ma
 
 x Libris 
 I C. K. OGDEN 
 
 
 Y 
 
 1 
 
 [ .--A". r i F.J. Jit
 
 r 
 
 V
 
 A N 
 
 ESSAY 
 
 O N 
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS, 
 
 INVESTIGATING 
 
 THE STATE OF HVMAN NATURE, 
 
 UNDE R EACH OF 
 
 ITS PARTICULAR APPEARANCES, 
 
 THROUGH THE 
 
 SEVERAL PERIODS OF HISTORY, 
 
 TO THE PRESENT TIMES. 
 
 Nil defperandum. 
 
 HOR. 
 
 VOLUME THE FIRST. 
 
 LONDON: 
 
 Printed for T. CADELL, in the STRAND, 
 
 M.DCC.LXXIV.

 
 ADVERTISEMENT. 
 
 A 
 
 N ealily difcernible inferiority will 
 enable the learned reader to diftinguifh 
 the notes of the Tranflator, from thofe 
 of his ingenious Author. For this rea- 
 fon, it might, perhaps, feena unnecefTary 
 to affix any particular mark to the firfl ; 
 but as it may happen that by blending all 
 the Notes indifcriminately together, a 
 lefs attentive obferver might imagine that 
 thofe of the original Compofer had been 
 written by the Tranflator, a K .is placed 
 at the conclufion of the additional notes. 
 Where remarks may prove either falfeor 
 frivolous, it muft be a contemptible act 
 of meannefs which could endeavour to 
 have them afcribed to an author incapable 
 of producing fuch. To every reader, 
 whofe knowledge of hiftorical and lite- 
 rary fubjects is preferved by a tenacious 
 memory, this humble addition of re- 
 marks muft prove abfolutely needlefs; 
 but memory is not the perpetual atten- 
 A dant 
 
 1CS7730
 
 ADVERTISE M EN ?. 
 
 dant upon learning, and the fcholatywho 
 enjoys an imagination too lively to retain 
 a regular detail of fads, will forgive the 
 intrufion of matters which he may, pof- 
 fibly, have forgotten. To the reader, 
 who is lefs converfant in thefe fubjects, 
 it is prefumed that no apology can be 
 necefiary. Senfible of the great difficulty 
 of infu(ing into verfions the fpirit of the 
 originals, it is not eafy to defcribe the 
 diffidence and apprehenfions with which 
 the Tranflator commits his labour to the 
 prefs. Even now, whilft he is writing, 
 the vanity of a fecond-hand author en- 
 tirely forfakes him, and he trembles left 
 he mould be taxed, not only with having 
 ennervated the force of expreffions, by 
 running beyond the limits of a merely 
 literal conduction, but thrown them into 
 interpretations abfurdly diftant from their 
 real meaning. The nice difcernment of 
 every fault is folely peculiar to the few, 
 who are capable of writing with elegance 
 and perfpicuity. As their candour hath 
 
 generally
 
 ADVERTISEMENT.' 
 
 generally rifen in proportion to their 
 knowledge of the hardnefs of fuch a 
 tafk, he would willingly flatter himfelf 
 that he might caft this firft attempt be- 
 fore them, after having premifed, that if 
 he had been much difTatisfied with it in 
 the clofet, he mould never have per- 
 mitted its appearance in public. If he 
 hath done wrong, it is the refult of ig- 
 norance alone. It is not in his nature to 
 treat with difrefped, that clafs of readers, 
 for whom this work is calculated. 
 
 A 2
 
 DEDICATION. 
 
 A 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 
 .T one of our many agreeable inter- 
 views, you were pleafed to propofe to 
 me, as a relaxation from feverer ftudies^ 
 the amufement of tranflating the work 
 of fome favourite author. The fatisfac- 
 tion which I mall always feel in follow- 
 ing your advice, is the only apology that 
 can be made, for prefenting to you, in an 
 
 Englifo
 
 DEDICATION. 
 
 Englifh drefs, a compofi tion which you un- 
 derftand fo perfectly in the French drefs. 
 
 The peculiar difpofition which humbly 
 avoids the praije., it cgjjftantly attempts 
 to merit, fhall fecu4*e ydtreven againft the 
 violence of a modern, dedication. I have 
 been too intimate w x ith N ypu to be ignorant 
 that panegyric is as painful to you, as the 
 bitternefs of invedtive to another. But 
 yet you muft not <be fp unconfcionable as 
 to fuppofe, that becaufe your memory is 
 too treacherous to remind you of the 
 favours which you have conferred, they 
 can pofllbly have efcaped mine. Through 
 the engaging commerce of an honed 
 friendihip, you have unmercifully incum- 
 bered me with an enormous debt. I 
 have no method of confeffing it, but this ; 
 and thus, inftead of being payed, you 
 muft become a more capital creditor 
 than ever. A larger fum of gratitude is 
 owing, in recornpence for the privilege* 
 of fubfcribing myfelf, 
 
 With inviolable efteem, 
 
 Dear Sir, 
 Your iincere, and affectionate friend, 
 
 THE TRANSLATOR,
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 jLHE Introduction. Page i 
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Confederations on the lot of human nature^ in the 
 earlieft ages of antiquity. 
 
 CHAP. I. Remarks on the ^Egyptians , Affy- 
 rians, Medes, &c. 27 
 
 CHAP. II. The means of eftimating the hap- 
 pinefs of mankind^ and more particularly^ the 
 happinefs of the people exifting during thejirft 
 ages of antiquity. 40 
 
 CHAP. III. On the middle <era of antiquity^ 
 and) principally -, the Grecian <era. 62 
 
 CHAP. IV. The condition of humanity amongfl 
 the Greeks -, its fituation in thofe countries 
 which were known during this fecond epoch. 9 5 
 
 CHAP. V. Reflections on the Romans. 107 
 
 CHAP. VI. The influence of the Roman go- 
 vernment over the happinefs of the people : 
 the condition of the Romans till the time of 
 C<efar. 177 
 
 CHAP.
 
 CONTENTS. 
 
 CHAP. VII. The influence of the Roman go- 
 vernment over the happinefs of all the dif- 
 ferent foreign ftates. The fit nation of the 
 world> at the <era of the fubverjion of the 
 republic. 209 
 
 CHAP. VIII. Remarks on the ft ate of the Ro- 
 man empire, under the reigns of Auguftus^ 
 and his fuccejjors. 234 
 
 SECTION II. 
 
 Confiderations on the lot of humanity, during 
 the middle ages of hiftory. 
 
 CHAP. I. On the inundation of the Barba- 
 rians. . 2 63 
 
 CHAP. II. 'The fir ft appearance of Cbrifti- 
 anity. The political and moral ftate of Pa- 
 ganifm, at the <era of the eftablijhment of the 
 Chriftian religion. 278 
 
 CHAP. III. On the eftabliflment of Chrifii- 
 anity. 301 
 
 CHAP. IV. On Conftant'me. 336 
 
 CHAP. V. . On the influence of Chriftianity over 
 the happinefs of the people. 'The Jituation of 
 mankind, from the reign of Conftantine, to 
 the deflruRlm of the Wefttrn empire. 372
 
 THE 
 
 JTxFTER the lapfe of fo many en- 
 lightened ages, in which the moft in- 
 genious and laborious refearches of fuo 
 ceffive writers appear, even in trifles, to 
 have tried, examined, and compleated 
 every fubjeft, I muft prefume to fix the 
 attention of mankind upon new obje&s. 
 If it be demanded what thefe objects are, 
 the anfwer is, that they are become the 
 moft effential to our happinefs ; they 
 lead to enquiries into a topic, an ob- 
 ligation, to difcufs which, is alarming; 
 they point to the folution of a queftion, 
 VOL. I. a where
 
 U INTRODUCTION. 
 
 where doubt alone might prove difgrace- 
 ful to humanity. Shall men be always 
 the enemies of men? {hall beings of the 
 bed organization, at no period, acquire 
 the advantages which the vileft of the 
 brutes poiTefs ; the advantages of living 
 peaceably with each other ? is not fo- 
 ciety, at leaft, fufceptible of amendment, 
 if not of perfection ? 
 
 In whatfoever manner this important 
 problem may be refolved, an ample field 
 will lie open to reflection : the invefti- 
 gation of human nature, as merely with- 
 in itfelf j the adapting of it to political 
 mftitutions -, and the examination of it, 
 not by theory, but experience, applying 
 it to the knowledge of our errors, afcend- 
 ing to their fources, and labouring to di- 
 vert their courfe, are, all fubjefts to 
 awaken our attention. This lafl fpecies 
 of enquiry is that on which we now beg 
 leave to fix, perfuaded that the writer who 
 mixes fome miftakes amongft his obferva- 
 tions and comparifons, may be of ufe to 
 
 him
 
 INTRODUCTION. Ill 
 
 him that follows ; whilfl the examiner, 
 that wanders wildly from his mark, not 
 only leaves truth behind him, at adiftance, 
 but becomes liable to deceive others, by 
 directing them to a wrong road. 
 
 There was a time, when every author 
 feemed infected with the rage of con- 
 cluding from particulars, to generals. 
 Pretenfions to genius, of all pretenfions 
 the moft extravagant, were then exceed- 
 ingly the mode. A leading principle ex- 
 plained, fome few confequences, lightly 
 deduced, and fome few facts, either well 
 or ill adjufted to the propofed conclufion, 
 were fufficient to bear away the prize 
 due to invention and imagination. It 
 was not poffible for this too great facility 
 of acquiring renown to laft long. It 
 arofe from an intercourfe of fuperficially- 
 inftrudted writers, with readers whoknew 
 nothing. The cafe is now altered. Scarce- 
 ly hath the reader of underftanding, and 
 application, opened a book, but he can 
 eftimate its real value. If the work be 
 a 2 with-
 
 IV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 without order and connection, he criti- 
 ciles the particular paflages with impar- 
 tiality, and continues to read on. If it| 
 be obfcure, he reasonably fufpcdts that 
 the author did not, absolutely, under- 
 ftand himfclf : but if it be fyftemadcal, 
 opiniative, and fallacious, he throws it 
 afide, and will not fuffer it to be fpoken 
 of. T-hefe enlightened, and perhaps, too 
 well informed readers, unfortunately em- 
 ployed, even to a degree of fatiety, know 
 that to toil in the purfuit of truths, to 
 confirm, afTemble, and difpofe them in 
 proper order, is the real employment of 
 the man of genius : but this employment 
 is, at once, flow, and gradual. The in- 
 ventor hath marked out his path : by walk- 
 ing after him, one is no longer furprized 
 at feeing him arrived, and the multitude, 
 having beared, that genius hath wings, 
 are unwilling to acknowledge the print of 
 his footfteps. 
 
 Let us leave to thefe celebrated men, 
 who have drawn upon themfelves praife, 
 
 and
 
 INTRODUCTION. V 
 
 and perfecution, the tafk of pleading their 
 own caufe, and avenging the rights of 
 reafon : let us even fear left we mould be 
 thought more rafli in forming, than pro- 
 vident in moderating this attempt : at 
 leaft, before we engage in obfervations 
 purely hiftorical, and ftudious refearches 
 after fads, and the principles by which 
 they were occafioned, let us examine for 
 a moment, how far a fnnple fpeculation 
 could have made us acquainted with the 
 particular relations, the general tenden- 
 cies, and, in fhort, all the qualities which 
 are proper to, and characterize human 
 nature. Prepared to conduct our readers 
 through long, and winding ways, let us 
 caft one glance upon the fpace which we 
 muft leave behind, and convince them 
 that thofe eafier, and more agreeable 
 roads, the lofs of which they may per- 
 haps regret, are terminated only by ex- 
 tenfive defarts. 
 
 To fubfift, to unite itfelf, to multiply 
 
 its fpecies, is the general wifh of nature; 
 
 a 3 the
 
 VI INTRODUCTION. 
 
 the great bufinefs of every animated being. 
 If fociety be efTentially neceflary to fome 
 amongft thefe, ftill it is but a fecondary 
 want, and fubordinate to thofe which we 
 have taken notice of before. The vul- 
 ture, that lives only on its prey, that is 
 dreaded by every other bird, and purfued 
 by man, fhould daily take a different 
 flight. It repairs, without diftindtion, 
 to all places where it may with eafe find 
 fomething to devour j its fubfiftance is 
 precarious and irregular : at one time, it is 
 in want of food, and at another, pofiefTes 
 more than it can poffibly confume : it muft, 
 therefore, provide againft future necefll- 
 ties : it muft hide its booty. In the night 
 time, it muft fix its retreat within the 
 fummits of the fteepeft rocks, or on the 
 tops of lofty trees. On the contrary, the 
 pigeons, and the ftarlings, which readily 
 procure their nourishment, in the marflies 
 and the fields, but whofe defencelefs 
 condition expofes them to perpetual dan- 
 ger, feek, in fociety, thofe means of pro- 
 tection,
 
 INTRODUCTION. Vll 
 
 teftion, which hurt not the means of fub- 
 fiftance. Such alfo is the cuftom amongft 
 the quadrupeds : tigers, and wolves re- 
 main in folitude, whilfl the hinds and 
 
 deer graze all together : but at a certain 
 time, a powerful imperious want iprings 
 
 up, and finks all others in oblivion. The 
 focial animal avoids the reft of his clafs, 
 to fix his choice on one : the defires of 
 love, and mortly afterwards, the cares of 
 his family, occupy his attention : but, in 
 the fpecies, which, brutally confummates 
 the aft of generation,, and where feveral fe- 
 males are enjoyed by the fame male, and 
 feveral males unite themfelves to one fe- 
 male, love makes little alteration in fo- 
 ciety : the fexes being indifcriminately 
 mingled, the animals remain in herds,, 
 nor is fociety dilTolved, 
 
 Thelefs compound the organization of 
 beings is, the more their operations bear 
 a refemblance to each other. The nefts 
 of birds, the burrows of rabbets, and the 
 hives of bees are common to the two 
 a 4 fexes.
 
 Vlil INTRO DUCTION. 
 
 fexes. It is the fame with regard to 
 cuftoms, founded on fimple wants, they 
 are themfelves equally fimple : deriving 
 their origin from a neceffity peculiar to 
 all, they continue to be the fame amongft 
 all the individuals of the fame fpecies: it 
 is thus that nature hath furnimed us with 
 the means of underftanding them all, ex- 
 cepting our own, tolerably well. Were we 
 to enter only into a phyfical enquiry, con- 
 cerning the nature of man, we mould find 
 that the fenfe of feeling, and the perfection 
 of fpeech, have fecured to him theacquifi- 
 tion of fuch advantages over all the other 
 animals, that his organization, becoming 
 daily more and more complete, is at length 
 rendered too complex to be invariable, 
 and too fubtile to be regular. 
 
 There is every reafon to fuppofe that 
 the undeviating attachment in a particular 
 fpecies, to one particular aliment, is lefs 
 the confequence of an abfolute neceffity 
 derived from their nature, than of the 
 great, or more inconfiderable difficulty 
 
 with
 
 INTRODUCTION. 15C 
 
 with which they procure their food: fome 
 animals fubfift equally on flefh and vege- 
 tables -, by the chace, and in the paftures; 
 but man, who by theexercifeof his hands, 
 and the peculiar privilege of fpeech, is 
 bleft with ability and ingenuity, can pro- 
 vide himfelf with every kind of fuftenance, 
 by hunting, timing, the cultivation of 
 the earth, and other methods. Should not 
 this man, then, adopt different manners 
 and cuftoms, in conformity to his different 
 means of fubliftance ? would the Efqui- 
 maux and the inhabitants of Greenland, 
 who procure their nourimment from the 
 oil of fifli, eat of the aliment of the Iro- 
 quois and the Patagonians, whofe chief 
 food arifes from the chace ? or would 
 all thefe imitate the Laplanders, whofe 
 domain is the defart, and whofe diet is 
 milk ? 
 
 Love, or the irnpulfive power of mul- 
 tiplying the fpecies, mould give to every 
 creature a more diftinguifhing charade- 
 riflic. In fad, women are marked, in 
 
 phyfical
 
 X INTRODUCTION. 
 
 phyfical order, by an efTential difference: 
 a difference which may poffefs its influence 
 over the ftate of fociety, by rendering 
 them fit for generation at every period of 
 the year, and confequently ftrengthening 
 the bond by which they are united to 
 man . It mould appear then, that amongft 
 our fpecies, the commerce of the fexes- 
 might be more frequently purfued, but 
 not that a multitude of men and women 
 mould live promifcuoufly together. Far- 
 ther, all phyfical inductions feem to- 
 prove that men and women mould not 
 remain too long in couples,, like birds, 
 and certain kinds of quadrupeds : the pe- 
 riods of love, geftation and delivery, 
 being umilar amongft fuch animals as are 
 individuals of the fame fpecies, their fi- 
 tuations are conftantly alike, and the ge- 
 neral order cannot be interrupted, but for 
 an inftant, by the competition of their 
 wants ; whereas, amongft mankind, de- 
 fire, and the faculty of enjoying it, per- 
 petually exifting, the union of the pairs 
 
 might
 
 INTRODUCTION. Xl 
 
 might be difturbed, whenfoever one fex 
 mould find itfelf unable to anfwer to the 
 urgent invitations of the other fex. 
 
 It is then difficult to define what human 
 nature hath fixed, relative to the ftate of 
 fociety ; but it is, at once, frivolous and 
 ufelefs to propofe thefe queftions : "Are 
 " men in a ftate of mutual and perpetual 
 " war ?" " are they born the friends or 
 " the enemies of each other?"... they are 
 friends, whilft lending to each other a re- 
 ciprocal fupport, they can the more eafily 
 fatisfy their mutual wants : they are ene- 
 mies, whilft circumftances eftabliftung a 
 competition amongft themfelves, feveral 
 ftrive to obtain that which one only can 
 enjoy. The favages who fifh mould be 
 more united than the favages who hunt : 
 the Nomades^y (hould be more infepe- 
 
 rable 
 
 (a ) Several nations or people were anciently fo 
 called on account of their having devoted themfelves 
 to the care of their flocks. As the richeft paftures 
 were the chief objects of their fearch, they fhifted 
 their abode as often as they perceived one fpot to be 
 more fertile than another fpot. K.
 
 Xll I N T R D U C T I O N. f 
 
 rable than either. Obferve the forefts m 
 thefummer: at that period, each animal 
 is at peace and unity with the reft -, the 
 flags are intermixed with hinds and fawns, 
 they feed, they repofe themfelves in large 
 herds j but, in September, upon this 
 lately quiet fpot, a furious war will kindle, 
 and all the wood refound with bellow- 
 ings. It hath already been obferved, that 
 this dreadful interval doth not exift 
 amongft the human fpecies, who have no 
 particularly fixed time for generation. 
 Theirs fhould only be the paffing conteft 
 or the momentary difpute. 
 
 This then is the refult of an attentive 
 ftudy of thefe important queftions. Is it 
 poffible to eftablifh a moral fyftern on no- 
 tions at once fo frivolous and obfcure ? 
 with fuch opinions, no reafonable travel- 
 ler, prepared to land upon an unknown 
 country, could rifque the leaft conjecture 
 on its legiflation or its manners. There 
 is nothing fo fantaflical and extraordinary 
 butaninftance of it may be found amongft 
 
 mankind.
 
 INTRODUCTION. Xlll 
 
 mankind. And muft we ftill difpute on 
 general principles, primitive laws, and 
 final caufes ? let us bid defiance to thefe 
 fublime ravings, for which nothing but 
 genius can apologize, and reft contented 
 with the affurance that the ftate of fo- 
 ciety hath effaced even the flighted traces 
 of .what is called the ftate of nature. 
 
 In fadt, what are civilized men? if cor- 
 rupted or amended, they are entirely new 
 beings. They have, as it were, traded 
 and accomplished an interchange of what- 
 ever might refult from their reciprocal 
 acquaintance. Man, before this time, 
 fearched out and chofe his aliments; then 
 having fubfifted on them, betook himfelf 
 to reft: but, from henceforth, confining 
 himfelf, at frequent intervals, within his 
 walls, and either alone, or in company 
 with many of his fpecies, he neither raifes 
 nor prepares his food, but awaits, with 
 confidence, its arrival, although it be not 
 feldom fent from places more diftant than 
 fifteen hundred miles from his abode. 
 
 There
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 There are other defires, the covenanting 
 for which is lefs eafy ; and thefe are the 
 defires of love. In every profeffion which 
 we adopt, in every labour to which we 
 apply, woman is efientially necefTary ; 
 fometimes, indeed, the neceflity of pro- 
 curing our fubfiftance, rifes in oppofition 
 to this other, no lefs imperious neceffity. 
 An attempt mud-, therefore, be made to 
 reconcile the two. The manufacturer, 
 the day-labourer, the fervant, and the 
 foldier can refide but little in the midft of 
 their family : they take a wife, without 
 taking a companion, nor is itpoflible for 
 them to acquire her, but by being united 
 to her in bonds more clofe and lafting 
 than thofe, in which, the gentleft ilate 
 of fociety could ever have involved us. 
 The woman, alone, and immerfed in 
 an attention to her houfehold affairs, 
 is not lefs difobedient to the voice of 
 nature. At the call of intereft, .mater- 
 nal tendernefs muft be filent. If it be 
 pointed out to her as a commendable 
 
 frugality,
 
 INTRODUCTION. XV 
 
 frugality, (b) me muflfufler the offsprings 
 of this imperfect union to be difperfed 
 about the country, and fuckled by mer- 
 cenary nurfes. Scarcely have they at- 
 tained to the age of cultivating an ac- 
 quaintance with their relations, before 
 they are banifhed from their paternal feats, 
 and immured in thofe prifons, called col- 
 leges, fchools and convents. At length, 
 when all thefe different Grangers, who, 
 notwithstanding, ufurp the names of fa- 
 ther, mother, fon, and daughter, mall 
 have met and become united, it will be 
 abfurdly expected that the children mould 
 treat their parents with an obedience and 
 veneration equal to any which they might 
 have felt arifing from the remembrance, 
 that under their roof, their infant weak- 
 
 nefs 
 
 (1} It is on faving principles, that moft of the 
 women, engaged in profitable employments, truft 
 their children to ftrange nurfes : the care of an in- 
 fant at the breaft would-occupy the mother's time too 
 much, and ilop the progrefs of her work.
 
 XVI 
 
 nefs was protc&ed, and their dependance 
 on that protection amply underftood. 
 
 We will expatiate no longer on con- 
 trails fo exceedingly ftriking : poffeffed 
 of too dangerous an attraction, how fre- 
 quently have they occafioned the coolnefs 
 of difcuffion, to degenerate into agree- 
 able, but frivolous turns of wit ! fuffice 
 it to remark, that they do not prove what 
 is called the ftate of nature, to be pre- 
 ferable to the ftate of fociety, but, only, 
 that the fenfe generally given to thefe ex- 
 preffions, is a very miflaken fenfe. If, 
 by the ftate of nature, the moft brutal 
 ftate exifting be folely underftood, it may 
 be faid to reign not more amongfl the fa- 
 vages, than in our forefts and our fields. 
 He who is become tired of his park, de- 
 clares in favour of a walk amongft the 
 meadows, becaufe he loves to enjoy na- 
 ture. Neverthelefs he fees nothing but 
 the fruit of a long and painful work. If 
 we regard as natural, all which is within 
 the order of nature -, all which is accom- 
 
 pliflicd
 
 INTRODUCTION. XV11 
 
 plifhed in confequence of its powers and 
 i-ts laws, then is there a ftate of nature 
 as peculiar to the city, as to the country; 
 to the tradefman, as to the hufbandman ; 
 to the man that launches out into fociety, 
 as to him that buries himfelf in foli- 
 tude. fcj To argue ftill farther: in every 
 condition is an irrefiftible attraction which 
 impells all beings towards the acquifition 
 of the beft ftate that may be poffiblej and 
 it is here that we muft look for that phy- 
 fical revelation which is toferve as an ora- 
 cle to all the legiflators. The great error 
 is theconftantly withdrawing fome part 
 of the idea from the other parts, and 
 giving way to general and empty decifions. 
 Do we feel ourfelves mocked at the cor- 
 ruption which infects the great cities ? 
 VOL. I. b we 
 
 (c) That ftate in which all things are brought 
 about by a natural and perfect unravelling, may 
 be regarded as a ftate of nature : from hence it 
 plainly follows that political focieties are natural. 
 
 (ix. TCTWV at Qavefov cm run Qvvu tiroXicrtffi) are the words 
 
 of Ariftotle, in his tfeatife on republics, b. i.e. 2.
 
 INTRODUCTION. 
 
 we oppofe to it the ruftic manners of the 
 hufbandman and the fhepherd. In our 
 addrelFes to prefent, and our eulogies on 
 former kings, we cite Abraham, Ifaac, 
 and Jacob. If a lyftem of morals be re- 
 commended to an opulent and com- 
 mercial nation, the Scythians and the 
 Spartans are brought forward as models 
 for its imitation. Were it not better to 
 purfue a different method ? let every thing 
 that is faulty, without being at all ne- 
 ceflary, be prefcribed. Let allb the nature 
 of thofe things, which are faulty, but yet, 
 in fome meafure neceilary, be examined 
 to the bottom ; that is, let the refult of 
 phylical circumftances be fo fcrupuloufly 
 fifted, as to accomplish the drawing of 
 the beft part that can be taken. All na- 
 tions cannot be under the fame govern- 
 ment : even in the fame nation, fimilar 
 laws, policies, and cuftoms cannot be 
 adapted to the genius of every town and 
 every clafs of citizens ; yet all have a ge- 
 neral
 
 INTRODUCTION. XIX 
 
 neral pretenfion to the greateft advan- 
 tages, which can be fecured to them. 
 
 Peace is the firft bleffing which a people 
 fliould implore. Peace is the great fource 
 of all order and of all good. What ef- 
 forts can they make to give permanence to 
 the benefits which they might enjoy, who 
 are continually engaged in preparations 
 to attack others, or to defend themfelves ? 
 no land is cultivated, whilftthe title to the 
 enjoyment of it is litigated in a court of 
 juftice. War creates a ferocity of man- 
 ners. It holds out fuch objects of glory 
 and ambition, as the moft unpolimed 
 minds may feize with little difficulty, and 
 thus perverts our ufeful paflions by en- 
 nobling our vices, and every where fub- 
 ftituting force in the place of juftice. 
 The nrft ftep, therefore, towards accom- 
 plifliing the happinefs of mankind, mould 
 be to lengthen the duration of peace, and 
 leffen the frequency of war. Should this 
 ever happen, there will be fome room to 
 imagine that the alteration is in fight, and 
 b 2 that
 
 XX INTRODUCTION. 
 
 that its progrefs is already begun. Such 
 a reflection will engage us to pay a par- 
 ticular attention to whatfoever may relate 
 to this grand object. To facilitate our 
 obfervations, it may not, perhaps, be im- 
 proper to examine, in this place, what 
 are the caufes of war ; or rather, what 
 are the reafons which determine one fo- 
 ciety of men to attack another fociety. 
 
 The firft motive, which prefents itfelf, 
 isthedefire of quitting afevere, unwhole- 
 fome climate, for a climate more mild and 
 healthy^ a barren land, for a more fruitful 
 land; an inconvenient habitation, for a 
 more commodious habitation. Thefecond 
 motive is founded on a competition for fe- 
 veral enjoyments, either neceffary orufe- 
 ful j fuch as the power of hunting, rim- 
 ing, and the poflefiion of mines, Gf^. A 
 third reafon may be difcovered in the ig- 
 norance and barbarity of fome yet untu- 
 tored people, who, deflitute of every idea 
 of moderation and equity, are apt to be 
 jeafily exafperated, and make, for flight 
 
 offences,
 
 INTRODUCTION. XXt 
 
 offences, the cruel! eft reprifals. The 
 fourth caufe is no more than the con- 
 fequence of the fame principle. It is oc- 
 caftoned by a ftupid credulity, on the one 
 hand, and the dominion of a deluiive hie- 
 rarchy on the other : a government, at 
 once, tyrannical and intolerant, impofed 
 upon the eafy faith of human kind, by 
 thejugltrs amongft thefavagesj by, the 
 ancient priefts of /Egypt, and of ^Ethi- 
 opia ; by the Greeks, in the delivery of 
 thofe celebrated oracles, which the fu- 
 perdition of former times attributed to 
 God, and which the prefent times, have, 
 with equal fuperfrition, imputed to the 
 devil. To conclude, the fifth motive, of 
 all others the mod powerful, and yet the 
 moft concealed, derives its fource from 
 every vice inherent to the constitution of 
 the fla-te. Thefe are thofe interior vices, 
 which may be confidered as the hidden 
 feed of almoft every exterior war: in like 
 manner, the defects in particular fyftems 
 of politics give birth to civil wars. 
 
 b 3 Were.
 
 XXil .INTRODUCTION, 
 
 Were we to perufe the annals of hifto- 
 ry, we mould perceive how jufily the 
 origin of all the wars might be referred 
 to one of theie principles. If alfo, we 
 fhould at the fame time, difcover, from 
 reflection, that the activity of thefe prin- 
 ciples is blunted and decaying, we may 
 reafonably hope that the condition of hu- 
 manity is fufceptible of amendment. On 
 the other hand, if an examination of the 
 moft efteemed acts of particular legifla- 
 tures, mould convince us that all focieties 
 have formed themfelves in a flate of war, 
 having no intention, fave that of defend- 
 ing themfelves at one time, and invading, 
 and plundering at another, the refult will 
 Hill be, that againft the future ages, the 
 experience of the paft ages can prove 
 nothing. Let me go ftill farther. If the 
 fole aim of all fociety and of all legifla- 
 tion had been calculated even to procure 
 mankind the greateft happinefs, its not 
 having been yet aco^iired, can be no mat- 
 ter of aftonimrnent. The antiquity of 
 
 the
 
 INTRODUCTION. XXllt 
 
 the world is indeed attefted by phyfical 
 demonftration, but hiftory proves that fo- 
 cieties are flill extremely recent; at leaft, 
 they are recent in molt parts of the globe. 
 No; fifty generations fdj do not contain 
 too unlimited a time to be fpent in the 
 b 4 tafk 
 
 (d] Reckoning fixty years to the duration of 
 man's life, fifty generations will carry us back three 
 thoufand years ; that is, into the fabulous ages. I 
 allow that it is almoft impoffible for a fucceffion of 
 fifty perfons to have exifted, each of whofe lives 
 compleated the courfe of fixty years : but as only 
 the progrefs of knowledge is the matter in queftion,. 
 we need but reckon thofe men who died at an age 
 fufficiently advanced to have acquired all the expe- 
 rience of life. I know that it is- univ,erfally granted 
 that the Chinefe empire hath been eftablifhed more 
 than three thoufand years ; and that its forms o 
 government (if accounts miftake not) are the moft 
 perfect and happy of all thofe of which we have any 
 knowledge.. The reft of the world alfo muft be far 
 advanced. The wifdom and ftability, peculiar to. 
 the Chinefe government, will prevent me from 
 taking any notice of it in the courfe of this work ; 
 and, to confefs the truth, I do not think myfelf 
 fufficiently inftruclcd in this point to write on it in. 
 a manner fui table to my wilhes.
 
 XXIV INTRODUCTION. 
 
 tafk of arriving at the perfect knowledge 
 of man, in his phyfical and moral ca- 
 pacity; of eftimating all the prejudices 
 and all the ridiculous ideas which owe 
 their birth, either to fear or hope ; of 
 daring to attack them in tbofe intrench- 
 ments prepared for them by force or cun- 
 ning; of forming a genius capable of go- 
 verning ; of collecting every different 
 circumftance which may contribute to 
 Hop the tyrant in an intended act of ufur- 
 pation; (an act, the perpetration of which 
 may be effected by talents lefs elevated 
 than thofe required to eftablim order and 
 the happinefs of the fubject) in a word, 
 of deftroying every obftacle which the 
 diftance of places, the difficulty of ar- 
 riving at them, and the varieties of linea- 
 ments, language, manners a,nd opinions 
 had thrown up againft the reunion and 
 harmony of particular nations : Still let 
 us reft contented, that readers of a gloom- 
 iercafl mould turn afide with indignation 
 from thefe exprefiions of our hopes : al- 
 though
 
 INTRODUCTION. XXV 
 
 though they think it doubtful that the 
 focial world (hould ever reach perfection, 
 yet may not this pidure of the condition 
 of humanity, through all its various re- 
 volutions, be fufficiently interefting to 
 awaken their attention ? will they efteein 
 it an unbecoming employment, to exa- 
 mine the influence of every legiflation, 
 over the happinefs of the people ? if fo 
 many authors have written the hiftory of 
 men, will no one read, with fome pleafure, 
 the hiftory of humanity ? let us enter up- 
 on our courfe, not with the prefumption 
 arifing from the vanity which arrogates 
 to itfelf the merit of fuperior abilities, 
 but with that confidence which an object, 
 noble and unlimited, muft naturally in- 
 fpire : a confidence, not regulated, alone, 
 by honed and difinterefted views, but 
 aiming at the preference which is more 
 frequently given to efteem than to ce- 
 lebrity and applaufe. 
 
 AN
 
 SECTION I. 
 
 Confidcrations on the lot of Human Nature, 
 in the earlieft ages of antiquity.
 
 A N 
 
 ESSAY 
 
 O N 
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 Remarks on the ^Egyptians, AJJyrians^ Medes, &V. 
 
 Xv. Melancholy idea muft arife from the 
 reflexion that the firft epoch with which hiftory 
 prefents us, owes its exiftence to war. Ofiris, 
 or Bacchus, carrying the fword within his 
 hand, crofles the Nile, to teach the arts of 
 agriculture to the people, whom he had re- 
 duced into a fubjection to his laws. In fome 
 
 ages,
 
 28 
 
 ages, after this period, Sefoftris, at the head 
 of a formidable army, marches towards the 
 conqucft of feveral nations, of whofe name 
 he, undoubtedly, was ignorant. Thefe are 
 the mod diftant seras of the ancient, and 
 refpectable ^Egyptian monarchy, which, as 
 it was diftinguifhed by two victoriow kings, 
 ib, confequemly, was- it marked by two wars 
 exceedingly unjufl. The moff fingular cir- 
 cumilance was, that neither of the con- 
 querors feemed to defire the pofieflion of the 
 country, which he had overcome. After 
 having erected fome monuments, and exacted 
 tributes, they marched on, like travellers m 
 arms, determined to be the matters of every 
 place they vifited. 
 
 No one, not difpofed to affect an univerfal 
 doubt of the authenticity of all ancient 
 hiftory, can difbelieve the exiftence of two 
 men, celebrated for intrepidity and under- 
 kanding, who have given rife to the accounts 
 which the ./Egyptians delivered of their Ofiris, 
 and their Sefoftris : but the fables, in which 
 thefe accounts are wrapped, the attributing 
 the invention of agriculture to Ofiris, and 
 the antiquity of all the traditions drawn from 
 Herodotus, fufficiently prove that they relate 
 
 to
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 29 
 
 to the infancy of fociety, and that they have 
 been disfigured by time. The moft incon- 
 trovertible teftimony in the writings of He- 
 rodotus, and Diodorus Siculus, alludes to, 
 that long interval of peace, which the Egyp- 
 tian monarchy, above all oihers, enjoyed 
 after the expiration of the fabulous ages : 
 nor can we eafily give way to fcepticifm, if 
 we confider that thefe fame hiftorians who 
 have not tranfmitted to us the memorials of 
 any war, from the reign of Sefoftris, to that 
 of Apiies, have, notwithftanding, enume- 
 rated the names of thofe princes, who filled 
 up this interval, and allb entered largely into 
 the feveral particulars of their lives. 
 
 If, in the beginning of this effay, it be 
 poflible to unite the idea of an exceedingly 
 long, and almoft conftant peace, with the 
 idea of fo diftant and reputable a monarchy, 
 it muft prove a very favourable omen. It is, 
 then, clear, that whatfoeverthe nature of man 
 may be, good laws, and excellent admi- 
 niftrations can fupprefs the propenfities to 
 war. Had all the earth been peopled with 
 nations, governed like the inhabitants of 
 ^Egypt, the problem of the pofflbility of a 
 perpetual peace might have been demon- 
 
 ft rated
 
 30 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 ftrated by fads, or perhaps, never propofed J 
 no contradiction, however, can be brought 
 againft the fuppofition that the world may 
 one day prove fufficiently enlightened, uni- 
 verfally to bear a mode of government, to 
 which a fmaller portion of mankind had for- 
 merly fubmitted. All that relates to JEgypt 
 is fo well known, that it is unnecefTary to tire 
 the learned reader with a repetition of that 
 matter which he hath fo often perufed in other 
 treatifes : I muft even imagine, that he is 
 ready to inform me, that, in truth, the 
 ^Egyptians enjoyed excellent laws ; but that 
 the relation of thofe laws to the fupport of 
 peace, and the defire of confirming its du- 
 ration, is not eafily difcernible -, that we 
 know but little of the real conftitution and 
 government of this nation, in which we ob- 
 ierve a king exceedingly conftrained, and tied 
 down to the minuteft forms ;(e) that we have 
 
 as 
 
 (t) Diodorus Siculus obferves, that the employ- 
 ments of the kings of ^Egypt were fo exaftly marked, 
 and portioned out into diftindl divifions of time, that 
 they could neither eat, nor fleep ; nor, even enjoy 
 their own wives, but at the hour appointed by the 
 laws ; fo that their kings may be faid to have gotten 
 children, as our princes pablifh their ordinances j by 
 the advice of council.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 31 
 
 as little information concerning the perfon 
 who watched over the execution of thofe 
 laws, to which he was obliged to conform; 
 that, whilft we are certain that their priefts 
 were invefted with great powers, we cannot 
 determine whether they were legiflative, or 
 refitting powers ; and, in fhort, that all is 
 involved in obfcurity, till we arrive at that 
 detail, entered into by Diodorus. To this I 
 the more readily agree, as it operates in fa- 
 vour of my argument ; it cannot be expected 
 that I fhould give my readers an exact infight 
 into the nature of the government peculiar 
 to the ^Egyptians , but fince fo many par- 
 ticulars are concealed from us, let us hold by 
 thofe we have : let us afiert, with Solon, 
 that if their laws were not, abfolutely, the 
 beft exifting, at lead, they were the beft for 
 them, as having proved fo very efficacious. 
 Our niceft examinations into this fubjecl: will, 
 doubtlefs, be clouded with obfcurities ; yet 
 we (hall find fome excellent materials : the 
 long duration of this monarchy, the abun- 
 dance of its enjoyments, and the applaufe 
 which it hath received from every people, 
 a nd from every age, mould be fufficient to 
 confirm our mofl favourable opinion of thofe 
 
 other
 
 32 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 other circumftances, with which we cannot 
 pretend to be acquainted. 
 
 On the contrary, if we turn our attention 
 towards the AfTyrians, the Babylonians, the 
 Medes, and the Lydians, we fhall, every 
 where, obferve a defpotifm, the mod ab- 
 folute, a leries of victories, the moft abfurd, 
 an avarice infatiably collecting riches, and an 
 extravagance which perverted them to the 
 worft purpofes. 
 
 Ninus, the firft fatal ftar that fhone in that 
 horizon, hath ftained the page of hiftory with 
 cruelty, and injuftice. He attacked, and de- 
 feated the people, fince called the Baby- 
 lonians. He made their king a prifoner, and 
 ordered that he mould be executed with his 
 children. He, then, marched againfl the 
 Medes, put them to flight, and having taken 
 Pharnus, their fovereign, he not only cru- 
 cified the unhappy prince, but even his wife, 
 and all his offspring : from thence, he turned 
 his arms towards Bactria, and added it to his 
 conqueils. Semiramis, the accomplice, the 
 queen, and the afiaflin of this tyrant, did 
 juftice to the world in the deftruflion of the 
 author of thofe cruelties which they had felt ; 
 and in her turn committed crimes for which 
 
 fhe
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 33 
 
 {he fhould have met an equal fate. Her am- 
 bition approached to madnefs , fhe fubdued, 
 fucceflively, Media, Perfia, Lybia, and ./Ethi- 
 opia -, at length, as if Ihe would have fub- 
 dued nature herfelf, (he levelled mountains, 
 changed the courfe of rivers, and raifed, 
 even to the ikies, the monuments of her folly. 
 To thefe cruelly -heroic reigns, fucceeded 
 ib'me intervals of repofe. There were kings, 
 doubtlefs, worthy of our applaufe, (for tra- 
 dition has not named them) who gave man- 
 kind a breathing time, and were fo fortunate 
 as to difcover pleafures, the enjoyment of 
 which, was deftructive to no one. Sar- 
 danapalus, the lad of thi-s dynafly, too ef- 
 feminate, but much lefs guilty than the 
 greater part of the chieftains of hiflory, hath 
 been treated with contempt by ancient writers, 
 whofe fpirit of inveftive hath not been loft 
 upon the moderns. Like Darius, Perfius, and 
 many other princes, his empire was torn from 
 him, bccaufe he did not gain a battle: and 
 yet, he chofe death in preference to ignomi- 
 nious bondage : no monarchs, with their 
 queens, and children, were ever executed by 
 his command ; he never' made his fubje&s 
 groan and fvvcat beneath the toil of piling 
 VOL. I. B ft ones
 
 34 AN ESSA^Y ON 
 
 itones the one upon the other. The moft 
 pious authors have, notwithftanding, left 
 Ninus and Semiramis in the peaceable pof- 
 feflion of reputation, to direcl: the united 
 force of all their fatire upon Sardanapalus. 
 The Medes, having conquered Sardanapalus, 
 foon fubdued all Perfia. They, then, at- 
 tacked the new Afifyrian empire, founded 
 by Belus j but whilft they were, obflinately, 
 purfuing this war, they were aflaulted, in 
 their turn, by the Cimmerian Scythians ; and 
 ' after having been conftrained to divide the 
 empire between them, they got rid of their 
 inconvenient guefts, destroying them by an 
 act of treachery, of all others, the molt un- 
 manly. 
 
 The next in turn is Cyrus. Hiftory doth 
 not declare, precifely, on what occafion the 
 war was kindled between this celebrated con- 
 queror, and a prince, whofe mingled lot of 
 good, and ill fortune, hath rendered him no 
 lefs remarkable. I mean Crcefus, king of 
 Lydia; a name in the mouths of many, who 
 are ignorant of his hiltory. It is equally 
 difficult to affign the real caufes to all the 
 other wars which Cyrus waged, and which, 
 in the end, made him the fovereign of Afia. 
 
 So
 
 PVBLIC HAP.PINESS. 35 
 
 So different are the recitals of Herodotus, 
 and Zenophon, that every competent reader, 
 obferving, on the one hand, fuch fabulous 
 puerilities, and on the other, a moral treatife, 
 thrown into fcenes of action, feems, as it 
 were, reduced to a kind of choice between 
 the Orlando of Ariofto, and the Telemachus 
 of Fenelon. Let us, therefore, content our- 
 felves with believing, that there exifted, in 
 former times, a conqueror named Cyrus, 
 who fubdued Afia> and founded the Perfian 
 empire, (f) 
 
 B 2 Afuf- 
 
 (f) Mr. Rollin is far from having thrown much 
 light on the obfcurity of thefe diftant ages. He begins 
 by relating, with all the gravity of hiltory, the little 
 romantic details with which Xenophon has judged 
 proper to adorn his cyropoedia. It muft, however, be 
 confefled that the infmuation that, poffibly, not a 
 word of truth is in all this, frequently efcapes him : ne- 
 verthelefs, he continues to take the account of all the 
 principal fafts as far down as the battle of Thymbria, 
 from Zenophon. Then, fluffing round to the tefti- 
 mony of Herodotus, he will have it that Cyrus engages 
 in a frefli battle near Sardis, where he makes him 
 have recourfe once more to the ftratagem of oppofmg 
 camels, to the cavalry, without perceiving that all this 
 is but the fame ftory, varioufly related by two diffe- 
 rent authors. He goes farther, not to lofe the hiftory 
 
 of
 
 3 6 ANEjSSAYON 
 
 A fufficienc number of facts hath already 
 been advanced in a work not hiftorical : let 
 us, now, pafs on to thole fuggeftions which 
 rnuft naturally arile j and firit, it may be ob- 
 
 ferved 
 
 of Crcefus, who, on the funeral pile, invokes Solon, 
 he fuppofes that this fame Cyrus, whom he hath held 
 out as a model td kings, had condemned his enemy, 
 to be burnt alive : and this he advances without 
 deigning to make the fmalleft apology for this extra- 
 vagant inequality in the character of his hero. I can- 
 not deny myfelf the liberty of making one more ob- 
 fervation. He had a greater advantage in printing his 
 work forty years ago, when the language met with 
 indulgence, than he could have expefted now. Here 
 follows an example of Mr. Rollin's Ilile : fpeaking of 
 Gobrias, the Aflyrian general, he fays : " le roi mort 
 depuis peu qui en connoiflbit tout le merite, et le con- 
 fideroit extremement, avoit refolu de donner fa fille 
 en -marriage a fon fils." I believe that every thinking 
 reader will be offended with this grammatical inceft, 
 which fo religious a man as Mr.Rollin, has made the king 
 of Aflyria commit ; either the prince chofe to marry his 
 own daughter, to his own fon ; or the daughter of 
 Gobrias, to the fon of Gobrias. In fome lines lower, 
 Mr. Rollin talks of a citadel in which this fame Go- 
 brias lodged: (logefit) lodge in a citadel! the an- 
 cient hillory, and the Romim hiilory, which are, on 
 jnany accounts, valuable productions, furnifh faults 
 ftill more difgufting than thefe. 
 
 Having given, with the cold fidelity of a tranHator, 
 the verbal ccnftru&ion of this note, the author muit 
 
 pardon
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 37 
 
 ferved that as hiftory hath not tranfmitted to 
 us any accounts of the government of the 
 people, of whom we have been treating, we 
 can only form a judgement from the appear- 
 ances of facts. Thefe appearances acquaint 
 us that the government was abfolutely mi- 
 litary, and defpotic ; andf^j it is well known 
 B 3 that 
 
 pardon me for thinking fome parts of it, inconfiftent 
 with his natural fpirit of liberality. The molt eminent 
 in the learned world have nothing about their charac- 
 ters fo facred, as to exempt them from a detection of 
 their errors : but genius hath a title to refpeft, and 
 the difcovery of its miftakes, can never be too delir 
 cately expofed. I: is iirpoflible to perufe the French 
 fentence, and the remarks on it, without a fmile ; yet 
 it will not be, in either cafe, a fmile of approbation. 
 The meaning of Rollin is eafily underftood, and this 
 facetious expofition, was beneath the wit that made it. 
 The other charge is, indeed, of more confequence, 
 and requires an abler advocate than I am, to confute 
 it. The freedom with which our author criticifes the 
 flile of Rollin, will not eafily difpofe him, to believe 
 that the fmcerity of Atterbury was equal to his com- 
 plaifance. A paflage in the letter which that exile 
 wrote to Rollin, runs thus : fi Gallice fciffet Xencphon, 
 noH aliis ilium in eo argumento quod traftas verbis 
 ufurum, non alio prorfus more fcripturum judicem." K. 
 (g) It would be uncandid to attempt, in this place, 
 to conceal the eulogies which Herodotus, and Zeno- 
 phon have beftowed upon the ancient Perfians. It is 
 
 even
 
 38 ANESSAYON 
 
 that a prince, ruling with unlimited au- 
 thority, muft have acquired ihat authority 
 by the means of fuch an army as he could 
 not have been mafter of, unlefs that he had 
 waged war. \\e Ihall not, therefore, he- 
 fitate to aflign the vices of government, and 
 the ignorance of political, and moral prin- 
 ciples, as the caufes of thofe wars, to which 
 we have, already alluded. And, here, the 
 irruption of thofe Scythians who came from 
 the Bofphorus, is well worthy of our notice. 
 It may be feen, for the firft time, how thefe 
 inhabitants of the North, fpread themfelves 
 through the mod fertile countries, and tri- 
 umphed over the mod warlike nations. What 
 is flill more extraordinary, they made the 
 
 fame 
 
 even neceflary to confefs, that (if Herodotus may be 
 believed) this people were lefs barbarous than our- 
 felves, as they never punifhed the firft crime with, 
 death ; and as the legiflature had enabled no penalty 
 againft parricide, from the principk, that infanity 
 alone could drive a man to the perpetration of fuch 
 an aft : but, exclufive of the impoffibility that, merely > 
 good civil laws can be fuflicient to conflitute a good 
 form of government, it is evident that the manners 
 of the Perfians were more calculated to render the people 
 warlike, and victorious, than to infpire them with a 
 love of agriculture, and all the arts of peace.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 39 
 
 fame treaty with the Medes, into which they 
 entered afterwards with the Roman emperors i 
 that is to fay, they ftipulaced with the ancient 
 pofieffors, for the enjoyment of a joint part- 
 nerfhip in their lands, and for that fingular 
 manner of reigning with others, in quality 
 of guefts.f/20 It is clear then that this fpe- 
 cies of war refers to our firft principle : the 
 defire of quitting a rigorous climate, for -a 
 more mild climate. 
 
 (b) Confult the remarks of 1'Abbe du Bos, on the 
 French monarchy, in which this ingenious author 
 proves, that the Franks, and the Lombards, who fettled 
 in Gaul, Spain, and Italy, gave out that they were 
 the guefts (hofpites) of the Romans, and that their 
 chief filled himfelf king of the Franks, and Lombards,, 
 but not king of the Gauls, and of Italy. 
 
 B 4 ,CHAP.
 
 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 *Tbe means of tjtimating the happinefs of 
 kind, and more particularly^ the happinefs. of 
 the people exijting during the firft ages of 
 antiquity. 
 
 o 
 
 UR inveftigation of the firft epochas of 
 hiftory muft prove exceedingly ufelefs, if, 
 from the multitude of events with which it 
 prefents us, we were unable to draw fome 
 general facts j facts infinitely more certain 
 than thofe which have been fo feduloufly 
 tranfmitted to us, and which, like grains 
 of duft, could have no weight, unlefs united 
 in a fmgle mals. The facts, to which we al- 
 lude, are thofe important ones, which hifto- 
 rians have almoft ccnftantly neglected, as if 
 
 will ins:
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 41 
 
 willing to treat of every thing, excepting 
 that which was inconteftably true. It is not 
 abfolutely certain that Cyrus, at the head of 
 one hundred thoufand Perfians, gained a vic- 
 tory over five hundred thoufand Afiyrians, 
 Egyptians, &c. or that Ninus built a city 
 more than twenty-eight miles in length , but 
 it is certain, on the one hand, that an army 
 well difciplined, and commanded by a war- 
 like king, triumphed over an ignorant, and 
 undifciplined multitude; and, on the other 
 hand, that a nation of (laves, almoft de- 
 prived of fenfe, by the impofition of a gall- 
 ing yoke, were condemned to labour in obe- 
 dience to the caprice of a mad, and arbitrary- 
 tyrant. 
 
 Can we, amongft all the fpeculations to 
 which hiflory may give occafion, difcover 
 one more excellent and more entitled to our 
 attention, than that the great object of which 
 is the happinefs of human nature ? many 
 authors have, diligently, examined, how far 
 one nation furpafTed another, in religion, in 
 temperance, and in valour : but no one hath 
 attempted to difcover which nation was the 
 happieft. Were the ^Egyptians, in this 
 refpefb, fuperior to the Medes j the Medes 
 
 to
 
 4* AN ESSAY ON* 
 
 to the Greeks, and the Greeks to the Re- 
 mans ? thefe are points, to determine which, 
 but little pains have yet been taken. If any 
 one hath ventured to difcufs the fubjcd, his 
 conclufions hath been drawn from vague, and 
 mfufficient principles. 
 
 One great, and common error, amidft a 
 multitude of other errors, is the confounding 
 the people with the government. The people 
 are fuppofed to be happy, whenfoevt r the 
 government profpers : inftead of keep - _, ia 
 view the good of individuals, nothing is con- 
 fidered but the growth, and duration of em- 
 pires, as if the public profperity, and the 
 general felicity, were two infeparable matters. 
 For this, the Cynic was, facetioufly, told 
 that he mould have changed the maxim,, 
 " falus populi fuprema lex efto," into " falus 
 gubernantium fuprema lexeflo." I mall have 
 more occafions than one to complain againft 
 thefe prejudices : but, for theprefent, I mall 
 confine myfelf to thofe reflections which have 
 been fuggefted to me by the fa<5!s under ex-' 
 amination. I mail begin by an aflertion that 
 I do not think -that any nation^, hath been 
 happy, becaufe it may have erected immenie 
 pyramids, or magnificent palaces. On the 
 
 contrary.
 
 43 
 
 contrary, I prefume that thefe fuperb edifices, 
 and vaft monuments, indicated the poor 
 condition, and limited abilities of the people 
 who aflifted in the railing of them. As this 
 truth refults from very extenfive principles, 
 I cannot difpenfe with the neceflity of explain- 
 ing them. They belong to the fcience of 
 Economicks , a fcience equally difficult, and 
 obfcure ; to define it, hath been the bufmefs 
 of multitudes-, but to agree in thofe de- 
 finitions, the lot of few. Thefe principles 
 will, then, have fome merit, fhould they 
 prove true, and clear : and I dare flatter my- 
 felf, that, in fpite of the quantity of writings, 
 which have appeared on this fubject, they 
 will not be deftitute of novelty. It is, indeed, 
 a cold, and dry difcuflion ; but I mould be 
 guilty of injuftice to the age in which I live, 
 and to my readers, were I to feel an in- 
 clination to avoid it. 
 
 In every attempt to eftimate the happinefs, 
 or the mifery of the people, the impofts with 
 which they were laden, have been almoft the 
 fole objects of confideration. No eftimation 
 hath been made of the rigour of thefe im- 
 pofts, but from the mode in which they were 
 levied 5 that is, according to their nearer, 
 
 or
 
 44 
 
 or more diftant approach to the form of a 
 tribute, and fuch a one, alfo, as the con- 
 tributor was compelled to take from his pri- 
 vate purfe, and give to his fovereign. Now, 
 it feems to me, that there is a more extenfive, 
 and fure method of eftimating the condition 
 of the fubjecl:, as it may bear fome relation- 
 to the prince, in cafes where the weight of 
 the tax preffes upon the firft ; as thus : 
 
 Firil : how many days in the year, or hours* 
 in the day, can a man work, without either 
 incommoding himfelf, or becoming unhappy? 
 one may perceive, at the firft glance, that 
 this queftion refers to the nature of the cli- 
 mate ; to the conftitution, and to the flrength 
 of men; to their education, to their aliments; 
 &c. &c. all, cafes, which may be eafily re- 
 folved. 
 
 Secondly, how many days muft a man 
 work in the year, or, how many hours muft 
 he work in the day, to procure for himfelf 
 that which is neceflary to his prefervation, 
 and his eafe ? having refolved thefe queftions, 
 it will be no difficult matter to determine 
 how many days in the year, or how many 
 hours in the day, may remain for this man to 
 difpofe of: that is to fay, how many may be 
 
 demanded
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 45 
 
 of him, without robbing him either of the 
 means of fubfiftance, or of welfare : fo that, 
 now, the whole matter refls upon an exami- 
 nation, whether the performance of that duty, 
 which the fovereign exacts from him, be 
 within, or beyond the time, which each man 
 can fpare from his abfolutely neccflary avo- 
 cations. 
 
 In the interim, to draw from this expofi- 
 tion, all its refulting confequences, we mult 
 imagine that every part of the labour, exer- 
 cifed throughout the ftate, is equally divided 
 amongft a fet of individuals. I would fup- 
 pofe, for inftance, that every man being ob- 
 liged to build, furnifh, and maintain an 
 houfe ; to procure, and drefs his victuals ; 
 to equip himfelf with cloathing, &c. &c. 
 muft, confequently be, at once, a mafon, a 
 tiler, a cultivator of the ground, a cook, a 
 weaver, a taylor, a fhoe- maker, &c. &c. 
 After this, it will be neceflary to calculate 
 either the number of days in the year, or of 
 hours in the day, which muft be fet apart for 
 this employment : and then, it muft be de- 
 termined what time he hath left upon his 
 hands, to be difpofed of, in the fervice of 
 his fovereign. Thus, mail we be led to a juft 
 
 decifion
 
 46 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 decifion on the happinefs, or the mifery of 
 the people. 
 
 Such as have exercifed their thoughts on 
 thefe economical matters, will, foon, perceive 
 that it is this remaining time, which will, 
 whenever it mall be thus employed, produce 
 (either for the fovereign, or that perfon who 
 may pofTefs the right of managing it) the 
 net revenue, which hath given birth to fo many 
 difputes* They will, alfo, be convinced that, 
 if the demands of the fovereign become too 
 excelfive, the refult will, immediately, be> 
 that the fttbject, condemned to diminifh the 
 number of thofe hours, which he had deftined 
 to his own proper ufes, muft behold the fruits 
 of all his induftry, and culture, fallen to de- 
 cay; in Ihort, this fame fubjecl;, thus lofing 
 the neceflaries of his life, muft either defert 
 or perim. 
 
 Let us, now, endeavour to lead the quefti- 
 on back, by degrees, to the propofcd objecl:. 
 Let us examine, for inflance, what con- 
 clufions, in fupport of the power, and the 
 happinefs of the Egyptians, may be drawn 
 from our knowledge of thole immenfe mo- 
 numents, for the raifing of which, they have 
 been fo celebrated. This matter may be 
 
 feen
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 47 
 
 feen in feveral different lights : firft, the po- 
 pulation of -fligypt having been extenfive, 
 it may have happened that the avocations 
 from the other ufual, and neceffary labours, 
 to thofe of afiifting in the ftructure of thefe 
 vaft edifices, were not of fuch material con- 
 fequence, becaufe the work was fubdivided 
 amongft all the individuals, who, by turns, 
 relieved each other* 
 
 Secondly, thefe fame buildings might have 
 occafioned the employment of all that time* 
 which remained to be difpofed of. 
 
 Thirdly, the population not having been 
 Sufficiently confiderable, the portion of leifure 
 time became too fmall, and occafioned a 
 breaking in upon the time that mould have 
 been otherwife employed. 
 
 In the fourth place, pofiibly, the popu- 
 lation was not confiderable, but, at the fame 
 time, the wants of individuals were fo limit- 
 ed, that they were unemployed enough to 
 labour, without inconvenience, in the fervice 
 of their fovereign. 
 
 It, now, remains to determine, under 
 which of thefe four predicaments the Egyp- 
 tians fall. And, perhaps, this talk is not fo 
 difficult as one might, at firft, imagine it to 
 
 be,
 
 48 ANESSAYOK 
 
 be, confidering the great diftance at which 
 thefe objects are removed from us. We 
 know that the inundations of the Nile di- 
 minimed, and reduced, almoft to nothing, 
 the labours necefiary to cultivation. The 
 -/Egyptians, therefore, were always fure of 
 enjoying plentiful harvefts at a fmall expence. 
 On the other hand, we have no realbn to fup- 
 pofe that thefe people were very refined, and 
 extravagant, in the ornaments of their per- 
 fons, the fetting out of their tables, and 
 other fimilar expences. It will not, there- 
 fore, be impoffible to prove that each in- 
 dividual was employed but few days in the 
 year, or few hours in the day, in procuring 
 his neceflary conveniences. Indeed, a fair 
 calculation might be made : it is a problem, 
 which, being relolved by algebraical com- 
 putations, will eafily afcertain the numerical 
 proportions. 
 
 One very important circumftance, is, that 
 this will, naturally, lead us to a definition of 
 luxury, and its effeds. We may, at prefent 
 call it, all the employment of time which 
 breaks in upon that, of which particulars, 
 and the itate, have a real want. According 
 to this principle, it would be an equal luxury, 
 
 \vere
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 49 
 
 were a nation, either, to apparel themfelves 
 with a fluff, which exacted, from each in- 
 dividual, an hour of labour, every day, or 
 to drefs the hair in a manner which, daily, 
 took up the fame fpace of time : but thefe 
 two articles can only be confidered as acts of 
 luxury, in proportion to their encroachments 
 upon that time, which cannot eafily be ipared 
 from more necefiary avocations. 
 
 And, here, I may be aflked what poffibi- 
 lity there is, of afcertaining the quantity of 
 labour which each individual mould referve 
 for his own ufe ? Were it to happen that one 
 particular perfon mould be uneafy, unlefs he 
 could be clad in velvet, would you efteem it 
 neceffary that fuch a portion of time mould 
 be employed in the ratfing of filk-worms, 
 and the manufactory of velvets ? perhaps fo. 
 And, why not, if that were pofiible ? but 
 the fact is, that a fimilar inftance cannot 
 arife. I mall, therefore, have no occafion 
 to anfwer this objection, being able to ad- 
 vance a general principle ; and this principle 
 is, that the wants of particulars, mould be 
 limited by the wants of the ftate ; that is, 
 that private convenience mould only follow 
 public fecurity, and that a- certain enjoyment 
 VOL. I. C is
 
 is preferable to an extended enjoyment. I 
 will add, that it is this confidcration, which 
 fixes limits to eafe, and to luxury ; fo that 
 luxury may, equally invade the province of 
 the fubject, and the province of the fovereign j 
 and ( not to mention the pomp of courts ) is 
 found as frequently amidft too numerous 
 armies, as in the excefles of too magnificent 
 an apparel : in fhort, if the Sybarites were 
 too luxurious in their pafiion for effeminacy, 
 the Spartans were equally involved in too ex- 
 travagant a thirft of glory, and ambition. 
 
 It is an indifputable point, (or, at leaft, 
 there is room to think it, in this philofophi- 
 cal age, an acknowledged truth) that the 
 firft object of all governments, mould be to 
 render the people happy. On every occafion 
 where (plans having been concerted to ag- 
 grandize the government) the fubjects be- 
 come conftrained to facrifice a part of either 
 thofe days in the year, or thole hours in the 
 clay, fo necefiary to be employed towards 
 their own private advantage, unpardonable 
 excefles, and abfolute abufes will, naturally, 
 creep in. On the other hand, if a foft, and 
 enervated people Ihould refufe to furnifh the 
 ftate with fuch a portion of labour as may be 
 
 neceflary
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 51 
 
 neceffary to maintain the public fecurity, they 
 will expofe thernfelves, by fo negligent a 
 provision, an eafy prey to the firft power that 
 may think proper to attack them : and this is 
 a misfortune which they quickly mtift ex- 
 perience. But, how often may circumftances 
 float between thefe two extremes, without 
 ever meeting ? it is this which multiplies, in 
 fo great a degree, the nature, and complexion 
 of either the mifery, or the profperity, vifi- 
 ble amongft different nations, and in different 
 ages. 
 
 We (hall give but a fmall number of in- 
 ftances of the various modes in which thefe 
 caufes may act. An ignorant, and flothful 
 people, knowing neither their faculties, nor 
 their wants, may remain in fo annihilating a 
 fituation, as not even to employ, in proper 
 ufes, as much time as might be necefiary to 
 eftabliih them in the pofifefilon of a peaceful* 
 and advantageous life. It may, alfo, happen, 
 that the government, exacting from this 
 people, a certain portion of labour, may ac- 
 cuftom them to activity, and induftry ; and 
 then, the fovereign, by augmenting the 
 number of days in the year, or of hours in 
 the day, which he might exact from the fub- 
 C 2 ject,
 
 5* AN ESSAY ON 
 
 jecl:, would augment, in a fimilar proportion 
 the time which this fubject would employ to 
 his own advantage. 
 
 On the other hand, were a people to exift, 
 who, enjoying a mild, and fruitful climate, 
 and contented with the benefits of 'nature, 
 feel no uneafmefs of defire, we mould pro- 
 nounce this repofe to be one of their chief 
 eflentials ; and ill-concerted muft be that po- 
 licy, which could wifh to add any thing 
 either to the labour which they had referved 
 for private ufes, or that labour which they 
 had deftined for the fervice of the date. 
 
 After all, it may arrive that the ftate may 
 exact too much from the people, without 
 haftening on a national decay : but the bad 
 confequences of this excefs are ftill exifting j 
 and if the fubjeft be not robbed of that which 
 is necefTary to fupport life, at leaft, he is 
 plundered of the means of making that life 
 agreeable. 
 
 May we riot, now, infer that the irrft cafe 
 is naturally applicable to the inhabitants of 
 the temperate climates, and even to the nor- 
 thern nations? that the fecond cafe extends 
 to the fouthern nations, fuch as the Italians, 
 the Greeks, and rh Afiatics ? and that the 
 
 third
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 53 
 
 third cafe refers to almoft every warlike na- 
 tion, inhabiting the centre of Europe. 
 
 Another truth refulting from our prin- 
 ciples, and which we have already (hewn, is, 
 that no net revenue exifts, unlefs it be at all 
 thofe times, whenfoever individuals are ob- 
 liged to work fo long in the fervice of the 
 flate, as ro break in upon thofe hours which 
 they intended to have appropriated to their 
 own private ufes. In ^gypt, for inftance, 
 all the net revenue belonged to the king, to 
 the priefts, and to the foldiers ; for . it is re- 
 markable, that, amongft /this people, there 
 were, ftrictly fpeaking, no owners of lands. 
 The labourers, like the artifans, formed a 
 clafs of mercenaries ; or rather, the firft were 
 reduced to the rank of farmers, as they were 
 only the mere cultivators of thofe lands, 
 which belonged to the three great proprie- 
 taries of ftate. 
 
 That the net revenue of the Egyptians 
 was exceedingly confiderable, will not admit 
 of any doubt ; particularly, if we reflect on 
 the great number of priefts which this nation 
 entertained, and the enormous fums which their 
 kings lavifhed on buildings : exclufive of all 
 this, they had, conftantly, on foot, an army of 
 C 3 four
 
 54 ANES3AYON 
 
 four hundred thoufand men, which will ap- 
 pear the more extravagant, when we recoi- 
 led that Diodorus Siculus eftimaces the po- 
 pulation of jEgypt, in the moil flourifning 
 times, at a rate no higher than the number of 
 leven millions of inhabitants. (i) 
 
 We cannot very well determine whether 
 or no the ^Egyptians had occafion for fuch. a 
 multitude of troops. It appears, only, that 
 this nation was neither engaged in broils, nor 
 in victories, and, therefore, there is every 
 reafon to fuppofe that fo numerous a militia 
 was neceffary to its prefervation. As to the 
 quantity of priefts, which it fupported, we 
 can ftile it nothing but an immoderate fu- 
 perftuity. it was the luxury of ignorance, 
 
 of 
 
 (i) I prefume that a fmall contradiction is in this 
 paflage of Diodorus, for, at the fame time that he only 
 allows feven millions of inhabitants to Egypt, he fays, 
 that this kingdom contains a very great number of 
 villages, and more than eighteen thoufand towns. 
 Now, were we to fuppofe that each town was peopled 
 \vith only a thoufand men, the number of inhabitants 
 would amount to eighteen millions. After this chap- 
 ter had been written, I met with the fame obfervation 
 in a diflertation by Mr. Hume, on the population of 
 ancient nations. I mail, hereafter, have more occa- 
 iions than one, to avail myfelf of this excellent work.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 55 
 
 of all other luxuries the moft detrimental, 
 bccaufe equally incapable of exciting induftry, 
 and producing one agreeable enjoyment. 
 
 Let us, now, endeavour to form an efti- 
 mate of the happinefs which the ^Egyptians 
 might have enjoyed, if, inftead of furnifhing 
 a fubfiftance for fo many prieits, and foldiers, 
 they had employed all their leifure time in 
 procuring the commodities of life : the con- 
 clufion will, too evidently, prove, that war, 
 and fuperftition, have always been the great- 
 eft obftacles to the happinefs of nations. 
 
 It follows alfo, from what we have ad- 
 vanced, that if a nation exifted, which, with- 
 out being poor, produced no net revenue* 
 fuch a nation would be the happieft in the 
 world : its individuals would employ all their 
 leifure time in continually adding to their 
 profperity. But I fhall be aflted, how this 
 nation could be thus happy, if it employed 
 in labour the greateft part of its leifure time : 
 to this I anfwer, that there are particular 
 kinds of labour which add to our welfare : 
 for inflance, had men no cloathing, did they 
 repofe in the open air, they would be very 
 happy by employing a part of their time, in 
 building of houfes, and making of habits: 
 C 4 or
 
 5& . AN ESSAY ON 
 
 or in other words, it would be extremely 
 fortunate for the taylors that there were ma- 
 fons, and for the mafons that there were 
 taylors. In like manner, the individuals, 
 whofe only food had been bread, whofe only 
 liquor had been water, might rejoice over 
 their increafe of labour, if it furnifhed them 
 with the hopes of, one day, eating meat, and 
 drinking wine. 
 
 Thefe principles are fo true, that, were 
 we to read hiftory attentively, we fhould be 
 perpetually induced to apply them. We 
 fhall perceive that, previous to the know- 
 ledge of the arts of procuring conveniencies, 
 which declaimers call, the arts of luxury, in 
 the times, when unpolifhed, or (if it be a 
 more proper phrafe) frugal nations, covered 
 with only a fimple cloak, fubfifted on milk, 
 barley, and lupines :(k) at this period, I fay, 
 
 we 
 
 (k) Afpecies of common bean, much in ufe, amongfl 
 the ancients. 
 
 Protogenes, drawing the picture of Jalyfus, is faid 
 to have taken no other nourifhment than this pulfe, 
 mixed with water, left the fire of his imagination, 
 might be damped by the luxury 'of his food. The 
 truth of this account is immaterial, but the leffon of 
 
 tern-
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 57 
 
 we fhall perceive, that when population was 
 fenfibly increafed, the only remedy known, 
 and in ufe, was the drawing of lots to de- 
 termine which of the individuals mould go 
 and feek his livelihood elfewhere.f/) In faft, 
 how couid this fuperabundant population, 
 thefe new ramifications of families, induce 
 the firft proprietaries of lands to redouble 
 their labour towards furniming the means 
 of their fubfiftance ? It is certain that this 
 could not have happened, unlefs thefe indi- 
 viduals laboured, on their parts, in works 
 capable of exciting the inclinations of the 
 firft inhabitants. 
 
 This, I believe, is the earlieft origin of 
 colonies. Let us prefent to our imagination 
 an unpolifhed people, confifting of ten thou- 
 
 fand 
 
 temperance, which it contains, is not unworthy of the 
 painters notice : without fome exercife of this uncom- 
 mon vertue, even the hand of Reynolds might err, and 
 all the glowing expreflion of Weft, become lifelefs, 
 and infipid. K. 
 
 (I) This policy was very oppofite to the policy of 
 Sir William Petty, who wifhed that, for the advantage 
 of Britain, the inhabitants of Scotland and Ireland 
 might be tranfported into England ; and that, after 
 this, thefe two kingdoms might be fwallowed up by an 
 inundation.
 
 5$ ANESSAYON 
 
 land individuals, who, without any great 
 effort of either care, or labour, cultivate the 
 ground which extends over their domain. 
 Let us fuppofe, farther, that, inftead of an 
 increafe in the population, at the rate of five 
 thousand fouls, the fame number of artifans 
 ihould land, at once, in this country, and, 
 feverally, propofe to furnifo habits, Ihoes, 
 wine, and various utenfils, in exchange for a 
 certain quantity of productions cultivated by 
 the firfl colonifts : can it be doubted that 
 thefe individuals, excited by the defire of ob- 
 taining the conveniencies of life, would re- 
 double their labour to augment their harvefts, 
 and, of courfe, the means of exchange ? 
 thus, the enjoyment of one convenience would 
 lead to the acquifition of another ; new de- 
 fires would follow clofe upon the laft , and 
 the original 0mplicity of drefs, would, at 
 length, break out into an attire as full of or- 
 naments, as the wardrobe of a theatre. 
 
 Such would have been the progrefs of our 
 commerce with America, if, inftead of de- 
 ftroying the unfortunate inhabitants of that 
 extenfive country, we had been fatisfied with 
 civilizing their manners. To thefe rePxections, 
 we may add die obfervation, that more co- 
 lonies
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 59 
 
 lonies might have been founded by republics, 
 than by monarchies. A fovereign will never 
 be at a lofs to find objects of labour, fuffi- 
 cient to employ the whole flower of his 
 people : whereas republics neither erect py- 
 ramids, nor plume themlelves on having 
 planted trees on eminencies that touch the 
 clouds. It even feldom happens that they 
 carry on thofe ufeful, but expenfive works, 
 the accomplimment of which, muft be the 
 joint refult of power, and unanimity. Had 
 Rome been free at that period when flic 
 counted fourfcore thoufand inhabitants, fhe 
 might, perhaps, have founded a colony, in- 
 ftead of building the famous aqueduct, ce- 
 lebrated by the name, " Cloaca magna." It 
 is certain that Tarquin could not have exe- 
 cuted fo great an undertaking, unlefs he had 
 compelled that clafs of citizens, referved fof 
 the employments of Agriculture and trad, 
 to work fo much more than they would Have 
 done, if all the individuals engaged in this 
 enterprize had been difperfed amongft the 
 srtifans and the hulbandmen. (m) 
 
 Let 
 
 (m) It hath been a matter of aftonifhment to many 
 that Rome, at that sera, not only in her infant ftate* 
 
 but
 
 60 ANESSAYON 
 
 Let us, therefore, conclude this digrefiiorrj 
 which is already much too long, by obferving 
 the impoffibility of eftimating the happinefs 
 of the people, in the firft ages of antiquity, 
 by either the frugality of Ibme, or the ex- 
 travagance of others. Their vertue can no 
 more be proved from the great fimplicity of 
 
 their 
 
 but engaged in war, could have conftrudted, in fo 
 fhort a time, this immenfe aquedud. I have been 
 equally furprized at it ; but we may eafily refolve this 
 problem, on our own principles. According to Livy, 
 and Dionyfius Halicarnafleus, the inhabitants of 
 Rome, during the reign of Tarquin, were, in number, 
 eighty thoofand. Recollect the fimplicity, and fru- 
 gality of the ancient Romans, and, then, calculate 
 the number of days in the year, or hours in the day, 
 which an individual was obliged to employ for his 
 own particular ufes. Another method may be, to 
 examine how fmall a number of individuals was need- 
 ful to provide for the neceffities of the reft. A paflage 
 from Dionyfius is a ftill ftronger confirmation of this opi- 
 nion. Romulus, having conquered the Antemnates, 
 and the Ceninians, fent three thoufand to Rome, and 
 thought it fufficient to replace this number with fix 
 hundred men. Hence, it appears that fix hundred 
 men could cultivate as great a quantity of land, as 
 might be requifite to furnifh a fubfiftance for three 
 thoufand. In the colony of Cayenne, the Negroes do 
 not board with their mailers : thefe laft permit them 
 to employ every Saturday in the fortnight, in the cul- 
 tivation of thofe fields from whence they derive their 
 food.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 61 
 
 their manners, than their felicity from the 
 profufion of their mignificence. Through 
 every period, ignorance, defpotifm, war, and 
 fuperftition, have, by turns, plundered man- 
 kind of the advantages with which nature 
 had prefented them. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 i2 ANESSAYON 
 
 CHAP. III. 
 
 On lie middle <era of antiquity and, principally, 
 the Grecian <tra. 
 
 HE fubject of this chapter might in* 
 duce me to lead off, with Milton, and hail 
 the light which I, at length, difcover, after 
 having wandered fo long in darknefs.f^ If 
 I muft, (till, call in hiftory to my afiiftance ; 
 if it be expected that I mould continue to 
 produce a relation of pad events, in fupport 
 of the principles which I have eftablifhed, it 
 will not be neccfiary to confult either the 
 childim ftories of Herodotus, or the fabulous 
 
 traditions 
 
 (n) "Hail, holy light! offspring of heaven, &c. 
 
 Paradife loft, book 3.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 63 
 
 traditions of the poets. I am now armed 
 with the authority of the moil refpe&able 
 authors. I can cite thofe celebrated writers 
 to whom the prefent refined age looks up as 
 models. Thucydides, Xenophon, Diodorus, 
 and Paufanias, at once enlightening each 
 other, have iufficiently paved the way to the 
 difcovery of truth. It is now certain that, 
 whatfoever variations of patriotic zeal, a fu- 
 peiilitious imagination, and, perhaps, too 
 pofitive a flile, might have infufed into their 
 writings, the characters of Darius, Xerxes, 
 Themiftocles, and Ariftides, will defcend to 
 pofterity, as accurately marked, and as eafily 
 diftinguifhable, as the characters of Charks 
 the Fifth, Guftavus, De Witt, and Barnevelt, 
 As Toon as we approach the Median war, but 
 more particularly, the war of Peloponnefus, 
 the veil of antiquity feems to withdraw itfelf, 
 and the light of hiftory beams, all at once, over 
 the pad ages. At the very name of Greece, 
 enthufiafm becomes awake, and prefents to 
 our ideas a picture of vertue, courage, dif- 
 intereftednefs, and aufterity of manners, unit- 
 ed with perfection throughout the arts ; all 
 the delicacy of tafte, and all the refinements 
 of pleafure: fo capable is admiration of join- 
 ing
 
 64 ANESSAYON 
 
 ing fuch oppoiite extremes ! As for us, 
 having propofed to ourfelves, when we un- 
 dertook this work, no other object but the 
 welfare of humanity, we mall reft contented 
 with referring all to this fingle confideration : 
 it is on this, only, that we mall ground our 
 commendations, and our cenfures. 
 
 Some citizens are aflbciated, in deference 
 to the advice of a brave and enterprizing 
 man.(0) Shortly afterwards magnificent build- 
 ings arife, the feas are covered with innu- 
 merable fleets, and the great King is infulted, 
 attacked, and repulfed. Many rich and flou- 
 riming iflands, together with a very confider- 
 able extent of coafts, are made tributary : 
 Athens, the amiable, the fplendid Athens, 
 rifes upon the ruins of barbarifm, and its for- 
 midable ramparts feem only deftined to afford 
 a fancluary to genius and the arts. 
 
 On the other fide, an individual, whofe 
 ardour was vehement, whofe difcernment 
 was profound, and, whofe difpofition was 
 auftere, conceives a project to reform the 
 government of his country. Animated with 
 
 a fpirit 
 
 (a) This was Thefeus, who, firft, aflembled at 
 Athens, the people before difperfed through Attica.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 65 
 
 a fpirit of patriotifm, he contrives and exe- 
 cutes the extroardinary plan of immortalizing 
 this enthufiafm, by perpetuating it, from 
 race to race. The- haughty Sparta erects her 
 brazen front againft all Greece, and takes up 
 arms, with a determination to quit them no 
 more. 
 
 What memorable exploits have fignalized 
 the infancy of thefe republics ! Marathon, 
 Platea, Salamina, and the Micelse, announc- 
 ed their future grandeur. In vain, did fe- 
 venteen hundred thoufand men land in 
 Greece : there remain two cities : but what 
 do I fay ? there remains only one : for Athens 
 is annihilated, or exifts but on the waves. 
 Xerxes is, notwithstanding, put to flight, and 
 purfued even to another continent. 
 
 What valuable and (acred bonds muft have 
 united thefe republics, which had been equal 
 fharers in enterprizes fo glorious ! Tyranny 
 muft difappear from every quarter , an in- 
 violable aflbciation muft conned all the 
 members of Greece, to thefe two revered 
 heads, and peace muft flourim amidft the 
 defenders of liberty. 
 
 It is, here, that we are obliged to change 
 our language, and caft a fecond glance upon 
 
 VOL. I. D the
 
 65 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 the feme objects. Shall we not, on a clofcr 
 examination, perceive in the republic of 
 Athens, an ill-difpofed populace, vain, fri- 
 volous, ambition?, jealous intereflecl, inca- 
 pable of marking out a proper conducl for 
 themfelves, and grudging their chiefs that 
 fortune which they fhared with them : full 
 cf fagacity in their difcufilons, but deprived 
 of it, when it is necefiary to determine : bi- 
 gotted to an idle eloquence, always ready to 
 abandon the depths of argument, for empty 
 forms, and give the found of words a pre- 
 ference to reafon : unjuil to their allies, un- 
 grateful to their chiefs, and cruel to their 
 enemies ? . . . On the other fide, if we turn 
 our examination upon the Spartans, and fcru- 
 tinize them more attentively, inftead of per- 
 ceiving the celebrated mafterpiece of mora- 
 lity, and politics, we fhall be at a lofs how- 
 to defcribe them. x\re they a nation ? yet they 
 cultivate no l,ind -, they cleipife its produce, 
 and claim a merit from difpenfing with it, as 
 much as poffible. Are they a fociety ? yet 
 the ties of families, of marriage, of parent- 
 age, of love, and of friendfhip are entirely 
 unknown to them. The bonds which join 
 the women to their hufbands, are precarious, 
 
 and
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 67 
 
 and uncertain : the children do not belong 
 to their own fathers : nature is fentenced to 
 be filcnt. Only one imperious voice is heard. 
 The country expects, claims, and pofiefies 
 every thing ; and yet it neither gives, nor 
 offers, nor promiies any thing. What then 
 is Sparta ? an army always under arms ; if it 
 be not, rather, one vaft monaftery. In fact, 
 when we obferve, on the one hand, their 
 continual exercifes, their mock fights, and 
 their abfolute renunciation of arts, agricul- 
 ture, and commerce -, and, on the other 
 hand, their ievere diiciplines, their macera- 
 tions, their refectories, and their public ce- 
 remonies, we mail be inclined to fuppofe 
 ourfclves, at one moment, in the fortrefs of 
 of Spandaw, and at another, in the convents 
 of the Camaldulians.C/)j What heart, un- 
 D 2 lefs 
 
 (p) The Camaldulians form a religious order, in- 
 ftituted by St. Romauld, and take their name from a 
 fmall plain, called Camaldali, on the mount Apennine, 
 in the ilate of Florence. At firft, the cells of thefe 
 devotees were frparate, nor did they ever meet but at 
 the hour of public prayer. They, annually, obferved 
 an inviolable filence, cither duriig Lent, cr the fpace 
 of one hundred days. Twice cnly in the week, they 
 quitted their fare of bread and water, to feaft on herbs. 
 
 Their
 
 68 ANESSAYON 
 
 lefs it were defended by the three-fold fhield 
 of erudition, but would fhudder with as 
 much terror, at the recital of the Lacede- 
 monian manners, as at that of the feverities, 
 practifed by the Fakirs, (q) and Jammaboes?(r) 
 
 Already, 
 
 Their aufterities have been lately mitigated by new 
 regulations, and as this hermitage is now becoming 
 rich, perhaps its inhabitants may foften, by degrees, 
 into fornething like men ofthewoi'ld. The founders 
 of thefe fefts were equally ignorant of human nature, 
 and its all-bounteous Lord. Whatever fuperftition, 
 and the extravagancies of religion may advance, it is 
 ccjtain that the creature, who flies without reluftance 
 from fociety, is more than contemptible; and it is pro- 
 bable, that to the Creator, the rational enjoyment of 
 every thing which he hath given us, is not the leaft ac- 
 ceptable acl; of thankfgiving. K. 
 
 (q) The mortifications of thefe oriental Monks ex- 
 ceed all belief. Some cut their bodies with knives; 
 others remain, a whole life-time, in one pofture. It 
 hath been faid that the number of Fakirs in India, 
 amounts to more than two millions. K. 
 
 (r) " The Jammaboes are Japonefe hermits, divided 
 into two orders; the order of Tofanfa, and the order 
 of Fonfanfa. The Jammaboes of the firft order are 
 obliged to climb up the dangerous fides of the moun- 
 tain Fikoofan, once, in the courfe of each year. It is 
 ridiculoufly, and perhaps artfully aflerted, that fuch 
 as afcend it, in a ftate of impurity, are feized with 
 madnefs. The Jammaboes of the fecond order, have, 
 alfo, their mountain, towhcfe top they muft, annually 
 
 clamber;
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 69 
 
 Already, I fcem to hear many voices raifed 
 againft me, and oppofing to my obfervations, 
 the power, and the duration of this republic. 
 They dwell, alib, on the circumflances of 
 its having triumphed, firft, over the Ferfians, 
 and afterwards, over all the Greeks. It is 
 true, that they do not inform me, that the 
 Athenians alone decided the fuccefs of the 
 Median war, by the victory at Marathon/jJ 
 a victory, of which a vain pretext, extreme- 
 ly fufpicious on a fimilar occafion, deprived 
 the Lacedemonians. They do not add, that 
 they were, by turns, vanquifhed by all the 
 people of Greece ; and even by thofe the- lead 
 celebrated ; to begin, for inftance, with the 
 D 3 Mefllnians, 
 
 clamber ; and here too, the raih adventurer muft ex- 
 pedt to be darned to pieces, if not free from all conta- 
 mination. Their food confifts of herbs, and water; 
 they praclife the moft fevere aufterities, and impu- 
 dently boail that they are great adepts in magic : the 
 multitude, too ftupid to deteft the tricks of thefe re- 
 ligious juglers, have contributed not a little to fupport 
 their pretenfions, to the power of working mira 
 cles." K. 
 
 (s) It may be objected that this vidlory was no in- 
 terruption to the feccnd expedition of the Perfians : 
 but would the Greeks have gained the battle of Pla- 
 tasa, if they had not felt that confidence which their 
 Hrlt fuceeis infpired ?
 
 yo ANESSAYON 
 
 Meffinians, and end with the Thebans.f/J 
 They are cautious of confcfling, that it was 
 with the fuccou'rs and the treafure of the 
 Perfians, that they accomplished theconqucft 
 of the Athenians, their ancient allies. But 
 when it fhall have been proved, that Sparta 
 was indebted to its constitution alone., for all 
 its fplehdor, and length of existence, will it 
 
 follow 
 
 (t) The war waged by the Lacedemonians, again ft 
 the Ilctes, and the Meiilnians lailcd more than ten 
 years, with equal advantages to each party. Never - 
 thelefs, the Meffinians were not Monks of the reformed 
 order of Lycurgus. Thucydides (b. i,) relates that the 
 llotes having fied to Ithomus, the Lacedemonians were 
 compelled to avail themfelves of the afliilance of the 
 Athenians before they could take this place. In the 
 famous war of Peloponnefus, the Spartans were defea- 
 ted at the fame time, on land, and at fea, by Alcibi- 
 ades. On another oceafion, forty-feven of their gal- 
 lies were at rirft compelled to fheer off, and afterwards, 
 difperfed by Phormio, the Athenian, who commanded 
 only twenty gallies. In like manner, Thrafibulus 
 overcame Callicratidas who commanded the Spartan 
 fieet. No one is ignorant of their total defeat at 
 Leuftra, and Mantinea ; and that if Epaminondas hs-d 
 furvived his laft victory, Sparta had been ruined. Do 
 they who magnify fb greatly the advantages which the 
 Spartans gained over the Athenians, towards the 
 conclusion of the Peloponneftan war, recoiled, that in
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 71 
 
 follow that fuch a conftitution could have 
 merited the approbation of an enlightened 
 and philofophical age r if it hath not ren- 
 dered men either more vertuous, or (\\hat is 
 much the fame) more happy : if it hath not 
 confirmed the felicity, either of Sparta her- 
 D 4 felf, 
 
 the courfe of this war, the former adopted the humi- 
 liating expedient of fending embaffadora to the latter 
 to fue for peace. And that even one of there embaf- 
 fadors had the meannefs to confefs, that nothing but 
 a fubfidy from the king of Peril a, enabled his coun- 
 trymen to carry on the war. (See Diod. Sic.) It evi- 
 dently appears, that the faccefs of Sparta, in the war 
 of Peloponnefus, may be attributed to thefe three 
 caufes: the plague at Athens, the expedition to Sicily, 
 and the affiftance of the Perfians. Now I fee no af- 
 finity between thefe three caufes, and the refectories 
 of Lycurgus. The injultice which reigned in the po- 
 licy of Sparta, was a circumilance fo well known amongfl 
 the Greeks, that Polybius, endeavouring to paint the 
 Etolians in the moil odious light, as guilty of in- 
 fractions in their treaties, compares them to the Lace- 
 demonians ; he quotes, on this occafion, two incidents, 
 by which they may be better known. Phebidas (fays he) 
 having made his entry, tre:icheroufly, into the city of 
 Tliebes, and become poffcfTed of it,- the Lacedemo- 
 nions punifned the author of the confpiracy, but left 
 a garrifon in the place. After having proclaimed that 
 they reilored all the Grecian cities to their libt-rty, 
 they appointed over them, every one of the governors 
 whom they had before fettled, there.
 
 72 ANESSAYON 
 
 ielf, or of her neighbours, fhall we be itiil 
 fo blind as to lavilh upon it fuch enthufiaftic 
 admiration, and that en the mere credit of 
 Xenophcn and Plutarch ? If it be alledged 
 that the Spartans were happy, in-fpiteof their 
 poverty, and feverity of manners, it may be 
 anfwered, that the inclination which the 
 greater part of their magiftrates felt, to pof- 
 fefs riches, and honours, is a proof that they 
 only defpifed them, in proportion to their 
 being ignorant of them. Obferve a Paufa- 
 fanias(#j felling his country to the tyrant, 
 
 over 
 
 (a) The prefents, and the promifes of the king of 
 Perjia were irrefiftable temptations to Paufanias, al- 
 ready di(gufted at the behaviour of the allies. Not fa- 
 tisfied with having betrayed the Lacedemonian interefls, 
 he afpired to the fovereignty of Greece. The Epbori, 
 jealous of his ambitious projects, recalled him. Con- 
 vincing proofs were as yet wanting againll a man, 
 whofe conduft was violently tainted by the breath of 
 fufpicion. At length, the Spartans were relieved from 
 this fufpence, by the evidence of a flave, who produced 
 a letter which he had received from Paufanias, with 
 orders to deliver it to Artabax.es. The criminal, thus 
 detected, took refuge in the temple of Minerva. The 
 door was blocked up, whilft his mother, a female Brutus, 
 affifted in the punilhment of an unworthy fon, and 
 brought the firft ftone, to prevent his flight : in this 
 confinement, Paufanias was llarved to death. K.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 73 
 
 over whom he had lately triumphed ; and 
 felling it, even in the very moment, when 
 he was intoxicated with fuccefs at Platea. 
 Behold a Lyfander bargaining with the go- 
 vernors of the Perfian provinces, for the fate 
 of Sparta, and of Athens : a Gylippus,(X) 
 who robs his general, and, at once, reveals 
 to his countrymen, the treafure and the theft. 
 Such were thefe citizens ; at home, humble 
 and fubmiffive; abroad, arrogant, ambitious 
 and tyrannical ; in thefe refpects, like bold, 
 intriguing monks, who, after having 'over- 
 thrown provinces, and even ' whole ilates, 
 perceive themfelves compelled to retire again 
 within their cloifters, where, in filent indig- 
 nation, they bend beneath the laws of obe- 
 
 dience^and aufterity. 
 What 
 
 (x~) Lyfander, who had received prefems, in return 
 for promifes, which he never intended to perform, en- 
 trulled to Gylippus, the care of conveying to Sparta, 
 the treafures which had been collected, during the 
 campaign, and which amounted to fifteen hundred ta- 
 lents, exclufive of the crowns of gold, given by the 
 different cities. Gylippus unripped the facks, at the 
 bottom, dole three hundred talents, and then, having 
 very dexteroufly fown up the openings, concluded that 
 it muft be difficult to detefthim ; he was millaken : the 
 written accounts of the enclofed money were concealed. 
 \\ithin each fack, and betrayed his treachery. To avoid 
 death, he fled into exile. K.
 
 74 
 
 What hath been already advanced, may 
 ferve to afcertain the vertue of the Lacedema- 
 nians. On this occafion, one might fafely 
 appeal to their admirers, who have never yet 
 been able to difguife from us, that inhuma- 
 nity Ib confpicuous and univerfal amongft this 
 people, and of which no other country fur- 
 niPned an example. 
 
 > We wiih that it were poffible to conceal 
 the exiftence of a government, fo ferocious, 
 as to have judged it proper to have treated 
 men, as they would have treated lavage 
 animals, whom it might be necefiary to dt> 
 itroy, as often as they multiplied too fad. 
 As we practice the hunting of flags, and 
 wild boars, fo, the Spartans fent their young 
 men to the chace of the Ilotes. When thcie 
 unfortunate wretches became fufficiently nu- 
 merous to <nve uneafmefs to their mailers, 
 
 O 
 
 all kinds of ambufcades were placed to en- 
 Ihare them ; their alTailants concealed them- 
 t felves, at one time, behind the thickets, and 
 at another time, taking the advantage of the 
 night, they traverfed the country, and, mur- 
 dered every individual whom they met, in- 
 capable of defending himfelf. What renders 
 this cuflom frill more h:;rrid, is, that it was 
 
 not
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 75 
 
 not the mere rcfult of an act of momentary 
 fury, but of formal habir, and bore the 
 name of "Krxptia" from the Greek word 
 Kp<r1, to hide ones felf. At the relation of 
 iuch mocking circnmftances, the pen drops 
 from my hand -, but my indignation is lefs 
 directed againfl the Spartans, than againft 
 thole authors who have, coldly, tranfmitted 
 to us, the detail of thefe execrable facts, 
 and, cornplaifantly, expatiated on the praifes 
 of the barbarous people, who committed 
 them. Hence, I have been induced to think 
 that hiitory, thus written, may become too 
 dangerous to be perufed by youth, in ge- 
 neral, and by young princes, in particular. 
 It ieems a kind of high treafcn aoairift hu- 
 
 O O 
 
 rr.anity, to mention iuch atrocious facts, 
 without invoking pofterity to turn from 
 them, with horror. 
 
 After iuch inftances, it would be needlefs 
 to dwell upon the bafe, and groundlefs 
 jealoufy, which, towards the clofe pf the 
 Median war, provoked the Spartans to hinder 
 the Athenians from building their walls-, or 
 to relate the fnares prepared for the immortal 
 Themiilccles ; the maffacre of the Athenian 
 Greeks, or the allies of Athens, at the open- 
 
 ing
 
 7 6 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 ing of the Peloponnefian war ; and their ad- 
 vifing the people of Syracufe to put to the 
 iword all that Athenian army, which had 
 been forced to furrender themfelves prifoners. 
 
 Such was the virtue of Sparta ; and fuch 
 was the morality of that republic, which be- 
 came an example to Greece, and which hath 
 been fo often propofed as an example to our 
 corrupted ages. O philofophy ! O reafon ! 
 O humanity ! fhall the man of learning, and 
 the politician, at no period g be introduced to 
 your acquaintance ? 
 
 It were to be wilhed, at lead, that the con- 
 duct of the other Grecians, had been contrafl- 
 ed with the conduct of the Lacedemonians : 
 but it cannot be denied that humanity was a 
 vertue to which thefe people, in general, were 
 Grangers. In vain did learning, and the arts 
 arrive to fix their abode at Athens. The de- 
 crees ififued againft Mitylene, and the in- 
 habitants of Sicyon, are fuch monuments of 
 cruelty, as fufficiently prove the fuperiority 
 of our modern philofophy, over that which 
 could accomodate itfelf to fuch abominations. 
 It is beyond difpute that their articles of war 
 permitted the putting of prifoners to death. 
 The Corynthians, the Corcyrians, and the 
 
 other
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 77 
 
 other people of Greece, to be lefs celebrated, 
 were not lefs cruel than the Spartans, and 
 Athenians. (y) In fhort, we are obliged to 
 confefs that what is called the fine age of 
 Greece, was a fcene of torture, and punifh- 
 ment, inflicted on humanity. 
 
 Let us, now, haften to obviate the dif- 
 agreeable conclufions, which may be drawn 
 from fuch a confeflion. Is it poffibie, then, 
 (it will be faid) that this aera, enlarged on 
 with fuch expreffions of horror, can be any 
 other, than the asra of the fine arts, and po- 
 lite literature ?(z) If, as the human under- 
 flanding became enlightened, the depravity 
 of the heart increafed, what hope have we 
 
 from 
 
 (y) At the beginning of the war of Epidaurus, the 
 Corcyrians, after an advantage gained over their allies, 
 the Corynthians, put all fuch prifoners, as had not 
 been born in Greece, to the fword. 
 
 (z) I have been fo unfamionable as to reject the ex- 
 preffion " belles lettres" which hath been naturalized in 
 our tongue as early as in the time of Addifon, if not 
 earlier. 'The exaflnefs of the other, is to admit of Something 
 like difcourfc, efpeciaily in <vuhat regards the belles lettres, 
 .... Tatler. Perhaps, I have not rendered the original 
 into a term equally fignificant, but I fee, with indig- 
 nation our excellent language, too often deviating to- 
 wards a Gallic phrafeology, and that I might avoid it, 
 have ufed every freedom of conflruclion allowable in 
 the fidelity of tranflation. K.
 
 7 8 ANESSAYON 
 
 from the prefent and the future ages? what 
 relation then doth the progrefs of the mind, 
 bear to the augmentation of public happinefs ? 
 Here, a croud of anfwers pour in, at once, 
 upon me : I am puzzled, either how to chufe, 
 or in what manner to digeft them. Let me, 
 however, begin by aflerting that the human 
 underftanding proceeds at a (low, and gra- 
 dual pace. Its infancy is employed in the 
 cultivation of painting, fculpture, and ar- 
 chitecture, which we may call the agreeable 
 arts; and in the fludy, and profeffion of po- 
 etry, and mufic, which we may ftile an ex- 
 ertion of frivolous talents. A tafte for dif- 
 cuffion follows at fome diftance, and is at- 
 tended by a fubtilty of reafoning, a fpirit of 
 controverfy, and a Logomachia \(a) till, all 
 opinions becoming equally falfe, and equally 
 fpecious, reafon, fatigued with floating in un- 
 certaintYj embraces the fide of doubt, and 
 
 ex- 
 
 (a) Thefe diale&ical fubtllties are, facetioufly, ri- 
 diculed by Lucian, who, after having obfeived that 
 tlie Sopliifts fapportei their opinions fo well, that they 
 were perpetually crying out either yes, or no, as they 
 affirmed, or denied, adds that they may be compared to 
 eepers, in a carriage, whofe wavering heads feemj 
 by turns, to nod in contradi^flion, and with client.
 
 F V B L I C HAPPINESS. 79 
 
 experiment, and thus forms, by little, and 
 little, the true, and (if one may ib call it) 
 the laft philofophy. 
 
 I, now, apply this principle, and examine 
 what progrefs philofophy, and politics have 
 made amono-ft the Greeks. A judgement 
 
 o ^ o 
 
 may be formed of philofophy, by adopting 
 two methods : the firft method is to examine 
 it, as in itfelf; and the fecond method is to 
 obferve the alterations which it hath produced 
 in the manners of the people. 
 
 It is well known that, before the time of 
 Socrates, philofophy had abfolutcly neglected 
 morality, to indulge itfelf in the empty fyf- 
 tems of cofmogony, and theogony \(b) (c) 
 
 and 
 
 (b) Socrates boafted of having occasioned philo- 
 fophy to defcend from Heaven, where Ihe had been 
 confined, and give him her hand that he might lead. 
 her back to earth. It mult be confefTed. that, then at 
 leaft, (he fat out upon an idle journey. She might, 
 certainly, have been more ufeful, not only when iitu- 
 ated in Heaven, where me might have difcovered the 
 planetary fyftem; but when above the furface of the 
 earth, where, by dint of obfervation, fhe might doubt- 
 lefs, have acquired a knowledge of feme pbyfical 
 truths, more ufefui to meri, than all the morality of 
 Plato : and, here, it may be remarked, that mere 
 errors than might be, at firft, fufpefted, derived their 
 
 fource
 
 80 ANESSAYON 
 
 and that, even, when the fcholaftic tafce was 
 veering round to the ftudy of morality, this 
 fcience ftill retained much of its predominant 
 fpirit, nor ever became fixed upon a folid bafis. 
 But were we to judge of caufes, by their ef- 
 fects, could we Rile that people philofophical, 
 whofe individuals were addicted to the mod 
 extravagant fuperftition \(d) who were not 
 
 cruel 
 
 fource from an ignorance of phyfics ; and that it is 
 impoffible but that, in the long run, a good phyfical 
 fyftem muft introduce a good philofophical fyftem. 
 
 (c) The Greeks were engaged in feveral wars, on 
 a religious account, before the war of Peloponnefus- 
 One of thefe wars, and the Perfianwar, undertaken by- 
 Philip of Macedon, pointed to much the fame ob- 
 jects. 
 
 . (d) It is exceedingly ridiculous to obfer\ r e Sparta, 
 and Athens, at the beginning of the Peloponnelian 
 war, ready to conteft, even with violence, for the firft 
 rank, and the government of Greece, and opening 
 their debates with mutual, and childilh reproaches, 
 on account of pretended acts of profanation. Efchines, 
 in his harangue againft Ctefipho, relate?, alfo, that, 
 in the time of Solon , the Acrogallides, and the Sy- 
 rians, having profaned the Delphic temple, the oracle 
 diretiled that a war mould be waged againft thefe 
 people, that they mould be reduced to flavery; and 
 that their lands fliould be confecrated to Apollo, 
 Diana, Latona, and Minerva : by the advice of Solon, 
 all this was executed.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 81 
 
 cruel to their enemies, alone, but ftill more 
 lo to thofe whom fortune had thrown within 
 their power j and who, infenfible to the be- 
 nefits of nature, and all their proper ufes, 
 placed their whole happinefs in glory, and 
 their whole glory in war ? no, if wifdom be the 
 arc of living in felicity-, and if (as its name im- 
 ports) philofophy be, truly, the love of wif- 
 dom, then, the Greeks never were philofophers. 
 
 Nothing, now, remains but the fcience of 
 politics : to ftrip thefe celebrated republicans 
 of their pretenfions to this fcience, doth not, 
 at the firft glance, appear an eafy talk. Yet, 
 even under the poflibility of being accufed of 
 having rifqued a ram opinion, we Ihall not 
 fcruple to advance, that their knowledge of 
 politics was exceedingly imperfect, and much 
 like that which they had formed of morality, 
 and philofophy. It will not be difficult to 
 prove this, whether we confider their fyftem 
 of politics, in its general relation to the na- 
 tions amongft themielves, or in its more dif- 
 tinct relation to the particular government of 
 each people. The firft point of view pre- 
 fents to us, the Greeks, rafli, and inconfide- 
 rate ; relinquifhing the project of a necefTary 
 confederacy, almoft as foon as they had form- 
 
 VOL. I. E ed
 
 8i ANESSAYON 
 
 cd it ; eftablifhing a fpirlt of tyranny, and 
 usurpation, in the two chief republics, with- 
 out fixing any equal balance of power, in the 
 reft : Sparta, and Athens, ambitious without 
 principle, confining all their politics, the one, 
 within the forcible eftablifhment of an Oli- 
 garchy,^ and the other, within a no lefs 
 violently conducted introduction of Demo- 
 cracy ; the firft, in fhort, fo forgetful of 
 j Lift ice, and her real interefts, as to have re- 
 courfeto the king of Perfia, and, thus, avail 
 herfelf of an enemy to injure her allies. If 
 we, next, examine that interior fyftem of po- 
 litics, which determines on the form of the 
 
 go- 
 
 (c) Sparta not contented with having eflablifhed Oli- 
 garchy, in preference to Democracy, hath incurred 
 the indelible, and infamous reproach, entailed on all 
 advocates for tyranny. Witnefs the thirty tyrants of 
 Athens, and the protection which fhe granted to Dio- 
 nyfius the tyrant againfl the people of Syracufe. It 
 muft be added that we are far from being the fole ac- 
 cufers of this republick, for having promulgated the 
 iirft principles of a policy fo pernicious to humanity. 
 Salluft hath long fince given us the example. " Poftea 
 vero quam in Afia Cyrus, in Graecia Lacedemonii, 
 atque Athenienfes coepere urbes atque nationes fubigere, 
 libidinem dominandi caufam belli habere, maximam. 
 gloriam in maximo imperio putare, &c. ... in Catil.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 83 
 
 government, we mall perceive that, here, as 
 in all other things, the Greeks manifefted a 
 greater fhare of fpirit, than reafon. And yet, 
 whatever liberties we may have taken with 
 the Spartans, we cannot, poffibly, pronounce 
 the name of Lycurgus, without offering a 
 tribute of admiration to the fagacity of his 
 mind, and the extent of his genius. It is 
 not to be denied, but that his laws were con- 
 ceived in an uncommon depth of thought, 
 and that a very fingular unity pervaded every 
 part of his plan. But was his project a rea 
 fonable project ? I pals over in filence > 
 that particular idea of making, entirely, 
 a people of foldiers, and I allow that the 
 Spartans fhould have been as regularly 
 brought up to the profefiion of arms, as 
 Emilius, to that of a carpenter ; but if, to 
 fix the maintenance of liberty, defennve 
 wars, only, were undertaken, would it not 
 have followed that fooner, or later, having 
 neither walls, nor firong holds, they muft 
 have been as effectually fubdued, as they 
 concluded themfelves to be, after the battle 
 of Leuctra ? If their courage, and difcipline 
 enfured to them no decifive advantages, there 
 muft have arifen an abfolute certainty, that, 
 E 2 with
 
 84 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 with the nature of their conquefts, their 
 fpirit muft have, alfo, varied , and that, by 
 degrees, they muft have afTumed the man- 
 ners, and the vices of the people, whom they 
 had fubdued ?(/) might they not, alfo, have 
 forefeen, that, at fome future period, the 
 new improvements in the military art, would 
 render money as necefiary as valor towards 
 the fupport of war. Was it natural, in this 
 
 cafe, 
 
 (f) I mall have more occafions than one to remark, 
 that, a ftate of eafe, and tranquility, a rich fyftem of 
 agriculture, and an active induftry, are the goals to 
 which every ftate directs its courfe : for this reafon, 
 I have ventured to compare the greater part of our le- 
 giflators, to thofe fenfible perfons, who, having met 
 a troop of men, upon the road, gave them the mofl 
 excellent directions in what manner to conduct them- 
 felves on their way ; but as they had made no provi- 
 fions either againft their arrival, or to accomplifh their 
 efUblimment, this multitude, having reached the end 
 of their journey, perceive themfelves entirely difccncer- 
 ted, and equally unable either to fix their relidence, 
 or to return. 
 
 Such, perhaps, at prefent, is the fate of the Engliih 
 colonies. In this refpect, Locke was the wifeft, and 
 Lycurgus the mod rafli of all the legiflators. The former 
 ftipulated that his laws for the province of Penfylva- 
 nia, fhould only remain in force during one hundred 
 vears ; and the latter is faid to have facrificed his life 
 in the attempt to render his decrees immortal.
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 85 
 
 cafe, for Lycurgns to fuppole that his repub- 
 lic fhould receive their pay, as foldiers, 
 from thofe tyrants who were the enemies of 
 Greece ? In other refpects, fhould not the 
 great difference between the feverity of the 
 difcipline at Sparta, and the eafe enjoyed at 
 the camp ; the infignificance of thefe kings, 
 in times of peace, and their unlimited confe- 
 quence during the war, have operated as 
 reafons for involving the republic in difficult 
 and dangerous battles, threatening to ter- 
 minate in either their deftrudlion, or their 
 flavery ? if it be objected to me, that the 
 laws of Lycurgus preferved their force, 
 through a term of more than fix hundred 
 years, my reply is, that the neighbours of 
 Sparta were for a very long fpace of time, ill 
 inftructed, and badly governed j nor is this 
 inftance more fingular than that inftance fo 
 evident amongft the Iroquois, and feveral 
 other American nations, who have long ex- 
 ifted under the fame laws. The really flou- 
 rilhing ftate of Athens began not till after the 
 clofe of the Median war, and from this 
 epoch, to the battle of Leuftra, little more 
 than one hundred years are fuppofed to have 
 clapfed. The Thebans, who imagined that, 
 E 3 by
 
 86 ANESSAYON 
 
 by the fuccefs of this a&ion, they fhould 
 have deftroyed the Spartans, to all intents, 
 and purpofes, had been diftinguifhed at the 
 opening of the former wars of Greece, only, 
 by the contempt which they had drawn upon 
 themfelves, in the Median war. The battle 
 of Mantinea, and the univerfal conqueft of 
 Greece, by Philip, and Alexander his fuccef- 
 for, may be comprized almoft within the 
 fpace of twenty years ; fo that the event ra- 
 ther condemns, than juftifies the conftitu- 
 tion of the Lacedemonians: and here, indeed, 
 the event fell, as it might have been ex- 
 pected to fall, on individuals whofe confti- 
 tution was calculated to ftartle their nature, 
 but not to convince their underftanding.f^) 
 It is unnecefiary to take any great pains,, 
 to prove that the government of Athens was 
 corrupt. Every one hath read the works of 
 Demofthenes, and Thucydides; two cele- 
 brated 
 
 (g) It may be proper to cbferve what Polybius 
 (b. 6.) hath remarked concerning the republics of 
 Sparta, and of Rome. He proves, that the laws of 
 Lycurgas were but ill fuued to the aggrandizement of 
 the republic, however they might appear to tend, all, 
 to that point ; whereas the Romans might have en- 
 creafed their grandeur, by adhering, merely* to the 
 
 principles
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 87 
 
 braced Athenians, who have, with fuch ac- 
 curacy, tranfmitted to us a picture of the 
 manners of their country, and who have 
 equally, excelled ; Demoithenes by the force, 
 and Thucydides by the truth of his colour- 
 ings. 
 
 Jt appears, in general, that the govern- 
 ment of Athens was never in any very great 
 repute. What, in fad, fignified the fenate 
 compofed of four hundred perfons, and that 
 mixture of Ariftocracy, and Democracy, 
 which eftablimed diftinctions in properties, 
 without reducing them to the ftandard of 
 their influence over public affairs ? for, in the 
 laft refource, every thing was referred to a 
 populace, whom they could affemble, and 
 harangue without form, and without precau- 
 tion. 
 
 There will be no occafion to mention 
 
 the other Hates of Greece. It is fufficient 
 
 4 to 
 
 principles of their conftitution. Thus, only, can we 
 judge of ancient governments : if, folely, their power, 
 and not the happinefs of individuals, became the ob- 
 je6t of their views, they mail be condemned, as often 
 as they appear to have referved to themfelv.es, a prin- 
 ciple, which contradiiled the end, which, they hud 
 intended to accomplifh.
 
 88 ANESSAYON 
 
 to obferve that their government was re- 
 duced either to a tyrannical oligarchy, or to 
 a tumultuous democracy, each of which de- 
 generated into two factions ; the faction of 
 the great, and the faction of the inferior ranks 
 of people ; the faction of the populace, and 
 the faction of the opulent. 
 
 Were we not apprehenfive of anticipating 
 the reflections which we muft referve for the 
 conclufion of the work, it would be no un- 
 pleafing tafk, to reft a little over the com- 
 parifon of modern republics, to the antient 
 republics. What fubjects, for admiration, 
 fhould we not difcover in that wifdom which 
 prefides over the federal governments of 
 Switzerland, and of Holland ! how muft we 
 applaud their permanence, and, particularly, 
 the heroifm which founded them ! an he- 
 roifm, at once, calculated to excite intereft, 
 and admiration, fmce it nouriihes, and pro- 
 tects the moft natural fentiments , the love 
 of our properties, the defire of living with 
 our wives, of educating our children, of 
 cultivating our fields, and of worfhipping 
 our God with fuch a mode of homage, as 
 may be the moft pleafing, and the molt 
 
 iuitable. 
 
 But
 
 PVBLIC- HAPPINESS. 89 
 
 But the admirers of antiquity will fay : We 
 freely permit you to lead us, from argument 
 to argument, until the Greeks mall have 
 been ftripped of thofe two advantages, the 
 poffeffion of which hath hitherto, particu- 
 larly, redounded to their repuation : what fo- 
 phiftry, however, can be fufficiently fpecious 
 to perfuade us, that this people excelled not 
 in poetry, eloquence, painting, and archi- 
 'tecture ? If you cannot deprive them of the 
 credit of having enjoyed thefe accomplim- 
 ments, are you firmly rooted in the belief 
 that they have not equally excelled in thole 
 other particulars, a fuppofed defect in which 
 hath drawn from you this thonghtlefs con- 
 demnation ? 
 
 This argument would, doubtlefs, carry 
 fome weight with it, were it to be judged of, 
 only, at firft fight : but it will fall, at once, 
 on the alignment of the reafon, why the 
 perfection of the fine arts ought to have pre- 
 ceded, at a confiderable diftance, the ac- 
 complimments of the rational Iciences. This 
 object might, of itfelf, furnifh matter fuffi- 
 cient for a differtation, but, in this place, 
 it is only necefiary to obferve ; firft, that 
 the lefs inftructed the people are, the more 
 
 the
 
 9 o ANESSAYON 
 
 the imagination is liable to become poetical 5 
 and that, probably, a multitude of barbarous 
 nations have only wanted a fine language, 
 and more celebrity, to have been capable of 
 tranfmitting to us, poetical compofitions, 
 like thofe of the Greeks : witnefs the poems 
 in the Erfe language/^ thofe of the Scan- 
 dinavians, &c. Secondly that it is exceed- 
 ingly natural that eloquence mould floi.rifti 
 in the midft of a people governed by orators. 
 In fact, this art was fo dependant on the 
 particular nature of the government, that 
 it was driven forward to its perfection, at 
 Athens, and abfolutely unknown at Sparta. 
 Thirdly, that the exceflive fuperftition of the 
 Greeks, having induced them to build fe- 
 veral temples, and to fpare no expence in 
 thefe particulars, the architecture of the out- 
 ward 
 
 (b) Let the philofophical literati folve this problem. 
 Why do the poems in the Erfe language breathe the 
 nobleft, and fublimeft fentiments ; the fentiments of 
 love, glory, honour, a veneration of anceftry, patri- 
 otifm, &c. whereas the fentiments fcattered up, and 
 down the Iliad, are bafe, and vile : fuch, for inflance, 
 are, the defire of plunder, the low ambition of en- 
 joying the beft fhare at a feaft, the exafperated violence 
 of pafiion, tranfporting itfelf into a&s of barbarous, 
 imd cowardly revenge, &c . ?
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 91 
 
 ward decorations ought, in courfe, to have 
 made a great progrefs amongft them : I fay, 
 the architecture of the outward decorations, 
 for it is not perceptible that they have ap- 
 proached to our modern architects, in the 
 workmanfhip within, which is a proof that 
 their progrefs, in architecture, was owing to 
 their rage of raifmg temples. As to fculp- 
 ture, it is well known that the athletic ex- 
 erciles were, of themfelves, fufficient to form 
 able ftatuaries. Men, deftined to appear 
 naked in public, could not avoid an atten- 
 tion to and practice of the fineft poftures j 
 nor want the faculty of difcerning when they 
 were either more, or lefs graceful. In their 
 public games, where wreftling, the pugilatus, 
 the pancratium, &c. (/) were performed, 
 every attitude was to be ftudied, and all the 
 combinations of elegance, and ftrength, par- 
 ticularly marked. What a fchool was here 
 
 for 
 
 (i) The pugilatus of the antients was frequently at- 
 tended with confequences more fatal, than the confe- 
 quences arifing from the bruifing matches, fo peculiar 
 to my fe;low countrymen. The latter, contented with 
 the exercife of the naked flit, have, in general, not 
 only furvived the battle, but preferved their features, 
 
 and
 
 9* AN ESSAY ON 
 
 for painters, and fculptors ! the moderns 
 have only faces to infpire art, and, I had 
 almoft added, fentiments. Let us, alfo> 
 fee what has been done for them. What 
 painters, what refemblances in bufts, brace- 
 lets, fnuff-boxes, &c ! Imagine, then, what 
 the Grecian fculptors ought to have been ; 
 the fculptors, for whom, the face was only 
 a fubordinate, and fecondary object. 
 
 Now, let the reader pafs his judgment : 
 convinced that we are, at once, incapable 
 of admiring too warmly, or cenfuring toa 
 feverely, the productions of antiquity, we 
 fhall fubmit to his decifionSj without reluc- 
 tance. 
 
 The only favor which we would require 
 at his hands, is, that he would not fuppofe 
 
 thefe 
 
 and their limbs. If the celebrated heroes, Slack and 
 Eroughton, had introduced the ceftus, in their memo- 
 rable conteft, one combatant, at leaft, and, probably, 
 each of them, mult have died a martyr to the innova- 
 tion. When this formidable gauntlet was in ufe, the 
 clofmg up an eye, or the breaking a jaw-bone were, 
 only, calamities of courfe : if the Athletas of old were 
 neither killed at a blow, nor left dying on the fand, it 
 was eiteemed a fingular inftance of great Ikill, or 
 greater good fortune. The pancratium was a medley 
 of wreftling, and boxing, in which every kind of at- 
 tempt to get the better, was fair. K..
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 93 
 
 thefe reflections foreign to our undertaking ; 
 but recoiled that as the progrefs of the hu- 
 man mind, in its relation to morality, and 
 politics, was the object of our examination, 
 the fixing our attention upon this celebrated 
 people, became the more important, as it 
 furnifhed us, at the firft glance, with the 
 following melancholy truth : that the pro- 
 grefs of the human mind hath, in no fhape, 
 redounded to the advantage of the people. 
 How very neceflary was it, then, for us, 
 who build all our hopes upon the advance- 
 ment of reafon, and philofophy, to enter 
 into an examination of thofe facts, which 
 feem fo violently to oppofe our principles ? 
 
 We are not deilitute of apprehenfions, 
 when we reflect upon the manner in which 
 we have fpoken of the Greeks. Our fears 
 not only forbode the difpleafure of fome emi- 
 nent literati, whofe refpect for antiquity may 
 be unlimited , but the pofiibility of being 
 taxed with having adopted that modern falie 
 glare of wit, to which, the cavils of criti- 
 cifm are better fuited, than inftruction. We 
 can neverrhelefs, affcrt, that if letters and 
 arts had been the only topics in queftion, we 
 fhould have rendered ourfelves much more 
 
 liable
 
 94 ANESSAYON 
 
 liable to have been cenfured as enthufiafts, 
 than as fatyrifts. We are, in this place, im- 
 patient to declare what we may, perhaps, at 
 fome future time, have occafion to repeat : 
 and this is, that we cannot too much wonder 
 at the falfe road (if the exprefiion be allow- 
 able) which we are, daily, purfuing in our 
 ftudies ; quitting the path which would 
 conduct us to the fources of our knowledge, 
 to tread on the path which directs us to a 
 crowd of exceedingly imperfect imitators , 
 the reader muft perceive that the preference 
 given to the Latin, in prejudice to the Gre- 
 cian literature, is, here, alluded to. What 
 time do we not employ in learning a mixed, 
 and half barbarous language, inftead of ac- 
 quiring one fo accurate, and fo metaphyfical, 
 that it may be confidered as, of itfelf, an in- 
 troduction to all the fciences ! how furprized 
 muft Cicero be (that Cicero, who not only 
 profecuted his ftudies in Greece, but collected 
 an immenfe library, confifting, entirely, of 
 Greek booksj were he to revifit the world, 
 and perceive our youths learning his mother 
 tongue, in preference to the language of his 
 tutors ! 
 
 CHAP.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 95 
 
 CHAP. IV. 
 
 condition of humanity amongft the Greeks ; 
 its Jit nation in thofe countries which were 
 known during this fecond epoch. 
 
 ERE we to confine our fearch to 
 fuch objects, as might adminifter comfort 
 to humanity, in its deprefled fituation, our 
 advances through the different periods of 
 hiftory, would prove ufelefs. Far from 
 perceiving mankind to be enlightened with 
 ideas of their real interefts, we obferve an 
 univerfal encreafe of confufion, and diforder. 
 Even Egypt, that happy, and renowned 
 country, on which we have fixed our atten- 
 tion, with fo much pleafure, became fubject 
 to the laws of a ftranger, and bore, with 
 
 Afia,
 
 Afia, a fliare in the misfortune of exifting 
 under the moft cruel defpotifm. Greece 
 feems to have been divided into fo large 
 a number of different ftates, for no other 
 reafon, than that it might (if the expreflion 
 be allowable) ftretch the furface of war, and 
 calamity ; for it is worthy of obfervation, 
 that the divifion of fovereignties multiplies 
 difafters through the land. We can, boldly, 
 affirm that each of the little republics of 
 Greece, underwent, during a period of 
 fifty years, feveral revolutions to which one 
 half of its citizens became the victims ; 
 that each, throughout the fame fpace of 
 time, faw its territories ravaged by wars ; in 
 fhort, that no individual of thefe unhappy 
 towns had run the common courfe of life, 
 without detefting the hour, in which he had 
 received it.() 
 
 I am not certain that fufficient attention 
 hath been paid to this vice, fo inherent in 
 little ftates. Mr. Roufleau hath remarked, 
 
 that 
 
 (k) Diodorus Siculus (b. 15.) mentions a revolu- 
 tion effefted at Argos, in the hundred and fecond 
 olympiad, when, after feveral adls of barbarity, per- 
 petrated by each party, the prevailing party ordered 
 twelve hundred citizens to be led to execution.
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 97 
 
 that wherever the citizens become fo nume- 
 rous, as to render it necefiary, that the go- 
 vernment Ihould be lodged in axreprefenta- 
 tive body, there can exift no true liberty. (/) 
 J am, neverthelefs, of opinion, that there 
 will be no fubftantial, and lafting liberty, 
 and, in particular, no happinefs, but amongft 
 individuals, where every thing is tranfacted 
 by a reprefentative body. Obferve this 
 little republic, where each citizen is, as it 
 were, all, becaufe the (late is nothing , where, 
 at one moment, he affumes the gown, and 
 at another, his military armour: a mallow 
 politician, an incapable judge, and an un- 
 difciplined foldier; continually, either a prey 
 to faction, or exposed to the rage of war : 
 where as an extenfive fociety, in which every 
 individual is united to each other, by the 
 fame interefts, and the fame laws, derives its 
 peaceful fituation from the prudent partici- 
 pation of its labours. In fuch a fociety, the 
 ibldier is not engaged in pleading the caufe 
 of the opprefled j nor is the magiftrate em- 
 ployed in defending the ramparts. The la- 
 bourer, unmolefled, purfues the cultivation 
 F of 
 
 (I) See the focial con tr aft.
 
 98 ANE SSAYON 
 
 of his ground, whilft the judge watches over 
 the political welfare of the ftate, and the 
 warrior repels its invaders : and if the lail 
 appear to bear, entirely, the public burden, 
 he is amply indemnified by falaries, and 
 honours. In fuch a fociety, peace wears a 
 hundred additional charms, and war throws 
 off a hundred of its horrors. The extent of 
 the domain, and the precautions taken to 
 prevent all accels to it, like a centrifugal 
 force, inceffantly, drive back the war to the 
 frontiers j and in the fame manner, as the 
 interior affairs are tranfacled by a reprefen- 
 tative body, a fimilar body is inverted with 
 the power of prolonging, or determining 
 the operations of the war. At the opening 
 of the Peloponnefian war, when Athens 
 wanted to raife fuch an army, as might with- 
 ftand the attacks of her enemies, the militia 
 of the city was, of neceffity, compofed of 
 old men, and boys. All the citizens, in- 
 cluding thofe, before, fcattercd up and down 
 the lands of Attica, were compelled to con- 
 fine themfelves within the town : and from 
 this circumflance arofe that remarkable con- 
 tagion, to which one half of the people fell 
 a facrilice. Every place, then, may be faid 
 
 to
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS., 99 
 
 to have felt, at once, the greatefl miferies 
 of war. . . . Whilft France was engaged in 
 the wars of 1733, 1741, and 1757, no 
 more, at any time, than the hundredth part 
 of her inhabitants, were fliarers in the danger. 
 Extensive provinces, frill, enjoyed the calm- 
 ed ferenity, and even millions of labourers, 
 knew not in what part of the world the ar- 
 mies were ens-aged. 
 
 O O 
 
 To thefe advantages, we may add that 
 fv/eetnefs of manners, and thofe comforts of 
 life,' which the people can fcarcely retain, 
 but by the means of regular troops ; that is 
 to fay, thofe reprefentatives of the nation, 
 who are intruded with the care of conducting 
 the war. If it be too truly proved, by the 
 experience of all ages, that the greatest mif- 
 fortune which can happen to a people, is to 
 be fubdued, it is certain that an endeavour 
 to acquire a fuperiority over every neigh- 
 bouring (late can not be too Readily pnrfued. 
 It is no lets evident that this point can never 
 be attained to, but by a military education, 
 fo that every citizen, to be a foldier, during 
 one fingle day of his life, is obliged to em- 
 brace the profefiion of arms, from his birth. 
 Hence, arofe the neceflity of adopting, in 
 F 2 every
 
 ioo AN ESSAY ON 
 
 every age, military manners, alone. What 
 muft have been the defliny of men who 
 paficd their whole lives, as if every day had 
 been the eve of a battle ! the cuftom cf 
 maintaining a {landing army, became the 
 Ible remedy againft this inconvenience. By 
 the means of this arrangement, wherever it 
 fliall have become general, the people may 
 be happy, without being ennervated, and 
 Ibftened, becaufe a proper difcipline is kept 
 up in armies, where the principles of honour 
 and courage may maintain themfelves, in a 
 certain degree of accumulation, without 
 which their vigour, and influence, would be 
 but fn}a\\.(m) 
 
 We have already feen that defpotifm had 
 not only driven happinefs from the bolbm of 
 Afia, but expelled it from a part of Africa: 
 Greece, during her moft refined cera, was but 
 a theatre of bloody revolutions. Hiftory, 
 then, prefents us with no more objects for 
 our reflections, fave the Phenicians, and the 
 Carthaginians. The firft have been little 
 noticed, except in matters relating to their 
 commerce, and their colonies. There is every 
 
 appear- 
 
 (m) Majores noftri bella gcfTerunt, noftributa depen- 
 ^dimus, ne bella patiamur. PAUL. OROS. HIST.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 101 
 
 appearance, to confirm us in the opinion, 
 that this adtive people, equally engaged in 
 the practice, and promotion of mdufcry, 
 conducted themfelves on principles, fupe- 
 rior to the principles of the Greeks : but 
 their vicinity to the Perfians, whilft it, con- 
 tinually, tied . them down to an exceffively 
 great dependance, prevented them from giving 
 any certain ftabilky to their government. 
 
 Whatfoever commendations Ariftotle may 
 have lavimed upon the laws of the Cartha- 
 ginians, we cannot believe that a people, 
 whofe avarice was fo infatiabte, whole fyftem 
 of politics was fo jealous, and fo cruel, and 
 whofe religion was fo fuperftitious, and atro- 
 cious, could poffibly have known true hap- 
 pinefs. The imagination flarts back^ with 
 horror, from thofe human facrifices^ at the 
 celebration of which, the barbarous mothers 
 threw, with their own hands, their children 
 into the flames. A philofopher, one day, 
 reading that paiTage in Genefis, wherein it is 
 written, " that God created man in his own 
 image," immediately obferved, that man 
 had, with no fparing hand, returned the 
 
 image to God again A judgment may, 
 
 generally, be formed of a people, by their 
 F 3 mode
 
 102 ANESSAYON 
 
 mode of worihip : if it be fimple and 
 modeft, then are they aftive, and induf- 
 trious-, if it be full of folemnity, and pomp, 
 then are they vain and frivolous , if it be 
 melancholy and auftere, then are they fierce, 
 violent, ,and obftinate. 
 
 We mall take no notice of the Scythians, 
 the Indians, and the Chinefe, as we have no 
 ground-work, but in conjectures, and fabu- 
 lous relations. We are, only, fenftble that 
 the life which the Scythians led, bore a 
 ilriking refemblance to the life of the favages. 
 Diodorus Siculus mentions the Indians, with 
 particular approbation, but as he adds the 
 defcription of an iQand, which never exifted, 
 and other circumftances, of which, fome are 
 incredible, and fome have been proved falfe, 
 it is evident that, to make his hiftory appear 
 complete, he was not at all nice in the 
 choice of thofe materials, .of which he has 
 availed himfelf. 
 
 W r e mud, therefore, be contented to con- 
 clude this chapter, with a reflection, which, 
 though extremely natural, leems to have 
 been overlooked by the partifans of antiquity. 
 It is, that flavery, alone, was fufficient to 
 render the condition of humanity, in general, 
 
 a hundred
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 103 
 
 a hundred times worfe, than it is at prefent. 
 In fact, it would be but to little purpofe to 
 tell a philofopher that, the thirty thoufand 
 individuals, who fhared a country (Laconia 
 for inftance) betwixt th 13 m, were very ftrong, 
 brave, fierce, and accuftomed, -during their 
 lives, folely, to the exercife of arms, in 
 battle; were this phiiofopher to difcover thar, 
 thefe thirty thoufand individuals had reduced 
 more than fix hundred thoufand of their fel- 
 low-creatures, to a condition, a hundred 
 times worfe than the condition of beads of 
 burden, he would turn his eyes afide from 
 this people and regard them, for the future, 
 only, as the fcourge, and difgrace of huma- 
 nity. I prefume that it is no exaggeration, 
 to advance that, reckoning the towns and 
 country, the proportion which the number 
 of freemen might be fuppofed to bear to the 
 number of flaves, may be fixed, in Greece, 
 at fomething lefs than the rate of one to 
 fow.(n) And what, for the moft part, were 
 thefe flaves ? free men, educated in plenty, 
 and profperity, who, having been made pri- 
 F 4 foners, 
 
 (n) At the battle of Platzea, each Spartan was ac- 
 companied by feven of the Holes.
 
 io 4 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 foners, either in battle, or by the Corfairs r 
 were, at length, fold for the benefit of the 
 conquerors. Every one knows how far the 
 rights of the mailer over his flaves extended. 
 The proftitution of the two fexes was one 
 confequence of that power.^J Let us, for 
 a moment, imagine what mud, in our days, 
 be the condition either of an officer, or of a 
 magiftrate, who, reduced to the vileft drudg- 
 eries, felt the moments of his labour doubly 
 embittered, by perceiving his wife, and 
 children, obliged to facrifice their perfons to 
 the debaucheries of an infolent mafter. It is 
 fcarcely to be fuppofed, that a perfon could, 
 now, be found, either brave enough, or 
 bafe enough to fupport himfclf under fuch a 
 fate. All this, however, frequently hap- 
 pened amongft the antients, and, particu- 
 larly, amonglt the Greeks. I muft be per- 
 mitted to urge the difference between flaves, 
 bought from amongft the individuals of 
 fome poor, and half lavage nations, and thole 
 whom the fortune of war had reduced to 
 this mocking condition : and, with confufion, 
 
 let 
 
 (o) I cannot recoiled the author who hath obferved 
 thiit " impudicitia in ingenuo crimen eft, in ferv& ne- 
 ceiEtas, in liberto officium."
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 105 
 
 let it be admitted, that our age is not yet, 
 totally, exempt from the reproaches, which 
 we have thrown upon antiquity. Al- 
 though we cannot fufficiently lament that 
 adherence to this practice, which avarice, 
 Hill, maintains amongft the people of the 
 Weft, and which barbarity, and ignorance 
 have eftablilhed in the Eaft, yet we muft 
 obferve-, firft, that flavery is no longer 
 known, amongft the Chriftians, except it be 
 in the colonies : fecondly, that the flaves are 
 all drawn from an extremely favage, and 
 brutal nation, and that even the natives come 
 to bargain with our traders, for the fale of 
 their own countrymen. Thirdly, that though 
 realbn and philolophy proclaim the neceffiry 
 of treating the (lave, like an European, 
 (" quarnvis ille niger, quamvis tu candidus 
 effes") it is notwith (landing true, that the great 
 difparity between thefe unhappy wretches, 
 and ourfelves, is but little calculated to 
 excite in us', the fine feelings of humanity, 
 and ferves to nourifh thofe cruel prejudices, 
 which occafion them to remain in a ftate of 
 oppreffion. Fourthly, that if thefe flaves 
 have been treated with a moft inexculable 
 barbarity, exptrience hath, yet, frequently, 
 
 proved
 
 io6 AN E S S A Y O N 
 
 proved that no tendernefs, no benefits could 
 erafe from the minds of thefe individuals, 
 their bafe, ungrateful, and cruel characlerif- 
 tics : that there is every reafon to believe 
 that, if even the flaves belonging to the colo- 
 nies, had been Europeans, they would, al- 
 ready, have intruded themfelves into the 
 porTeffion of the rights of citizens, in like 
 manner as the villains of our feodal govern- 
 ment, recovered, by little and little, their 
 civil liberty: in fhort, that the number of 
 flaves, in our time, is much lefs considerable, 
 fmce it is limited to the fugar colonies alone ; 
 and that amongft more than a hundred mil- 
 lions of Chriftians, exifting at prefent, we 
 cannot, affuredly, reckon a million of flaves ; 
 v/hercasj that, to a million of Greeks, there 
 were more than three millions of thefe unfor- 
 tunate human creatures. (p) 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 (p) If the reader be curious to know the fentimcnts 
 of the ancicn.s, refpecling flavery, let him read the 
 third, fourth, fifth, and. fixth chapters of the politics 
 of Ariitotle. He will there find, that " fervitude is 
 both juit, and unjuit, that it is fometimes natural, 
 without being legal, and legal, \vithuutbeingnatural; 
 that it is the order of nature, that the leaft perfect ihould 
 ftrve the moft perfect; thus, the animals ihould ferve 
 jnan j and women obey their hulbands : that in the 
 
 cafe.
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 107 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 Reflexions on the Romans. 
 
 I 
 
 T is to be prefumed, that the reader, al- 
 ready informed of the object which we have 
 in view, doth not expect to find in our re- 
 fearches, a fcrupulous adherence to chrono- 
 logical order. Having been, once, intro- 
 duced 
 
 cafe, where force alone, hath reduced the people to 
 captivity, flavery is juft, without being fo, in an abfolute 
 ienfe, becaufe, although it be a fuperiority of vertue, 
 that confirms the authority, it is never in the order of 
 jiature, that noble people can be reduced to flavery : 
 but that if there be noble nations, there are other na- 
 tions on the contrary, ignoble ; that amongft the Bar- 
 barians, their nobles are only fuch, as confidered, re- 
 latively, with their fellow-citizens ; whereas there are 
 
 nations
 
 icS AN ESSAY ON 
 
 duced amongft the Greeks, it became impof- 
 fible for us to take leave of them, till we had 
 fixed an eager attention, on thofe many 
 wonderful particulars, which have attracted 
 the admiration of ev^ry age, and whofe real 
 value, it was fo neceffary to eftimnte, we 
 have ventured to declare, that what leemed 
 fine, was not, on that account, always good , 
 and, confidering antiquity, as we have con- 
 fidered the characters exhibited upon its 
 
 theatre, 
 
 nations which are noble every where." Here is cer- 
 tainly enough to prove in what hands the facred rights 
 of humanity were, formerly, depofed. But a circum- 
 flance ftill more ridiculous, than barbarous, is, that 
 Ariftotle, propofing to take a family, for the model of 
 political focieties, difcovers that this primitive family 
 is, effentially, compofed of three parts, the firft of 
 which includes the matter, and the flave ; as if nature 
 had, in the beginning, formed two beings of different 
 kinds, the one to be the matter, and the other to be 
 the flave. It is unnecenary to add, that the other two- 
 integral parts of fociety are, the hufoand and the 
 wife ; and the father, and the children. 
 
 The fine, and benevolent fentimer.t of Alcidamus, 
 as preferved in the Scholiaft, upon the rhetoric of 
 Ariftotle, is a glorious contrail to the latter part of the 
 preceding quotation. 'EAuJspw; a^ijxe TC-a:'Lx; &,-; vi\st. 
 ita'Ao* i PI/VK tsiTro'w.y.tv, " God fent all men forth 
 free, nor hath nature made any individual a Have." 
 
 The
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 109 
 
 theatre, we have plucked die rnafk from 
 Agamemnon, to difcover the Gave, who re- 
 prefented a king of kings. We mud, now, 
 refume our labour, and attempt a talk ac 
 lead as difficult as the former. 
 
 Whilft the Greeks were bufied in the im- 
 provement of their laws, the conftruclion of 
 their temples, and the difcipline of their ar- 
 mies, Italy foftered in her bofom a people 
 deftined to deftroy her government, to pull 
 down her buildings, and triumph over her 
 
 troops. 
 
 The defign of nature, and the will of its great author, 
 have 'been fo exceedingly perverted, that to fuppoie 
 the world could, ever, enjoy a Hate of univerfal freedom, 
 might feem the wild fuggeilion of infanity. Even the 
 cultivation of our colonies, abroad, might have been 
 concluded by the labour of fervants, as free as the ref-. 
 traint of falutary laws could permit them to be; and. 
 perhaps, it would, on enquiry, be found, that, how- 
 ever impolitic a general enfranchifement of the flaves, 
 in our Ealtern and Wellern Indies, might prove, yet 
 the neceflity of a code of laws, to reftrain the barba- 
 rity of maflers, and overfeers, mould engage the atten- 
 tion of the Britim legiflature. That it will, is ex- 
 ceedingly doubtful. It were natural to imagine that, 
 whilft the patriot, vehemently harangues the fenate, 
 in favour of the liberty of an Englimman, he would wifh 
 to extend that liberty, if poflible, to all his diftant 
 dependants: but the living, and the dead, have fur- 
 nilhed us with contrary inltances. K.
 
 iio AN ESSAY ON 
 
 , 
 
 troops. As Dernofthenes, his ambition 
 ftruggling againft his nature, difdained to 
 mount the roftrum, until a long and inde- 
 fatigable practice had convinced him, that 
 his oratory muft prove fuccefsful ; fo Rome, 
 whofe origin was barbarous, whofe beginning 
 was abject, and whofe progrefs was flow, 
 was employed, during four whole ages, in 
 learning the art of conquering, and of go- 
 verning. Surely, no ftudy hath a ftronger 
 claim to the attention of the philofopher, 
 than that ftudy which endeavours to invefti- 
 gate the principles, which could raife a 
 fimple city, to fuch a heighth ; or, to fpeak 
 more properly, to that excefs of glory, and 
 profperity : But known events ' are not, al- 
 ways, in proportion to known caufes ; and' 
 it frequently happens that political writers 
 imitate the ancient aftronomers, who, tole- 
 rably well, defcribed, and even announced, 
 the particular phenomena, but imputed them 
 to abfurd caufes. Yet, were it certain, that 
 we had difcovered the real fources of the Ro- 
 man grandeur, of what advantage could fuch 
 an acquifidon be to us, who wifh not to 
 know in what manner a flare is aggrandized ; 
 but, merely, whether by being rendered 
 
 great
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. in 
 
 great it is become more happy. Such a dif- 
 covery would be, in our eyes, no better than 
 a large, magnificent road, which could not 
 conduct us to the place, whither we defire 
 
 to go. 
 
 If the Roman government can be faid to 
 merit the approbation of pofterity, it is not, 
 becaufe its individuals, confined within the 
 circumference of their city, either made a 
 preparation to defend it, or formed their 
 fyftems of civil policy : but it is, certainly, 
 becaufe Rome, beginning to rule in Italy, at 
 length reduced thofe fine countries to a fub- 
 rmffion to her principles, and her difcipline, 
 at leaft, if not to her laws : it is, becaufe, 
 having extended her influence over all the 
 Mediterranean, flie added Sicily, Sardinia, 
 and Spain to her empire ; and, chiefly, it is 
 becaufe that in the moment, when me be- 
 came the miftrefs of Africa, me arrived at 
 the privilege of giving laws to Afia, 'Now, 
 if, in thefe oftentatious asras, mankind were 
 more free, and unmolefted , if tyranny was 
 abolifhed , if the rights of peace were more 
 facred, and the laws of war more humane -, 
 if the fields were better cultivated, and if 
 commerce multiplied the links, in the great 
 
 political
 
 lia AN ESSAY ON 
 
 political chain, which united nations to each 
 other ; then, let us afient to the admiration 
 of every paft age, nor ceafe to ftudy the form 
 of government, peculiar to a people, who, 
 beginning to labour at the acquifition of their 
 own happinefs, perceived themfelves by the 
 fole perfection of their public administration, 
 and the fmgle energy attached to their con- 
 ftitution, in a condition to prefcribe laws to 
 barbarifm, to hold ambition in chains, and, 
 in fhort, to teach the red of the univerfe, to 
 whom they had been, at once, the bene- 
 factors, and the models to afpire to an afii- 
 milation with themfelves. But, if nothing 
 like this hath happened ; if the Romans, 
 far from triumphing by the afcendancy of 
 their vertue, were indebted for their preva- 
 lence, folely, to crimes, and entirely efta- 
 blifhed themfelves upon the ruins of the 
 world, who fhall hinder us from loading them 
 with cenfures, as fevere as thofe, which we 
 have palled upon the Greeks ; the Greeks, 
 who were as brave, as heroic, and more 
 amiable than the Romans ? 
 
 Perhaps, we" have, at length, found an 
 opportunity of being reconciled even to the 
 admirers of Greece ; for the learned world is 
 
 divided
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 113 
 
 divided into two parties, one of which con- 
 lifts of advocates for the Greeks, and the 
 other, of advocates for the Romans. It 
 muft, in general, be confeffed that the opi- 
 nion of thefe laft appears to be the too hafty 
 fruit of erudition, or rather, the firft pro- 
 duction of an imperfect ftudy. The modern 
 ages have been, indeed, fufficiently fingular, 
 whilft they contented themfelves with propo- 
 fmg, as models, thofe, who were, in every 
 department, flow and feeble imitators ; but, 
 by an aftonifhing caprice, it hath fallen out, 
 that the more profufely Rome in her glory 
 hath been loaden with efteem, and veneration, 
 the more have her encomiafts been con- 
 ftrained to difparage her original condition. 
 Plutarch was the firft writer, who maintained 
 that the founders of this queen of the world, 
 were only robbers, and outlaws. This idea 
 hath been eagerly embraced by certain fyfte- 
 matical literati, (q) who being perfuaded that 
 VOL, I. G the 
 
 (q) Giam-Baptifta Vico hath endeavoured to fup- 
 port this opinion, in a work entitled " principi di 
 fcienza nuova intorno alia commune nature delle na- 
 zioni." This was followed by a fimilar publication 
 from Mr. Duni, (" Origine, e progreffi del cittadino, 
 
 edel
 
 ii4 AN ESS AY ON 
 
 the Roman government had no mixture of 
 democracy, in the infancy of its conftitution, 
 have imagined it impoflible to reprefent the 
 fubje&s of Romulus, in too difgraceful a 
 light. They, confidently, affert that this 
 new-born colony was peopled, folely, by va- 
 gabonds, and individuals difowned by all ; 
 that from amongft thefe, their legiflator chofe 
 the moft eminent, that is to fay, fuch as were 
 
 originally, 
 
 e del governo, civile di .Roma,") whofe fentiments are 
 adopted by Mr. PAbbe Bignon, in his " hiftoire cri- 
 tique du gouvernement Romain." Although we do 
 not think ourfelves obliged to admit the principles of 
 thefe authors, in their uttnoft latitude, yet we cannot 
 mention the learning, and penetration, which they 
 have difcovered in their writings, without the higheil 
 applaufe. We would, in this place, willingly, at. 
 tempt to give the reader an idea of thofe reafons, 
 which they have advanced, in fupport of their argu- 
 ment ; but were it even poffible for us to undertake 
 this tafk, without wandering too far from our fubjedl, 
 we fhould, notwithftanding, be of opinion, that it 
 would be better to recommend a thorough perufal of 
 their works, the matter of which would make ample 
 reparation for the pains of having examined it. It will 
 fufiice, then, to obferve, that the argument from 
 whence our authors draw the greateft advantage, is, 
 the difference which the privilege of taking the au- 
 guries, eftablimed amongft the citizens. Mr. Duni 
 has fully proved, that only the auguries could ccnfti- 
 
 tute
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 onginially, free men, (ingenuos) and whofe 
 fathers were known ; that it was from thefe, 
 that he felected the fenators, and with the 
 fenators, only, that he divided the authority ; 
 and that the people (Plebs) or in other words, 
 the commons, were, only, competed of 
 clients, or bondmen attached to their chiefs ; 
 or elfe, of a troop of fugitives, whom the 
 protection offered by Romulus, had collected 
 together. 
 
 G 2 If 
 
 tute a marriage in that form, which the Romans called 
 nuptiai ; whilft the union of perfons of different fexes 
 was, amongft the Plebeians, nothing but a kind of co- 
 habitation, underftood by the word, connubium. All 
 thefe obfervations are juft, and ingenious ; but the 
 great error lies in their having been perverted. As to 
 the Plebeians not marrying, in the face of the church, 
 does it, therefore, follow that their marriages, their 
 fuccefllons, and their inheritances, were no more re- 
 gulated than thofe of the Negroes, belonging to our 
 colonies, are, at prefcnt? does it, alfo, follow that 
 the people had no (hare in the government ? if, on the 
 contrary, it be certain, that the Plebeian families, 
 like thofe of the Patricians, perpetuated themfelvcs by 
 inheritage ; if the rewards acquired by fervices in war ; 
 if diftinftions, names, and properties were preferved 
 from race to race, then did not the people, however 
 deprived of the privilege of taking the auguries, form 
 a bovly politic, and a part of the republic? befides, 
 
 it
 
 ii6 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 If Livy, and Dionyfius Halicarnafiius, 
 fhould prove equally full in their evidence 
 againft this paradox, our learned authors 
 would not feruple to rejeft their teftimony. 
 " Thefe writers have -pretended, to aj/ert what 
 they were ignorant of. A -profound night co- 
 vered 
 
 it doth not appear that the free Romans, at any time, 
 married flaves : and if the fimple connubium had been 
 ib abjeft, and fo brutal an union of the two fexes, how 
 could the Patricians have fubmitted to an intermarriage 
 with mere Plebeians? it if, neverthelefs, certain that 
 thefe marriages were cuftomary, previous to the law of 
 the twelve tables, and fince it is not evident that this 
 ufage was, at that time, forbidden, as being a recent 
 innovation, there is every reafon to fuppofe that it 
 exifted, even, before the people had tribunes, that is, 
 when their condition was the moft abjeft, and unfor- 
 tunate. 
 
 It appears, then, that our authors, with all their 
 abilities, and intelligence, were deceived, by extending 
 their principles too far. In this refpecl, they are, 
 certainly, very excufable. There would be but little 
 erudition amcngft the men of genius, if a tafte for pa- 
 radoxes were not, fometimes, to come to their affif- 
 tance. The writer of imagination fuffers himfelf to be 
 captivated by an idea : he feizes on it with ardour, and 
 having once pierced into it, employs all his talents to 
 fupport it : he reads, examines, and compiles ; how 
 much muft learning be obliged to him, when, thus, 
 made the inftrument of freeing him from the yoke of 
 pedantry !
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 117 
 
 wred the fir ft ages of 'Rome p , and it is rajhnefs 
 to attempt to penetrate through its obfcurity :" 
 and yet our modern critics, have found no 
 difficulty in effecting, what thefe two celebrat- 
 ed antients could not accomplifli. It is a 
 fact, that in fpite of their having excepted 
 againft their depofitions, they condefcended 
 to avail themfelves of them, whenfoever they 
 appeared to fuit their purpofes. For exam- 
 ple, after a peremptory condemnation of the 
 opinions, given by Dionyfius, relative to the 
 Roman government, they, neverthelefs, con- 
 fidently prefent us with citations, taken from 
 pafTages, in thofe numerous harangues, with 
 which that author thought proper to adorn 
 his works ; as if what he had, vifibly, in- 
 vented, could have had any weight, when 
 thrown into the tcale, againft what he related, 
 and as if he had not known, much better than 
 another, the confequences of thefe pretended 
 contradictions. As we do not perceive our- 
 felves concerned in this difcuffion, we mall, 
 therefore, reft contented with making the 
 following obfervations. 
 
 Firft, fuppofing it to be even certain, that 
 hiftory hath not tranfmitted to us, any au- 
 thentic traditions, refpecting the firft ages of 
 G 3 Rome,
 
 ji8 AN ESSAY'ON 
 
 / 
 
 Rome, this circumftance would, then, furnifh 
 the moderns with a pretext for believing, 
 that they could advance better reafons, and 
 conjectures, towards the elucidation of this 
 fubject, than the Romans themfelves have- 
 ever given.(r) 
 
 Secondly, were it, as fome have ingeni- 
 oufly infmuated, a fa6l, that hiftorians have 
 been more fcrupulous in their detail of events, 
 in proportion to the diftance of thofe ages, 
 the tranfactions of which they wrote, it would 
 not follow, from thence, that they deferved 
 lefs confidence than their predeceffors -, for 
 the art of criticifm and inveftigation is pe- 
 culiar to enlightened asras , nor is it the pro- 
 fpective glafs, but the illuminating torch, 
 
 which 
 
 (r) It is exceedingly to be lamented that tlie accounts 
 of the eftablimment of nations, of all other accounts in 
 she hiftorical department, the moft interelting, and 
 the moft inftrudtive,. fhould be fo univerfally defective. 
 A want of authentic memorials is not peculiar to the 
 iirft ages of Rome. The annals of Britain are,, per- 
 haps, equally involved in obfcurity, and equally 
 wrapped in fables. The improbability that the twa 
 ril kings of Rome mould have been, accidentally,, 
 called by names, allufive to their future aftions, hath 
 often been remarked. Every one knows that the words 
 Romalus, and Rome, are taken from a Greek expref- 
 fion, flgnifying force ; and that the name, Numa, b 
 derived from the fame language, and means law. K.^
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 119 
 
 which is fo ncceflary to the fludy of hiftory. 
 Who, for inftance, can doubt, that the 
 preient times poflefs a more competent 
 knowledge of the reigns of the firft race of 
 our kings, than thofe times in which Froef- 
 fart exifted ? Who, alfo, can doubt that Di- 
 onyfius Halicarnaffius had, after twenty years 
 of affiduous labour, conceived better notions 
 of the Roman hiftory than Fabius Pictor. 
 
 Thirdly, all the hiftorians, and all tradi- 
 tions inform us, that Romulus conducted to 
 Rome, a colony ofAlbans: now, we have 
 not the lead proof, that the people of Alba 
 iloodj at any time, in that difgraceful light, 
 in which the Romans of that age, were 
 painted. On the contrary, if conjectures 
 may be admitted, there is every reafon to be- 
 lieve that this people became eftablifhed 
 under Amulius, becaufe every monarch, de- 
 firous of being abfolute, rather protects the 
 people, than the great. 
 
 Fourthly, antiquity furnimes us with many 
 
 examples of the prodigious difference, which 
 
 fubfifted between the freeman, (s) and the 
 
 G 4 flave ; 
 
 (s) Dionyfius Halicarnaffius obferves, that Servius 
 Tullius fhared the conquered lands amongft the citizens, 
 
 who,
 
 120 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 Have; but it produces no inftance of that 
 middle order, that race of bondmen, intended 
 to have been brought to Rome, in the re- 
 tinue of the Patricians. Every flavc had a 
 mafter, and his only abode was the houfe, 
 to which he belonged. He could not, there- 
 fore, form, with others, a clafs apart, how- 
 ever abject that clafs might be fuppofed 
 to be. 
 
 Fifthly, the Sabines having united them- 
 felves to the Romans, by a free covenant, 
 
 and 
 
 who, having nothing belonging to them, were obliged 
 to work with their own hands ; fo that, after this dif- 
 pofition, the individuals amongft the Romans, con- 
 iifted only of proprietaries, and flaves. Now the fame 
 author, willing to juftify Servius Tullius, for having 
 made a great number of thefe laft free, enters into a 
 long detail, that he may inform us, under what predi- 
 cament the Haves ftood amongft the Romans. He re- 
 marks, that they were all compofed, either of fuch as 
 were made prifoners in war ; thofe fold towards the in- 
 creafe of the public revenue ; or, even, the flaves of 
 the enemy,, who always made a part of the plunder : 
 from hence, refult two important circumitances -. fail, 
 that, amongft the Romans, war was the fole fource of 
 flavery ; and next, that that race which confiiled of the 
 vaffals, and dependants of the great, (as defcribed by 
 fome authors) never exifted at Rome. There are, alfo, 
 other paffages fo deciiive, that one would wonder at 
 
 theis
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 121 
 
 and formed, as it were, an identical part of 
 the people, it is to be prefumed that the con- 
 dition of the Roman populace was not either 
 more bafe, or more unfortunate than that 
 condition under which they exifted in their 
 original country ; fince they did not ilipulate. 
 for the enjoyment of any privilege, or diilinc- 
 tion : and in this, they were imitated by the 
 people of Alba, who, joining themfelves to 
 the Romans, though, indeed, lefs willingly 
 than the others, yet never remonftrated 
 againft that abje<5t fituation into which they 
 
 mud 
 
 their having efcaped the attention of our critics. Such 
 is that of Livy, who, relating the tumults, which pre- 
 ceded the retreat of the people, to the facred mount, 
 exprefles himfelf thus : Civitas fecum ipfa difcors in- 
 teftino inter Patres, Plebemque flagrabat odio"... 
 and a little farther on ; " magno natu quidara cum 
 omnium majorum fuorum infignibus fe in forum pro- 
 jecit." Now, what could this citizen of great birth, 
 who mewed the wounds which he had received in. 
 combat, and the blows by which he had been' bruifed, 
 in his ftate of flavery amongft the Patricians ; whofe 
 misfortunes not only interefted all the people in his fa- 
 vour, but made them take arms again!! the great, pof- 
 fibly be, but a Plebeian ? Thus, about the two hun- 
 dredth and fixtieth year from the foundation of Rome, 
 there was a Plebeian, whom Livy, the violet; r Partisan 
 of ariftocracy, diftinguimed as a man of elevaud birth.
 
 ANESSAYON 
 
 muft (were fome authors to be credited) have, 
 certainly, been thrown. 
 
 Sixthly, all writers not only agree in acknow- 
 ledging, that the people enjoyed the privi- 
 lege of electing kings, creating magiftrates, 
 enacting laws, and determining either on 
 peace, or war -, but Dionyiius Halicarnaffius, 
 {till more pofitively afTerts, that when Hora- 
 tius had ilabbed his filter, the power of paf- 
 img judgment on this atrocious crime was 
 referred to the people. 
 
 Here, is matter fufficient to convince us, 
 how reafonably the Roman government was, 
 hitherto, fuppofed to have been intermixed 
 with monarchy, ariftocracy, and democracy. 
 Now, what claim hath this complicated, this 
 modified government to our eileem ? doth it 
 furnifh us with any conftitutional plan ? In 
 fine, what was it, in its firft principles ? let 
 us not fcruple to call it a fimple polity, the 
 interior arrangement of a city. I intreat the 
 reader to pay fome attention to thefe words ; 
 in my opinion, they not only contain a new 
 idea, but cad a great light upon the fyftern 
 of politics. 
 
 Upon
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 123 
 
 Upon the fyftem of politics !(/) the ex- 
 preffion which hath juft dropped from my 
 pen, may ferve to prove the truth of what I 
 am going to unfold. It is that all the govern- 
 ments of antiquity, except the great antient 
 monarchies, the origin of which we are ig- 
 norant of, owe their birth to a town, to a 
 city. A little reflection would convince us, 
 that it could not have been otherwiie. In 
 fact, men were not known under the name 
 of a people, but when they equally enjoyed 
 the fame laws, adhered to general cuftoms, 
 and felt thofe mutual dependancies, which 
 united them, and, as it were, attefted their 
 identity. Now, mankind flood in no need 
 of laws, and conventions, except when great 
 numbers were affembled in a fmall fpace. 
 The more individuals are difieminated over 
 the furface of the earth, the more are they 
 occupied in procuring their fubfiftance, either 
 by the chace, or the cultivation of the ground ; 
 the lels, alfo, do they want a legiflation. On 
 the other hand, the more they are united, 
 the more the circumftances which draw them 
 
 to 
 
 ( t) Uo^ncri, regendae civitatis fcrentia, from 
 a city.
 
 124 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 to each other, are multiplied -, and the more 
 are they conftrained to have recourfe to trea. 
 ties, and conventions. The refult, therefore, 
 is that the firil want of every fociety, muft 
 have been the want of a polity \ and that all 
 governments began by being no more than a 
 fimple polity. In this inftance it, particularly, 
 appears that language ferves to explain facts, 
 and not, that facts ferve to explain the lan- 
 guage. Iloxfcix, amongft the Greeks, and civi- 
 tas, amongft the Romans, fignified, originally, 
 only the government of a city, although 
 they were, afterwards, fuppofed to mean 
 every thing, which appertained to an admi- 
 niftration, in general : and, in the prefent 
 times, by the word, polity, may be under- 
 ftood, the government of men, in oppofition 
 to the term, administration, which, rather, 
 fignifies the government of properties. 
 
 It will, perhaps, be objected to me, that 
 war is the firft fource of authority, and con- 
 fequently, of government ; to which I mall 
 anfwer, that fuppofing the war to have been 
 long, and the army numerous, the govern- 
 ment of this army muft ftill have appertained 
 to a polity; and that if the war had been 
 fpeedily concluded, a quiet fociety, and the 
 
 pofii-
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 125 
 
 poffibility that men might live together with- 
 out being molefted, would have proved the 
 firft objed of the conqueror, and the firft 
 fruits of peace. In thefe two cafes, a polity 
 would have been eftablimed, either in the 
 camp, or in a newly-rifmg city. Were thefe 
 confiderations to be extended to the animal 
 creation, it would, in like manner, appear, 
 that the fociety of wild beafts, which, inde- 
 pendent upon each other, eafily procure 
 their fubfiftance, is the moft imperfect fociety 
 of all -, and that the fined examples of a re- 
 gular polity, difcernible in the works of na- 
 ture, are found amidft the hillocks of ants, 
 and the hives of bees. Every thing, there- 
 fore, concurs to prove that the firft conven- 
 tions were made for a multitude, and that 
 they were confined, as it were, to the laws of 
 juxta-pofition. 
 
 Far from fuppofing that it is necefiary, 
 flill more extenfively, to unfold thefe truths, 
 \ve apprehend that they would appear too 
 fmrple and trivial, if we did not prefs forward 
 towards a demonftration of their importance, 
 and fix the attention on thofe contradictions, 
 which reign amidft the firft principles of all 
 
 go-
 
 iz6 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 government, and the ends which all govern- 
 ment fhould have in view. 
 
 What, in fact, are human creatures, upon 
 the earth ? They are children at the breaft, 
 obliged to prefs the bofom, from which they 
 muft receive their nourimment. What are 
 human creatures in cities ? They are tranf- 
 planted plants -, improvident, and uncertain 
 beings-, and like that multitude of micro- 
 fcopic animals, which fluctuating from fide to 
 fide, and, incefiantly, precipitating them- 
 felves upon each other, feem to have been 
 created, only, that they might preferve them- 
 felves in motion. 
 
 Let it not be doubted that agriculture 
 fhould be the firfl object of legiflators, and 
 property, the leading principle of agriculture. 
 Nature granting nothing but to reiterated 
 follicitations, her firft benefits were bought, 
 and the firft expences, whether of money, or 
 labour, ought to have eftablifhed the firft 
 right of property. The perfection of culti- 
 vation would not have failed to have intro- 
 duced plenty, and variety of productions, 
 from whence muft have arifen commerce, 
 and from commerce, muft have proceeded 
 riches. Then, the neceflity of public markets, 
 
 and
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 127 
 
 tsnd the convenience, retaking from places 
 fituated by the banks of rivers, or by the 
 ihore of the fea, muft have given rife to 
 cities : but thele, regarded as the laft pro- 
 duct, or the fimple conlequence of an.agra- 
 garian government, muft have received from 
 it, their manners, and their laws. Such 
 peaceable cultivators could not, poffibly, have 
 neglected an eftablimment of the full influ- 
 ence of their falutary principles. Thefe men, 
 attached, by intereft and habit, to the foil, 
 would have made their own prefervation the 
 bafis of their politics , and, perhaps, the 
 word glory, would not have been known 
 in any language j but the contrary to this 
 hath been the cafe. 
 
 Whether the firft inhabitants of the earth, 
 perceived themfelves placed by nature, in 
 thofe advantageous fituations, where her gifts 
 were more abundant, and lefs necefTary ; whe- 
 ther force, poflefiing, from the beginning, 
 more means of exerting itfelf, foon, knew 
 the method of prevailing over labour ; or, 
 whether the progrefs of population hath been, 
 always, more rapid, than the progrefs ofin- 
 duftry , we cannot difcover that ftates have 
 been indebted for their origin to cultivators-, 
 
 on
 
 128 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 on the contrary, they feem to have been 
 founded by robbers, and vagabonds ; hence, 
 it hath happened, that cities were the firft 
 rudiments of nations ; and that the political 
 government bath ferved as the chief principle 
 in the conftitution of ftates. 
 
 This we have already obferved : the ori- 
 gin of antient monarchies is unknown to us ; 
 but, let us, without fearching, with an ufe- 
 lefs attention, into the obfcurity of the times, 
 dwell, for a moment, on the progrefs of po- 
 pulation, in that part of the world, which 
 during fo long a period gave either laws or 
 examples to the whole earth. 
 
 Whether, or no, Danaus, Pelafgus, Ina- 
 chus, and Pelops were the firft founders of 
 the Grecian cities, it is, neverthelefs, certain 
 that Greece was peopled by colonies, which 
 came from Afia, or from Egypt ; and it is 
 equally true, that all the great cities of 
 Greece, and Sicily, ifiued from Sparta, 
 Athens, Corinth, Argos, &c. Now, if the 
 progrefs of this population be traced, as 
 many republics, as cities, will appear to 
 have arifen from it. And, if ever any of 
 thefe eftablimments became united, and 
 feemed to form a political fyftem, it was ef- 
 fected
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 129 
 
 fecled by a fimple federal union, like the uni- 
 on of the Amphi&yons, the Etrufcans, and 
 the people of Latium. On the other hand, 
 if thefe rich mines of the human fpecies, if 
 thefe vaft oriental monarchies, funk under 
 the efforts of the newly -rifing republics, what 
 could have remained upon the earth, except 
 the veftigesof that fingle government, which 
 the conquerors obeyed ? Corinth gave birth to 
 Syracufe ; Tyre to Carthage -, Troy to Alba ; 
 and Alba to Rome. To thefe famous names, 
 add the names of Sparta, and of Athens, and 
 you will have enumerated the principal ac- 
 tors on the great theatre of the world. 
 
 Let the refpeftable philofophers, who la- 
 bour to difengage mankind from fuch frivo- 
 lous amufements, fuch idle fpeculations, 
 and attach them to thofe two important ob- 
 jefts, their fubfiftance, and thei? happinefs, 
 no longer wonder if the plan of a government, 
 founded upon agriculture, and territorial pro- 
 perty, Ihould prove an abfolutely new idea, 
 exifting only in opinion, or on paper. Would 
 they account for our ignorance of fo intereft- 
 ing a matter, let them recoiled!: thofe in- 
 numerable errors, which were committed by 
 that political fyftem of government, which 
 
 VOL. J. H became
 
 r 3 o . -AN ESSAY ON 
 
 became the irreconcileable enemy of property. 
 They will, there, perceive perpetual convul- 
 fions, cenfures, reformations, divifions of 
 land, diftributions of corn, arbitrary taxes, 
 and, in fnort, all property hazarded in every- 
 one of thefe political quarrels. They will, 
 then, eafily obferve, that at all times, when 
 alterations in the conftitution of the ftate, 
 and the fortunes of individuals, were, necef,- 
 farily, involved together, quarrels, and fedi- 
 tions grew more frequent , and that, on the 
 contrary, whilft factions mutually difputed 
 concerning their privileges, and dignities, it 
 was much eafier to appeafe them, than if they 
 had, at the fame time, attacked the properties 
 of each other. 
 
 If a municipal adminiflration, and fimple 
 forms of polity, had conftituted the firil go- 
 vernments of every Hate, there could, cer- 
 tainly, be no reafon to expect that its origin 
 fhould account for its progrefs. Thus, it 
 would be needlefs to feek, in the infancy of 
 Hates, the feeds of their future grandeur ; 
 and particularly, to amufe ourfelves with the 
 vain hopes of finding upon fome little hill, 
 furrounded by walls, the principles of an uni- 
 verfal monarchy. 
 
 A young
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 A young, ambitious man, fatigued with 
 waiting till he might iucceed his grand- father, 
 and, perhaps, apprehenfive that his legiti- 
 macy might be difputed, propofes to found 
 a new eftablifhment. He, eafily obtains af- 
 fiftance, and even fucceeds in the art of en- 
 ticing away fome of his countrymen. A 
 convenient fpot is chofen, contiguous to 
 which, dwellings are built, that the inhabi- 
 tants may be nearer at hand, in cafes of mu- 
 tual affiftance , the circumference is drawn, 
 and furrounded by ramparts, and ditches. 
 Scarcely is this eftablifhment formed, but 
 an attention is paid to the interior arrange- 
 ments : it is not pofiible for the founder, 
 whofe afibciates were collected together, 
 
 O * 
 
 folely, by the hopes of liberty and equality, 
 to rife, all at once, into the rank of mutter ; 
 yet, at the fame time, the leading part which 
 he took in the plan, and the execution of it, 
 gives him a particular pre-eminence, and 
 confututes him the chief of this rifing ftate. 
 The fathers of families, and the moft refpon- 
 fible men, compofea council, whole province 
 is .the difcufiion of every fubject ; but the 
 decifion of the moft important fubjeds is 
 fubmitted to the general aflcmbly of all the 
 H 2 colonifts.
 
 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 colonifls. They, foon, turn their thoughts 
 towards putting thcmfelves in a ftate of de- 
 fence, and, even, concert meafures whereby 
 they might be enabled to attack their neigh- 
 bours. The new inhabitants are divided into 
 different bodies-, companies of foot, and 
 troops of horfe are formed, and this city 
 militia ferves as the model to their army. 
 The defire of acquiring additional forces, 
 prevents them from being over-fcrupulous in 
 their reception of recruits. An afylum is 
 .opened to all adventurers, and, efpecially to 
 fugitive flaves : fuch a circumftance was, 
 then, of the utmoft importance, and promif- 
 ed to be the fource of an extenfive popu- 
 lation : But as this admifiion of ftrangers, 
 of all denominations, introduced colonifts, 
 folely of one fex, a project is conceived, 
 highly expreflive of the morals of fuch 
 citizens. The women, belonging to the 
 neighbouring ftate, are carried off, in defi- 
 ance of all the laws of holpitality. To re- 
 cover them, the infulted people betake 
 themfelves to arms : in the very moment, 
 whilft they are profecuting their revenge, 
 they fuffer themfelves to be difarmed ; the 
 two nations are united by a treaty, folemnly 
 
 confirmed*
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 133 
 
 confirmed, and (what is flill more extraor- 
 dinary) religioufly obfervcd. The city en- 
 creafes, and its polity becomes more perfect. 
 A king, acting in the character of a law- 
 giver, fucceeds a warlike prince ; he, alfo, 
 in his turn, gives place to military monarchs. 
 The nation grows warlike, but is furrounded 
 by dates of the fame character, and every 
 decifive advantage which it gains, feems, en- 
 tirely, owing to the conduct of its chiefs : 
 Such an advantage depends on fortune, and 
 cannot, yet, be the effect of the political 
 conftitution, &c. &c. 
 
 Thus far, the confideration of the progrefe 
 of the Roman republic, would be to little 
 purpofe. I know but of two caufes, which 
 may be affigned : the one is due to chance, 
 which will, conftantly, have great weight in 
 all human affairs and thefe instances of 
 chance, are, the capacities of the kings, and 
 the length of their reigns : the other caufe 
 belongs more to polity, and is that principle 
 of population, eftabliihed by Romulus, and 
 adopted by his fuccefibrs , a principle which 
 induced the Romans to inflitute a law, enact- 
 ing, that the vanquifhed, inftead of being re- 
 duced to captivity (at that time the cuftom) 
 H 3 ihould
 
 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 fhould be all transported to their city. This 
 is the real fource of the greatnefs of Rorr.e. 
 It was this, which, in the fpace of two* 
 hundred and fifty years, after its foundation, 
 occafioned the number /of its inhabitants to 
 mount up to one hundred and thirty thou- 
 fand citizens. () As to its government, 
 what idea can we conceive of that, when we 
 perceive the people bafe enough to groan fo 
 long, and patiently, beneath the yoke of 
 fuch a tyrant as Tarquinius Superbus ? In- 
 deed, if the Roman youth had not been 
 wearied out by a toilfome, and protracted 
 war , and if a moft horrid tragedy had not 
 happened, opportunely, to rouie the fpirit of 
 the people, Rome mult have become, what 
 Syracufe was, the fport of tyrants, and the 
 theatre of revolutions. 
 
 But their kings were expelled, and liberty 
 fat in their places. . . Liberty ! . . . what liberty ? 
 Tyranny did but exchange hands, pafiing 
 from kings to the great. The people bewail 
 their earlieft captivity > they complain, ami 
 are not heard ; reduced, at length, to an 
 
 excefe 
 
 () Or, according to the calculation of Diony/ius 
 Kalicarhaffius, one hundred* and forty thoufand fouls.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 135 
 
 excefs of defpair, in the violence of their 
 woes, alone, they find the courage neceflary 
 to make them terminate. The eftabiifhment 
 of the office of Tribune confirms the effect 
 of the Valerian law. The people receive new 
 life ; and fcarcely have they ceafed from 
 fearing, before they become formidable- 
 Here, the complexion of the times under- 
 goes an imiverfal change ; and the hiftory 
 of the Roman government is, from hence- 
 forth, a detail of the progrefs of Democracy. 
 The Plebeians are, by marriages, con- 
 founded with the nobles, and Rome, prac- 
 tically democratical, is no longer ariftocra- 
 tical, except in fpeculation ; for it is remark- 
 able that the Roman polity was never pro- 
 portioned to the conilitution of the govern- 
 ment , fo that the people, when itripped of 
 their privileges, preferved their influence, 
 by the terror which they infpired, and the 
 nobility, when deprived of their original 
 rights, were indebted, for their conlequence, 
 to popular refpect.t'K/) 
 
 I would, now, afk thefe fubtle politicians, 
 
 who fee every thing in Rome, as Malle- 
 
 H 4 branche 
 
 (zu) During the fecond Punic war, moft of the dig- 
 nities were held by the Patricians.
 
 136 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 branche faw every thing in God, what 
 what moment of this perpetual fluctuation, 
 they would feize on, to take from the Roman 
 government, a pattern, which every other na- 
 tion ought to follow ? They may, perhaps, 
 be fomewhat embarrafied by this queftion, 
 and yet, they may contrive to elude it. 
 This will be their anlwer. " We allow that 
 the conftitution of the Roman republic never 
 had any properly fixed principles j but you 
 cannot deny that its polity enjoyed* at 
 lead, an equal advantage. That fpirk 
 of difcipline, that perfection in the art 
 of war, that fyftem, to which power, and 
 encreaiing grandeur were attached, fuf- 
 ficiently plead in favour of the principal 
 fprings in the machine of government. 
 Such great effects, muft have proceeded 
 from powerful caufes." 
 
 Here, I muft beg to be indulged with the 
 infmuation of a doubt, the temerity of ad- 
 vancing which (if doubting can be temerity) 
 I mail not endeavour to conceal. The Ro- 
 mans, indeed, as their own hiftorians affirm, 
 triumphed over their neighbours, almoft as 
 frequently as they fought , but to form a 
 judgment concerning thefe great advantages, 
 
 kt
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 137 
 
 let us recollect that they waged war, during 
 a fpace of time, nearly approaching to four 
 hundred years, ere they reduced to fubmif- 
 fion, the fingle city of Veii:(#) and let us 
 wait, before we eftimate this iuperiority of 
 the Romans, until wefhall have read, in the 
 works of the hiftorians of the Volfcians, the 
 TEqui, the Samnites, and the Etrufcans, the 
 lame facts which Livy hath related : yet even 
 this, is unnecefiary : for that very author, 
 fomewhere, confefles, that, for a long fpace 
 of time, the Volfci were, at leaft, as fuccef- 
 ful as the Romans. We will not, in this 
 place, call forth the too well known hiftories 
 of Porfenna, Ccriolanus, and Brennus, the 
 Gaul; but fhall reft contented with remarking 
 that if Horatius Codes had, unfortunately, 
 fallen, when he received the wound on his 
 knee; if the mother of Coriolanus had died, 
 fome years fooner ; and if Manlius Capito- 
 linus had flept one quarter of an hour more, 
 
 the 
 
 (x) It appears that, after a fiege of ten years, the 
 Romans accomplifhed their reduction, folely, by the 
 error, which this city committed, in choofing a i-'ii:g t 
 and abandoning her alliance with the Latins ; a de- 
 feftion which they could never forgive.
 
 138 ANESSAYON 
 
 the miftrefs of the world had been entirety 
 overthrown. 
 
 I cannot avoid fixing the attention of the 
 reader, for a moment, upon this object. 
 Let him judge, with me, how frivolous the 
 common place obfervations, fo frequently 
 repeated, by thofe authors, who have writ- 
 ten concerning the Romans, muft, unavoid- 
 ably, prove. What is more common than 
 to find it afferted, that the fpirit of conqueft 
 was the foul of their government ? The fpirit 
 of conqueft, amongft men who fuffered three 
 hundred and fixty years to roll away, with- 
 out bethinking themielvcs of attempting a 
 fiege ! the fpirit of conqueft, amongft a 
 people, whofe wars were only wars of repri- 
 fals, or of plunder ! the fpirit of conqutft, 
 amongft individuals, who never imagined 
 that, to fubdue their enemies, they mould 
 havelcized their military fortrefles ! We need 
 not quit the ftrects of Rome, to difcover the 
 fecret fprings in their machine of govern- 
 ment : let us direcft our refearches, iblely, 
 into the difTenfions betwixt the people, and 
 the great , thefe ciiTcnfions conftitute the 
 fources of all thofe events which excite our 
 furprize. At firft, the great dreading the 
 
 people,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 139 
 
 people, when animated by their Tribunes, 
 conceived the expedient offending them to 
 war : but as the foldiers were obliged to 
 furnifh themfelves with fubfiftance, at their 
 own expence, it was not convenient to make 
 long campaigns. It was, therefore, only for 
 a time that they were diverted by war, from 
 an atrention to public affairs, and, that time 
 being elapfed, they returned from battle, 
 more burdened, and more mutinous, than 
 they had ever been. A project was, then, 
 concerted to prolong the war, and to lay 
 fieges. To effect this, it became neceffary 
 to adopt the refolution of giving pay to the 
 troops. The Patricians entered, heartily, into 
 the facrifice of their contingent, and fent it, 
 of their own accord, to the public treafury : 
 But the Tribunes were not fo eafily duped. 
 They tore the mafk off from this falie genero- 
 fity, and expoied the fnare, concealed under 
 this apparent beneficence. 
 
 What is the refult of all this ? it is, that it 
 occafions, in our opinion, a reaction of ef- 
 fects upon caufes, and of caules upon effects t 
 that is, for inftance, we are induced to judge 
 of the conftitution of a government, from 
 fome fplendid circumftances, which excite 
 
 our
 
 I4Q AN ESSAY ON 
 
 our refpect -, and, on the other hand, full of 
 this idea, we place molt of the events, in the 
 fame point of view, from which we beheld 
 the principal events. Now, I confider hu- 
 man reaibn, as armed with two instruments, 
 and thefe are contemplation/jy,) and expe- 
 riment. Thefe, only, can enable it to pierce 
 through the chaos of opinions, in fearch of 
 truth -, but if, inftead of perfecting them, 
 it were to hurry on, through the concurrent 
 ufe of each, the confequence muft be, that, 
 claming inceiTantly, the one againft the 
 other, they would be impaired, before they 
 could affift it. 
 
 It is aftonifhing, that mankind mould have 
 been aimed conilantly miftaken in the ufe 
 of thefe two inftruments. The phyfical fyftern 
 hath been fubmitted to contemplation, and 
 the political fyltem to experiment. The laws 
 of nature have been founded on ingenious, 
 but extravagant conjectures , the laws of io- 
 ciety have been founded on particular facts. 
 The cruelties of a tyrant occafioned the ex 
 tirpation of monarchy ; an unfortunate fuccefs, 
 an error of councils, effected the difmifiion. 
 
 of 
 
 (y) Theorv, which is derived from the Greek word 
 a, fignifies, only, contemplation.
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 141 
 
 of democracy ; an abufe, either of power, or 
 of riches, threw a difcredit over ariftocracy ; 
 a crime committed on the perlbn of a female, 
 exceedingly beloved, eftablifhed a violent fe- 
 verity in the infliction of punifhments ; a 
 reprifal, dictated by paffion, fixed the rights 
 of war. Thus, men, gueffing at the events 
 of future days, by the circumftances which 
 had arifen in the courfe of the preceding 
 days, have blunted the inftrument of expe- 
 riment, and, entirely, abandoned the inftru- 
 ment of meditation. 
 
 How different mould have been the path, 
 marked out for the exertion, and progrefs of 
 the hitman underftanding ! aftronomy, Phy- 
 fics, and natural hiftory, have, as it were, 
 been lavim of thofe given problems, which 
 they have prefented, for our dilcuflion. All 
 that remained for us, was to adjuft the equa- 
 tion, to arrange, and to number ; a fecond 
 ftudy, then, courted our refearches, and 
 that was Zoology, or the knowledge of 
 living creatures, either in their kinds, or le- 
 parately, the which ftudy conducted us to 
 the philofophy of phyfics, that is, the art 
 of prtferving mankind, in the moft perfect 
 Jtate of welfare, poffibly attainable, by equally 
 
 cm-
 
 .142 AN ES^SAY ON 
 
 ..employing phyfical, and moral means : I 
 fay, moral means, for who doubts whether, 
 or no, morality be a branch of phyfics ? 
 Here the quantity of facts was immenfe, but 
 the inconvenience arifing from variety coun- 
 terballanced the advantage, refulting from 
 multiplicity. In this cafe, experiment muft 
 have been attended with timidity, and wMlft 
 expectation was involved in doubts, the 
 practice, or the fcience thrown into action, 
 could not have been employed, except with 
 much referve. To thefe ftudies, naturally 
 fucceeded the ftudies of government, that is, 
 of political bodies , of thofe organized ag- 
 gregations, which under the name of em- 
 pires, or republics, prefent to us a new order 
 of mpral beings. Now, who doth not, at 
 the firft fight, perceive that thefe political bo- 
 dies, in number extremely fmall, and full of 
 varieties, or anomalies, are, of all the objects 
 of our refearches, thofe objects which, more 
 than any others, elude the light of expe*- 
 riment ? 
 
 From thefe reflections, which we do but 
 juft hint to the reader, a new fyftem of fci- 
 ence, hitherto unknown, feems, all at once, 
 to fpring up. The examination of nature, 
 
 and
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 143 
 
 "$nd of her fixed, immutable, and neceflary 
 laws, iliould be the firft foundation of all 
 knowkdge, the initium fapientias. From 
 thefe primary notions of nature, one might 
 proceed to her principal productions, and, 
 at length, to her circurnfcribed, and indivi- 
 duated operations. Andrologia, or the know- 
 ledge of man in general, would ferve as the 
 bafis to medicine, natural hiftory, and mo- 
 rality ; and thefe would give birth to poli- 
 tics, which would prove but the refult of all 
 the others. It is, then, that an abfolute 
 Phyfiocratia would arife, a government 
 founded on the powers of nature, and the 
 energy of her adion. 
 
 In a lefs enlightened age, and at a period, 
 when the human mind might not be fo much 
 accuftomed, as it is at prefent, to the moft 
 fubflantial nourifhment, it would be necef- 
 lary to apologize for this philofophical di- 
 greffion, and, particularly, for that concife, 
 and abftracted form, into which I have 
 thrown thefe reflections : but I am not igno- 
 rant, that knowledge is, in our days, become 
 fo diffufive, that authors can, fcarcely, make 
 any other pretenfions to a fuperiority over 
 their readers, except thofe pretenfions which 
 
 may
 
 H4- A N E S S A Y O tf 
 
 may have arifen from the labour of having 
 meditated, longer than them, upon the fub- 
 jects concerning which they may have written. 
 J, even, perceive that nothing can be more 
 graceful to the cornpofer of a work than to 
 imagine himfelf placed near a man of genius, 
 who, rapidly, ieizes all his thoughts, whofe 
 attention animates him, whofe looks encou- 
 rage him, and at whofe fide he finds frefh 
 vigour imparted to his abilities, and additio- 
 nal certainty infufed into his conceptions. In 
 this confidence, I flatter myfelf, that I may 
 difpenfe with expatiating on the refult of what 
 hath been advanced , and proving farther, 
 that, on the one hand, the principles of polity, 
 adopted by mankind, have never refled upon 
 a folid bafis ; and that, on the other hand, 
 it is very necefiary that there mould be a 
 fufficient number of facts, attendant on this 
 fcience, to reduce it to experiment, or, in 
 other words, to the doctrine of example. 
 
 To return to the Romans : it may be pro- 
 per to recollect what hath been already ob- 
 ferved, concerning that error, which leads us 
 to judge of facts, rather according to our an- 
 terior prepoflefilons, than by an examination 
 cf thofe facts, as within themfelves. We 
 
 (hall,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 145 
 
 (hall, then, quickly perceive to what ex- 
 tremes the vanity of the Romans, the adula- 
 tion of the Greeks, and the emhufiaftic ad- 
 miration of pofterity, have ftretched them- 
 felves, to give a kind of bold, and fingular 
 relief to the infancy of the republic. Thus, 
 when Servius Tullius had been elevated from 
 a ftate of flavery, to the royal dignity, it 
 was aflerted, that a celeftial flame had for- 
 merly been obferved to defcend upon his 
 cradle. 
 
 This difpofition appears no where, fo 
 {Inking, as in the opinion conceived of the 
 Roman art of war. Not contented with 
 having beftowed on it the applaufe which it 
 deferves, its encomiafts would fain perfuade 
 us to forget that it did not reach its laft de- 
 gree of perfection, till the time of the Sci- 
 pios : and they would willingly call, that mi- 
 litary knowledge, which the Romans derived 
 at length, folely, from the frequency of mif- 
 conduct and bad fnccefs, the neceffary con- 
 fequence arifing from the wifdom of their 
 government. (z) 
 
 VOL. I. I I am 
 
 (z) As I am precluded, by the fubjeft of this 
 work, from entering into along detail, concerning the 
 
 Roman
 
 x 4 5 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 I am aflonifhed that no perfon hath, as yet, 
 been induced to compare the quantity of 
 battles, which Livy makes the Romans gain, 
 wu&the fmall number of real fuccefies, which 
 they acquired, during the fpace of four 
 
 hundred 
 
 Roman art of war, I {hall only produce one, from 
 amongft the many errors committed, on thefe occa- 
 iions. 
 
 Becaufe it hath been obferved, that the Romans, to- 
 wards the time of the Punic wars, formed themfelves 
 into fuch a difpofidon of battle, as to have occafioned 
 the ranging of the infantry, in chequers, or fquares, 
 confifting of three files, with the cavalry, on the wings; 
 it was, therefore, imagined that they, always, drew up 
 their army in this order. I am, however, enabled to 
 prove, that, during the four firft ages of the republic, 
 the cavalry was conftantly Rationed, as a body of 
 referve. From amidft a multitude of facts, tending to 
 confirm this opinion, I fhall reft contented with a felec*- 
 tion of thefe facls which follow. Livy, mentioning a 
 great battle, between Fabius and the Samnites, af- 
 ferts, that this conful ordered his cavalry to charge, but 
 that they threw their own troops, and the forces of the 
 enemy, into equal diforder. Equites ducibus tribunis 
 ante ligna evedi, haud multo plus hoftibus, quam 
 fuis prajbuerunt tumultus. Now, thefe equites ante 
 figna evedi, who occafioned fo much confufion amongft 
 their own infantry, and the infantry of the enemy, 
 could, furely, be no other, than a body of referve, 
 ruihing on to the charge, through the intervals of their 
 
 foot.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 147 
 
 hundred years. I am ftill more furprized, 
 that no doubt is entertained concerning the 
 authenticity of the hiftory, when the hifto- 
 rian is obfcrved to be fo very exact, as never 
 to omit the detail of a fmgle action : there 
 are fufficient opportunities of comparing this* 
 I 2 fcru- 
 
 foot. I omit the description of a number of battles, 
 during which the conful is fuppofed to have ordered his 
 cavalry to fall back into the rear, in order to charge the 
 enemy, in flank ; a kind of attack, which muft have 
 proved unavoidable, in the very beginning of the ac- 
 tion, had the cavalry been ftationed on the wings; 
 and which, alfo, could never have been executed, if 
 the cavalry of the enemy, had obferved the fame dif- 
 pofition : but let me remark that the four hundredth, and 
 fortieth year, from the foundation of Rome, is the 
 period, at which Livy fixes the firfl introduction of this 
 difpofition of battle, fo often praftifed afterwards. 
 Treating of the Samnites, his words are : Itaque in 
 aciem procedunt, equitibus in cornua divifis. Doth, 
 not the particular attention with which the author de- 
 fcribes this difpofition, fufficiently prove that, it was, 
 hitherto, almoft without a precedent ? The following 
 paf^age informs us, that the infantry did not march on 
 to the attack, in chequers, or fquarcs ; and is an addi- 
 tional confirmation of the opinion, which we have 
 advanced, infmuating that the cavalry was ftationed, as 
 a body of referve. The dictator, Marcus Valerius, 
 coming up to the aflillance of an advanced guard, 
 marched in the following order. Prima incedebant 
 
 figna
 
 148 ANESSAYON 
 
 fcrupulous attention, with the attention em- 
 ployed in tranfmitting to us all the haran- 
 gues ; and of remarking, in particular, a 
 certain uniformity in the defcriptions, which 
 gives the intelligent reader occafion to fufpect, 
 
 that 
 
 figna legionum, ne quid occultum, aut repentinum hof- 
 tis timeret, fed reliquerat intcrvalla inter ordines pe- 
 ditum, qua fatis laxo fpatio, equi permitti portent. By 
 this, it may be perceived that on the one hand, the 
 legion did not, conftantly, leave intervals, for then the 
 hiftorian would have been fatisfied, with faying, that 
 they had been augmented : and that on the other hand, 
 the cavalry was not ftationed at the wings ; for had 
 -that been the cafe, in this particular inftance, fo new a 
 difpofition would have excited the attention of the ene- 
 my, and have taught them to expect a rapid, and un- 
 expected aflault, (quid repentinum) what aftonifhes me 
 the moft, is, that no perfon hath been led to make thefe 
 obfervations by a conviction, that they were abfolutely 
 neceflary, to effect an explanation of certain paflages, 
 which muft, without it, have appeared abfurd. It 
 hath been obferved that the Roman cavalry fometimes 
 attacked the enemy in flank, and, at other times, in 
 the rear ; and thus gained a decifive victory : they, 
 fometimes, alfo, alighted, to renew the fight, on foot. 
 Now, it is ridiculous to aflert, that the Romans, 
 having no flull in horfemanfhip, frequently gave the 
 preference to an attack on foot, becaufe it is well 
 known, that the decifion of the battle was, often, owing 
 to their having charged on horfeback. The fact, then, 
 was fimply this. When the enemy had kept their 
 
 flanks
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 149 
 
 that the variety of the different orders of 
 battle, was confined to the taftics of the au- 
 thor, and not to the poffibilities of war. 
 What ! after fo many battles gained, by the 
 left, the right, and the center divifions ; 
 1 3 after 
 
 flanks too clofe, to apprehend their being broken into> 
 and when the firft attack of their infantry had made 
 the Roman foot give way, the confuls, perceiving that 
 they had neither time, nor opportunity, to make a di- 
 verfion againft the wings, failed not to order the horfe- 
 men to alight, and, at the fame time, directing the ma- 
 niple to open, they led on this body of referve, (ante 
 figna) that is, in the front of the troops. 
 
 As to the Roman art of war, in general, the beft 
 judgment which 1 can prefume to pafs on it, after the 
 moil mature examination, is this : during almoft five 
 ages, Rome did not much outftrip her neighbours in 
 the acquifition of advantages. Her infantry were never 
 diftinguifhed by their fuperiority, and in moft of her 
 fuccefsful wars, the vidlory was owing to the good 
 order, and intrepidity, with which the cavalry charged. 
 I am convinced that this truth is but little known ; but 
 could I perfuade the military men to read Livy, with 
 attention, I flatter myfelfthat they would agree with 
 me. As to the reft, the Romans had no idea of conti- 
 nuing the war by campaigns, and fo ignorant were 
 they of ftratagems of any kind, that when Hannibal 
 employed them, and when his Numidian cavalry gained 
 advantages over the cavalry of the Romans, the latter 
 
 were
 
 ANESSAYON 
 
 after three hundred and fixty years, pafled 
 in war, is Veil not yet taken ! Veil fuftains a 
 fiege of ten years : (let it be obferved how 
 fufpicious the refemblance is, between this 
 account, and the account of the fiege of 
 Troy). At the end of this period, the taking 
 of Veil is effected, folely, by the fuperior 
 genius of one man. And what man ? the de- 
 liverer, the reformer of his country, the im- 
 mortal Furius Camillus ! what mail I fay of 
 the Samnites, who fupported a war againft 
 Rome, during a fpace of forty years ? or of 
 the Gauls, who almoft conftantly triumphed 
 over the Romans, however hiftorians may 
 have labored to difguife, and even to alter 
 
 the 
 
 were involved in a feries of defeats, which, as they in- 
 creafed, were attended by additional circumitances of 
 humiliation. 
 
 To conclude ; it doth not appear, that the Roman 
 authors, who wrote the annals of thofe times in which 
 the republic ftill exifted, and before flattery had arifen 
 to its full heighth, did, at any period, fairly make 
 put their pretenfions to thofe exceffive praifes, which 
 were afterwards lavilhed on their nation. Witnefs that 
 confeflion of Sallufl. Sciebam. . . . facundia Gnecos, 
 
 gloria belli Gallos, ante Romanis fuifie (Bellum 
 
 Catil.)
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 the narrative of facts ?(t?) but it will be ob- 
 jected to me, that Rome, at length, became 
 the miftrefs of the world ; and I fhall be 
 afked what proofs can remain to account for 
 her prodigious fuccefs, if her fyftem of go- 
 vernment, and her art of war be thus attached, 
 To this objection I anlwer, firft, that he 
 who takes the dimenfions of an edifice, doth 
 not, on that account, pretend that he can 
 pull it down ; and if I have imagined, that 
 an enthufiaftic admiration hath attributed too 
 much merit to the polity of the Romans, I 
 am not the lefs induced to revere a thoufand 
 admirable circumftances* which have been 
 handed down to us, as examples worthy of 
 our imitation. Secondly, I muft remark, that 
 whilft men, endued with the moft profound 
 learning, and the mod lively genius, have 
 I 4 facrificed 
 
 (a) It is apparent that the account of the arrival of 
 Furius Camillas, when the Romans were on the point 
 of treating for their ranfom, is no more than the fabu- 
 lous invention of either pride, or flattery. The Che- 
 valier Folard hath fully refuted it, in his commen- 
 taries on Polybius, notwithftanding that he hath pafled 
 by the teftimony of Diodorus Siculus, fo dire&ly oppo- 
 fite not only to the afTertions of Livy, and Plutarch, 
 but, alfo to the authority of Tacitus, who puts this, 
 fentence into the mouth of Claudius. " Capti a Gal- 
 lis fumus.". ... V. Tacit. Annal. lib. u.
 
 JS2 ANESSAYON 
 
 facrificed all their attention to the tafk, o 
 finding in Rome herfelf, the fource of her 
 grandeur, they have too much neglected the 
 invefligation of thofe exterior caufes, which 
 contributed to that grandeur , as if, in deter- 
 mining on the power of a lever, it were not 
 necefiary to go to the extreme point, and af- 
 certain its refiftance. It is an omiffion, of 
 which I accufe the celebrated Machiavel, and 
 the illuftrious Montefquieu, above all others, 
 (b) becaufe the former, and the latter could 
 not have avoided infufing into their obferva- 
 tions all the fire of their genius, and all the 
 fagacity of their underftanding : fince they 
 have neglected this object, let us endeavour 
 
 to 
 
 (b) Machiavel, in the competition of his admirable 
 difcourfes, concerning the firft decad of Livy, doth 
 not feem to have endeavoured to unravel the fyftem of 
 the aggrandizement of the Roman republic. Neither 
 hath the prcfident Montefquieu fuppofed this to be a 
 new and neceflary taflc : doth his work, then, corref- 
 pond with its title ? the reflexions which he allows him- 
 felf to make on the five firft ages of the republic 
 fcarcely take up fixty duodecimo pages ; I muft cor.fefs, 
 that, whatfoever genius may diltinguim thefe reflections, 
 they feem fo vague, and fo detached, that they refemble 
 marginal notes, written on the fame work, of which 
 Machiavel was the commentator.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 153 
 
 to throw fome light upon it, and firft, let us 
 confider Italy, as within heffelf. 
 
 Nothing could have been more favourable 
 to the eftablifhment of any ftate whatfoever, 
 than the pofture of Italy, at the demife of 
 Tarquinius Superbus, that is, at the period, 
 when the Roman republic began to acquire a 
 certain {lability. In fact, matters were fo 
 arranged, that the neighbouring inland na- 
 tions, although fufHciently warlike to exer- 
 cife the courage of the Romans, were, not- 
 withftanding, as yet, too barbarous and too 
 unpolimed, to avail themfelves of the means 
 of reducing them to fubmiffion ; whilft the 
 people inhabiting the countries nearer to the 
 mores of the fea, were, at once, affluent and 
 refined, but too effeminate and ennervated, 
 to render themfelves formidable. Thus Italy 
 found herfelf divided into indigenous nations, 
 ftill retaining their barbarifm, and Grecian 
 colonies, amongft which, commerce and in- 
 duftry had, already, introduced luxury and 
 corruption. The Romans, having become 
 the conquerors of the neareft neighbouring 
 nations, mould, at the fame time, have van- 
 quimed all Italy. The weaknefs of Capua, 
 and the pufillanimity of the people of Taren- 
 
 tum,
 
 154 ANESSAYON 
 
 turn, may, eafily, be recollected ; but it 
 Ihould, alfo, be remembered that, if Pyrrhus* 
 lefs inconftant, lefs vagne in his projects, or 
 rather more immediately interefted in the li- 
 berty of Italy, had vigoroufly pufhed on the 
 war, perhaps, Fabricius had been the lad 
 hero of whom Rome could have boafled. 
 Rome, having once rendered herfelf the mif- 
 trefs of Italy, what was wanting to make her 
 the miftrefs of the whole world, but to con- 
 ceive it pofTible that me might be miftrefs ? 
 Carthage taught her to perceive it, and feemed 
 to enter into competition with her, only to 
 enable her to know her own power. In fact, 
 what ftate had the Romans to fear ? was it 
 Sicily, divided into feveral fmall republics, 
 and governed by feveral petty tyrants ? 
 Could the Illyrians, a defpicable people, 
 whofe whole lives were fpent in acts of piracy, 
 be the objects of their apprehenfions ? or, 
 could even Macedonia herfelf alarm them, 
 when engaged in all the Grecian quarrels, 
 and rendered, in her turn, the theatre of re- 
 volutions ? all the forces of Europe had paf- 
 fed into Afia, and the military power became, 
 lately, fixed there, as if that region had been 
 its native residence. 
 
 Car-
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINES.S. 
 
 Carthage, then, was all that remained in 
 the Weft : but, what, within itfelf, was this 
 power of Carthage ? it was like the power 
 which the Englifh enjoy, at prefent, in Ame- 
 rica, and in India ; that is, a power, which, 
 having been eftablifhed, by an afpiring and 
 victorious commerce, at once, extended it- 
 felf along the coafts, and caufed its influence 
 to be felt, through all the inland parts : there 
 is, however, this difference ; the power of 
 the Englifh pointed, at leaft, to a refpectable 
 obje<5l, a kind of vice, where its whole force 
 concentrated ; whilil Carthage, like thofe 
 polypufies, the vague exiftence of which, lofes 
 in energy, what it acquires in the fuperficies, 
 feemed more jealoufly employed in extending 
 
 than in fortifying her poffefiions. The Nu- 
 
 i 
 
 midian kings, fuch as Syphax, and MafmifTa; 
 the people of Spain, fuch as the Celtiberians 
 and the Lufitanians , the inhabitants of Sardi- 
 nia, and of Corfica, were to Carthage, what 
 the Morattoes, and the Indians are, in this 
 age, to the Englifh eftablifhments, and, par- 
 ticularly, what the Mexicans would have been 
 to the Spaniards, if thefe laft, contented with 
 trading amongft them, had not cruelly re- 
 folved on their deftruction. Now, thele 
 
 powers,
 
 156 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 powers, thus eftablimed by commerce, find 
 it more necefiary to attack, than to prepare 
 for a defence. Some fea-ports, fome forti- 
 fied factories, and, chiefly, the fuperiority 
 which valour and induftry acquire over the 
 ignorance of a cowardly, and ftupid people, 
 are the only means to be employed in enforc- 
 ing the obedience of fo many tributary, or 
 allied nations. In the moment of having re- 
 courfe to arms, and declaring war, it is eafy 
 to obtain fuccours, which may follow in the 
 train ; but when the enemies, recovered from 
 their firft fright, fhall have thought of 
 making diverfions, then all the advantage 
 will begin to pafs over to their fide. They 
 have only one plan of attack, but theie other 
 powers muft concert a thoufand methods of 
 defence. The profpect of the vaft extent 
 of their domains, far from infpiring them 
 with confidence, fervesonly to multiply their 
 fears, and as a fingle facrifice is thought a 
 prefage of bad fuccefs, the defire of preferv- 
 ing every thing, induces them to divide 
 their forces. Thefe timid precautions diffufe 
 a languor over the operations of war. The 
 allied nations which, before, feemed to atteft 
 their authority, foon become fufpected ia 
 
 their
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 157 
 
 their turn. Inftead of fending them againft 
 the enemy, it is neceffary to watch over their 
 motions i and it is thus, that a republic 
 which feemed the fovereign of Africa, of 
 Spain, and of Sardinia, concluded every 
 thing, with having for its enemies, the Afri- 
 cans, the Spaniards, and the Sardinians. 
 
 From this picture, it is eafy to judge whe- 
 ther the Romans, who aggrandized them- 
 felves only by repelling the attacks of their 
 neighbours, and who were, in fact., rather 
 raifed to a relief, than aggrandized, ought 
 to enjoy an advantage over the Carthaginians. 
 Placed in the centre of Italy, of which they 
 had rendered themfelves the mafters, their 
 fleet might eafily command the two feas, 
 and their armies might quickly march to 
 every part, in which the enemy mould have 
 dared to appear.f*:,) Befides, in the firft Punic 
 war, the Romans were but auxiliaries, and 
 fince Syracufe, under Gelo, under Dionyfius, 
 and under Agathocles, could fo effectually, 
 
 and 
 
 (c) Strabo imagined that the fituation of Rome had 
 contributed much to the aggrandizement of the repub- 
 lic : he reafoned like a geographer. Montefquieu dif- 
 covers all thefe caufes in the nature of their govern- 
 ment : he reafons like a civilian.
 
 i 5 8 ANESSAYON 
 
 and fo often refill the force of Carthage ; 
 nay, could even reduce her almoft to the 
 brink of deftruction, it is not aftonifhing that, 
 with fuch an ally, Rome gained fome victo- 
 ries. Had the life of Hiero been prolonged, 
 he, undoubtedly, would have contrived an 
 expedient, that might have ballanced the 
 power of thefe two formidable enemies, and 
 have applied himfelf to the tafk of delivering 
 Sicily, from the inconvenience of being bur- 
 dened with any foreign troops. Indeed, the 
 accomplifhment of fuch an enterprize, muft 
 have been attended with fome difficulty, as 
 this ifland contained a number of different 
 fmall ftates, divided in their interefts, and 
 jealous of each other. But Hiero was pro- 
 tected by the Romans : there can be nothing 
 more dangerous, than to receive protection 
 from an ambitious power ; the fpecious pre- 
 text with which fuch a power invefts itfelf, 
 anticipates that firft effort, of which i,very 
 nation, jealous of its liberties, is always fuf- 
 ceptible. 
 
 Whilft the Romans, like a wreftler, who 
 had the victory, without being fatigued by 
 the contefl, were happy in the undifturbed 
 enjoyment of their own power, the empire 
 
 of
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 159 
 
 <of Carthage was fhaken, even to the founda- 
 tions. A war amongft the Mercenaries, a 
 hundred times more terrible than the war of 
 the Romans, occafions the blood to flow in 
 rivulets, and fcatters confufion around the 
 government -, it was, then, that Rome, in 
 opposition to the faith of treaties, nay, in 
 oppofition to that decency which would be 
 maintained, in our times, even during the 
 very exertion of an act of ufurpation, took 
 pofTeffion of Sardinia, and thus, rendered 
 herfelf the miftrefs of the Mediterranean. 
 
 The fecond Punic war quickly blazed 
 forth, and here it is, that the Romans begin 
 to mew themfelves in their true colours. 
 Whatfoever title to our admiration, they 
 may have pretended to pofiefs, they are 
 going to lofe it, in the courle of fome few 
 years. A fingle man tore off the mafk ; it 
 was not even Carthage ; it was Hannibal 
 alone, who contended with this powerful re- 
 public ! what an aftonifhing feries of defeats ! 
 what accumulated inftances of weaknefs in 
 her councils, and cowardice in her com- 
 bats ! 
 
 Yet Rome did not fink.... true.... but 
 doth it follow that the Romans produced ex- 
 amples
 
 160 ANESSAYON 
 
 amples of an admirable firmnefs, and con- 
 flancy ; that Fabius was one of the greateft 
 generals of antiquity ; and that Rome, at 
 length, prevailed, by the ftrength of her 
 conftitution, and by her fole afcendancy over 
 Carthage ? This queftion hath, often, been 
 decided in the affirmative, and we cannot 
 treat of it, here, without giving too much 
 into common-place quotations, with which 
 the reader muft have been, frequently, fa- 
 tigued. We rather chufe to hazard fome re- 
 flections upon the plan, concerted by Hanni- 
 bal ; and we mull confefs that it appears to 
 be the moft rafli, and extravagant plan, that 
 ever entered into the human mind : not, in- 
 deed, that we prefume to blame thefe daring 
 diverfions : but what is the object of a diver- 
 fion ? it is to give a terrible and unexpected 
 ftroke. Thus Agathocles, leaving Syracufe 
 befieged, prefented himfelf, at once, before 
 the walls of Carthage : but the rapidity ne- 
 cefiary to thefe operations, requires that they 
 fhould be conducted by fea ; that their firft 
 fuccefs fhould be eafy, and that the terror 
 into which the enemy might be thrown, 
 ftiould be fudden and unforefeen. 
 
 On
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 161 
 
 On thefe principles, let us form a judg- 
 ment concerning the conduct of Hannibal. 
 Could there have been a longer, a more labo- 
 rious, or a more loathfome expedition, than 
 that expedition in which it became necefiary 
 to crofs the Alps, and the Pyrenean moun- 
 tains, whilft the foldiers felt fatigue, difeafe, 
 and rnifery, as the preludes to a bloody war ? 
 To what were his firit fuccefies owing ? to 
 the treachery of fome peafants, to the helplefs 
 fituation of the mountaineers, and ftill more, 
 to the ignorance and mifconduct of the Ro- 
 man generals, who neither defended the paf- 
 fage of the Rhone, nor the defiles of the 
 Alps. I pafs over, in filence, thofe unex- 
 pected victories near Sicinum, and on the 
 banks of the river Trebia ; but what (hall be 
 faid of the march of Annibal, through the 
 morafles of Clufium , of the folly of the Ro- 
 man generals who, at laft, gave his army 
 time to reinforce themfelves, and who came 
 to an engagement, at Thrafymene, in the 
 very moment, when they ought to have been 
 fatisfied with keeping them at bay, and re- 
 ducing them to the perplexing neceflity of en- 
 tering into Winter quarters ? What ! if 
 Frederick the Great, hath been, once in his 
 VOL. I. K life-
 
 162 ANESSAYON 
 
 life-time, accufed of temerity, becaufe the 
 fiege of Olmutz was drawn out to a confide- 
 rable length, and this alfo, when the efforts 
 of the Auftrians, to retake the field, were in- 
 credible; mail Hannibal be judged, for 
 having undertaken an e.nterprize, which mud 
 have proved his ruin, if attended by a fmgle 
 misfortune, and to which, victory herfelf 
 coulo have infured no luccefs ? 
 
 It will, perhaps, be objected to me, that, 
 if fortune favoured this celebrated Cartha- 
 ginian, at the beginning of his expedition, 
 {he, fcon afterwards, manifefted her incon- 
 llancy, when the fenate of Carthage refufed 
 to lend into Italy the necefiary fupplies, to- 
 wards the continuation of the war : to which 
 I anfwer, firft, that Hannibal, before it be- 
 came likely, that he mould receive any fuc- 
 cours from Africa, had furmounted the 
 greateft difficulties, attending his enterprize, 
 and, of courfe, already fubmitted to all thofe 
 events, of which, if a fmgle event had proved 
 unfavourable, he mull have been irretriev- 
 ably loft. Secondly, that all his credit, at 
 ( arthage, was limited to a faction ; and that 
 he mould have known, that when a repub- 
 lic is divided into t\vo factions, the faction 
 
 which
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 163 
 
 which acquires its advantages abroad, is lia- 
 ble to lofe its influence at home, becaufe 
 great fucceffes attract envy, and remove, at 
 the fame time, that dread which, alone, 
 can maintain order in a divided ftate. No 
 circumftance, therefore, was more eafily to 
 be forefeen, than the fall of the Barcinian 
 faction ; nor could any thing be more incon- 
 fiderate, than to expect iupplies from a jea- 
 lous fenate, who had never looked upon this 
 diverfion with approbation. That Hanni- 
 bal fhould have been driven out of Italy is, 
 then, no longer a matter of aftonimment -, 
 the wonder lies, in his not having been, 
 fooner, compelled to make a precipitate re- 
 treat : we muft not admire the Romans, who 
 fought in their own country, and were, con- 
 ftantly, able to oppofe four armies, to a 
 fmgle army : it is Hannibal, whom we rnuft 
 applaud ; Hannibal, who, deftitme of all 
 fupplies, and weakened even by his own vic- 
 tories, perceived himfelf forced to keep up a 
 defenfive war, in the very heart of a country, 
 belonging to the enemy ; how. particularly 
 is that fuperiority of genius to be com- 
 mended, which taught him to bring into fub- 
 jetion, an affcmbiage of barbarous naticns, 
 K i and
 
 164 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 and to acquire fuch a dominion, over their 
 difpofition, as empowered him, in every pe- 
 culiar cafe of neceflity, to infpire them with 
 cool perfeverance, in the place of too daring 
 a confidence j and with a devoted obedience, 
 inftead of too prelumptuous an oppofition to 
 his directions ! 
 
 Amidft fuch a multitude of celebrated 
 events, which arofe during the fecond Punic 
 war, it is impoffible for me to forget one 
 event, apparently, ftill more aftonifhing, 
 than the enterprife of Hannibal, fince it is 
 fomething like a relapfe into the error com- 
 mitted by this great general. I allude to the 
 fuccours led on by Afdrubal, and defeated by 
 the confuls, Livius, and Nero : and here, I 
 cannot avoid inveighing againft thofe partial 
 prepoffeffions, which would not fuffer, even 
 this circumftance, to pafs by, without draw- 
 ing from it an opportunity of beftowing a 
 profufion of applaufe on the Romans ; as if 
 any thing, but the heighth of folly, could 
 have adopted the defign of marching from 
 Spain, and of croffing the Alps, and the 
 Apennines, with the view of affifting an army, 
 blocked up, as it were, in Brutium, and 
 with difficulty, fupporting themfelves in this 
 
 extremity
 
 PVBLI.C HAPPINESS. 165 
 
 extremity of Italy; and as if the ftolen march 
 of Nero was not, In fuch a cafe, the moft 
 obvious operarion imaginable, and even the 
 firft rudiment, and earlier! leflbn, in the mi- 
 litary fcience. Could Hannibal, reafonably, 
 have flattered himfelf with the hopes of 
 leading his army, without interruption, 
 acrofs Apulia, Daunia, Samnium, and Pice- 
 num, in order to join Afdrubal, amongft the 
 Ombri ? are not two armies, thus put in mo- 
 tion, from oppofite quarters, conftantly ex- 
 pofed to the probability of a defeat,, whilft 
 they form only a detached part of the whole 
 body ? undoubtedly, he, whom we have ob- 
 ferved, victorious,, almoft at. the fame inftant 
 of time, in Saxony, in Silefia r . and ia Pome- 
 rania ; he, who, finding himfelf hemmed in, 
 by three formidable armies, and on the point 
 of feeing a fourth army rufh forward to at- 
 tack hira, knew how, by the combined force 
 of military policy and fignal victories, to dif- 
 fipate, in the fpace of fifteen days, thefe unit- 
 ed dorms ; this truly great man, who bears 
 nothing about his character, that can eclipfe 
 his glory, except the peculiarity of exifting 
 in thefe modern times, would have felt him- 
 felf exceedingly at eafe, had he been dictator
 
 166 ANESSAYON 
 
 of Rome, when Hannibal made his entrjf 
 into Italy. He would h-ive fmiled at the te- 
 merity of thtfe barbarians , and that conduct 
 which in Livius was the cflcft of ignorance, 
 in him, hati been the effect of policy -, I 
 mean, that, inftcad of blocking Afdrubal up 
 within the dc files of the Apennine mountains, 
 v.iiich might have been eafily accompliflied, 
 by any one, the leart verfed in the opera- 
 tions of a defenfive war, he would have per- 
 mitted him to advance upon the plain, and 
 thus, have concerted the opportunity of de- 
 ftroying him, by a fingle battle. 
 
 Such a multitude of errors, committed by 
 the Carthaginians, and the number of difofters, 
 which were the confequences of thofe errors, 
 might well accelerate the progrefs of the 
 Romans, in Spain and Sicily. Thus Scipio 
 propofed his celebrated diverfion, as an enter- 
 prize, the fuccefs of which, was to prove in- 
 fallible. Even his departure bore rather the 
 air of a triumph than a dangerous expedition. 
 Hannibal fiew to the relief of Carthage ; 
 but what intelligent fpeftator could, then, 
 have remained doubtful of the event ? How- 
 could it be fuppofed, that an army, harrafled 
 by a long and miferable war, would not be 
 
 intimidated
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 167 
 
 intimidated by that infufferable eontraft, 
 which they met with on the plains of Zama ? 
 and, what was this -army ? the Carthaginian 
 Phalanx did not form a third part of it. The 
 remainder confided either of ill-difpofed auxi- 
 liaries, or difgufted mercenaries, who. de- 
 privea of the prolp^6t of plunder, Taw nothing 
 before their eyes, but danger. Hannibal 
 hath been blamed for placing thefe mercena- 
 ries, in the front ranks ; to have pitied him, 
 had been more natural, fince he had reafon 
 to mifcruft them, to fo violent a degree, as 
 to conceive no hopes of their making any e 
 forts to conquer, unlefs fupported, or rather 
 guarded by the national fold iers. 
 
 But under whatfoever difadvantages Harr. 
 
 nibal may have laboured, yet, nothing can 
 
 impair the glory of Scipio.(d) This hero, 
 
 K 4 event 
 
 (d) The encomiums, which our ingenious author 
 hath beftowed on Scipio, are, at once, warm and 
 juft. That illuftrious Roman poffeffed the happy ar>. of 
 blen-ding the accomplimments of the gentleman, and 
 the fcholar, with the condudl and intrepidity of the 
 foldier. Learned, and admiring learning, he patro- 
 nized and retained about him,, the moft eminent in 
 the liberal fciences. If he retired from his military 
 employments, it was only to cultivate the fruits of 
 
 peace..
 
 168 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 even in his lirft enterprizes, blazed out with 
 a peculiar luftre : fomething divine predo- 
 minate, over his character, and is vifible in 
 all the inftances of his fortune. Happy 
 Rome ! thou native land of the Sc'pios, and 
 the ./Emilii, why fhouHlt thou be debated by 
 frivolous and pedantic praife ? why fhould 
 thy encomiafts affect to honour thee, by opi- 
 nions,. 
 
 peace. Bufied either in ftudy, or in arms, his rrtind' 
 was as much difciplined by fcience, as 1m body was 
 expofed to peril. Till this memorable peiiod, the 
 Romans had but little knowledge of, and perhaps, 
 lefs pailionfbr the works of art. The introduction of 
 the fineft models of this kind was referred for Scipio, 
 Marcellus, Paulus JEmllius, and even Mummius, the 
 ignorant Mummius, fo ridiculous a contrail to thefe 
 celebrated chiefs, that he threatened the perfor.s, who 
 were intruded with the carriage of fome pictures and 
 flatues, taken at Corinth, that if they loft thofe, they 
 fhould give him new ones. The rage for pofieffing 
 thefe elegant collections became fo violent, that the de- 
 predations of Verres were not either without advocates, 
 or imitators. What the Romans could not buy, like 
 true virtuofi, they dole : Livy, mentioning the intro- 
 duction of the ftatues from Syracufe, makes this 
 obfervation. Caeterum ir/de primum initium mirandi 
 Grajcarum artium opera, licentiseque huic facra, pro- 
 fanaque omnia vulgo fpoliandi, faclum eft, qua; pof- 
 tremo in Roma, nos deos, templum id ipfum primum, 
 quod a Marcello eximie ornatum eft, vertit.. ...... See* 
 
 tharaffer of Sciio in the Connoijfeur* K.
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 169 
 
 nions, fo different from thofe, which thou 
 draweft upon thyfelf? were I to offer thee, 
 the homage of my admiration, my fancy 
 would tranfport me to the public Handing 
 places, where I might behold Marcellns, 
 difplaying to thy view, the wonders of Sicily ; 
 or rather, where I might fee Emilius, leading 
 at his chariot wheels, a train of kings, pre- 
 ceded by their riches : then, mould I, with 
 tranfport, give thee thofe titles, which thou 
 hadft arrogated to thyfelf. I applaud thy 
 fortune, that fortune, of which thou waft, 
 in former ages, fo vain, and to which thou 
 haft gloried in attributing power, rather than 
 to thy barbarous infancy, thy nnfettled laws, 
 thy tempeftuous government, and even thy 
 vertues, which were never more celebrated 
 than in thofe miferable times, when thou hadft 
 only preceptors, in the place of heroes, (e} 
 
 From 
 
 (e) Proinde ab hoc orfurus aliquis initio ipfos 
 
 in teilimonium vocaverit Romanes, ut qui plus fortune 
 quam virtuti refulerint. (Plut. de fort. Rom.) 
 
 This little treatife, by Plutarch, is worth reading. It 
 will, there, be feen that, exclufiveof feme fuperftitious 
 ideas, his opinions concerning the Roman affairs are, 
 apparently, like thcfe, which we have prefumed to 
 advance. Now, as Plutarch cannot be fufpecled of 
 
 having
 
 AN ESSAY ON* 
 
 From the conqueft of C arthage, Rome 
 arofe the miftrefs of the whole wend : from 
 that period, what power could have oppofed 
 her? Could Philip, Antiochus, or Pc-rfius, 
 furrounded as they were by jealous neigh- 
 bouring ftates, and kings who were their ene- 
 tnies, have amufed themfelves with the hopes 
 of doing more than Carthage did? Jt is, 
 at this period, in particular, that the fortune 
 of the Romans 'becomes fo conspicuous. 
 Rome, triumphant, or rather entering into 
 the pofiefllon of riches, might have funk i;;to 
 effeminacy ; affluence might have introduced 
 luxury ; to luxury might have fuccet ded 
 jealoufles amongft the citizens, and thefe 
 jealoufies would, in their turn, have brought 
 on troubles, and civil difcord : fome few 
 years of repofe would have given birth to all 
 
 thefe 
 
 having treateo with ir.juftice, the Romans, on \vhorn 
 he hath lavifhly bcftcwed the molt flattering encomiums, 
 there is reafon to b-: r eve that thefe fentiments were not 
 offenfive to them. It is well known that the Roman 
 emperors were aceuftomed to place in their own chamber, 
 a golden ftatue, representing fortune. Marcus Aure- 
 lius, perceiving himfelf at the point of death, ordered 
 this ftatue to be carried to his fucceflbr ; and this adion 
 was fuppofed to be the fignal of his renunciation of th*
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS, 
 
 thefe evils: but the bad policy of Philip, 
 and the prefumption of Anfiochus, preferved 
 the Romans from this danger. Inftead of 
 temporifing, inflead of raifing, as it were, a 
 bank to repel the torrent, thefe two princes 
 were fo ram as to turn their arms agamft a 
 people, inured to war, by a long feries of 
 military operations, and elevated with the 
 rnoft fignal fucceffes. This was a madnefs, 
 fo ftrikingly marked, as almoft to render an 
 enquiry into the motives of it difgufting : 
 but as true philolbphy doth not deem it a 
 fufficient intelligence, if fhe difcover the mif- 
 takes of human nature, nor reft till me hath 
 feen from whence thofe miftakes fprang, we 
 lhall rifque fome reflections, on the caufes of 
 thefe fingular events. 
 
 It cannot be denied, that whatfcever ad- 
 vantages Rome might, hitherto, have gained, 
 {he neverthelefs had not yet acquired any 
 great eftimation amongft the Greeks. They 
 faw all thefe exploits, in the light of wars be- 
 tween Barbarians, and were more accuftomed 
 to dwell on the expedition of Pyrrhus, than 
 oh the battle of Zama. One may even per- 
 ceive that at the opening of the Macedonian 
 war, the Romans had no allies, except the 
 
 Etolians j
 
 172 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 Etoliansj a people hated, and difcredited 
 throughout all Greece ; but who, notwith- 
 ftanding, attributed to themfelves, all the 
 fuccefs of the battle of Cynofcephalus, and 
 boafted that they, alone, had triumphed 
 over Philip. Pride, and a vain preemption, 
 were vices, peculiar to the Greeks, of thofe 
 times. There is every reafon to imagine, 
 that they did not begin to fear the power of 
 the Romans, but in the moment, when they 
 felt the fatal effects of it. As to Attalus, 
 and Eumenes, his fon, who affiiled the Ro- 
 mans, during the Macedonian and Syrian wars, 
 they can only be regarded as the kings of 
 fortune. Wavering and ill-eftablimed, but, 
 above all, exceedingly jealous of the great, 
 neighbouring monarchies, they perceived no 
 danger in feconding a republic, from whom 
 they conjectured that they had lefs to fear, 
 than to hope. 
 
 In the midft of thefe rifing, or expiring 
 monarchies ; in the midft of the convulfions 
 with which thofe new empires, the relics of 
 the power of Alexander, were inceflantly 
 agitated, the Grecian republics, too weak, 
 too difunhed, to exift merely by their owa 
 power, did not fail to add a confrderable 
 
 force
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 173 
 
 force to the party, which they embraced. 
 They were weights, which ferved to adjuft 
 the ballance, and which, perpetually, pafied 
 from one fcale into the other fcale : and yet, 
 lulled by the remembrance of liberty and in- 
 dependency, they extended their open arms 
 to the firft ftate, which prefented to them 
 a picture of thefe bleffings. Now, the Ro- 
 mans having made a proclamation, which 
 was delivered by Quintus Flaminius, of their 
 intention to reftore Greece to her freedom, 
 and to deliver all the cities, from the burden 
 of foreign garrifons, the Greeks were fvich 
 dupes, as to fuppofe that the whole face of 
 their country would be changed, and that 
 Rome would affift them, in the total aboli- 
 tion of arbitrary power. It is, indeed, well 
 deferving our notice, that, prior to the con- 
 quefls of Alexander, defpotifm was un- 
 known in Europe, except in the neighbour- 
 hood of the Perfians. It, then, Tallied forth, 
 at once, from the midft of the Grecian army , 
 but unattended, either by the antiquity of 
 empires, or the long anceftry of royal houfes, 
 the ufual fupport of authority, its reign was 
 conftantly precarious, nor had it, yet, ac- 
 quired any {lability. The people, therefore, 
 
 returned
 
 174 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 returned to their liberty, as to their natural 
 condition. The fnare laid by the Romans* 
 to entrap this moft enlightened quarter of the 
 world was, indeed, terrible , and this ap- 
 parent beneficence had no other effect, than 
 to break down all covenants, all bonds, and 
 all political fyftems, amidft thefe unfortu- 
 nate people, who, now, m exchange for the 
 fweet fentiments of liberty, felt nothing but 
 the conviction of their own weaknefs. 
 
 The Greeks had, undoubtedly acted more 
 prudently, if, in order to prevent the Ro- 
 mans from rifmg, at their fide, to fuch a 
 pitch of grandeur, they had united them- 
 felves, firmly, to each other, or even formed 
 an alliance with Philip : but the members of 
 fmall republics, in which the fpirit of party, 
 ufurps the place of the fpirit of patriotifm, 
 chufe rather to perim. with their enemies, 
 than to yield to them the moft infignificant 
 advantage. There was no tyrant whatfo- 
 ever, whom a faction would not have pre- 
 ferred to the chief of an oppofite faction : 
 and the confederacy of the Achaians, who 
 were not appreheniive of the confequences of 
 calling Philip to their affiftance, when the in- 
 tended war againft the Etolians was in agi- 
 tation*
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS, 17$ 
 
 tation, deferted Perfius, when it became ne 
 ceflary to oppofe the Romans. As to Antio- 
 ,chus, his preemption, his Afiatic pride, 
 the diftance at which he, ftill, viewed the forces 
 of the Romans, and above all, the feeds of 
 difcontent which he fowed amongft the Rho- 
 dians, were the caufes of his ruin. 1 Ihall 
 fay nothing of Perfius, fmce that prince at- 
 cended the throne, involved in fuch unhappy 
 circumftances, as to have felt no alternative 
 between war and bondage. Thus, what* 
 foever ill fuccefs, he had rtafon to expecl: 
 from his enterprifes, they were, notwith- 
 ftanding, become necefTury. 
 
 Such were the errors in policy, which 
 cleared the path, along which the Romans 
 were to pafs, ere they arrived at univerfal 
 monarchy. We have obferved this people, 
 giving laws to Europe, to Afia, and to Afri- 
 ca j but, like thofe emiffaries who, previ- 
 ous to the breaking out of war, are fcnt to 
 fathom the defigns of princes, to examine 
 into the ftate of their forces, and difcover 
 what fupplies may be expecled from them, 
 we have traverfed the whole world, that we 
 might form a jufter idea of the enterprizes of 
 the Romans, and of the reafons of their fuc- 
 cefs:
 
 176 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 cefs : in this refpect, we have purfued a plan, 
 far different from that plan adopted by thofe 
 writers, who have limited all their refcarches 
 to the ftudy of the Roman laws, and who 
 inay be compared to thofe inactive citizens, 
 whom Paulus .^Emilius upbraided with idly 
 difcuffing, in the forum, the pofture of af- 
 fairs, and contenting themfelves, in the mo- 
 ment, when the conful was departing on fome 
 timportant expedition, with merely attending 
 him to the gates of Rome, and wifhing him 
 ia fortunate fuccefs.f/J From the refult of 
 ipur reflections, we derive a conviction that 
 piie principles of the Roman power, exifted 
 {rather beyond, than within this celebrated re- 
 spublic. Let us, now, examine the effects 
 fof the Roman government, in its more im- 
 xrnediate relation to its own particulars, and 
 c the influence which it poflefied over the for- 
 tune of other nations. 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 (f) Examine the oration, which Plutarch makes 
 Paulus Emilius deliver, on his departure for Macedon. 
 It is a curious paflage, and capable of diminishing the 
 opinion, which may have been conceived of the Ro- 
 jnans in thofe times.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 177 
 
 influence of the Roman government over thi 
 happinefs of the people : the condition of the 
 Romans till the time of C<efar. 
 
 JL H E title of this chapter fufficiently inti* 
 mates, that the conquefts of the Romans^ 
 and even their heroic vertues, are, no longer 
 to be the objects of our attention. Were the 
 people happy ? was it fortunate to live at 
 Rome ? fuch are the queftions, which we 
 mud now refolve, as if we were in the 
 place of Lucumo(g) or Appius, when thefe 
 two ftrangers came to eftablifh themfelves in 
 this city. 
 
 Voi. I. L It 
 
 (g) " Afterwards , Lucius Tarq uiniut Prifcui?\
 
 178 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 It is ncedlefs to declare, that we ihall not 
 confider this queftion, relatively to the paf- 
 fions and manners of our contemporaries' ' 
 "Were it even to be proved, that the condi- 
 tion of the Romans did not appear to merit 
 the envy of the French, or the Englifh, it 
 would not, therefore, follow, that this con- 
 dition was, in itfelf, unhappy. In fact, what- 
 foever inclination we may have, to refer 
 every thing to our own peculiar ideas, we 
 have been long fince accuftomed to the ad- 
 tniffion of fome particular fuppofitions, by 
 which, we are contented to regulate the 
 feelings of our mind ! thus, frequently, a 
 philofophical and pafiive fpectator bears a 
 part in the frenzy of Seide, or the enthu- 
 fiafm of Polieuftes : but there is fomething 
 more than this ; there are certain generalities, 
 certain marks, by which, the condition of a 
 nation is manifefted in the abftraft. As 
 groaning is a fign of pain ; fo complaints, 
 debates, and quarrels, are proofs of the dif- 
 contentment, and almoft univerfal mifery of 
 the people: and without alluding to civil 
 wars, famine, contagion, and the like cala- 
 mities ; is not the ferocity of individuals, a 
 conftant fymptom of habitual fufferings ? no- 
 thing,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 179 
 
 tiling, therefore, prevents us from judging 
 of the antients, as we fhould judge of each 
 other i neither are we precluded from the ap- 
 plication of thefe great objects, to the mod 
 known principles of morality and politics. 
 But, amidft fo many revolutions, and fuch 
 a multitude of alterations, made in the forms 
 of the Roman government, how can we, pof- 
 fibly, advance an opinion concerning it, with 
 any degree of precifion, unlefs we divide its 
 hiftory into feveral epochas ? 
 
 From the foundation of Rome, to the ex- 
 pulfion of the kings, may be included a pe- 
 riod of about two hundred and forty years j 
 from the expulfion of the kings, to the entire 
 conquefl of Italy, may be allowed the fame 
 fpace of time , from the firft Punic war, to 
 the deftruftion of Carthage, may be reckoned 
 at about one hundred and twenty years ; 
 and from that event, to the fubverfion of the 
 republic, about fifty, or fixty years, at the 
 moft.,(k) thefe four different epochas mult 
 L 2 fervc 
 
 (b) If I miftake not, the banlfhment of Tarquin, 
 and the total deftrudion of the regal power were effec- 
 ted in the two hundred and forty-fifth year of Rome; 
 Italy was entirely conquere4 in the year 489. Carthage
 
 ANESSAYON 
 
 ferve us, as four different points of view, in 
 which, we may behold the Roman people. 
 We only intreat the reader to be fatisfied, 
 although we mould not call' thefe epochas, 
 the four ages of the republic. He will, 
 doubtleis, difpenfe with our diftinguifhing 
 its infancy, its youth, its manhood, and its 
 old age. All this infignifkance of low rhe- 
 toric, and bad policy, could tend to no 
 ufeful purpofe, except a demonftration of 
 the too general abule of words, and the in- 
 fluence, which language may pofiefs over 
 opinions. In fact, as foon as men became fo 
 weak, as to efteem the frivolous flights of 
 intellects, which are more fubtle, than pene- 
 trating, they were, by degrees, accuftomed 
 to affix to them fome meaning ; and they 
 no longer confidered republics, or, even 
 governments, but as kinds of phyfical beings, 
 whofe difeafes, habitudes, regimen, &c. it 
 was neceffary to examine. The reafon of all 
 
 this, 
 
 was overthrown in 621 ; and the republic was extin- 
 guifhed in 706. It was not necefiary for the ingeni- 
 ous and elegant author to write with the precifion of 
 an arithmetician. It is rather the philosopher, and 
 friend of human nature, than the formal chronologift, 
 who, to communicate his refearches with the greater 
 perfpicuity to the reader, divides this period into four 
 ras. ,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 181 
 
 this, is, that nothing exercifes and fatigues 
 the mind more than abftraftion ; and that 
 this aft of withdrawing fome part of the idea 
 from the other parts of it, hath need of fup- 
 porting itfelf on fenfible circumftances. 
 Hence, it is, that the language of argument 
 is, conftantly, on the point of running out 
 into a figurative ftile -, a ilile, equally vicious 
 and incorrect, of which, allegory is the worft 
 abufe. Thus, it may be obferved, that the 
 more ignorant and unpolimed a nation is, 
 the more its language abounds with meta- 
 phors and companions. They are the art- 
 ful expedients of the mind, to elude that 
 exact definition, which fo frequently baffles 
 all her powers. Are the principles of a re- 
 public to be unfolded ? it is compared to a 
 living being. Are the properties of ajuft 
 man to be explained ? He is likened to a re- 
 public. Thus, are we, inceflantly, turning 
 round, within a circle of errors, where every 
 thing meets with its refemblance, and where 
 nothing is decifive.(VJ But it is not fufficient 
 L to 
 
 (I) Plato, in writing his treatife on a republic, feems 
 to have had no objeft in view, except the teaching us 
 in what juftice confifted. He compares man to a re- 
 
 public,
 
 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 to condemn, and avoid thefe abufes, intro- 
 duced before our time, it may, perhaps, be 
 necelfary to open, for ourfelves, new roads ; 
 and fmce we muft difcover fome means, of 
 afcertaining the fpirit of the different political 
 confutations, it might not, probably, be im- 
 proper to confider, whether, inftead of fix- 
 ing our whole attention on laws, and infti- 
 tuiions, which are, frequently, the effect of 
 
 chance, 
 
 public, in which reafon is the monarch, and where the 
 paffions form the common people. To this fubde idea, 
 we owe thofe ingenious extravagancies, which fomo 
 modern authors are, ftill, now and then, reviving> 
 to the difgrace of philofophy ! as to the reft, Plato was 
 not always fo allegorical ; nor hath he, at times, been 
 above defcending into exadl definitions. Diogenes La- 
 erdus obferves, that he made the excellence of govern- 
 ment confift in three circumltances. Firft, in the 
 goodnefs of the laws ; fecondly, in the obedience, 
 which the people paid to thofe laws ; and thirdly, in 
 the exiflence of fuch cuftoms, and rules, as were able 
 to fupply any defecl in the laws. In like manner, tc 
 difcover the vices in a government, Plato propofed the 
 examination of three things, in particular ; firlt, if the 
 laws were not ferviceable, either to the fubjeft-inhabi- 
 tants of the kingdom, or to foreigners ; fecondly, if 
 thefe laws may be tranfgrefied with impunity ; thirdly, 
 if there be no laws, and if tyranny, folely, predomi- 
 nate in the ftate. There may be lefs of ingenuity in 
 this, but it is much more intelligible.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 183 
 
 chance, it were not better to employ ourfelves,. 
 particularly, in the invefligation of thofe cir- 
 cumftances, under which, a people may have 
 formed themfelves, and in an enquiry, con- 
 cerning the character and interefts peculiar 
 to mankind, in the moment when they en- 
 tered into a fociety, and had enacted their 
 laws. In fact, the people mud have exifted 
 prior to the eftablifhment of laws; and the 
 founders, either of republics, or of empires, 
 eould, fcarcely, have been, all, in the fame 
 pofition, when they had fettled their forms of 
 government. Now, there is reafon to fuppofe 
 that, thefe firft moments threw a very con- 
 fiderable influence over the future ; fo 
 much, indeed, that one might propofe this 
 political problem : from the given circnm- 
 Itances, attending the eilablimment of a 
 people, find out the appertaining fpirit and 
 character^. Thus, for inftance, one might 
 L 4 be 
 
 (k) I cannot determine whether this obfervation 
 hath been negledled by political authors, or whether I 
 have never been ftricken with it> in any part of their 
 works : but I have a particular pleafure, in paying a 
 tribute of applaufe to the writer, to whom I am indebted 
 for it. I mean the author of Philtoire politique du 
 gouvernement Remain.
 
 184 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 be convinced, that, whatever modifications 
 were defigned to have been introduced, 
 amongft the governments of Tyre, Sparta, 
 and Athens, the fpirit of commerce ought 
 to have reigned in the firft, the fpirit of 
 equality, in the fecond, and the fpirit of in- 
 dependance, in the third. (I) 
 
 This 
 
 (I) I cannot difpenfe with obferving, in this place, 
 that the above cited idea, differs, widely, from the 
 maxim, advanced by Machiavel, in his difcourfe on 
 Livy. He, there, afleits, that, to enable a ftate to 
 cxift, for any long period, it is neceflary to call it, 
 frequently, back to the firft principles of its conftitu- 
 tion. It appears to me that almoft every ftate hath been 
 eftabiifhed in circumftances, quite oppofite to thofe 
 circumftances, in which, in procefs of time, it became 
 involved ; and that, therefore, it would be ufelefs, and 
 even detrimental, to have recourfe to fuch a remedy ; 
 every alteration in a ftate is not a certain fign of the 
 corruption of the people. The variations introduced 
 by particular circumftances, may, and, even, ought to 
 have a great influence upon the government. A bar- 
 barous and unpolifhed nation may become commer- 
 cial, and engaged in agriculture ; whilft a commercial 
 nation may grow warlike. It is, therefore, highly ne- 
 ceffary, amidft thefe changes of government to diftin- 
 guifh with precificn, that which appertains to the na- 
 ture of things, and that which relates to the corruption 
 of mankind. Idlenefs, pride, and difobedience are 
 certain marks of corruption } but the changes of fortune, 
 
 new
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 185 
 
 This method of confidering our fubjefl, 
 items to throw it into a new, and more per- 
 ipiciious light. But, amidft the different 
 applications, in which we might employ it, 
 v/e (hall confine ourfelves to the Romans, 
 and examine under what circumftances, their 
 iirft legiflation endeavoured to give ibme form 
 
 to the Hate. 
 
 Let 
 
 pew pretenfions, and alterations in ranks, and dig- 
 nities, flow not from the fame principle. At Rome, 
 for inilance, a Plebeian might Hand for the confulfhip, 
 and yet the republic would not have been corrupted : 
 and in like manner, at London, a merchant might fit 
 in the houfe of commons, without any difparagement 
 to the nation. At Rome, the perpetuity of families, 
 the honours conferred in time of war, vertues, and 
 manners, foon raifed the confequence of the Plebeians. 
 At London, the fpirit of commerce hath rendered the 
 merchant, as important as the man of quality. The 
 Plebeian, in the time of Canuleius, could not have 
 been compared to the Plebeian in the time of Valerius; 
 neither is there any refemblance between the modern 
 merchant of London, and the. merchant in the reign of 
 Edward the third : now, to have pretended, at a par- 
 ticular crifis, to have brought back a ftate, to its firfl 
 principles, would, if at Rome, have reduced a power- 
 ful and refpedable people, to their original mifery, 
 and debafement ; and, if in England, it would have 
 eftablifhed a feodal government, in the place of a go- 
 vernment, founded on property, and_ equal reprefenta- 
 
 tion :
 
 ,86 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 Let us recoiled what hath been obferved, 
 in the preceding chapter, and we fhall per- 
 ceive that, according to all appearance, Ro- 
 mulus was but an adventurer, of whom Nu- 
 mitor availed himfelf, to be revenged on 
 Amulius, and who foon afterwards was, in 
 his turn, fo fufpedVed by Numitor, that this 
 prince knew of no circumftance, which he, fo 
 eagerly, defired, as the immediate opportu- 
 nity of getting rid of him, by furnifhing him 
 with means, wherewith to eftabliih a colony. 
 Romulus, therefore, aiTembled fome young 
 men, belonging to the city of Alba, with 
 whom he joined thofe adventurers, who 
 
 chofe 
 
 tion; we mult enquire, then, firft, what hath been the 
 character of a ration, at the time of its eftablifhment. 
 Secondly, what influence this national charader had 
 upon the con fthu tion of the ftate. Thirdly, if the firft 
 cuftoms, and primitive laws are fo good, as to merit 
 the being pre^rved, or if the alterations in circurn- 
 ftances have drawn them into the legislation. It is in 
 this lalt cafe, that the original, and, primitive cha- 
 ra.fr.er of a nation, msy find itfelf acting in oppoiition 
 to its interefts ; and then great care mult be taken, leit 
 it be led back to its firft principles : it is even necef- 
 fary to fuffer them to be obliterated, as much as pofiible, 
 for fear that the people, always willing to become, 
 again, what they had been, might never prove what 
 they ought to be,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 187 
 
 chofe to offer themiclves. Amongft thefe 
 lad were fome individuals, whofe birth, or 
 affluence entitled them to a fnperior diftinc- 
 tion ; they were feparated from the lower 
 clafs of the people, and united with the chief 
 of the Albans-, they conftituted the body of 
 Patricians. No fovereign, who doth not 
 eftablifh his power, either by force of arms, 
 or by fome particular revolution, can become 
 arbitrary. It was, therefore, the duty of 
 Romulus, to pay the greateft attention to the 
 principal members of his colony. From 
 hence, arofe that fpirit of ariftocracy, and 
 that characteriftic of ficrcenefs, which it 
 always prefer ved. A colony eftablilhed, 
 without any regard to commerce and in- 
 duftry, muft of courfe be driven into acts 
 of plunder ; from plunder arife reprifals ; 
 and reprifals render a ftate of war necefTary, 
 and habitual. From hence, may be derived 
 the firft interior arrangement of the city of 
 Rome : from hence, proceeded the plan of 
 throwing the Roman people into the form 
 of a legion ; a form, the bed adapted to their 
 fituation, at that period, when the women 
 were fo few in number, within this infant 
 
 colony,
 
 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 colony, that it might be confidered as a little 
 army. 
 
 The firfl want, of which a warlike colony 
 becomes fenfiblc, is the want of population. 
 As pillage is more attended to than the cul- 
 tivation of the earth, and war more purfued 
 than commerce, foldiers are more necefTary 
 than (laves ; hence, arifes the principle of 
 putting no individual to the fword, and of re- 
 ducing no enemy into captivity, who delivers 
 up his arms ; a principle, which merits the 
 ftricteft attention, fmce it may be confi- 
 dered, as the fource of all the fucctrfs, which 
 waited upon the Romans. 
 
 A colony, expofed to the dangers of war, 
 fhould always be prepared for battle -, nor 
 can it difpenfe with keeping its members, 
 as nearly collected together, as poflible. 
 From hence, proceed a limitation of eilates, 
 and the necefiity of confining the heads of fa- 
 milies to the cultivation of, only, a fmall 
 portion of land. This neceffity gives birth 
 to frugality ; and frugality introduces aufte- 
 rity of manners, &c. 
 
 A colony, in which, about the time of its 
 eftablifhment, the number of women was 
 extremely inconfickrable, and conquered, alfo, 
 
 by
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 by the power of the fword, would, of courfe, 
 reduce thefe women into a fubjection to the 
 moft rigorous laws ; nor would the children 
 be exempted from the fame fevere regula- 
 tions, (m) From hence, mry be derived, that 
 
 cruel 
 
 (m) It is certain that the wives were punifhetl with 
 death, for the flighteft offences : for example, if they 
 had drunk wine. Fathers enjoyed the power of life 
 and death over their children, and this barbarous au- 
 thority included a right to fell them, as flaves. Dio- 
 n)fius Halicarnaffius hath obferved, that all legiflators 
 have thought it proper, to fix the length of time, during 
 which, the children were to remain fubjedl to paternal 
 authority ; that the entrance into the age of puberty 
 was the period appointed by fome legiflators, for their 
 enfranchifement ; whilit others had determined that 
 they fhould receive it, on the inftant of their marriage: 
 but that the Roman?, more wife than all the reft of the 
 world, had appointed no particular limits to this au- 
 thority. 
 
 The inhuman cuftcm, which Lycurgus eftabli/hed at 
 Sparta, was adopted by Rornulus, with cnly one foften- 
 ing reftriclion. The latter, inftead of permitting the 
 Romans to expofe their weak and deformed children, 
 in the firft moments cf their exigence, gave orders, that 
 they mould be preferved, during three years; as in that 
 interval, either receiving health and ftrength, their 
 limbs might knit themfelves into better proportion ; or, 
 their parents might acquire an affe&ion for them, which 
 they were too unnatural to feel before. Although this 
 law was confirmed by the laws of the twelve tables, it
 
 * 9 o AN ESSAY ON 
 
 cruel authority, exercifed by hufbands over 
 their wives, and, even, by fathers over 
 their offspring. The power of fathers is, 
 always, more (harp, and more abfolute than 
 the power of mothers. A mother may be 
 confidered as the chief moderatrix of pater- 
 nal defpotifm. 
 
 Such are the obfervations, which the Ro- 
 man people, in their infant ftate, naturally, 
 fuggeft to us. However inconfiderable the 
 
 number 
 
 was, yet, too frequently, tranfgrefied : it would be na- 
 tural to imagine, that paternal authority, fo barbaroufly 
 exerted, muft have extinguifhed all traces of filial piety ; 
 but Rome abounded with ftriking infiances of the pre- 
 valence of this vertue ; and, as a proof, that the feverity 
 of thofe laws, to which the wives were fubjeft, was 
 kept ina&ive, by their exemplary behaviour, let it be 
 remembered, that more than four ages had elapfed, 
 when Carvilius Ruga, by repudiating his wife, occafi- 
 oned the very firft divorce. K. 
 
 It had not the appearance of a modern feparatlon. 
 The^ chaftity of the fair Roman was unfullied by fuf- 
 picion. Sterility, a misfortune, but not a crime, was 
 all the hufband could alledge againft her ; it was ufual 
 for the citizens to fwear that they married, with the 
 view of having children. Refpedl for the oath which 
 he had taken, alone, induced Carvilius to diffolve the 
 union. The motive was, at leaft, plaufible; and yet 
 all Rome beheld him, during the remainder of his life, 
 with indignation. K.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 191 
 
 Tiumber of thefe colonifts may be, they, nof> 
 withftanding, afford us an ample intimation, 
 that they were deftined to prove, conftantly, 
 ambitious in their projects, fierce in their 
 modes of government, and ferocious in their 
 manners. However, the admiffion of the 
 Sabines, into the city of Rome , however the 
 peaceable reign of a foreign legiflator/K; who 
 attempted, with the affiftance of religion, and 
 the laws, to foften the manners of a barba- 
 rous people ; and however, the more fplendid 
 reign of another foreigner,^,) who extricated 
 the Romans, from their groveling fituation, 
 by providing for their earlieft, and mod ef- 
 fential wants, may have, fomewhat, modi- 
 fied their original characleriflic, we are, ftill, 
 certain of tracing it, from the aflafllnation of 
 Camillas, down to the profcriptions of Sylla. 
 But, were it even true, that the vertues of 
 infant Rome had fo far prevailed over her 
 vices, that happinefs may be faid to have 
 refided within her firit cottages, what confe- 
 quences can be drawn from hence, condu- 
 cive to the welfare of mankind ? would it 
 
 follow 
 
 (n) Numa Pompilius. 
 jfo} Tarc^uin, the elder.
 
 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 follow that the people muft, generally, 
 the greateft fhare of felicity, in a newly-riling 
 flate ? but the beginnings of empires are, 
 only as moments, in the feries of ages ; and 
 the object of a good government mould be 
 to give permanence to public happinefs. 
 Rome, incefiantly, engaged in battles, thac 
 fhe might procure fome fheaves of corns ; 
 Rome, at once, aftrangerto the tranquility 
 of focial life, and the activity of induftry ; 
 Rome, ftill poor, ftill deftitute of power, 
 doth not prefent to our view a very flattering 
 profpecl: ? and what, at the bottom, could 
 the common people be, who fufTered them- 
 felves to be governed, during the fpace of 
 eight days, by a kmg,(p) already, in his 
 grave, a prey to worms ; who, at length, 
 received from a female hand, a flave for their 
 monarch , and who, foon afterwards, became 
 victims to a deteftable tyrant, from whofe 
 yoke,- they, perhaps, could never have been 
 freed, if the fenfe of honour, had not been 
 
 more 
 
 (p) Tanaquilla, the wife of Tarquin the elder, 
 thought it proper to conceal the death of this prince, 
 until Servius Tullius Ihould have fixed his plan to fuc- 
 ceed him. Servius Tullius was born a flave.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 193 
 
 more violent, than the fenfe of liberty ? and, 
 kt it not be imagined, that a certain eafe of 
 life, a kind of fatisfaction which fprings from 
 an equality of fortunes, could have indem- 
 nified the Romans for what they might have 
 felt from other quarters, fmce the mifery of 
 the people, the tyranny of the rich, the ri- 
 gour of impofitions, and the weight of ufury 
 had, all, rifen to excefs, from the time of 
 Servius Tullius.(C^ It muft be confefied, 
 therefore, that this firft epocha of the go- 
 vernment of kings doth no where afford us 
 a picture of happinefs. 
 
 In the fucceeding times, we mail, proba- 
 bly, perceive more grandeur than happinefs ; 
 more vertue than confolation. Their kings 
 had, fcarcely, been expelled, when a cruel 
 war was kindled to accomplifh. their re- 
 eftablifliment. Infpite of her victories, gain- 
 ed at the lake Regillus, Rome perceived her 
 
 VOL. I. M enemies 
 
 (q) See the oration, in which Dionyfius Halicar- 
 naffius fuppofes this king to have declared to the Roman 
 people, that, by ordering a genera] Cenfus, he only 
 meant to diftribute lands amcngft thofe, who had none, 
 and to remedy the bad effeds of ufury, which is a na- 
 tural confequence of the difficulty attending the pay- 
 ment of taxes.
 
 i 9 4 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 enemies encamped upon the Mons Janiculus^ 
 and nothing but the intrepidity of a fmgle 
 man effected the preiervation of a\\.(r) The 
 death of Tarquin, indeed, diffipated the 
 alarms of the new republic ; but the people, 
 in the room of one tyrant, whom they had 
 loft, found a thoufand tyrants, amidfl the 
 Patricians. Were I defirous of fixing an 
 opinion, concerning the happinefs of the 
 Romans, during this epocha, I fhould not 
 afk for any affiftance, except the perufal of 
 the marginal notes of Livy j they would fur- 
 nifh us, folely, with inftances, either of ex- 
 terior wars, or of interior troubles ; thefe laft 
 
 were 
 
 (r) It may eafily be gueffed, that I mean Horatius 
 Codes. As to the ftory of Mutius Scarvola, I mall al- 
 lude to it, in this note, for no other reafon, than that 
 I may remark, how greatly a tafte for the marvellous 
 ftill prevails among us. Dionyfms Halicarnaffius makes 
 no mention of this fingular a&ion of Mutius, who burns 
 his hand, in atteftation of a falfehood ; but the fadl is 
 extraordinary, and we feem fo much more pleafed to 
 follow Livy, than Dionyfius, that we do not give our- 
 felves the trouble, to obferve the difference fo remark- 
 able between the narratives of the two authors. Mr. de 
 Pouilli, in his learned work, entitled " Diflertation fur 
 1'incertitude de 1'hiftoire des quatre premiers fiecles de 
 Rome," proves that this account of Scasvola was an 
 imitation cf" the recital of a fimilar tranfa&ion, taken 
 from a Greek hiuorian.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 195 
 
 were ftill more terrible than their battles, be- 
 caufe war was efteemed a remedy for, or, at 
 leaft, an allevation of the public misfortunes. 
 How deplorable muft that condition have 
 proved, in which this fcourge became defina- 
 ble j in which, the tears of the people could 
 not have been dried up, until the dreams of 
 human blood began to flow ! 
 
 Amidft thcfe habitual evils, what cala- 
 mities poured in from foreign quarters ! the 
 city taken by enemies, hitherto, unknown ! 
 a general fcarcity of provifions ! contagions ! 
 
 mileries of every kind ! (s) 
 
 M 2 But 
 
 (s) My readers will, probably, be furprifed, whilft 
 they obferve me placing to the fame account famine, 
 and, particularly, contagions. Their aftonifliment would 
 be juit, were thefe calamities the effefts of accident. It 
 is well known, that the cultivation of the earth presents 
 famine, but it is no iefs certain, that it prevents dif- 
 eafes : firft, becaufe famines are the general fources of 
 epidemical diforders : fecondly, becaufe the air is the 
 mod wholfome, when the earth is in the beft flate of cul- 
 tivation : thirdly, becaufe peace, and plenty, furnifli 
 the means of preferving health, by ufeful eftablifliments, 
 fuch as aquedufts, common fewers, neatnefs in houfes, 
 and cloathing, a choice of aliment, falutary liquors, 
 gardening, &c. Mr. Corbyn Morris, (in his '* collec- 
 tion of bills of mortality/' quarto) hath remarked, that 
 
 line*
 
 196 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 But it will be faid ; " what a terrible etiu* 
 weration -have we, 'here, of thofe evils, which 
 the Roman people fuffend. Tou toill the more 
 eafily reap an advantage from it, becaufe, mif- 
 f or tune being the common let of humanity \ the 
 idea of that misfortune, is but too confpicuous 
 to the -view of all mankind. But love for ones 
 country, an attachment to the laws, and the 
 tnthujiajm of glory are all factitious pajjions^ 
 and, to be known, they muft have been experi- 
 enced. 1'hus, whiift you give a loofe to thefe 
 fpeculations, you become wore fenftbk'of the mi- 
 fery of the Romans, than of the happinefs, 
 which they may have enjoyed ; and whiift your 
 tnind compares, your too partial imagination 
 turns t-hefcale" . ... Not to-negleft this objec- 
 tion, let us enter more particularly into the 
 fubjec~b. 
 
 The flrongeft paflion which hath been at- 
 tributed to the Romans, is the love of glory. 
 Let us, for a moment, adopt this general 
 opinion, and endeavour to apply it to the 
 
 welfare 
 
 Jmce the Engliih have entered fo much into gardening, 
 the frequent epidemical diforders, to which they gave 
 the name of plagues, have been lefs common, and fatal, 
 than they were before. . .
 
 PVBXIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 welfare of the people. We mall, doubdefs, 
 perceive a militia, trained up to war, conti- 
 nually, defining that they might be led on to 
 conqueft. The loweft citizens, as they 
 walked along the forum,, would draw out the 
 plan of operations, and fix the sera of victory. 
 Even the rnoft tender wives, the moft timid 
 mothers would catch the univerfal enthufiafm, 
 and the people, intoxicated with fuccefs, 
 would eafily forget their hardfhips. 
 
 How different is this, rep refentation- from 
 the reality ! let us no longer judge of Rome, 
 by what hiftorians tell us, but by what they 
 teach us. Let us, in imagination, tranfport 
 ourfelves into the heart of this city, and, 
 there, perceive a forrowful, and unhappy 
 populace trembling before the fenate. Let 
 us hear them implore this fenate, at one mo- 
 ment, with fighs, and at another moment 
 with threats, that they would deign to grant 
 them fome acres of land, for their fubfiflance. 
 Let us liften to the cries of thofe brave fol- 
 diers, who fhew, amidft their honourable 
 fears, the difgraceful marks of whips, and 
 chains ; unhappy wretches, thrown, without 
 diftinction, amongft the meaneft flaves, be- 
 M 3
 
 I 9 3 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 caufe they could not pay for the arms, with 
 which they had pitrced their enemies, and 
 the bread, which they had eaten, on the day 
 
 of battle ! The gates open ; the fenators 
 
 appear -, their favage looks declare their pro- 
 jects , a barbarous joy exults i every feature. 
 "What are they preparing to announce to the 
 people ? the alleviation o* the public cala- 
 mities, tranquility, plenty? No; but, 
 
 the enemy, tempted, either by the fecret in- 
 trigues of the fenate, or, by that confidence, 
 which long diffenfions could not have failed 
 to infpire, advances with hafty ftricles, and 
 will, focn, appear before the gates of the 
 city. Already, the confuls, feated in their 
 Curule chairs, fummon the young men to 
 their tribunal. To-morrow, the enemy is to be 
 attacked. The glory of repelling them may, 
 perhaps, be bought with the blood of three 
 thoufand citizens. Perhaps, too, this enemy 
 may carry lire, and the fword, even into the 
 capital. But what doth it fignify ? at this, 
 time, the Agrarian law {hall not be 
 claimed. 
 
 It is thus, that wars are kindled; it is 
 that the love of glory intoxicates the Ro- 
 mans 3
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 
 
 mans; it is thus, that they march on to- 
 wards the conqueft of the world. (t) 
 
 But, what will be the iflue of this war ? 
 fome few equivocal fucceffes. The enemy 
 will be repulfed, or, perhaps, retire of their 
 own accord. However it be, the Romans 
 will not think of profiting by the advantages 
 which they may have gained over them : 
 they will, purpolely, avoid purfuing them 
 into thc-Hr own territories, and, foon, return 
 to Rorrve, to demand bread from the fenate. 
 M 4 Ano- 
 
 (t) *' Di modo che volendo Roma levare le cagion*" 
 <le' tumulti levava ancora la cagion dell' ampliare." 
 
 Machiavelli de difcorii, liv. 2, pag, 20. 
 
 *' Had Rome been willing to have removed the oc- 
 cafion of the tumult, me fhould alfo have removed every 
 cccafion capable of increafing it. K.. 
 
 Saint Auguftin, (de civitate Dei,, lib. 3; cap. 10.) 
 after having defcribed the continual wars, in which the 
 Ronrans were engaged, makes a reflection fomething fi- 
 milar to that cf Machiavel. Perhaps (fays he) thefe 
 continual wars were necelTary to the aggrandizement of 
 the Romans, but what individual would wifh to acquire 
 a gigantic feature, at the expence of his health ? idonea 
 vero caufa ut magnum effet irnperium, cur efle deberet 
 inquietum? nonne in corporibus homiuum fatius eft. 
 modica;n ftaturam cum fanitato habere, quam ad molem* 
 aliquam giganteam perpetuis afflidionibus
 
 400 ANESSAYON 
 
 Another objection. ..." The Romans, (it 
 will be faid) were poor ; true -, but this po- 
 verty, far from being a misfortune, became 
 a treafure to them. Frugality was to them, 
 a fubftitute for affluence, and as they had no 
 wants, they were igaorant of the value of 
 opulence.".. . . . They were ignorant of .the 
 value of opulence ? whence came it, then, 
 that the Patricians had gotten pofTefTion of all 
 the lar. ' igingto the people, by ufury, 
 
 and of all the lanub uciong'rg to the republic, 
 by fraud ? why had thefe proud men fuch 
 vaft eftates, replenilhed with tliofe, who.' were, 
 at firft, reduced to flavery, by the chance of 
 war, and then, purchafed, at a low rate, from 
 the needy foldiers? why did they, by a 
 hundred times, prefer driving the republic 
 on the brink of its deftruction, to the parting 
 with a fmgle inch of their lands ? why did 
 they rather ehufe to offer the people a facri- 
 fice of rank magistracy, and even re!5gion,(.) 
 
 than 
 
 (u) None but the nobility enjoyed the privilege of 
 taking the aufpices : for this reafon, the fpirit of arifto- 
 cracy, tnd the fpirit of fuperfiition were infeparable. 
 We fhall have occafion, in the courfe of this work, to 
 
 prove
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 201 
 
 than relinquifh their riches ? (x) It were 
 needlefs to deny, that at Rome, the people 
 were poor, and difcontented, and the great, 
 rich, and avaritious. Thus, in the midft of 
 troubles and revolutions, after the tyranny 
 of the Decemvirs, the ravages of the Gauls, 
 and the invafion of Pyrrhus j after one 
 hundred and fifty years, all fpent in war, 
 againft the ^qui, the Volfcians, and the Etruf- 
 cans ; after forty years of perpetual engage- 
 ments, with the Samnites, Rome, conltantly 
 torn by divifions and always poor, arrived, 
 as we have already fhewn, at the third 
 epocha ; that is, at the conqueft of Italy, and 
 the beginning of the firft Punic war. 
 
 I muft confefs that this sera is not without 
 its attractions, The fame gloom no longer 
 
 o o 
 
 feems to hang about the picture of the Ro- 
 man 
 
 prove that, with ariftocracy, all the religion of ths 
 Romans became extirpated ; an opening was made for 
 the fefts of Stoics, and Epicureans ; and from hence, 
 likewife, may we trace one of thofe concealed paths, 
 which led to the eftablifhment of chriftianity. 
 
 (x) It was only to avoid the Agrarian law, that the 
 Patricians permitted the Lex Sicinia, and the Lex Li- 
 cinia to pafs : by thefe, marriages and divifions of 
 magiftracies between the Plebeians, and the Patricians, 
 were permitted, for the firft time.
 
 202 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 man hiftory. Civil difcords are appeafedf,, 
 the moft fignal victories become the re\vards 
 of military toils, and Rome is beholden with- 
 awe, by nations beyond the bounds of Italy. 
 Were authors to be confulted, we mould read 
 that this moment was the moment in which 
 the fuccefies of the republic had not, yet, 
 altered the vertues of its members. Rome, 
 if we are to abide by our references to thefe 
 hiftorians, was already powerful, and hither- 
 to uncorrupted. But, far from adopting fuch 
 an opinion, we mail, on the contrary, en- 
 deavour to form a more exact idea of the 
 morals, and felicity of the Roman people. 
 
 The people, who can live upon a little, 
 are not, therefore, happy ; the Goths and 
 Vandals lived upon a little, and yet, they 
 marched, -in fearch of plenty, into other cli- 
 mates. The people, who are inured to toil 
 and fatigue, are not, therefore, happy ; the 
 Goths and Vandals were inured to toil, and 
 fatigue, and yet, they pafled into other coun- 
 tries, in quefl of luxury and repofe. The 
 people, who are the mod powerful in battle, 
 are not, therefore, happy ; they engage in 
 battle, only, to obtain peace, and the con- 
 veniences
 
 PVBLTC HAPPINESS. 20$ 
 
 veniencies of life. The people, enjoying 
 cafe, and liberty ; attached to their property; 
 and, above all, defiring no change of con- ' 
 dition, are happy. Now, one proof that the 
 Romans never partook of fuch happinefs, is, 
 that from the very firft moment of their 
 having known what riches were, they coveted 
 them, with a degree of fury, and to that 
 luft, facrificed all their principles and manners. 
 
 In the four hundred, nd thirteenth year, 
 from her foundation Rome acquired the fo- 
 vereignty of Capua. Scarcely had the army 
 taken up their quarters, in this country, fo 
 celebrated for its alluring productions, before 
 the fpirit of revolt invaded it. The foldiers 
 fpurned at the authority of their chiefs, and 
 concerted a plan, whereby to eftablifh them- 
 felves in Capua. What treafons poured in at 
 once ! defertions, breach of oaths, and con- 
 tempt of military power ! no confideration, 
 no circumftance, however, could controui 
 thefe men, fo greedy after riches. The army 
 is feparated ; the precaution was ufelefs : the 
 greater part of the army, perfifted in rebelli- 
 on a and marched directly to Rome. 
 
 Shortly
 
 204 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 Shortly afterwards, the city of Rhegiura 
 demands fuccours from Rome. A legion is 
 granted to them. How are thefe vertuous 
 men employed ? without any attention to the 
 faith ot" treaties, and without the lead regard 
 to hofpitality, they maiTacre all the citizens, 
 compel the widows to receive them, as their 
 hufbands, and thus, take the poffeffion of 
 this unhappy town : to fuch an excefs can 
 beings of a favage mind be driven, by the 
 irrefiftable allurements of a life, in which 
 every convenience might be enjoyed, with 
 indolence ! thefe two pictures will, fufficient- 
 ly, enable the reader to judge if the Romans 
 were happy at Rome, and if they preferred 
 their conditionj to the condition of other 
 nations. 
 
 The firfl Punic war plunged the republic 
 once more into new troubles. In fact, al- 
 though during the courfe of this war, Rome 
 was more fuccefsful, than unfortunate, yet 
 the people did not receive from thefe ad- 
 vantages, a compenfation for the defeat of 
 Regulus, and the lofs of their three fleets, 
 which were either taken or funk. A victory, 
 frequently, reftores the pofieffion of a conn-
 
 TVBLIC HAPPINESS. 205 
 
 try, which had been feized on, in confequence 
 of a former defeat; but never can it reftore 
 the hufband, to the widow, or the father, to 
 the orphan. It is difficult to defcribe a more 
 fliocking fituation, than the fituation, in 
 which the republic found itfelf, after the firft 
 fifteen years of the Punic war. Not to men- 
 tion the perpetual humiliations, which it un- 
 derwent, the Cenfus of its citizens, diminifh- 
 ed almoft to within one half, is an ample 
 proof of the fenfible lofTes, under which it 
 laboured. 
 
 When Carthage became humbled, then, 
 arofe an uninterupted feries of good fortune, 
 in which every fuccefs was more fplendid 
 than the former-, thus, the conclufion of our 
 third period makes amends for the beginning. 
 It was, then, that war appeared ufeful, be- 
 caufe the fpoils of all the nations were re- 
 gularly brought to Rome.(y) But, who pro- 
 fited 
 
 (y) Mctellus hath been reproached, for having dif- 
 played, during his triumph, the ftatues, and other 
 works of art, which he brought from Syracufe. No 
 cenfure can be more frivolous. Why did the Romans 
 fight ? you will anfwer, to be the mailers of the world. 
 And wliy, did they defire to be the mailers of the world, 
 
 but
 
 206 ANESSAYON 
 
 ted by this plunder? firfl, the public trea- 
 fury, every thing having been carried either 
 thither, or to the temples ; next, feme ava- 
 ritious generals ; and laftly, the order of 
 knights, who enjoyed no fhare of thele riches, 
 until the duties had been fettled. Now, all 
 thefe conquefts might, indeed, have produced 
 to the Roman people, fome public fights, 
 fome feftivals, and fome games j but never 
 did they fcatter plenty amongft the necefil- 
 tous. An inftance may be met with, in the 
 hiftory of the Gracchi. Tiberius, in his ha- 
 rangue from the tribunal, was not apprehen- 
 five of exclaiming, thus : " the wild beafts 
 have caverns, and dens, whither they can re- 
 tire, whilft the citizens of Rome can neither 
 find a roof, nor (hed, beneath the covering of 
 which, they might enjoy a fhelter, from the 
 inclemency of the weather; deprived of any 
 fettled refidence, and precluded from any 
 habitation, they wander, like unhappy out- 
 laws, even within the bofom of their own 
 
 country. 
 
 but to enjoy riches, arts, and every thing which renders 
 life agreeable? To praife a people for their frugality, 
 during their infant ftate, is fomething like commending 
 a rich principal in office, for not having kept a coach, 
 when he was, only, a poor deputy.
 
 t>VBLIC HAPPINESS. 207 
 
 Country. You are called the lords and maf- 
 ters of the univerfe. What lords! what 
 matters ! you ! to whom they have not even 
 left an inch of land, to ferve you for a 
 
 grave." However exaggerated this 
 
 picture may have been, the difturbance which 
 it occafioned amongft the people, is a proof 
 that it was not, abiolutely, a faint refem- 
 blance, nor inapplicable to fome of the'ci- 
 tizens. Befides, it is well known, that riches, 
 acquired without toil, and divided amcngft a 
 very fmall number of perfons, introduce lux- 
 ury, and corruption :,(z) or rather, every 
 thing is already corrupted, when luxury ap- 
 pears -, for luxury is but an effect, creeled 
 into a principle. It comes not, until all 
 order hath, already, been deftroyed, and 
 whether it arife from the inequality of cir- 
 cumilances, or whether it flow from the abufe 
 
 of 
 
 (K) In the year 572, which was long before the ruin 
 of Carthage, Caius Maenius, the praetor, was direfted 
 by the fenate, to obtain a lift of all the poifoners, which 
 might be found either at Rome, or within ten miles of 
 the place : at the end of fome few days, this magiftrate 
 wrote word to the fenate, that he had already discovered 
 three thoufand, and that the number feemed to incrtufe, 
 in proportion to his enquiries.
 
 2 c8 AN ESSAY OK 
 
 of affluence, it, ccnftantly, maintains a fup- 
 pofition that, there are eafy and rapid means 
 of acquiring money, and that paffions exift, 
 which are equally contrary to decency and 
 honefty. 
 
 The opinion of all mankind, and the fen- 
 timents of every age, exempt us from the 
 necefmy of levelling our cenfures againft 
 that epocha, which we had fixed upon, as the 
 fourth epocha. No one can perufc, without 
 horror, the account of the revolutions, during 
 the times of the Gracchi, of Marius, and of 
 Sylla. We will turn afide from the fight of 
 this fatal picture, and, at once, conclude with 
 obferving, that Rome hath not, in any of thofe 
 aeras, into which we have directed our re- 
 fearches, enjoyed a meafure of felicity, ca- 
 pable of making her condition envied, and 
 her forms of government admired. (a) 
 
 CHAP, 
 
 (a) The gloomy fadnefs, peculiar to the Romans, 
 until the reign of Auguftus, is another objection to their 
 pretended happinefs. When Cato accufed Murena, the 
 bittereft reproach, which he levelled at him, was his 
 havingdanced. His advocate, Cicero, exclaimed againft 
 the cruelty of this allegation, and afTerted, that it was 
 impofiible to impute to a man the crime of dancing, 
 
 without
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 CHAP. VII. 
 
 The influence of the Roman government over the 
 happinefs of all the different foreign ftates. 
 The fttuation of the world, at the <era of the 
 Jubverfion of the republic. 
 
 I 
 
 N proportion to the advances which we 
 make, in our obfervations on the hiftory of 
 humankind, we perceive ourfelves more and 
 more ftricken with aftonifhment; not that we 
 admire, with the multitude, that fuccefiion 
 
 VOL. I. N of 
 
 without fuppofing that he had, previous to the com- 
 iniffion of the aft, given a loofe to intoxication, and 
 every other kind of debauchery. 
 
 It may be, farther, obferved, that the religion of the 
 Romans was, conftantly, as ferocious as their manners. 
 After the battle of Cannae, they thought it expedient 
 to bury alive, a male and femule Gaul, and a Gre-
 
 2io AK .ESSAY ON 
 
 of events, and that variety of fcenes, whick 
 occupy the furface of our globe -, but rather, 
 becaufe, whilft we were employed in this at- 
 tempt, it became impoffible for us, to facri- 
 fice to the ftudy of facts, the fublime con- 
 templations of ancient nature, without being 
 furprifed, and even humbled, by the differ- 
 ence, which exifts between the hiftory of the 
 world and the hiftory of man. Here, we 
 
 fee 
 
 eian man and woman, that the gods might be appeafed. 
 This abominable barbarity was, amongft them, nothing 
 more than cuftomary. Befides, religion was equally in- 
 tolerant daring the a?ra of ancient, and the aera of mo 
 dern Rome. When the magistrate perceived, in the 
 fecond Punic war, that feveral new rites and fome fo- 
 reign modes of worfhip, had been introduced into the 
 city, it was decreed, that all thefe forms mould be fur- 
 renaered up to the prsetor j nor was the obfervation of 
 thenv, any more permitted. This intolerant fpirit, not 
 confined to religion, inferred even literature. In the 
 five hundred and ninety-firft year, from the foundation, 
 of Rome, all the Rhetoricians were driven from the 
 city. In the fix hundred and ilxtyeth year, feme Latin. 
 Rhetoricians, defirous of eftablifhing fchools, in con- 
 junction with the Greek Rhetoricians, were forbidden 
 to teach, whi III thefe laft were con firmed in their ex- 
 clufive privileges. There is, indeed, but little reafon 
 to be artonifhed at fuch extravagancies, when we ob- 
 (erve. in the " Teftamentpolitique," attributed to Car- 
 dinal de Richlieu, a minifter gravely agitating this 
 
 queftion ;
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 211 
 
 Fee the waters preparing the earth, which we 
 are to cultivate, whether their flow retreat 
 forms the different beds, of which it is com- 
 pofed, or whether their more rapid courfe 
 marks out the vallies, and the mountains. 
 Myriads of aquatic animals feem to have 
 crouded, as it were, upon each other, to have 
 xifted, and to have perifhed in heaps, only 
 to furnilh the materials, wherewith we raife 
 N 2 our 
 
 'qucftion: *' fhould the care of public education, be 
 committed, exclufively, to the Jefuits, or to the Fran- 
 'eifcans ?" 
 
 Such a qceftion might, naturally, proceed from the 
 Ingotted, and perfecuting Richlieu ; but as he was not 
 the author of the above-mentioned work, this abfurdity 
 cannot, positively, be attributed to him. The " Tef- 
 lament politique" was written by another, who, to fix 
 the reputation of his production, with the public, had 
 flickered it under the name of the minifter. Controver- 
 fial and religious trafts were the only papers, belong- 
 ing to the cardinal, which were difcovered, after his 
 death. His niece theDutchefs d'Aguillori ordered thefe 
 to be revifed, corrected, and published. On politics, 
 a fubjeft which Richlieu always mentioned with great 
 rdferve, he wrote nothing. In France, the death of a 
 celebrated minifter hath been as regularly followed by 
 his political teftament, as by his funeral. Colbert, 
 Alberoni, and the Marflial de BclHfle, were fcarcely in 
 their graves, when they aftonifhed us with fentences, 
 which, when living, they neither wrote, nor fpoke. 
 The teiiament of Bcllifk was made by Chcvrier. K.,
 
 AN ESSAY 'ON 
 
 our edifices ; whilft devouring fires, ifluing 
 from the entrails of the earth, have thrown 
 into the cavities of the rocks, the metals ne- 
 cefTary in the ftructure of thefe works. There, 
 piles of ftones arife, like immerrfe towers, 
 whofe heighth feems to command the uni- 
 verfe : in one place, the enormous mafs af- 
 tonimes by its irregularity; and in another 
 place, by its perfect fymmetry. Here, dread- 
 ful alluvions open a paflage for the ocean, and 
 conduct it into the midft of the land. The 
 black fea breaks over its bounds, and forms 
 the Archipelago of Greece, whilft other inun- 
 fiations divide America into two diftricts, 
 and bear away, from it, the Antilles. Marine 
 monfters lie buried on the tops of mountains. 
 The vail fize of the bones of the terreftrial 
 animals is a proof of the antiquity of their 
 race, and points out the gradual degradation 
 of the fpecies, whilft, at the fame time, ve- 
 getation fprings forward towards perfection, 
 and feems to receive from man, a kind of 
 new education. 
 
 Such are the magnificent objects, which the 
 hiftory of the world prefents to our view, 
 fhall we difcover in the hiftory of man- 
 kind ?
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 kind ? facts imperfectly known, and yet, ex- 
 tremely recent. Thirty ages, at the moft, 
 form the domain of hiftory : a fmall number 
 of dynaftics, three, or four nations, cele- 
 brated by their conquefls, compofe, if 1 may 
 be allowed the expreflion, the fole titles of 
 nobility, in the political world. Let us, how- 
 ever, run over this brief genealogy, and only 
 confider what, generally, concerns the. fitua-w 
 tionof mankind. 
 
 We lhall not pretend to examine, whether, 
 as an ingenious author- hath affected to prove, 
 a defpotic form of government drew its be- 
 ginning from a principle of fear, which fome 
 revolutions, effected in different parts of the 
 world, had infufed into the human mind ; or 
 whether this government, patriarchial in its 
 origin, be more natural to an indigenous 
 people : it appears exceedingly certain, that; 
 a power, veiled in a fmgle man, fubfifted ia 
 Aiia, from time immemorial j whereas the 
 firft examples of a republican government, 
 are to be met with amongft newly-nfing co- 
 lonies. We perceive, then, that from the 
 fi'rft, the great monarchies appeared upon the- 
 theatre of the world, which -was,, then, con- 
 N 3 fined
 
 214 ANESSAYON 
 
 fined to Afia, and to -Egypt. Several 
 lonie", fettled themfelves, afterwards, in Afia 
 Minor, and in Greece , and thefe colonies 
 having, in their turn, fent out other colonies,, 
 the republican form of government, more 
 fuitable to men, living in a Hate of equality, 
 eafily propagated itfelf in thefe new eftablifh- 
 ments. Here, alfo, it introduced that prof- 
 perity, which fo ufually attends its progrefs. 
 Soon, this modern fcciety of men, different 
 in their manners, and principles, contend 
 with the ancient fociety, and conquer: but 
 an ambitious youth, already corrupted by 
 his good fortune, prefers the manners of the 
 vanqnilhed, to the manners of the victors. 
 Incapable of raifing himfelf to an equal rank 
 with gods, he debafes his fubjeds, below the 
 condition of humanity, and thus, degrading 
 his exploits, proves that it was, only, the 
 defpot, and not defpotifm, whom he was 
 anxious to attack. The period, during which, 
 mankind groaned under the laws of this fenfe- 
 lefs mafter, was fhort : but, at his deceale^, 
 conquefts were fo recent, the martial genius 
 fo predominant, and the interefts of the con- 
 guerors, fo cloiely connected with the fyftem 
 
 of
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 21$ 
 
 of opprefiion, that military defpotifm was 
 eafily fubftituted in the place of hereditary 
 defpotifm. Shortly afterwards, this govern- 
 ment, which had been adopted by the Greeks, 
 ran back from Alia into Europe, and fpread 
 itfelf through Macedonia,. Thrace, Illyrium, 
 Epirus, &c. It was then, that liberty,, driven 
 towards the Welt, took refuge at Carthage, 
 and at Rome : but. Rome, having quickly 
 triumphed over her rival, her infatiable am- 
 bition occafioned the drfpotifm of kings to 
 
 
 
 be fucceeded by the defpotifm. of the people;, 
 and this tyranny was the moil fatal of all ty- 
 rannies. Thus, in few words, may be pe- 
 rufed the account of that fmall number of* 
 general fads, with which hiftory prefents us, 
 and which lead us to fuch reflexions, as corn- 
 pofe the fubjecl: of this chapter. 
 
 The maxim, "il mondo invecchia, einveo 
 chiando. intriftilce," (that as the world grows, 
 old it becomes the more wicked) w r as but too 
 true, during the epoch under our examina- 
 tion j. but I do not fuppole it applicable to, 
 the preient times. The conqucits of Alex- 
 ander were, to mankind, a fignal of depra* 
 vation j before this period, the known world. 
 N 4 was
 
 216 ANESSAYON 
 
 was divided into two parts, one of which 
 parts was filled with little flourifhing repub- 
 lics, and the other part occupied by a vaft.. 
 and ancient monarchy. On the one hand, 
 profperity was in the place of repofe ; and 
 on the other hand, repofe was in the place of 
 profperity. In this fituation, the republics 
 received, in the enjoyment of their liberty, 
 amends for their perpetual difienfions ; and 
 the fubjects of the great king felt a fatif- 
 faction in the midft of flavery, becaufe the y 
 had been long accuftomed to tranquility. 
 Alexander, in the courfe of ten years, altered 
 the fituation of all thefe people. He died in 
 the arms of victory 5 and yet, fcarcely were 
 his eyes clofed^ when his generals waged, 
 againft each other, the moft bloody wars. 
 "When nothing was left for the Macedonians. 
 to deftroy, they mutually turned upon them- 
 felves, and tore each other in pieces; like 
 thofe rats, the plagues of the North, which, 
 covering whole countries, perpetually ravage 
 the land, as they proceed, till, not finding 
 any more fubfiftance, they devour one ano^ 
 ther. The univerfe was, indeed, revenged, 
 but dear was the price of that revenge ; all 
 upon the furface of the globe was over- 
 thrown*
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 thrown. The republics preferved only the 
 vain appearance of liberty, which left them- 
 the vices of the government, without pre- 
 ferving its advantages. Inquietude fupplied 
 the place of force. Factions became multi- 
 plied and irreconcileable. Yet all their dif- 
 putes were confined to their choice of tyrants. 
 Shall the preference be given to the Seleucides, 
 the Lagides, or the kings of Macedonia ? to 
 whom fhall crowns be decreed, and whole 
 ftatues mail be thrown down ?(b) fuch is the 
 fubject of all their deliberations. And here, 
 I muft beg leave to obferve, that nothing can 
 be more deplorable, and at the fame time, 
 more contemptible than republics in their de- 
 cline. Their ancient cuftoms feem to be new 
 fources of vice and ignominy. Their pub- 
 lic councils become, henceforward, no better 
 than the vulgar bawlings of the market, or 
 the abufive clamors, which prevail amongft 
 the meetings of the mob. The love of glory 
 is extinguimed, and in its place, appear an 
 
 (b) The cuftom of erefting ftatues, through flattery, 
 and then, throwing them down, that, in purfuance of 
 the fame principles, they might raife others in their 
 places, became fo common, that, at length, they were 
 contented to faw off the head of a ftatue and fix on the 
 head of the new tyrantt
 
 2 i8 AN ESSAY ON* 
 
 empty oftentation, and a mean prefumption, 
 which render thefe vices, thus odious in- 
 themfelves, fo particularly ridiculous. They 
 debate, they wrangle, and they threaten ; at 
 length, this farce performed, even by fellow- 
 citizens, is interrupted on the arrival of an 
 officer, belonging to a neighbouring delpor, 
 who comes to deliver the commands of his 
 mafter. Then, their language undergoes a 
 thorough alteration. They bend, they cringe,, 
 they promife every thing-, and ihis Have, this 
 inftrument of the tyrant is conducted back, 
 ioaden with honours.. 
 
 On the other hand, if any circumftance can-, 
 adminifter confolation to the people, who 
 live under on abfolute government, it mufh 
 arife from the confideration, that fuch a go- 
 vernment is, at once, ancient and extenfive. 
 In the firft inftance, mankind, always led by 
 cuftom and opinion, are eafily induced to 
 imagine that they who have governed them,, 
 during a long fpace of time, have, effec- 
 tively, a right to govern them : in the fecond- 
 inftance, defpotifm being, conftantly and 
 invariably, the wcrk of force, the more the 
 principle of this force is fituated at a diitance v 
 the more is its activity impaired. Thus, fe-
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 219 
 
 veral provinces of the Ottoman empire, fuch. 
 as Dalmatia, Tranfilvania, Bofnia, ftill enjoy 
 a kind of liberty. 
 
 Let us, then, call to our ideas, the fate of 
 thefe vail regions of Afia , when they found 
 themfelves a prey to the firft powerful war- 
 rior, who defigned to invade them. I do 
 not allude, merely, to Ptolemy, Caffander, 
 Antigonus, and Eumenes, ftill mining with 
 that In (Ire which they had borrowed from 
 Alexander i all the little ufurpers, who fuc- 
 ceeded thefe princes, the kings of Bithynia, 
 of Pergamus, of Cappadocia, of Pontus, &c. 
 &c. muft be included in the number. What 
 motive, except fear, could have attached the 
 people to fuch a form of government ? and, 
 what motive, except avarice, could have at- 
 tached the prince to the people ? 
 
 It was, in fimilar circumftanccs that Rome, 
 the fovereign of Italy, and victorious in Afri- 
 ca, extended her ambitious views over the 
 reft of the world. Surely the blood of two 
 millions of men, fpilt in the fecond Punic 
 and the yet recent recollection of the 
 
 triumphs 
 
 (c) I have been at the pains of calculating the 
 r of men, which (as hiftorians inform us) pe- 
 
 rimed
 
 220 AN FSSAY OUT 
 
 triumphs of Hannibal might have infpired 
 this nation with more pacific fentiments. 
 What a favourable moment ! had they but 
 known how to have turned it to their ad- 
 vantage !' had fome new Cyneas entered into- 
 thefenate, and fpoken thus: " If, confer! pt 
 fathers ' at the time, when Romulus founded> 
 this city ; or rather, when, after the expul- 
 fion of the kings, your generous anceftors 
 
 called. 
 
 rimed in the different wars, waged by the Romans, 
 from the five hundred, and thirty-third year, after the 
 foundation of Rome, to the year 577; that is forty- 
 four years. This number amounts to 959,846. But 
 hiftorians have mentioned many of thefe battles, with- 
 out fpecifying the loffes ort either fide ; fo that one 
 may add to this number, upwards of half as many, 
 more, at the leaft, which will make,.nearly, 1,400,000 
 men : to which add feveral fleets funk, and thofe who 
 periflied, either through difeafe, or mifery, and the 
 number will amount to more than two millions of men, 
 all facrificed in war, during a fpace of time, fcarcely 
 exceeding the length of life, ufually allotted to every 
 human creature, and including only half of that por- 
 tion of time which is called the age of man. It muft be 
 farther obferved, that this lofs was by fo much the- 
 greater, as it referred only to the free-men, who formed 
 but a part of the general population. One may even 
 prefume that a greater number of flaves, attending the 
 fervice of the army, underwent the fame fate.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 221 
 
 Called you forth to the enjoyment of liberty, 
 fome divinely infpired man had arifen to 
 declare to you, that the gods were refolved to 
 render this blefling perpetual, all your wiflies 
 would have been accomplifhed, and you 
 muft have fuppofed yourfelves the happieft 
 of mortals. But, with what rivulets of blood, 
 have you not been conftrained to purchafe 
 this ineftimable felicity ! How much time 
 have you not fpent in fighting to defend it, 
 without ever prefuming that you could have 
 referved it for yourfelves, unlefs you tore it 
 
 from 
 
 In thefe modern times when, as the poet ingenioufly 
 obferves, we have " fitted murder to the rules of art,'* 
 a military author afferts, that in a pitched battle every 
 eighth man is either killed or wounded. If the fables, 
 with which the hiftory of the fiege of Troy is inter- 
 woven, have not much weakened its credibility, we may 
 perceive what a multitude of the human fpecies were fa- 
 crificed during the few years continuance of a con- 
 temptible quarrel. In the war, between the Greeks 
 and the Trojans, the former loft eight hundred and 
 -eighty-fix thoufandmen ; and the number of the (lain, 
 amongft the latter, amounted to fix hundred, and fixty- 
 iix thoufand men. All this for Helen ; the wife, or 
 rather the proftitute of five, at leaft ; who was enjoyed 
 byThefeus, Menelaus, Paris, Deiphobus, and Achil- 
 les ; and who, at length, was hanged, in the ifle of 
 s, by the maid fervants of Polixo. K.
 
 222 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 from your rivals ? yet fuch is the depravity 
 of mankind, and fuch, in particular, was 
 the barbarifm of your neighbours, that, for a 
 long period, to avoid oppreffion, it became 
 necefiary that you fhould opprefs. 1 fay, for 
 a long period ; becaufe there is a point, at 
 which ftates, flrong within themfelves, ftand 
 in no need of being aggrandized 5 then the 
 fpirit of conqueft is no more than an abufe of 
 the fpirit of prefervation. Thus, thofe in- 
 flaming liquors, which are defigned to reani- 
 mate our debilitated ftrength, when taken to 
 excefs, infect us with illufory wants, and 
 whilft they, always, feem to increafe our 
 vigour, lead only to annihilation. Be fure, 
 therefore, O citizens ! that you are not ar- 
 rived at this point of power, the paffing of 
 which, is often dangerous and conftantly un- 
 juil : you are obeyed by Italy , Africa is 
 humbled ; and Afia beholds you with refpeft: 
 but Italy is depopulated j Africa is plunged 
 in barbarifm ; and Afia groans beneath the 
 yoke of flavery. Then, fertilize Italy, po- 
 lifh Africa, and give freedom to Afia. This 
 is, undoubtedly, your duty : nay, I will go 
 farther; it is your intereft: and thus I 
 prove it. 
 
 I perceive
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 223 
 
 I perceive but two objects to which your 
 defire of making conquefts can extend: 
 either, you with to enjoy, to a certainty, a 
 lafting repole, and, in the .place of enemies, 
 to poffefs only fubjects; or you are anxious 
 to become rich, and, in endeavouring to ac- 
 complim, this point, you are ready to plunder 
 all other nations. If it be the duration of 
 peace which you are eager to obtain, why 
 do you not acquire, folely by policy, that 
 which you expect from force ? Can you be- 
 lieve that two or three legions are fufficient 
 tofubdue the people of Taurus, and of Cau- 
 cafus ? do you fuppofe that your proconfuls 
 can preferve, for the republic, this empire, 
 which the generals of Alexander could not 
 preferve for themfelves ? how will you main- 
 tain difcipline amongft your troops ? how will 
 you confine an army, accuftomed to pillage, 
 within proper regulations ? how will you fix 
 the obedience of a conful, inftructed to go 
 beyond your orders? but you fear Antiochus; 
 but you fear Philip. Shall I, inftantly, fup- 
 ply you with formidable armies, to keep thefe 
 princes in awe ? reftore to Greece her an- 
 cient forms : re-eftablifh the republican go- 
 vernment in all Afia Minor: Philip fhall 
 
 tremble,
 
 224 AN. ESSAY ON 
 
 tremble, even in Macedon ; and Antiochus 
 ihall be driven towards the center of Afia. 
 You mall govern the world as you fit within 
 the fenate j and, without throwing afide your 
 robes, you fhall gain battles, in which, the 
 earth fhall not be drenched with the blood of 
 the Romans. 
 
 Let us, now, fuppofe what, however, is 
 far diftant from my thoughts, that this fierce 
 and warlike people, tired of the aufterities 
 of life, fhould demand from the univerfe the 
 reward of their long labours. Yon, O Ro- 
 mans ! may demand it. Your frugality and 
 difcipline may yet obtain for you that which 
 will not fail to deflroy both. Well then! be 
 rich ! I agree to it. But tell me ; who will 
 have a right to thefe riches? will they belong 
 to the army, who bore them off? then, none, 
 except the foldiers, could be happy, or opu- 
 lent. Will they become the property of all 
 the Roman people ? but, if each citizen be 
 rich, who will enlifl himfelf amongft the le- 
 gions? who will carry burdens? who will un- 
 dergo long marches, and the fatigues of en- 
 campments ? I forefee your intentions : you 
 will keep foreigners in pay, who may go to 
 war, in your place. And, will you then be 
 
 rich
 
 P V B L I C H A P P I N E S S. . 225 
 
 rich, whilft others are becoming ftrong ? 
 [hall you continue free, whilft others remain 
 in arms? believe me, O Romans, if you are 
 weary of your ancient fimplicity ; if you, par- 
 ticularly, wifh to be in pofleflion of the fine 
 arts, which ought to be the ftudy of a great, 
 and happy people, do not import itatucs, but 
 Ttatuaries , feize.no more on pictures ; but m- 
 ftruct painters. It is the enjoyment of our 
 own workmanlhip, and not the enjoyment of 
 the workmanfhip, which we may have taken 
 from another, that proves fo pleafing. Let 
 me allure you, that the bread made of the 
 grain, which you may have fown, will have 
 a fweeter relifh, than bre,:d made of the corn 
 of ^gyptj and the marble, which may have 
 been hewn out under your own infpection, 
 will be, in your imagination, a thoufand 
 times more precious, than the mafterpieces 
 of Phidias. Be then.induftrious, and politic 
 cultivators; but above all, bejuft; for the 
 order of the univerfe hath decreed, that the 
 welfare of a fmall part of mankind cannon 
 long remain in oppofition to the welfare of 
 the whole.'* 
 
 I know not if fuch a fpeech was ever made 
 in the fenate ; but the truths which it con- 
 
 VOL. I. O tains,
 
 426 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 tains, are fo ftriking, that the Romans, all 
 intoxicated as they were with fnccefs, did not 
 feem abfoUue ftrangers to the lefibns, which 
 it inculcates. After the battle of Cynocepha- 
 lus, Quintus Flaminius proclaimed, through- 
 out the cities of Greece, a decree of the Ro- 
 man people, directing that they Ihould be 
 reftored to their liberty. The excefiive joy, 
 with which this news was received, mud na- 
 turally embitter our regret, when we obferve 
 that this apparent beneficence was only 
 granted for a moment, to caft an additional 
 horror, over the miferies, with which Greece 
 was fhortly afterwards loaden. In fact, it 
 was not long, before the maik fell from the 
 ferocious character of the Romans ; and this 
 implacable republic was feen to exercife a ty- 
 ranny, till then, unknown. (d) 
 
 We have remarked, in the courfe of the 
 preceding , chapters, that the frequency of 
 civil diffeflfions, amongft the governments of 
 ancient Greece, became one of the greatefl 
 afflictions of humanity. We have obferved 
 that, whilft thefe principal republics, namely, 
 
 the 
 
 (d) Inter impotences, et vallidcs, falfo quiefcas, 
 Uhi mami agitur, modeftia, ac probitas nomina fupe- 
 rioris funt. Tacit, de. mor. Germ.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 227 
 
 the republics of Athens, and of Sparta, in- 
 Jterpoied in the feveral difputes, and altered, 
 according to their plea-fare, the form of the 
 government, fuch innovations were constantly 
 fea-led wkh the blood of a multitude of ci- 
 tizens.. Thei'e maflacres, however, bore the 
 appearance of acts of juftice, inflicted by the 
 prevailing faction, which, then, became the 
 legislative authority; whilft the vanquifhed 
 party was treated like a rebellious confede- 
 racy. The Romans adopted a different prin- 
 ciple. They concluded themfelv.es to have 
 been, apparently, born the matters of the 
 -world ; and, in confequence of this fuppo(i 
 lion, they treated all other nations, not as 
 conquered enemies, but as revolted fubjedts* 
 This {hocking principle, particularly, difplay- 
 ed itlelf in its blacked light, after the victory 
 gained by Paulus Emilius, 
 
 Rhodes* a republic, flourifhing with com- 
 merce, and with navigation-, Rhodes, the 
 precious remains of ancient Greece, per- 
 ceived herfelf, becaufe ihe had for a moment 
 ceafed from favouring the Romans, com- 
 pelled to fubmit to an inquifition of their em- 
 bafladcrs, and threatened with a tota\ de- 
 ftruction. She had no method of avoiding 
 O 2 this
 
 228 AN ESS AY. ON 
 
 this calamity, but by putting to death every 
 one of her citizens, who had voted againft 
 Rome. Shortly afterwards, Basbius, the lieu- 
 tenant of Paulus Emilius, hurried away by 
 a particular hatred, which he had conceived 
 againft fome of the Etolians, ordered five 
 hundred and fifty of the chief perfons, amongft 
 this unhappy people, to be flaughtered. But 
 thefe abominable tranfactions were only the 
 prelude to a feries of cruelties, exercifed by 
 the Romans. The avarice and iniquity of 
 individuals was foon blended with the bar- 
 barous maxims of the government. It is im- 
 poflible to read the hiftory of the war in Spain, 
 without ihuddering with horror. I do not, 
 merely, allude to a Lucullus, who, intro. 
 ducing himfelf into a city, under the fanction 
 of articles of capitulation, violated the faith 
 of treaties, and put twenty thoutand inha- 
 bitants to the fword > nor to a Galba, who, 
 deceiving a whole nation, by a pretended 
 peace, contrived to collect them together, 
 like a herd of deer, within a proper inclofure, 
 and maffacre every one ; nor to an Aquileius, 
 who, the more eafily to deftroy thofe enemies, 
 whom he durft not encounter, was bafe 
 enough to poifon all the fprings in the pro* 
 
 vince :
 
 P V B L I C HA P P'l N S S. 229 
 
 vinee: a tear of more affecting forrow trickles 
 down my cheek, whilft 1 reflect: on Scipio^ 
 the wile, the illuftrious Scipio, who ordered 
 his executioners to cut off the hands of four 
 hundred young men, belonging to the little 
 city of Lucia, whofe only guilt was, the 
 having affifted the Numamians, their al- 
 lies, (e) No -, to deny it, were a vain attempt. 
 Such tranlgreffions can never be filled the 
 crimes, eicher of a general, or of fome few 
 foldiers. A whole nation muft have proved' 
 ferocious, to have been capable of producing 
 O 3 fuch-. 
 
 (c) The learned reader, whilil he recollefts the me-, 
 Jancholy ftory of theNumantians, muft pay a tribute of 
 " admiration, to the intrepidity of a little band of heroes, 
 whom multitudes were unable to fubdue; and who had' 
 the vertue to prefer death, within the arms of their ex- 
 piring liberty, to a life of flavery, beneath the tyranny 
 of the Roman yoke. Although their number was con- 
 fined to four thoufand men, yet they refifted, during 
 fourteen years, the attacks of forty thoufand foldiers* 
 At length, when the feverities of the famine, which 
 raged within, had cut off every pofiibility of refilling 
 the army, which endeavoured to deftroy them, from 
 without, they, nobly, raifed a kind of funeral pile, with 
 their effefts, and carting themfelves upon it, perime^ 
 in the flames. The difappointment of Scipio, vvhofaw 
 no monuments of the glory of his conquefts, except the. 
 bare walls, and the allies of the dead, may account, 
 but cannot apologise for his iahumanity. K.,
 
 AN ESSAY Off 
 
 fuch execrable villains, as the internments cf 
 their barbarity. And what heart, but rrmfr 
 be melted, at perceiving, alrcoft in the fame" 
 inftant, two fpiendid cities, two wonders of 
 the world, Carthage, and Corinth, reduced 
 to afhes ? in vain, did the pad ages, in vain, 
 did the whole world exert all their power, in 
 the embellishment of thefe m-agni-ucent mo- 
 numerts of ancient felicity : the majejiy of the 
 Reman psople required that ihey lliouU be 
 crumbled into duft.f/j 
 
 Ivieverthekfs, theproconfuls, and the greedy 
 prastors carry off tho'e trcafures, v hich the 
 fire and the fword had fpared. To have 
 feen their warriors fall in battle j to have loib 
 their forms of government, and their freedom, 
 Were but trifimg afflictions to the people; the 
 weight of impofitions was added to the 
 weight of flavery. A barbarous ufcry was 
 praclifed by the extortioners themfelves: the 
 governors, and the collectors of the taxes 
 were like fo many crows, difputing about thsr 
 carcafes. But, if the opprefll d univerftt can- 
 not recover her ancient profperity, at leaft y 
 let her derive fomc convolution, from ther 
 
 hope 
 
 (f) Ecce quara feliciter Roma vincit, tarn infelicitef 
 4^uidquid extra Roinam vincitur. Paul. Oros. 1. 5.
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 231 
 
 hope of vengeance. ^ O Mithridatcs ! O Vi- 
 riatus ! delay no longer your appearance \(g) 
 Afia and Europe call upon you. Wait not, 
 until thefe cruel conquerors (hall have done 
 juitice on themfelves-,, for, ibon, abject (laves, 
 infamous gladiators, a Tryption, and a Spar- 
 tacus, lhall be iubibtuted to Carthage, and 
 Numantia; and if, at length, th^y difappear, 
 it will be only to give place to Marius, to 
 O 4 Sylla, 
 
 fg) The vertue?, the abilities, and the fate of Mi- 
 thridates are well known ; but it is Angular, that Am- 
 mianus Marceliinus fliould have been the only hiftorian 
 (Appian not excepted, the unwearied collector of almoft 
 every circumftance, relating to this unhappy prince) 
 who hath recorded the peculiar conduct of Menophilus. 
 When Manlius Prifcus, in obedience to the orders, which 
 he received from Pompey, commanded this eunuch to 
 throw open the gates of the caftle, and, with himfelf, 
 deliver up the daughter of Mithridates, he firft, ftabbed 
 her, and then, plunged the dagger into his own bofom, 
 determined that neither (hould furvive the fortunes of 
 
 his mafter Viriatus, in the earlier part of 
 
 life, exchanged the peaceable employments of a Ihep- 
 ht;rd, for the more adtive toils of hunting? he, became, 
 at length, a public robber, and by a natural gradation, 
 rofe to the command of a formidable army. Ventidius, 
 and Plancius fled before him ; and Rome, beheld with 
 terror, a chief, to whom all Portugal had fubmitted, 
 when the fword of an affaffn, by depriving him of life, 
 accomplilhed that which the legions of the miftrefs of 
 the world had vainly llriven to efteft. K.
 
 234 ANESSAYON 
 
 Sylla, to Octavius, But I flop more* 
 
 and feel myfelf confcious, that whilft the ob- 
 ject of my purfuit, is an enquiry into the 
 condition of mankind, during this dreadful 
 sera, I cannot, with fuch circumftances be-, 
 fore me, fupport the calmnefs, fo requifitc 
 in this dikufiiQn.(b) Mull I, then, enter 
 coldly into the detail of fo many atrocious 
 facts ? and will it not be fufficient to excite 
 the indignation of every feeling reader, if he 
 be told to recollect, that, in a very fhort fpace 
 of time, Carthage, Corinth, Numantia, and 
 Athens were deftrcyed? that, without men- 
 tioning millions of men, who were llaughter- 
 ed in Spain, in Africa, and in Afia -,(/'; the 
 war of the flaves, in Italy, and Sicily only, 
 was attended with the lofs of one million of 
 men-, and that, in Italy; exclusively, three 
 hundred thoufand men, perifhed, during the 
 war of the allies. Add to all this, profcrip- 
 
 tions, 
 
 (h) Cogit enim cxcederc propofiti formam operis, 
 erumpens animo, ac peftore indignatio. Vellcius Pa> 
 terculus. 1. 2. 
 
 (i) It is well known, that Mithridates ordered a 
 hundred and fifty thoufand Romans, found within his 
 ftate, to be deltroyed on one day. This cruelty, all hor- 
 rible as it appears, was yet no more than a reprifal for 
 thofe injuries, which he had received from the Romans.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS, 233 
 
 tions and civil wars. Remember, alfo, that 
 Casfar boafted of having either taken, or re- 
 duced eight hundred cities ; fubdued three 
 hundred nations; engaged with, three millions 
 of men, a million of whom remained upon 
 the field of battle, ' whilft another million 
 were throne into captivity. In fhort, recall 
 to mind, the wars of Numiclia;' the punifli- 
 mtnt of Jugurtha; kings funk into the con- 
 dition of mere vafTals; the people reduced to 
 the moil abject ftate of flavery, and you will, 
 in few words, form an idea of the influence 
 of the Roman people, over the happinefs of 
 mankind, (k) 
 
 CHAP. 
 
 (k) Raptores orbis, poftquam cunfta vaftantibus de- 
 fuere terroe, et mare fcrutantur : fi locuples hoftis elt, 
 avari, fi pauper, ambitiofi; quos non oriens, non oc- 
 cidens fatiaverit, foil omnium opes, atque inopiam pari 
 afFeflu concupifcunt. Auferre, trucidare, rapere falfis 
 nominibus imperium, atque ubi folitudinem faciunt, 
 pacem appellant. Tacit, vit. Agric.
 
 234 ANESSAYON 
 
 CHAP. VIII. 
 
 Remarks en tbe ft ate cf the Pieman empire t 
 under tbe reigns of Auguftus^ and bis fuccejjors. 
 
 I 
 
 Have, hitherto, only pointed out thofe 
 horrible tragedies, thofe times of murder, 
 and of carnage, when Rome, torn by civil 
 diicords, avenged, herfelf, the caufe of the 
 conquered nations, but opprefftd them ftill 
 more. 'I his republic, at once victorious, 
 and expiring, refembled a Tick man, whofe 
 entrails are devoured by a burning fever, but 
 whole arms, ftill robuft, receive from the 
 crifis of his pain, a more energetic, and more 
 dangerous force. Whilft Cinna, and Marius 
 
 tp 
 
 v/ere fpilling the blood of the citizens, SyJla 
 exterminated the inhabitants of Pontus, and 
 
 of
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 235 
 
 Of Cappadocia ; and whilft Oclavius, and 
 Lepidus, under the function of treaties, re- 
 ciprocally facrificed their parents, and their 
 friends//,) Anthony annoyed the Parthians, 
 and the ^Egyptians, with his military forces. 
 During this difaftrous epoch, the univerfe, 
 every where, refounded with the clamours of 
 rage, and the fighs of mifery. Could there 
 have been a picture, more afflicting to hu- 
 manity, and, at the fame time, more replete 
 with confolations, for the prefent age ? but 
 as our aim is not fo much to Mir up the paffi- 
 ons, as to afcertairi their progrefs, and efti- 
 mate their confequences, we mall not dwell 
 upon facts, which the opinion of all mankind 
 hath devoted to the horror of pofterity. It 
 is not fo neceflary to turn the human mind 
 afide from the love of civil war, as from that 
 vain enthufiafm of glory, that military, and 
 conquering fpirit, which only fcrves to fharpen 
 
 during 
 
 (I) Ne quid ulli fanftum relinqueretur velut in dotein 
 invitamentumque fceleris, Antonius L. Cscfarem avun- 
 culnm, Lepidus Paulum fratrem profcripferant. Nee 
 Planco gratia -defuit ad impetrandum, ut frater ejus 
 Plancus Plautius profcriberctur. Atque inter jocos mi- 
 litares quicurrum Lepidi, Planciquefecuti erant, inter 
 execrationem civium ufurpabant hunc verfum: de Cjer-, 
 non de Gallis duo triumphant Confutes. Veil. Paterc.
 
 AN ESSAY ON* 
 
 during ibme time, thofe arms, with which/ 
 the citizens are-deftihed, one day, to murder 
 each other. May we have accompliflied this ; 
 object in the foregoing chapters. May we, 
 in the chapters which are to fellow, adhere, 
 invariably, to that coolnefs of difcuffion, which 
 can, alone, convince, and thofe ingenuous 
 fentiments, which can, alone, perfuade ! 
 
 A new queftion courts our examination. 
 We have perceived, that all legislators, having 
 been employed rather in rendering mankind 
 powerful, than happy, the feveral people 
 were, in their turn, either flaves or ufurpers, 
 without ever attaining to a permanent felicity. 
 But, If the diverfity of laws, intereits, man- 
 ners, and cufloms, was an infurmountable- 
 obilacle to a general peace, could there have 
 been a furer method of uniting men, than by 
 throwing them all into a (late of fubjeftion ? 
 could the repofe of the world have been more 
 firmly eftablilhed, than under an univerlal 
 monarchy ? This queftion, in an age, when 
 geography hath fo enlarged the boundaries of 
 the world, that we know of a fingle kingdom, 
 more populous, and more extenfive than the 
 whole Roman empire, becomes abfurd ; but 
 k is a queftion, which would have feernrd 
 
 plaufible, .
 
 V B L I C HAPPINESS. 437 
 
 plaufible, in the times of Auguftus and Ti- 
 berius : nay, were it not to be taken in its full 
 extent, there would be reafon to fuppofe, 
 that ibme ftrefs might have been laid upon 
 it, even in more modern times. It is certain 
 that Philip the fecond never felt the neceffity 
 of drawing within his ambitions grafp^ the 
 empires of China, and of Ruffia. Fixed as 
 he was, upon the throne of England, by his 
 marriage with Mary, could he have rendered 
 France fubject to his dominion, the hotife of 
 Auftria muft have proved the miftrefs of the 
 whole chriftian world -, a fovereignty, likely, 
 in the end, to have included the fovereignty 
 of the univerfe. But Auguftus found him- 
 felf naturally fituated in thofe circumftances, 
 to which Philip would, willingly, have at- 
 tained. If we except fome barbarous nations, 
 whom the Romans judged unworthy of being 
 conquered, all the people, at that time known, 
 were their tributaries, and Rome, become 
 pacific, had banimed war from- the furface of 
 the earth. The good order of adminiftration 
 was re-eitablifhed -, juftice refumed her rights; 
 and the polite arts, more attached to tran- 
 quility and plenty, than to vertue and liberty, 
 foon deferted the porticos of Greece, to dwell 
 
 within
 
 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 within the court of a magnificent, and en- 
 lightened defpoc. The reign of this prince 
 would, dcubdefs, have proved the happieft 
 sera for the Romans, could the beneficence of 
 Auguftus, have funk in oblivion, the cruelty 
 ofOctavius. In fact, the hands, which fcat- 
 tered favours, were dill tinged with blood; 
 and the people, like foldiers, whom the fa- 
 tigue of battle had overpowered with (lumber, 
 could only lie down to reft upon an heap of 
 carcafes. But it muft alfo be obferved, that, 
 on the one hand, the citizens of Rome, alone, 
 felt their happinefs affected by this painful 
 recollection ; and that, on the other hand, 
 the proftitution into which thefe very citizens 
 had fallen, at once, deprived them of all re- 
 fentment of injuries, and infected their minds 
 with the meaneft felf-intereft, and the mod 
 abject propenfity to flattery. The indivi- 
 duals amongft the Romans, who had reafon 
 to weep over the lofs of a father, or avenge 
 the fate of a brother, enjoyed an ample fa- 
 tisfaction in the fmiles of their prince, or in 
 fome empty title annexed to magiftracy. 
 Thus, the provinces rejoiced at this revoluti- 
 on of affairs, whilft Rome no longer pofiefled 
 the merit of feeling it with concern. 
 
 Tiberius
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 Tiberius, equally inferior to, equally un- 
 worthy of his predeceflbr, by his vices, and 
 even his vertues, was, for ibme time, capable 
 of putting into practice the leffons which he 
 had received from Auguftus. The public 
 happinefe met with no dirturbance, until the 
 admi.niikar'-on of Sejanus-, and I am notfur- 
 prifed tfhat fo long a calm, before the break- 
 ing out of the political ftorms, mould have 
 given rile to the fuppofition, that an univerfal 
 monarchy, or, at leaft, a monarchy, the ex- 
 tent, and preponderance of which, might be 
 very great, would prove a particular ad- 
 vantage to mankind. Some authors, too fond 
 of paradoxes, have even ventured to alfert, 
 that fo conilant a peace, had, fufficiently, in- 
 demnified the Romans, for the barbarities of 
 Claudius, Caligula, and Nero; becaufe that, 
 in the times, when thefe monfters were glut- 
 ting themfelves with the blood of the fenators, 
 the people, at leaft, were happy and quiet. 
 It would be eafy to return them for anfwer, 
 that, unlefs, by the word people, they mean 
 what is commonly called the dregs of the 
 people, that is, an abject mob, without pro- 
 perty, and without abilities, it is exceedingly 
 certain, that the Roman people underwent 
 
 great
 
 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 great fufferings, during the reigns of thofc 
 tyrants, who filled up the fpace, from Au- 
 guflus to Vefpafian. But, without dwelling 
 on this particular queftion, which, furely, 
 could never have been agitated in earned, we 
 will endeavour to eftimate, as clearly as pof- 
 fible, that happinefs, which the Romans are 
 imagined to have enjoyed, under their em- 
 perors. 
 
 To take in the full fcope of our defign, 
 fome idea mould be formed of the fituation 
 of the Romans, when Auguftus, after the 
 battle of Adium, remained the fole matter 
 of all. Rome was no longer, as formerly, 
 the cradle of the kings of the world. The 
 families which were become illuftrious, by 
 the melancholy fate of nations, had already 
 expiated their ancient, and guilty fplendor; 
 and the inheritors of the mod celebrated 
 names had yielded up their necks to the 
 executioners. Freed-men, or Burgefies/flO 
 
 ifiuing 
 
 (tn) All the people of Italy were become citizens of 
 Rome. In the reign of Claudius, this privilege was, 
 at firlt, extended to the inhabitants of Tranfalpine 
 Gaul, and, fhortly afterwards, to all the provinces of 
 the empire. It is neceflary to read the fpeech, which 
 Tacitus hath put. into the mouth of Claudius, who, 
 
 amongft
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 241 
 
 Miiing from all the towns of Italy, had raifed 
 themfelves on the ruins of the ancient houfes j 
 but thefe new citizens did not equal thofe ci- 
 tizens whom they replaced, either in birth, 
 or in affluence : public parafites, deftitute of 
 all patriotic zeal, and having no concern in 
 the management of affairs, came to Rome, 
 that they might partake of the diftributions 
 of provilions, and money, which were kinds 
 of temporary' alms, difpenfed by the orders 
 of the fovereign ; but particularly, that they 
 might enjoy thofe long and magnificent fights, 
 which, by amufing, turned afide their at* 
 tention to their misfortunes. If fome rich 
 individuals Hill exifted, they were not thofe 
 great proprietaries, fo refpectable in all the 
 dates; but Proconfuls, Pretors, andQueftors, 
 who, by pillaging the provinces, were become 
 opulent; and more efpccially, the Roman 
 knights, (n) who having engroffed to them- 
 VOL. I. P felves 
 
 amongft feveral other plaufible reafons, produces the 
 examples of the Athenians and Lacedemonians, whofe 
 ruin, he attributed to that ridiculous jealoufy, which 
 prevented them from admitting llrangers into the num- 
 ber of their fellow-citizens. 
 
 (n) Amongft the Romans, as amongft ourfelves, there 
 vrere but two forts of nobility : the one fort feemed ac- 
 knowledged
 
 242 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 felves all the bufmefs of the finances, foorl 
 acquired immenfe fortunes in money ; a ma- 
 nifeft fymptom of a (late in her decline. The 
 perplexity of Auguftus> when he undertook 
 
 to 
 
 knowledged by the general opinion, and proceeded from 
 the antiquity and dignity of families, honourable em- 
 ployments, military crowns, the images of anceftors, 
 &c. (See Gravina de origiffe Juris). The other fort 
 belonged to the confutation, and was that which con- 
 ferred a real rank, by diftinguifhing the Patrician, and 
 the Senators, from the Knights, and the Plebeians. 
 Now, this laft order of nobility was founded only in 
 riches, in the Cenfus. Thus, the clafies, formerly in- 
 ftituted with a different intention, by Servius Tullius, 
 were, by the lapfe of time, unavoidably drawn into a 
 contradiction, to the principles of the government, 
 fmce they put men, who had, accidentally, made a 
 fortune, and fometimes, even gamblers, on a footing 
 with the citizen, fprung from the moft illuftrious parents, 
 and enjoying the advantages of the beft education. I 
 am furprifed that all authors, and, chiefly, Mr. de 
 Montefquieu, fhould have paid fo little attention to that 
 fimilarity which exifts in the condition of the nobility, 
 amongft the Romans, and the nobility, amongft our- 
 felves. He might have obferved how, in all govern* 
 mer.ts, and in all ftates, confequence is attached to af- 
 fiuence ; and how impoffible it is for fortune to difpenfe 
 with confequence. In fpite of the numerous fatires, 
 which the juftice, the malignity, or the jealoufy of the 
 public, may have levelled againfl the receivers of the 
 
 kings
 
 P V B L t C HAPPINESS. 243 
 
 to reform the fenate, is well known. The 
 greateft part of the younger branches of the 
 mod illuftrious families, wanted the poffefTi- 
 ons neceffar y to qualify them for that order, 
 and this prince was obliged to fupply their 
 P 2 exi- 
 
 kings revenues, they are become amongft us, what the 
 Roman knights were at Rome, a clafs apart, deriving 
 a confequence from their affluence. And this con- 
 fequence would, doubtrlefs, have become more confi* 
 derable, and more marked, if the marriages of the rich 
 heirefTes, had not diverted the money from its original 
 channel, and caufed it to be fcattered abroad and 
 diffipated. No fooner did thefe Financiers become de- 
 firous of mining with a borrowed luftre, than they di- 
 minifhed the luftre which was peculiar to them. And 
 yet, they not only form a clafs apart, as hath been al- 
 ready obferved, but they recruit, as it were, the ancient 
 nobility, which by degrees, become extinft, and make 
 way for the modern nobility. Why the fortunes ac- 
 quired by the adventurers in commerce, or the mer- 
 chants, have not, like the fortunes acquired by the Fi- 
 nanciers, eftablimed a new order of citizens, would be 
 no incurious queftion. But, here, it cannot berefolved. 
 I (hall content myfelf with obferving, firft, that com- 
 merce is generally the mcft flouriihing in democratical 
 ftates. Secondly, that the individuals, -who engage in 
 commerce, are of a rank, too diftant from the great, 
 to endeavour to be affimilated with them. The com- 
 mercial man avoids fplendor. The Financier loves it, 
 and finifhes with the attainment of it.
 
 244 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 exigencies with his bounty. (o) In fpite 
 of the admiffion of the people of Italy, to 
 the privileges of citizens , in fpite of all thofe 
 recruits fo little worthy of ihe metropolis ; 
 when Auguftus, in the beginning of his reign, 
 gave orders for the Cenfus, the number of 
 citizens did not exceed four millions, one 
 hundred and fixty-three thoufand ; the majo- 
 rity of which mud have periflied with famine, 
 had they not partaken of the diftribmions of 
 the fovereign.(p) Such were the matters of 
 the world, or rather, fuch were the firfl ilaves 
 of Auguftus ; without means, without pro. 
 perty, tranfported from Calabria into Tuf- 
 cany, and from Tufcany into Lombardy, 
 juft as it became necefiary either to recom- 
 pence fome veteran foldiers, or to celebrate 
 fome illuftrious names by eftablifhing a co- 
 lony; thefe unhappy perfons, always confider- 
 ed as ftrangers, even in Rome, ftrolled about 
 under the porticos, and dwelled in cabbins. 
 
 Add 
 
 (o) Czefar admitted fuch a number of ftrangers and 
 new men into the fenate, that an humorous edifl was 
 fixed up, in which were the following words in great 
 letters : all perfons <wi>atfoe<ver areftritfly commanded not tt 
 rcjufe jhewing afentitor the ivaj to the fenate. 
 
 (p) See Dion.
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS.. 245 
 
 Add to thefe, fome Greek Rhetoricians, fo- 
 reign adventurers, a multitude of flaves,^ 
 and a great numb.er of gladiators, wreftlers, 
 comedians, and proftitutes, and then, fome 
 idea may be formed of the fituation of Rome, 
 
 under her emperors. 
 
 P 3 . The 
 
 (q) The excefs to which the cuftom of keeping a 
 multitude of flaves, wae, at that time, carried, might 
 eafily be afcertained ; fome judgement in this matter 
 may be formed from the following circumflances. Pe- 
 danius Secundus was aflaffinated by one of his flaves ; 
 it was debated, whether, according to the laws, all 
 thofe flaves, who were in the houfe, during the per- 
 petration of the crime, mould be fentenced to death. 
 Caius Caflius voted for the queftion, and Tacitus, 
 amongft other reafons, hath made him aflign the follow- 
 ing reafon : quern numerus fervorum tuebitur, cum Pe- 
 danium Secundum quadringenti non protexerint? (fee 
 Annal. 1. 14.) Pedanius had, at that time, four 
 hundred flaves. It is impoffible to read, without hor- 
 ror, that all thefe unfortunate wretches fuffered death 
 for the crime of a fingle man. Dion relates that Ig- 
 natius Rufus boafled, during his Edilefhip, that he had 
 extinguifhed a fire by the fingle affiftance of his own 
 flaves; Auguftus, who was difpleafed with this ma- 
 giltrate, and who, befides, did not chufe that an indi- 
 vidual mould arrogate to himfelf the merit of having 
 provided for the public quiet and welfare, fet apart, 
 for this employment, only, fix hundred flaves, fallen 
 to him by the fucceffion of Agrippa. This immenfe 
 body cf flaves was rather an alarming circumftance. 
 
 Tacitus
 
 246 -AN ESSAY ON 
 
 The provinces, long accwlon:ed to the 
 tyranny of the proconfuls, the avarice of the 
 queftors, and the -jfury of the Roman knights, 
 had every reafcn to regard the efiablifhmen-t 
 of good order, throughout all the depart- 
 ments of adminiftration, as an advantageous 
 -circumftance. But this was but a temporary 
 
 bleffing,. 
 
 Tacitus (1. 4.) in relating to us, that under the reign 
 of Tiberius, it was, for a moment, apprehended thai 
 they might revolt, hath taken care to acquaint us, that 
 this report had fpread terror through Rome : ob mul- 
 titudinem familiar um q\i% glifcebat immenfnm minore 
 in dies plebe ingenua. In the letter, which Tiberius 
 wrote to the fenate, concerning the complaints which 
 had been made againft luxury, we find thefe remark- 
 able words : quid enim primum prohibere, et prifcum 
 ad morem rccipere adgrediar ? villarum infinita fpatia ? 
 familiarum numerum, et nationes ? (Tac. ann. 1. 3.) 
 Treinlhemius explains the term, nationes, by obferving, 
 that the Remans had fo great a number of flaves, that 
 they diftinguifhed them by nations. Juftus Lipfius, aifo^ 
 cites on this fubject, a pafTage from Pliny, who obferves 
 that one Nicilius liidorus kept five thoufand flaves : he, 
 likewife, produces another quotation from Athenasus, 
 in which the number of flaves, belonging to fome of 
 the Romans, is eftimated, even at thirty thoufand. 
 (See Tacit. Varior. 1. 3.) I {hall conclude this note with 
 obferving, that in the fame letter alluded to above, Ti- 
 berius declares that the prevalence of corruption, 
 amongft the Romans, is not ailonifhing, fmce they only 
 formed a mixtqre of every kind of nations.
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 247 
 
 bidding, their condition became better, but 
 their ftate was not changed. We know that, 
 even during the rdgn of Auguitus, ibme of 
 the pretors were guiky of a barbarous abufe 
 of that arbitrary power, which had been en- 
 trufted within their hands. Dion informs us 
 that one Licinius, in the courfe of the year, 
 impudently extorted from the Gauls, fourteen 
 inftead of twelve months tribute ; but this 
 act, the violence of which was far from being 
 without examples, muft appear to us, in a 
 more fhocking light, when confidered as & 
 fpecies of rapine, exercifed by the govern- 
 ment. In fact, Liciniusv who. had the pre- 
 fence of mind to offer Auguftus,, the money 
 which he had exacted, found no difficulty m 
 perfuading him, that a double ufe. might 
 arife from plundering the Gauls of their trea- 
 fures, and throwing them into the coffers of 
 the emperor. As this fact hath reached pof- 
 terity, one may naturally fuppofe that many 
 other fimilar facts have perimed in oblivion, 
 The complaints of the unhappy are not pre- 
 ferved fo long as the panegyrics of orators. 
 And what muft have been the condition'of a 
 people, governed by two foreigners, who, 
 with the titles of proconful, and queftor, 
 P 4 were
 
 248 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 were reciprocal fpies, or accomplices in the 
 fame crimes , who could neither have played 
 into each others hands, without ruining the 
 province, nor have engaged in mutual oppo- 
 fition, without fcattering through the fame 
 province, trouble and confufion ?(r) 
 
 But, however ftricl the integrity of thefe 
 magiftrates might have been, the number, 
 and even the mode of the taxes, were fuffi- 
 cient to reduce the people to the greateil 
 diflrefs. The human mind, always fertile 
 in inventions, had already concerted thofe 
 numerous impofitions, which are the fcourges 
 of our contemporaries ; and the ingenious 
 author,(X) who hath proved that almofl all 
 the difcoveries, attributed to the moderns, 
 are owing to the ancients, might have added 
 to the examples, which he hath produced, 
 in fupport of his affertion, the long- fmce in- 
 vented 
 
 (r) Tacitus (Vit. Agric.) hath taken care to tranf- 
 mit to us the complaints of the Britons, againft the 
 Roman government. Singulos fibi olim regcs fuifTe, 
 nunc binos imponi ; equibus legatus in fanguinem, 
 procurator in bona fasviret : asque difcordiam praepofi-* 
 torum, 3equ concordiarn fubje&is exitiofam, &c 
 
 (s) Mr. Da Tens,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 249 
 
 vented art of working a province with taxes, 
 or rather of working a people with taxes. (t) 
 Whilft the frontiers we galled by the pay- 
 ment of tributes, and harrafied by the pre- 
 fence of armies, they felt the additional mif- 
 fortune of being frequently expofed to the 
 incurfions of the enemy. In fact, although 
 Auguftus was not engaged in any very cala- 
 mitous wars ; and although the centre of the 
 empire was at peace, yet the Germans, the 
 Rhetians, the Pannonians, and the Canta- 
 brians, were conftantly committing great 
 diforders, and exercifing much cruelty, not 
 only againft the Romans, but againft their 
 allies j for fuch were the extent and the for- 
 tune of this empire, that all who were neither 
 
 allied 
 
 (t) L'Abb ' du Bos hath proved that the emperors 
 levied from their fubjecls, but particularly, from the 
 Gauls, taxes of every kind, fuch as a tithe of fruits, 
 in the conquered lands, and farmed under the name, 
 Decuma: a fifth of all the productions not fown, 
 whether of wood, vines, meadows, &c. A general 
 land-tax, or if it be a more proper exprefiion, an acre- 
 tax, called jugeratio ; a capitation, or perfonal tax, 
 paid by every freeman ; and in fhort, the duties of the 
 cuftoms, on exportation, and importation ; the fortieth 
 penny on effefts fold, &c. &c. (See 1'hiftoire de 1'eta- 
 bliffement de Ja Monarch. Franc. Chap. u. iz. 13. 
 Tom. j, Liv. i.)
 
 A^ ESSAY ON 
 
 allied to, nor tributaries of the Romans?^ 
 compofed a barbarous people, at once law- 
 lefs and unpolilhed. 
 
 This induces us to extend our reflections 
 {till farther, and endeavour to form fome 
 eftimation of the date of the known world, 
 0t that period. It is. but too true that we per- 
 ceive upon this vaft theatre, merely a debated, 
 indolent, and frivolous people \(u) king- 
 doms converted into oppreffed and lan- 
 guiming provinces , and, at a greater dif- 
 tance, barbarous nations, equally ignorant of 
 commerce, and of agriculture, and exifting 
 only in a ftate of war. Where is the phiio-r 
 fopher who can, at any time, be Jed to envy 
 thofe, whom fate had deftined to live, during 
 this era ? but, let us, inflead of loitering 
 over thefc general views, follow the hiftory 
 with a clofer ftep. 
 
 It 
 
 (u) The Romans had, from the beginning of the 
 pvil wars, fo entirely neglected agriculture, that Au- 
 guftus was induced, in order to re-eftabliih it, to cur- 
 tail the diilributions of corn, amongil the people, fince 
 they exempted them from the necefF.ty of cultivating the 
 earth . but Suetonius pretends that he was deterred, by 
 the apprehenfion that, one day, the re-eilablifhment of 
 this caftoin, might prove too great an opening to am- 
 bition, and too eafy a ftep to the attainment of popularity
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 251 
 
 It is certain that Auguftus was a pacific 
 prince -, .and yet his legions were almoft con^- 
 flancly engaged in war -, his friends, his 
 children were fcarcely to be found, but at 
 the head of the armies ; and even he, in fpite 
 .of old age, in fpite of his averfion to a mar- 
 tial life, was frequently obliged to under- 
 take long voyages, that he might be at hand, 
 10 direct the military operations. Did not 
 the revolts of the Germans, the Cantabrians a 
 and the other people above-mentioned, keep 
 the Roman forces, always, in action ? and 
 was not the beginning of the reign of Tibe- 
 rius difturbed with the din of battle? it is 
 certain that all this never reached Rome; but 
 what is Rome, when compared with the uni~ 
 verfe ? bcfides, if even Auguftus, feated 
 within the very bofom of fortune, lamented 
 over the death of a fon, who perifhed mife- 
 rably amidft foreign wars, is it pofllble to be- 
 lieve-that the inhabitants of Rome were hap<- 
 pier, than he was ? can we fnppofe that the 
 defeat of Varus, and the bloody victories of 
 Agrippa, of Drufus, and of Germanicus, 
 had not often proved the caufe of mourning, 
 in the moft illuftrious families ? we muft not 
 judge of the Auguftan age, by the works of 
 
 con-
 
 5* ANESSAYON 
 
 contemporary poets ; but had the fine verfes 
 of Horace and of Virgil exprefTed the fincere 
 meaning of the heart, no more could be ga- 
 thered from this circumftance, than that the 
 artifts, and the men of letters enjoyed a ftate 
 of welfare -, or rather, that the happinefs, 
 which they celebrated, like the rays of the 
 fun, after a ftorm, owed a great part of its 
 value to thofe horrible moments, which pre- 
 ceded it ? and what dependance could have 
 been placed on this felicity, the only bafis, 
 the only fupport of which, were the days of 
 an old man ? who, poffefled of any feeling 
 but muft have trembled, when he reflected 
 that Tiberius, and Poflhumus Agrippa-, 
 were the neareft heirs to the throne ? After 
 the facrifices which had been made to Au- 
 guftus, what refource remained againft his 
 fuccefibrs ? woe to the people, who have 
 been fubdued by enthufiafm ! forgers of their 
 own chains, they have contrived to fit them 
 .on in fuch a manner as to render it almoft 
 impoffible that they fliould be broken j as if 
 it were necefTary, in exchange for benefits, 
 10 fupply a king with power ; and whilft we 
 are rewarding a good prince, to make prepa- 
 rations for a tyrant. Monarchy, like nobi- 
 
 lity
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 253 
 
 lity, which is the fupport of monarchy, to be 
 relpectable, fhould be ancient. From a for- 
 tunate experience of authority, and from a 
 fettled habit of obedience, may arife a kind 
 of conftitution, which, in the end, becomes 
 almoft unalterable : becaufe there is a point, 
 beyond which the materials of a republic, 
 exift no longer in a monarchy, whilft the 
 materials of a monarchy, exift always in a 
 republic. 
 
 There is but little room to doubt that the 
 Romans gave , way to fome reflections, fuch 
 as thefe ; and although the majority fuffered 
 t-hemfelves to be feduced, as much by the 
 dignities which Auguftus lavimed on them, 
 as by that refemblance of a republic, which 
 he ftill preferred, yet they could not avoid 
 forefeeing what happened afterwards : but 
 fuch was the artifice which prevailed in the 
 conduct of this fortunate ufurper, that good 
 and evil, hope and fear, the empty name and 
 the reality were fo happily blended, and fo 
 judiciouQy counter-ballanced, that the Ro- 
 mans remained in that divided ftate, which 
 leaves more room for doubts and fears, than 
 for confidence and refolution. I infift the 
 more particularly on this epoch of the reign 
 
 of
 
 254 AN ESSAY OK 
 
 of Auguftus, becaufe the mere names of Ti- 
 berius, Caligula, Claudius, and Nero, are 
 fufficient to {irike horror into every feeling 
 heart. No one is fo barbarous, as not to de- 
 plore the fate of thofe unhappy wretches, 
 who lived under thefe execrable reigns , and 
 yet they were reigns., which, of all others, 
 made the leaft fhew of war.(X) If war was, 
 fometimes, kindled in Britain, or towards 
 Armenia, the center of the empire fcarcely 
 knew any thing about it j but that kind of 
 bloody peace which prevailed muft frequent- 
 ly have become a motive for regretting the 
 horrors of battle. The death of Nero brought 
 trouble and confufion back into the bofom 
 of Italy ; and the engagements between the 
 armies of Orho. and Vitellius, and of Vef- 
 pafian and Galba, again drenched in human 
 gore, thole fields, which, fince the battle of 
 Mantua, had never reibunded with the din of 
 arms. Vefpafian eftablimed peace in the em- 
 pire : buc his reign is precifely the; reign which 
 prefents us with a picture of all the moil 
 
 fhocking 
 
 (x) Tacitus, on the fubjecl of the legions, which 
 Corbulo led into Armenia, faith : fatis conftitit fuifTe 
 in co exercku veteranos qui non ftatioirem, non vigilias 
 iniflent. Tac. ann. 1. 13.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 255 
 
 Shocking circumftances, which have, at any- 
 time been produced by ambition, on the one, 
 and fanaticifm, on the other hand. It may 
 afily be gueffed, that I allude to the war of 
 the Jews, in which, during the fpace of 
 two years, more than thirteen hundred thou- 
 fand fouls perifhed; and which, rekindled 
 under Trajan, and under Adrian,/^} occafir- 
 oned the total deftruction of fifty fortified 
 cities, and nine hundred and eighty-five 
 boroughs, or villages. This horrible fcourg 
 of humanity coo much outweighed the ad-i 
 vantages, which arofe in the reign of Vel- 
 pafian. Titus can only be faid to have juft 
 ieated himfelf on the throne. It feems as if 
 that deftiny, which had formed him a pattern 
 for fucceeding kings, was contented with 
 barely (hewing him as an eternal example tc* 
 every future age. I mall not mention Do- 
 mitian, whom a feries of cruelties have ren- 
 dered too notorious , but I muft obferve that 
 
 Trajan, 
 
 (y) If Xiphilinus, the abridger of Dion, may bff 
 credited, this revolt of the Jews was attended with the 
 jofs of two hundred thoufand men at Cyrene ; and two 
 hundred and fifty thoufand men in the We of Cyprus. 
 The cruelties whkh this hiftorian imputes to the Jews, 
 tnake the hair Hand on end, and are fcarcely credible.
 
 256 ANESSAYON 
 
 Trajan, whofe vertues, and whofe goodnefa 
 fhould have proved the delights of the Ro- 
 man people, difturbed, of his own accord, 
 by a paffion for war, theferenity of thofe hap- 
 pier days, to which he had given birth. This 
 obfervation becomes more confiderably im- 
 portant, fince it enables us to eftimate the 
 morality of this age. I repeat it: I fhall fre- 
 quently have occafion to repeat it : a love for 
 their country, popularity, and generofity, 
 were vertues common to the ancients ; but 
 true philanthropy, a regard for public wel- 
 fare, and general order, are fentiments, to 
 which the paft ages were abfolutely ftrangers. 
 And how, indeed, could fuch fentiments 
 have exifted amongft men, accuftomed from 
 their infancy, to behold thoufands of gla- 
 diators, mutually flaughtering one another, 
 and periming even amidft the acclamations of 
 the women ? fuch exalted feelings as thefe 
 could never have animated a people, who fo 
 frequently faw prifoners of war, chiefs and 
 kings publicly conducted, in purfuance of a 
 decree, to execution, and completing, by their 
 dea:hs, the feftivity of a triumph. It mull 
 be confefled that vertue hath been, in every 
 aera, what beauty dill is, amongft different 
 
 nations i
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 257 
 
 Rations-; not that which nature hath produced 
 the m-cit perfect, but the greateft perfection 
 of features which fhe may have given to each 
 nation, and in each climate!. As in the an- 
 tique ftatues, the countenances of a Venus, 
 or an Helen, preferve a certain exprefiion 
 of aufterity, in our eyes, extremely inconfif- 
 tent with thofe graces diffufed through other 
 forms, fo the vertues of the ancients were 
 continually tinged with the vices of their 
 age.(z) 
 
 VOL, L C If 
 
 (%) I have, hitherto, neglefted to obferve, that the 
 Romans were fo rigorous, in all their criminal profe- 
 cutions, as never to fuppofe that the number of the 
 guilty could fuggeft a reafon why any mould be par- 
 doned. Seneca relates, that Volufius MefTala, having 
 ordered three hundred men, to be beheaded, on one 
 day, boafled of his conduct, and thought the perpe- 
 tration of this barbarity a truly royal aftiom When 
 Claudius exhibited that remarkable fpeftacle, on the 
 Lacus Fucinus, there were more than nineteen thou- 
 fand criminals all doomed to death ; as maybe feert 
 in a paflage which Suetonius hath tranfmitted to us. 
 This author faith, that all thefe unfortunate wretches 
 cried out to the emperor, as they pafled before him : 
 ave imperator, murituri tefalutant; and that Clau- 
 dius anfwering, from abfence of mind, avete vos, they 
 underftood this expreffion to mean a pardon, and would 
 
 not
 
 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 If Trajan and Marcus Aurelius have been 
 blamed for engaging too much in war, yet, 
 it mud be confeffed, that tnany reafons may 
 be alledged in their favour. In fact, if we 
 examine the confutation of the empire of the 
 Caefars, and the flight bafis on which their au- 
 thority refted, we mall be convinced, that it 
 was almoft impoflible to maintain peace at 
 home, but by waging war abroad. War is-, 
 unfortunately, a great mean of government* 
 it employs every mind, it reduces all forms 
 into one .plain fyftem, and keeps each dif- 
 
 cuffion 
 
 'not engage, until they had been compelled to it, by 
 threats and intreaties. Mr. Crevier (Hilt, des Emp.) 
 obferves on this occafion, that it was an aftonilhing 
 circumftance that nineteen thoufand criminals mould 
 be found in the Reman empire, worthy of death, un- 
 lefs they had colle&ed them, for fome time before, 
 from all the provinces of the empire. . . . But, we 
 know that the Romans had but too many refources, 
 wherewith to fupply their fanguinary amufements. 
 Prifoners taken in war, foreigners condemned for dif- 
 ferent crimes, and more particularly the flaves, ferved 
 as food for their cruelty. The barbarous power which 
 they exercifed over thefe laft, is well known, and we 
 may recolleft an horrible inftance, from the unfeeling 
 -malignity of Vedius Pollio, who, becaufe a Have broke 
 a glafe, would have thrown him> even in the prefence 
 
 of
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 259 
 
 cuffion at a diftance. I am, alfo, exceedingly 
 inclined to believe, that thofe kings, who 
 were always the mod engaged in war, were 
 not the kings who ftood in the greateft need 
 of genius ; and that politic princes are as 
 much fuperior to martial princes, as the art 
 of governing is more difficult, than the art of 
 commanding. The emperors, fituated be- 
 tween the people, and the army, but more 
 embarrafied by the laft, ought to have de- 
 fired war, that they might have employed 
 the one, and amufed the other. And yet a 
 
 fingle 
 
 ofAuguftus, to fome fea monfters, which he kept in a 
 pond. It may be> that thefe examples of inhumanity 
 were uncommon ; but it is at leaft apparent that a ge- 
 nerally eftablifhed cuftom required that all fugitive 
 flaves mould be'expofed to wild beails. 
 
 Amidil fo many atrocious actions, of which the Ro- 
 mans were guilty, the greateft reproach which they 
 have incurred, is, in my opinion, on account of their 
 having never treated man, in general, as a kind of fel- 
 low creature. The extreme rigour of their punifhments 
 might, perhaps, have been excufable, had it been 
 founded on a love of order, and had it been extended, 
 with equal feverity, againft all. But who will not be 
 furprifed, at perceiving that thefe fanguinary judges 
 inflicted no other punimment, but the punifhment of 
 fending into exile, on a Roman citizen, even although 
 he might have committed a thoufand aflaffinations,
 
 26o AN ESSAY Ott 
 
 fingle obftacle defeated the effect of this po- 
 licy. The Romans were too fuperior td 
 other ftates, the frontiers of the empire werd 
 too diftant, and the neighbouring nations 
 were too intimidated ; it,' therefore, became 
 necefiary to go far off, in fearch of war, and, 
 then, the abfence of the mailer, of courfe, 
 diminiihed his po'wer. Befides, fuch is the 
 misT&rrune entailed on a people, entirely mi-* 
 litary, that in the cafe, where war is fo diflant, 
 that the interior quarters do not feel its con-* 
 fequencs, it will ceafe to be interefting, and 
 its fuccefles will become matters of indif- 
 ference, whillt its lofles will be the more bit* 
 terly felt. Even the common foldier grows 
 fatigued, when toiling, without -one object 
 in his view ; he mutinies, and revolts. If 
 there be two armies^ two parties are formed. 
 Frefh dangers may arife from the valour of 
 the officers, and the confidence of the forces. 
 They can no more remain attached to their 
 chief, without raifmg him to the firft rank ; 
 and the love of the foldiers foon induces the 
 generals to prove faithlefs ? thus a misfortune 
 muft-fpring out of one of thefe three circum- 
 flances. If war be difadvantageous, it brings 
 i en the 'TUin of a nation : if it maintain only 
 
 an
 
 PVBLI.C HAPPINESS. 261 
 
 a,n equal oppofkion to the contending powers, 
 it harrafies, and drains a nation ; and, if it be 
 advantageous, it introduces a diffolut.ion of 
 the armies, and of the government. I have 
 not yet mentioned the danger which may ac- 
 crue from particular bodies,, fuch as the Pre- 
 torian guards, the Janifiaries, thue Strelitzes, 
 &c. becaufe all my readers well know that 
 every defpot hath his fatellices, and that each 
 of thefe fatellites are, in thejr turns, the ty- 
 rants of the defpot. Amongft three and 
 twenty emperors, fixteen were flaughtered,(#) 
 
 0,3 
 
 (a) It is remarkable that, out of forty-two empe- 
 rors, who filled up the interval, between Julius Csefar 
 and Charlemagne, thirty, at leaft, died a violent death. 
 Amongft thefe, four committed fuicide j. and fix, pe- 
 riflied through the intrigues of their favourites, their 
 brothers, their wives, a.nd their children, It ; is not 
 their dreadful difmiffioix to eternity, but their fatal en- 
 trance into the world, at which the feeling reader will 
 be apt to Ihudder. The pen whigh writes the annals of 
 the generality of kings, Ihould, with propriety, be . 
 dipped in blood. A multitude of thofe monarchs, 
 whom the fear, and adulation of their fubjefts, have 
 dignified with the titles of fathers of their country, were 
 little better than the murderers of mankind. If their 
 contemporaries durft have fpoken their fentiments with 
 the fame freedom, which hath iniluenced the opinion of 
 
 their.
 
 262 AN ESS A V OK 
 
 the Roman empire was put up at auclion,. 
 and fold to a contemptible individual , the 
 revolutions of Ruffia, of the empire of the 
 Ottomans, and of that of the Mogul, are 
 ample proofs that a government, founded in 
 military defpotifm, is the worft government 
 of all, not only for princes, but for the 
 people. 
 
 SECTION 
 
 their pofterity, the competitions of too many of our an- 
 ceflors, inftead of being fullied with panegyrics ok 
 royalty, would have glowed only with execrations 
 agsinft the flagrancy of arbitrary power. K,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 263 
 
 Confiderations on the lot of Humanity, 
 during the middle ages of hijlory. 
 
 CHAP. I. 
 
 On the inundation of the Barlartans, 
 
 HILST we purfueour tafk of def- 
 cribing the misfortunes of mankind, we can- 
 not obferve, without concern, the diverfity 
 prevailing through the feveral objects which 
 claim our attention. Evil is produced, and 
 generated under a thoufand different forms ; 
 
 *D 
 
 and, without being hurried away by too 
 iplenetic an imagination, we may venture to 
 
 afiert
 
 264 ANESSAYON 
 
 aflert that, of all the prefents which were 
 made to human nature, the box of Pandora 
 was, indifputably, the moft complete, and 
 the moft judicioufiy afibrted. The theatre 
 of the world muft now undergo a confide- 
 rable alteration. In the place of either thofe 
 rigid old men, who, feated on their curule 
 chairs, decided, in three words, the deftruc- 
 tion of ftates ; or of thofe young enthufiafts, 
 who, for a crown of grais, carried fire and 
 the fword to the extremities of the earth, we 
 fhall perceive a race of haif-favages, a wan- 
 dering multitude of Barbarians, (b] who, not- 
 withftanding, more juft and more confide- 
 rate than the firft, felt only thofe paffions, to 
 which their wants had given birth, and be-< 
 came the matters of the world, folely, be- 
 caufe they were periming with hunger. 
 
 From 
 
 (b) (Hordes.} This expreihpn is applicable to, thofe 
 large bodies of emigrants, thofe focieties of wandering 
 Tartars, who, like the ancient Scythians, exifl only in 
 tents, in order the mere conveniently to change their 
 abode, whenfoever the provifions of the country be- 
 come nearly confumed. Each troop of thefe emigrants 
 formerly confiiled of fifty, or fixry families, under the 
 command of a captain, dependant on the general, or 
 prince of the whole nation, K.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 263 
 
 From whence came thefe people, known 
 only by their invafions ? how did it happen, 
 that all unpolifhed, and divided as they were, 
 they attained to the power of overthrowing 
 that wonderful Coloffus, the Roman empire ? 
 (<r) thefe are two important queftions. The 
 
 invef- 
 
 (c) The rife and fall of Empires may be ranked 
 amongft thofe events which, although common, do not 
 ceafe to be remarkable. Infpiration only could have 
 difcovered, that the primitive Romans, a vile, and 
 abjeft people were delHned to clear the path, which 
 conduced their future race to the fovereignty of the 
 world. If, in the days of Julius Ca:far, a Roman Augur 
 had pretended, that his birds informed him, that the 
 diftant defcendants of the dictator, and his invincible 
 countrymen, mould be emafculated, and fing upon a 
 ftage, before the pofterity of the conquered Britons, 
 inftead of being reverenced as a prophet, he would have 
 been ftoned, as a madman. Yet this, and ftranger 
 things than this have happened. To what fate Eng- 
 land, the envy, and admiration of every kingdom upon 
 earth, may be referved, it is impoflible to determine : 
 but an ingenious writer of effeys, a Colman, or a 
 Wharton, by purfuing this thought, might, at once, 
 pmufe and inrtruft. A pi&ure of England, funk into 
 what Rome is at prefent, blended with the reprefenta- 
 tion of an American colony, fuperior in power and 
 fplendour, to her unnatural mother, can, in this age, 
 only be ideal; but the future realityis, to the full as 
 probable, as was the deftruftion of R.ome, by the Uaf- 
 fcarians, in the boailed reign of Auguftus. ,
 
 266 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 inveftigation of one queftion is the province- 
 of erudition; the inveftigation of the other 
 queftion is the province of the fcience of po- 
 litics. To difcufs them might ftem a ftriking 
 jnftance of temerity, on our part, if experi- 
 ence had not convinced us, that a little philo- 
 fophy can, fometimes, throw a light over the 
 moft intricate refearches, and relieve us from 
 the toils of learning. Let others difplay a 
 vain, unneceflary parade of knowledge: we 
 lhall content ourfelves with confeffing our ig- 
 norance of the hiftory of that vaft region of 
 the world, which contains Sweden, RufTia, 
 Poland, Tartary, China, and Indoftan. Now 
 who can inform us, if the emigrations into 
 the Weft did not originate from the North, 
 and the Eaft ? amongft the people, who in- 
 habited Germany, Bohemia, Hungary, and 
 Poland, there were but very few fuppofed to 
 be indigenous.^ The majority of them came 
 from a greater diftance, but they were not 
 known until after their laft eftablimment. 
 
 Were 
 
 (d] There are very ftrong proofs, that all thefe 
 people came from Scythia. The celebrated Odin had 
 conquered all the northern countries. See 
 a I' kiiJ, du Dannemark.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 267 
 
 Were thefe people repulfed, towards the 
 Weft, by the Tartarian and Chinefe nations ? 
 or, did they not extend thernfelves into the 
 vicinity of the Roman empire, by reafon of 
 too numerous a population ? or, may we not 
 rather fuppofe, that the world, becoming 
 peopled, only by fucceffion, the countries 
 neareft to the lea, were, at the firft, inha- 
 bited by a larger proportion of individuals, 
 than the inland countries 5 from whence it 
 rnuft have followed, that an equilibration 
 could never have been eflablifhed amongft 
 them, the progrefs of one part of thefe indi- 
 viduals, exactly correfponding with the de- 
 cline of the other part. 
 
 The multiplication of queftions, is the 
 multiplication of doubts. Firft, fuppofing that 
 the barbarous nations had been repulfed to- 
 wards the Weft, in confequence of thofe un- 
 fortunate wars, which raged within the Eaf- 
 tern quarters, it muft be very 'aftonifhing, 
 that there mould have been no tradition pre- 
 ferved, relative to thefe events. Secondly, 
 although it be generally allowed, that the 
 women in Germany are more prolific than 
 clfewhere, we do not perceive that this cir- 
 
 cumftance
 
 2 68 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 cumftance extends farther to the North ; cis- 
 that Sweden and Ruflia have any reafon-to 
 boaft of the fame fecundity. Thirdly, there- 
 is no abfurdity in admitting, that the popu-. 
 lation of the world was, as yet, progreffive, 
 in thofe early times j and that the effect of a 
 long feries of ages was univerfally manifefted, 
 almoft at the fame inflant. But, is it necef- 
 fary to fuppofe, that the population amongft 
 the Barbarians, and, particularly, amongfb 
 the inhabitants of the North, was fo nume- 
 rous ? let us fee what dependance can be 
 drawn from the calculations of hiftorians. 
 Shall we attempt to fide with them ? when- 
 foever I read in their works, that this emperor, 
 attacked the Barbarians, and deftroyed one 
 hundred thoufand men ; that another empe- 
 ror defeated two hundred thoufand Goths , 
 and that a third emperor vanquimed three 
 hundred thoufand Sarmatians, I always tran- 
 flate thefe paffages, thus : fuch an emperor 
 attacked the Barbarians, and deftroyed a great 
 multitude. What ! if, in our times, when 
 the military flate of each nation, is printed 
 and publifhed, we can never exactly afcertain 
 the number of the forces of pur enemies, or
 
 P V Bit C tf A P I N E S S. 169 
 
 the* number of the forces of our allies, : fhall 
 \ve pretend to reckon up the forces of th 
 Barbarians-, who had no mufler-rolls, no dU 
 vifions of troops, nor any other method of 
 marching, but in 'multitudes ? it is, indeed^ 
 knpoffible to avoid wondering at the confi- 
 dence with which hifto'rians tranfmit their 
 details to pofterity. Had they not been 
 obliged to furnim out the greater part of 
 their annals with materials, taken from the 
 compositions of the orators and panegyrifts, 
 how could they have expected, that the Ro- 
 mans themfelves mould have known the 
 number of the forces of their enemies ? is it 
 not evident that either fear or vanity magni- 
 -fied every object ; that, in order to fcatter 
 terror through the ranks of the enemy, it was 
 cuftomary to fpeak of the ftrength of their 
 own army, as greater than it was; and that, 
 when they had been defeated, it was equally 
 irfual, to reprefent the ftrength of the oppo- 
 fing army, as lefs than it -was, that the dif- 
 grace of having been conquered, might ad- 
 mit of fome extenuation? befides, no pro- 
 vince, whether in Germany, in France, or in 
 Spain* is fo .poor, as to prove incapable of 
 
 exciting
 
 270 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 exciting the fears of neigbouring provinces^ 
 were all its inhabitants to take up arms, at 
 once: and thefe apprehenfions mud have 
 been ftill more violent, at a time when there 
 were no military fortreffes, to ferve as barriers, 
 of which the affailants could not have poffeff- 
 cd themfelves, but by dint of fkill, toil, and 
 perfeverance. 
 
 The cuftom which thefe barbarous nations 
 had adopted, of tranfporting themfelves, to 
 a man, from one climate, into another cli- 
 mate, feems, at the firft glance, a more af- 
 tonifhing circumftance, than any of the 
 former circumftances. And yet, if we do 
 but reflect, we mail be no longer furprized at 
 reading, in the pages of hiftory, a relation of 
 fimilar events, which happened at a period, 
 much lefs remote from our own times. It is 
 not a great while, fmce we became acquainted 
 with the interiour parts of America -, and we 
 know that the nations which inhabit them 
 have undergone the like revolutions. It is, 
 ftill, extremely common, to obferve the fa- 
 vages, fettling themfelves in places, five, or 
 fix hundred leagues diftant from their ori- 
 ginal abode. Such, at this period, is the 
 
 fate
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 271 
 
 'fate of the Tartars ; and fuch will always be 
 the deftiny of thofe people, who remain ab- 
 folute ftrangers, to the arts of agriculture. 
 This, then, is the important fpeculation 
 on which we are to fix: if we defire to 
 know what, in general, is the condition of 
 the inhabitants of the world, we need only 
 <inform ourfelves, whether the number of 
 cultivated lands be augmented, or dimi- 
 nilhed. 
 
 However fimple this method of invefti- 
 gating our fubject may appear, we dare ven- 
 ture to afiert, that it is not without its novel- 
 ty -, a novelty, arifing from the contempt^ 
 with which fuch difcufiions have been treated 
 by all thofe political enthufiafls, who were 
 only led afide by a vain glory, or a falfe ver- 
 tue ; forms, at once, gigantic and frivolous, 
 incapable of exifting, but by mutually fup- 
 porting each other, and making humanity a 
 conftant victim to their connexion. 
 
 We have, already, obferved how the arts, 
 commerce and agriculture became, as ic 
 were, a conftituent part of ^EgVpt of Phe. 
 nicia, and ac length of Greece, fpreading 
 tkemfelves> as they conftantly kept near to 
 
 the
 
 272 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 the fea-fhore, through Italy, Sicily, the 
 coafts of Africa, Spain, and even amongft 
 xhe Gauls. This confideration may ferve to 
 explain the reafon, why the nations, border- 
 ing on the ocean, always enjoyed more dif- 
 tinguifhed advantages, than the nations in- 
 habiting the inland countries. In facl, whilft 
 Lycurgus, Solon, Romulus, and the reft, 
 were putting their invention to the torture, 
 that they might difcover the art of effectually 
 vanquifhing their neighbours, nature, by flow 
 degrees, conducted her rebellious children to 
 that point, whereto me inceffantly tends, by 
 a progrefs, at once, fecret and undifturbed. 
 \Vhilft agriculture increafed the productions 
 of the earth, commerce was taught to ne- 
 gotiate their exchange ; and as a river, when 
 ifluing from its bed, firfr. overflows its banks, 
 and then, divides its waters into different 
 channels, bending its courie through every 
 convenient winding-, fo thefe ufeful difco- 
 veries extended therhfeives from the fea-coafts 
 into the places more immediately within the 
 reach of commerce, and from thence, into - 
 the inland countries. Thus, it may be faid 
 that riches and induftry made the firll ad- 
 vances, and went in queft of the Barbarians, 
 
 before
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 273 
 
 before this people began to covet them. 
 What, then* muft have happened, if the 
 perverfenefs of mankind, but, more parti- 
 cularly, the perverfenefs of heroes, and le- 
 giflacors, had not intruded itfelf to interrupt 
 the order of nature ? the induftrious nations 
 would, by little and little, have mixed 
 themfelves amongft ether nations, either by 
 commerce, or by alliance , nay, even by 
 war, fince, if, of two contending powers* 
 the one power be more civilized than the 
 other power, only the moft ftupid pride and 
 the moft mifguided policy, can hinder the 
 conquerors from either adopting the manners 
 of the conquered, or imparting to them 
 their own manners. Unfortunately the phi- 
 lofbphers had fo much underftanding, the 
 chiefs fo much heroifm, and the people fo 
 much vertue, that all, over the furface of the 
 globe, was in a flame, whilft the perfection 
 of human nature was thrown back to an ex* 
 treme diftance. An ignorant people, entire- 
 ly dcftitute of laws, and Grangers to cul- 
 tivation, foon triumphed over the compatriots 
 of Homer, of Plato, and of Lycurgus. 
 They undertook to draw out their empire to 
 a greater extent, thaxi that extent which the 
 VOL. I. R empire
 
 274 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 empire of manners and legiflation had been 
 able to reach : but quickly corrupted, di- 
 vided and enfeebled, they preferved no 
 traces of their ancient fplendor, except thofe 
 atrocious principles which they had derived 
 from itj and at a time when they were no 
 longer capable of quelling a revolt, their 
 conduct invited it to break out. The bar- 
 barous nations found themfelves, during that 
 period, in a fingular fituation. Within the 
 vicinity of opulence, and repulfed by a power 
 who left them no mare of it, they eagerly 
 wifhed for all the foftnefs of luxury, whilft 
 they dreaded left they mould fall victims to 
 oppreffion. There was no hope of thofe fe- 
 deral alliances, thofe intermarriages of fo- 
 vereign houfes, which tended to afTimilate 
 and unite the neighbouring nations. In the 
 place of the ancient apothegm, introduced 
 by Cato ; delenda eft Carthago^ there was 
 reafon to fubftitute ; delenda eft Roma : and, 
 in fact, Rome was, already, dcftroyed ; the 
 fenate was filled with foreigners , the Bar- 
 barians commanded an army almoft entirely 
 compofed of Barbarians. The Pretorians, in- 
 vincible tyrants in the capita), but pufillani- 
 mous citizens in the camp 4 after having creat- 
 ed
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 275 
 
 ed and afiaffinated emperors, were com- 
 pelled to give the precedency to the Germans 
 and to the other foreigners, whom the Csefars 
 had appointed to form their guards. Thefe 
 Barbarians, admitted into the firft rank, ef- 
 tablifhed with their own nations a corref- 
 pondence which became pernicious to the 
 Romans ; they fixed their eyes on this de- 
 graded ftate, in proportion to its becoming 
 forgetful of itfelf: the ambition of particular 
 individuals preceded the ambition of the 
 people-, the chief employments were invaded > 
 and even the throne was ufurped in fuch a 
 manner, that the Barbarians may be faid to 
 have conquered the empire before they at- 
 tacked it. 
 
 From hence, it follows that we muft feek 
 for the fources of the invafions of the Barba- 
 rians, hitherto fo difficult to be afcertained, 
 in the atrocity of the ancient principles of the 
 republic j in the vices peculiar to the modes 
 of government, adopted by the emperors; 
 and, efpecially, in die vafl extent of their 
 dominions. But, whatfoever may have been 
 the caufe of thefe invafions, it will always re- 
 main an incontrovertible point, that they 
 ought to be regarded, as fome of the mod 
 R.2 bitter
 
 276 ANESSAYON 
 
 bitter calamities, which ever afflicted human' 
 nature. The numerous and bloody battles* 
 which they have occafioned, may be referred 
 to thofe firft principles of war, defcribed at 
 the beginning of this work ; the defire of 
 quitting a rigorous climate, for a more whole- 
 fbme 'climate a barren land, for a more 
 fertile land, &c. Now, wars of this kind 
 are the moft cruel and difaftrous ; not being 
 fo much the contention of rival warriors, as 
 the obftinate oppofition of one nation againft 
 another nation. On the one hand, the im- 
 pofTibility of drawing off, and on the othef 
 hand, the neceflity of preferving the means 
 of fubfiftance, render the deftrudtion of the 
 enemy a necelfary confequence of victory. 
 What can be more melancholy and difquiet- 
 ing, than the picture of humanity, during 
 the times, which preceded the reparation of 
 the Roman empire? nations deftroyed through, 
 principles of policy : other nations over- 
 whelming and laying wafte whole countries ; 
 and a third afiemblage of nations, more dan- 
 gerous than the former, exifting, folely, by 
 acts of theft and piracy -, the emperors tranf- 
 planting whole colonies from Germany, into 
 
 Britain^
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 277 
 
 Britain ; from Afia, into Africa , and from 
 Africa, into Europe. The univerfe refem- 
 bled one vaft field of battle, where the bo. 
 dies of forces, not employed in fight, are 
 engaged in continual evolutions, and, incef- 
 fantly, change their ground. (e) 
 
 R 3 CHAP. 
 
 (e) Thefe frequent emigrations, thefe perpetuai 
 changes in theeftablifhment of nations, were, after the 
 war, amongft the greateft misfortunes, entailed on hu 
 man nature. Let the reader judge from the following 
 circumftances. Probus, unable to keep the Barba- 
 rians, in a ftate of peace, refolved to tranfplant feveral 
 nations, into the lands belonging to the empire. Only 
 one colony fucceeded. It was compcfed of a hundred 
 thoufand of the Baftarna:, a people of Scythia, who 
 had fettled in Thrace. The Gedinians, the Vandals, 
 and the Franks could not be prevailed on to fix them- 
 felves, but committed their ufual ae\s of plunder, in 
 the places, where it had been attempted to eftabliih 
 them. It became neceflary to deftroy them, by force 
 of arms. Diocleflan tranfported, into Pannonia, the 
 Carpian nations, inhabiting the vicinities of the Pontus 
 Euxinus; and Conrtantifs Chlorus made the Bata- 
 vians pafs into the mod depopulated provinces of Caul. 
 The manner in which they waged war againll thefe 
 Barbarians may be difcovered, in a paflage, from Vo- 
 pifcus, who informs us, that the emperor Probus, not 
 contented with having fiaughtwed, in one battle, four 
 .hundred thoufand Barbarians, confilHcg of Eurgun- 
 djans, Franks, and Germans, ftt a price upon th 
 
 heads
 
 278 ANESSAYON 
 
 CHAP. II. 
 
 Ike fir ft appearance of Chrijlianity. The 
 tical, and moral ft ate of Pagantfm, at the <era 
 of tbe eftablijbment of the Chriftian religion. 
 
 X HE dreadful convulfions, which fhook 
 the political fyftem of the world, were not 
 fufficient to fill up the meafure of calamity. 
 A revolution, a thoufand times more afto- 
 nilhing, prepared itfelf to overthrow the em- 
 pire of opinion ; as if the time had been ar- 
 % rived 
 
 heads of all who remained, promifing to each cf the 
 foldiers a piece of gold, for every head which they 
 might bring. It is with fingular fatisfaftion, that I 
 draw the contraft to thefe cruel orders, whiift I mention 
 vuiat I iccollecl to have fcen praiftifed, during the lafl 
 war. Some commanders cf light troops, anxious to 
 
 prevent
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 279 
 
 rived, at which, every thing on the furface 
 of the earth was to be altered, from the 
 power which commands, to the perfuafion, 
 which governs. A tumultuous war arofe in 
 the mind , nor did the individual, who had 
 retired to iblitude, and contemplation, enjoy 
 more tranquility in his retreat, than the un- 
 ruly foldier, or the timid cultivator of the 
 ground. What an epoch was this, in which 
 hiftory, at once, prefents to us the deftruc- 
 tion of the Roman empire, and the fall of 
 paganilm ! new people, and a new mode of 
 worfhip are introduced upon the theatre of 
 the world ; it may even be faid, that a new 
 religion is introduced ; for, idly would men 
 alledge, that chriftianity, teaching, as its 
 firft dogma, the unity of God, and immedU 
 ately deriving itfelf, from the faith of the If- 
 raelites, mould trace its origin up to deifm 
 and judaifm : the fnyftery of the redemption, 
 R 4 its 
 
 prevent the fpilling of too much blood, concerted n 
 Druggie, in the minds of the foldiers, between avarice 
 and auelty, and inftituted a reward, for every one, 
 who might bring in a prilbner, fafe and found. Such 
 is the progrefs of manners and philofophy, that the 
 moderns, at this period, are not fo cruel, in the tim* 
 4 >var, as the ancients vyere, in times of p
 
 its tenets relating to a future ftate, its forms 
 of worfhip, its precepts, all anounce, all 
 declare a new order in fpiritual matters ; all 
 characterife a revolution in the fyftem of reli- 
 gion. 
 
 But, howfoever this fubjec"l ought to be 
 confidered, there is only one, method of en- 
 quiry, with which we can indulge ourfelves ; 
 and this method neceflarily enters into the 
 plan of our work. Thus, far from following 
 the example of fome philofophers, of the 
 prefent age, whofe abilities we refpect, but 
 whofe fondnefs for difcufiian hath, perhaps, 
 led them into errors, we (hall leave to Theo- 
 logians, that which belongs inconteftably to 
 their province, and enter folely into an exa- 
 mination of the influence of the Chriftian re- 
 ligion over the happinefs of mankind, in its 
 exclufive relation to this life. It is in. confe- 
 quence of this principle, that, being obliged, 
 through the feries of our reflections, to un- 
 fold the origin and progrefs of chriftianity, 
 we mall only mention thofe human means, of 
 which providence hath made ule ; to thefe 
 means the fathers of the church have given 
 their affent ; and in this invefligation no 
 other means can be admitted, fmce it is in>
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 281 
 
 poffible for man, to trace the ways of God 
 through fupernatural events i and equally 
 as difficult, for our weak intellects, to affign 
 a motive, why he ibmetimes changes the 
 order of nature , as to explain the reafon, 
 why he doth not change it, either oftner, or 
 in a manner more adapted to the attainment 
 of thofe ends, to which, we imagine, that he 
 directs his purpofes. If, in the courfe of 
 this work, we have never aflumed that (tile 
 of confidence, which pretends to teach ; but 
 rather the language of criticifm, at once, 
 doubting and dilcufling, how much more 
 neceflary is it, that we fliould adhere to this 
 precaution, in a matter, where we cannot 
 boaft of having availed ourfelves of any af- 
 fiftance, except that afliftance which arofe 
 from the light of hiftory, fupported by re- 
 flection. 
 
 Whilft mankind meditated upon this great 
 revolution in the moral world, they appear 
 to have been particularly ftricken with two 
 circumftances, the deftruction of an ancient 
 religion, and the eftablimment of a new re- 
 ligion ; or rather thefe two objects being con- 
 founded with each other, the human mind, 
 which conftamly endeavours to relieve htrrfelf 
 
 by
 
 282 AN ESSAY OK 
 
 by abftra<5tion, from the fatigue of entering 
 into long details, faw only a war on foot, be- 
 tween two powerful rivals, and did not he-, 
 fitate to defcribe chriftianity, as engaged 
 againft paganifm. But was paganifm a re- 
 ligion ? far from it ; the term Pagan was not 
 adopted until fome ages after the appearance 
 of Jeius Chrift.f/J The Phenicians, the 
 JEgyptians, the Greeks, the Italians, and the 
 Celtas, had all different ideas, not only of 
 the nature and origin of the gods, but of that 
 kind of adoration, which they imagined it 
 neceflary to pay them. There were no re- 
 lative ideas, no connection even between the 
 
 (f) P a g a n, from Pagus, a village, becaufe the 
 chriftian emperors having banifhed the idolaters from 
 all the cities, they were obliged to retire to the villages j 
 or rather becaufe Conftantine drove out, from amongft 
 his troops, and expelled into the villages, all thofe who 
 were not chriilians. Neither of thefe explanations is 
 fatisfadlory. The firft mention which hiftory makes of 
 the Gentiles, under the name cf Pagans, is in the reiga 
 of Valentinian, and in the three hundred and fixty-fifth 
 year of Chrift. See " Gothofredus de data Pagancrurn 
 fub imperatoribus Chriftianis." Echard imagines that 
 the inhabitants of the country, remaining longer au 
 tached to the wcrfhip of idols, than the inhabitants of 
 cities, the idolaters were therefore called Pagans. Pa.^ 
 gani. b. 7. c. i.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 283 
 
 names of their gods ; npr did they barely ad- 
 mit of a tranflation from one language into 
 another language. Examine all the ancient 
 nations, and endeavour to form from their 
 notions, with regard to 'Taut, Brimha, or 
 Brama, Siphon, Ofirls, Zeus, Jupiter, Odhi+ 
 &c. a fyftem which conciliates every opinion, 
 and forms a point of re-union againft a new 
 religion. It may be faid that fuch a fyftem is 
 vifible in Polytheifm. But this afiertion is far 
 from carrying conviction along with it , for 
 we, in our turns, mi 1 . ft afk what is underftood 
 by religion ? doth it mean the opinion pre- 
 vailing amongft the people ? and yet, with 
 ignorant men, all opinion degenerates into 
 fuperftition, and all worfhip into idolatry. 
 In this refpect, it will appear that even the 
 chriftians pofTefTed but very few advantages 
 over the Pagans : for were we to enquire into 
 the religious ftate of all the fouthern part of 
 America, and of fome nations fituated to the 
 North and South of Europe/^ j we mould 
 find that their notions on the Trinity, the Vir- 
 gin, the Saints, the Angels, and the Devils, 
 
 were 
 
 (g) The Ruffians ftill preferve their little idols, and 
 render them the fame worfhip, which the Pagans ren- 
 dered to their Penates,
 
 284 ANESSAYON 
 
 were little (hort of idolatry. If, on the con* 
 trary, it be imagined that through every age, 
 and amidft every religion, the ideas of the 
 vulgar are to be rejected, we mall, then, per- 
 ceive that amongft the ancients, the priefts 
 referred all their doctrine to deifm, and all 
 their morality to politics. It is certain that 
 the dogma of one God alone was the firft 
 truth revealed in the Eleufinian myfteries. 
 Ladtantius aflerts, that Alexander learned this 
 truth from the mouth of the Hierophant -, 
 and a very flight knowledge of antiquity may 
 convince us that this belief was the bafis of 
 all initiation, and the hidden principle of 
 every doctrine. The freedom with which 
 even the minifters of religion fpoke of their 
 divinities, is evident from the writings of 
 Cicero-, and Diodorns Siculus accounts for 
 the origin of the popular opinions, relative 
 to the Styx, Acheron, Minos, Rbadamanthus, 
 &c. &c. It were a ftill more ufelefs tafk, 
 fhould we attempt to fearch for Polytheifm 
 amongft the philofophers. In whatfoever ob- 
 fcurities their ideas, concerning the nature of 
 things and firft caufes, were involved, we 
 may aflert, that no feel: exifted, the principles 
 
 of
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 285 
 
 of which, had any thing in common with the 
 religion of the people. 
 
 We fhall not, in this place, trefpafs upon 
 tfee readers time, by endeavouring to Ihew 
 what little folidity could have belonged to an 
 edifice, without fymmetry in any of its parts, 
 and without the lead correfpondence to a ge- 
 Rcral pJan. The Pagan religion, defpifed by 
 its own minifters, inveighed againft by the 
 philofbphers, and neglected, the moft fre- 
 quently, by the people, was equally incapable 
 of ftriking a deep root, and of forming a 
 a code of doctrines, difficult to be overthrown. 
 The credit which it maintained during a 
 length of time is, notwithstanding, unqueftion- 
 able. To account, therefore, for all this, we 
 muft have recourfe to fome more diftant 
 caufe ; for it is not fufficient to demonftrate 
 with Mr. Hume, that Polytheifm is the firft 
 religion which muft have offered itfelf to an 
 untutored fet of men ; it is not even fufficient 
 to have difcovered that this religion was mild, 
 and that its modes of worihip were agreeable 
 and ingenious : on the one hand, it may be 
 anfwered, that it exifted during the moft po- 
 limed ages ; and on the other hand, that the 
 pain and cruelty, attending its practices, 
 
 have
 
 286 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 have been already proved. We muft, there* 
 fore, lead our obfervations flill farther, and 
 we fhall, then, difcover in the fyftem of po- 
 litics, the true reafon of the long duration of 
 Polytheifm. 
 
 Would we, in general, comprehend fome 
 circumftance from antiquity, we muft not 
 lofe fight of two important facts, namely^ 
 that Afia hath been, as it were, the cradle of 
 the fciences, and Greece, the cradle of poetry. 
 From this fingle confideration, a thoufand 
 confequences will naturally flow. The poets, 
 that is to fay, the maker s,(h) the firft atnongft 
 the Greeks who enjoyed the knowledge of 
 any thing, have arranged, as well as they 
 poffibly could, all the materials which they 
 were able to collect, from the fentiments of 
 the Phenicians and ./Egyptians, relative to the 
 origin of the world, and the generation of 
 gods-, but thefe makers^ faithful to their 
 name, and their profeffion, forged many new 
 fables, 
 
 (hj Poet, nwfa, from naisw, to make, to fabricate, 
 to compofe, &c. We do not, here, pretend to deny 
 that poetry is of an earlier date, and that the Greeks 
 received it from the Phenicians ; but we allude to a re- 
 gular poem which, whilft it became the language of 
 the priefts and the legiflators, was the chief amufo 
 ment of the people.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 287 
 
 fables, which they mixed with the ancient 
 fables, and, particularly, laboured at attempts 
 to circulate delufive accounts, concerning the 
 origin of the Greeks ; an origin for which 
 they bluflied to have been indebted to mer- 
 chants, or a people of flaves. Amidft thefe 
 Makers, Homer quickly obtained the firft 
 rank. He compofed fo many tales, and fpoke 
 of fuch a multitude of things, that his books, 
 in this refpect, like the Koran, were of them- 
 felves fufficient to found a religion. And 
 yet, the oracle of Delphos, another maker* 
 who worked with hexameter verfes, Lycurgus, 
 who made metrical laws, pretending, indeed, 
 that they were dictated by Apollo, but which 
 he had ftolen from the Cretans// J Hefiod, 
 and many others, began to form, from a 
 very fmall number of acquired intelligences, 
 and from a very great number of ingenioui 
 conjectures, a monftrous and gigantic leaf- 
 folding of materials. From all thefe poems, 
 and all thefe oracles, arofe a particular lan- 
 guage, ftiled /*u^8f, in oppofition to Acyo?, 
 
 which 
 
 (i) Rhetra, or oracle, an .appellation given to the 
 laws of Lycurgus, who pretended to have received 
 them from the mouth of Apollo, whofe ufual manner 
 of fpeaking to him was in numbers.
 
 288 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 which was the language of reafon, and which 
 did not prevail until fome time afterwards. 
 But the pu'3-0? maintained its ground during 
 \yhole ages ; and as the poets had continually 
 treated of the mod interefting fubjects, fuch 
 as the origin of republics, the principles of 
 legislation, the rights of magiftrates, the li- 
 mits of ftates, &c. poetry, or fable, or, if it 
 be a more proper expreflion, religion became, 
 as it were, the general repofitory of archives, 
 and the titles of the nobility of republics. 
 From thence fprang the obligation which 
 united polity with religion, and the neceffity 
 which preferved tenets and ceremonies. The 
 oracles had frequently decided on the pri- 
 vileges of ftates ; and thefe points had been 
 determined even by the authority of the 
 poets. (k) Who could have queftionecl the 
 infallibility of the oracles ? who could have 
 treated Homer with difrefpedb ? ! 
 
 Saint Auguftinf/J quotes a beautiful de- 
 finition from Varro, in which that author di- 
 vides theology into three kinds: the fabulous 
 
 kind, 
 
 (k) Two verfes of Homer decided a conteft between 
 two republics, which difputed their metropolitical right 
 over a colony. 
 
 (I) De civitate Dei. 1. 6. c. 6,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 189 
 
 fond, HAU'^JKOV, the phyfical or natural kind, 
 and the civil or legal kind. The firft kind 
 contains fables, the metamorphofis, &c. the 
 fecond kind, which treats of the nature of 
 the gods, and of things, is taught only in the 
 fchools ; and the third kind, which is but the 
 ritual of feafts, or of facrifices, is entrufted 
 to the priefthood. Varro faith that, from 
 thefe three kinds of theology, we can only 
 felecl: the firft, and the laft kind, as proper to 
 be given up to the people. " Prima, inquit^ 
 theologia maxime accomodataeftad theatrum, 
 fecunda ad mundnm, tertia ad urbem." But 
 this fabulous theology, which Varro par- 
 ticularly annexes to the theatre, was intimate- 
 ly connected with civil theology ; and each, 
 of thefe did not fail to unite themfelves 
 againft natural theology, which was their 
 greateft enemy. Natural theology unfor- 
 tunately neglected, during a length of time, 
 the only arms which (he might have employ- 
 ed with fuccefs ; obfervation and experience. 
 She was even weak enough to borrow fre- 
 quently from the firft, her language, and 
 from the laft, her impoftures and her myf. 
 teries. Thefe three fyftems were fo ftrongly 
 re- acted upon, by one another, that religion 
 VOL. I. S became
 
 2 9 o ANESSAYON 
 
 became allegorical, and philoibphy fupef- 
 flltious : but whilft the commerce of nations, 
 whilft voyages and conquefts multiplied the 
 objects of adoration, by the adoption of fo- 
 reign rites, curiofity, emulation, and fubtihy 
 increafed th-e fe&s and the fchools. What 
 could have arifen from thence, except the 
 dilcredit into which philofophy and religion 
 fell together ? the extravagant cuftom of 
 adoring all forts of divinities, from the great 
 God Jupiter, down to the God Crepitus j 
 and of maintaining all kinds of opinions; 
 From the moft magifterial dogmatifm, to the 
 moft obftinate Pyrrhohifm, foon placed the 
 priefts and the fophifts in the fame rank, and 
 at length gave birth to that fentiment, which 
 they dread the moft amongft the Great, the 
 fentiment of indifference. 
 
 Amidft theftr difaflers, religion ftill enjoy- 
 td two great fupports, in the vanity of the 
 people, and the polity adopted by the ma- 
 giftrares. Greece was the receptacle of the 
 gods i in Greece every place feem filled with 
 their prefence. The Olympic and Ifthmlan 
 games , the Panatken*ea ; all thole magnificent 
 feftivals peculiar to each city ; the great mul- 
 titude of oracleSi each in high reputation, 
 
 and
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 291 
 
 &nd each promifing to Greece an eternal 
 fplendor ; what objects were thefe for a con- 
 fident and frivolous people ! unfortunately, 
 whilft the Greeks were bufied in the contem- 
 plation of their actual glory, a man of Ma- 
 cedon, (to borrow an expreflion from De- 
 mofthenes) came to throw all their ideas into 
 confufion, by infulting over a legislation, for 
 which, indeed, they felt but little anxiety* 
 and by difturbing their religious feafts, to the 
 celebration of which, they were attached with 
 the mod bigotted idolatry. To this man of 
 Macedon fucceeded another man from the 
 fame country, who, at once deftroyed and 
 tftablilhed tyranny , who overthrew an an- 
 cient monarchy, and gave birth to new dy-] 
 nafties, all warlike and ferocious, whofe op- 
 prefiive power overwhelmed the gods, the 
 priefts, the philofophers, and the people. 
 
 But this, as yet, was nothing, and there 
 had conftantly remained fome particulars be- 
 longing to thefe two fyftems of civil and dra- 
 matic theology, accomcdat^e ad nrbem, ad 
 iheatrum. At length, a people confiding of 
 exceedingly bad theologians, but of excellent 
 warriors, arrive to overthrow the fucceflbrs 
 pf the man of Macedon, and treat as vile 
 S 2 flaves,
 
 292 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 flaves, the defcendants of gcds, heroes, and 
 poets. Then every expectation was difappoint- 
 cd, and every prophecy was belied. Religion, 
 then, loft all her credit; if the leaft rhark of 
 iier footfteps was to be feen, it was confined 
 to the theatre, and owed its prefervation td 
 that happy alliance, which fhe had, for A 
 long time, contracted with the mufes and 
 the polite arts. 
 
 At the firft glance, the Romans feem to 
 "have been fo powerful, that they might have 
 given law, even in matters of opinion, to the 
 whole univerfe ; but, If I may be allowed the 
 paradox, they were neither fufficiently intel- 
 ligent, nor fufficiently ignorant, to found a 
 religion. Their own dogmas did not belong 
 to them ;' they were incapable of forming a, 
 code of doctrines , their firft notions of this 
 kind were derived from the Etrufcahs, a 
 people much addicted to divination: thus, 
 the 'earlieft traces of religion, vifible amongft 
 them, may be difcovered in the cuftom of 
 confulting the anfpices, eftablilhed by Ro- 
 'mu\\.}s.(m) Numa, originally a Sabine, and 
 
 better 
 
 Romulus confulted the flight o? birds beiWe he 
 to build Rome.
 
 PV&L.IC HAPPINESS. 
 
 r instructed than the Romans, imagined 
 that it was neceflary to deceive, before he 
 could reduce a ferocious race of men, who 
 had aflfafTmced a warlike prince, and the 
 founder of the empire. He, therefore, in- 
 troduced fuperftition to -aflift authority -, but 
 he was more engaged in the eftablifhrneat of 
 ceremonies, than in the circulation of tenets. 
 He was, in, general, the mildeft of all the 
 importers, and merited the applaufe of pof- 
 trity* By little, and little, the feveral rela- 
 tions extended themfelves : on the one hand< 
 the commerce carried on with the Grecian co- 
 lonies, and on the other hand, the eftabiifiTf- 
 ment of the.Tarquins, could not fail to fix a 
 reputation, upon fome new opinions. An- 
 attempt was. made to reconcile the-fe vulgar 
 notions, with the more refined- ideas of the 
 people of Greece -, biit the names, and the 
 rites, whicb underwent no alteration, were 
 evident proofs of the 7 effential difference, 
 which exifted between thefe opinions, and 
 the primitive dogmas. (n) Cicero derives the 
 S 3 word 
 
 (n) What relation is there between Cronos, Zeue, 
 Ares, Hermes, Pofeidon, and Saturn, Jupiter, Mars v 
 tytercury, Neptune?
 
 ANESSAYON 
 
 word Jupiter, from juvare, to help,(0J to 
 aflift; and indeed, the infcriptions, Jovi 
 Statori, Jovi Feretrio, frequently to be met 
 with on altars, feem to mean no more than 
 tojbe affixing power ^ who flopped the courfe of 
 the enemy ; to the affixing power, who ftruck 
 the enemy. It is alfo very certain that the 
 whole hiftory of the Roman Mars, hath no 
 connection with the hiftory of the Grecian 
 Ares. Even Flora is abfolutely a Roman di- 
 vinity. La6lantiusf/>) pretends that (lie was 
 indebted for her origin, to a courtezan, who, 
 having acquired a large fortune, left a con- 
 fiderable fum, by will, to keep up the an- 
 nual celebration of public games, in honour 
 of her memory. This author adds, that 
 after a certain period, the fenate, humiliated 
 by the idea of having paid fuch homage to a 
 proftitute, thought it proper to turn her into 
 the goddefs of flowers. It is, in this place, 
 unneceflary to relate, how the Romans, not 
 jnuch contented with their own gods, had 
 
 frequent 
 
 (o) Some have derived the word Jupiter, from JAH, 
 Jehova Pater ; but I cannot think that this alliance of 
 the Greek word Pater, with the Hebrew word Jehovah^ 
 appears very natural. 
 
 (fj Inftit, 1. 4. c. JQ.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 295 
 
 frequent reconrfe to the gods of tfye Greeks j 
 how they consulted their oracles, whenfoever 
 they imagined that they might enjoy the 
 power of drawing up the aniwers ; ar.d how 
 they went in learch of the god of Kpidaurus, 
 but had the addrefs to permit his efcape, left 
 the dreadful ferpent, which repreiented Eicu- 
 lapius, might not be acknowledged, On? 
 very important obfcrvation is, that religion, 
 whatsoever might be her nature, remained 
 conftantly within the hands of the Great , and 
 ferved them as a kind of Mgis^ againft the tu- 
 multuous infurrections of the people, whom 
 they opprefled. 
 
 We have already obferved, in the former 
 part of this work, that the privilege of taking 
 the aufpices, was a diftinguiftung mark of 
 the efifential difference exifting between the 
 nobility, and the people. We have declared, 
 that by this privilege alone, the condition of 
 the citizens was enabled to fland good in law ; 
 becaufe no other privilege could have ftampe'd 
 an authenticity on their marriages. The 
 whole Roman hiftory teftifies, how neceflary 
 it was, for all thofe, who were deftined to 
 fill the firft offices of the magiftracy ; and I 
 O>u}d produce feveral inftances of confuls, 
 S 4 quitting
 
 296 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 quitting the armies, becaufe fome formalU 
 ties had been wanting, during their inatigu^ 
 ration. Every one can recoiled: the fine difc 
 eourfes, related by Livy, and Dionyfius Ha- 
 Jicarnafiius, wherein thofe authors have fo 
 ably- unfolded the principles on which the 
 Patricians grounded their claims, in fupport 
 of the exclufion of the Plebeians, from the 
 eonful&ip. What ! exclaimed the Appih, 
 and their adherents, mall we, then fee at the 
 head of our armies, confuls who never took 
 the aufpices ; inaufpicati confules ! in more, 
 nothing hath been more clearly proved, than 
 that intimate union fubfifting, amongfl thv2 
 Romans, between their government, and 
 their religion, but more particularly, between 
 religion and ariftocracy. Thus, we need 
 not hefitate to aflert, that the efforts of the 
 people, ftruck equally againft the govern- 
 ment and againft the religion : and as James 
 the firft was wont to obferve, no bifoops^ no 
 king, fo, at Rome, it might have been, faid, 
 ibe more nobles^ t-be more religion. 
 
 Democracy, fhaken for a moment, by 
 Sylla, was continually acquiring frelh vigour 
 until, having degenerated into anarchy, the 
 |icentioufnefs of all occafioned the defpo.-.
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 
 
 tifrn of a fingle one. But v^e muft not lofe 
 fight of a very important truth ; namely, that 
 the people never erefc an individual into a 
 defpot, except from a principle of hatred 
 againft the great, who tyrannife over them. 
 We can produce a very recent inftance of 
 this, from Denmark ;(q) there, the people 
 creeled an individual into a defpot, with an 
 enthufiafm equal to that tnthufiafm which 
 Animated the Romans, at the time of the ex- 
 pulfion of their kings. A very flight ac- 
 quaintance with the Roman hiftory, is fufr 
 ficient to convince us, that the moil difa- 
 proved emperors, fuch as Caligula, Nero, 
 and Commodus, had maintained fome degree 
 of favour, with the people, merely, becaufe 
 they defpifed the fenate, and perfect! ted the 
 nobility. And yet, it was not necefTary to 
 have been a Caligula, or a Nero, but only a 
 politic prince, in order to have perceived, 
 that the people, becoming, from day to 
 day, more and more abje6b, might eafily 
 have been gained over, by diftributions and 
 
 foectacles -, whereas the lait traces of the gar 
 
 * 
 
 vernment fubfifted ftill amidft the fenate, 
 
 and, 
 
 rr. ~ ' ~ 
 
 ) In, 1669,
 
 298 ANESSAYON 
 
 and the fmall number of nobles, who were 
 the relicts of thofe illuftrious families, the 
 ancient objects of public veneration. Now, 
 we have already explained the intimate union, 
 which fubfifted, for a long time, between 
 ariftocracy, and religion, Befides, every 
 thing which is ancient, every thing which ac- 
 quires a particular and independant impor- 
 tance, wears, in the eyes of defpots, a kind of 
 pedantic characteriftic, which troubles them. 
 It was, therefore, as much through inclina- 
 tion, as policy, that the emperors fuffered all 
 religious opinions to fall into difgrace : (r) 
 and unfortunately for thefe opinions amidft 
 the fmall number of good princes, who fuc- 
 ceeded Auguilus, there were found only 
 philofophers, too vertuous to be expofed to 
 fear and repentance, the ufual food of fu- 
 perdition, and too enlightened to cherim a 
 medley of abfurdities, with the fplendour, 
 which was reflected from the throne. It be- 
 came &ill worfe, when foreigners fupplied 
 
 the 
 
 (r) 1'iberius, whofe policy aimed the mo dreadful 
 blows at the authority of the fenate, feems to have 
 been particularly free from all thofe fupenlitions of 
 his country, which he found afting in oppofition, ta 
 his arbitrary views.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 299 
 
 the place of princes, who were fcarcely Ro- 
 man citizens, and of courfe, gave themfclves 
 no concern about the nobility , when the 
 principal employments, whether civil, or 
 military, were entrufted to Barbarians, who 
 had never read Homer, nor heard either of 
 Mercury, or Apollo. Thefe ferocious men, 
 accuftomed to worfhip their god, under the 
 form of a wolf, and to revere only the fpirit 
 of the mountain, or the genius of the 
 tempefts, found thernfelves exactly in the 
 fame fituation, with thofefavages of America, 
 whom the mod ignorant of our millenaries 
 converted, by thoufands. Full of contempt 
 for the Romans, they rejected their gods, 
 of whofe hiftory they were ignorant, and 
 whofe power they defied. 
 
 This was the period at which the chfiftian 
 religion began to extend herfelf. Her mem- 
 bers, more difperfed abroad, and more 
 zealous, continually animated by the fpirit of 
 making profelytes, frequently irritated by 
 perfecution, and, moreover, inculcating a 
 do&rine, very oppofite to that contempt 
 which the Romans and the Greeks exprefled 
 egainft the Barbarians, mud, confequently, 
 
 havq
 
 joo : AN ESSAY O N 
 
 have prefented themfelves to thefe lad in $, 
 more favourable point of view; and the fim-, 
 plicity of their dogmas, (for we fhall obferve 
 farther on, that nothing could have been 
 more fimple, than the tenets introduced by. 
 the apoftles and their fuccefibrs) was. much, 
 Better fuited to the comprehenfion of thefe 
 plain and properly-tempered minds, which 
 had not yet been either infefted . by fuper-. 
 ftitions, or fubtilifed by idle dialectks. 
 
 To fum up the whole, then, we may COJK. 
 qlude that Greece was the land of paganifm ; 
 that all the religious ideas, eftabliihed in this, 
 country, and united, to polity, were over- 
 thrown by the conquefts of the Romans; that, 
 the Roman government becoming, at firft, 
 ariftocratical, then democratical, and at length, 
 monarchial, religion which was the fupport 
 of ariftocracy muft neceflarily have fallen wit^i 
 it; and, in fhort, tha; the invafions of the 
 Barbarians gave the finilhing ftroke to the de- 
 ftruclion of the la ft remains qf the ancient 
 opinions.
 
 VBLIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 H A P. III. 
 
 On the eftabUJhment <?/ Chriftianity. 
 
 E cannot too often repeat what hath 
 been already mentioned, namely, that we 
 have refolved, whllft we trace the progrefs of 
 chriftianity, to enquire only into the human or 
 natural means ; means, the importance of 
 which the theologians themfelves do not affecl: 
 to deny: but Indeed, if providence had chofen 
 to eftablifh a fyftem of worihip upon mi- 
 raclesjfjj it would have been fufficient to 
 
 have 
 
 (s) Otigen, in his defence againfl Celfus, agrees with 
 the Pagan philofophy, in fuppofing that feveral miracles 
 might have been wrought by magic ; and the only rule 
 Which he prefcribes for dilUnguifhing the miracles, 
 which proceeded from Heaven, is founded on the mo- 
 rality,
 
 302 A N E S 3 A V O tf 
 
 have wrought at Rome a fmall part of thole 
 miracles, of which the Jews only were the 
 witnciTes , or even to have fixed on thefe, 
 fuch a character of authenticity, as to have 
 rendered it imnofTible that they Ihould ever* 
 have been called in queftion, or palTed over* 
 in filence, which two of the moil learned 
 men of Judaea, have, notwithftanding, 
 done, (t) On the contrary, we perceive that 
 the firft advances of chriftianity were flow 
 and laborious, and particularly, whilft we 
 examine it under its political relations, and 
 by its influence over the flate of fociety ; this 
 ipecies of inveftigation being our chief object. 
 We rnuft, here, guard againft the indolence 
 of the human mind, againft that particular 
 
 kind 
 
 rality, the doftrine, and the manners of thofe who 
 worked thofe miracles. No one is ignorant of the pro- 
 digies brought forth by the magicians of Pharaoh ; and 
 it h alfo well known, that when the heathens placed 
 the miracles of Apollonius Tyanus, in oppofition to the 
 miracles of Jefus Chrift, the chriilians, in anfwer to 
 this objection, were fatisfied with feminizing the life 
 and cliaracler of this philofopher; as, in their opinion, 
 it was very immaterial, what miracle he might have per- 
 formed, if it were certain that his do&rince and hid 
 conduft deferved neither refpeft nor confidence. 
 
 (t) Jofephus and Philo,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 303 
 
 kind of curiofity, which flies from application, 
 dreads the falling into doubt more than it 
 likes inftruction, and is the oftneft fatisfied 
 with fome principal points whereon it may 
 reft its wavering opinion. We refemble thofe 
 travellers, who cafting their eyes from the 
 fummit of fome mountain upon an extenfive 
 plain below, obferve here and there a tower 
 and a fteeple, and then return, perfuaded 
 that they are acquainted with the country. 
 We know that Jefus Chrift hath given his 
 name to that religion, which all, who are 
 (tiled chriftians, at this time profefs -, and we 
 believe that immediately after Jefus Chrift, 
 there was a chriftian religion. The extreme 
 averfion, alfo, which prevails amongft the 
 chriftians of our days, and the Jews, inclines 
 us to fuppofe, that there muft have been, from 
 the beginning, a very diftinguimable fciffion, 
 an openly-declared war between the two re- 
 ligions. All thefe opinions are not conform- 
 able to the facls. Several hiftorical monu- 
 ments prove that the Romans for a long time 
 confounded the Jews with the Chriftians. I 
 lhall only produce one rnftance, by a quotation 
 from Suetonius, wherein that author, enu- 
 merating the laudable actions of Claudius, 
 
 at
 
 at the beginning of his reign, faith, that h& 
 
 drove from Rome the Jews, who continually 
 
 revoked, and were /purred on by Chriftus.(u) 
 
 Now^ Suetonius wrote under Trajan , that isj 
 
 more than one hundred years after Jefus 
 
 Chriil. It is certain, that Tacitus, who lived 
 
 at the fame period, ufes the word Chriitianj 
 
 when he informs us, that Nero was defirous 
 
 of making that fufpicion generally circulated 
 
 concerning his having fetfire to Rome, alight 
 
 upon the chriftians \ but he fpeaks of them 
 
 as only a fociety of fe&aries iflfuing from Ju- 
 
 dxa ; " repreffaque in prsefens exitiabilis fu* 
 
 perftitio rurfus erumpebat, non modo per 
 
 Judseam originem ejus mali, &c." The 
 
 chriftians themfelves did not immediately af- 
 
 fume this refpectable name-,(X) fome ftiled 
 
 them Pelves JeJJeam, from Jeffi^ the father of 
 
 David 5 
 
 (u) Judsos impulfore Chrefto affidue tumukuante* 
 Roma expulit. Dion mentions one Acilius Glabrio, 
 who, under the reign of Domitian, was accufed of 
 atheifm, becaufe he became a Jew ; Bingham fays that 
 wemtut, here, underftand Chriflian. . . . See Antiqui-* 
 tics of the church, b. i. ch. 2. 
 
 (x) According to the a&s of the apoftles, the faith- 
 ful, that is, the new converts, took the name of 
 ChrilHans at Antioch, from the time of the npoitles i 
 but it appears that this appellation did not grow coov* 
 mon until a long while afterwards.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 305 
 
 iDavid , or rather from Jefus, their Matter. 
 Others were called Tbefapeuttf , others, the 
 faithful believers, the elett,(y) ccntemplators> 
 &c. Some amongft them bore the appellation 
 of PifcicuH* little fijhes^ either becapfe they 
 were engendered, or regenerated by the waters 
 of baptifm ; or on account of the initial 
 letters of thefe words; In<rx? xpufloe @ss utoc 
 2w7ij, Jefus Chriftus, Dei filius, Servator, 
 which form the Greek word IX0Y2, a fifh. 
 Others even confented to pafs for a fe<5l of 
 philofophers, as may be collected from thefe 
 words of Melito, in his treatife de Pafcha : 
 "hcec enim philofophice fecla quam profitemur 
 apud barbaros viguit."C 2 J Befides, as they 
 had no temples, and as they celebrated no 
 public worfhip, it became natural to confider 
 them, rather as fimple fedaries, than as the 
 apoftles of a new religion. Mr. Crevier ob- 
 ferves with juftice, that before the perfecution. 
 VOL. I. T of 
 
 (y) nrlot, xj<ro, ^ny<7Toxo. See Bingham's anti- 
 quities of the church. 
 
 (z) This CeR of philofophers, to which we allude, 
 began to acquire fome reputation amongft the Bar- 
 barians. See Eufeb. hift. eccles. 1. 4.
 
 $bi AN ESSAY ON 
 
 of Maximin, that is to fa.y,(a) two hundred 
 and forty years after Jefus Chrift, hiftory doth 
 not, any where, aflert that the chriftians had 
 churches. (b) Arnobius, an author of the 
 third age, pofitivdy faith, tc we ereft no altars, 
 we offer rto incenfe : "(c ) and, alfo obferves, 
 '* that they believe not in the gods, who be- 
 lieve that their fefidence is in the temples, 
 end that they fhouid offer up ineehle to them* 
 and honour their images." Let me add, that 
 if an emperor, fo well inftrufledi fo well em- 
 ployed in the performance of his duty, as 
 Trajan was, had no particular knowledge of 
 the chriftian opinions ; and if the hiftorians 
 have fcarcely made any mention of them, till 
 the reign of Conftantine, it is reafonable to 
 conclude^ that they were either very little ex- 
 panded, at their firft opening, or that they 
 were not feen in that important light, where* 
 in their merit fhouid have placed them. 
 If, 
 
 (a) Monfieur Grevier hath committed a fmall error 
 in chronology. It was only in the 2 3 8th year of Chriftj 
 that Maximin, after an ufurpation of almoft three years, 
 was affaflinated. K. 
 
 (b) Hift. d'esEmp. torn. 5. p. in. 
 
 (c) Non altaria fabricemus, non caeforum fanguineni 
 aenimantium dernus, non thura, &c. }. 6. adverfus 
 gentes.
 
 PV6LIC HAPPINESS. 307 
 
 tf, on the other hand, we examine with 
 attention the works of the fathers of the 
 church, or of thofe authors, whom (he hath 
 confecrated, fuch as Origenj Eufebius, Ar- 
 fcobius, Tertullian, Minucius Felix, &c. we 
 fhall perceive that the reparation of the 
 Chriftians and the Jews was not fo quickly 
 brought about, as fome perfons have ima- 
 gined. It appears, indeed, from the'afls of 
 the apoftleSj that the preaching of Saint Paul;, 
 and the converfion of the Gentiles, gave birth 
 to a fyftem of chriftianity, more pure, and 
 more difengaged from judaical obfervances ; 
 and yet Saint Peter remained, for a long 
 Vvhile, attached to thtfe laft ; and the church 
 of Jerufalem adhered fo obftinately to them, 
 that Eufebius pofitively afferts, that there was^ 
 in this city, a fucceffion of fifteen circumcifed 
 bimops.f^ The church, or the congrega- 
 tion^) of Jerufalem had not, therefore, re- 
 nounced the law of Mofes> although the 
 preaching of Jefus Chrift was admitted. 
 There is even every appearance, that the 
 T 2 Jews, 
 
 (4) See Hift. Eccl. 1. 4. c. 5. 
 (e) The church, in Greek, EX.&W*, fignifies an 
 afl'embly, a congregation.
 
 3 o8 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 Jews, .having been, for a long time, fettled 
 at Rome, maintained a great influence over 
 the newly-rifing ftate of chriftianity. This 
 may be feen from the letter afcribed to Saint 
 Clement, the Pope, and fuppofed to have been 
 written before the conqueft of Jerufalem. 
 This letter doth not> in any manner, treat 
 of the tenets introduced by Jefus Chrift, ex- 
 cept that tenet, relative to the refurrection, 
 which was known to the Jews before , and 
 this too is fup-ported by the example of the 
 Phenix, a fubject much more properly be* 
 longing to fable than to the gofpel. The 
 principal point, into which Saint Clement 
 enters, is the ecclefiaftical difcipline which 
 had been disturbed at Corinth, by a fedition 
 amongft the faithful. H?, very forcibly, and 
 with great latitude, inculcates an hierarchical 
 fubordination ; but he draws all his arguments 
 from that fubordination eftablifhed at Je- 
 rufalem. He faith: "the high prieft, the 
 facrificing priefts, and the Levites have all 
 their feveral functions. The Laity are ob- 
 liged to follow the necefiary precepts, &c." 
 A perpetual facrifice is not offered in al! 
 
 places j
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 309 
 
 places *, nor is the facrifice of prayer, and for 
 fin offered, except at Jerufalem.(/J 
 
 Thefe pafiages clearly prove the union of 
 the primitive Chriftians, with the metropolis 
 of judaifm, and the temple of Jerufalem. In 
 more than an age afterwards, Saint Juilin 
 declares, that a man may be faved, if he ob- 
 ferve the fabbath ; but he adds that, the def- 
 truction of the temple of Jerufalem hath 
 rendered facrifices impoffible.f^) Origen, in 
 his defence againft Celfus, violently repels 
 the reproach of defertion, with which they 
 were loaden, who fortbok the law of Mofes -, h] 
 he anfwers, that they, who embraced the 
 faith of Jefus Chrift, never quitted the an- 
 cient law ; that they called themlelves only 
 Ebionit.es, that is, beggars, receivers of 
 alms;(/) that Saint Peter was always attached 
 T 3 to. 
 
 (f) See Hift. Eccl. de M. Fleury, torn. i. 410^ 
 p. 248. 
 
 (^) See liis dialogue with Tripho. 
 
 (b] See 1. 2. adverfus Celfum. 
 
 (/) The fpirit of charity and alms-giving which ma- 
 nifefted itfelf, from the fir It appearance of chriftianity, 
 hath contributed, not a little, to facilitate its progrefs. 
 Under a defpotic government, like the government 
 oyer which the emperors prefided, there mult neceflarily.
 
 3io AN ESSAY ON 
 
 to the ancient law, that he even refufed to 
 confer with the Gentiles, left he might have- 
 alarmed the Jews ; and that Saint Paul faith 
 himfelfj that he became a Jew for the ad- 
 
 have been many indigent perfons and beggars ; under a 
 government, flill preferving the traces of ariftocracy, 
 foreigners, and newly-introduced individuals* could 
 not avoid the being involved in many humiliating cir- 
 cumflances. The firft found a refource in the enjoy- 
 ment of a mare from the offerings. The laft received 
 fome confolation from thofe ideas of equality and bro- 
 therhood which reigned amongft the Chriftians. 
 
 It feems as if the heathens were but little affefled 
 with this chriilian charity, which, indiscriminately, 
 received with open arms, all conditions, all ages, and. 
 particularly /the two fexes. On the contrary, they 
 took, from hence, an advantage, to reproach the 
 Chriftians with having difperfed their dogmas-,, only, 
 either amongd children and filly women, taulierculas r 
 or amongft the loweft artifans, fuch as coblers, dyers, 
 &c. It may be feen, with what confidence, Origen 
 (1. 3.) refutes this objeclion, by mewing that, although, 
 thefe aflemblies might have appeared contemptible^ 
 from the manner in which they were compofed, yet 
 their object was facred and fu.biime ; and that, after 
 all, it was no great misfortune, if thofs children, whom, 
 they fav/ running to them, did efcape from their fri- 
 volous tutors, who were only capable of leading them 
 fables, &c. Such as wifh to fee a fuller account of the 
 fuuation of the primitive Chrifiians, mult confult the 
 Jearjied diflertation, by Mr, Lami, de eruditionc
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 3 n 
 
 Vantage of the Jews.(&) In fhort, it feems, 
 as if this wife man thought that the law thould 
 fubfift, until the eyes of mankind might be 
 fufficiently opened, to difcern the myftical 
 meaning of the fcripture, and to underfland 
 all thofe figures concealed under vulgar exr 
 preffions. It is in this fenfe, that he cites a 
 paffage from the gofpel, in which Jefus 
 Chrift faith to his difciples: " adhuc multa 
 habeo vobis dicere, fed non pofeftis portare 
 modo. Cum autem venerit fpiritus veritatis., 
 docebit vos omnem veritatem." " I have as 
 yet many things to fay unto you, but ye can^ 
 not bear them now j howbeit, when He, the 
 fpirit6f truth is come, He will guide you inta 
 all truth." (St. John, c. 16. v. 12. 13.) Ori. 
 T 4 . gen 
 
 lorum, in which he proves, that the apoftlesand difciples 
 were not only fimpleand unpolifhed men, but that even 
 fome criminals were faund amongft them. He, alfo, 
 difcovers beyond a contradidion, that the gofpels are 
 filled with errors in language, ,&c. Some learned men 
 have obferved that if the Vulgate Bible was written in 
 fuch bad Latin, it was, chiefly, becaufe the tranflation 
 was intended for thofe who. did not underftand a more 
 elegant Latin. 
 
 (k) "Unto the Jews, I became as a Jew, that I 
 pight gain the Jews." i Cor. c. 9. v. 20. Two paf- 
 fages in the Afts confirm this circumftance. C. 16. v. 
 , C. 21. v. 21, &c. K.
 
 312 ANESSAYON 
 
 gen doth not fcrnple to affm, that all the 
 ehriftian docbrine is not comprifed in the Gof- 
 pel, Jefus Chrift having found his difciples 
 too -ignorant to receive the explanation of 
 the figurative and myftical fenfe of the 
 fcripture. (/) 
 
 Neverthelefs, the period was already ar- 
 rived, at which the chrirtians were to feparate 
 
 them- 
 
 (l) It were to be wifhed, that a paffion for the in 
 terpretation of figures and prophecies had not carried 
 the moft celebrated authors too far. I could indeed 
 furnifh a multitude of examples of the abufes which 
 have refulted from this paffion, but I lhall content my- 
 felf with producing only feme few inltances, and, folely 
 with the intention of proving how neceflary it is that a 
 writer fhould have recourfe to his reafon, even in the 
 very moment, when he has the ilrongeft grounds for 
 fuppofing himfelf infpired. St. Juilin introduces in his 
 firft apolopv, this paffuge from Genefis, " non deficiet 
 princeps ex Juda, nee dux a fempre ejus, donee, veniat, 
 qui reppfitus eit," or rather, " qui ftatutus eft," or 
 any expreffion, (for 'Le Clerc, in his " bibliotheque 
 cholfie,"' hath proved that this paflage was fufpefted to 
 have been interpolated,) " et ipfe erit expeclatio gen-, 
 tiurh, li'gans ad vitem pullum fuum, et lavans in fan- 
 guiiiC uv ftojarn fuam." " A prince cf the race of 
 Judau fhail not be wanting, nor a chief, ifTairg front 
 his ihiv h, (<^r from his thighs) until he (hall come, who 
 js appointed to C' me; and he fliall be the expectation 
 pf fi^ticns^ binding his foal unto the vine, and wafhing 
 
 hi*
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 313 
 
 themfelves, entirely, from the Jews. After 
 the deftrudtion of the temple of Jerufalem, 
 there no longer remained a point of re-union 
 for thofe who continued attached to the an- 
 cient law. Tl^e centre of the Judaical Ca- 
 tholicity ' ; if I may be allowed the expreffion) 
 
 could 
 
 his robe in the blood of the grape."* Now, according 
 to St. Juftin, thefe words, " binding his foal unto the 
 vine," mean Jefus Chrift, who, before he made his 
 entry into Jerufalem, unloofed an afs, which was tied 
 to* the foot of the vine; "lavans in fanguine uvae," the 
 blood of the grape fignifies the blood of Jefus Chrift, 
 who, not being made up of human blood, is better cha- 
 rafterifed by the blood of the gnipe ; " et ftolam ejus" 
 his tunic, his robe, allude to the faithful, who com- 
 pofe, as it were, the cloathing of Jefus Chrift. Saint 
 Juftin doth not flop even at this fingular commentary. 
 He faith, that the demons, in order to deceive man- 
 kind, have imitated all thefe figures in a fable of their 
 
 own 
 
 * In our Eitrlijb tranjlaticn of the Bible, (Gen. c. 49. v. 
 10. 1 1 ) the pa/age n:ns thus : " the fceptre Jhall not depart 
 from Judab, nor a h.ivgi-ver from between bis feet, until 
 $'}i'ob come, and *nto him Jball tie gathering of the people be. 
 Binding bisfcal unto the mine, and bis c/escou unto ibe choice 
 vine, ke ivajkfd Us garments in nuinc, and his clotbes in ibe 
 blcod of grapes." Ij the reader be dcf^rcus of pfufing a very 
 learned explanation, be need only be informed, that the ce- 
 hbra.ed bijbop of Gloucejur bath written tie Di-vine Legation. 
 Vke third and fourth fe3ions of the Jijtb bc^k, and tLe firfl 
 fans of tbefou'tb -volume, abound <wnh frokes of erudition^ 
 fe.uliar to this right reverend author. It nay, alfo, be pro^ 
 ftr to refer to the " letters on the Sfpla^int" ly Mr, 
 Spearman. K
 
 AN ESSAY ON 1 
 
 could no more recover itfelf : it was 
 impoflible to facrifice at Jerufalem : the means 
 therefore, of obferving the ancient law, were> 
 all exterminated. It is this argument, which, 
 St. Juftin employs againil Tripho j and it is 
 this argument, of which Tertullian hath alfo 
 
 availed 
 
 own production. Thus, they have mentioned Bacchus, 
 as alluded to, in the paffage, " ligans ad vitem pullum 
 fuum, et lavans in fanguine uvas," "binding unto the 
 vine, &c." " In fatt, (he adds) as they knew nofi 
 whether pullum fignined a foal, or the colt of an afs, 
 they have introduced an afs into the myfteries of Bac- 
 chus ; (probably the afs of Silenius : , and not to be de- 
 tedted in an error, in cafe that pullum iignified a foal, 
 they have alfo introduced the horfe Pegafus. With the 
 fame view, they have compofed the hillory of Hercules, 
 to correfpond with that paffage relative to David, 
 *' fortis ut Gigas." It is true (he proceeds) that they 
 have not mentioned the crcfs ; but to fupply this defect 
 in prophecies and fables, God hath chofen that this 
 fign of redemption mould be reprefented every where ; 
 ^5 in mips, the mails and yards of which form the ihape 
 of a crofs ; amongit the implements of agriculture, 
 fuch as the rake; and even in the fhape of the human 
 frame, which is deftined to be upright like a pillar, 
 whilft the nofe, with the reft of the body, reprefents a 
 kind of crofs." The fame author, conftantly employ- 
 ed in difcovering the fymbol of the crofs, obferves, in, 
 another place, that the Pafchal lamb ihould be eaten, 
 roaikd, becaufe a lamb on the gridiron, or the fpit, 
 jefembles the figure of a crucified man.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 315 
 
 availed himfelf, after him. Chriftianity muft 
 then have drawn a double advantage from 
 this event , for whilft it gave a mortal wound 
 to the Jews, by deftroying their political and 
 
 religious 
 
 Laftantius, that elegant and learned writer, falls into 
 the fame abfurdity, when he faith, that carnal circum* 
 cifion is no more than the figure of" the fpiritual cir- 
 cumcifion, which difcovers the heart j for, according 
 to his opinion, there exifts a certain exterior likenefs 
 between the part which circumcifion lays open, an<t 
 the figure of a heart. " Quoniam pars ilia que cir- 
 cumciditur, habet quandam fimilitudinem cordis."' 
 (Inft. 1. 4.) 
 
 Of all the ecclefiaftical authors, Origen is the raoft 
 Attached to the figurative fenfe. He feems to have in- 
 volved this fyflern, even in cabaliftical ideas ; for, ia 
 refuting Celfus, who maintains that it is not ridiculous 
 to invoke the divinity by every kind of name, fuch as 
 Adondi, Jupiter, Jehovah, &c. he aflerts, that all the 
 names of the Patriarchs are myfticaJ, or cabaliltical ; 
 and that an invocation of demons could never fucceed, 
 if, inrtead of making ufe of the names of Abraham, 
 Ifaac, and Jacob, they were to go through with it, ii^ 
 $he name of Father of men, Wrejiler^ Ckofen Being, &c, 
 
 Even Saint Cyprian is not free from this reproach, 
 \vhen, infifting upon the ncceflity of confecrating the 
 \vine, he faith, that lyiekhifedeck had confecrate4 
 \vine, and that jefus Chritt, who is a facrificer of an 
 order, fu peri or to Melchifedeck, cannot, properly, 
 onfecrate with water: that as wine diflipntes uneafi- 
 nefs, fo the blood of our Lord drives away the old man ; 
 $h$t water reprefents the people j and the mixture of
 
 316 AN- E S S A Y ON 
 
 religious empire, it prepared, at the fame 
 time, new arms, wherewith to encounter Pa- 
 lytheifm, by fending out, into all the pro- 
 vinces of the empire, a great number of 
 
 men, 
 
 the two liquors, the union of Jefus Chrift, with the 
 church. (See hift. eccl. de Fleury, torn. 2. p. 190.) 
 Bat, Saint Barnabas, or the compofer of the letters 
 which pafs under his name, hath, if pofTiblei gone be- 
 yond all thefe abfurdities. He perceives within the 
 number of three hundred and eighteen perfens, 'whom 
 Abraham caufed to be circumcifcd, the name of Jefus* 
 exprefTed ip. a cypher, and his crofs repref nted by the 
 letter Tau, which enters into the cypher. In the three 
 c.onftitutions of Mofes, or rather in his prohibitions 
 againft the eating of unclean animals, he difcovers a 
 concealed precept, which he explains thus : " non le- 
 pcreru manducabis" ' thou (halt not cat of the hare," 
 Signifies, thou malt not defile boys ; becaufe the hare, 
 or probably, the rabbit, every year makes a new hole. 
 *' Belluam non manducabis," " thou malt not eat of 
 any wild beaft" fignifies, thou (halt not be an adulterer, 
 lafcivious, becaufe the wild beafts (he undoubtedly 
 meant the hyaena) partake of the two fcxes, and alter-, 
 nately enjoy each. *' Muftellam non manducabis," 
 *' thou fhalt not eat of the vveafel," fignilies, thou fljalt 
 not profutute thy mouth to the mofl infamous of pol- 
 lutions, (the text is much plainer) "for the muftella, or 
 weafcl, brings forth at the mouth." Here phyfic and 
 Datura! hiflory are as much at a fault as logic. It is 
 nfedlefs to extend this note any farther, as it, already, 
 fufikiently marks out the fpirit, in which the authors of. 
 tfre fidl ages of the church have drawn up their writings,.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 317 
 
 men, whofe religion was founded on Deifin, 
 and whofe opinions approached much nearer 
 to the doctrine of the Chri-ftians, than to the 
 fables of Paganifrn. 
 
 Many authors, aftonifhed at the filence of 
 all the hiftorians, with regard to the Jewifh 
 nation, have concluded themfelves juftified 
 in fuppofing them to have been a poor, def- 
 pifed, and wandering multitude j but they 
 muft acknowledge, that if their origin was 
 obfcure, yet ample amends were made for this 
 difadvantage, by their fubfequent condition. 
 If we may credit Jofephus, the population of 
 Judsea, confidering the fmall extent of this 
 province, was very great , but feveral writers, 
 lefs fufpected of partiality, than Jofephus, 
 aflert that, under the firft emperors, the Jews 
 had fpread themfelves through Paleftine, 
 Syria, Cilicia, a great part of the Archipelago, 
 and almolt all Afia Minor. They had form- 
 ed eftablimments in moft of the great cities, 
 but particularly at Csefarea, at Alexandria, 
 and even at Rome. But, after the bloody 
 wars of Titus, and of Vefpafian, a ftill greater 
 number came pouring in, amongfl the pro- 
 vinces of the empire. The majority of thefe 
 Jews, whether difperfed, and fugitives, or 
 
 whether
 
 3 i8 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 whether fettled, during a long period, irt 
 commercial cities, fo far from having been 
 concerned in the death of Jefus Chrift, were 
 even ignorant of his name. And as till then* 
 they had been attached to their religion, fole- 
 ly by thofe relationSj which they preferred 
 with their Jerufalcm, and by the cuftom of 
 cither^ fometimes going, or fending proxies 
 to offer facriHces in the temple, it became 
 cafy for them to accomodate themfelves to 
 the new law, which proved the inutility of 
 thefe facrifices, and which feemed fo fully 
 juftified by the event. But, whether they 
 confented to embrace the chriftian faithj or 
 whether they perfifted in the obfervation of 
 their ceremonies, and their dogmas, their 
 contempt for the Gods of the heathens^ and 
 their averlion, from the mode in which thefe 
 Gods were worfhipped, fupplied the two re- 
 ligions with fufficient matter for reciprocal 
 and fatirical abufe. Hence, it hath happen- 
 ed, that the profane writers frequently con- 
 founded the Jews, and the Chriftians to- 
 gether, in thole charges of atheifm, which 
 they havtj on feveral occafions, levelled 
 againft them ; but thefe odious imputations, 
 defigned, at all times* to irritate the people, 
 
 and
 
 3*9 
 
 and fpur on the magiftrates, brought over 
 feveral new converts to chriftianity.fm) 
 
 Many philofophers, who beheld with in- 
 dignation, thofe fables with which the com- 
 mon people were amufed, and were weary of 
 the vain difputes of the fchools, felt a grow- 
 ing partiality towards a religion, the bafis of 
 which was the eftablifhed notion of the exift- 
 ence of ONE ALMIGHTY AND ONLY 
 GOD. They loon endeavoured to unite them- 
 felves with the Chriftians j and they were not 
 
 lefs 
 
 (m) Much may be faid, concerning the manner in 
 which the Chriftian religion was affeded, by the de- 
 ftruftion of the temple of Jerufalem. A modern writer 
 hath very ingenioufly obferved, that the clergy drew 
 from this circumftance, an advantageous opportunity 
 of increafing their own confequence. For the biftiops> 
 or infpedtors, Epi/copci, the elders, or honourable per- 
 fons, Prejluteroi, and the overfecrs, or attending priefls, 
 Diaconoi, who were but the minifters of a fociety, con- 
 iidering equality as their firft principle, did not he- 
 fitate to liken themfelves to the Jevvifh hierarchy ; the 
 firft comparing themfelves to the great Pontiffs, the 
 fe-cond to the priefts, Sacerdotes, and the laft to the Le- 
 vites. " Cum poll urbem Hierofolymam denuo ever- 
 fam, fpes omnis Judaiis adempta efTet rempublicam 
 fuam inflaurandi, Epifcopi fimiles turn videri volebant 
 Fontificis maximi Judaeorum, Prelbites eodem quo fa- 
 rerdotes loco verfari dicebantur, Diaconi cum Levitis 
 tomparabantur. (Mofliemii inftit. Hill. Eccl. left, a-
 
 320 A N E-S S A Y O N 
 
 lefs ftricken with the fimplicity of their doO 
 trine, than with the mildnefs of their moral 
 fyftem. No fu per ft it ion, no facrifices, no 
 exterior worfhip were found " amongft them j 
 the faithful were, then, fatisfied, if they af- 
 fembled, from time to time, in fome great 
 hall, and moft frequently, at the houfes of 
 thetr particular friends: there, the Elder 
 iPre/lus) inftrufted them in the moft familiar 
 manner ; this cuftom was either preceded, or 
 followed by fome lecture, taken out of the 
 Gofpel, or the Bible; and the whole was 
 concluded with a fimple repaft, made up of 
 fuch offerings, as the faithful, each accord* 
 ing to his abilities, had brought, whilft the 
 poor and the rich fat down, promifcuoufly, 
 to the fame meal. The bread, and the wine 
 were always bleffcd by the Elder, and this 
 entertainment was either followed, or accom- 
 panied by fome canticles, in praife of God.(w) 
 
 Equality 
 
 (n) The form of the C'hriftian aiiemblies, afterwards, 
 underwent fome alteration. The perfections to which 
 the faithful were expofed, frequently obliged them to 
 afleaible before the break of day, in order to avoid the 
 being difcovered. They were, then, contented with 
 making their oblation,s, and bicffing the bread and 
 wine. The repalt was either negle&ed, or put off till 
 
 r.ighc,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 321 
 
 Equality amongft mankind, charity, benefi- 
 cence, and the diftributing of alms, were, 
 at once, recommended, and praclifed, in 
 thefe pious aflemblies: where could humanity, 
 where could true philofophy have feen a more 
 reipedable object ? 
 
 But chriftianity began to break loofe from 
 her once exclufive connexion, with fimplc 
 and obfcure individuals. The fpirit of di 
 cuffion, fo oppofite to the fpirit of charity^ 
 
 VOL. L U had 
 
 night, and a Convenient place of meeting was fixed on, 
 againft that time. Two reafons rendered this arrange- 
 ment necefiary ; firft, becaufe to have eaten early on 
 the morning muft have been an extraordinary circum- 
 itance, and efpecially, when this was done in com*- 
 memoration of the laft fupper of Jefus Chrift ; fecond* 
 ly, becaufe the Ghriitians were fearful, lelt it Ihould 
 be perceived, that they had drunk wine before the hour 
 of dinner, the which circumftance, not being ufual, 
 might have detected them. When they afterwards be- 
 gan to enjoy more tranquilityj they continued to a- 
 femble on the morning, and to diftribute the bread and 
 wine, as foon as their oblations and prayers were con- 
 cluded. The divine fervice was then divided into two 
 parts ; the Catacbumenes, the Strangers, dudientes, the 
 Penitents, Lugentes, or Hyemantes, were admitted during 
 the lectures, and fome of the prayers, which were, for 
 the moft part, in the form of our litanies : they were, 
 then, fentaway; and this was called " Mifia Cathecu- 
 
 menorumj"
 
 322 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 had found means to introduce itfelf amongft 
 the faithful, who, either compelled by per- 
 feciuions, to examine more narrowly into 
 their dogmas, or encouraged, and tempted 
 by their firft fucccfs, engage in controvert}^ 
 were foon obferved to make their appearance 
 in public, and to grow familiar with the 
 fchools. Platoniim was, at that dmcj the 
 moft famionable doctrine, amongft the phi- 
 lofophical dogmatics. It was, indeed, be- 
 coming corrupt, and fo mingled with ideas 
 
 of 
 
 menorum," the difmifiion of" the Catachcmcns. 
 began the prayers, which were followed by a long 
 thanfgiving, cr the Eucbariji, et^apn* tm TO tc&jM, and 
 the cciftin union ; after which the faithful were dii~- 
 mifled; and this was called " MilTa fidelium." 
 
 We muft, hownever, confefs that fome abufes crep* 
 into thele afiemblies of the firil ChrtHians, all facr'ed 
 and refpeftable as they may appear to us. The bilhop* 
 frequently reproached the rich, with having brought to 
 the repait and to the communion, nic- mes.ts, which 
 they referved, folely, for themfelves j whilft the poor 
 had fcarcely enough to fatisfy their hunger. The con- 
 trary, fometiines, happened, and the poor partook fo 
 plentifully of the offerings, as to become intoxicated, 
 and that fo violently, that it was neceffary to carry them 
 away. 
 
 Confult, on the foregoing fubjeft of all this note, 
 the apology of Saint Juitin, the letters of Pliny, an4' 
 Bingham's antiqui.ies of the church, b. 15. &c.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 323 
 
 "of the force of Theurgy 4 or Magic, as to 
 iiave degenerated into a kind of fuperftitious 
 fyftem ; but yet the firfl principle of this 
 philofophy was-, conftantly, the eftablimed 
 notion of ONE ETERNAL AND ONLY 
 GOD, who had afted upon matter, and given 
 a form to the chaos. Plato imagined that 
 God, who comprehended within Himfelf^ 
 an univerfal idea" of all poffible things, could 
 not have manifefted himfelf, but by means 
 of a Thought, an ABive Reafon, which He 
 tailed the Son of God, His Firft-Born, His 
 Word, (Xoyot.) It was by the Word, that 
 God had placed in the World a vivifying 
 Spirit, an active foul. It was by the Word, 
 that Man had been created, and that a Soul 
 had fallen to his lot. It was by the Word* 
 alfo, that the univerfe had been peopled with 
 Genii, and Demons, (Aaiaow) who occu- 
 pied the fpace between God, inhabiting 
 the upper regions, and man> dwelling on the 
 furface of the earth. Thefe ideas, borrow- 
 ed, in a great meafure, from the Gymnofo- 
 phifts/tf) tallied much more eafily witli 
 Chrittianity, than with the Materialifm of 
 U 2 Ariftotle, 
 
 (*) Sec Hyde, Holwcll, &c.
 
 324 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 Ariftotle, and the atoms of Epicurus. Hence* 
 arofe that eagernefs, with which the majority 
 of the Fathers of the Church, fo haftily, 
 availed themielves of thefc ideas: hence arofe 
 that refpedt, and even that enthufiafm^ with 
 which they mentioned the divine Plato ,() 
 fome afferting that God had revealed to him 
 His Myileries ; others declaring that he had 
 been in Judasa, and there received the know- 
 ledge of His do&rine : but, to the lad opi- 
 nion-, even Saint Auguftin, in fpite of his 
 .great veneration for this philofopher, could 
 not, poffibly, fubfcribe ; nay, this author 
 hath taken the pains to collect authorities, 
 from which he proves, that Plato died long 
 before the tranflation of the Septuagint had 
 enabled the Greeks to underftand the books 
 
 of Mofes.f^; 
 
 As 
 
 (p) See " de civicate Dei. 1. 8. c. 2." 
 
 (q-) All the works of the firft fathers of the church, 
 breathe the 'fpirit of Platonifm. Saint Juftin exprefsly 
 faith, that if he quitted the fchools, in which the doc- 
 trine of Plato was taught, it was not on account of its 
 being contrary to the doctrine of the Chriftians, but 
 becaufe it was not entirely the fame. " Non equidcm 
 quod ahenae funt a Chriflo Platonis doclrinae, fed quod 
 non funt ex omni parte fimiles." (.Apolog. i.) This 
 , involved in fuch a firoilitude to chriflianity, 
 
 main-
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 325 
 
 As enthufiafm and fubtlety continually 
 leap over all bounds, foroe difadvantages, of 
 courfc, refulted from this union between 
 philofophy, and religion. In faft, if a imall 
 number of fimple and upright fouls were en- 
 trufted with the preiervation of the faith, yet 
 the world was full of Platonic Cbriftians^ and 
 U 3 Chriftian 
 
 maintained an influence even over opinions, refpefting 
 \vormip, or, to fpeak more properly, over the notions 
 of the relation between the creature, and the Creator; 
 to this philofophy, Quietifm feems indebted for its ori- 
 gin, as S,aint Auguitin exprefsly afierts, that, according 
 to the Platonic fyftem, the Philofopher ought to be in 
 love with God ; and that he who lhall have thus loved 
 Cod, will be entitled to enjoy him. " Ipfum autem 
 verum, c fummum bonum Plato dicit Deum, unde 
 vult efle philofophum amatorem Dei, ut q ; ijoniam phi-, 
 lofophia ad beatam viam tendit, fryens Deo fit beatu? 
 qui Deum amaverit." (deciv, Dei. L 8,. c. 8.), 
 
 Origen, whofe character is that of having violated 
 every principle, hath perverted the Platonic philofophy, 
 more than any of the ecclefiallical writers. J {hall only 
 produce one example, from amongft athoufand; it is 
 taken from his Apology, (book 6.) where, quoting 
 thefe very obfcure words of Plato ; " in rebus omnibus 
 quas ad fcientiam adhibere necefle eft, tria funt, quar- 
 tum autem ipfamet fcientia : horum primum eft nomen, 
 alterum fermo, tertium idolum, quartum fcientia:" 
 three things are neceflary to facilitate the attainment of 
 knowledge, which is but the fourth thing; firft the 
 
 name,
 
 326 ANESSAYON 
 
 Cbrijiian Plalonifts. A pafiion for Metaphjr- 
 fics foon became connected with a pafiion for 
 Magic, and then, every thing was involved 
 in controverfk's, and in prodigies. Hence 
 fprang thofe ichiiins, arid hereiks, which., 
 even in the mofl profperous times, threw the 
 church in.to divifioas, and armed her children 
 
 a gain ft 
 
 aame, fecondly, the difcourfe, or the word, thirdly* 
 the image, or the figure, and fourthly, knowledge, OP 
 fcience. Origen obferves, that the Chriflians adopted 
 the fame principle, and that Saint John, the Baptiit., is 
 the name, the voice, '< vox clamantis in deferto ;'* 
 Jefus Chrift, the difcourfe, or the word ; that the fen-, 
 fible form, (' forma quse in anima imprefla mane 
 poftquam in, ilia Chriflus fuum verbum, fua vulnera, 
 imprefiit") anfwers to the image, or the figuye, and in 
 ihort, that the faaie is, alfo, fcience or knowkdge. 
 It is this Platonic delirium, which makes Origen con- 
 flantly believe that the Angels, enjoyed within them-: 
 felves, a portion of the Divinity. He faith, "the 
 jeafon why I do not adore them, is, becaufe I have 
 thought that, as men are frequently deceived, either 
 by their own ideas, or by the miltakes of others, fa 
 amongil the fouls, which have quitted the bodies, in 
 which they rended, amongft even the Angels, and the 
 Pemons, feme may be found, who, feduced by cenain 
 probabilities, or led aftray by fome fophiftry, might 
 become capable of pretending to be Gods. Kow, as it 
 is difficult for men to unravel all this myltery, the 
 plaineft, and beft method is, to offer no adoration, tar 
 any beings of this order.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 327 
 
 againft each other. The fincerity of plain 
 dealing was foon funk amidil the implacable 
 violence which infected the theological dif- 
 putes. Perplexed in their endeavours to fup- 
 port a fet of frivolous and obfcu.re opinions, 
 they were obliged to have recourfe to artifice: 
 and as the fimplicity of the true Chriftian 
 doctrine, difdained to mingle with all thefe 
 cavillings, they counterfeited books, and 
 forged t'he oracles of the Sibyls. Unfor- 
 tunately, thefe illufions were not only ele- 
 vated into credit, by a falfe and extravagant 
 zeal; but it too frequently happened, that 
 authors, reputable in every other refpect, 
 fell into the fnare, and thus, brought into 
 queftion the truths, which they were anxious 
 to inculcate. It is a matter of concern, to 
 obferve fuch a writer, as La<5r.antius,(>,) con- 
 fidently, quoting paflages from the works of 
 Mercurius Trifmegiflns, and the books of 
 the Erythraean Sibyl ; productions acknow- 
 ledged to have been counterfeited, and in 
 which the forgery betrays itfelf, by the bad 
 policy of their authors, who were fo abfurd 
 as to exprefs their meaning, more clearly, 
 U 4 than 
 
 (rj See Inftit. 1. 4.
 
 AN E S S A Y . O N 
 
 than all the ancient Prophets have expreffeJ 
 theirs. 
 
 The misfortune, entailed upon the ma- 
 jority of the Ecclefiaftical writers, of the 
 three firft ages, of having fallen into fomc 
 herefy, may be confidered as a punifhmenr, 
 inflided upon them, becaufe they abandoned 
 the fimplicities of the Gofpel, for the fubtle^ 
 ties of the fchools. Indeed, not to mention 
 the opinion of the Millenarians, which was, 
 almoft generally received an.ongft them, it 
 is evident, that, at one time, they maintain-* 
 ed the Merempfycofis, or the tranimigratioa 
 of fouls, into the bodies of animak , (a doe* 
 trine embraced by Saint Juftin) (s) at another 
 time, they afTertcd, (witnefs Tertullian; that 
 the foul, and even God were material ;(t) 
 
 and, 
 
 (s) " Qui autem videndi (Dcum) facuhate rndigni 
 judieali funt, quidnam inquit (Triphon) patiuntur ? in 
 aliquo ferarum corpore velut in carcere vinciontur, 
 atque id fupplicium eorum efl." He faith, alfo, that 
 fouls, being created, as the world was created, are, 
 like the world, periiLable. " Q^a de causa, et rnor 
 riuntcr, ot paniuntur." (Dialog.) 
 
 (/) " Ncs autem aniraam corpcrale^ 1 ., et hie pro- 
 fitemur, et in fuo volurnine prcbamus habentem pro- 
 prium genus fubflantis, et foliditatis, per quam quid, 
 et fmtire, et pati pollit." And, in another place, 
 te quis negabit Dcum efie corpus : &c."
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 329 
 
 &nd, at another time, they denied, with Ar- 
 nobius, the creation of man -, and invalidated 
 the teftimonies from Gcnefis, relative to the 
 creation of the world. (u) With refpeft to 
 all this, it may be remarked, that fuch hath 
 conftantly been the fate of thole writers, who 
 were free, to follow the bent of their under- 
 Handings ; and that, if the fathers of the 
 church, in thefe later ages, have not met 
 with the fame misfortune, they were, in a 
 
 great 
 
 () See 1. 2. adverfus gentes, where he obferves that, 
 perhaps, an infinity of ages hath patted away, fince the 
 world was created; that it is impoffible to know the 
 defigns of God ; and facrilege to believe, that he cre- 
 ated men, fince experience proves, that they are very 
 wicked, and much inclined to evil.* It is fingular 
 that Arnobius, a well inftrufted author, and who wrote 
 at the conclufion of the third age, fhould have been 
 ignorant of the doftrine of original fin. 
 
 * If I am not miflaha, the learned author, In this plact, 
 alludes to the following pajjage in Arnobius: " fed procul b*c 
 fibeat fcelerat* cpinionis immanitas, ut Dens credatur om- 
 nipotent, magnarum, ct invifibiliuyi rerum Sator, et Con- 
 ditor, Procreator, tarn mobiles animas genuiffe gra-vitafis, ac 
 ponderis, confi antique nutlius : in <vitia labiles, in pecca- 
 
 torum genera uni--uerfa declines, &c." I have take* 
 
 the liberty to infert the Greek quotations in this lafl note, cc- 
 fonting to the original text. It is more than probable that the 
 pajfctges 'were written in the manufcript copy of this elegant 
 performance, exactly as they are, here, reftored, and that the 
 errors a>d omijfions have anfsn, foiffy, from the ne^enut 
 tf the printer. K.
 
 330 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 great rneafure, indebted for an exemptktff 
 from it, to the advantage of having knowr* 
 the decifions of the CEcumenical church, and 
 to the happy neceility, under which they 
 were laid, of fubmitting their reafon to the 
 canonical decrees. (x) 
 
 Bur, 
 
 (x) Before the patronage of the emperors permitted 
 the biihops to ajTemble, and form oecumenical councils, 
 there was nothing, which could have ferved, as an ef- 
 tablifhed rule, in the matter of doclrine. The church, 
 had, as yet, no vifible chief, whofe authority was ac- 
 knowledged, or confirmed j for, fetting afide the pri- 
 vileges, which the bifhops of Rome might have claimed,, 
 35 the fuccejftbrs of St. Peter, it is certain, that they 
 were, in fad, indebted, for their credit, to their pofi- 
 tion, that is, to the advantage which they enjoyed by 
 Iceeping their fee, at the capital. But, before the em- 
 perors had embraced the faith, and, particularly, 
 whilft they perfecuted it, this pre-eminence could not 
 have been very diftinguiflied. We may, iadced, per- 
 ceive that, at the beginning of the fourth age, and at 
 the time of the celebrated quarrel between Donatas, 
 biihop of Cafe Nigra, and Cscilian, bifhop of Carthage, 
 Melchiades, the bifhop, or pope of Rome, (the two 
 words were fynonimous) having affembled a council at 
 Rome, the decrees of this council were not obferved j. 
 fo that Conflantine was obliged to appoint another 
 council, to meet at Aries, at which council, pope Syl- 
 vefter did notaffift, either in perfon, or by proxy ; nor 
 did he even obtain any intelligence of its decrees, but 
 by common letter of advice, in which neither his affent s 
 
 swj
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 331 
 
 But, although thefe contradictions feme- 
 what cxpofed the reputation of the Chriftian 
 fchools, it muft be allowed, that they ren* 
 dered them, from another quarter, very ef- 
 iential fervices , fince the new doctrine amply 
 regained, in a negative ienfe, the advantages 
 which it loft, in a pofitive fenf&. Saint Juftin, 
 
 Tatian, 
 
 nor his approbation were demanded. Eufebius, who 
 enters into a, long detail of the hiftory of the Niceno 
 council, doth not appear to pay any attention to the 
 bifhop of Rome, and is fatisfied with merely obferving, 
 that "T7s joacnAstwrj? TToAEW? o //, Trpjtr^ 1 ? vrltfti Jaf yrfpaj ; 
 TTfiyfivTBfot $' avTci 7rpiiTf TJjv uvTti T|* 7rXr/fot;. The bi-> 
 fhop of the royal city abfented himfelf on account of 
 his great age 5 feme of the elders, however, were pre-t 
 fent, who fupplied his place." (V. Eufel?. a Reading, 
 fbl. v. i. p. 580.) " Sozomenes hath written nearly 
 to the fame effetfl ; laXto? JE o^ on* yvfxt; atve^iJ^r^n TO, 
 but Julius, on account of his great age, was abfent." 
 (Sozomeni hift. face. 4. p. 34. c. 17. Reading, v. 2.) 
 If it fometimes happened that the metropolitan churches 
 were referred to, that they migh; fettle particular points 
 of doftrine, this was an advantage, which Rome only 
 enjoyed in common with the reft.. Amidft a multitude 
 of authorities, which clearly prove it, I mall cite one, 
 from Tertullian (de prasfcriptione). This author, in- 
 forming us in what manner herefies are to be diltin* 
 guifhed, from the orthodox doftrine, faith, that re- 
 courfe muft be had to the traditions of the church : 
 <* if in Achaia, confult Corinth ; if in Macedonia,, 
 con ful t Philippi, and Theffalonica ; ifinAfia, confulc 
 and if in Italy, confult Rome,"
 
 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 Tatian, Minutius Felix, Origen, and Lao* 
 tantius had examined, with the mod fcru- 
 pulous attention, all the dogmas of Paganifnv, 
 they had dared to pluck afide the veil, which 
 covered this falfe religion 5 and as it fre^ 
 quently happens, that ideas, fecretly fpread- 
 ing themfelves through enlightened and ju- 
 dicious minds, wait but for the moment o/ 
 liberty, or the daring efforts of fome author* 
 before they blaze out, at every point, and 
 avenge the rights of injured reafon -, fo each, 
 intelligent individual, who exifted at that 
 period, read with avidity thefc intcrefting 
 controverfies. It is even probable, that whilit 
 fuch controverfies beftowed obligations, by 
 deftroyin.g prejudices at once fo ridiculous, 
 and deeply rooted, they, at the fame time, 
 (tamped fome degree of favour on the opi- 
 nions, which were attempted to be eftabliihed 
 in their place. In cherifhing the Chriflians, 
 men cherifhed the enemies of the priefts i 
 nor were they infenfible of the kindnefs, 
 which they had received from them, by the 
 overthrow of fo ancient an impofture. How 
 unfortunate a circumftance muft it have- 
 proved, if a fevere policy had, then, de- 
 prived us of thofe learned produclions, ta
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 333 
 
 amidft many other valuable acqui- 
 fiitons, we (land particularly indebted for the 
 precious illuftrations of antiquity, and the 
 enlightened memorials of the long empire of 
 luperftition ! happily, the profcription againft 
 books, did not begin till towards the end of 
 the third age-, for, although the philofophi- 
 cal emperors-, fitch as Trajan, Antoninus* 
 and Marcus Aurelius, too rigorouQy, called 
 to an account, a fed, whom they ought to 
 have tolerated, yet they never levelled their 
 perfections againft the works, which the 
 leaders of this feel had compofed. They 
 judged it more becoming, to treat with re- 
 fpect, thofe mute and peaceable depofitaries 
 of the fentiments of mankind j and they re- 
 garded them, as facred afylums, open to 
 every fyftem, whether founded in error, or 
 conceived in the fpirit of truth. The Chrifti- 
 ans exclaimed violently againft the new ty- 
 ranny, to which their books were expofed : 
 they refilled the fearch of the inquifitors, 
 with the moft unfliaken refolution, com- 
 prifing within their anathemas all the Tra- 
 ditcres, that is, thofe who were fo pufilla- 
 nimous as to iacrifice their books or bibles 
 
 to the magiftrar.es. 
 
 As
 
 334 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 As to the reft, Perfecution ferved only to 
 caft an additional luilrc over the reputation 
 of the Chriilians. Under a defpotic govern, 
 ment, every act of feverity i , at once, deem- 
 ed unjuft. And who, indeed, could have 
 beheld without concern, the fate of thefe un- 
 happy wretches, daily dragged to the tri- 
 bunal of fome freed- man, fome creature 
 lifted into place, who, invefted with the title 
 either of Pretor, or of Proconful, concluded 
 that he had a right to give laws to opinion* 
 and pafs his judgement on the confcience of 
 another ? Thus, all, except thofe fanatics 
 \7ho had been infected by the fugged ions of 
 the priefts, pitied and encouraged the Chrifti- 
 ans, whole writings, every where, recom- 
 mended that toleration which Jefus Chrifl 
 had taught thern^ and which, from the pe- 
 culiarity of their lot, it was their intereft to 
 preach of. They were particularly careful 
 to flee from the prefence of tyrannical ma* 
 giflrates -, and they travelled into the re- 
 moteft provinces of the empire, in order to 
 reveal their dogmas to plain and untutored 
 minds. They dcicribed a God of peace, a 
 God, who confidered all mankind as his 
 children > and who admitted not of any dif- 
 ference
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS, 335 
 
 ference between them, whether they were 
 nobles, or plebeians, Romans, or Barba- 
 rians, free, or in flavery. Thus, wasChrifti- 
 anity extended throughout the provinces, but 
 principally in Spain and Gaul, where it was 
 fo generally propagated, that although Con- 
 ftantius, Chlorus, and Conftantine, his fuc- 
 cefTor, did not totally embrace it, yet they 
 thought it good policy to countenance it, 
 \vith their favour, and to avail themfdves of 
 it, in oppofition to the preponderating in- 
 -fluence of Dioclefian and Galerius. 
 
 As we havej now, carried our reflecT'onsj 
 down to that important asra, in which, Con- 
 ftantine, having Mnited in a fubmiffion to his 
 laws, the largeft empire that ever exifted, 
 employed his whole power, to render Chrifti- 
 anity the ruling religion, we '{hall, for a 
 moment, fix our attention on the reign of 
 this prince. Here, then, we conclude our 
 remarks on- Chriftianity, the progrefs of 
 which ceafes to be extraordinary, when dli- 
 refted by the operations of the moft power- 
 ful, and the moft abfolute of all the emperors. 
 
 CHAP.
 
 336 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 CHAP. IV* 
 
 On Conftantine* 
 
 I HE fourth age of the church opened 
 under the molt unfortunate aufpices. An 
 empire divided amongft the chiefs of the 
 Barbarians, defolated by continual wars, and 
 ravaged by a foreign army , a religion, at 
 one moment, perfecuted by the prince, and 
 at another moment, tearing in pieces her own 
 entrails ; now timid, now furious ; then 
 weak, then fanatic ; either condemned to 
 filence, or loft in herefies, conformably to 
 the caprice of fovereigns, and the revolutions 
 of the ftate ; the deftruclion of all public 
 morals j licentioufnefs, or defpotifm ufurp- 
 ing the place of a regular form of govern- 
 ment;
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 337 
 
 me'nt ; and avarice, and depredation feated 
 on the tribunals, compofe the objects which 
 fill up the picture, prefented to us, by the 
 Roman empire, or rather, by the whole 
 world. During this dreadful chaos, during 
 this total overthrow of power and opinion, 
 mankind waited in expectation of a matter ; 
 one of thofe ferocious warriors, who, whilft 
 he remained too formidable to dread an 
 opposition from the people, might prove 
 equally invincible againft the attacks of rival 
 nations, was all they afked for. Although 
 no longer defirous of liberty, yet they were 
 anxious to enjoy peace ; the vigour of their 
 minds was already bent , their intrepidity 
 was exhaufted; and whatfoever might have 
 been the will of a defpot, an univerfal prin- 
 ciple of adulation was prepared to adopt if. 
 Dioclefian alike wearied with battles and 
 with glory ; at once loathing the occupations 
 of a general, and the employments of a fo- 
 vereign ; but particularly difplf afed with the 
 Romans, whole bafenefs, and ingratitude he 
 had experienced, defpifed the luftre, and ap- 
 prehended the dangers, which furrounded 
 the throne of the world, and this too, at a 
 time when he was, of all others, the moft 
 VOL. I. X worthy
 
 338 ANESSAYON 
 
 worthy of filling it. Unfortunately, he fore- 
 faw not, until it was too late, the part 
 which he was obliged to take - 3 but like a 
 commander, who difmantles the conquered 
 place before it be abandoned, he rendered 
 the poll, which he quitted, impofiible to be 
 maintained. The empire was divided into 
 four diocefesy or governments. An illufory 
 ballance of power had been eftablilhed, 
 amongft the chiefs, who under the titles of 
 either Caefar, or Auguftus, prefided over the 
 feveral departments. The colleagues, united 
 only by illegal marriages, or forced adop- 
 tions, unavoidably, became mutual rivals ; 
 and he who, firft, triumphed over his com- 
 petitor, was fure of inveiling himfelf, fhortly 
 afterwards, with the rank, and authority of 
 an univerfal monarch. It was under thefe 
 circumftances, that Conflantine, in the flower 
 of his age, and adorned with all the gifts of 
 nature, inherited a power, which Conftan- 
 tius, his father, had made a favourite and de- 
 firable object. To reign, was, in fact, to 
 wage war. His firft exploits were directed 
 againft the Franks. A conqueror beyond the 
 Rhine, a peaceable fovereign amongft the 
 Gauls, he, quickly, fixed his views on Italy. 
 
 There
 
 PVSLIC HAPPINESS. 339 
 
 There, the fway of Maxentius was grown 
 deteftable. At once, cruel, and fuperftitious, 
 whilft he confulted the oracles, his hands 
 were imbrued in human blood. This period 
 was the empire of magic. Every place was 
 filled with the accounts of evocations, of fa- 
 crifices, and of predictions. Whether, as 
 Eufebius faith, Conftantine, intimidated by 
 the inchantments of Maxentius, fought after 
 other arms, wherewith to oppofe him ; or 
 whether his acquaintance with the difpofition 
 of a people, irritated by perfecutions, and in- 
 clined towards chriftianity, infpired him with 
 the idea of placing his fupport, upon a new 
 .religion, it is certain that he was eager in tef- 
 tifying his averfion from thofe falfe deities, 
 and his attachment to the mode of worfnip, 
 peculiar to the Chriftians. 
 
 Nothing can be more obfcure, than the 
 hiftory of the Labarum, or crofs, which ap- 
 peared to Conftantine, whilft he marched at 
 the head of his army. What hath been 
 written, either to confirm, or to confute this 
 circumftance, may be feen in a work pub- 
 limed by Mr. Le Beau.(y) I prefume it to 
 X 2 be 
 
 (y) Hift. du bus Emp. torn. i.
 
 340 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 be exceedingly clear, that the period, anil 
 the place, at which this event happened, are 
 equally uncertain. Not only Origen, but all 
 the profane hiftorians are Client, on the fub- 
 ]et.(z) Even Eufebius doth not relate ir, 
 as a fact generally known, but as an incident 
 mentioned to him by Conftantine \(a] neither 
 was there any vifible trace of the prodigious 
 effect, which fuch a miracle ought to have 
 produced, fince the army of this prince, (till 
 remained devoted to Paganifm, and fmce he 
 
 himielf 
 
 (z) The author might have excepted the learned 
 writers of the Univerfal Hiftory, whofe credulity, and 
 complaifance have implicitly adopted from Eufebius, an 
 account which that father only believed in part. K. 
 
 (<0 Quod fi quidem ab alioquopiamdiceretur, haud 
 facile auditores fidem effent habituri. (De 'vita Con- 
 ftantini, lib. I. cap. 38. It is certain, that if Eufebius 
 imagined that he was relating a facl, as fufficiently 
 known, and as generally confeffed as this ought to have 
 been, he would not either have written with fo much 
 precaution, or have begun with agreeing, that if any 
 other, except Conftantine, had mentioned this circum- 
 ftance, his audience would not hare given him much 
 credit. Thus the whole authenticity of this narrative, 
 is confined to the teftimony of two perfons ; the one, 
 probably inftigated either by enthufiafm, or policy - 
 and the other engaged by fituation, and 'intereft, to re* 
 ceive the ftory, as a truth.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 341 
 
 himfelf did not declare that he was become a 
 Chriftian, until fome time afterwards. It is 
 not, therefore, without reafon, that this hif- 
 tory hath been often called in queftion, and 
 confidered as a pious fraud,(b} which is the 
 worft of all falfities, becaufe by poifoning 
 even the very iburce of truth, it expofes the 
 moft facred authorities, to all thofe doubts 
 which profane writers are fo ready to caft 
 upon them. But, whatever may have hap- 
 pened, it is a pofitive truth, that Conftantine 
 granted to the Chriftians, a protection fo 
 ftrikingly marked, that the firft ufe, which 
 he made of his victory over Maxentius, was 
 to engage Licinius to proclaim an act of to- 
 leration in their favour. 
 
 It is at this period, that we may fix the 
 beginning of the epoch, which we fbou'ld 
 flile the fine age of the church, if the dif- 
 putes, the cabals, the fchifms, and the cruel 
 and extravagant errors, with which he was 
 agitated, had not tarnimed the luftre of thefe 
 
 O 
 
 profperous days. Here, bifhops accufed bi- 
 
 fhops of having ftolen the facred veflels, whilft 
 
 a woman gave away the chief fee in Africa. 
 
 X 3 There 
 
 (b) See Echard's Roman hifiory.
 
 342 ANESSAYON 
 
 There, Chriftians, fcarcely efcaped from one 
 perfecution, carried on a fecond, ftill more 
 cruel than the firft, againft themfelves, by 
 turns reproaching one another, either with 
 defertion, or with treafon.(c) And here, a 
 fet of zealots, lefs ambitious indeed, but 
 more fanatic, had fubftituted barbarity in the 
 place of outrage : it is impoffible to reflect 
 without horror, on thofe heretics, called 
 CircumcelliontS) a kind of Maniacs, who, mif- 
 taking the words, praife be to God, for a fignal 
 to rally together, and not daring to tranf- 
 grefs the precept of the gofpel, which for- 
 bade them to draw the fword, knocked down 
 with clubs, all thofe who refuied to embrace 
 their tenets ; and were fometimes fo tranf- 
 pprted with madnefs, as to precipitate them- 
 felves into the fea j as if there had been con- 
 tagions, peculiar to the mind, as well as the 
 body ; and as if cruelty towards others, and 
 towards themfelves, had been as much a dif- 
 eafe attending on the ignorant and fuperfti- 
 tious man, as the leprofy is a diforder, which 
 naturally vifits the poor and the uncleanly 
 man. No church enjoyed tranquility, no 
 
 afylum 
 
 (c} See Kill. eccl. de Fleury torn. 2.
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 34 3 
 
 afylum remained, in which peace, and cha- 
 rity could have refided ; for, although the 
 controverfies which difturbed Afia, were not 
 attended with fuch cruel effects, as thofe con- 
 troverfies by which the Eaft, Europe, and 
 Africa were torn, yet they were much more 
 vain and frivolous. I am pleafed with that 
 ingenuous manner, in which Eufebius writes, 
 when he relates thofe quarrels, which arofe, 
 at the time, when the paflbver was to be ce- 
 lebrated. " Every one (faith he) differed irt 
 opinion, from another ; no two perfons could 
 agree about the ceremonies of religion, nor 
 was an individual found, who knew what re- 
 medy to apply ; for amidft fuch a multitude 
 of different counfels, there was not the lead 
 reafon advanced, why the fcale mould be in- 
 clined more to the one. than to the other 
 
 fide."(<0. 
 
 X 4 And 
 
 (d) " Itaquecum omnes ubique popult jam dudum 
 inter fe difliderent, et facri religionis noftrse ritus con- 
 turbarentur, mortalium q.uidem nemo erat qui huic 
 malo remedium poffet adhibere, cum utrinque inter fe 
 diffentientes velut xquata lance controverfia penderct." 
 
 I cannot refill the opportunity of introducing, on this 
 occafion, a paffage from Arnobius, which feems to be 
 
 exceedingly
 
 344 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 And yet, thefe internal diforders did not 
 prevent Chriftianky from acquiring frefh vi- 
 gour. In fpite of a reciprocal hatred, in fpite 
 of a diverfuy of opinions, the favour of the 
 fovereign, and the extinction of Paganifm, 
 was, as it were, the rallying point, to which 
 every feel: equally tended. The ecclefiaftical 
 authority hath never been refuied to thofe 
 princes, who countenanced the ecclefiaftics. 
 Conftantine, fcarcely a Catechumen, and as 
 yet half a Barbarian, Gained in his reputation, 
 by feveral parricides, and furroundecl with 
 concubines, and an illegitimate offspring, 
 was foon conftdered as an oracle, in all mat- 
 ters 
 
 exceedingly judicious. *" Where (faith he, b. 2.) is 
 the opinion, fo rational, and fo plaufible, that the 
 fpirit of controverfy cannot fhake it ? can any pofition 
 be fo abfurd, as to render fpecious arguments, inca- 
 pable of fupporting it ? when a perfon is once convin- 
 ced, either of the truth, or of the falfity of any thing, 
 
 he, 
 
 * Qvid eft enlm qud bumana ingenia labefactare Jtudifl con- 
 tradiSionis non audeant ? quam-i/is illud quod iiifirmare molt- 
 uatur, Jit purum, et liquidutn, et <veritatis obfignatiune mu~ 
 nitum ? aut quid rurfiif ojferere werifimilibus arguments non 
 queunt, quanmis fi af>ert{ffime falfum, yuawvis ewdens, ma- 
 /ufejlumque mendac'ium.? cum enlm fibi pcrfitaferit quis cffe 
 al'.quid, aut non ej/e, amai quod opinatur aj/erere, et aciitntns 
 alias anteire, maxim's Jt agatur res fumwota, et- abdita ) it 
 iaiilic in-i!olnta nature, Arnob. /. z.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 345 
 
 tcrs relating to doclrine. His mediation was 
 invoked, during each controverfy, and his 
 prefence was defired at every council. Nay, 
 to fuch a length were thefe things carried, 
 that he was requefted to deliver out fermons 
 and paftoral inft ructions. The reward of fb 
 much adulation was the prefcription pro- 
 nounced foon afterwards ?gainft the Gods, 
 their temples, and their minifters. Chrifti- 
 anity oppreffed, preached in favour of to- 
 leration ; but Chriftianity, when rendered the 
 ruling religion, became intolerant in her turn; 
 and the biihops, at once forgetting the pre- 
 cepts 
 
 he, immediately, from a paffion for difputation, be- 
 comes attached to his own idea, and foon feek-s, folely, 
 to acquire a fuperiority over his adverfary, by dint of 
 the powers of the imagination, and by fubtlety ; efpe- 
 cially when fome obfcure queftion, involved by its na- 
 ture, in darknefs, is the point in debate." Such re- 
 marks frequently fall from the pen of this excellent au- 
 thor. It were to be wifhed that thofe, who, like him, 
 have written in favour of religion, had beer, guided by 
 the fame fpirit of difcernment and toleration. Bold, 
 and earneft, whilft he refutes paganifm, and the an- 
 cient philofophy ; modeft, and cautious, whensoever 
 new doftrines are to be eftablifhed, reducing all to the 
 belief of ONE ONLY Gou, and to the practice of the 
 natural law, he hath proved himfelf as much a friend 
 to inquifuive doubt, as an enemy to fuperfution.
 
 346 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 cepts of the gofpel, and their own true in- 
 terefts, in order to fubdue their enemies, fur- 
 nifhed the civil power with thofe arms, againft 
 the ufe of which, they had fo long inveighed. 
 They went flill farther; and even thefe men, 
 who believed alfo in Jefus Chrift, who fol- 
 lowed the fame difcipline, and obferved the 
 iame ceremonies, but who differed concerning 
 ibme abftrufe, and fpeculative opinion, could 
 not make a proper ufe of that toleration, 
 which had been granted to the heathens, but 
 ibme years before. The fame emperor, who 
 in his firft edict, in favour of the Chriftians,. 
 had faid, in exprefs terms : " it is our will, 
 that fuch as follow the errors of the Gentiles, 
 fhould enjoy the fame tranquility, and the 
 fame repofe which the faithful enjoy ; and we 
 efteem this reciprocal toleration, to be the 
 beft mean of propagating the truth. Let no 
 one, therefore, prefume to moleft his fellow 
 creature ; let every perfon live as he pleafeth ; 
 and let thole, who chufe to adhere to a falfc 
 religion, not only enjoy their forms of wor- 
 Ihip, but their temples." The fame Con- 
 ftantine, when fome time had elapled, iffucd 
 an edict againft the heretics, in which he for- 
 bids them to have any oratories, and even 
 
 acquaints
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 347 
 
 acquaints them, that they muft not dare to 
 affemble on any pretext whatfoever.(V,) He 
 fent foldiers into all the provinces of the em- 
 pire, to pull down the temples, to break 
 their idols in pieces, to impriibn their priefts, 
 and to difperfe their worfhippers ; and whilft 
 he thus eftablifhed his tenets, by fire and the 
 fword, he was himfelf incefiantly changing ; 
 perpetually pafling over from one party, to 
 the other party j and preaching, and incul- 
 cating contradictory doctrines, until, atlength, 
 forgetting, through the excefs of zeal, to be 
 baptized, he died an heretic. 
 
 To draw afide the mafic, beneath which 
 feeble humanity hath frequently remained 
 hidden, is conitantly a painful employment ; 
 but howfoever odious it may be in fociety, in 
 all hiftorical refearches, it is at once noble 
 and ufeful. In fact, if the ordinary courfe 
 of juftice requires that a flow and impartial 
 examination fhould rife up, after a long feries 
 of years, to redrefs her errors, how much 
 more is hiftory, placed at firft between the 
 fycophant, and the carping fophifter, and 
 then delivered over to the blind compiler, 
 
 entitled 
 
 (e) See Eufeb. de vita Conft. 1. 2. c. 46. and 1. 5. 
 c. 66.
 
 348 ANESSAYON 
 
 entitled to enter her proteft, againft the fen- 
 tence of the pad ages ? Conftantine, by 
 throwing down the idols, had often applaud- 
 ed himfelf, for having convinced the people, 
 that thefe fplendid images, far from proving 
 alylums to the divinities, contained only 
 defpicable afhes, or the tainted bones of dead 
 bodies , but little did he perceive that thus 
 he infulted over his own deftiny. The talk 
 of daring to penetrate into his foul, was re- 
 ferved for this enlightened age. The idol 
 being overthrown, and its rich covering de- 
 ftr.oyed, what then remains? felf-intereft, 
 paffio'ns, hypocrify, and the whole fkeleton of 
 humanity. Conftantine is, of all princes, 
 he who hath the moft influenced the ages 
 \vhich fucceeded that age wherein he exifted. 
 The objects to which he confecrated his reign 
 were the deftruction of the worfhip of falfe 
 deities, in order to fubftitute in its place, the 
 worlhip of Jefus Chrift; and the tranfportation 
 of the capital of the world, from the ancient 
 theatre of her glory, to a barbarous and un- 
 cultivated more. The lad ftep hath not met 
 with any apologifts; but the firft ftep, by 
 endearing his memory to the Chriftian world, 
 hath probably caft upon the author, too much 
 
 of
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 349 
 
 tsf the merit of the work. As for us, equally 
 removed from the bitternefs of Zofimus, and 
 the enthufiafm of Eufebius, we (hall not bor- 
 row opinions from thefe authors, but only 
 fa6ts. We mall even reft fatisfied, with 
 having placed the reader, in a fituation, to 
 judge for himfelf ; and to follow a furer road, 
 in our obfervations, we (hall examine Con- 
 ftantine, under three different points of view; 
 as a man, as a prince, and as a Chriftian. 
 
 Were it neceflary for the religion of Chrift, 
 to borrow fome luflre from her followers, we 
 fhould not have confefied, but with uneafmefs, 
 how much we are conftrained to acknowledge 
 an extreme difference, between the great and 
 fubl-ime minds of 'Trajan, and the Aniorimi, 
 and the yet barbarous character of Conftantine: 
 but the faith inculcated by the minifters of 
 the gofpd, hath nothing in common with the 
 perfonal vices of this prince , vices at once fo 
 ftriking, and fo odious, that we can neither 
 juftify, nor diflemble them. Perhaps, indeed, 
 he ought, in fome meafure, to be pitied, for 
 having been hurried away by the manners of 
 his times, whilft he treated with fo much 
 cruelty, the people of Germany, whom he 
 had conquered : but what pardon can be 
 
 granted
 
 350 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 granted to thofe writers, who, notwithftand- 
 ing that they were commendable in every 
 other refpeft, inftead of lamenting over thefe 
 horrid perpetrations, have ftriven to palliate, 
 and, as it were, to filch away the atrocity 
 that ilained them ? I cannot, in this place, 
 avoid quoting a paiTage from Mr. Crevier; 
 it may ferve as an inftance of the manner, 
 .after which, hiflory is written in our times. 
 " Conftantine (Caith he) patted the Rhine, 
 and entered into the country of the Brufferi, 
 whom he gave up to the fir e y and the Jword. 
 Nothing was fpared. The villages were 
 burnt ; the cattle were taken, or flaughtered ; 
 the men and women were maffacred-^ and 
 they, who efcaped death, and whom he 
 made prifoners, underwent a fate ftill more 
 cruel. As he judged them incapable of ever 
 performing the leaft ufcful fervice to the 
 caufe, on account of their ungovernable 
 fiercenefs, and their perfidy, they were thrown 
 to the wild beafls, whole ferocity they 
 imitated.'Y/J 
 
 What an artifice ! what an effort to foften 
 fuch abominable crimes ! and all this, becaufe 
 
 Con- 
 
 (f) Eufebius relates this fV.ft with the fame indulgence. 
 See de vita Conft. 1, i. c. 25.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 351 
 
 Conftantine was the firft Chriftian emperor. 
 A partiality fo peculiar to hiftorians, fome- 
 titnes becomes a muling, when it is not ex- 
 erted on fubjects which feem to rife againft 
 it. Amidft fo much guilt, a fimple homicide, 
 though indeed exceedingly ufelefs, and un- 
 merited, may be confidered as a trifle; but I 
 cannot help taking under my protection, an 
 unfortunate eunuch, for whom Mr. Le Beau* 
 and Mr. Crevier have fhewn no compaflion. 
 Conftantine had flrong reafons to fufpect his 
 father-in-law Maximian , but he had deter- 
 mined to delay executing his revenge on him, 
 until he mould have taken him in an attempt: 
 to commit the fact. Having, therefore, 
 -been one day informed by his wife Faujta^ 
 that Maximian was to fulfil his intentions, on 
 the following night, and ilab him in his bed, 
 he placed in it an eunuch, without doubt, a 
 contemptible creature, yet, at the fame time, 
 very innocent ; and one who had nothing to 
 do there. Maximian is deceived, and wliilft 
 he only kills the eunuch, fuppofes that he 
 flays a fon-in-law. Covjlantine then fteps for- 
 ward, overwhelmed with joy at thedifcovery, 
 and orders his father-in-law to be immediately 
 put to death, to the great fatisfaction of his 
 
 wife,
 
 352 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 wife, and all the affiflants. Is it poflible, that 
 no hiftorian fhould have been induced to re- 
 mark, that it would have been better not to 
 have taken away the life of a blamelefs in- 
 dividual , and to have faved his father from 
 the commiffion of an additional crime, and 
 himfelf from the guilt of parricide ? but I am 
 in the wrong to expect that a poor eunuch, 
 fhould be mentioned with any pity, whilft 
 the fame hiflorians have expreiTed none for 
 C*efar Valens^ and C<efar Martinianus, whofe 
 only crime was, the having been raifed to the 
 firft rank by Licinius j and whilft, alfo, they 
 have fhewn as little commiferation, even for 
 LtcimuSj who, during a long time, coequal 
 with Conjlantine^ and, at length, fallen with- 
 in his power, though under the fanction of a 
 treaty, was fhordy afterwards condemned to 
 death, upon the moft frivolous pretexts. 
 The execution of an Augujlus^ and of the 
 two Ctffars ; the violation of the public faith; 
 and treaties, either forgotten, or broken, are 
 all as nothing, for an emperor, who protected 
 bifhops, and compofed homilies. 
 
 What crimes could have been added to 
 thefe, unlefs they amounted to the having 
 put to death a wife, and a fon ? and under 
 
 what
 
 PVBLIC. HAPPINESS. 353 
 
 what circurh fiances were fuch cruelties com- 
 mitted ? Ccnftantine returned in triumph from 
 the Nicean council ; he was congratulating 
 himfelf on having given a dinner to more 
 than three hundred bifhops, and kifled the 
 .wounds of martyrs ; when, on a fudden, 
 hurried away by mere fufpicions, and from 
 the fingle imputation of a crime, the hardeft 
 to be believed, he put to death his fon 
 Crifpus,^) a youth of the mod promifing 
 hopes. Shortly afterwards, turning his fury 
 from the accufed, to the accufer, he ordered 
 that the emprefs Faufta mould be fuffocated. 
 The ties of friendfhip were, in his eftimation, 
 no furer fafeguards than the ties of blood. 
 This ferocious, and irregular prince, all oc- 
 cupied as he was in accelerating the progrefs 
 of Chriftianity, had invited to his court, 
 Zopater, a Platonic philofopher, of the fchool 
 of Jamblicus. He foon permitted him .to 
 enjoy fo great a mare of his confidence, and 
 intimacy, that the unfortunate fage, deluded 
 VOL. I. Y away 
 
 (g) It is remarkable, that Eufebius, fearful of throw- 
 ing too dark a fhade over his beautiful piclure of Con- 
 Ilantine, hath not taken the lead notice of the death, 
 or rather murder of Crfff:fr, who was compelled to 
 fa-allow poifon. K.
 
 354 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 away from his own country, could not efcape 
 the jealoufy of the Chriftians. Accufations 
 of forcery and magic had been whifpered 
 abroad, and a popular commotion had already 
 rifen, when the fleet, which was to import the 
 corn from ^Egypt, became detained by con- 
 trary winds. The people, conftantly furious, 
 and driven almod to madneis, whenfoever 
 factious and intereded men alarm their minds 
 with apprehenfions of a famine, (b) did not 
 fail to direct their fury againft Zopater -, whilft 
 Condantine, at once a weak prince, and a 
 perfidious friend, delivered up to execution 
 this innocent philofopher. To a character 
 fo cruel, and inconftant, may be added an 
 unbridled paflion for oftentatious pomp, and 
 an immoderate third after every kind of glory : 
 from fuch marks, it is but too eafy to dif- 
 cover, in the perfon of Conftantine, an odious 
 and contemptible individual, whofe vices, the 
 luftre of the purple, the laurels of victory, 
 and the adulation of ages, have long driven 
 to conceal. Let us now examine whether 
 the prince hath a better title to our efteem. 
 
 In 
 
 (h) Tacitus, fomewh?re faith > " Plebs cui una ex 
 republica annonse cura."
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 355 
 
 In this cafe, facts feem to fpeak for them- 
 felves. Conjiantine, born in the very midft of 
 dangers* expofed from his infancy, in the 
 character of an hoftage, to all the hatred of 
 his enemies; and at length, efcaplng from 
 their hands, at the hazard of his life, no 
 fooner perceives himfelf placed at the head 
 of an army, than, being the abfolute mailer 
 of an extenfive part of the empire, he at- 
 tempts to conquer the other part, and to feat 
 himfelf on the throne of the world. What 
 fuccefs could have been more brilliant ? what 
 a fubject for panegyric! but the philofopher, 
 who is never dazzled by the mere fplendor of 
 actions, foon withdraws his admiration, when 
 directing his refearches up to the origin of 
 victories, he beholds only a feries of battles 
 gained. He is convinced, that from the mo- 
 ment, at which men began to repofe their 
 whole truft and intereft in their armies, it 
 muft necefiarily have happened, that the 
 event of battles, decided cither in favour of 
 the one, or of the other; that the advantages 
 acquired by war, may be of high relative 
 value, but of very little pofiiive value; and 
 that fignal fuccefies do not always form great 
 generals. A player at chefs may take another 
 Y 2 lefs
 
 35$ AN ESSAY ON 
 
 lefs ftrong than himfelf, and yet be very weak. 
 In India, for inftance, we know that entire 
 empires have been overthrown, by armies, 
 who might have been forced to flee, before 
 fix battalions of European troops. It is not 
 becaufe he defeated the dukede BcurnonviUe; 
 but becaufe he harraflcd Conde^ and Montmi- 
 cuHiy that 'Turenne is efteemed a great ge- 
 neral, (i) So alfo, in politics, the citizen, 
 who by dint of firmnefs and intrepidity, at- 
 tains to the power of adding fome advantage 
 to public liberty, is more refpectable than the 
 prince, who, at the head of fifty fatellites, 
 makes a people of flaves exchange one 
 matter for another mailer. 
 
 For 
 
 (i) The Chevalier Folard mentions this campaign, 
 fatal to Turenne, with that emhuflafm, to which the 
 merits of the French general, and his almoft-equally 
 illuftrious competitor had fo Itrong a claim. " Celle ci 
 fut le chef d'oeuvre du Vicomtc de Turenne, et du 
 Comte de Montecuculli ; il n'y en a point de fi belle 
 dans 1'antiquite; il n'y a que les experts dans le metier 
 qui puiffent en bien juger." Montecuculli, who, after 
 the death of Turenne, quitted the .profelfion of a fuldier, 
 gave this remarkable reafon for his retirement. " Ths 
 man who has had the honour to engage with Turenne, 
 muft not venture his reputation againil thofe who are but 
 beginning to command armies." K. -
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 357 
 
 For Conftantine to have vanquifhed Licinius, 
 and to. have triumphed over fome barbarous 
 nations, is, without doubt, no inconfiderable 
 circumftance , and yet the little glory which 
 he receives from it, can only laft, whilft we 
 continue ignorant of the choice of his means, 
 and the fagacity of his views. But this em- 
 peror, by placing his conduct in a more in- 
 terefting light, hath given us a ftandard, 
 whereby we may judge of him. He acted as 
 a legiiktor , nor will the reader find it dif- 
 ficult to determine, whether our feverity be 
 mifplaced, mould he recollect that it is this 
 prince, to whom we owe that vicious mixture 
 of the civil power, and the ecclefiaftica! power ^ 
 which ha:h fcattered fo much diforder, during 
 fifteen centuries, throughout the Chriftian 
 world. 
 
 The firft traces of the intervention of the 
 ccclefiaftical power, in civil matters, may be 
 found in a law, enacted by Conftantine, and 
 relative to the enfranchifement of flaves. In 
 the room of thofe formalities, with which 
 thefe enfranchisements were accompanied, he 
 directed that the atteftation of a bimop 
 fliould, from that time forward, be deemed 
 fufficient -, as if the proceedings and deci- 
 y fions
 
 358 ANESSAYON 
 
 fions were to be determined upon, like cafes 
 of confcience, or acts of penance. (k) Every 
 one recollects into how large a field this firll 
 encroachment began to fpread. All the dif- 
 ferent ways and means were immediately 
 fettled ; innumerable privileges were granted 
 to the clergy ; fnch as, a permiffion to re- 
 ceive legacies ; an exemption from all bur- 
 denfome offices, namely, the collection of 
 the taxes, municipal pofts, magiftracies^ 
 guardianfhips, &c. fo exceffive were thefe 
 favours, that, intereft foon checking enthu- 
 fiafm, it became neceflary to revoke them. 
 
 In 
 
 (k) One might reasonably fufpe& Conftautim to 
 have been aftuated by fome fecret motives, when he 
 made this regulation. A multitude of flaves, attra&ed 
 by that fpirit of equality, which reigned amongft the 
 ChrifHans, prefentedthemfelves daily, and by embracing 
 their religion, broke loofe from the power of their 
 refpedive matters. Thefe deferters were^ notwithftand- 
 ing, to be given up, whenfoever they were demanded ; 
 but however flight the pretext for their enfranchife- 
 ment might have been,, the favour granted to the new 
 converts gave birth to decifions, fubverfive of the au^ 
 thority of the maflers. Now, it is probable^ that, to, 
 extend this favour, {till farther,, endeavours were ufed 
 to deprive the civil power of the privilege of carrying 
 on any procefs of this kiml, and to render the atteftati- 
 on of the bilhop, which might always be depended upon^ 
 ' fafficient of itfelf, without, any other forms.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 359 
 
 In faft, almoft every one of the citizens, to 
 fecure his effefts, turned ecclefiaftic; and 
 God was fo well ferved, that the ftate no 
 longer enjoyed either fubjefts//,) or magi- 
 ftrates. Amongft all princes, the interefts 
 of their treafury or exchequer, have, as it 
 were, fixed bounds to their faith : but, how- 
 ever unwilling Conftantim might have been 
 to give way to the clergy, in a point of fuch 
 importance, he was not afraid of facrificing 
 to them the moft ancient principles of the 
 Roman government, by revoking the lex 
 Papia Popptea. By this law, the unmarried 
 citizens were cut off from all collateral fuc- 
 ceffions , and the married citizens, who had 
 no children, could only claim the half of 
 Y 4 fuch 
 
 (I) Under Conjiantine, the number of the citizens 
 was much diminifhed, whilft the number of flaves, and 
 of foreigners, was confiderably increafed. It is not, 
 therefore, extraordinary that the weight of taxes, and 
 and all public charges bore hard upon each individual. 
 The municipal employments were, in particular, fuch 
 heavy burdens, that, in the end, there remained neither 
 landed property, nor perfonal property. All thofe who, 
 by their fituation, were obliged to fill fome public office, 
 were called Curiales. Now, the rank of Curtails, and 
 any ecclefiaftical rank, were, by the principles of the 
 churth, deemed incompatible. See Bingham's anti- 
 quities of the church, b. 5. .3.
 
 360 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 fuch of thefe fucccfnons, as might have fallen 
 to them , neither were they entitled to more 
 than the tenth part, of the effects of their 
 wives, in cafe of their deceafe. Conftantine, 
 not contented with having extinguifhed thefe 
 refpectable remains of Roman policy, encou- 
 raged celibacy, by every poffihle mean , and, 
 in particular, granted to fuch, as embraced 
 this ftate, the privilege of difpofing of their 
 poffeffions, previous to the age required by 
 the laws. 
 
 But, whilfl thefe exemptions were multi- 
 plied, in favour of the clergy, a new kind of 
 exorbitant taxes, fpread the greateft confler- 
 nation amongft the people. Every fourth 
 year, the officers belonging to the emperor, 
 came, armed with whips and flicks, to col- 
 left a capitation, called chryfargyrum^ becaufe 
 it was paid, either in gold, or in filver. This 
 tax was levied with the moft unparalelled 
 rigour. Even beggars and proflitutes were 
 forced to contribute their (hare , but the poor, 
 hunted from place to place, and lamed 
 about, like common beafts of burden, were 
 not the only individuals, who groaned under 
 thefe extortions ; the rich apprehended them, 
 with an equal degree of terror -, fince accu- 
 
 fations.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 361 
 
 fations of every kind, domeftic treachery, 
 and public calumny, formed, as it were, the 
 tarif, in which they were accuftomed to per- 
 ceive them entered. 
 
 ZofimuS) alfo, accufes Confiantine^ of having 
 waged war, againft the Pagan deities, only 
 that he might be furnifhed with a pretence, 
 for pillaging their temples ; but it would be 
 unjuft to rely upon an author, who appears, 
 by feveral paflages in his writings, to have 
 been greatly prejudiced , and particularly, 
 when he imputes the converfion of Conftan- 
 tine t to the remorfe with which the murder 
 of nis wife, and fon, afflicted him. Accord- 
 ing to this hiftorian, the emperor, having 
 fought, to no purpofe, amongft the heathen 
 priefts, for proper expiations, became a con- 
 vert to the religion of the Chriftians, who 
 were reported to have praflifed a ceremony, 
 of warning away all fins, in a myiterious 
 water. But, however grofs the anachronifm 
 may be, of referring the converfion of Con- 
 Jlantine, to an event, which happened fo long 
 afterwards, it is, notwithftanding, very evi- 
 dent, that the crimes with which he had 
 lately blackened his conduct, added to his 
 inflexible perfecudon, againft opinions gene- 
 rally
 
 362 ANESSAYON 
 
 rally received, and a mode of worfhip, of 
 fuch an ancient eftablifhment, had rendered 
 him fo odious to his people, that he was 
 obliged to quit Rome, and find out another 
 afylum, where only the voice of flattery 
 could be heard : upon which, I {hall beg 
 leave to remark, that the ideas, relative to 
 an exterior form of adoration, muft have had 
 a terrible influence over morality ; fince on 
 one fide, the Chriflians have commended, 
 even to the fkies, an emperor, who was 
 guilty of the moft atrocious crimes ; whilft, 
 on the other fide, the Romans^ who applaud- 
 ed Nero, when he made his entry into 
 their capital, after having put his mother to 
 death, could not bear the fight of Conftantine, 
 by whofe order, his own wife and fon were 
 executed. It is thus, that an attachment to 
 empty rites and ceremonies, perpetually pre- 
 vails over that law, which nature hath en- 
 graven on every human heart, but unfor- 
 tunately, in characters too fuperficial, and 
 too eafy to be obliterated. 
 
 We will not expatiate upon that abfurd 
 error, which Conftantine committed, when he 
 changed the metropolis of the empire. It is 
 a circumftance too well known, and too fully 
 
 ac-
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 363 
 
 acknowledged, by all authors, not excepting 
 thofe authors, who have the moft com- 
 mended this prince. We have already men- 
 tioned the reafons, which induced him to 
 take fo falfe a ftep -, but we cannot avoid 
 adding, that no project could poffibly have 
 been conceived, more in the fpirit of pride, 
 or executed more in the fpirit of injuftice. 
 Whilft this oftentatious emperor is fo im- 
 patient to enjoy his palaces, that he doth not 
 allow his architects, even time to conftruct 
 them, in a manner fufficiently fubftantial; 
 and whilft he perceives his already mouldering 
 walls, threatening to fall on thofe walls, 
 which are yet rifing , he compels, by feverc 
 edicts, all the inhabitants of Afia-Minor to 
 erect expenfive edifices in the new capital. 
 A tyrannical law enacts, that all perfons, not 
 having an houfe at Conftantinopk, fhould be 
 prohibited from tranfmitting any landed rftate 
 to their heirs : by fuch means doth he accele- 
 rate the building of this celebrated city, the 
 horofcope of which is cad, by his orders j and 
 the refult of this, is, a prophecy that it will 
 laft, during the fpace of fix hundred and 
 
 ninety- fix years. 
 
 The
 
 364. AN ESSAY ON 
 
 The reader will, probably, be fomewhac 
 furprized to find, that fo excellent a divine, 
 as Con/tontine, fhould have been induced to 
 confult the aftrologers ; but the character of 
 this prince appears, in no particular, fo in- 
 confiftent, as in that particular, which hath 
 any the lead relation to religion. Equally 
 weak and vain, and as ready to preferve, as 
 to change his refolution, the imperfections 
 of his mind have accounted for the imper- 
 fections of his heart. Whether this prince 
 was an enthufiaft, or an hypocrite, is a quef- 
 tion, which hath been often agitated. One 
 party, ftricken with that frequently parti- 
 cular attention, which made him defcend 
 into all the minutiae of ecclefi aft ical matters ; 
 with that hatred which he had conceived 
 againft Paganifm ; and, above all, with the 
 devotion, which he difcovered, in the laft 
 moments of his life, have imagined that he 
 was more convinced, than enlightened ; and 
 that if the grace of God did not efteem it 
 
 c 
 
 fitting, to fupport him againft herely, and 
 parricide, at leaft, it revealed to him, the 
 principal tenets of the faith. The other 
 party, more attemive to his public conduct, 
 to the pretended miracles, with which he ac- 
 companied
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 365 
 
 companied his expeditions-, and, efpecially. 
 to the advantages, which he drew from them, 
 feem inclined to believe, that he never had a 
 very lively faith, and that his religion was, 
 conftantly, kept dependant on his ambition. 
 As for me, I know not, if it arife from my 
 bearing a ftronger antipathy againft hypo- 
 crify, than againft any other vice; but I am 
 always averie from fuppofing, that it can be 
 carried on to a certain degree : to aft the part 
 of an hypocrite, feems to me, a tafk, at once/ 
 fo painful, and fo difficult, that nothing but 
 the mod violent effort of patience and arti- 
 fice, can fupport a long and fuccefsful per- 
 formance of it. Let us always be fearful of 
 giving too much to the mind, by taking too 
 much away from the heart. If we enjoy 
 fome talents, wherewith we deceive others, 
 how many more talents do we not pofiefs, 
 which fcduce us to impofe upon ourfeivc-s ? 
 the willingnefs with which we are fo apt to 
 credit the fuppofed exertions of hypccriiy, 
 may, perhaps, arife from the not having fuf- 
 ficiently reflected on the nature of the human 
 heart. All who have obferved the empire, 
 which our inrereft maintains over our opi- 
 nions, mnft have met with ample reafon 10 
 
 be
 
 366 ANESSAYON 
 
 be convinced, that its own fuccefles foon 
 prove the means .pf its deftruction. We lead 
 off, by difhoneftly affecting certain practices 
 and fentiments ; and when this impofture 
 hath brought us within the reach of playing 
 fome great part ; of commanding mankind, 
 and of receiving from them riches and con- 
 fequence, we begin to repofe in it more truft j 
 and it, at length, happens that, by little and 
 little, our intereft attains to the power of 
 confolidating, in our mind, the bafis of our 
 authority. It is an old remark, that game- 
 flers begin by being dupes, and end by being 
 knaves: in matters of opinion, the cafe is 
 reverfed j and we begin by being knaves, 
 and end by being dupes. How often doth 
 the magiftrate, in pafiing from one court 
 into another court, change his principles, 
 with his tribunal ! at firft, his probity, or 
 rather the opinion which he hath conceived 
 of himfelf, becomes reftlefs and uneafy ; 
 it, then, calls to its affiftance, fophiftry and 
 fubtlety , but, quickly duped by its own ar- 
 tifice, it no longer finds anything to contend 
 with, and the man is rendered a convert to 
 vertue, through his own folly. It is thus, 
 that amongit the clergy, it hath fometimes 
 
 happened,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 367 
 
 happened, that a fet of ecclefiaftics, entirely 
 abandoned to wordly views, and raifed to 
 dignities, either through favour or intrigue - 9 
 then, becoming the chiefs of a party, 
 and frequently conftrained to facrifice their 
 pleafures to their ambition, have ended by 
 adopting, as an article of their own belief, 
 fome portion of that which they would wil- 
 lingly have perfuaded others to believe. We 
 mention this to the honour of chriftianity, 
 the moral fyftern of which could never have 
 
 united itfelf to thofe atrocious crimes 
 
 
 
 which Conftantine committed ; and had God 
 Himfelf enlightened him , had He chofen to 
 have made ufe of him, any otherwife than 
 He made ufe of a Tiberius, or a Nero, who, 
 doubtlefs, were fubfervient to the accom- 
 plilhment of his purpofes, He would not 
 have expofed him to the difgrace of having 
 inceiTantly difhonoured the faith, by his ac- 
 tions, and betrayed it, by his errors. 
 
 Conftantine, according to all appearances, 
 was induced to favour Chriftianiry, by thofe 
 reafons, which we have explained, in a former 
 part of this chapter. But foon encouraged 
 by fuccefs ; elated with pride, by the flat- 
 tery, which he received from the bifhops; 
 
 and,
 
 368 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 and, above all, prompted by jealoufyj to 
 change the feat of the empire, he felt, ac 
 length, a real zeal, in favour of thofe tenets, 
 which, at the opening, he had efpoufed, 
 from principles of interefl. It is eafy to trace 
 this conduct, in his mode of proceeding to- 
 . wards a general reformation. At firft, he 
 .thought it enough to tolerate Chriftianity j 
 but he, foon afterwards, made Chriftianity 
 the reigning and exclufive religion. Al- 
 though humble and fubmiffive to the bi- 
 Ihops, at the beginning, yet he did not wait 
 long, before he gave them leflbns, in their 
 turn. We may perceive how his zeal daily 
 increafed, with his influence over ecclefiaf- 
 tical affairs. No method, no rule actuated 
 his judgments ; at one moment, a mode- 
 rator, and at another moment, a perlecutor ; 
 now, he impofes filence on Alexander, and 
 on Arius ; then he condemns Arms \ then 
 abfolves him j then, condemns him again ; 
 and after all this, concludes with adopting 
 his principles. I beg leave to infert the in- 
 troduction of a letter, which he wrote, at 
 the fame time to Alexander^ bifhop of Alex- 
 andria^ and to Arius, who was then difputing 
 
 againlt
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 369 
 
 againft l\\m.(m) " Since you, Alexander, 
 have required from your clergy their fenti- 
 ments concerning fome particular paflages of 
 fcripture, or rather concerning fome empty 
 and frivolous opinions ; and fmce you, Arius 9 
 have agitated queflions, on which you ought 
 never to have meditated, or meditating, to 
 have remained filent, difcord hath been 
 
 ftirred up amongft yon, &c. &c 
 
 Abandon, therefore, thefe fubtleties in a matter 
 which doth not admit either of a queftion 
 or of an anfwer." Now, thefe fubtleties, 
 thefe empty and frivolous queries, related 
 to nothing lefs, than the confubftantiality of 
 the word, on which occafion an afiembly 
 was called, foon after the council of Nice. 
 
 Conflantine was not more fortunate, in his 
 treatifes on the Chriftian religion. Let fuch, 
 as have any curiofity, to perceive the height 
 of extravagance and abfurdity, united to- 
 
 VOL. I. Z gether 
 
 (in) Cum enim tu, Alexander, a prefbitcris tuis re- 
 quireres quid unufquifque eorum de quodam legis loco 
 fentiret, feu potius de quadam inani queflione eos in- 
 terrogates; cumque tu, Ari, id quod nunquam cogita- 
 tum, vel fane cogitatum filentio premere deberes, ira- 
 
 prudenter excitata inter vos difcordia, &c Quid- 
 
 nam vero illud eft ? nee interrogare ile hujufmodi re- 
 bus, nee ir.terrogatuin rcfpcr.dere, &.
 
 370 ANESSAYON 
 
 gether, perufe the eighteenth, nineteenth, 
 and twentieth chapters of his difcourfe, ad- 
 d re fifed to the aflembly of the faints, (Oratio 
 ad SanSforum coetum.) After having quoted 
 as authentic, an acroftic, by the pretended 
 Erythrsan Sibyl, the initial letters of which, 
 form the words, Jejus Chriftus Dei Filius, Ser- 
 vator, as if God revealed the fecrets of fu- 
 turity, in quirks of wit, which barely deferve 
 a place amidft the common doggerel of a 
 news-paper, he feizes on Virgil, as an im- 
 menfe treat u re of the cleared prophecies, in 
 fupport of the Chriftian religion. Amongft 
 other eclogues, he cites, 
 
 Sicelides Mupe, paulo majora canamus. 
 
 Even paulb majora, (faith he) alludes to 
 many particulars. But Virgil, then adds, 
 
 Ultima Cum<ei venitjam carminis <etas. 
 
 Wiio doth not know that the Cum<can Sibyl 
 ceafed to prophefy, when the Truth himfelf 
 came into the world ? but what anfvver can 
 be given to thefe verfes ? 
 
 Magnus ab Integra fee lorum nafdtur or do, 
 Jam redit et Virgo, rsdeunt Saturnia regna. 
 
 Who
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 371 
 
 Who is this returning virgin, unlefs it be 
 the Mother of God ? doth not the poet him- 
 
 felf fay ? 
 
 *T# modo nafcenti pttero, quo ferrea prinmm 
 Dejinet^ ac toto furget gens aurea mundo, 
 Caftafove Lucina, &c. 
 
 Was not this, word for word, the Meffiah ? 
 Dofte igitur h<ec ditto, funt, O M.aro poet arum 
 fapientiffime ! &c. &c. 
 
 Conftantine firmly believed that Virgil was a 
 chriftian j but he imagined, that this ce- 
 lebrated poet was obliged to difguife his faith, 
 and conceal his allufions behind the veil of 
 allegory. Eufebius^ who introduces the whole 
 of this difcourfe, and without making any 
 obfervations on it, feems to be of the fame 
 opinion. What then muft have been the lo- 
 gic of the firft fages of the church, which 
 made them confider Mofes and the Sibyls^ 
 Tfaac and Virgil^ in the fame point of view ? 
 but as thefe reflexions are foreign to my fub- 
 ject, I mall immediately conclude with ob- 
 ferving, that Ccnftantine, having lived in the 
 perpetration of guilt, and died an heretic, is 
 unworthy of our encomiums, either as a Man, 
 a Prince ) or a Cbriftian, 
 
 Z 2 CHAP.
 
 372 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 CHAP. V. 
 
 On the influence of Chrijlianity over the happinefs 
 of the -people, ^he fit nation of mankind, from 
 the reign of Conftantine, to the deftruffion of 
 the Weftern empire. 
 
 H 
 
 AVING mentioned the eftablifhment 
 of the Chriftian religion ; and having drawn, 
 with all the accuracy in our power, the pic- 
 ture of the fovereign, who imparted to it 
 fo fupreme an authority, throughout his ex- 
 tenfive dominions ; it feems natural to examine, 
 in what manner the felicity of the people 
 was influenced by thefe important alterations. 
 And here, truth would not have prefurned to 
 raife her rigid voice, if the Apoftles of Chrifti- 
 anity had ever pretended, that the temporary 
 
 happinefs
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 373 
 
 happinefs of human life was the object to 
 which the views of their religion were directed. 
 Idly would men alledge again it this religion, 
 the definition of thofe nations, who em- 
 braced it, and the downfal of the Roman 
 empire, at a period fo little diftant from its 
 converfion. The church, in her infancy, 
 never extended her confiderations towards 
 the glory and profperity of flates. Humility 
 poverty, penitence, and prayer, were all 
 which the miniflers of the gofpel thought 
 themfelves commiflloned to inculcate ; and 
 far from endeavouring, like the Pagans, to 
 affimilate the mode of worfhip, with the 
 fyftem of polity, and to make each jointly 
 confpire, in promoting the happinefs of na- 
 tions, they gloried in a contempt of all vain 
 grandeur, perfuaded as they were, that the 
 theatre of the world rnuft fall, before the 
 fcenes performing on it could find fufficieiit 
 time to draw to a conclufion. 
 
 We have already fpoken of the error pe- 
 culiar to the Millenarians ; and fo common 
 during the firft ages of the church. Whilft 
 herefies, fpringing up with the primitive dog- 
 mas of the faith, tore the bofom of Chrifti- 
 snity ; whilft the mod orthodox emperors, 
 Z 3 governed
 
 374 
 
 governed by their eunuchs, pufillanimoufty 
 deferred the defence of their frontiers ; and 
 whilft the Barbarians, rufhing in from the 
 extremities of the univerfe, were fprinkling 
 with human blood, the provinces of the em- 
 pire, the principal cities of which were fre- 
 quently either fet on fire by the volcanos, or 
 demolifhed by earthquakes, the opinion ge- 
 nerally propagated, that the world was going 
 to be destroyed, was received with a flill 
 greater degree of credit j and if the Pagans 
 continued obftinately bent on rejecting this 
 opinion, it was becaufe they had afcribed fa 
 many difafters to the defection from an an- 
 cient and reverenced lyitem of worfhip. At 
 this dreadful crifis, during thefe common la- 
 mentations, the defenders of Chriftianity 
 formed two divifions. The firft divifion con- 
 lifted of thofe, who, above concealing the 
 miferies, with which they were laden ; and 
 even ftriving to exaggerate the confluences, 
 drew from thefe events, frefh motives to en- 
 force a more extenfive converfion. The fe- 
 cond divifion, unwilling to make the leaft 
 allowance in favour of Paganifm, pretended 
 that the then impending evils were not more 
 calamitous, than the evih which afflicted the 
 
 people,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 375 
 
 people, during the ages of idolatry. To the 
 invafions of the Barbarians, they opppfed the 
 civil wars and the profcriptions ; to the fre- 
 quent dcftructions, whether of Antioch, or 
 Edeffa> or Conftantinopk, &c. &c. they com- 
 pared the remarkable eruption of Vefuvius, 
 during the reign of Titus. Saint Auguflin^ 
 drawing all his arguments from his religion, 
 wrote his elegant trearife, de dvitate Dei, in 
 which he proves, that the kingdom of God 
 was not to be made manifelt in this world. 
 Paulus Orofms alib compofed his cold and 
 tirefome chronicle, in which, however inac- 
 curate his relation of the principal hiftorical 
 facts may prove, he hath but too wellfuc- 
 ceeded, in convincing us, that, of all creatures, 
 human beings have conftantly been the mod 
 unfortunate. 
 
 Every one, the lead acquainted with hif- 
 tory, mud recollect, that no ages were more 
 fertile in difafters, than the ages which filled up 
 the intervals, between the firft invafion of the 
 Barbarians, and their abfolute eftablifhment 
 in the country which they had conquered. 
 But it is eafy to perceive, that in order to 
 follow the plan, which we have adopted, it 
 13 neceffary, that we mould remove to a 
 Z 4 diftanccs
 
 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 diftance from our obfervations, all phyficai 
 events, fuch as earthquakes, famine, conta- 
 gions, &c. and the greater part of political 
 incidents, fuch as the unfortunate fuccefles 
 of war, the mifconduct of generals, the 
 want of difcipline amcngft troops, &c. In- 
 deed, there is every reafon to believe that, 
 whatsoever religion might have prevailed, 
 throughout the Roman empire, the effemi- 
 nacy of the people, the licentioufnefs of the 
 foldiers, and the defpotifm of the emperors, 
 mull fooner, or later, have drawn it cr to- 
 wards its deftruftion. But, the power of re- 
 ligion, embracing, as it were, the majority 
 of civil and moral actions, it may be afked, 
 whether, fmce the eftablimment of Chriftia- 
 nity, mankind have been more venuous, 
 and more happy ; whether fovereigns have 
 been lefs covetous, and lefs fanguinary; 
 whether the people have been more fubmif- 
 five, and more quiet ; whether crimes have 
 been lefs numerous, and punifhments lefs 
 cruel ; whether the progrefs of war hath been 
 conducted with more humanity, and whether 
 treaties have been more fcrupuloufly ol> 
 ferved ? 
 
 We
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 377 
 
 We could wifii, not for the honour of 
 Chriftianity, which cloth not (land in need of 
 human confideration, but for our own fatif- 
 faction, that we were able toanfwerin the af- 
 firmative , but the too ftriking appearances 
 of truth, and the too authentic and univer- 
 fally known records of hiftory, rile up in ab- 
 folute oppofition to our defires. 
 
 In the bofom of the church, the errors of 
 Dotiatus and Arius poifoned the firft feeds of 
 the faich ; bifhops were in arms againft bi- 
 mops : the people efpoufed thefe quarrels, 
 with a degree of fury ; the temples, and the 
 bafilics were difputed, iword in hand, and 
 fprinkled with the blood of the citizens ; 
 odious accufations and atrocious calumnies 
 were reciprocally fcattered abroad by the 
 chiefs of each party, whilil thefe fanatics tore 
 one another in pieces, with a ferocity, which, 
 to borrow the exprefiion of a contemporary 
 author, furpaflcd even the ferocity of wild 
 beafts.(/0 The firft emperor/ 0J educated 
 in the principles of Chr.iftianity, introduces 
 
 his 
 
 1 
 
 (a) Nullas infeilas hominibus beftias ut funt fibi 
 ferales plerique Chriliianorum. Ammian. Marcellni. 
 
 1. 22. 
 
 (o) Cotiftantius,
 
 37$ 
 
 his reign with the murder of his uncle, and 
 of his firft coufm. He madly throws himfelf 
 into the party of the jfrians, whilft, at one 
 moment, a bloody perfecutor, and at another 
 moment, an ignorant conciliator, he either 
 deals out his orders for executions, or afiem- 
 bles councils. The bifhops, perpetually 
 hurried, from place to place, abandon, for 
 idle controverfies, the care of their flocks -, 
 \vhilft the provinces, drained by the expences 
 of thefe journies, become at length fcarcely 
 able to defray them. 
 
 The fame iniquity, the fame injuftice pre- 
 vailed throughout the civil adminitlration. 
 A jealoufy, equally extravagant and cruel, 
 became the leading principle of the govern- 
 ment. Informers infefted the provinces, nor 
 did their fuperiors blum at having eflablifhed 
 them as a body, and given them a particular 
 rank.(/>) The adminiflradon degenerated 
 into a barbarous inquifition ; punishments 
 were inflicted with additional cruelty ; cri- 
 minals were burn^ for flight offences , the 
 
 faith 
 
 (p) Such were the Curiofi, a fet of officers, who, 
 in the quality of infpeftors, or fpies, were fent into all 
 the provinces; their number is faid to have 
 to fifteen thoufand.
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 379 
 
 faith of treaties was no longer kept facred ; 
 kings were affaffinated in the very midft of 
 peace, and even during the convivial joy, 
 with which they celebrated their feftivals -,(^) 
 public morals became more and more 
 corrupted , ennuchs, the vile inftruments of 
 the moil abominable pleafnres, were ap- 
 pointed generals and prime minifters , the 
 expences of the table, and the luxury of the 
 
 court, 
 
 (q) Valens., by the bafefl aft of treachery, accom- 
 plifhed the murder of an Armenian king, who had 
 always been attached to the Romans. Valentinian or- 
 dered that Gabznius, king of the Quadi, Jhould be af- 
 fafllnated, at a feafL Valentinian the fecond, jealous 
 of the great increafe of the Goths, whom. the emperor 
 Valens had quartered, within the provinces of the em- 
 pire, iffued a proclamation, to inform them that, if, 
 on a certain day, they fhould afTemble in the capital of 
 their refpeftive provinces, each individual would re- 
 ceive a new diftribution of lands. Seduced by hopes, 
 thefe unfortunate wretches did aflemble, and were all 
 put to the fsvord. 
 
 The barbarity of Falens, having been mentioned in 
 the beginning of the note, it may not, here, be impro- 
 per to introduce an example, at once ridiculous and 
 dreadful, ofthcfe violent exceffes, to which the timid 
 and ignorant fuperllition of this emperor was capable 
 of driving him. An impudent imporlor, pretending 
 to have difcovered, by his fkill in magic, that fome 
 particular perfon, the two finl fyllables of whofe name, 
 
 were
 
 3 So ANESSAYON 
 
 court, were, at once, boundlefs and abfurd ;(r) 
 the laws, by being multiplied without 
 end, were equal proofs of the depravity of 
 the government, and the vvickednefs of the 
 people : in fhort, every thing was altered , 
 every thing was corrupted , even the difci- 
 pline of the armies, and the intrepidity of the 
 foldiers, were difordered and extinguimed : 
 thus, the deftruclion of whole generations, 
 became the only remedy againft the evils, 
 which afflicted the earth ; in like manner, as 
 the fetting fire to the thorns and briars, 
 which over-run neglecled fields, proves the 
 fole mean of obtaining a new and advan- 
 tageous harveft. 
 
 Whilft 
 
 were Tbeod, was deftined to be the next fucccfTor to 
 the throne, Valens ordered all to be maflacred, whofe 
 appellations were introduced by thefe letters. The 
 reader may judge how general fuch a carnage mail have 
 been, when he hath recolleded, that it was ex- 
 ceedingly common, during that and the two pre- 
 ceding centuries, for men to aiTume a name, feme 
 part of which alluded to the Greek word, fignifying 
 God. K. 
 
 (r) It is well known that Julian, foon after he be- 
 came emperor, concluded the barber, on his entrance 
 into the room, to be one of the great lords cf his 
 court ; and being informed of the wages, which this 
 fervant received, he difcovered that th.y were fiif- 
 10 inrir.tnin more than aa hundred perfocs.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 381 
 
 Whilft we are painting this* melancholy 
 picture, the affecting ftrokes of which are 
 not heightened beyond reality, we anxioufly 
 wifh to remove, from the reader, every occa- 
 fion of fufpecting, that we have the fmallefl 
 intention of attributing to chriftianity thofc 
 diforders againft which we have exclaimed. 
 Far from harbouring fuch an idea, our only 
 aim is to prove, that the misfortunes of the 
 times did not permit religion to procure, 
 for mankind, an happier fituation in this 
 life. Perhaps, even this very religion be- 
 came a new fource of evils; for, as the pureft 
 aliments are apt to grow corrupted, in bodies 
 attacked by difeafes, fo the moft facred 
 tenets of the faith are frequently converted 
 into the inftruments of the moft fhocking 
 difafters. Of all the enemies of human na- 
 ture, the moft modern and the moft cruel 
 enemy is intolerant perfecution, which, fol- 
 lowing religion in her progrefs, ftep by ftep, 
 extended itfelf, as me extended, and im- 
 fheathed the fword wherefoever the voice of 
 zeal had propagated the word. 
 
 If we fix this epoch at the origin of that 
 empire, which the Chriftian religion hath 
 maintained ever fince, it is no: bccaufe, in 
 
 the
 
 382 ANESSAYON 
 
 the courfe of our reflections we had not 
 before obferved fome feeds of thefe dreadful 
 principles. A fingle nation, amongft the 
 multitude of nations, which have appeared 
 upon the furface of the globe, might be fuf- 
 ficient to furnim us with inftances of the 
 mod bloody a6ts ; if the Jewifh people, who 
 confidered their government in the light of 
 a perpetual infpiration, could ferve as an ex- 
 ample, in the prefent cafe, where an intole- 
 rant fpirit was exerted, folely, againft ab- 
 ftrafted and fugitive dogmas. 
 
 It is more eafy to comprehend, how na- 
 turally a people conclude themfelves obliged 
 to exterminate all thofe, who worlhip fuch 
 deities, as may have been fet up, in oppofi- 
 tion to their own God, than to explain how 
 the fire and the fword can be employed to 
 compel perfons to exprefs the idea of confu'b- 
 Jiantiality^ by a letter more, or a letter 
 lefs.fjj It is not, therefore, without reafon, 
 
 that 
 
 ( ' s) 'o^osVioj, cr 'o/xsj-ioj. fo, probably from an 
 error in the prefs, are thefe words printed ; whilft 
 I write this note, the authorities to which I could wilh 
 to refer, are not at hand ; but if I can trutt my me. 
 mory, the two terms are 'o^oaVioj, which defcribed 
 the confubftantiality of Chriil with God, according to 
 
 the
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 383 
 
 that the origin of this intolerant fpirit, in 
 matters of opinion, hath been fixed at the 
 fame epoch, with the propagation of chrifti- 
 anity, throughout the empire. 
 
 It may, perhaps, be objected, that the 
 Pagan emperors were the firft emperors who 
 afforded an example of perfecution ; but when 
 a madman, a furious wretch, like Nero, di- 
 rected his tyranny againft the Chriftians, he 
 could, at leaft, have pleaded in his vindica- 
 tion, that he confidered them in the light 
 of innovators and as rebels, who refufed to 
 fubmit to the ancient and eftabliJhed laws ; 
 for, until that period, the mode of public 
 worlhip had compofed a part of the legif- 
 lation j and the Jews, or the Chriftians, 
 (Jews and Chriftians, being at that time, 
 equally the fame to the heathens) were the 
 firft who determined not to conform to the 
 public rites. Any perfon, refufing to fwear 
 by the Genius of the emperor, was deemed 
 guilty of high treafon, and this is an article, 
 
 which 
 
 the full meaning of the Unitarians, and 'o//.oiaVw<, a 
 phrafe by which the Semi-Arians exprefTed their opi- 
 nion that the Son was indeed fimilar to the Father in his 
 eflence, ye: not by nature, but by a peculiar pri- 
 vilege. K.
 
 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 which mould be thoroughly enquired into, if 
 we defire to become acquainted with every 
 circumftance, relative to the firfl perfecu- 
 tions. But, to inflict the moft horrid punifli- 
 ments, in order to fix the decifion of queftions, 
 which were rather grammatical, than theolo- 
 gical; to deftroy with fire and the fword, 
 thofe who invoked the fame Supreme Being, 
 who obferved the fame ceremonies, and re- 
 verenced the fame authority, befpeaks a 
 madnefs, till then unparalleled, and which 
 fprang, in the Roman empire, from the ty- 
 ranny of the emperors, and the ambition of 
 the bimops. 
 
 Let us be juft, and remove from the mi- 
 niflers of the gofpel a part of thofe re- 
 proaches, with which they have been af- 
 perfed. I affert it, with fatisfaftion, and I 
 know not why the apologifts for chriftianity 
 have not afferted it before me ; this barba- 
 rous and intolerant fpirit, thefe fcandalous 
 and atrocious difputes are indebted, for no 
 inconfiderable part of their origin, to the pe- 
 culiar characterise' of the Greeks^ to that un- 
 happy pafllon, which this nation had intro- 
 duced, for empty dialectics, and frivolous 
 fophifms. Whatfoever may be the caufe, 
 
 it
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 385 
 
 it was not, until the Chriftian emperors began 
 to reign, until even the moft revered princes, 
 fuch as Conftantine, and Tbeodofius had af- 
 cended the throne, that the fentence of the 
 laws was, for the firft time, exprefied in 
 ihele terms : " if any perfon, whatfoever, 
 fliould dare to offer facrifices in the temple, 
 let him be exterminated by the avenging 
 
 fword We command all men, 
 
 upon pain of death, to believe, that one God- 
 head exifteth, in three Perfons, &c. &c.'YO 
 
 Thus, from the firft appearance of herefies, 
 that is from the sera, at which theology began 
 to fupply the place of morality, mankind, 
 
 VOL. L A a already 
 
 (t) Placuit omnibus locis, atque urbibus univerfi 
 
 claudi templa Quod fi quis aliquid forte hujus- 
 
 modi perpetraverit, gladio ultore fternatur. Cod. 
 
 Teod. c. 10. 
 
 If, in the midft of fo much atrocious barbarity, any 
 thing ridiculous could extort a fmile, no words have 
 a better claim to it than the following, extracted from 
 
 a law made by Conftanthts : ceflet fuperftitio 
 
 &c. Nain qui contra legem divi parentis noftri, ec 
 hanc noftn-e manfuetudinis juffionem aufus fuerit facri- 
 cium celebrare, competens in eum vindida, et praefens 
 
 fententia exerceatur &c. It is as if he had 
 
 faid : if any fhould prefume to tranfgrefs the orders, 
 iffuing from our moft mild and moft benevolenc 
 perfon, it is our will that he be immediately ftrangied.
 
 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 already condemned to, fubmit to the yoke of 
 vmjuft matters; laden with taxes; difturbed 
 in the enjoyment of their property; and har- 
 rafied by war, and all its attendant calamities, 
 perceived themfelves, on a fudden, expofed 
 to a new fpecies of tyranny, which, pene- 
 trating within the moft fecret recefles of the 
 human heart, fcatters through the faculties of 
 the foul, the fame dilbrders and afflictions, 
 which civil defpotifm fpreads through all our 
 exterior relations. Thus, from the meetings 
 of the Nicene council, down to the repeal of 
 the edict of Nantes^ every dungeon was filled 
 with victims ; fcaffolds were continually erect- 
 ed ; and the blood flowed in ftreams, to con- 
 folidate, by the feeble efforts of humanity, the 
 work undertaken by the Son of God Himfelf. 
 Another inconvenience refulting from this 
 fanatic and exclufive fpirit, is the deftruction 
 of all critical investigation. This is abfolutely 
 to extinguifh the torch of hiftory. Truth 
 and certainty are the moft likely to be our 
 guides, when we direct our refearches up to 
 thofe ancient, but obfcure records of the pad 
 ages. In the place of Xenophon> of Livy, of 
 Polybius, and of Tacitus,- refpectable citizens, 
 whofe boibms glowed with the vertnes of 
 
 every
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 387 
 
 every sera, and every country, we only find 
 a fet of party-writers, who relate fads, with 
 no view, but to fupport particular opinions. 
 The annals, even the calendars, are facrificed 
 to polemical difputes, and the memorials of 
 thefe miferable times are no more than fo 
 many infipid cafes. 
 
 Amongft a multitude of hiftorians, who 
 have been either the extravagant panegyrifts, 
 or the bitter fatyrifts of their princes, ac- 
 cording to their having merited commend- 
 ation, or invective, from their particular fects, 
 but two Pagan authors have prevailed over 
 the efforts, which were uied to deftroy their 
 works, Zofimus? an hiftorian not much endued 
 with elegance or judgement, is fometimes 
 led away by that fpirit of party, which equally 
 animated the idolaters, againft their antago- 
 nifts j but his hiftory hath frequently ferved, 
 as a guide, to the difcovery of a great number 
 of facts, and the abridged and precife man- 
 ner, fo confpicuous in his writings, leaves no 
 room to imagine, that his principal view was 
 to throw an odium upon the Chriftians. It 
 were to be wiflied, that our modern compilers, 
 who abide by his authority, in the other parts 
 -of his work, were not fo ready to reject that 
 A a 2 authority,
 
 3 88 AN ESSAY OKf 
 
 authority, whenfoever he condemns the con- 
 duct of thofe perfonages, whom they have 
 taken under their protection. tfbtodofius, in- 
 deed, the hero of the catholic authors, hath 
 met with no favour at his hands. He de- 
 fcribed him as a prince, funk in luxury and 
 effeminacy ; whilft the ecclefiaftical writers 
 fpeak of him, as uniting the character of a 
 great man, with the character of an illuftrious 
 faint. But, although thefe laft hiftorians have 
 taken care to acquaint us, that he frequently 
 humbled himfelf before the clergy, and pub- 
 licly afierted, that Amhrofms had fully con- 
 vinced him, how fuperior a bi/hop was to an 
 emperor? yet they have not produced any ne- 
 gative proofs againft the imputations of 
 Zofimus. That Tbeodofms waged war, with 
 intrepidity and fuccefs, cannot be denied: 
 but, hath the flattery of hiftorians been able 
 to conceal that excefiive indolence, which 
 made him fo long defer the moment of en- 
 tering into action ? and doth not this ob- 
 fervation agree with that paffion for pleafure 
 and yoluptuoufnefs, of which he is accufed 
 by Zofimus? May not, alfo, his behaviour to 
 Maximus, be taxed with diflimulation, or ti- 
 midity ? confidering this impoftor, as a rebel, 
 
 and
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 389 
 
 and a regicide, mould he have admitted his 
 title of emperor, or have fuffered the ftatues 
 of fo flagitious a wretch, to be creeled near 
 his own ftatues ? if, on the contrary, Tbeo- 
 dofius felt himfelf obliged by policy, to treat 
 as an emperor, the man whom armies and 
 iuccefs had crowned, ought he to have made 
 fecret and infidious preparations for attack- 
 ing him ?( u) or, was itjuft. after he became 
 the arbiter of his fate, to order that he mould 
 be executed, as a rebel ? again, when Eu- 
 genius^ a new ufurper, a new accomplice of 
 another regicide/*,) fent ambafladors to wait 
 upon him, mould he have received them fo 
 gracioufly ? ihould he have lavifhed fuch 
 A a 3 prefents 
 
 (u) Theodojius, to deceive Maximus, appeared bufied 
 in the equipment of a large naval force ; Maximus fell 
 into the fnare, and, the more effectually to refill the 
 pretended attacks of Theodofius, embarked the greater 
 part of his troops. It was then, that Theodojius threw 
 afide the mafk ; and marching towards Maximus, with 
 a powerful army, attacked and defeated him. It hath 
 been afierted, but how jullly is difficult to determine, 
 that Theodofius, touched with his misfortune, would have 
 fpared his life; and that the foldiers, who judged him 
 unworthy of fo much clemency, flruck off his head. K. 
 
 (x) Arbogaftes, who caufed Valentinian to be ftran- 
 gled, and then faluted Eugenius, an obfcure wretch, 
 and once a fchoolmafter, with the title of emperor. K %
 
 390 AN ESS A YON 
 
 prefents on them, at their departure, and 
 (hortly afterwards, have marched againft their 
 matter, in compliance with the advice of 
 John the Solitary, and the commands of Saint 
 Philip^ and Saint John the Evangelift, who, 
 although they had never borne arms, at any 
 period of their lives, did, notwithftanding, 
 make themfelves known to him, by appear- 
 ing, like the Diofcuri, under the form of two 
 beautiful knights, caparifoned from head to 
 foot. I fhall pafs by the maffacre of T'bejfa- 
 lonica, a maffacre concerted with fo much 
 barbarity, and executed by fo deteftable a 
 treachery : we muft not dwell on this atro- 
 cious circumftance. All hiftorians unite in 
 defcribing it, as a fortunate event, fmce it 
 proved the occafion of prefentmg to the 
 Chriftian world a more confoling fpectacle ; 
 an emperor humbling himfelf in the prefence 
 of a bilhop :(y) but I cannot avoid obferving, 
 
 that 
 
 (y) Aiabrojtus refufing to rsceive Theodojlus, within 
 the pale of the church, until he had undergone a public 
 penance, anjd the contrite ernpercr implicitly fubmit- 
 ting to the injunctions of the bifhop, muft,. undoubt- 
 edly, have proved a great occafion of triumph, amogft 
 the Chriiiians ; but comforting as the humiliating atone- 
 ments
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS, 391 
 
 that from the conflagration of Rome, as or* 
 dered by Nero, if Nero really was the author 
 of that calamity, and the (laughter at Alex- 
 andria, under Caracalla, hiftory hath not fur* 
 nifhed us with any inftance of a cruelty, at 
 once fo odious, and fo criminal. 
 
 We have already fpoken concerning the 
 judgement, which Zojimus hath pafied on 
 Conftantine. Thefe two examples may ac- 
 count for the endeavours, which the eccleft- 
 artical authors have ufed, to weaken the cre- 
 dit of his writings. (z) True criticifm, more 
 A a 4 circumfpecl:, 
 
 ments of fuch a tyrant might be thought, they were too 
 dearly purchafed, with the deltruftion of fcven thoufand 
 human creatures ; for fo many, at lead, were Slaughter- 
 ed at The/ahnica. K. 
 
 (z) That the reader may be the better enabled to 
 judge, whether the cri icifm of Zofimus be abfolutely 
 contemptible, it may be proper to tranfcribe what he 
 hath written, concerning the Monks. Speaking of the 
 troubles excited at Conftantinople, on account of Saint 
 John Chryfoftom, he faith : " the city was expofed tp 
 tumults, and the Chriftian chdrch was already in the 
 power of thofe, whom they call Monks. Thefe are 
 men, who have renounced marriage ; and who, in- 
 habiting the country, and the cities, have given rife to 
 a clafs of individuals, equally ufelefs, and unfit, either 
 for war, or for any civil employment ; whofe only oc- 
 cupation, is the grafping at, and amafiing of immenfe 
 
 wealth^
 
 39* ANESSAYON 
 
 .circumfpeft, oppofes fuffrages to fuffrages, 
 fcrutinizes all the interefts, and paflions of 
 hiftorians, and wherefoever it doth not meet 
 with impartiality, fufpends its judgement. 
 
 Ammianus Marcellinus hath been treated 
 with more caution and refpect. This, in- 
 deed, was the beft expedient, to glofs over a 
 diflent from an author, whofe character, 
 whofe rank in the army, and whofe connec- 
 tions with the firft members of the ftate, are 
 all known j a citizen, who relates his facts 
 with perfpicuity, and that natural and irr- 
 genuous attachment, fo conftantly vifible, in 
 the writings of thofe, who have taken fome 
 part in the adminidrationof affairs ; in fhort, 
 a military man, whom we mould, without 
 hefitation, compare to Mr. de Feuquieres^a) 
 
 if 
 
 wealth, under a pretence of affuling the poor, whilft 
 they themfelves are the means of propagating mifery 
 and beggary." Who doth not perceive from this paf. 
 fage, how much Zofimus was blinded l>y prejudice, and 
 whatreafon there is to fafpcfl his judgement : 
 
 (a) The Marquis de Feuyuieps was a lieutenant-ge- 
 neral in the French army, during the reign of Lewis 
 the fourteenth. Kis memoirs were written for the in- 
 ftrudion of his fon. Of thefe an Englifh tranflation 
 was publiflied in 1737, forming two oclavo volume?. 
 They contain an account of the feveral operations of 
 
 the
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 if the erudition and the literature, which 
 have enriched his work, did not give him a 
 great advantage over the French author. 
 And yet this Marcellinus^ from whom all the 
 hiftorians have borrowed materials, even for 
 the leaft detail, is, at once, neglected, when- 
 foever he hazards any favourable expreffion, 
 in vindication of the Pagans, or of the em- 
 peror Julian. 
 
 The name of Julian is alone fufficient to 
 revive endlefs dilputes. This emperor, ap- 
 plauded 
 
 the war, of the fieges which were undertaken, and the 
 battles fought from 1672, to 1710. The military me- 
 rit of this officer may be called hereditary, and feems to 
 have defcended to him from his grandfather, and father, 
 ManafTes, and Ifaac de Pas, who were both defervedly 
 celebrated for their conduct and intrepidity. The mar- 
 tial genius of Anthony, the fubjeft of this note, hath 
 been honorably acknowledged, even by thofe com- 
 patriots whom he reviled. But whilft they did juftice 
 to his abilities, they were fo irritated by the feverity 
 with which he had attacked them, that it was hu- 
 moroufly obferved, that the Marquis muftbe the braveft 
 man in Europe, who flept in the very midft of a hundred 
 thoufand enemies. His work contains a lift of themif- 
 takes committed by the French generals. A propenfity 
 to cenfure hath fometimes feduced him into a mifrepre- 
 fentation of fnfts. Perhaps the lofs of a Marshal's ftaff 
 occafioned fuch reprehenfible paflages in a performance 
 where fomuch is to be admired. K.
 
 394 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 plauded to the fkies, by the enemies of the 
 Chriftian faith, hath appeared fo meritorious 
 in the opinion of a celebrated modern, that 
 he took the pains to write his hiftory, wherein 
 he labours to reftify and afcertain the ideas, 
 which the reader ought to form of h\m.(b) 
 It will, doubtlefs, be expected by thofe, 
 who were offended at the liberty, with which 
 we have fpoken of Ccnftantine, that Julian, fo 
 Striking a comraft to this prince, Ihould be 
 complimented with our panegyrics , for the 
 fpirit of calumny is continually apt to fufpect 
 every motive i and its natural malignity ea- 
 
 fily 
 
 (b) Unlefs I miftake, the modern alluded to, is Mr. 
 tie V. who, in the third chapter of his " Melanges 
 Philofophiques," fpeaks of Julian, as inferior only to 
 a fingle iudividual, if not the greateit.man, that ever 
 exifted. His affertion hath been attacked, and refuted 
 by Gauchat, Soret, and others. Were it irapofiible for 
 one of the moil penetrating writers that hath enlight- 
 ened any age, to be in the wrong ; a fimilar paffkge in 
 the " fpirit of laws" might give an irreMible weight 
 to the declaration of Mr. de V. but Montefquieu is not 
 without his errors, nor will all his readers conclude 
 him to be infallible, when they perufe this fentence. 
 " II n'y a point eu apres Julien de prince plus dignede 
 gouverner des hommes." . . . 1'Efprit des loix, 1. 24. 
 
 c. 10. V. la vie de Julien par 1'Abbe Blei- 
 
 terie. K.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. ,-95 
 
 fily fuggefts the artifice, which it fuppofes 
 peculiar to the objedts of its hatred. For 
 once* at lead, its conclufions will prove erro- 
 neous. Far from taking any lhare in this 
 diipute, we cannot avoid agreeing that both 
 parties have been influenced by a childifh 
 obftinacy, lefe humiliating, however, to 
 falfe zeal, than to philofophy ; fmce philo- 
 fophy fhould never affift reaibn with die arms 
 of fanaticifm. Such eagernefs toprecomze(c) 
 an emperor, who ftiled himfelf a philofopher, 
 feemed, if J may be allowed the expreflion, 
 the youthful folly of philofophy. In facl:, 
 this averfion from prejudices, this fpringing 
 forward towards the liberty of thinking, 
 which comes, after fo many ages, prepared 
 to enter its appeal againft fuch a multitude 
 of received opinions, cannot, amongft us, 
 be faid to boaft a very ancient origin j and 
 with thefe firft efforts of reafon, pafiion hath 
 been frequently intermixed. It was, cer- 
 tainly, a crime to perfecute the Pagans, and 
 
 to 
 
 ( c) Precotmizare, a term peculiar to the Roman Ca- 
 tholics, and alluding to the report ufually made in the 
 Popes confiftory, that the party prefented to a benefice, 
 is qualified for it. The expreffion, in this place, fig- 
 aifi.es " to beflow exceflive praife." K.
 
 396 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 to endeavour to fway their opinions, by the 
 feverity of punilhments -, but was it not 1 an 
 equal crime to opprefs chriftianity ? -were to- 
 leration, and liberty of conicience, the prin- 
 ciples which actuated Julian, when he 
 drenched the empire with the blood of 
 victims ; and when, a fanatic defender of 
 falfe deities, inftead of following, whilft he 
 was feated on the throne, the dictates of an 
 impartial philofophy, he prefented to the 
 world, in his own perfon, nothing more than 
 the pattern of a zealous heathen. I cannot 
 admire either the vertues, which are too 
 flrongly tinged with imitation, or heroes 
 formed only after models. It is difficult to 
 determine, what character of the comedian 
 is the mod prevalent in the mind of Julian. 
 At one moment, it is Marcus Aurelius, a 
 another moment, Trajan, and then Alex- 
 ander, whom he is fo eager to copy. This 
 effort is equally confpicuous in his vertues, 
 and his abilities. All his actions are con- 
 certed, all his defigns are borrowed from an- 
 cient examples, and all his compofitions are 
 grounded on the compofitions of his own 
 times. The Myfopogon is not the work of an 
 emperor, but the work of a fophifl : his pa- 
 negyrics
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 397 
 
 ttegyrics are not fuch as a C<efar fhould have 
 pronounced, but fuch as a Rhetorician would 
 have written. During the war of .the Gauls, 
 he feems to have ftriven to copy Julius Casfar ; 
 during the Perfian war, he appears to have 
 imitated the confidence and intrepidity of 
 Trajan , but then, what confiftency fhall we 
 difcover in this medley of philofophy and 
 devotion? in morals, he was a ftoic, in the 
 temple, an idolater, and in his clofet, an un- 
 worthy platonift, who fought to corrupt the 
 doctrine of this feel, by debafmg it with the 
 allay of magic. 
 
 But if we thus fearlefsly treat with fo much 
 rigour one of the greateft princes, who 
 adorned the lower empire, howjuftly, at the 
 fame time, ought we to exclaim againft that 
 bitternefs, with which he hath been calum- 
 niated by the ecclefiaftical hiftorians ? what 
 dependancc can we place on their judgment, 
 when after having canonized Conftantine, 
 the murderer of his wife and fon, they rail 
 at Julian, with the moft indecent fury, exert- 
 ing every poffible effort to fix upon his cha- 
 racter an imputation of crimes, too atro- 
 cious to gain credit, even although they had 
 been attributed to Caligula, and to Nero ? 
 
 in
 
 ANESSAYON 
 
 in this inftance, we perceive, how zeal over- 
 leaps all bounds, and to what blind and in- 
 confederate excefles the emotions of hatred 
 may be driven. Thefe, notwithftanding, are 
 the very authors who ferve us as guides in 
 ecclefiaftical matters, and whofe opinion we 
 ftill frequently follow in profane hiftory. 
 Having premifed this, it is not without ap- 
 prehenfions, that we introduce the names of 
 Socrates^ Sozomenes, and Theodoret-, to thefe 
 writers are we indebted for a multitude of 
 exceedingly instructive facts, the authority 
 of which might admit of a retrenchment of 
 fome part of that confidence, wherewith they 
 were received. And here, I muft beg leave 
 to remark, that thefe facts have, by a fingular 
 good fortune, maintained an higher decree of 
 credit, the more the authors who tranfmitted 
 them, have been neglected. The reafon of 
 this is very plain. It is impoflible to meet, 
 in the original, with any fact, or probable 
 event, which is not either preceded or fol- 
 lowed by fuch abfurd tales, as foon deftroy 
 all that reliance which we might be fuppofed 
 to place on the teftimony of the author; 
 whereas in compilations, or in the modern 
 abridgements, great care hath been taken to 
 
 reject
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 399 
 
 reject whatfoever was fabulous, and to prc- 
 ferve only thofe details, in which the leaft 
 rifle feems to have been run, at the expence 
 of veracity. For example, the hiftorians 
 who have written, fince the time of Ammanus 
 Marcellinus, perceiving that he took notice of 
 an earthquake, whicb retarded the works, 
 carried on to accomplifli the rebuilding of the 
 temple of Jerufalem, have chofen from the 
 three authors-, whom we have juft mentioned, 
 every credible circumftance, in the wonder- 
 ful relation, which they have tranfmitted to 
 us , and having availed themfelves of thefe, 
 they thought proper to add, that they were 
 fafts confirmed by Ammianus Marcellinus, a 
 Pagan writer. I muft confefs that there was 
 a time, when, relying on the credit of mo- 
 dern authors, I believed that Ammiamis Mar- 
 celiinus had afierted, that the emperor Julian, 
 having ordered the temple to be rebuilt, the 
 work was afterwards interrupted by the in- 
 terpofition of a miracle , and this appeared 
 to me the lefs extraordinary, as I know that 
 the ancients are not fparing of prodigies. 
 The original reading, fo conftantly necefiary 
 to enable us to form a judgement, relative to 
 the events of the paft ages, hath abfolutely 
 
 un-
 
 400 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 undeceived me. This famous paflage, fo 
 often quoted, and yet fo feldom delivered 
 with fidelity, runs thus : " although the em- 
 peror was much bufied in accelerating the 
 preparations for his expedition, (againft the 
 Per/tans) he notwithftanding knew how to 
 divide his follicitude, and attention : neg- 
 lecting no circumflance which might tend to 
 immortalize his reign, he prepared to re- 
 build a formerly much celebrated temple, 
 which had been deftroyed during the con- 
 tinuance of the fiege of Jerufalem^ begun by 
 Vefpafian, and terminated by Titus. The 
 direction of this undertaking, to accomplifh 
 which immenfe fums were neceflary, had been 
 entrufted to Alypius, who formerly com- 
 manded in Britain. As this officer, afiifted 
 by the Prefect of the province, was fuper- 
 intending and vigoroufly encouraging the 
 operations, dreadful flames frequently ifluing 
 from the foundations, confumed the work- 
 men, and at length rendered thefe places in- 
 acceflible. The irruptions continuing, all at- 
 tempts to proceed were entirely given up"(d) 
 
 Here, 
 
 (d) Et licet accidentium varietatem follicita mente 
 precipiens, multiplicatos expeditionis apparatus fla- 
 
 grantis
 
 P V B L I C HAPPINESS. 401 
 
 Here, feveral reflections naturally prefent 
 themfelves : firft, no circumllance was lefs 
 extraordinary, at that period, than the cir- 
 cumftance of earthquakes attended by vol- 
 canos. At the fame aera, and in the fpace of 
 a, century, Conftantinople> Edeffa^ Antioch^ and 
 the majority of the cities of Afia Minor, 
 
 VOL. I, B b were 
 
 grantis fludio perurgeret, diligentiam tamen ubiquedi- 
 videns, imperiique fui memoriam magflitudine operum 
 geitiens propagare, ambitiofum quondam apud. Hie- 
 rofolymam templum, quod poft multa et interne civa 
 certamina obfiitcnte Vefpafiano, polleaque Tito a;gre 
 eft oppugnatum initaurare, fumptibus cogitabat immo- 
 dicis ; negotiumque maturandum Alypio dederat Antio- 
 chenii, qui olim Britannias curaverat pro prsefeftis. 
 Cum itaque rei idem fortiter inftaret Alypius, juva- 
 retque provincial rector, metuendi globi flammarum 
 prope fundamenta crebris affultibus erumpentes fecere 
 Jocum exuflis aliquoties operantibus in exceflum hoc 
 quo modo elemento deftinatius repellente cefTavit in- 
 certum. A<1 verbum e lib. 23 Am. Marcel, fol. Bo- 
 noniae, 1517. 
 
 The truth of this miracle hath been denied, and af- 
 ferted with equal obftinacy. The celebrated Bafnage 
 endeavours to weaken its credibility in his " hifloire des 
 Juifs, vol. 4. Againft this unbelieving author, and 
 his adherents, the over-bearing giant of literature, 
 William, lord bifhop of Gloucefter, hath appeared 
 within the lifts, and brandifliing his unconquerable Ju- 
 lian in his hand, hath at leaft filenced antagonifts whom 
 he could not convince. K.
 
 402 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 were deftroyed by earthquakes. Hiftoff 
 makes mention of feveral earthquakes, which 
 happened, even at Jerufalem. It is alfo well 
 known, that this country abounds with bi- 
 tumen, and that the conflagration of fo large 
 a city, and fo rich a temple, muft have pro- 
 duced much fulphureous, and inflammable 
 matter, which mie;ht take fire, at the flio-hteft 
 
 c* * o 
 
 communication with the air. Secondly, if 
 this event was accompanied by miraculous 
 circumftances, why did Ammianm Marcellinus, 
 a lover of the marvellous, as all the ancients 
 were, take fuch care to conceal them r it will 
 be anfwered that, nothing is more clearly to 
 be accounted for : Ammianus was a Pagan, 
 and fuch an event muft have proved a fub- 
 ject of endlefs triumph, to the Chriilian re- 
 ligion. To this it may be replied, that it is 
 very evident that no fuch effect was produced ', 
 and that fuppofing that our author, had not 
 been free from all partiality, one of thefe two 
 circumftances muft have been the cafe ; he 
 would either have entirely omitted the fact, 
 or have endeavoured to give it a different in- 
 terpretation , all which might have been very 
 eafy, fmce he could have oppofed a hundred 
 reafons to one reafon. " The Gods were ir- 
 ritated
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 403 
 
 ritated at perceiving preparations, wherewith to 
 ere ft a temple to the God of the Jews, a nation, 
 over whom they had triumphed, with fuchfignal 
 Juccefs, under Titus. But Heaven would not 
 fuffer the treafures, and the labour of the people, 
 to be facrificed, during fuch calamitous times, to 
 works, at once ufelefs, and oftentatious" Do 
 we not know that writers never feem to want 
 reafons, wherewith to explain the caufes of 
 events ? Ammianus did not, therefore, con- 
 fider this event, as a prodigy, neither had 
 any of his contemporaries embraced a diffe- 
 rent opinion, fince he hath taken no pains to 
 oppofe it, nor even deigned to drop the fmall- 
 eft reflection on the fubje<5l. Now, I think 
 that the indifference of one party, is, in ge- 
 neral, the ftrongeft evidence which can be 
 produced, againft the allegations of the other 
 party ; for, in fhort, with how little credit 
 foever, the convuljionnaires might be received 
 at prefent ; no author will ever write the 
 hiftory of our times, without making fome 
 remarks on what happened at the church of 
 Saint Medard, and even the fanatic perform- 
 ance of M**** hath been honoured with fome 
 refutations. But Sozomenes and Theodoret are 
 reputable authors ; and they enter into a full 
 B b 2 detail
 
 404 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 detail of this fact. Be it fo , but if the tefti* 
 mony of Sozomenes prove of fuch great 
 weight, we muft, then, believe in forcerers, 
 we muft imagine that magicians were able to 
 make the -demons appear before them, and 
 to command the oracles. (e) We muft alfo 
 fuppofe that Julian, the leaft fanguinary of 
 all the princes, ordered the bodies of the 
 women to be ripped up, that he might con- 
 fult their entrails; we muft be convinced 
 that the Sibyls have evidently mentioned the 
 myftery of the redemption, and alluded to 
 it in this line. 
 
 " O felix lignum in quo Deus ipfe pependit." 
 
 Neither 
 
 (e) It is to Sozomenes that we are obliged for the 
 childifh ftory of Julian, who is faid to have been intro- 
 duced into a cave, in order to confult the demons, and 
 to have made, on his becoming frightened, the fign of 
 the crofs, which occafioned them to difappear. This 
 author quotes a number of oracles, in favour of the 
 Chriftians ; and yet it hath been well known, at leaft, 
 ever fince the appearance of that famous differtation, 
 compofed by Mr. Vandale, and the excellent abridge- 
 ment of it by Mr. de Fontenelle, that the oracles never 
 were infpired by the demons : and that this whole af- 
 fair was nothing more than an impofition, carried oa 
 by the deteftable knavery of the prielts.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 405 
 
 (f) Neither is it to be doubted, that in 
 Judsea, a luminous crofs appeared, which 
 covered half the fky , and that another crofs 
 appeared, during the rebuilding of the tem- 
 ple of Jerufakm , and that the habits of the 
 labourers were covered with little ftars, which 
 abfolutely remained -fixed thereon, and feemed 
 as if they had been worked into the ftuff.^ 
 If the reader fhould prefer fbeodoret, he will 
 find that Julian^ when he quitted Gaul, in 
 order to give battle to Conftantius^ paffed by 
 a vine, the grapes of which had been already 
 gathered, and yet found it loaden with frelh 
 green bunches, having an infinite number of 
 little crofies, imprinted by the drops of dew, 
 upon their berries. It will be no great trouble 
 to open Socrates^ who hath advanced the fame 
 faft; and from whofe writings thefe authors 
 
 B b 3 have 
 
 (J) See his ecclefiaftical hiftory. b. 1 1. c. 5. 
 
 (g) The Chriltians of this period, were poflefled, even 
 to a degree of frenzy, with a notion that they faw 
 croffcs, in every place. When Theodofius ordered the 
 temple of Serapis to be pulled down, it was reported 
 that in demoliihing the walls, crofles were difcovered, 
 engraven on the greater part of the {tones : but x on a 
 clofer examination, it appeared that thefe engravings 
 rcprefented the Phallus. It is well known that the 
 Phallus was areprefentationof the mark of virility.
 
 406 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 have probably copied. The only difference 
 between Socrates and Sozomenes, is, that the 
 one afierts that the miracle wrought at Jeru- 
 falem, converted all the Jews ^ whilil the other 
 affirms, that not one of thofe Jews was either 
 ftricken with thefe prod gics, or diipofed to 
 embrace the religion of the Chriftians. 
 
 We fhall conclude this article wkh a re- 
 flection, which feems to have efcaped the no- 
 tice of the preceding critics ; namely, that 
 whether it arofe from the frauds practiied by 
 the people, who were enemies to drudgery, 
 and labour, or whether it proceeded from that 
 fuperftition, peculiar to unpolilhed minds., 
 in whofe ideas, the great and the marvellous 
 are fo eafily confounded, it frequently hap- 
 pened that important enterprifes were inter- 
 rupted by prodigies. I fhall only produce 
 one inftance taken from Dion. This author 
 relates, that whilft Nero was attempting to 
 divide the Ijlbmtu of Corinth, feveral phan- 
 toms appeared, and intimidated the work- 
 men. Thefe phantoms were, in fact, no- 
 other than the phantoms of fatigue, and im- 
 patience, but the writers of thofe times, were 
 cautious of making fuch a confeflion, for 
 then, a prodigy was of more confequence,.. 
 
 and
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 407 
 
 and in higher eftimation, than any natural, or 
 probable circumftance whatfoever.f^J As to 
 the reft, it would furnilh fuch little occafion 
 of triumph to the Chriftian religion, whether 
 this miracle happened, or not, that we can- 
 not reafonably be taxed with any ill intenti- 
 ons, in the courfe of this inveftigation. We 
 are not, in the prefent inftance, more cri- 
 minal than many refpeftable writers, who 
 have called in qneftion, the relation of the 
 miracles of the Ibeban Legion, and the La- 
 barum, whatever honour they might have re- 
 flected on Chriftianity. Judicious and dif- 
 cerning criticifms will always redound to the 
 advantage of truth ; they will increafe its 
 luftre, either by throwing it into its genuine 
 and molt brilliant light, or by feparating it 
 from all impure allay. 
 
 Bb 4 We 
 
 (b) How many ftories of apparitions, have rifen 
 out of the inventions of lazy, or felf-interefted do- 
 meftics? even amongft the troops, fuch relations have 
 been known to gain credit, and abfolutely elude the 
 vigilance, and difcernment of the chief officers. It hath 
 frequently happened that the foldiers fatigued and nar- 
 rated with having mounted guard, at fome inconvenient 
 port, have, at length, feduced others into a perfuafion 
 that it was haunted by a fpirit, and fo, concluded the 
 farce, by deferting their ftations.
 
 4o8 ANESSAYON 
 
 We fhall not enter into .the particulars of 
 thofe times, which fill up the interval, from 
 the death of Conftantine^ to the deftruclion of 
 the Weftern empire. The ravages of defpo- 
 tifm, fuperitition, and war, preyed equally 
 on the conquerors, and the conquered. The 
 ancient dates were driven to the laft ftage of 
 calamity. New nations, or rather Barbarians^ 
 as yet ferocious, as yet wandering through 
 the darknefs of ignorance ; without a country, 
 and without property ; now warriors, and now 
 travellers , at one moment crowned with vic- 
 tory, and at another moment funk in flavery ; 
 always agitated, and as conftantly, either 
 laden with adverfiry, or intoxicated with 
 {laughter, were, then, more aftonifhed at, 
 than charmed with their fuccefs. No enjoy- 
 ment followed their acquilitions, whilfl their 
 only happy hours were the hours of victory. 
 All the Barbarian princes, except Genferic y 
 fell by the hands of one another, andperifhed 
 miferably. 
 
 The motives for war, were, at that period, 
 the mod reasonable, which could have been 
 fuggefted in its juftification : and thefe mo- 
 tives were, on the one hand, the defence 'of 
 their country ; and on the other hand, the
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 409 
 
 neceffity of procuring a fubfiftence, and the 
 defire of enjoying an happier life, within a 
 milder climate. But this war became more 
 fanguinary than ever ; religion far from di- 
 miniming the horrors of it, had only given a 
 keener edge to the inveterate exertions of 
 hatred , fuch was the fpirit of party j fo in- 
 timately was it blended with ambition, and 
 all the fcourges of humanity. 
 
 It is not a little fingular that this sera of 
 guilt and madnefs mould have given birth 
 to excellent civil laws.(z) We may perceive, 
 that fome of the wifeft of thole laws were 
 inftituted by princes, who reigned in the 
 very midft of thefe troubles, and whofe 
 reigns were alfo but of fhort duration. (k) 
 
 When 
 
 (i) Valentinian the firft introduced a toleration aft 
 within his dominions ; we read in " 1'hiitoire du bas 
 empire," that this prince,, after having long meditated 
 on the part which might be the properett for him to 
 take, at length, gave the preference to the worft part. 
 This book hath been written, fince the beginning of 
 this century, 
 
 (k) Valentinian, whofucceeded the emperor Julian, 
 in February, 364, and died, in confequence of the 
 burfting of a vein, during a fit of pafiion, in November 
 375, did not reign quite twelve years. This prince, 
 perceiving the fordid habits of the ambaffadors of the 
 
 uciGi
 
 4 io AN ESSAY ON 
 
 When the perpetration of abufes was confined 
 to no limits, fuch regulations became necef- 
 fary. Thus, amidft epidemical diforders, 
 the fcience of phyfic acquires a greater de- 
 gree of perfection ; and thus, amongft ar- 
 mies, the knowledge of furgery is rendered 
 more unerring, and extenfive. The power 
 of the clergy was, at different times, made 
 fubject to particular reftriclions : the bold- 
 nels, and the iniblence of the monks were 
 fomewhat curbed by the Chakedonian coun- 
 '/,(/) and the unmarried women were for- 
 bidden to take the vows, until they had at, 
 
 tained 
 
 Quadi, a people too poor to purchafe apparel, and too/ 
 unpolifhed to underftand the propriety of drefs, ridicur 
 loufly imagined that their garbs had been affumed,. 
 with an intention to infult him, and thus facrificed 
 his life to the violence of rage. Valens, his brother 
 and aflbciate in the empire, had only reached the fif- 
 teenth year of his reign, when taking refuge after hii 
 defeat within a neighbouring houfe, he was fur- 
 rounded by the Goths, who, with the building, re- 
 duced the body of their enemy to afhes. K. 
 
 (/) They were made fubjeft to the jurifdiclion of 
 the ordinary, and forbidden to intermeddle in civil 
 affairs, and particularly in matters relating to the 
 finances. " Hift. da bas emp. 1. 33.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 4 n 
 
 tained to the age of forty. (m) Each city was 
 allowed its tribunes, or protectors, who, 
 under the title of defenfores^ undertook to 
 plead the caufes of the poor and oppreffed 
 citizens. () The emperors, alarmed at the 
 readinefs, with which they granted favours, 
 and privileges, directed that their conduct 
 fhould be fubmitted to the examination of the 
 magiflrates, and commanded thefe laft to pay 
 no regard to their orders, whenfoever they 
 did not appear ftrictiy conformable to the 
 eftablifhed laws. But fuch precautions which 
 ftill fubfift amongft the French, and are 
 ufeful under an abfolute form of govern- 
 ment,^) difcover an imperfection in the main 
 
 fpring 
 
 (m) This law was inftituted by Majorian, who made 
 a ridiculous decr.ee, obliging all widows who had no 
 children, either to marry again, or to give up the 
 half of their effeds, to their next heirs, ibid. 1. 34.. 
 
 () Under Valentinian, and Valens. 
 
 (<?) An ordinance pafled, during the reign of Lewis 
 the twelfth, forbidding the magiflrates to pay the 
 leaft regard to the " lettres de juffion," (letters con- 
 taining orders from tae chancellor, &c.J whenfoever they 
 fhould be found contrary to the laws of the monarchy, 
 and the public welfare. 
 
 With this edift, no unpleafing earneft of the fubfe- 
 oucnt felicity of his people, Lewis opened a reign, 
 
 which,
 
 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 fpring of the political machine, a defect in 
 the conftitution. Republics are ftrangers to 
 any thing like this : and it were perhaps 
 better that authority fhould reftrain its powers 
 of adminiftration, within certain bounds, 
 than that the difobedience of the magiftrates 
 fhould be connived at. The emperors alfo- 
 concerted meafures, to render travelling more 
 eafy. The roads were repaired , places of 
 accommodation were erected, at convenient 
 diftances, and relays were always kept in 
 readinefs, at the expence of the provinces. 
 
 At 
 
 which, could we throw a veil over his mercenary dif- 
 pofal of preferments, his unworthy proteclion of Alex- 
 ander the fixth, the worft Pope, and the worft man, 
 and his defertion of his allies, the Svvifs, approached 
 nearer than moft other reigns to the government of an 
 excellent father, over his fortunate children. In fpite 
 of fome difagreeable {hades, his picture, as drawn by 
 the rough pencil of Saint Gelais, is certainly a juft re- 
 femblance. *' II ne ccurut cncques du regne de nul des au~ 
 tres Ji ban terns qti'il a fait durant lejten." It is fcarcely 
 poflible for an Englifhman, who perceives even in a 
 rival ftatefuch multitudes deferving of a better lot, to 
 clofe this note, before he hath remarked, with equal 
 indignation and concern, that had the ordinance of 
 Lewis fubfifted in its full force, during the prefent pe- 
 riod, every Uttre de jujjion would have proved as .inlig- 
 pificant, as are the murmurs of the meaneft peafant^ 
 who languifhes under its oppreffions. K.
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 413 
 
 At this period, mankind had no idea of 
 the very interefting fcience of finances and 
 commerce. The neceffity of erecting an im- 
 paflable wall, around the frontiers, to prevent 
 the circulation of the national fpecies, through 
 foreign countries, was, then, univerfally ai- 
 fented to: and this opinion hath prevailed, 
 even till within thefe fifty years. Conftanfius 
 proclaimed a law, declaring that commerce 
 fhould be carried on, folely, by barter. It 
 provided that all foreign negociators, on 
 their arrival, within the empire, mould be 
 obliged to declare what fums of money, they 
 brought with them, in order that means 
 might be taken to prevent them, from adding 
 to thofe fums, previous to their return. The 
 fame law prohibited an exchange of the money 
 t)f the empire, for the money of any other 
 nation. It was not, at that time, known 
 that merchandize can command fpecies, and 
 that without liberty, neither commerce, nor 
 riches can exift. 
 
 As to the Barbarians, no fooner did they 
 acquire a degree of liability, before they 
 turned their thoughts towards a neceffary le- 
 giflation. They feem to have fncceeded even 
 Better than the emperors, whofe too compli- 
 cated
 
 4H ANESSAYON 
 
 cated laws were fomewhat infected with the 
 fubtlety of the Greeks. The Tbecdoridan 
 code was during a long time in force, in 
 Spain, and it may, in part, be difcovered in 
 the capitulars of Charlemagne. But this is a 
 fubject, on which we muft expatiate more 
 largely, in the courfe of the following chap- 
 ters, where ibciety will afiume a different af- 
 pect, and where we mail find a new order of 
 things, a new political, and moral fyftem. 
 In fact, the very exprefiion, feodal law, of 
 itfelf fufficiently announces the greatefl revo- 
 lution, which hath ever been effected upon 
 earth, and at once reveals to us the fcources 
 of all modern governments. It is time, there- 
 fore, that we take our leave of this celebrated 
 people, to whofe fway the univerfe fubmitted 
 and whofe ftate we have prefumed to make 
 the fubjecl of our obfervations. After having 
 feen them laborioufly extend themfelves 
 through the little territory of the Rcmagna^ 
 free themfelves from the yoke of kings, re- 
 duce nations under their own yoke, become 
 intoxicated with glory and fuccefs, fall into 
 that imbecility which fucceeds a delirium, 
 then, wear frefh chains, grow mortly more 
 mean, and abject, than they were once 
 
 haughty,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 415 
 
 haughty, and oftentatious ; and, to fill up 
 the meafure of infamy, yield to Barbarians* 
 the empire of arms, and to effeminate Greeks, 
 the empire of opinion, we, at length, find 
 them, fubmitting to the power of a Gotb* 
 and an Herulian.(p] 
 
 Before we turn our eyes afide from this 
 prodigious ruin, we muft lament, not that 
 fuch a feries of good fortune fhould have 
 been eclipfed, to leave behind it, only the 
 mod melancholy traces , but that a period of 
 'near twelve centuries affords no aera, at 
 which fo powerful a nation hath attempted to 
 clofe the wounds of humanity, by cherifning 
 the exiftence of public welfare and prof- 
 perity. We are not apprehenfive of aliening, 
 that all the long and brilliant career of the 
 Roman empire, cannot, to a philofopher, be 
 worth the times, which have elapfed in En- 
 gland, from the revolution, to the prefent 
 period ; but of this, we muft treat more 
 fully in the courfe of our work. We mail, 
 however, obferve, that as in the celeftial re- 
 volutions, the planets are confined to their 
 particular motions, fo, in political revolutions, 
 
 the 
 
 (p) Odoacer, and Theodoric.
 
 4i6 AN ESSAY ON 
 
 the capitals, the great cities are fubject, alfo, 
 to their deftiny, their peculiar fortune, which 
 either accelerates, or retards their deftruction, 
 which either overthrows, or fupports them. 
 But farther ; this particular chain of circum- 
 ftances is, according to all appearance, more 
 frequently advantageous, than detrimental to 
 them. Experience proves that, during thole 
 unhappy times, when military defpotifm rofe 
 upon the wreck of government, the great 
 cities always maintained a kind of liberty. 
 The reafon is, becaufe, however fpecious the 
 mafk which policy may have afiumed, force 
 alone prelerves the privilege of governing ; 
 becaufe a great number of men, ftrictly 
 united, become refpedtable j and becaufe the 
 multitude, or common people are always to 
 be dreaded ; efpecially, when deprived of re- 
 prefentatives, and protectors, they exprefs 
 their meaning only by tumultuous fhouts, 
 and act but by fome fudden, and wild aflault. 
 liven Rome was not reduced to this laft ftage 
 of power. She always enjoyed the fame order 
 of magiftrates -, and the credit of n.wnes, is 
 to a degenerated people, what the credit of 
 the magiftracy itfelf, is to a vertuous people. 
 Some remains of Ariftocracy maintained their 
 
 ground,
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 417 
 
 ground, in this metropolis of the world ; and 
 to thefe remains Paganifm was conftantly at- 
 tached ; all which fully confirms what hath 
 been before advanced, relative to the union 
 of this religion, with the Roman ariftocracy. 
 The Symmachi and the Pretextati revived the 
 memory of Cato, and of Cincinnatus. As to 
 the people, if they retained the leaft traces of 
 their ancient liberty, they were vifible in the 
 indifference with which they frequently treat- 
 ed the moft formidable emperors. The dif- 
 guft, which the furious Dioclefian conceived 
 at their behaviour, is well known. When 
 Cenjlatttitts, all covered with the blood of his 
 lubjecls, made his triumphal entry into Rome, 
 low tauntings, and ridiculous jefts were, ac- 
 cording to the ancient cuftom, levelled at 
 him, with impunity. This fplendid city was 
 yet filled with riches, when the Barbarians 
 pillaged it, for the firft time. Several authors 
 afTert, that many citizens were in pofleflion 
 of a revenue of above four millions j and 
 that fuch as were worth no more than a mil- 
 lion, or a million and an half, were placed 
 only in the fecond clafs of citizens. Thefe 
 indolent and opulent men imagined that the 
 enjoyment of pleafure was the fole end of 
 VOL. I. C c their
 
 4 i$ AN ESSAY ON 
 
 their creation -, and were contented to remain 
 as idle fpectators of the events of war, as 
 they were of the events of the Circus j with 
 this difference only, that in thefe laft events, 
 they feemed to feel themfelves rnoreinterefted. 
 Even the emperors had, during a long time, 
 accuftomed them to this luxurious effeminacy. 
 / go (faid Aurelius to them, in one of his 
 edicts) to fight the enemy : and I will take care 
 that the Romans JJ: all not fuffer the flight eft un- 
 eafmefs. Attend to your games. Frequent your 
 Circus. It is our part to conduct the -public 
 bujinefs. But you JJjould be entirely devoted to 
 pleafure.(q) It is eafy to conceive that in the 
 midft of fo much luxury, and effeminacy, 
 the public morals were daily degenerating. 
 Petronius and Lucian have made us fuffici- 
 ently acquainted with the parade and ex- 
 travagance, peculiar to the entertainments, 
 which were given in their times: but as Am- 
 mianus Marcellinus hath taken the pains to 
 defcribe the manners of the Romans, during 
 a lefs diftant period, namely, the age in 
 which he lived, the reader will, probably, be 
 
 pleafed 
 
 (q) Ego efficiam ne fit aliqua follicitudo Romana. 
 Vacate ludis, vacate Circenfibus ; nos publics necef- 
 fitates tcneant, vos occupentvoluptates. (Vopifcus.)
 
 PVBLIC HAP'PINESS. 419 
 
 pleafed if we prefent him with the whole 
 pafiage, as related in the fixth chapter of the 
 fourteenth book. 
 
 Were you, on your arrival at Rome, to be in- 
 troduced^ as a reputable foreigner, to an opulent, 
 or in other wards, a very ojimtatious man, your 
 firft reception would be accompanied with every 
 mark of politencfs -, after having been over- 
 powered by quejlions* to which it will be the 
 moft frequently neceffary to anfwer, by relating 
 fome extravagant ftories, you will become afto- 
 nijhed to find, that a perfon of fuch diftincJion^ 
 Jhould treat a fimple individual with fo re- 
 fpeBful an attention : nay, you will even be ready 
 to condemn yourfelf for not having vijited fo 
 charming a city, ten years fooner. . But if, en- 
 couraged by this obliging welcome, you Jhould re- 
 turn, on the morrow, to pay your compliment '/, 
 a Jir anger, dropped from the clouds, could not 
 be more flared at. Who is he ? and, whence 
 come? he ? would be circulated in ill-bred whif- 
 pers round the room. At length, however, 
 you will attain to the honour of being known, 
 find admitted on a familiar footing-, but yet, //, 
 after three years of ajjiduous attendance, you. 
 were to abfcnt yourfelf, for the fame fpace of 
 C c 2 time 9
 
 420 A N E S S A Y O N 
 
 time, you would not, on your return, be either 
 afked how you had been employed, or even told 
 that the lofs of your company was perceived. 'This 
 abfurdity is carried ftill farther, for, previous 
 to the giving of thofe entertainments, which are 
 fo long, and fo detrimental to health, it is a 
 matter of tedious deliberation, whether, exclu- 
 five of fuch guefts, as are entitled to invitations, 
 any ftr angers Jball alfo be ajked: and if, after 
 a full hearing, and on mature reflection, this 
 point be carried in the affirmative, then the 
 great adepts in all the laws of public games, 
 who never fail to mount guard at the houfes of 
 the charioteers belonging to the Circus, or perfons 
 the mofy injlrutled in the fcience, and the trick* 
 of play, are the only ftr angers deftined to be ad- 
 mitted. As to the men of learning, and vertue, 
 they are Jhunned, as the tirefoms and ufelefs 
 dijlurbers of fejlive mirth : nor doth it once- 
 employ their thoughts that the Nomenclatores, 
 accuftcmed to fell the favours of their mafters, 
 take care to invite to the feaft, and the dijlribu- 
 tions, only the moft obfcurt and inferiour indivi- 
 duals, from whom they can extort more money, 
 than from the others. 1 foall pafs Jlightly over 
 that fumptuous profufion, in their entertain^ 
 ments, and particularly thofe voluptuous refine
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 421 
 
 mints lately introduced, to take notice of the 
 ridiculous cavalcades, attending on cur oftenta- 
 tious, rich men, who amufing themfelves with 
 running peft, up and down tbe Jlreets, at the 
 ri/k of breaking their necks, on the pavement, 
 are followed by fuch a numerous train ofdomejiics, 
 that, to borrow the exprejjion of a comic writer, 
 they do not even leave the fool behind, to keep 
 houfe : however abfurd this diverfion be, the. 
 very matrons are not ajhamed to follow it, but 
 hurry through every quarter of the town, in open 
 litters* In thefe pompous procejjicns, nothing is 
 neglefted, and as the expert general, who mar- 
 foals his army, in a proper order of battle, 
 places his heavy infantry in the front line, his 
 light infantry in the fecond line, and his bow- 
 men in the rear, fo the mafter of the ceremonies, 
 bearing a wand in his hand, Jingles out all thofe 
 who are to have the honour of walking before 
 the triumphal car, and conjtantly obliges the 
 black tr'jop of cooks, fcullions, &c. to fall back 
 into the hinder ranks. Thefe, again, are fol- 
 lowed by the remaining number of footmen, and 
 by the Commenfales : the procejfwn is then clofed 
 by the eunuchs, a deformed multitude, who 
 teach us to execrate the memory of Semiramis, 
 tbat barbarous queen, who, frft violating the 
 
 law*
 
 422 ANESSAYON 
 
 laws of nature, filled this tender, hit iirpnt- 
 dent mother, with regret- for having too early 
 /hewn, in the generations which 'were fcarce 
 begun, the hope of future generations. In fuch 
 a ftate of manners, it will eajily be fuppofed, 
 that the few houfes, in which the fciemes were 
 formerly cultivated, are now only the receptacles 
 of vain and frivolous pkafures : fo that in the 
 place of orators, and philofophers, nothing is 
 heard from morning till night, except the Jound 
 of flutes, and the airs of the muficians* As to 
 the libraries, they are more Jhut up and more 
 abandoned than the fepulchres : dances, accom- 
 panied by wind injlruments are fubftituted ^n their 
 room : nay, to fo Jhameful a length have tbefe 
 indignities been carried, that when the famine- 
 had rendered it necejfary, to fend all foreigners 
 out of the city, the law was rigor oitjly put m 
 execution agalnjl every one of thofe ufeful men, 
 who were the inftruffors in liberal arts ; whilft 
 mimics, ft age players, and evsn three thousand 
 female dancers, with their whole band of mu- 
 Jicians and fingers, were fuffercd t$ remain- 
 within the capital. Wherefoever you turn your 
 eyes, you will,- c.lfo, perceive the women painted, 
 and rldlculoiifiy drcficd ; tbefe tire you more by 
 their continual dancing, than they fatigue them- 
 
 felvcs i
 
 PVBLIC HAPPINESS, 423 
 
 felws ; and thefe, bad they been married to 
 boneft men, might have fupplied the jiate with 
 an ufeful army of citizens. Rome was once 
 a fure afylum to every individual, who intro- 
 duced the arts and indujiry -, but now, afoolijb 
 and unaccountable vanity efteems every thing 
 vile, and abjeft, which ccmes from beyond the 
 Pomasrium. Imuft, however, except the tin- 
 married men, and fuch as have no heirs. befe 
 are loaden with refpeft and complaifance ; al- 
 though Another felfijh refinement makes us avoid 
 even the tender eft duties of humanity ; for the 
 moft terrible difeafes, raging within this capital 
 of the world, have occasioned a ftrift prohibition 
 of the leaft communication with thofe unhappy 
 wretches^ who are infetted with them : and if 
 YJ now cnftomary, not only to think it fufficient^ 
 if feme dome/lies be fent to thefe perfcns, to en- 
 quire of them any particular news, but to oblige 
 the meffenger to go through long ablutions before 
 he can be admitted, to deliver the anfwer. 
 How delicate thefe men are ! and yet, if you in- 
 vite them to a feaft, or offer them money, they 
 will run for you, even to Spoletum. Such are 
 the manners of the nobility : as to the common 
 people, they generally fp end tbe night in drinking 
 &jufes, or even in ths theatre^ under thofe 
 
 booths.
 
 424. AN ESSAY ON PVBLIC HAPPINESS. 
 
 booths^ the invention of which we owe to Ca- 
 tulus, who firft introduced at Rome the fe far- 
 fetched commodities^ which might better have 
 become Capua, than the city of Romulus. Mul- 
 titudes are intoxicated with a pajfion for gaming. 
 Others expofe them/elves^ during whole days t 
 to the heaty and the rain> to be the umpires 
 amongft the charioteers^ and decide on the events 
 of the Circus. Amidft futh frivolous engagements^ 
 is it pojjible that the Romans can ever be reafon~ 
 ably employed ? &c. &c. 
 
 ,ExD OF THE FIRST VOLUME.
 
 APPENDIX. 
 
 ADDITIONAL NOTES. 
 
 SECTION I. CHAPTER I. page 33. line 7. Thefe 
 pyramids, in vain intended to efcape the rage of rime, 
 are now mouldering into ruin. " When the monarchs 
 of Egypt erected fuch ftupendous mafles, for no other 
 ufe but to record their names, they little fufpecled 
 that a weed growing by the Nile would" 6ne day be 
 converted into more durable regifters of fame, than 
 quarries of marble, and granite." I am indebted for 
 this remark to Mr. Horace Walpole, one of thofe un- 
 common writers in whofe hands the pen of Hiflory 
 amufes the imagination, vvhilil it enlightens the under- 
 ftanding. 
 
 SECTION I. CHAPTER II. page 54. note (I). 
 " Diodorus Siculus affigns three millions of inhabitants 
 to Egypt ; a fmall number ; but then he makes the 
 number of their cities amount to eighteen thotlfand : 
 an evident contradiction." See Hume's efl'ay on the 
 populoufnefs of ancient nations, vol. 2. 3vc. p. 2:24. 
 
 SECTION I. CHAPTER II. page 57. r\vtc(l). I flatter 
 myfelf that the reader who hath no opportunity of con- 
 fulting the works of that celebrated political arithme- 
 tician, Sir William Petty, will not think me tref- 
 paiiing upon his time, whilft I prefcnthim with a quo- 
 tation, the fingularity of which may atone for its length. 
 " Here, I beg leave, among the feveral matters which 
 I intend for ferious, to intorpofe a jocular, and perhaps 
 vvhimiical digrcflion, and Which I indeed defire men to 
 look upon rather as a uream, cr refverie, than a rati> 
 onal propofition, the which is, that if all the moveablcs, 
 and people of Ireland, and of the highlands of Scotland, 
 were tranfported into the reit of (jreat Britain, that 
 then the king, and his fubjccts would thereby become 
 more rich, and llrong, both oflcnfively, anddefenfivdy, 
 than now they are."
 
 ( * ) 
 
 *' It is true that I have heard many wife men h? 
 when they were bewailing the vaft lofles of the English 
 in preventing, and fuppreffing rebellions in Ireland, 
 and confidering how little profit hath returned either 
 to the king, or fubje&s of England, for their five 
 hundred years doing, or fuffering in that eountry, I 
 fay, I have heard wife men, in fuch their melancolies, 
 wiih that the people of Ireland being faved, that if:and 
 were funk under water. Now, it troubles me that the 
 diilemper of my own mind in this point, carries me to 
 dream that the benefit of thofe wifhes may be obtained 
 pra&ically, without finking that vail mountainous 
 ifiand under water, which I take to be fomewhat dif- 
 ficult ; for although Dutch engineers may drain its 
 bogs, yet I know no artifts that could fink its moun- 
 tains. If ingenious, and learned men, amonglt.whom 
 I reckon fir Thomas More, and Des-Cartes, have dif- 
 puted that we, who think ourfelves waking, are, or 
 may be really in a dream ; and fince the greateft ab- 
 furdities of dreams are but a prepollerous, and tumul- 
 tuary contexture of realities, I will crave the umbrage 
 of thefe great men laft named, to fay fomething for 
 this wild conception, with fubmiflion to the better judg- 
 ment of all thofe that can prove themfehes awake." 
 
 " If there were but one man living in England, 
 then the benefit of the whole territory could be but the 
 livelihood of that one man : but if another man were 
 added, the rent, or benefit of the fame would be double, 
 if two, triple ; and fo forward until fo many men were 
 planted in it, as the whole territory could afford food 
 unto : For if a man would know what any land is 
 worth, the true, and natural queflion muft be, how 
 many men are there to be fed? but to fpeak more 
 praftically, land of the fame quantity, and quality 
 in England is generally worth four, or five times as 
 much as in Ireland, and but * or -j cf what it is worth 
 in Holland ; bccaufe England is four or five times 
 better peopled than Ireland, and but \ fo well as Hol- 
 land. And moreover, where the rent of land is ad- 
 vanced by reafon of a multitude of people, there the 
 number of years purchafe, for which the inheritance 
 may be fold, is alfo advanced, though perhaps no: in 
 the very fame proportion ; for zos. per annum in Ire- 
 
 land
 
 ( 3 ) 
 
 5and may be worth b\it 81. and in England, where titles 
 are very fure, above 20!. in Holland, above 30!." 
 
 I fuppofe that in Ireland, and the Highlands in Scot- 
 land, there may be about iSccooo people, or about | 
 part of what is in all the three kingdoms. Wherefore 
 thcfirJt qiiemon will be whether England, Wales, and. 
 the lowlands of Scotland cannot afford food, that is to 
 fay, corn, fift-, flelh, and fowl to f part more people 
 than are at prefent pi mtsd upon it, wi;h the fame 
 labour that the faid 4- part do now take where they are ? 
 for if fo, then what is propounded, is naturally poi- 
 fible. 2. It is to be enquired what the value of the im- 
 moveables which upon fuch removal rnuft be left behind, 
 are worth ? for if they be worth lefs than the advance- 
 ment of the price of land in England will amount unto> 
 then the propofal is to be confidered. 3. If the de- 
 'fcrted lands, and the immoveables left behind upon 
 them may be fold for money, or if no other nation 
 fliall dare meddle with them, without paying well for 
 them : --aad if the nation who ("hall be admitted mall be 
 lefs able to prejudice, and annoy the tranfplantees into 
 England, than before; then I conceive that the whole 
 propofal will be a ple:ifar.t, and a profitable drearri 
 indeed. 
 
 " As to the firft point, whether England, and the 
 lowlands of Scotland can maintain 4- part more people 
 than they now do, that is to fay, nine millions of fouls 
 in all ? for anfwer thereunto, I iirit fay that the faid 
 territories -of England, and tlie lowlands of Scotland 
 contain about 36 millions of acres, th; t is four acres 
 for every head, man, woman, and child; but .the 
 United provinces do not allow above i acre and -\ ; and 
 England itfelf refcinding Wales, hath but 3 acres to 
 every head, according to the prefent Hate of tillage, 
 and husbandry. Now, if we confidcr that England 
 having but three acres to every head as aforefaid, doth fo 
 abound in victuals, as that it maketh laws againft the 
 importation of cattle, flcfh, and filh, from abroad ; 
 and that the draining of fens, improving of forefts, in- 
 clofing of vommcns, fowing of Saint-foin and clover- 
 grafs be grumbled againit by landlords, as the way to 
 ileprefs the price of vicluaL, then it_plain!y follows 
 that lefs than three acres improved as it may be, will 
 ferve the turn, and confcquently that four will furfice 
 a. 2 ' abun-
 
 ( 4 ) 
 
 abundantly, I could here fet down the very number 
 of acres that would bear bread, and drink corn, to- 
 gether with flefh, butter, and cheefe, fufikient to 
 visual. 9 millions of perfons, as they are victualled in 
 fhips, and regular families : but (hall only fay in ge- 
 neral that twelve millions of acres, viz. of thirty-fix 
 millions will do it, fuppofing that roots., fruits, fowl, 
 and fifh, and the. ordinary profit of lead, tin, iron 
 mines, and woods would piece up any defect that may 
 be feared. 1 ' 
 
 " As to the fecond, I fay that the land, and houfingin 
 Ireland, aud the Highlands of Scotland, at the prefent 
 market r^tes are not worth 13 millions of money ; nor 
 would the actual charge of making the tranfplantation 
 propofed, amount to 4. millions more: fo then the 
 queftion will be, whether the benefit expected from, 
 this tranfplantation will exceed 17 millions." " To 
 which I fay that the advantage will probably be near 
 4 times the laft mentioned fum, or about 69300000!. 
 For if the rent of all England, and Wales, and the 
 Lowlands of Scotland be about 9 millions per annum, 
 and if the fifth part of the people be fupercdded unto 
 the prefent inhabitants, of thofe : countries, then the rent 
 will amount unto 10,800,000!. and the number of 
 years purchafe will rife from ly-r to j more, which is 21. 
 So as the land which is now worth but 9 millions per 
 annum, at ly-j years purchafe, making 157 millions 
 and -J, will then be worth 10800000!. at 21 years pur- 
 chafe, viz. 226,800000!. that is 69,300000!. more 
 than it was before." 
 
 " And if any prince willing to enlarge his territories, 
 will give any thing more than 6 4 millions, or half the 
 prefent value for the faid relinquished lands, which are 
 eiUmated to be worth 13 millions, then the whole profit 
 will be above 75,8oc,6col.or above four. times the lofs, 
 as the fame was above computed. But if any man 
 Ihall object that it will be dangerous unto England, 
 that Ireland ihould be in the hands of any other nation. 
 I anfwer in Ihort, thai: that nation, whoever ihall pur- 
 chafe it, being divided by means of the faid purchafe, 
 Ihall not be more able to annoy England, than now in 
 its united condition: nor is Ireland nearer England, 
 than France, or Flanders. 
 
 " Now
 
 ( 5 ) 
 
 " Now if any man fhall defire a more clear explana- 
 tion, how, and by what means the rents of lands fhall 
 rile by this clofer cohabitation of people above def- 
 cribed ? I anfwer, that the advantage will arife in 
 tranfplanting about 1800000 people from the poor, 
 and miferable trade of hulbandry, to more beneficial 
 handicrafts ; for when the fuperaddition is made, a 
 very little addition of hufbandry to the fame lands will 
 produce f more of food, and confequently the addi- 
 tional hands, earning but 405. per annum, (as they 
 may very well do, nay to 81. per annum) at fome other 
 trade, the fuperlucration will be above 3,600000!. per 
 annum, which at 20 years purchafe, is 70 millions. 
 Moreover, as the inhabitants of cities, and towns, 
 fpend more commodities, and make greater confump- 
 tions than thofe who live in wild, thin-peopled coun- 
 tries ; fo when England mail be thicker peopled in the 
 fame manner above defcribed, the very fame people 
 ihall then fpend more, than when they lived more for- 
 didly, and more inurbanely, and farther afundcr, and 
 more out of fight, obfervation, and emulation of each 
 other ; every man defining to put on better apparel 
 when he appears in company, than when he has no oc- 
 cafion to be feen." 
 
 " I further add that the charge of the government, 
 civil, military, and ecclefiaitical would be more cheap, 
 fafe, and effectual in this condition of clofer cohabita- 
 tion, than otherwife, as not only reafon, but the ex- 
 ample of the United provinces doth demonstrate." 
 
 With what juftice Sir William drew thefe obferva- 
 tions from the completion of affairs, towards the clofe 
 of the laft century, and whether they can in any manner 
 be applicable to the prefent times, the intelligent po- 
 litician mull determine. 
 
 SECTION I. CHAPTER V. Page 151. Note/*; The 
 commentaries on Polybius are ample teftimonies of the 
 military experience of the chevalier de Folard, an able 
 and intrepid officer. He had the honour of inilrufting 
 Marfhal de Saxe, and frequently foretold the luftre 
 which fo particularly diilinguifhed the riper years of 
 that hero. Such a pupil is the beft panegyric on the 
 pi after. The materials of his work are more excellent, 
 than the form, kito which they are thrown, is pleafing, 
 a 3 T " c
 
 ( 6 ) 
 
 The {tile is negligent, the reflexions are tco detached* 
 and the digndfions often long and needlefs. Yet his 
 talents were as eminent as hib vertues. It is a melan- 
 choly circumltance, that integrity and knowledge, 
 which ihould be the molt invincible fecurities againft 
 the abfurdities of fuperftition, are not conllantly fuf- 
 ficient to guard us from it. Folard enlifted among!! 
 the partifans for the miracles of the Abbe de Paris, and 
 therefore, the cardinal de Fleury, who perfecuted, when 
 he Ihould have pitied, prevented his advancement. 
 The other works of this writer are " Nouvelles de- 
 couvertes fur la guerre/' "Traite de la defenfe des 
 places." " Traite du metier de Partifan." He died 
 at Avignon in 1751. 
 
 SECTION!. Conclufion of the fifth chapter, note (f). 
 Paulas ^Emilius addrefTed the Romans in words to this 
 effect. " The conviction that fuch an honour was 
 necefiary to my views, induced me to follicit the ele- 
 vation to my firfl confulfliip : that I am again chcfcn 
 to fill this important ftation, mutt have proceeded from 
 your being fenfible how much you wanted the fervices 
 of fuch a general. For this reafon, I cannot imagine 
 that I owe you any thanks : if it be your opinion that 
 the operations of the war may be more advantageoufly 
 conducted by another, than by me, I will chearfully 
 relign my port. If, on the contrary, you confide in my 
 abilities, remember that I will not fufter you to inter- 
 fere with me, in the execution of my office. It is not 
 your province to prcfcribe the meafures which I am to 
 purfue, but in fubmiffive filence to furnilh me with all 
 the means which may be wanting to the accomplimment 
 of my defigns. By an endeavour to govern me, whom 
 you have exalted to the chief command, you mult un- 
 avoidably render this expedition as ridiculous as the 
 former expedition." 
 
 SECTION I. CHAPTEH VI. Page 178. Line 17. Po- 
 lieuctes, a character in a tragedy of that name-, written 
 by Corneille. 
 
 SECTION I. CHAPTER VI. page 194. note (r). This 
 period of the Roman hiftory is call within fo mar- 
 vellous a mold, that every lefs exaggerated fable, 
 when put in competition with fuch abfurd> roirances, 
 ifiunies the face of fober truth. When Florus obferves 
 
 that
 
 ( 7 ) 
 
 that " turn ilia Romana prodigia, atque miracula Ho- 
 ratius, Mucius, Clelia, qua; nili in annalibus forent, 
 hodie fabulas viderentur," he fecms, however, credu- 
 lous himfelf, to authorife our doubts. The extraor- 
 dinary anecdote ofHuiatius Is indeed fupported by the 
 teftimonies of Livy, Dionyfius Halicarnaffius, and 
 Plutarch, who mention his having plunged into the 
 Tyber, and rejoined his fellow foldiers ; but it is re- 
 markable that Polybius, a writer of no inconfiderable 
 weight, hath aliened that Horatius perifhed in the 
 river. " O & FLcx?*^ pij/aj tuvron t<5 Ton TroTa/xof t rotj 
 oTrXoij Koc.ro, Kfoctipio-w, //ETj'\Aa| TC $tc:." lib. 6. To 
 the remark which the ingenious author of this work 
 hath made, concerning the filence of Dionyfiuf, on 
 the fubjeft of Mutius Scx\ r ola, having reduced his hand 
 to afhes, may be added the circumilance of his being 
 conftantly filled by that hiftorian, Cordus, and not 
 Sca^vola. The account of Clelia is equally involved in 
 obfcurity, and varioufly related by Livy, Dionyfius, 
 and Plutarch. The latter obferves that it is not certain 
 that this valiant female patted die river on horfeback. 
 Why, therefore, was (he honoured with an equellrian 
 ftatue ? but Dionyfius only calls it a ftatue of Bronze, 
 and Plutarch doubts whether it was creeled to Clelia, 
 or to Valeria, the daughter of the conful. Such is the 
 conformity puculiar tu the hirtorians of the five firft 
 centuries of Rome ! though truths were mingled in thefe 
 varieties of defcription, it would be difficult to feparate 
 them from the fall) ties with which they are fo fre- 
 quently interwoven. 
 
 I have never feen the diflertation by Mr, de Pouilly ; 
 a book, with a fimilar title was publifhed abroad in 
 1738; its author was fuppcfed to be Mr. de Beaufort, 
 who fome few years fuice favoured the world with 
 " la republique Rcmaine, ouplangeneral.de 1'ancien 
 gouvernement de Rome." To his former work, " dif- 
 iertation fur 1'incertitude des cinq premiers fiecles de- 
 Phiftoire Romaine," I acknowledge myfelf entirely 
 indebted for the materials of this note. They deliver 
 the fentiments of an ingenious, and learned wriler, as 
 Accurately as they could be collected during the fhort 
 opportunity, which an accidental perufaj once afforded 
 me: The champion, who, in fupport of the certainties 
 pf the Roman hillcry, entered the lifts againit Mr. de 
 
 a 4 Pouilly,
 
 ( 8 ) 
 
 Pouilly, was Abbe Sallier, whofe plcafir.g elegance 
 of ftile hath fometimes diiguifed the weaknefs of his 
 arguments. His moil violent attacks are dirc&ed 
 againft the leall defeniible conclusions of his aiitagoniil, 
 who is faid to have filled feveral pages which fhould 
 have been enriched by the exertions of his own abili- 
 ties, with inferences drawn from the parallels foifted 
 into the works of Plutarch, and long fince acknow- 
 ledged as the productions of an obfcure author in the 
 tenth century. 
 
 SECTION I. Conclufion of the 6th chapter, note (a). 
 1. 10. "rsemo fere faltat fcbrius, nil! forte infanit: neque 
 in folitudine, neque in convivio honefto. Intempeftivi 
 convivii, amxni ioci, multarum deliciarum comes eft 
 extrema, faltatio." Cic. orat. pro Muraena. 
 
 SECTION I. CHAPTER VIH. page 240. note(w) "Quid 
 exitio Lacaedemoniis, et Athenienfibus fuit, 
 quamquam armis pollerent, niii quod vi&os pro alie-. 
 nigenis arcebant :" 
 
 SECTION I. CHAPTER VIII. page 250. note (u)* 
 " Magnavero quondam flerilitate, ae difficili remedio, 
 cum venalitias et laniftarum familias, peregrinofque 
 omnes, exceptis medicis, et prasceptoribus, partemque 
 fervitiorum urbe expuliflet : ut tandem annona conva- 
 luit, impetum fe cepifle fcribit, frumentationes pub- 
 licas in perpetuum abolendi, quod earum fiducia cul- 
 tura agrorum ceffaret : neque tamen perfeverafle quia 
 certum haberct, pofle per ambitionem quandoque ref- 
 titui. Atque ita poll hanc rem temperavit, ut non mi- 
 norem aratorum, ac negotiantium, quam populi rati- 
 onem deduceret." Suet. vit. Augulii. c. 42. 
 
 SECTION II. CHAPTER II. page 294. 1. 10. "Flora, 
 cum magnas opes ex arte meretricia qua^fivifTet, populum 
 fcripfit hzeredem, certamque pecuniam reliquit, cujus 
 ex annuo fcenore fuus natalis dies celebrareretur, edi- 
 tione ludorum quos appellant Floralia. Quod quia fe- 
 natui fiagitiofum vidcbatur, ab ipfo nomine argumen- 
 tum fumi placuit, ut pudenda; rei quaedam dignitas ad- 
 deretur, deam finxerunt efie, quae floribus praefit, 
 eamque oportere piacari, ut fruges cum arboribus, aut 
 vitibus bene, profpert-que fiorefcerent." La&ant. 
 inil. 1. \, c. 20. 
 
 It
 
 ( 9 ) 
 
 It is fcarcely neceffary to obferve, that the above re- 
 lation is imagined to be the invention of the writer. 
 Ladantius is the more liable to be fufpecied, as he pro- 
 duces uo authority to fupport his aflertion. Flora was 
 die Chloris of the Greeks. " Chloris cram cjua; Flora 
 vocor." Ovid. She was afterwards received as a divi- 
 nity by the Sabines, and then acknowledged by the 
 Romans. The indecencies which prevailed at the ce- 
 lebration of her rites, might, however, naturally have 
 faggefted to the pious father an idea that this goddefs, 
 like her Mer-deities, was no better than a ftrumpet. 
 If the reader chufes to examine the paflages which 
 weaken the~ evidence of La&antias, he may refer to 
 Varro ; Ennius. Ovid. fail. 195, &c. and Gnev. praefat. 
 ad. i. torn, thefaur. A. R. 
 
 SECTION II. CHAPTER III. page 3 04. notefjc^. "The 
 difciples were called Chriltians firft in Antioch." Afls, 
 c. ii. v. 26 Until that period, they were filled by 
 the Jews, Nazarenes ; or Galileans ; and by each 
 other, difciples, believers, brethren, faints. I have 
 no opportunity of confulting Bingham's antiquities of 
 the church," to which my learned author refers the 
 reader, but fuppofe that by the appellations, DCASXTOI. 
 yvoo-mo*, are meant the different feels, which, like 
 the Therapeutae, and a multitude of others, diflatif- 
 fied with the fimplicity of the Chriftian religion, at- 
 tempted to eftablifh a mode of worfhip, drawn from 
 the abfurd licentioufnefs of their own imaginations. 
 The Ecleftics, whilft they refufed their attachment to 
 any particular fchool, pretended to feleft from all, 
 fuch tenets only as they deemed rational. The Gnof- 
 tics, bewildered in a ridiculous mate of errors, and af- 
 fecling to have received extraordinary illuminations, 
 approached nearer, in their fyftems of faith, to ideots, 
 than the reft of their contemporary heretics. They 
 maintained the exiftence of eight different heavens, 
 each governed by. its refpeftive prince. Sabaoth, their 
 prince of the feventh heaven, created the heavens, and 
 theearch, the fix heavens below him, and an innume- 
 rable holt of angels. Barbelo, fometimes the father, 
 and fometimes the mother of the univerfe, was placed 
 in the eighth heaven. God, and the creator of the 
 world were two diftincl: beings. Chrift was not born of 
 the virgin Mary, and when lent to redeem man, did 
 
 not
 
 not afiume real flefh, nor fuffer but in appearance. Re- 
 furrection, and a future judgment were disbelieved by 
 the Gnoilics, who imagined that their followers would 
 return into the world, and enter into the bodies of 
 hogs, and other animals. The gratification of their 
 appetites was afTerted to be at once legal, and com- 
 mendable ; to this article of their creed, they were at- 
 tached with an undeviating bigotry. Their apocry- 
 phal books, of which they had many, were not calcu- 
 lated to prevent them from being diflblute. If Epi- 
 phanius may be credited, their " prophecy of Batfuba," 
 " Gofpel of perfection," and, " Mary's queftion?, and 
 lying in," were filled with the molt contemptible ob- 
 fcenities. The Therapeutae were melancholy, mif- 
 guided enthufiails ; their tenets were lefs fanciful, and 
 more harmiefs than the tenets of the Gnoilics. They 
 were lovers of folitude, filence, and contemplation ; 
 yet could mingle amongll their own difciples, fing fuch 
 hymns as they had compofed, and fometimes dance to- 
 gether during the whole night. It is not certain that 
 they were a branch of the Effenes ; nor, probably, were 
 they, as hath been fuppofed, either Chriftians, or 
 Egyptians. Stiiing themfelves, the true difciples of 
 Moles, and vain of fuch a title, it is natural to ima- 
 gine that they were Jews. 
 
 SECTION II. CHAPTER III. Page 309. Note (f} 
 Claude Fleury, prior of Argenteuil, was chofen, by 
 the duke of Orleans, confeffor to Lewis the fifteenth. 
 Abbe Dorfanne cbferves that when he was advanced to 
 this office, an age of feventy-five years was the fole ob- 
 jeclion which could be found agninft him. He felt that 
 it was infuperable, and refigned his employment in 
 1722. In fome months afterwards, and when he was 
 eighty-three, an apoplexy put a period to his life. His. 
 capital work is the ecclefiafiical hiilory, unlefs we ex-. 
 cept the prelim'nary difcourfes affixed to it, which ex- 
 ceed in elegance, purity, precision, and force, the ge- 
 nerality of his other writings, where negligence, a tame 
 monotony of flile, and fome pedantry frequently occur.. 
 
 SECTION-
 
 ( II ) 
 
 SECTION IF. Chapter III. page 309.1. 17. Ci a?ro laJatV 
 
 ttf To Itjow TriretwTEs t? y.araXsAciTirasr* Toy waTfKi yo:-.o, /?ipi 
 yap KKT' a^Toc ETTUK'M/H TJ; xTa TJJJ' IX&^V Trlwvsia; TW vo^-a 
 ysyty/^EVo*. Ej=W TE yap o Triads? Trap Iwotei ; mAurai, xai 
 E^wctcioi fftytTi* 01 awo Iy<Satwy TOI/ Iris-sn w? Xsi-cn wa- 
 
 Toy Miwtlo-swc >o^oi' la^ixa E^TJ nrvfr.KiHx.i, &C. Kas avro; o 
 IlayAoj TOIJ laoaicii; itoato? tysv3, fa le^aiyj y.sfir.yy. 
 
 Judxi qui in Jefum crcdiderunt r.on defcivcrunt a pa- 
 triis 'legibus ; vivunt enim juxta eas, paupertati luo; 
 legis cognomines. Nam Ebion pauper Judaica lingua 
 vccatur, ct Ebionan dicuntur a ceteris Judacis qui Je- 
 fum pro Chrifto receperunt. Quin ec Fetrus videtur 
 longo tcmpore juxta Mofis legem cbiervafl'e ritus Ju- 
 jiaicos, &c. Et ipfe Fau'us Juda^is Judzus faftus ell, 
 ut Jud;eos lucraretur. V. Origeij contra Celfum. 1. 2. 
 Edit. Cantab. 1658. 
 
 SF.CTION!I. CHAPTER III. page 5 1 1. end of ncte f//- 
 tc An enquiry into the prefentttate of the feptuagint ver- 
 ilon of the Old Teftament," written by Do*flor Owen, 
 will furnifh the reader with a very comprehenfive view of 
 the defigned, and accidental corruptions which have 
 crept into the fcriptures. Much learned information 
 may alfo be gathered from the work of Mr. Lami. 
 This author hath been attacked for the harmlefs fmgu- 
 larity of his affertions, with all the violence of con- 
 trovt-rfy ; the diviner parts of religion, her inimitable 
 precepts could neither acquire a confirmation, nor 
 luffer a diminution of their excellent propriety, bc- 
 caufe Lami maintained that John the Baptilt was twice- 
 a prifoner ; the firft time, in purfuance of an order 
 from the Prielts, and Pharifees; the fecond time, at 
 the command of Herod ; that cur Saviour did not eat of 
 the Pafchal lamb, at the laft fupper; that the true 
 Pafchal lamb was crucified, whillt the Jews facrificed 
 the typical lamb ; and that the two Marys, and Mary 
 Magdalene were one, and the fame perfon. It is not 
 from that vivacity of genius, which {educed him into 
 fanciful fuppof:ticns, that we are to e.-.peil a jul! 
 ture of Lami. The honeit tenor of his life, and the 
 particularity of his death, are proofs of fuch a ftriking 
 attachment 'to ChrifHanity, as rendered hi::) incapable 
 pf furviving the defection' of it, in another. A young 
 
 man,-
 
 ( 12 > 
 
 man, whom his writings had extricated from a ftate of 
 herefy, became his pupil, and for fome time, made 
 quick advances in piety, and fcience. He had con- 
 ceived the moff extravagant hopes ofhi& new convert, 
 when he difcovered that he was again an infidel, and 
 had plunged deeper into error than ever. The fliock 
 was fatal to- Lami. He was feized with a fettled melan- 
 choly ; his health became immediately impaired ; and 
 a vomiting of blood foon put a period to his days. 
 
 SECTION II- CHAP. III. page 324. notefq}. 1.6. Ov% ort 
 aMoTpk* f' ra. H\a,ruvo<; ^u'a.y^.otT-a. TS Xpij-a, aXX <m ax i?i 
 ^roAo Tn opcHct.. Non equidem quod aliens fint a Chrilta 
 Platonis doftrina?, fed quod fibi ipfis non omnino con- 
 ftent. Juitin. Ap. i. p. 51. folio. Parifiis, 1636. 
 
 SECTION II. CHAP. III. page 325. notef^, 1. 28. Ej-fc 
 
 fay osTur tv.-UTUy dt uv "V'f,v ETTtc'Tc/^.'/v ci'.syy.ri Tfafxyiyn-Zcu T^ta, 
 tfrov ^ ex.vrifi, irtpTrruit $ avT> TiSetat c;i, o oV; yvurov re 
 a.\-r$ts ,-' 5 w EV [Alt', vvoua., Oiimpov oe Aoyof, TO at rfirov, 
 TO TSTapTov Ji E?rtpi/x,q : xai no-Ta rat'Ta ^ UTTOI/XIV 
 J!/.EV ftouvro<; iv T>) pr;//w Et5-r,>ilai a 
 TO) nXaTWH oco^aTi, ddt'TEM? J'E (W,Ta To> Iaa*n7 
 UTT' afT o Iwyj, &; Etpap^o^t TO, o Xsyoj 
 ov T0 TTapa IT^aTwn Xwyw. IIXaTwv ^ 
 ouhot, *jas? ^ To o0|M,a TB taw?;a ETT 
 i/ fafra/.tt tv T'/J 
 
 OTI e?r4rr/|ix,r,, 
 
 SECTION II. CHAPTER TIL page 326. notef^). 1. 47. 
 The only compofition by Origen, which I have an op- 
 portunity of ennfulting, is his defence againft Celfus. In 
 this,. I d'o not hnd the reafons to which my learned aa- 
 thor alludes, when he defcribes that writer, as denying 
 his adoration to the angels, whom he fuppofes to be 
 endued with a portion of the divinity. Many paffages 
 in the fifth book exprefsly forbid the worfhipping of 
 angels, and enforce the prohibition by quotations from 
 the fcriptures. Perhaps I have examined the defence 
 with too little attention. Perhaps, this aiTertion of 
 Origen is to be met 'with in another work. I would 
 not be underftood to level the moft diitant infinuation 
 againft the French writer, who feerns too candid ta 
 mifreprefent, and too accurate to be miliaken.
 
 ( 13 ) 
 
 SECTION II. CHAPTER IV. page -540. note' (a) 1. !. 
 
 v,v TX* /*" ^- ^yovTof, a poW r, irosij-ft$t. Quod fi 
 quidem, &c. 
 
 SECTIONII. CHAPTER IV. pag!C342. 1. 1 1. "Praifebe 
 to God," the favourite exprefiion" of thofe religious 
 perfecutors, who judged the maffacre of his heretical 
 creatures to be the molt acceptable facrifice to the 
 Creator, was the fignal, at which their predeceftbrs 
 the Circoncelliones rufhed on to {laughter. They were 
 a favage, illiterate,, bloody multitude, inflexibly at- 
 tached to the Donatifls, and, ofcourfe, the murderers 
 of the followers of Cxcilian. Their leader aflumed 
 the^title of " Chief of the faints." They difclaimed 
 agriculture,, and affeded continence : in the firft in- 
 ftance, the fincerity of their piofefiions, cheriflied by 
 an obftinate difpofiuon to idlenefs, ftood continually 
 unimpeached ; in the fecond inibmce, they were lefs 
 fcrupulous. Their female companions, whom they 
 dignified with the appellation of facred virgins, were 
 inflamed. with wine, and generally pregnant. As the 
 Circoncelliones fliled themfelves the adminiftrators of 
 juftice, and the guardians of the opprefled, they re<- 
 leafed debtors., and afiaflinated thofe creditors who re- 
 fufed to annul their bonds : they dragged the matters 
 from their chariots, and made them run before their 
 ilaves, who were feated in their places. God having 
 forbidden Peter to ufe the Avord, they were for fome 
 time too devout to meddle with it ; and, until they 
 had recourfe to arms of every kind, they fought with 
 {licks, which they emphatically called " the clubs of 
 Ifrael." When they attacked a miferable apoltate 
 from Donatifm, with thefe, they exhibited fuch fpeci- 
 mens of dexterity, as would have done honour to an 
 executioner of the inquifttion : without killing the 
 fufferer on the fpot, they broke all his bones, and 
 left him to languiih during feveral days, before he ex- 
 pired. When they were fofrened into a fit of mercy, 
 they dertroyed the fortunate objedi of it, at once. 
 When they were driven into the more favourite exceflcs 
 of barbarity, they formed lime, and vinegar into apafte, 
 with which they fmeared the eyes of thofe, whom they 
 before had crufhed, and wounded. Satiated with the 
 blood of others, they turned at length upon themfelves, 
 and with the moft frantic refolution, fought all the 
 
 dreadful
 
 ( H ) 
 
 dreadful varieties of death ; multitudes ccnrr.itrlng 
 their bodies to the flames, plunging into the fea, and 
 calling themfelves headlong from the tops of precipices. 
 
 SECTIC:; II. CHAPTER IV. page 547. 1. 13. The ele- 
 gant author of this work, mult permit me to obferve, that 
 his remark at the }o^ page, in the original, is pro 
 bably a miitake ; in this part cf his maflerly character 
 rf Conitantir.e, his words are ; " il oublie 'de fc fairs 
 baptifer, et mcurt hcretique." Conftaritine was bap- 
 tilod at Nicomedia, by Eufebius ; this ceremony ap- 
 pears to have been one of the laft incidents of his life. 
 Whether this delay arofe from too feeble a co"nviclion 
 of the divinity of the Chriitian religion, or from a 
 fecret dillike to the profeflion, of the gofpel, is difficult 
 to determine. Some allowances will, however, be 
 made in his favour, when it is recollected that he' hini- 
 lelf declared that it was his intention to have been 
 baptized in the river Jordan, 'whither the lick and in- 
 f.rrn were wont to refort, and bathe, during the' Epi- 
 phany. It was, b' elides, .a cuftom amcngft many who 
 lived in the fourth century, to defer the office of b::p- 
 tifm'to their lafl hour, from a fuppofition, that as this 
 rire conferred a remiffion of fins, fo they who received 
 it immediately before their departure, afcended in a 
 fpotlefs itate to heaven. 
 
 SECTION II. CHAPTER IV. page 369. note (m)> Ots 
 
 yzf S-M Afa$ett$fn Tra^x, ~uv Tefto-fivTtfzv fforfTHQ, n h TTGTS H-JTUI 
 Tiroj TOTTU run > TV topu ytyfctf/.^ivuv^ i^xM.^y a ' wntp 
 T>o: >/Ti5<7ft;? .W? cTrvi/Qoiva. &v TI o Aeu Tfc9 
 
 e TKTo <7-JI>; ere ifaTo.ii wcf TXI 
 c, BTE efUTU/^mot aTrox.pvESai. 
 
 Cum.enim tu, Alexander, a prefbiteris tuis requireres 
 quid quifque ecrum de quodam legis loco fentiret, feu 
 potius dc quadam parte inanis quaeftionis eos interro- 
 gares ; .curnque tu, Ari, id quod vel nunquam cogitare, 
 vel fane c'ogitatum filentio premerc debueras, impru- 
 denter protulifies, excitata inter vos difcordia, &c. 
 quidnam vero illud eft ? nee interrogare de hujusmodi 
 rebus principio deccbat, nee iuterrogatum refpon- 
 dere, ic. 
 
 SECTION
 
 SECTION II. CHAPTER IV. Page 370. I. 15. 
 
 ptyaihrtv (pcc.ru/ v 
 
 vGe Ktyxaiy i^avTEf^^Tc; t; TS^.OJ ow'pjj 
 v awrJo^sK},- JjjAaSVj t)^ i/3t;AXav, xai ow. ij.eo-.^ 
 
 a-jav tsps,- 
 
 voj ayfii?, ay 
 
 7ra.p6E; j oj ; fiTravrjx.yjra ; ap o 
 
 Sicelides Mufa; paulo majora canamus. 
 
 apertius ? addit enim 
 
 Ultima Cumsei venit jam carminis tetas. 
 
 fcilicet Sybyllam intelligens. Nee his con- 
 tentus ulterius progreflus eft, quafi neceflitas ipfa 
 teitimonium ejus fequircret. Quid igitur dicit ? 
 
 Magnus ab tntegro fxclorum nafcitur ordo, 
 
 Jam redit et Virgo : redeunt Saturnia regna. 
 Qu^nam ergo eft ilia virgo qua: rcdit ? nonne ilia qua: 
 plena, et gravida fuit Spiritu fanfto ? Sic enim addit 
 poeta. 
 
 Tu modo nafcenti puero quo ferrea prirnum 
 
 Define!:, ac toto furget gens aurea mundo 
 
 Cafta fave Lucina ! 
 
 Docle igitur ha:c a te diifla funt, O Maro ! poetarunt 
 fapjentilfime ! 
 
 Conft. orat. ad fancl. coet. c. 19 Sc 20. 
 
 The reader will cafily perceive in many parts of the 
 Greek translation, how much the fenfe of the lines 
 from Virgil hath been tortured, to fupportthe favourite 
 hypothefis of Conftantine. The expreflion " Saturnia 
 regna" is not the only expreflion which is quite loft in 
 this unwarrantable paraphrafe. 
 
 SECTION II. CHAP. V. page 404. note (r). 1. 9. The 
 " diil'ertations fur les oracles des Paier.s," written by 
 Anthony Vandale, concealed under a languid, and dii- 
 
 gufting
 
 ( 16 ) 
 
 gufting fills, a fund of learning and penetration. 
 When fuch rough, but valuable materials -were polifhed 
 by the fkilful touch of Fontenelle, it was no wonder 
 that they joined the livelinefs of amufement, with the 
 folidity of inftruclion ; and the precifion of method, 
 with the flrength of argument. The philofophers, and 
 the men of taile were equally warm in their commen- 
 dations of this work. Fontenelle was, notwithftanding, 
 attacked by Baltus the Jefuit, to whom he made no re- 
 ply. His filence did not proceed from a convidticn 
 that his antagonilt had defeated him, but from his ex- 
 treme diflike to literary difputes. He would rather have 
 chofen (to ufe his own expreflion) that the devil fhould 
 have paired for, a prophet, than have entered into a dif- 
 cuflion which might not have terminated in hi& perfonal 
 fafety. It mufl be truly an enlightened age, in which 
 no fecret enemy would confpire againil an author, who 
 fhould be daring enough to explode the oracles for hu- 
 man impofture. Fontenelle felt that he had been con- 
 cerned in aferviccof fome danger; and it was imagined 
 that "le Teliier," the confeffor of Lewis the four- 
 teenth, had inveighed ib ftrongly againft the fuppofcd 
 impieties of the diflertation, that the Marquis d' Ar- 
 genfon, in endeavouring to prevent the ftorms of re- 
 ligious perfecution from burfting over the head of his 
 friend, was obliged to exert his intereft with the fo- 
 vertign, to its utmoft length. 
 
 Corrections neceflary in the French edition. 
 
 Introduction, p. 5. 1. 15. inftead of, " fuit fes fembla- 
 
 bles," read fuit fes femblables. 
 Introduction, p. 6 1. 3. inftead of " il doit en etre de 
 
 meme," read il en eft de meme. 
 Chap. 2. p. 18. note i. 1. 3. inftead of " fept" read 
 
 trois. 
 Page 22. note i. 1. i. inftead of " heavealy offspring" 
 
 read offspring of heaven ! 
 
 Page 25. 1. 10. inilead of " propolace 1 ' read populace. 
 Page 26. note 3. 1. i. inftead of " m'empecha" read 
 
 n'empccha. 
 Page 34. note 10. 1. n. inftead of " cauflam habere" 
 
 read caufam belli habere. 
 Page 34. note 10. 1. 12. inftead of " in imperio" read 
 
 in maximo imperio. 
 
 Page
 
 ( 17 ) 
 
 age 37-. 1. 14. inftead of " Tout etoit" read car tout 
 
 etoit. 
 Page 44. 1. 1 6. inflead of " et tandis que" read tandis 
 
 que. 
 Page 49-. 1. 9 inflead of " fur un million" read pour 
 
 un million-. 
 
 Page 58. 1. 10. inftead of " le mot" read ce mot. 
 Page 65. 1. 6. inflead of " qui eft ; ' read il eft. 
 Page 71. 1. 12. inftead of " fous" read qui fous. 
 Page 75, note 8. 1. 8. inftead of " bello Gallos" read 
 
 gloria belli Gallos. 
 
 Page 76. note 9. 1. 3. inflead of" fuimus*' read fumus* 
 Page 791 1. 25 t inflead of " torpeur" read langueur. 
 Page 104. note lit 1. io ihftead of ' taufTa" read 
 
 caufa. 
 Page 106. 1. 311, inftead of " de la liberte qui eft" read 
 
 de la liberte ; qui eft* 
 
 Page 107. 1. i. inflead of " attachee" read attache. 
 Page 109. 1.4. inllead of " des Gracques" read dang 
 
 1'hiltoire des Gracques. 
 Page 1 1 6. 1. 1 6. inftead of " 1'ernpire, Ottoman telles'* 
 
 read Tempire Ottoman, telles. 
 
 Page 1 1 9. 1> 28. inftead of ' autorite" read aufterite. 
 Page 121. note 3. 1. i. inftead of " omnipotentes" read 
 
 impotentes. 
 Page 132. note 5. 1. 25. and 26. inftead of "recidere 
 
 aggrediar" read recipere adgrediar. 
 Page 153* 1. 17. inllead of "puifqu'il impofRble" read 
 
 puifqu'il eft impoflible. 
 
 Page 159. 1. 28. inflead of "decide" read obftinfc. 
 Page 162. note 10. inftead of "Inflit. liv. 4." read In- 
 
 flit liv. i. 
 
 Page 173. 1. 12. inflead of " docet" read docebitt 
 Page 173. note i. 1. 9. and 10. inftead of "repofitum" 
 
 read repofitus. inftead of " ftatutum" read ftatutus. 
 Page 182, note 21. inftead of "inftit. liv. 4." read 
 
 Inftit. liv. i. c. 6. 1. 4. C. 6. 9. 1. 6. c. 25. 
 Page 183. note 25. 1. 14. inftead of "Miltiade" read 
 
 Mclchiade. 
 Pa^e 189. note 2. 1. 3. inftead of " XXXVIII" read 
 
 b XXVIII. 
 Page 193. note 6. 1. z. inftead of "LXVI" read LXV. 
 
 b When
 
 ( 1$ ) 
 
 When I had concluded the tranflation of this firft 
 volume, and committed it, with the additional notes, 
 to the prefs, the particular attention which I was ob- 
 liged to pay to my own private affairs, detained me, 
 during feveral months, from the profecution of an un- 
 dertaking, to which, I greatly fear, I may have proved 
 unequal. This half of my tafk was fcarcely finimed, 
 when a fortunate accident gave rife to my acquaintance 
 with the French author, Monfieur le Chevalier dc 
 Chatellur, Brigadier of the armies of his Chriflian 
 Majefty, and late Colonel of the regiment of Guienne. 
 On his abilities as a writer, his book is a more elegant 
 panegyric, than any which I could poflibly compofe. 
 The qualities which he poffeffes as a foldkr, and the 
 vertues which he hath difplayed in the more exalted 
 character of a citiv.cn of the world, are as public as his 
 writings. Furnilhed as I am, with information from 
 thofe who long have known him, it is .wijjh pleafure, 
 that, I, could expatiate on thefe accomplifnrnents, if a 
 defire of mewing my own gratitude, in return to thofe 
 friendly marks of intimacy with which he fince hath 
 honoured me, would let me difobey his modeft orders 
 that I mould be filent. I muft now proceed to the ex- 
 ecution of his other commands, after having obferved, 
 that in how favourable a point of view foever he may 
 have feen my note, relative to Rollin, it fhould not have 
 appeared, had there been a pofiibility of erafing it : but 
 the firiV volume of the tranflation was printed off, be- 
 fore I had the happinefs of being acquainted with the 
 Chevalier. He bids me, in his name, befpeak the in- 
 dulgence of the public, to the errors of the French 
 edition. Thefe will be confidered as unavoidable in- 
 conveniences, when the works of an author are printed 
 at fuch a dillance from his refidence, that he cannot ex- 
 amine the proofs ; and I am much miitaken, if the can- 
 did reader will not rather be furprifcd, that fo few in- 
 accuracies have occurred, than offended with fuch as 
 he may meet with. Whilft the Chevalier was engaged 
 in this work, he frequently fhifted his abode, and was 
 alfo obliged to attend his regiment, during four months 
 of the year : at thefe times, he could only have recourfe 
 to fuch books, as were at hand ; many of which were 
 tranilations, and but a fmall number originals. This 
 circumftance will apologize for the unavoidable neceffity 
 
 which
 
 ( 19 ) 
 
 which he was under, when citing the Greek authors, 
 of" quoting at one moment from the text, and at another 
 moment from the verfion. In the courfe of this tran- 
 fhtionof the i.rft volume, I endeavoured, as muth as it 
 was in my power, to infert copies from the originals ; 
 but confined to an obfcure fpot, at an infurmountable 
 diftance from the capital ; and far, very far from any 
 intercourfe with i man of learning, I muft lament in 
 folitude, that want of books, of which my more ec- 
 centric friend fo feelingly complains. Whilit but an in- 
 confiderahle number of the claffics, and fcarcely one of 
 all the fathers* are found within my humble library, it 
 is with difappointment, and concern, that I perceive 
 the itudies of the neighbouring clergy, as naked as my 
 own. The Eufebius, from which I hax^e quoted, is 
 imperfect, and the original reading of the paffage in 
 the fourth chapter of the fecond feftion, in this tran- 
 flation, beginning with " itaque cum omncs, &c." is 
 torn out. It were ridiculous to mention this deficiency; 
 but as an excufe to the Chevalier, for not obeying his 
 requeft, and to the reader, for not fupplying him, as 
 in fome other places, with the Greek text. The al- 
 terations, and the materials of the notes which follow, 
 have been tranfmitted to me by the author. 
 
 SECTION I CHAPTER V. page iij.notef^. Several 
 editions of " principi di fcienza nuova intorno alia com- 
 mune nature delle nazioni*' have been printed at Na- 
 ples. The author Giam-Baptifta Vico, a celebrated 
 Italian lawyer, hath been dead fome years. Many par- 
 ticulars of his life are in the firll volume of " Racolta. 
 di opufculi fcientifici, e nlologici del Angelo Calogera." 
 Veuezia, 1728. 
 
 SECTION!. CHAPTER V. page i?.i. note(/). 1.26. The 
 Chevalier with the molt commendable fincerity acknow- 
 ledges a miftake in his explanation cf the term " major 
 natu quidam," which fignified, amongft the Romans, 
 the a,e, and not the rank, or precedence to which an 
 individual was intitled by his birth. All the coh- 
 fequence, therefore, which he had drawn from the paf- 
 fage in Livy, falls to the ground. A new fheet ^was 
 printed off, and inferted in the copies which remained 
 at Paris, in order to reclify what was imagined to be fo 
 capital an error. The reader is defired to pafs over all 
 b 2 the
 
 the remainder of the note, from the words of the four- 
 teenth line, " n'a jamais cxifte a Rome," to the end. 
 What follows is intended to fupply the place of the can- 
 celled lines, 
 
 " II eft fur que quelque modification qu'ait re9U 
 1'efclavage chez les anciens, jamais les efclaves n'ont 
 etc regardes comme peuple, commc partie integrante de 
 J'etat. On peuc voir dans Athenee des recherches affes 
 curieufes fur cet objet : il diftingue plufieurs fortes 
 d'efclavage, comme lors qu'une nation fe foumet en- 
 tierement a une autre ; 1'orfqu'un peuple emigrant de- 
 jnande des terres a cultiver; oa Icrfqu'un peuple vain- 
 queur les abandonne aux vaincus, a certaines conditions 
 onereufesj ce qui fe rapproche alies de la fervitude 
 feodale: mais il ne parte nulls part de cette demi-fer^ 
 vitude, de cet etat mitoyen entre la liberte, et 1'ef- 
 clavage, qu'on fuppofe avoir exilic dans les deux pre- 
 jniers fiecles de la republique." V. Deip. 1. 6. ch. 7. 
 
 The miftake is adopted in the tranflation, where it 
 might probably have remained, an inftance of my 
 inability to amend it, unlefs I had been favoured with 
 the foregoing correftion. The paflage after the words 
 *' never exifted at Rome" (1. 19. note(j) is to be omitted, 
 andthefe lines muft be inferted in its place. 
 
 It is evident that whatfoever modification flavery 
 might have received amongft the ancients, the Haves 
 were not confidered as a people, as a conftituent part of 
 thefcate. Some curious enquiries into this fubjeft, may 
 be feen in Athenseus, who hath diftinguifhed flavery 
 into feveral kinds ; as, when one nation fubmits entire- 
 ly to another nation ; when a body of emigrants afk 
 for an allotment of lands, that they may cultivate them ; 
 or when the territories acquired by conqueft, are aban- 
 doned, under certain burthenfome flipulations, to the 
 conquered ; the which approaches nearly to the feodal 
 fervitude. But Athenzus no where mentions that kind 
 pf half-flavery, that middle ftate between freedom and 
 fervitude, which is fuppofed to have exifted in the two 
 |irft centuries of the republic. 
 
 V. Athensi deipnofophillarum, 1. 6. c. 7. 
 
 SECTION I. CHAPTER VI. page 178. 1. 16. Seide. See 
 the Mahomet of Voltaire.
 
 ( 21 ) 
 
 SECTION!. CHAPTER VI. page 123. note(^). The au- 
 thor of " Phiftoire politiquedu gouvernement Remain" 
 js a young ecclefiaftic, named Pabbe Bignon. 
 
 de 
 
 m ;ires de 1'academie des belles lettres." To this elegant 
 author, France is indebted for " Remarques fur la chro- 
 nologic de Newton," and " la Theorie des fentimens 
 ngreables." The third edition of this laft work, was 
 printed in 1749. To have thrown a valuable prefent 
 into the treafury of learning, was in Mr. de Pouilly, 
 only a fecondary merit. The city of Rheims feels a 
 plealing conviction, that the benefa&or who fupplied 
 her inhabitants with wholefome fountains, in the place 
 of putrid wells, who founded public fchools, embellifhed 
 walks, and concerted, during the la'.l moments of his 
 life, a plan for raifing magazines of corn, left ftronger 
 claims upon the approbation of his fellow-citizens, 
 than any which the mere abilities of the moft poliflied 
 author could have fupported. The manufcripts of 
 Monfieur de Pouilly, which fill twelve fcJio volumes, 
 are in the pofleffion of his brother Mr. de Burigny, a 
 gentleman whofe extenfive erudition, and afiiduous la- 
 bours, ftilj continue to embelliih the French literature. 
 Mr. de Pouilly, the fon, is lieutenant-general within 
 the bailiwic of Rheims, and hath acquired no incon- 
 fiderable reputation by his life of the chancellor dc 
 1'Hopital, publifhed about the year 1765. 
 
 SECTION I. CHAPTER VIII. page 248. note ft}. 
 Mr. Dutens, the ingenious author of " Recherches 
 fur Porigine de decouvertes attribuees aux modernes," 
 2 vol. 8vo. Paris, 1766, is a gentleman of French ex- 
 traclion, and a minifler of the church of England. 
 He attended earl Percy on his tour through Italy, and 
 was fome time fecretary to our embafiadnr at Turin. 
 A zealous advocate for the fuperiority of the ancients, 
 over the moderns, muft perufe this work with unli- 
 mited approbation : but the reader, who hath embraced 
 a contrary opinion, will probably imagine that the 
 learned writer, notwithstanding the new and folid in- 
 formation with which he hath enriched fome paflages 
 of his production, is more the partial admirer, than the
 
 ( 22 ) 
 
 candid judge. How will the warm lover of the philo- 
 fophy of a later period bear even the infmuatkm that 
 Locke, Berkley, Leibnitz, Galileo, Newton, Harvey, 
 and Buffon ; poor in the midft of imaginary difcoveries, 
 and without one fy/tem which they could truly call 
 their own, are plunged in debt to Arirtotle, Protago- 
 ras, Sextus Empiricus, Lucretius, Plato, Hippocrates, 
 and Plautinus ? 
 
 SECTION II. CHAPTER I. page 266. note (d). The 
 author of" 1'Introducl.ion a 1'Hiftoire de Dannemarc," 
 is Mr. Mallet, who wrote " hiftoire de Hefle," and 
 v/hofe abilities are too well known to render any enco- 
 mium neceflary. It would be a kind of literary injuf. 
 tice, to mention the former work, without obferving 
 that the translator of it into our language, hath inferted 
 feveral valuable additions, together with the Latin ver- 
 fion, by Goranfon, of the Edda, or fyftem of Runic 
 Mythology. 
 
 SECTION II. CHAPTER IV. page 189. 1. n. ori- 
 ginal. Inftead of " ceil qu 'Origene," read c'eft que 
 Laftance. 
 
 SECTION II. CHAPTER IV. p. 340. 1. 3. tranflation. 
 Inftead of " Origen," readl.aftantius. 
 
 SECTION II. CHAPTER V. page 403. 1. 23. Abbe de 
 Paris, after having furrendered all his eftate to his 
 brother, devoted himfelf to folitude, and remained a 
 voluntary prifoner within his own houfe. Here, he 
 employed his time in prayer, the feverities of penitence, 
 and the labour of his hands. To the poor, he fre- 
 quently prefented Itockings cf his own weaving. Some- 
 time after his deceafe, his brother erected a monument 
 over his grave, at Saint Medard ; and hither, the 
 ftaunch admirers of the pious Janfenift repaired in mul- 
 titudes. It was pretended that miraculous cures were 
 wrought at his tomb ; and the ridiculous enthufiafU 
 who furrounded it, were feized with a religious frenzy, 
 during the continuance of which they danced, jumped, 
 and threw their bodies into ftrange contortions. Hence 
 they received the name of C on--vulfannp.tr es. The 
 court, at length, imagined it necefiary to interfere, 
 and in January 1732, gave orders that the monument 
 be inciclcd, lo as to prevent allpofllble accefs to
 
 it. The Convuljionnctires then removed the fcene of* 
 their farce, and performed it in their own apartments. 
 They {till continue to appear at Paris, though not fo 
 frequently as ufual. The lieutenants de police, con- 
 tented with obferving their motions, without pro- 
 ceeding againft them, have funk them into a contempt, 
 from which the violence of perfecution might probably 
 have flickered them. The fanatical production, to 
 which the Chevalier alludes, is written by Mr. Mont- 
 geron, a counfellor of the parliament of Paris ; it is 
 entitled, " La verite des miracles opcres par 1'inter- 
 ccffion de M. Paris,," and was prefented by its author, 
 to the king,- at Verfailles. Montgeron fell a martyr to 
 Janfenifm : he was, at firft, committed to the Baftille, 
 then, confined within an abbey of the Benediclins, in 
 the diocefe of Avignon, and afterwards, removed to 
 the citadel of Valence, where he died, in 1750. Pu- 
 nimment nourimed his enthufiafm, and quickened his 
 perfuafions : in prifon, he added two more volumes to 
 his work, and left a manufcript full of bitter invectives 
 againft the incredulous.
 
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