he now fees iV to ins authority. 
 
 But to arifvver this purpnfe, the frequent return 
 nf elcclions is not of iifdf furTicient. I am 1'ully 
 of the opinion, that with regard to all difcretion- 
 ary officers, there ought to be an exclufion by ro 
 tation. Thofe fun&ions that are purely minifteria'I, 
 fuch as thofe of (herifTs, constables, clerks of 
 courts, regifters, &c. perhaps may form excepti 
 ons ; but iegiflators, executive counfellors, judges 
 
 Q. 
 
lS2 y LETTER TO THE 
 
 and msgiftratcs of every dcfcription, mould no? 
 only feel their dependence on the people by an an- 
 rwial election, but mould frequently mingle with 
 them by an exclulion from office. The effect of 
 this would be, not what is often averted, that noone 
 would underlland government, but the contrary, 
 that every o.ie would underftand it. This would 
 for.m a prodigious ftimulus to the acquifition of 
 knowledge among all defer iptions of men, in all 
 parts of the country. Every man of ordinary 
 ability would be not only capable of. watching 
 ovtr his own rights, but of exercifing any of the 
 li.'iiclloiis by which the public iVety is fecured. 
 For whatever there is in the art of government, 
 whether legislative or executive, above the capaci 
 ty of the ordinary clafs of what are called well 
 informed men, is fuperfluous and deftru&ive, and 
 ought to be laid afide. The man who is called a 
 pd'-tlcinn> according to the practical fenfe of the 
 word in modern Europe, exercifes an office infi 
 nitely more deftniclive to focLty than that of a 
 highwayman. The fame may be faid, in general, 
 of the financier ; whcfe art and my fiery, on the 
 funding fyflem of the prefent century, confifts in 
 making calculations to enable governments to hire 
 mankind to butcher each other, by drawing bills 
 on pofterity for the payment. 
 
 I would therefore fuggeft the propriety of your 
 reviewing the article of biennial elections, as in- 
 Jlituted by your firfl: afleinbly, and of your mak 
 ing them annual j and the fame term, if not the 
 fame manner of election, ought to extend to all 
 executive officers, whofe functions are in any 
 manner difcretionary. I think it would likewife 
 be efTential, that no office of this defcription 
 jfoould be held by one man, more than two years 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. 1^5 
 
 in any term of four years. This would fend into 
 the departments, and into every part of the em 
 pire, at frequent periods, feme thoufands of men 
 with practical knowledge of public bufmefs ; it 
 would at lead be the means of doubling the number 
 of fuch well-inftfucted men ; and, by holding out 
 the inducement to others to quality themfclves to 
 merit the confidence of their fellow citizens, it 
 would multiply the number of men of theoretical 
 knowledge, at lead ten fold. All thcfe men will 
 be watchiul guard ans of the public fafefy. But 
 ihde are not all the advantages of frequent, elec 
 tion?. They habituate the people to the bufiiiefs 
 of L'cClion, and enable iheai to carry it on with 
 order ami .ir daily labour ; they 
 
 hubiiua'e the car be gratified wilh ihs 
 
 public confidence, or to be disappointed in the ex- 
 peclaiion of Graining it , fo that their fdccefs or 
 difappoinimtnt chafes to rmke thai deep impref- 
 fion oi> their minds, Which it o-herwife would do. 
 It is thus that yoa won! \ cut ' :t an infinite fource 
 <): that intrigue and corruption, which are fore- 
 lolJ wuh fo much horror by thofe who have not 
 well ftucfed the erfe&sof a well organized popular 
 inrnent. But another method, not Ids effec- 
 t.ial, to prevent the arts of fcrambling tor power 
 and places, will be hinted at in the following 
 article. 
 
 Fifth, Among the fatal mifconceptions of things 
 \vhich monarchy has entailed upon us, and which 
 are extremely difficult to eradicate from the mind, 
 muft be reckoned that prevalent opinion, that ?M 
 governments fh^uld gratify their agents \vi:h enor- 
 ffiQUS Jaiaries. This idea has ufunlly been more 
 particularly applied in favour of the executive orTi- 
 .-rs of governipent and their dependants ; and it 
 
LETTER TO 
 
 had iis origin in the antecedent principles, that 
 government divides the people into two diftincl 
 claffe?, and that the fame quantity of builncfV, 
 coming within the verse of one of thefe claifes, 
 mult be paid for at a iiiglier price than it would 
 be, within that cf the other ; though it iliould be 
 performed by the fame man, and required the 
 lame exertion of talents* Your constitution is 
 iilent as to the quantity of falary that ihall.be paid 
 to any particular officer ; it only fays that <l the 
 nation (hall provide f:>r the iplcndour of the 
 throne," (which indeed is a declaration of war 
 ugainft the liberties of the people) b:it the authors 
 of that coniVitution, in their legiilative capacity, 
 after providing for nclour with a finn fuf- 
 
 licicnt to purchase the majority of ulniost any 
 ii-ijfi [lunch td cnt on to pro 
 
 vide for tho fplcndour of ihe minilters. They 
 gave i.o one, if my memory d jos not deceive me, <>ne 
 mm I red and fifty thoufund livre.s slid one hundred 
 ihoufund 'f the reft, 'i'his on an av< 
 
 js about tl. s more than ought to have bee. 1 * 
 
 jjiv'v'ii, unl-jfs tile cfbjcc't \vere 10 carry en the gov 
 ernment by intriguing for places 
 
 I mention this article, not on the fcore of oeco- 
 nomy. That confidera'ion, however weighty it 
 may appear, is one of the lea 8: that can itrike the 
 mind on the fubject of public falari-rs. The evil 
 of paying too much is pregnant with a thoufancl 
 mifchiefs. It is almolt fufficieat of itfelf to de 
 feat all the advantages to be ex peeled from the 
 inftitutiori of an eq?-al government. The general 
 rule to be adopted in this cafe, (which perhaps is 
 all that can be faid "of it in the con(Htution) ap 
 pears to me this, That fo much> and no tnc-re> Jhall 
 be given for the prrformance cf any public fundi^n^ 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. 185 
 
 t\. (hc$ be fufficient to Induce fuck men ts undertake 
 it whoje abilities are equal to the tafi. If ibis rule 
 were (tridlly obferved, it is rational to conclude, 
 that there would be no more contention or in 
 trigue a mono; candidates to obtain places in the 
 government, than there is among manufacturers, 
 TO find a market for their goods. 1 his concluilon 
 becomes more probably jnft, when we confider 
 that your intention is to cut off from the fervants 
 of the public all hopes of obtaining the public mo- 
 ney by any indirect and fraudulent meafure.--. 
 When there (hail be no more civil lift, or livrc 
 rouge, no more miniilerial patronage in church or 
 fiaie, no more fale of juftice (i>r purchafe ot opprei- 
 lion, or any kind of perquifiie of office, but the 
 candidate lliall be aflured, that all ihe money he 
 ihall receive, will be the limple fum promifed by 
 the legiilauire, that fum being no more tha 
 work is honefily worth, he will accept or relin- 
 qiiila the moft important truft, as he \vould an 
 ordinary occupation. 
 
 This iingle c ire urn ft a nee of falaries, being 
 wifely guarded on every fide, would, in the courfe 
 of its operation, aim oft change the moral lace ci 
 government. It would filence all the clamours 
 agaipft the republican principle, and arkfwer inanv 
 of the faihioruble calumnies agaiiul the character 
 of the human heart. 
 
 . There is another queftionable opinion now ex 
 tant, even in republican countries ; whuh, as it 
 lus made feme figure in France, and is coniK. 
 with the fubjecl: of falaries, I will mention in this 
 place. It is fup poled to b^ neceliary, for ihc 
 energy of government, that iis officers Ihoi:' 
 fume a kind of external pomp and iplencLur, in 
 older to dazzle the eve, and infpirc .he public 
 Q.2 
 
l86 LETTER TO THE 
 
 mind with a veneration for their authority. As 
 this pomp cannot be fupported without fame ex- 
 pence, the fuopofecl nccellity for affuining it is 
 always offered as a reafon for high fabrics ; and, 
 allowing the fir it portion to be true, the confe- 
 quence is certainly reasonable and juft. If we are 
 to be governed only by deception, it is right that 
 we Ihoulti pay for this deception. But the whole 
 argument is wrong ; that is, if we allow mon 
 archy and hierarchy to be wrong ; it is a badge of 
 that kind of government which is dircclly the re- 
 verfe of republican principles, or the government 
 of reafon. I do not deny, that this official pomp 
 has in a great rneafure the effect which is intended 
 from it ; it irrpofes on the unthinking part of 
 mankind, and has a tendency to (ecu re iheir obe 
 dience. This effect, however, is not fo great as 
 that of fimplicity, and 'he native dignity of reafon 
 v/ould be ; but on the moral habits of fociety, its 
 operation is more pernicious than at firft view we 
 are ready to imagine. So far as the people are 
 caught by the impoiiiion, it leads them to wrong 
 ideas of themfelve?, of their officers, and of the 
 real authority of laws. This is a fatal deviation 
 from the true defign of government ; for its prin 
 cipal object certainly ought to be, to rectify our 
 opinions, and improve our morals. 
 
 For my own part, when I fee a man in private 
 life affuming an external fplendour, for the fake 
 of gaining attention, I cannot but feel it an infult 
 offered to my underftandine ; becaufe it is faying 
 to me, that I have not difcerrrrent enough to dif- 
 tinguifh his merit, without this kind of ccce Jig- 
 num. And when an officer of government exhibits 
 himfelf in the foppery of a puppet, and is drawn 
 by fix or eight horfes, where t\vo would be really 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. 187 
 
 more convenient to himfelf, I am grieved at the 
 iniult offered to the nation, and at their (hipidity 
 in not perceiving it. For the language of the 
 mummery is limply this, That the officer cannot 
 rely upon his own perfonal dignity as a title to 
 refpecl, nor the laws be trnfled to their own juf- 
 tice, to infure their execution. It is a full ac 
 knowledgment on his part, that the government 
 is bad, and that he is obliged to dazzle the eyes of 
 the people, to prevent -hcrir difcc-jvering the cheat. 
 When a fee of judges on ihe bench take the pains 
 Toiliroud their heads and fhoulders in a fleece of 
 horfc-hair, in order to referable the bird of wif- 
 dom, it raifcs a ftrong fufpicion, that they mean 
 to palm upon us the emblem for the reality. 
 
 It is eiiential to the character of a free republic, 
 that every thing ihould be reduced to the itandard 
 of reafon ; that men and laws fhould depend on 
 their own intrinfic merit, and that no fhadow of 
 deception mould ever be offered to the people ; as 
 it cannot fail to corrupt thews, and pave the way 
 to oppreffion. I make thefe remarks, not that 
 they will form an article proper to enter into your 
 conlHtution, but to remove every appeurance of 
 argument in favour of high falaries. And I think 
 the conllitution ought to contain a general declara 
 tion, tkat every puLlic /alary fhwld be reftriftecl to 
 a /urn not more than fiifficient to reward ike officer far 
 his labour ; which fum mud, of courfc, be left to 
 be fixed by the legiflature. 
 
 Sixth, There appears to me to be an error of 
 do&rine in France, with refpeft to the relation 
 which ought to fwbiift between the rtpreftntative, 
 and his immediate conftituents. It is faid, that 
 when a representative is once chofen, and fent to 
 the aflembly, he is no longer to be confidered as 
 
l88 LETTER TO THE 
 
 representing the people of the particular depart 
 ment which lent him, but of the nation at large ; 
 and therefore, during the term for which he is 
 chofcn, he is not accountable to the people who 
 chofe him,/ but is to be controuled, removed 
 or fufpendeci, only by the national affembly. This 
 appears to have been eftablillied, in order to get 
 rid of a contrary doctrine, which was found to be 
 inconvenient ; which wa?, that a delegate fliould 
 be bound at all times to follow the iitftru&itm* of 
 his conitituents ; as thereby all the advantages to 
 be expected from difcuiTion and deliberation would 
 be loft. If the firft of theie be an error, as I be 
 lieve it is, it may be eafily avoided, without run 
 ning into the laft. When the delegate receives 
 inftruclions, which prove to be contrary to the 
 opinion which fie afterwards forms, he ought to 
 prefume that his conflituents, not having had the 
 advantage of hearing the national difcuifion, are 
 not well informed on the fubject, and his duty is 
 to vote according to his confcience. It is to be 
 fuppofed that, for his own fake, he will explain 
 to them his motives ; but if for this, or any oth^r 
 circumiiance. they mould be diffctisfied with his 
 conduct, they have an undoubted right at any time 
 to recal him, and nominate another in his place. 
 This will tend to maintain a proper relation be 
 tween the representative and the people, and a 
 due dependence of ihe former upon the b.tter. 
 Befides, when a man has 1 oil the confidence of his 
 fellow-citizens of the department, he is no longer 
 their reprefentative ; and when he ceafes to be 
 theirs, he cannot in any fenfe be the repreienta- 
 tive of the nation ; fmce it is not pretended that he 
 can derive any authority^ but through his own 
 conftituenis. This, however, cannot depiivc- the 
 
NATIONAL CGNVEXT1OX. l8<j 
 
 of its right to expel or fufpend a member 
 for any refractory conduct, which may be deemed 
 an offence againft the ilate. 
 
 Seventh^ Trie article of inviolability, as applied 
 to the members of the a'lembly, or to any other 
 officers of the ftate, is worthy of re-ccnfideration. 
 But before it be again decided in the affirmative, 
 you ought to take a genera! view of that intereft* 
 ing fubjedl of Inrpfifwment for debt. It is a fpecies 
 of civil cruelty which ail modern governments 
 luve borrowed from the Roman law, which con- 
 ildered a debtor as a criminal, and committed the 
 care of his pumihment into the hands ot the cre 
 ditor, lending the public prifon as an inftrument 
 of private ven It is a difgrace to the wif-^ 
 
 dom of a nation, and can never be allowed in a 
 well regulated ilate. If no citizen iiiould be ar- 
 re'led or depiived cf hh liberty, tor debt, there 
 j be no \} :Ku;n^ an exception in fa 
 
 vour of the oilers of government ; and thus you 
 would remove a cHliiiicUon which muit always 
 appear unjull. 
 
 ii'vbik) You will fcarccly think that your duty 
 is discharged, (b as to {atisry your own minds on 
 the eiiabjiihment of a conflitution, from which 
 the friends of huaiaaUy will anticipate a total re 
 generation of fociety, until you ilnll have s^iven a 
 farther declaration on the fubjecl of penal law. 
 All men of reflection are agreed, that puniiliments 
 in modern times have loll .all proportion to the 
 crimes to which they are annexed, even on that 
 fcale of barbarous jufiicc by which they were in 
 troduced. Few, however, have had the wifdorn 
 to difcover, or tke bokinefs to declare, the true 
 caufe of the evil ; and while we remain ignorant 
 of the caufe, it is no wonder that we fail in find- 
 
lETTER TO tHfc 
 
 ing the remedy. In the glooms of meditation on 
 the miferies of civilized life, I have been almoft 
 led to adopt this conclufisn, That fociety itfelf is 
 the caufe of all crimes ; and, as fuch, it has no 
 right to punifh them at all. But, without indulg 
 ing the feverity of this unqualified aifcrtidn, we 
 may venture to fay, that every punilTiment i> a new 
 crime ; though it may not in aii cafes be fo great 
 as would follow from omitting to punlfh. 
 
 There is a manifeft difference between pujrifij- 
 ment and correction ; the latter, among rational be 
 ings, may always be performed by inftruclioii ; 
 or at moft by fome gentle fpecies of reftraint. Bui 
 punifhment, on the part of the public, ariles 
 from no other fource but a jealoufy of power. It 
 is a confeflion of the inability of fociety, to pro 
 tect itfelf aguinil an ignorant or refractory mem 
 ber. When there are factions in a itatc, contend 
 ing for the fuprcme command, the pains hiflicled 
 by each party are furnmary \ they often precede 
 (he crime ; and the factions wreak their vengeance 
 on each other, as a prevention of expefted inju 
 ries. Something very fimihr to ^-' ls is what per 
 petually takes place in every nation, in what is 
 called a dale of tranquilify and order. For go 
 vernment has ufually been nothing mere than a 
 regulated fad ion. The party which governs, and 
 the party which reluctantly fubmits to be governed, 
 maintain a continual conflict ; and out of that 
 conflict proceed the crimes and the punishments, 
 or, more properly fpeaking, the punifhrnerits and 
 the crimes. When we fee the power of the na 
 tion feizing an individual, dragging him to a 
 tribunal, pronouncing him worthy of death, arc! 
 then going through the folemn formalities of exe 
 cution, it is natural to alk, what is the meaning 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. lf)i 
 
 of all this ? It certainly mean?, that the nation is 
 in a ftate of civil war ; and even in that barbarous 
 ffoge of war, when it is thought necetfary to put 
 all prifoners to death. In deciding the question, 
 whether a particular criminal (hould be pur to 
 death, I never would afk what is the nature of his 
 offence ; it has nothing to do with the queftion ; I 
 would fimply enquire, what is the condition of 
 the fociety. If it be in a ftate of internal peace, 
 I would fay it was wicked and abfurd to think <yf 
 irifii&ilig fuch punifhment. To plead that there 
 is a rieceflity for that defperate remedy, proves a 
 want of energy in the government, or of wifdom 
 in the nation. 
 
 When men are in a (late of war, with the ene 
 my's bayonets pointed at their breads, or when 
 they are in the heat of a revolution, encompafTed 
 by treafen, and tormented by corruption, there is 
 an apology for human {laughter ; but when you 
 have eftabliihed a wife and manly government, 
 founded on the moral fenfe, and invigorated by the 
 enlightened reafonof the people, let it not be ful- 
 lied by that timid vengeance, which belongs only 
 to tyrants and ufurpers. I could wilh that yorr 
 conititution might declare, not merely what it has 
 already declared, that the penal code ilia 11 be re 
 formed, but, that within u certain period after the 
 return of peace, the punljlment of death ft all be 
 aboli/hsd. It ought like\vife to enjoin it on the le- 
 gillative body to foften the rigour of puniihments 
 in general, till they (hall amount to little rn<"re 
 than a tender paternal correction. Whoever will 
 look into the human heart, and examine the order 
 of nature in fociet}^ mud be convinced, that this 
 is the mod likely method of preventing the com- 
 miflion of crimes. But, 
 
LETTER TO THE 
 
 AVw/i, In order to be confident with voirrfelves 
 in removing thofe abufes which have laid the inun 
 dation of all offences againft fociety, both in crimes 
 nnd puniihments, you ought to pay a farther at 
 tention to the itecemty of public iwftruftion. It is 
 your duty, as a cenftituent alTembly to eftablifh a 
 fyflem of government that (hall improve the mo 
 rals of mankind. In raffing a people from ilaverv 
 to freedom, you have called them to ac-1 on a new 
 theatre ; and it is a necellary part of your bufinefs, 
 to teach them how to perform their parts. By dif- 
 covering to a man his rights, you impofe upon 
 him a new fyftem of duties. Every Frenchman, 
 born to liberty, muft now claim, among the firft 
 of his rights, the right of being inflructed in the 
 manner of preferring them. This the fociety has 
 no authority to refufe ; and to fail of enjoining it 
 en the legislative body, as a part of its cem'bnt 
 care, would be to ceunten;6t the principles of the 
 revolution, and expofe the whole fyiiem to be 
 overturned. 
 
 From what the conflhmion has already declared 
 en this head, and fron the difpofition of the two 
 laft afTemblits, I have no doubt but coniklerable 
 intention will be p:iid to it; but I vifl'i in this 
 place to rccommei d it to a more particular confi- 
 deration, as a fubjtdl connected with criminal 
 law. It is certain thrt no obedience c^n be rati 
 onally ex peeled from any man to a law which he 
 does not know. It, is not only unjuft, but abfurd 
 2nd even impcffjble, to enforce his obedience. It 
 is therefore but half the bufinefs of legiilators to 
 make good law's ; an indifpenfable part of their 
 duty is to fee that every perfon in the (late fhall 
 perfectly underiland them. The barbarous max 
 im of jurifprudence, That rgnorame of the law is 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. 193 
 
 no txcufs to the offender, is ?n in Talent apology for 
 tyranny, and ought never to difgrace the policy of 
 a rational government. I think therefore it would 
 do honour to your conilitution, and ferve as a 
 fiimulus to your legillature and to your magif- 
 trares, in the great duty of inftruUon, to declare, 
 That knowledge /V the foundation of obedience, and 
 that laws Jhall have no authority but where they are 
 underftood. 
 
 Tenth, Since I am treating of moral?, the great 
 object of all political inftitutions, I cannot avoid 
 bellowing fome remarks on the fubjecl: of public 
 lotteries. Ir is a (hocking difgrace ta modern gov 
 ernments, that they are driven to this pitiful piece 
 of knavery, to draw money from the people. But 
 nc> circumflance of this kind is fo extraordinary, 
 as that this policy iliould be continued in France, 
 fmce the revolution ; and that a ftate lottery ihouhl 
 ftill be reckoned among the permanent fources of 
 revenue. It has its origin in deception ; and de 
 pends for its fupport, on -raifing and difappointing 
 the hopes of individuals, on perpetually agitating 
 the mind with unreafonable delires of gain, on 
 clouding the underftanding with fuperftiiious ideas 
 of chance, defliny, and fate, on diverting the at 
 tention from regular induitry, and promoting a 
 univerfal fpirir of gambling, which carries all forts 
 of vices into all clailes of people. Whatever way 
 \ve look into human affairs, we fhall ever find, that 
 the bad organization of fociety is the caufe of more 
 diforders than could poflibly arife from the natural 
 temper of the heart. Anol what Ihull we fay of a 
 government, that avow r edly fteps forward with 
 the infolence of an open enemy, and creates a new 
 vice for the fake of loading it with a tax r What 
 right has fuch a government to puniih our follies * 
 R 
 
.1.04 LETTER TO THE 
 
 And who cnn look without difguft on the impious 
 figure it makes, in holding the fcourge in one 
 hand, and the temptation in the other r You cannot ^ 
 htfitate to declare in your crnititutinn, that all 
 ILite lotteries fhall be for ever abolifhed. 
 
 'Eleventh^ As yours is the r,ri\ nation in the 
 world, that has folemnly renounced the horrid bu- 
 f'nefs of conquefr, you ought to proceed one ftcp 
 farther and declare, that you will have no more 
 to do with c'jhnu-s. This is but a ntceilary con- 
 fequence of your former renuncia-icn. Fur colo 
 nies are an appendage of conqueft ; and to claim 
 a right to the^ one would be claiming a perpetual, 
 or reiterated right to the other. Suppofmg yc.-ur 
 colonies were to declare independence, and fet up 
 a government of their own, (which your own 
 principles and the firft laws of nature declare they 
 have a right to do) in that cafe, the fame pretences 
 which you now have to hold them under your con 
 trol, would certainly juftify you in reconquering 
 and fubje&ing them. But it would be a mere 
 \vafte of argument, to prove that you have no 
 right to retain a iovereignty over them ; and if I 
 could bring rnyfelf to pay fo ill a compliment to 
 your jufticc, as to fuppofe that you could wiih to 
 violate a right, for the fake of what is called policy, 
 it would be eafy to (how, that to maintain foreign 
 pofTeffions, is in all cafes as impolitic, as it is un- 
 juft and onpreflive. Policy, in this refpect, can 
 have no other objecl but the advantages of trade ; 
 arid it may be laid down as a univerfal pofition, 
 that whatever folid advantages can flow to the mo 
 ther-country from the trade of her colonies, would 
 neceiTarily flow to her, if they were independent 
 Hates. The experience of mankind has not yet 
 enabled us even to fuppofe a cafe, in which it 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. 195 
 
 would be otherwife. Whatever is free and mu 
 tually advantageous in trade, would be natural, and 
 would be carried on by each party for its own 
 intereft : whatever is unnatural and forced, muft 
 be fecured by means that will probably Id'Fen the 
 quantity of the whole ; but at all events, the coil 
 of maintaining it will for ever exceed the profits. 
 This is not only found to be true, from the expe 
 rience of every nation which has maintained colo 
 nies abroad ; bm the nature of the fubjccl re 
 quires that it fhouki always be the cafe. It is a 
 theory, for the proof of which no experience could 
 have been necclTary ; and it is to the pride of kings, 
 and the miilaken rapacity of governments, to the 
 falfe glare of extended fovereignty, and the d'efirc 
 of providing predatory places for the fycophams 
 of courts, that we are to attribute the train of 
 ^amities which has tormented the maritime na- 
 t^as of Europe, in maintaining colonies for the 
 monopoly of trade. And where are we to look 
 for reafon and reformation, but to France ? The 
 Engliih and other governments, to fupport a con- 
 fiftency of charafter, and fill up the mcafure of 
 their fins* are faithful only to this one poinr, that 
 the more they are convinced of' the truth, the more 
 obftinate is their perfeverance in error. 
 
 I cannot but think it unneceirary, it not imper 
 tinent, to enter into farther arguments to prove, 
 that juftice, policy, and the trtie principles of 
 commerce, require you to fet the example to the 
 world, of declaring your colonies abfolutely free 
 and independent ftates, and of inviting them to 
 
 r r \ '-i-i & 
 
 form a government of their own. 1 he example 
 would foon be followed by other nations ; if not 
 from reafon and from choice, at lead from ihj 
 more imperious argument of nccefTuy. 
 
.tQ6 LETTER TO THE 
 
 Twelfth, I cannot clofe my letter, without fume 
 reflections on the policy of maintaining any thing 
 like what is called a /landing army in time of peace -, 
 which Teems to have been the intention of your firft 
 afTembly. Such a force would have many fatal 
 effects on the fpirit of a republican government, 
 without anfwering any good purpofe that can be ex- 
 peeled from it. According to your own principles, 
 you will have no more to do with foreign wars, 
 unlefs you are invaded ; and it is probable, ihat 
 the prefcnt is the laft invafion that will ever be 
 formed againft France. But, be that as it may, 
 :i (landing military force is the worft refource that 
 can be found for the defence of a free republic. 
 In this cafe, the ftrerigth of the army is the weak- 
 nefs of the nation. If the army be rcallv (Irong 
 enough to be relied on for defence, it not only 
 impofes upon the people a vail unneceflary ey- 
 pence, but it mud be a dangerous internment, ?a 
 the hands of dangerous men ; it may furnifh the 
 means of civil wars, and of the definition of lib 
 erty. If, on the contrary, it be not fufficient for 
 external defence, it will only ferve to di (appoint 
 the people. Being taught to believe that they have 
 an army, they will ceafe to^trufl in their own 
 ftrength, and be deceived in their expectations 
 of fafety. 
 
 But the greateft objection againft a {landing ar 
 my is, the effect it would have on the political 
 fentiments of the people. Every citizen ought 
 to feel himfelf to be a necelTary part of the great 
 community, for every purpofe to which the public 
 interefl csn call him to act ; he mould feel the 
 habits of a citizen and the energies of a foldier, 
 without being exclusively deftiried to the functions 
 of cither. His phyfical and moral powers ihould 
 
NATIONAL CONVENTION. IO7 
 
 be kept in equal vigour ; as the difufq of the for 
 mer would be very foon followed by the decay of 
 the latter. If it be wrong to trult the legiiLi.ive 
 power of the fhte for a number of years, OF for 
 life, to a fmall number of men ; it is certainly 
 more prepofterous to do the fame thing with re 
 gard to military power. Where the wifdom re- 
 fides, there ought the ftrength to reiiue, in the 
 great body of the people ; and neither the one nor 
 other ought ever to be delegated, but for ihort 
 periods of time, and under fevere reiirictions, 
 This is the way to preferve a temperate and man 
 ly ufe of both ; and thus, by irufting only to 
 thernielves, the people will be fure of a perpetual 
 deteace againit the open force, and the ieciet in 
 trigues of all pouible enemies at home and abroad. 
 Tklrtecniky Arter tracuig the outlines of your 
 couftitution, according to your prefent id^as, :;;>d 
 proclaiming it in the moft folemn manner, as t.h- 
 foundation of law an-;! right, it will iiill be vain to 
 think of retraining the people from making al 
 terations and amendments, as often a? exncrk:.v- 
 in ull indiue them to change their opinions. The 
 point you have to aim at in this, is to agree upoji 
 a method in which amendments can be made, with 
 out any of thoie extraordinary exertions, \\ . .' h 
 would occalion unneceffary infurrecticuis. The 
 ni;.)re eafy and expeditious this method ihali ap 
 pear, the lefslikelv It will bcMo provoke tlifoi 
 'anj the better it will anfwer the purpofe, provi ;-<; 
 it always refers the fubjeitt to the real wifliel ni 
 the people. I would propofe, therefore, ;0a tLo 
 prelumotion that your legillaiivc b :.dy tliaii be cho- 
 ieii only tor one year al a time.- ihat ever'/ inmnl 
 national aPicrably Ih.ill have power t '//./ ; v ; % a nd 
 the next fucc&uiag one adspt and taltfit - ; - v 
 
198 LLTTKR, <*:c. 
 
 amendments that they fhall think proper in the 
 conllitutional code. But it ihoulcl always he done 
 under this red notion, that the articles to be p. replied 
 by any one ajjembly y fhovtld be agreed to, and p^liljbcd 
 to the people in every department ; , within tie firft Jix 
 months of the fejjion of that ujjemvly. This would 
 give time to the people to difcufe the fubjcct ftilly f 
 and to form their opinions, previous to the time 
 of electing their members to the next aflembly. 
 The members of the new aflembly, when they 
 fhould come together, would thus be competent 
 to declare the wifhes cf the people on the amend 
 ments propofed, and would act upon them as they 
 iliould think proper. The fame power of prop f . flng 
 and then of adopting would be continued from year 
 to year with perfect fafety to the conflitution, and 
 with the probability of improvement. 
 
 Thus, gentlemen, I have given a hafty (ketch 
 of fome leading ideas, that lay with weight upon 
 my mind, on a fubjectof mucrumportance ro the 
 interefts of a eoniklerable portion cf the human 
 race. If they 1'hould be thought of no value, they 
 will of courfe occupy but little of your attention, 
 and therefore can do no injury. If I have faid 
 any thing fiom which a ufeiul reflection fhall be 
 drawn, I fhall feel myfelf happy in having render 
 ed fome fervice to the moft glorious caufe that ever 
 engaged the attention of mankind. 
 
 JOEL B A RLOW. 
 
A 
 LETTER 
 
 ADDRESSED 
 
 TO THE PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT, 
 
 On tie advantages of the French Revolution, and tL? 
 neceffity of adopting its principles in Italy. 
 
 A D V E R T I S E M E N T. 
 
 1 HIS Letter was written at Charnbery in 
 S.ivoy, in December 1792, at the requeil of thofc 
 members of the National Convention, wrfo were 
 then in that country, for the purnofe of organising 
 the department of Mont Blanc, it was printed in 
 French at Grenoble, and in Italian at Nice, and 
 fcnt from thofe places into Piedmont, and other 
 parts of Italy, during that winter. 
 
 It will occur to the reader of the Engliih copy, 
 which now appears for the fir ft time in print, th it 
 the defection of Dumonrier, in April 1793,' the 
 violent faclions which didraclec! the Convention, 
 and the fubfequent civil commotions in many parts 
 of France, occupied the attention of the republi 
 cans the rerrr-'inckT of that year. Their opera 
 tions agalnit the league of foreign enemies (which 
 was now augmented by the addition of England, 
 Holland, Spain, and Naples) were confined for 
 that campaign to the defence of the frontiers \ 
 and they were thus prevented from pu filing the 
 
A D V R T I S E M E NT. 
 
 extenilve advantages which they had gained the! 
 year he fore. 
 
 This circumftance relieved the king of Sar 
 dinia from the cbfp^ir in which he had been 
 plunged. It gave him rime to augment his for 
 ces and repair his fortifications. It gave him ar 
 guments againfl the French and the principles of 
 the revolution, and thiis enabled him in fome de 
 gree to unite his people in favour of the fyitem of 
 defpotifm to which they had been accuitomed ; 
 for it mud be con felled, that the manner in which 
 the French affairs were conducted that year, had .:i 
 (Irons; tendency to excite a difrelilh to their caufc 
 in the minds of dijKuit or ignorant obfervers. la 
 addition to all thefe advantages, he received a 
 fubfidy from England, to enable Jiim to defend 
 his own dominions ; by the aid ef which he has 
 fines obtained a large body of auxiliary troops 
 from Tirol, Milan, and Tufcany. 
 
 Thefe unexpected events produced a remark 
 able change in the relative fit nation of the French 
 and Piedmontcfe, from the clofe of the firft cam 
 paign to the clofe of the fecond. But the third 
 is now opened with as much advantage to the 
 French as the mod ardent republican could expeclt. 
 The troops deftined for the inrafion of Italy this 
 year, did not amount to more than one tenth of 
 the military force that they now have in motion 
 on the continent. Yet thefe have already palled 
 the Alps in three different directions, and are at 
 this time mailers of a considerable part of Pied 
 mont. It is probable that thfs campaign wilP 
 e'tahlilTi the revolution in that country, but un 
 happily with more expence of blood than was ex- 
 peeled fr">;n former appearances. -.Could die 
 fame force hare been employed there the lad year, 
 
ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 under the circumftances that then exifted, we 
 may p re fume it would have met but little oppo- 
 iition ; and the writer might have had the fatif- 
 faftion of feeing that his letter had produced fome 
 effeft in promoting the caufc of liberty and hap- 
 pinefs in that interefting part of the world. 
 
 JULY 15, 1794. 
 
 (pT The notes In ibis edition zv?re no! 
 
 In the former cries. 
 
A 
 LETTER, &c. 
 
 CHAMBERY, December 27, 1792, 
 
 CITIZENS OF PIEDMONT, 
 
 OU occupy one of the ftrongeft frontier^ 
 of a onirury which nature frems to have deftined 
 to he the happidl in Europe. But a number of 
 imperious ciTCiitnftance$j of which you have been 
 rather ;he victims than the author*?,- have for many 
 ccntu.io in .ericd. the order of things, and depri 
 ved y >u of thofc advantages which ought to attend 
 vour fituatioTi. I am a tlranger in this part ot the 
 world ^ Italy is known to me only from its hi(lory y 
 and your prefent condition only from diftant obfer- 
 varivjn p.nd report. It is not probable that I (hall 
 ever havs the pleafure of feeing )ou or any "part of 
 your country. Yon mull, therefore, acquit me of 
 entertaining! any defire to miflead you, as I can 
 hatfe noppflible intereft in addreffing you this letter^ 
 but the iutereft the human heart naturally takes in 
 uttering the truth on a very important fubjecl:. 
 You are my fellow-creatures ; as fuch I love you, 
 and cherifh the ties which ought to be mutual be 
 tween us. You are in a condition which appears 
 to in-- to call upon you to burft the bands of (lavery ; 
 in this view, I am ready- to hail you as brothers, 
 and vviih to aid you in your work. 
 
 I prefume in the firft place, and I think I am 
 not deceived, that you are difcontentcd with your 
 
A LETTER, &C. 203 
 
 prefent fituation. I believe you are convinced that 
 you cannot be happy, as a people, while the pow- 
 eis of your government remain as they now are, 
 as relative to the church, the ftate, and the army, 
 If this be true, you muft wilh for a change ; pro 
 vided fuch change can be within your power, and 
 provided you are convinced that it would be for 
 your advantage. Let us examine thefe two points : 
 \vhether you are able to effect a revolution in your 
 government ; and if you are, whether you would 
 be benefited by it. For it is not my wiib to hurry 
 you into meafures, of which you cannot fee the 
 iifue, and for wh'ch you 3re not prepared. 
 
 I. Are T# able to effett a revolution in your go- 
 
 The queftion need never be afked of any people, 
 \vhen corifidered with reference to theinfelves only, 
 without regard to their neighbours. A whole peo 
 ple iseiiemially fovereign. They can at all times 
 do as they pleafe with their own affairs, unlefs they 
 are overpowered by furrounding nations. It is the 
 .people who fupport the government as it IK w is ; 
 and the fame fovereign people can at any time 
 .change its form, and fupport it in whatever man 
 ner if frull pleafe them beft. The qnellion has no 
 cliBi, ulty in ir, but when viewed with reference to 
 the intei'.ft which other governments may have in 
 preventing a revolution in their neighbourhood. 
 
 The enquiry, nurfueo in this connection, be 
 comes more exteniive ; efpecia:ly when applied to 
 a country of fmall dimenfions, and to a nation 
 Icfs powerful than fome'of its neighbours. Such 
 is Piedmont. Had you been called upon feven 
 years ago to look into your atFair, and take the 
 government into your own hands, you mud have 
 confideied it as a dangerous experiment. Even 
 
204 LETTER TO T K. F, 
 
 fuppollng the weight of your fufTcrinp p s to have 
 been as great then ss they are now, and fuppcfijrg 
 you had been poilefled of the fame information 
 which you have fince drawn from the progrefs of 
 liberty in Europe, it would fcarcely have been 
 prudent for you to have engaged in fo daring cm 
 enterprife. All the tyrants in your neighbourhood 
 'would have brought forward their armies of flaves 
 to crufh the rebellion. The French court would 
 have been, at that time, as much your enemy as 
 the French nation is now your friend. And the 
 houfe of Auftria, wih all the fribdivifions of its 
 power in Italy, ported at your gates, would have 
 united wilh that of Bourbon, to have guaranteed 
 your king in every pofiible extent of his rpprcffion. 
 Under thefe difadvantagts your Druggies for li-- 
 berty might have been vain ; they might even have 
 produced a new injury, inftead of relieving you 
 from the old. But the ground is now charged ; 
 the duty von owe to yourfelves is clearly pointed 
 out by the natural current ef events ; and the woik 
 you lr.;ve to do, in eiiablifhing a perfeS and untlif- 
 turbtd liberty, is in my opini* n much eafier than 
 you imagine. France is at <his time, not only the 
 rroft powerful nation in Europe, but when engag 
 ed, as (he now is, in defence of liberty, (he is a 
 rru'tch tor all the other powers of Europe, v\ hen 
 united in defence cf tyranny. France i*> now your 
 natural fritnd, the iiitud of all people and the 
 enemy of all iy rents. She is indeed the only friend 
 you have as a nation in this part of the world. 
 France ha^ brought liberty to your doers ; and fhe 
 invites you, in the name of all that is dear <o you 
 as men, in the name of all that can bind yen to the 
 inrerefts of human nature in general, to accept 
 the billing at her hands. She has done moie ; ihc 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT. 205 
 
 lias taught you and all other people how public 
 hapmnefs is to be acquired and preferved. She 
 has adcireflfed herfelf to the great principles of rea- 
 fon which are common to all men ; (he has cleared 
 away the mafs of prejudice, of falfe doctrine, of 
 fuperftftion in the fcienceof morals ^ a mafs which 
 the complicated abufes of tyranny, continued for 
 many centuries, had accumulated on the human 
 mind. She has laid down and clearly defined the 
 rights and duties of man and of citizens, explain 
 ed the great doclrine of equality, the true defigri 
 of government, the nature of the trnft to be repof- 
 ed in public officers, as fervants of the people, bv 
 whom they are created and by whom they are 
 paid. She has taught you a great practical truth, 
 which is too confoling to be rejected, and too clear 
 to be called in nueftion, that you are the f we feigns 
 
 1 7 J J Ci 
 
 in your own country ; that you have not, that you 
 cannot have a mailer, unlefs you choofe to give 
 up your reafon, and renounce the character of 
 men ; that for any man to call huufefF your fove- 
 reign is a blafphemy againft God the fovereign of 
 nature, and againft men the proprietors of the 
 earth. 
 
 Obligations of gratitude are due to the French 
 nation from you, and from every people in Eu 
 rope. She has conquered liberty for all men, and 
 liid the foundation for univerfal public felicity. 
 Other nations have only to build the fupcrftrudi- 
 ure, of which the model is given them in the con- 
 ftltution of this great republic. 
 
 But let us not amufe ourfelves with words, nor 
 reft the argument on theoretical principles, howev 
 er inconteftible they may be. Let us fpeak of 
 facts that are palling before our eyes, and call to 
 mind the events of the great year that is now draw- 
 S 
 
206 LETTER TO TKi 
 
 ing to a clofe. You have feen the principal ty 
 rants and the moil formidable armies of Europe, 
 Combined and marching in the full career of 'pro- 
 mi fed viclory againit the liberties of France. 
 Thefe armies after fweepfng over half of Europe 
 :-;nd famtfhing whole countries in their way to the 
 French frontiers, have there been cut to pieces by 
 a handful of freemen, and driven out ol their 
 cnuntry. Liberty has marched on the heels of 
 the fugitives ; the arch tyrant of Auflrhi, at the 
 liead of this fatal confpiracy of kings, has lofl the 
 fin eft part of his dominions j many of the fubal- 
 tern print es of the empire have loll the whole of 
 theirs, and are now beggars abroad among their 
 brother, brigands, who are in expectation of the 
 fame inevitable fate. The (tandard of liberty has 
 readied the borders of tHe Rhine by the mifcar- 
 riage of the fame combination which has brought 
 it to the fummit of the Alps. 
 
 AH the crowned heads in Europe are now cov 
 ered with thorns. The man of Turin, who calls 
 kimielf your king, has been forced to relinquilh 
 one half of the ufurpations of his anceftors, and 
 is now menacing you with dtirruftion for fear 
 you mould reclaim the red. The Dutchy of Sa 
 voy and the county of Nice, more fortunate than 
 you, have been the fir ft to caft off his yoke, and 
 are now ready to ailift you w ith their arms to fol 
 low their example. The pope and the other Ital 
 ian defpots, are occupied in retraining the fpirit 
 ol liberty at home ; fo that no one of the neigh 
 bouring powers is in a condition to take any con- 
 iiderable part in your affairs, except the French ; 
 and the French are wifhing to give you every aid 
 that you may afk. 
 
PEOPJ.F, GV PIEDMOKT, 207 
 
 Under thefe cipcumftances, we need no longer 
 enquire whether you are able to eifec"l a revolu 
 tion ; the more natural queftion is, are you able 
 to refill: it ? It is true, the French have renounced 
 all ideas of conqueft, and have declared that they 
 will never make war againlt the liberty of any 
 people. But you will obferve that this principle 
 contains in itfelf a declaration of war againft all 
 tyrants who are hoftile to the liberty of France ; 
 efpecially againft thofe whofe vicinity renders them 
 dangerous, to the internal peace of the new repub 
 lic, by -f often ng hs fugitive traitors, and being' 
 the centre of new confpirncies againft the rights 
 of mm. The court of Turin comes und:r this 
 defcription. It is hoftile to the liberties of France ; 
 it has been fo from the beginning ; the nature of 
 its external connections and of its ir/crnal confti- 
 t'!tion requires that it flv>uld be fo to the end. 
 The court of Turin muff, therefore, be over 
 turned ; the ^nveniinent of your country mud be 
 changed, and its powers reitored to you, to whom 
 they naturally belong. 
 
 This is a fimple view of facls, which may ferve 
 to indicate the preient crifis of vour affairs, of 
 which it is proper thaf you fhould be apprifcd ; 
 that by a due coni'uleration of the can fibs you mny 
 not be aftonifhcd at the efFc'ers. I make known to 
 you my opinion, with jli the frankneis that the 
 fjicrhnity of the fubjecf. demands ; and it Teems 
 uhmft impoiriblc that you fhould tail to turn the 
 confequences to your advantage. 
 
 II. The more important queiHon to be difculT- 
 ed is, I Whether fiu will be benefited by a revolution 
 in \>sur government ? 
 
 Many of you will doubtlefs confider this enqui 
 ry as ftiperfluops, bvCaufe your condition can 
 
68 LETTER TO THE 
 
 fcarcely be rendered worfe, and the means of ren 
 dering it better are fo obvious that they cannot 
 efcape the flighted obfervation. But thole of you 
 who are accuftomed to reflect on the principles of 
 liberty will pardon the fimplicity of the enquiry, 
 in favour of the great imfs of the people whom it 
 is our duty to inftrtift. There has been fo much 
 falfehood and folly impofed on that clafs of man 
 kind, in order to debaie and brutalize their minds 
 to the level of their condition, that their ignorance 
 has become preter natural ; it is almcft neceilary to 
 begin their inftruction by informing them that they 
 are human creatures. But, citizens of Italy, de- 
 fcenciants of Brutus and Cato, this flate of degra 
 dation i^ not the condition designed for man. The 
 God of eq;.rfi liberty has allotted you a different 
 birthright ; yuii are now invited to reclaim your 
 inheritance, to take poflellion of your portion 
 among your brethren, to enjoy it in peace, and 
 reftpre harmony to the great family of men. 
 
 You have been fatally mifinformed with refpecl 
 to the nature of the French revolution, and the 
 events that have attended it. Your religous teach 
 ers and your political matters have an intercfl in 
 deceiving you. They unite their efforts for this 
 purpofe ; they blind your eyes, as you blind the 
 eyes of a mill-horfe, that he may not fee his har- 
 nefs, nor confider the weight he draws. If the 
 mill-horfe could know that he has only a feeble 
 child for a conductor, and that he is made to go 
 cor.ilamlv round in the fame final! circle, fo that 
 he cannot hope tc come nearer his journey's end ; 
 efpeciaily if ho could look into the neighbouring 
 fields and fee the other horfes enjoying their liber 
 ty, he would icon revolt againlt his little dcfpot, 
 he would grow difcou raged with the fame unpro- 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT. 2cg 
 
 mifmg round of fatigue, and reftife to do his 
 work. It is for this rcafon that you blind his 
 eyes. My friends, the fame arts are i<fed wi'h 
 - you. The clergy and the nobles of your coi?n'rv, 
 with a man at their head whom they call a kini:, 
 <io nothing but live upon your labours. They 
 cannot fuprjort their luxury by any other means 
 trmi by keeping you conftantly at work. They 
 know that if you were to be informed of their 
 weakncfs and of your own ftrength, you woim! 
 refufe to be their drudges. They are fenfible that 
 the moment you open your eyes, you will fee thai 
 they are but men, that all men are equal in their 
 rights, that they have no more right or power to 
 be kings and lords over yen, than voi; have to he 
 kings and lords over them ; and that in confc- 
 quer.ce of this, you would iin mediately ov':rfu;n 
 that abominable fyflem of public rv b be ry which 
 they call a government, andeftahluh a new and 
 eqinl government, which ihould (ecu re to 
 man the fruits of his own labours, protect the 
 innocent, pwiifh the guilty, and intlrucl: every 
 member of fociety in his duties and his rights. 
 
 This is precifjly what the people of Franco 
 hive done ; and the performance of tl.is gre;-t 
 work, ib neceiiary to the happinef? of mankind, 
 is called the French revolution. It is the know 
 ledge of this revolution which yoi*r cc-urt and 
 clergy wilh to conceal from you, leit yon fhoiild 
 fojlow the example. They prevent the French 
 iTnvfp-rpcrs from coming into vour co-.uury ; they 
 forbid the reading of all book- that treat of ifils 
 revolution, and all converfatioji on that or any 
 other poliiicil fubjecl: ; they have (hut up the po 
 pular theatres at Turin, and l-.-ft open none but: 
 that of the nobility, fro in which theciiiztns are 
 
 S 2 
 
210 LETTER TO THE 
 
 excluded ; they have fuppreffed the great univer- 
 fity of that capital, called the Unii-erfity of tie 
 Provinces, which ufed to bring itudents from <A\ 
 parts of Italy, and a con deferable emolument to 
 the town ; they have doubled the number of their 
 fpies, and increafed the powers of the police. 
 
 All this is to keep you ignorant of the French 
 revolution, that you may not be difpofcd to follow 
 the example. Ohferve the infolt offered to your 
 underftanding. If the example were bad, your 
 good fenfe would teach you to (huR it ^ it would 
 need only to be known, to be defpifed ; and it 
 ought to be explained to all people, that they 
 might learn to avoid fiich a dangerous innovation. 
 If it be good, it ought to be taught by your teach 
 ers, and imitated by all the world. But be allured 
 that the very caution they ufe to prevent your com 
 ing to the Knowledge of the *at, is a proof that 
 fuch a revolution would be an advantage to you and 
 a disadvantage to them. 
 
 But this is not all ; they have invented a thou- 
 fand falfehoods to fupply the place of truth. They 
 have told you lies, in order to excite your enmity 
 againft your beft friends, and to roufe you to war 
 againft thofe principles which ought to be as dear 
 to you as to the French ; becaufe they are the 
 principles of equal liberty and national happinefr, 
 applicable to all people. They have told you that 
 the French nation is a race of robber?, a flailing 
 and atheifts ; that they have overturned the religion 
 of their country, waged war againft all property 
 and againfl the lives of its owners. Thefe are 
 impudent falfehocds which never could have been 
 impofed upon you for a moment, had you been 
 permitted to judge for yourfdves, 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT. 211 
 
 With regard to religion, I only requeft you .to 
 look into \he firft principles of liberty, as declared 
 by the national affembly. You will find them 
 conformable to the fytbm of the catholic faith, 
 as taught by the apoftles and recognized in your 
 country, before the church was connected with 
 the civil government, and before the minifters of 
 the altar became the tyrants of the ftate. The 
 French conftitution has declared, that all men (hall 
 be free to worlhip God in their own way, and to 
 follow the dictates of their confcierice. If any man 
 fhall tell you that this is deftroyjng your religion, 
 he is a liar, and not worthy to be your teacher. 
 The gofpel of Jefus Chrift preaches to you in the 
 ftrongeft language the great doclrine of equality ; 
 that all men are equal in the fi^htof God, and that 
 you fhall call no ma.i your matter upon earth. 
 This is the very language of the French revolu 
 tion. Bui its authors have gone farther ; and, to 
 iiJence all cavillers who could perfuade you or 
 others that they have deftroyed the catholic relig 
 ion, they have done more to maintain it than any 
 legislative body ever did before ; they have ordain 
 ed that the priefLsand bifhops, chofen by the peo 
 ple, fhall be falaried and paid out of the national 
 purfe. 
 
 It is true, they have fuppreiTed thofe haunts of 
 idlenefs, hypocrify, and vice, known by the name 
 of monafteries and convents. This is an advantage 
 to religion, inftead of being again ft it ; for relig 
 ion leaches rnen to do good, and to Ir.l.rur for 
 their living ; but thefe inftitutions teach them to 
 do nothing, and live upon the labours of others. 
 Be affured, therefore, that the French have done 
 nothing to the difadvantage of religion ; but, on 
 the contrary, they have done much to maintain it 
 
212 LETTER TO THE . 
 
 in its na = ive purify and in Impendence. But I in- 
 treat you in th? firnvrpy of mv heart not to jc- 
 ceive this fat on the ftreflgth of my affertion, or 
 that of any o>her mm ; bn to look into their con- 
 duel and judiTr? for your (elves. 
 
 You have been likewife taught to believe that 
 the French have violated private property. This 
 is a malicious calumny, which every ilep of tfet-Ir 
 revolution will contradict, the moment you be 
 come acquainted with it. In all the decrees of 
 the national afTembly, in all the irregular nove- 
 ments and infiirfcdions of the people, whatever 
 was the objeft^ you will find they have paid a moft 
 facred regard to individual property. Their con- 
 duel: in this refpeS has been more laudable within 
 thelaft three years than that of any other govern 
 ment in Europe. The fame thincj may be ob- 
 ferved with regard to the private morals of the peo 
 ple ; thev are e'lentially better than they formerly 
 were. There have been lefs inffo.nces of theft 
 and robbery HI France fince the revr,lution, than nt 
 any former peiioJi ; and probably lefs, in prt^por- 
 tion to its poprdation, than in any of the neigh 
 bouring countries during the fame period. 
 
 With regard to the national aifembly, I will 
 give you fome inftances of their inviolable princi 
 ple of preferving the property of individuals 
 arr.idll the fhock of the revolution. The abufes 
 of the ancient government had created thoufands 
 of ufclefs offices in every department of (late, in 
 tile Jaw, the finance, znd. \\~\Q king s Loufebold y the 
 fame as you fee at Turin. i hcfe offices were 
 fuppofed to have been purchafed and paid for bv 
 rhoie who held them ; though many of ihern had 
 been given gratis through favour and. intrigue. 
 On the regeneration of the government and ot the 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT, 
 
 nation by the revolution, it was necefiary that 
 thefe destructive fmecures fliould be fuppreiTed ; 
 and the affembly, confidering them as the proper 
 ty of the holders, purchased up this property and 
 paid the proprietors the full prices they had given 
 or were fuppofed to have given for their places. This 
 aft of juftice was certainly not necellary to the re 
 volution. I't mult therefore be conftdered as a 
 mark of that national dignity which forbids the 
 violation of any kind of private property, howev 
 er -{lender the tide by which it is claimed. 
 
 Another inftance may be obferved in the public 
 debt. It is well known that the public debt o|* 
 France, as well as that of Piedmont, was con* 
 tracted by a wicked and infamous court, the great 
 er part ot it for the word of purpofes. It was in 
 part contracted to fup x>rt the vices ot a horde of 
 men and women at Verfailles, who were a dif- 
 grace to human nature, and whom the nation was 
 under no obligation to maintain ; it was in part 
 contracted to carry on foreign wars and con r 
 queit^, the exprefs purpofe of which was to rivet 
 the chains of the people at home. But as the 
 creditors in general were not to be blamed for 
 thefe things, they were decbred to be the propri 
 etors of vhe debt ; and the nation ailumed upon it- 
 ftrlf the payment, without any diminution. This 
 muft ever be remembered as an act of fovercigri 
 magnanimity and of difmterclted protection to the 
 property of individuals ; an at to which they 
 were not conltrained by any neceflity or previous 
 obligation. A royal bankruptcy mii>ht have been 
 declared, without affecting the future credit of the 
 nation ; and the revolution would have fuffbred 
 no delay, but would have been facilitated by proceed 
 ing on this principle. Initead of duing this, the 
 
-*4 LKTTKR TO THE 
 
 people have voluntarily taken an immenfe burden 
 on themfelves, even under the humiliating cir- 
 cumftance of giving a fan&ion to all the extrava 
 gance of the two laft centuries, and paying at this 
 c! y, under the rigid economy of a republic, for 
 thole fplendid palaces, gardens r and water-works, 
 which infult the poverty of millions, and flare the 
 nation in the face wi'h the unpunifhed crimes of a 
 race of execrated kinrjs. 
 
 The adl of the afiembly declaring the church 
 lands to he the property of the nation, the fup- 
 prc Ifion of tithes and other feudal claims, have 
 been ofien mentioned as violations of property. 
 j hbfe who reallv confider them in this light are 
 weak men, or they have not examined the fub- 
 ject ; thoie who perfuade you to think fo, without 
 believing it themfc-lves, arc wicked men, and not 
 to be truiled. As to the church lands, this a& of 
 the aflembJy did not change the property of them 
 ^ r all. They belonged to the nation before. - 
 What the aflembly did, was to change the mods 
 of paying the clergy, equalize their falaries, and 
 reduce the number of ecclefiaftics. That labori 
 ous and more ufeful clafs of the clergy, who be 
 fore were ftarving up^n a beggarly pittance, have 
 had their falaries raifed ; that idle and overgrown 
 clafs, xvho, without doing any duty, were living 
 in the fiyle of princes and tyrants, have been re 
 duced to a moderate income. All are now chofen 
 by the people, and all paid by the nation. With 
 regard to the feudal claims, they were founded in 
 ufurpation. The landlords and nobles, to whom 
 they were attributed, had no right to them or pro 
 perty in them, any more than the king of Sardin 
 ia has property in you, or in the people of Jerufa- 
 lern, of which he like wife fryieshimfe! j king. The To 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT. 215 
 
 feudal claims were mere badges of ferv it tide, which 
 the eilablifhment of equal liberty and the abolition 
 of hereditary titles rendered it neceilary to deftroy. 
 The nation has in all inliances mowed itfelf able 
 to diftinguifh between the empt> fu per ft it ion of 
 pomp, which ferves only, to dtbafe markiiid, and 
 the folid principles of fociety on which the revolu 
 tion is tounded. 
 
 You have heard it like wife averted that the 
 French revolution has been marked with cruelly 
 and murder. This is unfortunately true. But it 
 has likewife been maiked vviih treachery, with 
 bribery, with perjury, with all the complicated 
 wiles of expiring defpbtifm. All the cruelty, all 
 the crimes of every name or denomination, that 
 have attended this revolution, have proceeded 
 fiom royalty, the adherents of royalty, and the 
 refraclory prieds. The court of Verfailles had 
 been for ag;es a fchool of falfehood and deceit ; 
 and the execution of the penal laws ferved as a 
 public exhibition of torture, to familiarize the 
 people with the molt fanguinary pimiihments. If 
 the court of Turin and the laws of Piedmont are 
 any better, it is happier for you ; you will have 
 the lefs wickednefsto combat in the courfe of your 
 revolution. But I fear in fome refpecls they are 
 \vorfe. Thefecircumftances in France had trained 
 \ip in all p:ir f s of the kingdom a numerous clafs of 
 men ve-h\l in every art of treachery and perfidy. 
 In th<~ mat ion of things 'he great niafs of the 
 peop>} ;, who are naturally koneft and pood, fet 
 themfelves feriouily to work in the bufmefs of the 
 revolution ; whLh might have been carried on 
 \virh the greatefl harmony ; as it had nothing in 
 view but the welfare of the whule. But theie 
 deceitful men, being enemies of the revolution, 
 
LETTER TO THE 
 
 and finding that they could rot opp< fe it by open 
 force, afTuined the mafk of patriotiim, and brought 
 themfelves into places (>t trurt in every department 
 of the legiflative and executive po\vcr. The cil<-v : r. 
 of this was that thefe good people fourd thtmfelves 
 deceived and betrayed in every ib.geof their affairs, 
 irom the beginning of the revolution in i"8c, till 
 the tenth of Auguir, 1792. Being furrounded by 
 traitors, and not knowing whom to triifl even with 
 the execution of their own vengeance, it wns na 
 tural and fometimes neceifary that they fhould 
 cifume this terrible talk upon themfchcs. In 
 fome inuVmces indeed this popular ven-;t-i.n<:e has 
 been ill directed, and ha r fallen on innocent heads. 
 Bur thefe instances are rare.* 
 
 The limits, I prefcribe to my letter, v, ill not 
 allow of my entering into details on a {uhjocl fo 
 intricate and cxterifive. This, however, troy be 
 relied on as an undeniable truth, that no'.hing is 
 more humane, generous and juft, than the general 
 fpirit of the revolution and whatever particular 
 acls niay feem to contiavene thefe principles, 
 thofe acis are chargeable upon its enemies, and 
 not upon its friends. 
 
 But to arrive at the fubjeft the moft interefling 
 for your immediate coi.Iideration, let us follow 
 
 * This was wit/en previous to tt:e ejiablijkment 
 cf t!;e Revolutionai y Tribunal . // is indeed to be 
 egretted that t/M.<! li.jiuuticn ivas deferred Jo fa late. 
 a p cried \ asiftyaj calculated to prevent a rncrc tti- 
 mitiiuajfS mode of cxercifing popular i-fngeaiice. But 
 ?t is more to be regretted that fitch a tribunal lec&nie 
 neceffary at all, and cffecially that it has been Jwc- 
 times ujed by the leaders as an hiftruwgnt cf forty 
 y without an htncji regard to the good cf the cauje. 
 
 r 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT. 
 
 the courfe of the revolution in a geographical 
 fenfe, and pafs with it from France to Piedmont, 
 The revolution in this journey has ilopi;ed to \\ in 
 ter in Savoy, from whence I write this letter ; 
 and before we mount the Alps, it is natural to 
 make a paufe, to contemplate the country where 
 we are. Here is a people who lately made part 
 of yourfelves, and who are now feparated from 
 you, rather on account of their vicinity to France, 
 than for any particular intereft different from your 
 own. For, in the great caufe f liberty, the in- 
 tereftsof all people are the fame. It is the caufe of 
 tyranny that has made them enemies ; it is the 
 impofition and falfehood of thofe who would live 
 on other men's labours, that have occafioned ail 
 the wars of every nation in the world. The peo 
 ple of Savoy were certainly under ao obligation to 
 be governed by the king of Jerufalem ; though 
 they had groaned under his yoke for many gener 
 ations. Their late conduct in declaring their own 
 fovercignty and independence, abol idling heredi 
 tary titles, and eftablifhing a government of their 
 own on the principles of equal liberty, is a fub- 
 jecl which muft (hike your minds in a very inter 
 filing point of view. Your tyrants will reprefrnt 
 it as a crime which ought to excite your indigna 
 tion ; and they will call on "you to take up arms 
 and ruin, headlong into a definitive war, to afllft 
 them in reducing this country a^ain to their obedi 
 ence. They are IK>W preparing their force/, 
 augmenting their armies, borrowing money abroad 
 and extorting it from the hand of inchiftry at home, 
 for this deteltable purpofe. You are to be taken 
 from your farms and your mops, and enrolled in 
 the regiments of death. If you are unwilling to 
 engage in this new kind of llavery, you are to be 
 
219 LETTER TO TilK 
 
 feized upon like fo many felons, dragged frora 
 your wivej and children, and tortured into difci- 
 pline under the laih of a military officer. Your 
 families are to be leit to peri (h in poverty, while 
 you perhaps are flaugfiterefi in the field. 
 
 But before you fuller yourfelyes to be driven to 
 this defoerate bufinefs, I intreat you to refort to 
 your own reafon, and exercife the right of judg 
 ing for yourfelves. Confider the nature of the 
 enterprise, and the objedt you have in view. 
 Who are the people on whom you are going to 
 let fall this terrible ftroke of vengeance r What is 
 their crime ? Are they not your brothers and 
 friends ? Have they not ated as you would have 
 done in the fame fituation ? And ought you not 
 rather at this moment to follow their example, 
 than to be the inflruments of their deflruclion and 
 your own ? Let us attend to this enquiry before it 
 be too late. 
 
 The people of Savoy, as to their local pofition 
 fland in the fame relation to France as you (land in 
 to Italy. They and you are polled in the march 
 es of thefe two great fractions cf the continent. 
 As long as this part of Europe is governed by ty 
 rants, perpetually contending for dominion on 
 each fide of the Alps, thefe pofitions expofe you 
 both to the inroads of all parties. You cannot 
 avoid being infulred by foreign armies in their 
 pafTage through your country, although you have 
 no intereft in their quarrels. Your hiftory is full 
 of examples of this kind, from the days of Han 
 nibal, down to that infamous war of the Spanifh 
 fucceffion, which involved your country in blood 
 and held half Europe in arms for many years to 
 gether ; a war in which you had no other concern^ 
 than that of being the viSims of foreign difputes. 
 
TEOFLE OF PIEDMONT^ 
 
 The face of your country bears the infulting marks 
 of this unfortunate pofnion in which you are pla 
 ced. It is covered with fortifications. As if na 
 ture had not thrown rocks and mountains enough 
 in your way, you have been forced to create them 
 by the hand of art, to encompafs your towns with 
 walls, and disfigure your fields with towers and 
 caftles. Your agriculture has been ill-conduted, 
 your manufactures negle&ed ; all the ufeftil arts 
 have been forced to yield to a general fyftem of 
 defence againft the enemies of your neighbours, 
 when you had ho enemies of your own. 
 
 In this filiation, what is to be done ? You 
 cannot change the pofitiori which nature has given 
 to your country. Your only refource is to change 
 the policy of Europe from war to peace* You 
 are more peculiarly intereil'ed in the perpetusA 
 peace of Europe than any other people on earth. 
 Tiiis is a weighty confideration, a truth which 
 your tyrants cannot deny. It is the knowledge of 
 this truth which has influenced the people of" Sa 
 voy in their late change of government. It is in 
 this point of view that they have contemplated the 
 French revolution ; with this they have adopted it 
 themfelves, and wifli to extend it to you, whole 
 iituation fo nt/arly refembles their own. With 
 this view you ought to wiih to extend it to all the 
 dates of Italy, to Spain, and to the circles of the 
 empire, from whence it would travel through 
 Europe and through the world. 
 
 The principles of this revolution are thofe of 
 imivertal peace ; anj it is impoifible that it fhould 
 fail to produce the efts&, becaufe it takes away 
 every motive for national hoftility, and teaches 
 the people of all countries to regard each other as 
 friends and fellow-citizens of the world. ~E(tab- 
 
9,20 LETTER tO THE 
 
 liili equal liberty among the people, and inftrticl: 
 them in the duties that arife from that fituation 
 as the French are about to do ; you will then find 
 lhat the bufinefs of tyrants has ceafed, and the 
 race is forever extinft. Purge the earth of its 
 tyrants, and it will no more be tormented with 
 war. 
 
 The conduft of the people of Savoy in uniting 
 themfelves to the French republic deferves a far 
 ther confideration. This was a meafure inciden 
 tal to their geographical pofiiion on the French 
 fide of the Alps ; and the arguments which indu 
 ced them to it, do not apply to you. It is proba 
 ble for the purpofes of civil government you will 
 henceforward be two diiii net people. But this 
 ilep of theirs cannot be confidered by you as an aft 
 of hoftility, or a breach of friendship. They are 
 certainly not lefs your friends fince they have ceaf 
 ed to be your fellow-fubjc6ts. It is an elTential 
 fjuality of a French citizen to be the friend of all 
 people, efpecially of thofe in his neighbourhood, 
 vvhofe peace and happinefs will alvvays be necefia- 
 ry to his own. 
 
 The eiTence of tyranny is to counteract the 
 economy of nature, the efTence of liberty is to 
 promote it. Nature has faid that the French anj 
 the Savoyards fliould be one people ; but ty 
 ranny has faid that the Savoyards and the Pied- 
 montefe fliould be one people. Confult your hif- 
 tory, and fee what torrents of blood have been 
 ihed to cement this unnatural union. Come and 
 view the condition of this unfortunate people ; 
 poiTeffmg one of the fined countries in the world, 
 and deprived of the means of improving it ; fub- 
 jefted for ages to a race of weak and impolitic 
 princes, who, fixing their refidcnce on the other 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT. 221 
 
 fide of the Alps, have paid no other attention to 
 this part of their dominions, than to keep the peo 
 ple in poverty and ignorance, in order to fecure 
 their obedience. A military force, fent from your 
 country, has been mainfained here to infult the 
 inhabitants, by exercifing the police in every 
 town and village. The fenate of Savoy, which 
 was formerly a legiflative body, has been long 
 fince reduced to the fimple functions of a judiciary 
 tribunal, and its members appointed by the king. 
 He has prevented the working of the mines of 
 iron, lead, and coals, with which the country 
 abounds ; he has preven'ed the eftabliihment of 
 any one of the different manufactures to which the 
 inhabitants are peculiarly invited by the abund 
 ance of raw materials, by their numerous currents 
 of water, by their vicinity to France, and the 
 convenient navigation of the I fere and the Rhone ; 
 he has difcouraged their agriculture by the ihackles 
 he has laid upon their commerce, even in the in 
 terior of his own dominions ; for the trade be 
 tween Piedmont and Savoy has been fubjeded to 
 the fame pernicious regulations and impolitions 
 which exift between rival nations among the mod 
 jealous defpots of Europe ; he has interpofed his 
 authority between parents and the duties they owe 
 their children, by difcouraging the education of 
 youth, fo far as to oblige thofe who are defined for 
 the learned profeffions to perform their fludies at 
 Turin.* 
 
 T 2 
 
 * There are in Savoy fix different colleges of edu 
 cation^ which have exiftedfor feveral centuries, and 
 have been exclufively appropriated to thoje ftudies 
 which have been kniwn in catholic Europe by the name 
 
22 1ETTER TO THK 
 
 It would be tedious to recount to you rf(i -lift 
 inftances of folly and cruelty exercifed by your 
 government againft the people of this country. 
 One general complaint, which appears to be we]! 
 founded, is, that all your kings, efpecially the one 
 from whom they have now revolted, have ihovvu 
 an humiliating diftinction in their treatment of 
 you and them. The Savoyards have been treated 
 as your flaves, as well as the ilaves of your com- 
 morf. mafter. Their hard earnings have been 
 drained from them, to increafe the wealth and 
 population of Piedmont* You mud obferve, 
 however, that this was not defigned as an au/an- 
 tage to you, neither has it been fo in fa 61. It 
 was done to facilitate the collection of the king'* 
 revenue. You have been made the inftrumenio .,t 
 drawing money from tliefe people, for no other 
 reafon than ifwas more tafy to draw it immediate 
 ly from you, than from them, by the tyrants of 
 Turin. 
 
 of Theology. This -was anecefjary precaution of irt 
 government \ as, without dijiributing thefe inftitu^ 
 tions in all the principal towns, and rendering //!/. 
 fort of in ft ruft Ion eafj and c leap, it would have fa eh 
 impoffille to have initiated a fufficient number of men 
 to keep the people in that Jl ate of ignorance which was 
 neceff'irv for their continuance in Jlavery. 
 
 Within a few years there has been eftallifoed in 
 the college of Chamlery a prcfeffc~?'Jhip in hnv> and 
 another in medicine, but imdsr this reft rift ion ^ that 
 two years refidence here jf^cn.ld le reckoned for one year 
 at the univerfity of Tunn. And no man could prac^ 
 fife law or medicine within the k:ngs dominions , until 
 he had taken his degrees at Turin* 
 
PEOPLE OK PIEDMONT. 
 
 The Gondri-jn of thefe people was perhaps no 
 wurfe than yours. You have in your country 
 more wealth than they, but you have infinitely 
 more of real indigence. You were both taxed as 
 high as you could bear* ; and your taxes were im- 
 pofecl in the mod arbitrary manner. The king 
 could augment or vary them any day at his plea- 
 fure. The Savoyard was poor, but he was not 
 miferable ^ he was not infulted by the difplay of 
 luxury pafling before his eyes, though he was 
 
 * The pspulation of the principality of Piedmont 
 is reckoned at four millions. The amount of the 
 public revenue arifing from that principality is only 
 9.2 mi HIGH livres of Piedmont , equal to ji, 100,000 
 ft er ling, forming an average of 5^. 6d. a head- This 
 S exclujlve of dimes and other Jtcltfiaflical faxes, 
 which anjwer to the tithes and poor-rates in Eng 
 land. The public taxes in England, cxdijive of 
 the fe, form an average of about 55^. a head. Yet the 
 people of Piedmont are, if pojjibie, more diftreffed with 
 faxes than the people of England \ although their foil 
 h naturally more fertile, and their country more 
 abundant in materials for manufactures. T heir Jit u- 
 tttion indeed is' not fo favourable for commerce, but it 
 is not unfavourable. By this comparifon we may 
 judge of the cruel y uncreating influence &f a govern- 
 ineni which can fo completely dcftrzy the native energy 
 of man. 
 
 'The Dutchy' of Savoy > whofe population 7^424,000 
 ujed to pay annually into the trcafury at Turin about 
 three million livres of Piedmont y equal to ^150,600 
 ficrling. This ivas the utmoft that the hand of dejpo- 
 tifm could collect from a people whom it deprived of 
 the means of improving the advantages tulxcb nature 
 had given them. 
 
224 LETTER TO THE 
 
 fenfible that he fupported a fet of infamous court 
 iers beyond the mountains, who riot on the la 
 bours of mankind. 
 
 The efFecl: of tyranny has ufually been to vitiate 
 the morals of fociety, and deftroy that energy of 
 rnjnd which is natural to man in a ftate of free 
 dom. The people of Savoy exhibit a remarkable 
 exception to this rule. They retain a fingular pu 
 rity of morals, and a firmnefs of character, which 
 the weight of a long and complicated tyranny has 
 not been able to debafe. They have long witnefT- 
 ed the vices and indured the injuftice of their maf- 
 ters, without learning to be vicious or unjuft. 
 They have felt the inconvenience of that unnatural 
 combination of things which cut them off from the 
 country to which they really belonged; and bound 
 them ro a diftant lord. But almighty liberty has 
 at laft diiTolved the chain, and reftored them to na 
 ture and to France. 
 
 The moral character of this people, which 
 renders them fo worthy of our efteem, has like- 
 wife fitted them for the enjoyment of the liberty 
 to which they have been fo firddenly born. No 
 people, rifine; at once from flavery to a ilate of 
 equality and independence, ever conducted them- 
 felves with fo much dignity and moderation. - 
 They rofe, like true infant Hercules, to the vigour 
 of manhood in a fmgle day. They fhowed them- 
 felves matters of the whole fyftem of government, 
 the moment they became mafters of themfelves. 
 They have committed no blunders ; they have ra 
 ker) no retrograde fteps ; they have loft no time 
 in idle dlfputes, and ufelefs etiquette. Their 
 National Convention, which --was the firft repre- 
 fentative body that ever was heard of in the coun 
 try, and confided of fix huricterd and fifty mem- 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT. 
 
 organifed itfelf and finifhed its fefiions in 
 nine days ; during which time it did more bufmefs 
 than any body of men under like circumftances 
 could be expected to perform in fo many months* 
 But there is one fat more remarkable than all the 
 reft, a fact which hiftory will announce to the ad 
 miration of the lateft ages : the revolution in Savoy 
 lias not yet cod a fingle drop of blood. It has 
 been attended with no acts of violence, no tumult 
 uous meetings, no ncceffity for the intervention of 
 military force. The force of reafon has conduct 
 ed the whole operation ; and the facred energy of 
 liberty has proved itfelf to be the fource and gua 
 rantee of the moral attributes of man. 
 
 Such is the condition of this refpeftable people ; 
 and fuch is the point of view in which you are to 
 eonlider the late meafures they have taken to re 
 claim and fecure their rights. From this confider- 
 ation you will naturally turn your attention to 
 yourfelves, and contemplate the duties you are 
 called upon to perform. For the time is faft ap 
 proaching when you can no longer be the idle 
 fpeclators of the triumphs of liberty. Although 
 the revolution in Savoy is hitherto free from the 
 violence of war, it depends on you to fay whether 
 it fhall coutinue fo to the end of another year. It 
 is in your power at this moment to declare that the 
 Alps fhall never more re-echo the found of a can 
 non, nor their majeftic ftreams be ftained with 
 human blood. Your deftiny calls you either to 
 pronounce the fentence of mifery and flaughter 
 upon thoufands of yourfelves and of your neigh 
 bours who will follow your example, or to declare 
 the immediate emancipation, peace and happinefs 
 of all the ftales of Iialy. 
 
225 LEfTER TO THfi 
 
 This is doubtlefs a ferious commiffion, as it 
 renders you refponiiblc for the fate of fo coniider- 
 able a portion of your fellow-creatures. But ob- 
 ferve the limits as well as the extent of your power. 
 Though yon hold the balance of great benefits and 
 of great difailcrs; which the prefent ftate of af 
 fairs is ready to offer to your country ; though you 
 are able by the afliftance of France to rife as one 
 man and reclaim your own fovereignty, eftablifh 
 your own liberty and provide for the future tran- 
 quility of this part of Europe ; though by a con 
 trary conduct: you may fight the battles of your 
 tyrant againfl the friends of your peace j yet re 
 member, you cannot long impede the progrefs of 
 liberty. Her caufe is that of reafon and of God ; 
 ihe will not liden to any capitulation with defpot- 
 ifm ; the mender muft be driven beyond the Adri 
 atic, and baniihcd from the face of the earth, Italy 
 muft be free ; fhs cannot wear her chains much 
 longer ; it would be glorious for you to be the firfl 
 in this regeneration of fociety in that ancient gar 
 den of the world. Such a meafure would be an 
 example of virtue to your chiidren^ a confolation 
 to the rliades of your anceftors, who for a long fuc- 
 ceffion of ages have patted away irt the clouds of 
 prejudice, without knowing the means of happi- 
 nefs, or perceiving the dignity of man. 
 
 Your king has joined the coalition of defpots 
 againfl: the people of all nations. Their arms are 
 directed againfl France ; but their hoftility is really 
 againft their own fubjecis. What caufe of quarrel 
 had the king of Hungary, or the eie&or of Bran- 
 denburgh with the people ef France ? None. 
 Their jealoufy was againil the people of Hungary, 
 of Auftria, b'f Brabant, .and of Brandenburgh. 
 They faw that thefc nations were about to reclaim 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT. 2.T-' 
 
 ibe rights of man and to cad off the yoke of op- 
 preflion, as the French had dene. They, there- 
 tore, to retain their unjffft power at home, con 
 cluded that it was beft to ftrike the revelution at 
 its root, and conquer Germany in France. They 
 knew, if they could fubdue the French, and com 
 pletely vanquim the fpirlt of liberty in that coun 
 try, that all tlie pecple of Europe would fhrink 
 beneath their chains, and their mailers might pro 
 bably ijeep upop their thrones for another half 
 Century. 
 
 Such was the policy of your mailer. You can 
 not fuppofe that, as king of Jenifalcm or prince 
 of Piedmont, he had any ground or colour of dif- 
 pute with the French nation. That nation had 
 no concern \vith him, nor wiih any part of his 
 dominions. They were occupied in their own 
 affairs, at peace with all the world, and declared 
 that -.hey meant to remain fo. He entered into the 
 war with them for no other purpofe but to keep 
 you in fubjeftion. The war was agsinft you, and 
 is ftill to be carried on againft you the next cam 
 paign. He intends to make yon his foldiers to fight 
 his own battles againft yourfelves, although he 
 orders you to point your cannon againft the French. 
 This is the true ftate of the cafe. The whole 
 of this war on the part of your monarch is main 
 tained by deceiving you. Indeed the whole bufmefs 
 of monarchy is deception ; kings nu:ft govern by 
 deception, as long as they govern at all ; for it is 
 impoflible fjr one man to tyrannize over a whole 
 people, but by deceiving them. I have no par 
 ticular diflike to your king, any more than to all 
 others ; he is probably no worfe than kings in ge 
 neral. They hold an office that is perfectly ufelefs 
 in fociety, and exceedingly deftrudhve to the peace 
 
228 LETTER TO THE 
 
 and happinefs of mankind. In this view they 
 ought to be detefted by every man, and rejefied 
 by every nation. 
 
 France has been forced into the field, to encoun 
 ter this infamous combination of robbers, this war of 
 all crimes againft the principles of all virtue. She 
 has undertaken the defence of human nature. She 
 has afiumed a new kind of t a clique unknown to 
 the art of war, and irrefiftible to the armies of 
 kings. She has armed herfelf in the pane. ply cf 
 rcafon ; her manifefto is ihe rights of man, her 
 fword the pledge of peace. In this fpecies of 
 warfare we need not be aftonifhed at her fuccef?. 
 What people can refill: the hand that comes to 
 break their chains r The armies of liberty are 
 every where triumphant, while their ftandards are 
 fcarcely ftained with blood. Vi&ory completes her 
 work, before they arrive to celebrate the conqr.eft ; 
 and the entrance of the French troops into the- con 
 quered country is regarded by the people rather as 
 the proceifion of a civic feafr, than as the dreaded 
 violence of war. Their general, inflead of punifh- 
 ing the new recovered citizens with confilcation, 
 imprifonrnent, and death, meets them in their po 
 pular focieticF, and invites them to form their pri 
 mary afiemblies. The forts and ganil'bns which 
 he erects to fecure his ccnqudts, are printing 
 preffes and reading clubs. 
 
 Such is the war in which the illuftrious monarch 
 of Turin is engaged, 'i hefe are the a^nies he 
 experts you to encounter in the field. If you vviih 
 to know in what manner the combat ought to be 
 conducted, yen may learn it from the people of 
 Savoy, whole example in this refpeft, as in many 
 others, is worthy to be followed by every nation. 
 You may leara k like wile from the people of 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT. 
 
 Nice, from thofe of Hainault, Flanders, Brabant, 
 Milines, Antwerp, Guelderiand, Namur, Liege, 
 Spires, and Mayence ; all provinces, principalities, 
 or independent dates, conquered to liberty within 
 the lait three months. As I have kept no com 
 plete regifter of thefe conquefis, perhaps the above 
 Jilt may be incomplete. But it matters not ; if it 
 were complete for to-day, perhaps it would not be 
 fo for to-morrow. This advice is intended for 
 the inftru&ion of the people ; if your king fhoulcl 
 deem it inconfiftent with his warlike character to 
 follow the fame advice, he can take a leilbn from 
 the battle of Gemmappe. 
 
 The French army cleftined for your deliverance 
 will probably not pafs the Alps till the fpri"g. 
 You have the remainder of the winter to deliber 
 ate on the part you have to act. You can by that 
 time decide whether you will receive them as ene 
 mies or a > friends. In the latter cafe, you have on 
 ly to ftudy the principles of a republican govern 
 ment, fend away yc ur tyrants, and prepare your- 
 felves to give lefibns of liberty to all the Italian 
 ilates. The troops of Auftrb, which are now 
 about to ente-r your territories from Milan and 
 Tufcany, under pretence of aiding you agairin: 
 the French, will flee before them, as they have 
 done in the Low Countries, the moment you 
 rmnifeft your intention of doing your own bufi- 
 nefs in a peaceable way. 
 
 But, after a due confuleration of the circum- 
 ftances which I have endeavoured to detail, fhould 
 you conclude to regard the French people as your 
 enemies, and to meet their armies in the field, I 
 ihall tremble for the confequences of your unfor 
 tunate decifion. Thoufands among you mull 
 fall the victims of the infamous caufe of your ty- 
 U 
 
2?O LF/rTIT.K TO THE 
 
 r>nf-, which cannot be fupporfed. On that dny, 
 I beg you would call to mind the honeit advice of 
 a (tranger, who now fpcaks to you the words oi 
 truth ; who 'has been a fttady obferver of the rife 
 and progrefs of liberty in America and in France ; 
 and, who, from thefe advantages is able to efti- 
 mate the force of its principles, and predict, the 
 triumph of its arm?. 
 
 I aclvife you above all things to be cautious of 
 the troops in the pay of Awftria, who arc march 
 ing to join your army. You cannot be fo blind 
 ed by your leaders as to fuppofe that this band of 
 ruffians is brought into your country to render fer- 
 vice to you. They are deflgntd to keep you. in 
 fubjecVion, and to take f;orn you the freedom of 
 your choice in the great queftion, Whether you 
 will adopt the principles of the French revolu 
 tion ? They will be polled in your rear, to acl; 
 a^ainft you, if you fhould refufe to acl againft the 
 French. Your pofnion may feem a critical one, 
 placed in the interval between two contending 
 powers ; but, remember that one is an army of 
 freemen, the othsr a horde of (laves ; on one fide 
 is the permanent force of a nation, whofe means 
 are inexhauftible, on the other the accidental hire 
 lings of a defpot whofe fceptre is falling from his 
 hands ; fipTi one you have the offer of equal lib 
 erty and perpetual peace, from the other a conti 
 nuance of your flaverv, an augmentation of your 
 burthens, and certainty of future wars. 
 
 Italy is deftined to form one great republic. 
 The boundaries which nature has given it are pe 
 culiarly fuited to this purpofe ; and as long as we 
 follow nature, in politics as well' as morals, we 
 ^re fureto be in the right. Politicians, who have 
 pot well confidered the effe&s of liberty, arc alarm- 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT. 3* 
 
 ed at the extenfion of the French republic, fear 
 ing it will become too powerful for its neighbours. 
 For this reafon the union of Savoy is mentioned as 
 a fubje6t of jealoufy to other nations. The ene 
 mies of your liberty will not fail to make ufe of 
 this to excite your fears and provoke your refent- 
 ment. Men who reafon in this manner have 
 formed their maxims on thofe defpotic fyfterns of 
 government to which they have been accuftomed. 
 They are maxims which can no longer apply to 
 nations, when mafters of their own adions, and 
 at liberty to govern themfelves by the colle&ed 
 wifdom of the great body of the people. A nation 
 in this condition will never difturb the peace of its 
 neighbours in any manner whatever. Its inter- 
 eft, on the contrary, will be to promote the peace 
 and profperity of every country in the world. 
 
 When a nation is governed by one man, like 
 Piedmont, or by a few families, like the ancient 
 ariftpcracy of Rome, and ieveral modern ones in 
 Italy, the intereft of thofe who govern, is to ex 
 tend their dominions ; becaufe it augments their 
 perfonal revenue. and adds, to the weight of their 
 influence over the people, whom they confider as 
 their property. For this reafon they make war ; 
 loi this reafon they form treaties of alliance to 
 guarantee each other in their conquefts, and in 
 the property which they have in the people. In 
 pursuance of- this policy, the prince of Piedmont, 
 in the courfe of that long Spaniili war which I 
 have mentioned,, purchafed with the blood and 
 treafure of your nation, the title of king of Sardi 
 nia ; and at the clofc of the war, he obtained from 
 the houfes of Auftria and Bourbon, and from the 
 king of England, a guarantee of the pofTeflion. 
 
232 LETTER TO THE 
 
 It is eafy to conceive that a fyftem of robbery 
 and murder of this kind, carried on through ail 
 Europe for centuries together, mult be reduced to 
 fome certain rules. Thefe rules by a mifapplica- 
 tion of terms, are called the law of nations * It is 
 rather the law of defpots, who know no law but 
 their own fears. It has likewife been necellary to 
 eftablifh fome general ideas of what is called the 
 balance of power among the fiates of Europe, re 
 quiring that each ftate fhould be retrained to cer 
 tain fixed limits. On this principle, when any 
 particalar power endeavours to extend it's limits, 
 it is natural to tax that power with ambitious 
 views, and to regard it as an object of jealoufy. , 
 This reafoning is perfectly juft when applied to 
 regal and ariiiocratical dominions ; but under the 
 reign of liberty the argument has loft its ground ; 
 dominion itfelf is at an end ; and all the technical 
 terms in the fcience of "politics have changed their 
 meaning ; and as \ve muit begin the fcience anew, 
 it is to be regretted that we are not furnifhed with 
 new words, to exprefs our ideas with more preci- 
 fion than we can with the old. 
 
 If all the nations of Europe were as free as the 
 French, and every individual member of fociety 
 v/ere equally independent of every other individual, 
 the queftion refolding the boundaries of any par- 
 cicular government would become in a great mea- 
 fure indifferent, both to the people of that govern 
 ment and to all their neighbours. No perfon would 
 
 * lf r e may hope fosn to fee the law of nations eflal- 
 lijhed on different principles ; that is, on principles 
 as different from what It has been, as the inter eft of 
 nations is different from that of thofe perform ivho 
 have nfually governed them. 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT. 2?^ 
 
 ^/^ 
 
 liave any intereft in extending or contra&ing ihe 
 territorial limits of a (tate. They would be efta- 
 blifhed purely on the principle of convenience for 
 the adminiftration of the inteiior concerns of fhe 
 people, and by the free confent of all parties. And 
 whenever it (hould be found more confenient to 
 change them, they might be extended or contracted 
 on the fame principle, without injury to any per- 
 ion, and without exciting the jealoufy of any 
 nation. 
 
 I could cite you many inftances from the United 
 States of America, in which this theory has beta 
 carried into praclice ; which would prove to you 
 that the doctrine I here advance, as one of the 
 effects of liberty, is not-chimerical. But an inftance 
 more finking to you, and which will iorm an 
 epoch in the hiftory of Europe, is the conduct of 
 ihc national convention of France on the propofi ! i- 
 on of Savoy to be united to that republ c. Here we 
 fee a fovereign people, uninfluenced by any fears, 
 hopes, or connections from abroad, deliberating in 
 the moft folemn manner, whether they will exte id 
 i heir territorial boundaries, by the ad million of 
 feven new provinces, inhabited by four hundred 
 thoufand freemen who had fent their deputies to 
 foiicit an union.* To raife a queftion on a pro- 
 pofition of this kind is certainly a new thing in 
 politics. Louis XIV. would have carried on a 
 war for half a century, nnd facrificed twice that 
 number of his own fubjects, to have made fuch 
 
 * The feven provinces which formed the Dutchy 
 ff Savoy, now united to France, under the name of 
 the department of M-^nt Blanc, wtre Savoy proper, 
 GenevoiSy C>rr$i4ge, Cbabhisy Fauc}:igny y 'I arcntuijt, 
 c^'l Maurienne. 
 
 U 2 
 
234 LETTER TO THE 
 
 an acquifition to his dominions, But the members 
 of the convention who deliberated on this queftion 
 had no perfonal intereft to ferve, no ambition to 
 gratify. It was merely a queftion of national con 
 venience, whether the frontiers of the republic 
 fhould remain fixed on the limits of IJatiphiny and 
 Lyonnois, or be extended to the Alps which ap 
 pear to be the natural boundary of France. 
 
 Xhe latter opinion prevailed ; but it was rather 
 oa account of the prefent circumftances of Italy 
 than of France. I tidy is (till governed by defpots ; 
 and it is to be ex peeled, that as long as they re 
 main in power, they will continue the war they 
 have undertaken againft the French. To prevent 
 their incurfions, it was necefiary to oppofe them 
 the barrier of the Alps. - But if Italy were as 
 free as France, all caufes of hofliliiy between 
 them would be for ever removed. It would be 
 feared y poflible in the courfe of human events, 
 that they would ever more have any ground of con 
 tention. In that cafe it would be perfectly indif 
 ferent, as to perfonal intereit, both to the French 
 and the Savoyards, whether they mould form one 
 people, or two, or ten. And whatever refolution 
 they fhould take, as mod convenient tothemfelves, 
 would never excite your jealoufy or refentment. 
 
 No people has more to gain by this pacific fyf- 
 tern than thofe of Piedmont. You inhabit a fertile 
 country, productive of ail the moft neceffary arti 
 cles of life } feveral of which are in great demand 
 among your neighbours. All that is wanting to 
 render you happy is to be matters of the fruits of 
 your own labours at home, to be fecured againft 
 war, and to have a free circulation of the objects 
 of commerce. 
 
PEOPLE OF PIEDMONT. ^ 235 
 
 Thefe three things are now within your reach ; 
 they would follow as a neceffary ccnfequence of 
 adopting the principles of the French revolution, 
 and edabl idling the liberties of Italy. 
 
 With the mod ardent w idles to render you 
 fervice, in the prefent folemn crifis of your affairs, 
 I have written you this letter. If it fhould anfvvcr 
 no other purpofe, it will at lead ferve as a tedi- 
 mony to my conference, that I have endeavoured 
 to do my duty, and to merit the title which I claim, 
 that of your fincere and difmtereded friend* 
 
 JOEL BARLOW. 
 
THE 
 
 C O N S P I RACY 
 
 O F 
 
 KINGS; 
 
 A POEM: 
 
 Addreffed to the Inhabitants of Europe, from 
 another quarter of the world. 
 
 (< But they, in (both, trmft reafon. Curfes light 
 " On the proud talent ! 'twill at la ft undo us. 
 " When men are gorged with each abfurdity 
 " Their fubtil wits can frame, or we adopt, 
 " For every novelty they'll fly to fenfe, 
 " And we mud fall before the idol, Fafhion.'' 
 
 PREFACE. 
 
 T 
 
 I HE following little poem was published in 
 London, in February 1792. It happened that two 
 of the principal confpirators, the emperor Leopold, 
 and the king of Sweden, died in a few weeks after. 
 The oppofite effects, produced by the death of thefe 
 two perfons, are very remarkable. From a view 
 of the general character of the king of Sweden, 
 and of the particular tranfa&ions of the laft year 
 of his life, there can be no doubt but he was de- 
 
238 PREFACE. 
 
 termined to go any lengths with the powers which 
 were then confederating againft the liberty of 
 France ; and it is a confolation to human nature, 
 that the violent death of our fceptred mad-man has 
 faved the people of Sweden from thofe horrid 
 fcenes of ilaughter which now involve mofl: of the 
 neighbouring nations. 
 
 The chara&er,ef Leopolvi, in fome of its lead 
 ing traits, was direily the reverfe of that of Guf- 
 lavus.- The latter was prodigal of wealth, and 
 executively eager for what is called military fame, 
 without the capacity or the means of acquiring it ; 
 the former was affedlcdly pacific, moderate in mod 
 of his vices, ajd remaikable for nothing but bis 
 avarice. lie had ienie enough to fee that nothing 
 was to be gained by a war with France ; his ava 
 rice, had he lived, would have been a fufficient 
 guarantee againft that event : and his death may be 
 confldered as the immediate caufe of the war. 
 
 The treaty of Pilnitz was doubtlefs fabricated 
 *in the court of P*iris. The emperor agreed to it, 
 fu>r theipurpofe of duping, the king of Prulfia into 
 nieafures which might fccure the obedience of the 
 people of Brabant, whom lie had pacified the year 
 - before by a cruel deception. His defign was 1 ike- 
 wife to deceive the emigrant princes, who were 
 then deceiving him ; and to exhibit fuch a menac 
 ing appearance, as, according to his calculation, 
 Would induce the French people to fet down qui 
 etly under a limited monarchy ; well knowing 
 that, if they did this, their government would foon 
 degenerate into a defpotifm, which would conti 
 nue to give countenance to the general principle 
 that had fo long enfbved the nations ot Europe.- 
 
 That he never intended, or had relinquished 
 the intention, of executing the condiiions of the 
 
PREFACE. 239 
 
 ; : i v of Pilniiz by seeing to war with France, is 
 .evident from the following conficierations : the 
 French constitution was ra'ified, and the revolution 
 fup poled to be finifhed, in September 1791. A 
 war, "to overturn that conflitution, certainly ou^ht 
 not to have been deferred beyond the infuirscr 
 fpring ; and as it would require an army of two 
 or three hundred the ufnd men, the winter mutt 
 have been occupied -in making the preparation?. 
 Leopold died fuddenly, about the fir ft of March, 
 At that time no preparations had been made for 
 cffenfive hoflilhies. The number of troops fent s 
 from Auftria into the Low Countries, during the 
 autumn and winter, was not more than was ftipu- 
 lated to be maintained there, and were fcsrcely 
 lullicient to enforce the defpotifm to which he bad 
 deflinecl that unhappy people. Before the death of 
 .Leopold, the French emigrants at CobU irz began 
 to defpair. The hopes they had built on the treaty 
 of Pilnitz had nearly vaniihed ; thp princes had an 
 army of for.ty thoufand gentleutfen to maintain ; 
 Louis was carrying on too great a'fyftem of cor 
 ruption at borne, to be able to fupply them with 
 money from the civil lift ; they had exhaufled their 
 credit in all ihe merchantile towns in Europe ; 
 and Leopold, considering them ii, the character of 
 - beggar?, began to treat them as troublefome guefts-; 
 for none of the objects of their demands could be 
 flattering; to his favourite pailion. At laft, to theic 
 great fafisfacYion, the emperor died ; and his fyf- 
 tem with regard to France was either never under- 
 ftood by his own rninifters, or it was laid afide, in 
 compliance with the predominant paflions of his 
 fon ; which, happened to be for war, expence, 
 and unqualified defpotifm. 
 
540 PREFACE. 
 
 This young man began his career by a folemn 
 declaration to all the powers of Europe, that he 
 fhould follow precifely the fyftem of his father, 
 with refped to the affairs of France. This de 
 claration might be underftood to mean the open 
 and avowed fyftem, prefcribed by the tresty of 
 Pilaitz, or the fecrct and unexplained fyftem, 
 which was to avoid the war. It was univerfally 
 under flood, as it was dcoubtlefs meant, in favour 
 of the avowed fyftem ; whole objccl, announced 
 in the treaty, was " to fupftrt ike rights if 
 crowns." 
 
 From this moment, a fpirit of hoftility was 
 provoked by the court of Vienna, and encouraged 
 by the French ambailador there, who, like their 
 other ambafTadors of tkat day, was betraying the 
 ration, to ferve the king ; till, on the 2oth of 
 April, war was declared by the National Afleni- 
 bly. In this war the defpots of Europe will try 
 their (Irength, and will probably foi-n- be ex- 
 haufied. 
 
 JPtris, July 12, 1793. ^ 
 
T H E 
 
 C O N S P I R A C Y 
 
 O F 
 
 K I N G S, 
 
 .1 jTERNAL Truth, thy trump undaunted lend, 
 P, ,>ple, and priefts, and courts, and king?, attend ;' 
 While, borne on weftern gales from that iarlhrre 
 Where Jnftice reigns, and tyrants tread o more, 
 ThT untainted voice that no iiiirjiafion awes, 
 That fe^is no frown, and leeks no blind applaufe, 
 Shall tell the blifs that Freedom fheds abroad, 
 The rights ot Nature, and the gitt <;f God. 
 
 Thiiik not, ye knaves, whom meanneiS ilyles 
 
 the great, 
 
 Drones of thn church and harpie* of the (la'te, 
 Ye, whofe curfl fires, for blood and plunder ianVd, 
 Sultans, or kings, or czars, or emp'rors nam'd, 
 Taught the deluded world their cLims to own, 
 And raife the crelted reptiles to a throne, 
 Y- , who pretend to your duik holt was given 
 The lamp of lite, the myllic keys of heaven ; 
 WHofc impivus ans with magic fpclls began, 
 When fliades of ign'rance veil'd the race of man } 
 \Vho chans/r, from age to a^e, the fly deceit, 
 As fcience beams, ana virtue learns tht cheat ; 
 T\ rants of double power?, the fouls that blind, 
 To rob^ to kourge, and brutalize mankiiid, - 
 
242 THE CONSPIRACY 
 
 Think not I come to croak with omen'd yell 
 The dire damnations of yonr future hell, 
 To bend a bigot or reform a knave, 
 By op'ning all the fcenes beyond the grave. 
 I know your crufted fouls : while one defies, 
 In fceptic fcorn, the vengeance of the fides, 
 The ether boafts, I ken thee, power divine, 
 But fear thee not ; th' avenging bolt is mine. 
 
 No ! 'tis the .prefent world that promps the fong 5 
 The world we fee, the world that feels the wrong, 
 The world of men, whofe arguments ye know, 
 Of men, long curb'd to fervitude and woe, 
 Men, rcus'd from floth, by indignation ftung, 
 Their flrong hands loos'd, and found their fearlefs 
 
 tongue ; 
 
 Whofe voice of thunder, whofe defcending fteel, 
 Shall fpeak to fouls, and teach dull nerves to feel. 
 
 Think not (ah no! the weak delufion fhun, 
 Burke leads you wrong, the world is not his 
 
 own), 
 
 Indulge not once the thought, the vap'ry dream, 
 The fool's repaft, the mad-man's thread-bare 
 
 theme, 
 
 That nations, rifing in the light of truth, 
 Strong with new life and pure regenerate youth, 
 Will (hrink from toils fofplendidly begun, 
 Their blifs abandon and their glory fhun, 
 Betray the truft by Heav'n's own hand ccnfign'd, 
 , The great concentred ftakc, the interefl of mankind. 
 Ye fpeak of kings combin'd, fome league that 
 
 draws 
 
 Europe's whole force, to fave your finking caufe ; 
 Of fancy 'd hods by myriads that advance 
 To crufh the untry 'd power of new-born France, 
 Mifguided men ! thefe idle tales defpife ; 
 Let one bright ray of reafon ftrike ycur eyes ; 
 
OF KINGS. 243 
 
 Show me your kings, the' fceptred horde parade, 
 See their pomp vani(h ! fee your vifions fade ! 
 Indignant MAN refumes the fhaft he gave, 
 Difarms the tyrant and unbinds the flave, 
 Difplays the unclad fkeletons of kings,* 
 Spe&res of power, and ferpents without (lings. 
 And ihall mankind, (hall France, whofe giant 
 
 might 
 
 Rent the dark veil, anddragg'd them forth to light, 
 Heed now their threats in dying anguifh toft ? 
 And (lie who fell'd the monfter^ fear the ghoft ? 
 Bid young Alcides, in his grafp who takes, 
 And gripes with naked hand the twifling fnakes, 
 Their force exhaufted, bid him proftrate fall, 
 And dread their ihadows trembling on the wall. 
 
 But grant to kings and courts their ancient play, 
 Recal their fplendour and revive their fway ; 
 Can all your cant and all you cries perfuade 
 One power to join you in your wild crufade ? 
 In vain ye fearch to earth's remoteftend ; 
 No court can aid you, and no king defend. 
 
 Not the mad knave who Sweden's fceptre (role, 
 Nor ihe, whofe thunder (hakes the northern pole ; 
 Nor Frederic's widow'd fword, that fcornsto tell 
 On whofe weak brow his crown reluctant fell. 
 Not the tri-fceptred prince, of Auftriari mould, 
 The ape of wifdom and the (lave of gold, 
 Therefa's fan, who, with a feeble grace, 
 Juft mimics all the vices of his race ; 
 For him no charm can foreign ilrife afford, 
 Too mean to fpend his wealch, too wife to truft his 
 fword. 
 
 * Off a <vides re gum v a cuts exhaufta medidtis. 
 
 JUVENAL, Sat. 8, 
 
244 TH CONSPIRACY 
 
 Glunce o'er the Pyrenees, but you'll flifcfoin 
 Tu break the dream that foothes the monk of 
 
 Spain. 
 
 He counts his bead?, and fpends his holy zeal 
 To raife once more tlv JuQuifitorial wheel, 
 Prepares the f i^got and the flame renews, 
 To roail the French, as once the Moors and Jews :, 
 While abler hands the bufy talk divide, 
 His queen to dandle and his tlate to guide. 
 
 Yet a Ik great Pitt to join your defpVate work, 
 See how his annual aid confounds the Turk ! 
 Like a vrar-elephant his bulk he (hows, 
 And treads cjbv/n friends, when frighten'd by his 
 foes. 
 
 Where then, forfaken villains, will ye turn ? 
 Of France the outcaft and of earth the fcorn ; 
 What new- made charm can difTipate your tears ? 
 Can Burke's mad foam, or Calonne's houfe of 
 
 peers f * 
 
 Can Artois' fvvord, that erft near Calpe's wall, 
 Where Criltan fought and Elliott was to fall, 
 Burn'd with the fire of fame, but harmlefs burn'd, 
 For fheath'd the fwpjd reaiain'd, and in its fheaih 
 returned !f 
 
 * M. de Cahnne, at an rmmcnfe labour, and by 
 the aid of bis friends in England , has framed a con- 
 ftitutivn for France^ after the Enghjh model ; the 
 chief ornament of which is that " Corinthian capital 
 tf polifned focletyy' 1 a houje of peers. It is f aid that, 
 after debates and altercations ivkich Lifted fix months, 
 he has perfuacled the emigrant princes to agree to it. 
 It only remains now for him and them to try on this 
 new livery upon the French nation. 
 
 t Among the disadvantages attending the lives of 
 princes, mujl be reckoned thefmgular difficulties with 
 
OF KINGS. 24.5 
 
 Oh Burke, degenerate Have ! with grief and 
 
 fhame 
 
 The Mufe indignant muft repeat thy name. 
 Strange man, declare, fmce, at creation's birth, 
 From crumbling chaos fprang this heav'n and 
 earth* V 2 
 
 whifb they have to ftruggle in acquiring a military 
 reputation. A duke of Cumberland ', In order to be 
 come an Alexander ', had to ride all the way to Cullo- 
 den^ and back again to London. Louis the four 
 teenth was obliged to fubmit to the fatigue of being 
 carried on board of a fplendid barge, and rowed acrofs 
 the Rhine, about the fame time that the. French army 
 crijjed it ; and all this for the Jimple privilege of be 
 ing placed above the Macedonian in the temple of 
 Fame, and of caujing this achievement to be celebrat 
 ed, as more glorious than the paffing of the Qranicus : 
 \ tys may be feen on that modcji monument In the Place 
 Vendome in Paris. 
 
 The count d' Artois has purchafecl, at a Jiill dearer 
 rate, the fame of being Jlyied " le digne rejetun dti 
 grand Henri,'' and of being deftirted to command all 
 ihe armies of Europe in re-eft abli flung the manure!. >y 
 of France. This champion of Chriftendom fct out at 
 the age of twenty -five, and travelled by land with ^ 
 princely equipage, from Paris to Gibraltar ; where he 
 arrived juft In time to fee, at a convenient diftance, 
 Elliott's famous bonfire of the floating batteries. He 
 then returned, covered with glory, by the way of 
 Madrid ', and arrived at l /r erf allies^, amid ft ihe ca- 
 rcjjes rf the caurt and ihe applaufes of all Europe. 
 3 he accomplifliment of this arduous enlcrprife has 
 idcjcrv-edly placed him, in point of military fame, at 
 the head of all thfp relent branches of the 
 bo Life of Bourbon. 
 
246 THE CONSPIRACY 
 
 Since wrecks and outcaft relics ft ill remain, 
 Whirl'd ceafelefs round confufion's dreary reign, 
 Declare, from all thefe fragments, whence you 
 
 ftote 
 
 That genius wild, that monftrous mafs of foul ; 
 Where fpreads the \videft wafte of all extremes, 
 Full darknefs frowns, and heav'n's own fplendour 
 
 beams ; 
 
 Truth, error, falfehood, rhetoric's raging tide, 
 And pomp and meannefs, prejudice and pride, 
 Strain to an endlefs clang thy voice of fire, 
 Thy thoughts bewilder and thy audience tire/ 
 
 Like Phoebus' fon, we fee thee wing thy way,. 
 Snatch the loofe reins, and mount the car of day r 
 To earth now plunging plough thy wafting courie^ 
 The great fublime of weaknefs and of force. 
 But while the world's keen eye, with generous- 
 glance, 
 
 Thy faults could pardon and thy worth enhance, 
 \Vhen foes were hufh'd, when juftice dar'd com 
 mend, 
 
 And e'en fond freedom claim'd thee as a friend, 
 Why, in a gulph of bafenefs, fink forlorn, 
 And change pure prai'fe for infamy and (corn ? 
 
 And clklft thou hope, by thy infuriate quill 
 To roufe mankind the blood of realms to fpill ? 
 Then to red ore, on death devoted plains, 
 Their fcourge to tyrants, and to man his chains i 
 To fvvell their fouls with thy own bigot rage, ' 
 And blot the glories of fo bright an age ? 
 Firft ftretch "thy arm, an I, with lefs impious 
 
 might, 
 
 Wipe out the ftars, and" quench the folar light : 
 " For beavn and 'earth ," the voice of God ordains, 
 " Shall fafs and gerijb, but my word remains /' 
 
0F K/XG'S, 247 
 
 TV eternal WORD, \vhich gave, in fpite of thee, 
 REASON to man, that bids ihe man be free. 
 Thou could'ft not hope : 'twas heav'n's return 
 ing grace, 
 
 In kind companion to our injur'd race, 
 Which ftripp'd that foul, ere it fhould flee from 
 
 hence. 
 
 Of the laft garb of decency or fenfe. 
 Left thee its own foul horrors to difplav, 
 In all the blacknefs of its native day, 
 To fink at lafr, from earte's glad furface hurlM, 
 The fordid fov'reign of the letter 'd world. 
 
 In fomc fad hour, ere death's dim terrors fpread, 
 Ere feas of dark oblivion whelm thy head, 
 Reflect, loft man, If thofe, thy kindred knaves, 
 O'er the broad Rhine whofe flag rebellious waves, 
 Once draw the fword ; its burning point fhal! 
 
 bring 
 
 To thy quick nerves a never-ending fling ; 
 The blood they fhed thy weight of woe fhaH 
 
 fvvell, 
 And their grim ghofts for ever with the dwell.* 
 
 Learn hence, ye tyrants, ere ye learn too late, 
 Of all your craft th' inevitable fate. 
 The hour is come, the worlds incfofing eyes 
 Difcern with rapture where its wifclom lies ; 
 From weftern heav'ns th' inverted orient fprings, 
 The morn of man, the dreadful night of kings. 
 Dim, like the day-ftruck ov\l, ye grope in light, 
 No arm for combat, no refource in flight ; 
 If on your guards your lingering hopes repofe, 
 Your guards are men, and men you've made your 
 foes ; 
 
 ^ See Note at tie end, 
 
&J. THE CONSPIRACY 
 
 If to your rocky ramparts ye repair, 
 * De Launay's fate can .tell your fortune there. 
 'JNo turn, no fliift, no courtly arts avail, 
 Each tnaflc is broken, all illufions fail ; 
 Driv'n to your laft retreat of fhame and fear, 
 One counfeL waits you, ene relief is near: 
 By worth internal, rife to felf-wrought fame, 
 Your equal rank, your human kindred claim ; 
 'Tis reafon's choice, 'tis wifdom's final plan, 
 To drop the monarch and afTume the man. 
 
 Hail MAN, 'exalted title ! firft-and beft, 
 On God's own imagery his hand impreft, 
 To which at laft the reas'ning race is driven, 
 Ane feeks anew what firft it gain'd from heaven. 
 O MAN, niy brother, how the cordial flame 
 Of all endearments kindles at the Hime ! 
 Li every clime, thy vifage greets my eyes, 
 In every tongue thy kindred accents rife ; 
 The thought expanding fwells my heart with glee, 
 It finds a friend, and loves itfelf in thee. 
 
 Say then, fraternal family divine, 
 Whom mutual wants and mutual aids combine, 
 Say from what fource the dire delufion rofe, 
 That fouls like ours were ever made for f.oes ; 
 Why earth's maternal bofom, where we tread, 
 To rear our man (roils and receive our bread, 
 
 * De Launny was the laft goiiernsr of the Bajlile* 
 tfis well-known cxii^ferving as a warning to other s, 
 faved the Jives of many commanders of fortreffes in 
 different parts of France , during the firji ftages oj 
 the rt'V r 'lu'flon. It may probably have the fame jalu- 
 tary efft.fi in other countries, whenever the agents of 
 defpotijm in thofe countries find the people are deter 
 mined to be free* 
 
OF KINGS. 249 
 
 Should blufh fo often for the race (he bore, 
 S--> long be drench'd with floods of filial gore ; 
 Why to (mall realms for ever reft confin'd 
 Our great affe&bns, meant for all mankind. 
 Though climes divide us ; mall the dream or fea^ 
 That forms a barrier 'twixt my friend and me, 
 Infpire the wifh his peaceful (tate to mar, 
 And me-et his falchion in the ranks of \var ? 
 
 Not feas, nor climes, nor wild ambit ion's fire 
 In nations' minds could e'er the wifli infpire ; 
 Where equal rights each fober voice fhould guide ? 
 No blood would (lain them, and no war divide. 
 'Tis dark deception, *tis the glare of ftate, 
 Man funk in titles, loft in frnall and great ; 
 5 Tis rank, diftinclion, all the hell that fprings 
 From thofe prolific monfters, courts and kings. 
 Thefe are the vampires nurs'd on nature's fpoils ; 
 For thefe with pangs the ftarving peafant toils, 
 For thefe the earth's broad furface teems with 
 
 grain, 
 
 Theirs the dread labours of the devious main ; 
 And when the wafted world but dares refu/e 
 The gifts oppreiTive and extorted dues, 
 They bid wild flaughter fpread the gory plains, 
 The life-blood gufhins from a thoufand veins, 
 Ere6l their thrones amid the funguine flood, 
 And dip their purple in the nation's bloocl. 
 
 The gazing crowd, of glittering (late afraH,. 
 Adore the power their coward meannefs made $ 
 In war's iliort intervals, while regat ihows 
 \Still blind their reafoaand infult their woes. 
 What ftrange events for proud proceilions call ! 
 See kingdoms crowding to a birth-night ball ! 
 See the long pomp in gorgeous glare difplay'd, 
 The tinfel'd guards,, the fquadron'd horfe parade $ 
 
250 THE CONSPIRACY 
 
 See heralds gay, with emblems on their veft, 
 In tiiTu'd robes, tall, beauteous pages dreft ; 
 Amid fuperior ranks of fplendid flaves, 
 Lords, dukes and princes, titulary knaves, 
 Confus'dly fhine their erodes, gems and ftars, 
 Sceptres and globes and crowns and fpoils of wars. 
 On gilded orbs fee thundering chariots roll'd, 
 Steeds, fnorting fire, and champing bitts of gold, 
 Prance to the trumpet's voice j while each affumes 
 A loftier gait, and lifts his neck of plumes. 
 High on a moving throne, and near the van, 
 The tyrant rides, the chofen fcourge of man ; 
 Clarions and-flutes and drums his way prepare, 
 And fronting millions rend the troubled air ; 
 Millions, whofe ceafelefs toils the pomp fuftain, 
 \Vhofe hour of ftupid joy repays an age of pain. 
 Of thefe no more. From orders, flaves and 
 
 kings, x 
 
 To thee, O MAN,, my heart rebounding fprings, 
 Behold th 5 afcencling blifs that waits thy call, 
 Heav'n's own bequeft, the heritage of all. 
 Awake to wifdom, feize the proffer'd prize ; 
 From fhade to light, from grief to glory rife. 
 Freedom at laft, with reafon in her train, 
 Extends o'er earth her everlafting reign ; 
 See Gallia's fns, fo late the tyrant's fport, 
 Machines in war and fycophants at court, 
 Start into men, expand their well-taught mind, 
 Lords of themfelves and leaders of mankind. 
 On equal rights their bafe of empire lies, 
 On walls of wifdom fee the ftru&ure rife ; 
 Wide o'er the gazing world it towers fublime, 
 A model I'd form for each fur rounding clime. 
 To ufeful toils they bend their nobleft aim, 
 Make patriot views and moral views the fame, 
 
OF KINGS, 
 
 Renounce the wifh of war, bid conqueft ceafe, 
 Invite all men to happinefs and peace, 
 Xo faith and juftice rear the youthful race, 
 With ftrength exalt them arid with fcience grace, 
 Till truth's bleft banners, o'er the regions hurl'd, 
 Shake tyrants from their thrones, and cheer the 
 waking world. 
 
 In northern climes, where feudal fhades of late 
 Chill 'd every heart and palfied every ftate, 
 Behold, illumin'd by th' inftru6iive age, 
 That great phenomenon, a fceptred fage. 
 There Staniflaus unfurls his prudent plan, 
 Tears the ftrong bandage from the eyes of man, 
 Points the progreflive march, and (hapes the way, 
 That leads a realm from darknefs into day. 
 
 And deign, for once, to turn a trancient eye 
 To that wide world that fkirts the weftern fky ; 
 Hail the mild morning, where the dawn began, 
 The full fruition of the hopes of man. 
 Where fage experience feals the facred caufe ; 
 And that rare union, liberty and laws, 
 Speaks to the reas'ning race : to freedom rife 
 Like them be equal, and like them be wife. 
 
NOTE ON MR. BURKE. 
 [_R>ferr':ng to pxge -247.] 
 
 * SOME cf tfie ai.tbor's friends in E-n^nd., 
 Although .hey j-.?in \virh hrr in ccn.uring the 
 \v Tilings f Mr. Br.;ke i.n the French n.v lution, 
 are or opifii n t'va die picture here drawn of that 
 writer '.s too highly col 'ur d ; rr a' lead, 'hat 'I'.e 
 cenfnre is fo fevere as to lofe the cfted hat it might 
 rjfherwife produce, I; i im-pt ifible to fa.y what 
 efFcS, or uhcther any, has or will be produced 
 by thi^. poem ; but, out of refpeft to the opinion 
 ab.)ve iLted, it may b^ pr< per to m: ke fome ob- 
 fervaiions on the fffoSi that has already followed 
 from the \\ritins; ot Mr. B 1 rke. I fpeak not of 
 vhat has taken place in England ; where it is 
 fuppoful ih<j*, contrary to his in?en ; ions and th(^fe 
 of the govern fntjpt tlvat fet him at work, his mali 
 cious attack upon liberty has opened a difciiflion 
 \\ hich cannot be cl( fed until the u hole fyitem of 
 defpQtifm, \vhi\h he meant to fin port, mall be 
 overturned in that country. The prtfcnt war 
 ui h Fr..nce is d ubtltfs the lad piece of deluilon 
 that a fet >t hereditary tyrants will ever be able to 
 jmpcfe upon the people of EngLmd, 
 
 But this Gjbjed opens a held of contempla'ion 
 far more ferio-i- and extcnfive on the con inent c-f 
 Europe; where, if Mr. Bihke can view without 
 horror the immuv'ltv of t* e mifclicfs he has done, 
 he \\ ill mow himfclf worthy of much higher at 
 tributes of wi.krdncfs than have yet been afciibed 
 t to him. It is a painful tail: to traverfe fuch a wide 
 fcene of flaughter and defoliation as now invc-lves 
 tiie nations of Europe, ?nd then to h v it all to the 
 charge of a fingle individual : efpecially when we 
 conlider that indivitltial as having, ior a lon^ tim 
 
NOTE ON MR.- BURKE; 253 
 
 before, enjoyed the confidence of all good men, 
 and having at laft betrayed it from the worft and 
 vileft motives ; as he had eftablifhed his* previous 
 reputation by fpeaking the language of liberty, 
 and profeflmg himfelf to be the friend of national 
 felicity. But it is not from a tranfitory difguft 
 at his deteftible principles, it is from delibeiate 
 obfervation and mature conviction, that I ftate it 
 as an hiftorical fa6l:, That the prefent war, with 
 all its train of calamities, muft be attributed al- 
 nioft exclufively to the pen of Mr. Burke. 
 
 There is a peculiar combination of circum- 
 (tances which threw this power into his hands, 
 and which ought to be duly confidered, before we 
 come to a decifion on the fiibjecl:. The people of 
 England had enjoyed for feveral ages a much 
 greater portion of liberty than any other people in 
 Europe. This had raifed them to a great degree 
 of eminence in many refpects. At the fame time 
 that it rendered them powerful as a nation, it 
 .made them fober, induftrious, and per fevering, 
 as individuals ; it taught them to think and fpeak 
 with a certain air of dignity, independence, and 
 precifion, which was unknown in other coun 
 tries. This circumftance could not fail to gain 
 the admiration of foreigners, and to excite a per 
 petual emulation among themMves. England has 
 therefore produced more than her proportion of 
 the illuftrious men of modern times, efpccially in 
 politics and legislation, as tliefe affairs came with 
 in the reach of a larger clafs of men ia that coun 
 try than in any other. 
 
 In a nation where there is an enormous civil 
 
 lilt at the difpofal ef the crown, and a conlliru- 
 
 tional fpirit of liberty kept alive in the people, w-i 
 
 niu ft necefTurily ex peel to find two parties in ths 
 
 X 
 
254 N'OTE ON MR. BURKE. 
 
 government. In fuch a cafe, as the king is fure 
 to carry all the meafures that he dares to propofe, 
 the party in favour of the people are called the op- 
 pofitlon ; and it being always a minority, it gives 
 occafion for great exertion of talents, and is fup- 
 pofed to be the nurfe of every public virtue. Such 
 has been the compofition of the Englifh govern 
 ment ever fince the laft: revolution. The oppo- 
 fition has been the fchool of great men ; its prin 
 cipal difciples have been the apoftles of liberty; 
 and their exertions have made the Britim name 
 refpe&able in every part of the world. Mr. 
 Burke had been for many years at the head of this 
 fchool ; and from the brilliant talents he difcover- 
 ed in that confpicuous ftation, he rendered himfelf 
 univerfally refpe&ed. His eloquence was of that 
 flowery and figurative kind, which attracted great 
 admiration in foreign countries ; where it was 
 viewed, for the mod part, through the medium of 
 a tranflation ; fo that he was confidered, at lead in 
 eve r y country out of England, as the ableft advo 
 cate of liberty that then exifted in Europe. Even 
 kings and tyrants, who hated the caufe, cculd not 
 withhold their veneration from the man. 
 
 Under thefe impreflions, their attention was 
 called to the great event of the French revolution. 
 It was a fubjeft which they did riot under ftand, a 
 bufmefs in which they had no intention to inter* 
 fere ; as it was evidently no concern of theirs. 
 But viewed as a fpeculative point, it is as natural 
 for kings as for other perfons to wait till they 
 learn what great men have faid, before they form 
 their opinion. Mr. Burke did not fuffer them to 
 remain long in fufpenfe \ but, to enlighten their 
 underftandings and teach them how to judge, he 
 came forward with his " Refifiions on the 
 
NOTE ON MR. BURKE. 255 
 
 tion in France ;" where, in his quality of the po 
 litical fchool-mafter of his sge, in his quality of 
 the profefTed enemy of tyrants, the friend of the 
 people, and the mod enlightened leader of the 
 moft enlightened nation in Europe, he tells ihem 
 that this revolution is an abominable ufurpation of 
 a gang of beggarly tyrants ; that its principle is 
 atheifm and anarchy ; that its instruments are 
 murders, rapes, and plunders \ that its object is 
 to hunt down religion, ove r turn fociety, and de 
 luge the world in blood. Then, in the whining 
 cant of (late-piety, and in the cowardly infolence 
 of perfonal fafety, he calls upon the principal 
 
 foverei^ns of Europe to unite in a general conted- 
 
 G i **'** r 
 
 eratinn, to march into r ranee, to interfere m 
 
 the affairs of an independent power, to make war 
 with the principles which he himfeH had long la 
 boured to fupport, to ( verturn the nobleft monu 
 ment of human wifdom, and blait the faireft 
 hopes of public happinefs that the world had ever 
 ften. 
 
 Copies of his book were fent in great profudon 
 by the courts of London and Paris to the other 
 courts of Europe ; it was read by all men of let 
 ters, and by all men of ftate, with an avidity in- 
 fpired by the celebrity of the author and the mag 
 nitude of the fubjecl: ; and it produced an effect 
 which,, in other circumftance c , would have ap 
 peared almofl miraculous ; efpecially when we 
 conflder the intrinsic character of the work. M. 
 de Caionne, about the fame time, publifhed a book 
 of much more internal merit ; a bo^-k in which 
 falfehood is clothed in a more decent covering ; and 
 in which there is more energy and argument, to 
 excite the champions of defpoiifm to begin the 
 work of defolation. But Caionne wrote and ap- 
 
256 NOTE ON MR. BURKE. 
 
 peared in his true charadler. It was known that 
 he had been a robber in France, and was now an 
 exile in England ; and, while he herded with the 
 Englifh robbers at St. James's, he wrote to revenge 
 himfelf upon the country whofe juftice he had 
 efcaped. His writings, therefore, had but little 
 weight ; perhaps as little as Mr. Burke's would 
 have had, if his real object had been known. 
 
 But this illuftrious hypocrite pofTefled every ad 
 vantage for deception. He palmed himfelf upon 
 the world as a volunteer in the general caufe of 
 philanthropy. Giving himfelf up to the frenzy 
 of an unbridled imagination, he conceives himfelf 
 writing tragedy, without being confined to the 
 obvious laws of fiftion ; and taking advantage of 
 the recency of the events, and of the ignorance of 
 thofe who were to read his rhapfodies, he peoples 
 France with aflaffins, for the fake of raifin^ a 
 hue-and-cry againft its peaceable inhabitants ; he 
 paints ideal murders, that they may be avenged by 
 the reality of a wide extended ..(laughter ; he tranf- 
 forms the mildeft and mod generous people in 
 Europe into a nation of monfters and ath'eifts, 
 t heaping mountains upon mountains, and wag 
 ing war with heaven, " that he may intereft the 
 confciences of one part of his readers, and cloak 
 the hypocrify of another, to induce them both to 
 renounce the chara&er of men, while they avenge 
 the caufe of God. 
 
 Such was the fir ft picture of the French revo 
 lution prefented at once to the eyes of all the men 
 who held the reins of government in the feveral 
 ftates of Europe ; and fuch was the authority of 
 the author by whom it was prefented, that we are 
 not to be aftonimed at the effect. The emigrant 
 princes, and the agents of the court of the Thuil- 
 

 NOTE ON MR. BURKE. 257 
 
 leries, who were then befieging the anti-chambers 
 of miniders in every country, found a new fource 
 of impudence i.i this extraordinary work. They 
 found their own invented fictions confirmed in 
 their fulled latitude, and a rich variety of fuper- 
 added falfehood, of which the mod fhamelefs fyco- 
 phant of Louis or of Conde would blufh to have 
 been the author. Wish this book in their hands, 
 it was eafy to gain the ear of men already predif- 
 pofed -toliden to any project which might rivet 
 the chains of their fellow creatures. 
 
 Thefe arguments, detailed by proper agentsi 
 induced fome of the principal fovereigns of Eu 
 rope to agree to the treaty of Pilnitz; then the 
 death of Leopold, as I have dated in the preface, 
 unhappily removed the crreat obdacle to the exe 
 cution of that treaty, and the war of Mr. Burke 
 was let loofe, with all the horrors he intended to 
 excite. And what is the language proper to be 
 ufed indefcribing the character of a man, who, in 
 his fituation, at his time of life, and for a penfion 
 of only fifteen hundred pounds a year, could fit 
 down deliberately in his clofet and call upon the 
 powers of earth and hell to inflicl fuch a weight of 
 mifery on the human race ? When we fee Alex 
 ander depopulating kingdoms and reducing great 
 cities to afhes, we tranfport ourfelves to the age in 
 which he lived, when human daughter was hu 
 man glory ; and we make fome allowance for the 
 ravings of ambition. If we contemplate the 
 frightful cruelties of Cortez and Pizarro, we view 
 their characters as a competition of avarice, and 
 fanaticifm ; we fee them infatiable of wealth, and 
 mad with the idea of extending the knowledge of 
 their religion. But here is a man who calls him- 
 (elf a philofopher^ not remarkable for his avarice^ 
 
258 NOTE ON MR. BURKE. 
 
 the delight and ornament of a numerous fociety of 
 valuable friends, refpeted by all enlightened men 
 as a friend ef peace and preacher of humanity, 
 living in an age when military madnefs has loft its 
 charms, and men -begin to unite in fearching the 
 means of avoiding the horrors. of war ; this man, 
 wearied with the happinefs tha* fur rounds him, 
 and difgufted at the ^lory that awaits Htoy renoun 
 ces alt his friends, belies the doclrines ofHtisfor- 
 mer life, bev/ails that the military favageiiefs of 
 the fourteenth century is paft away, and, to gratify 
 his barbarous wifhes to call it back, conjures up a 
 war, in whicfi at lean: two millions of his fellow 
 creatures rnuft be facrificed to his unaccountable 
 paflion. Such is the condition of human nature, 
 that the greateft crimes have ufually gone unpu- 
 nillied. It appears to me, that hiltory does not 
 furniih a greater one than this of .Mr. Burke ; and 
 yet all the confolation that ^J#e can dr^w from the 
 dete&ion, is to leave the man to his own refiecli- 
 onsj and '^xpofe his condul to the execration of 
 psfierity. 
 
 END. 
 
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